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RUSSIA FROM THE 
 AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
RUSSIA FROM THE 
 AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 April, 1916— November, 1918 
 
 BY 
 
 DAVID R. FRANCIS 
 
 United States Ambassador to Russia under the Czar, 
 the Provisional Government and the Bolshevists 
 
 ILLUSTRATED 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 1921 
 
 V 
 
■'■>■/, 
 
 
 CoiIyEIGST, 1921, BT 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 Published August, 1921 
 Reprinted October, 1921 
 
 <^ 
 
 PRINTED AT 
 THE SCKIBNER PRESS 
 ', i ' ) ; ) NEW YORK, U. S. A. 
 
 \' ! 1^ I 
 
 t\\^: 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 My commission as Ambassador to Eussia was dated 
 March 9th, 1916. As I was so long in regaining my health 
 and strength after leaving Bussia, I offered to resign the 
 Ambassadorship three or more times, but each time the 
 Secretary of State or the Acting Secretary dissuaded me 
 from presenting my resignation. I have drawn no salary 
 as Ambassador since the 26th of April, 1919, but since^ 
 then I have held myself subject to being sent back to 
 Bussia as American Ambassador in the event a stable 
 government was established there. At no time was there 
 any likelihood of our recognizing the Bolshevik Soviet 
 Government. My resignation as Ambassador to Bussia 
 was presented on the 3rd of March, 1921, but I have not 
 had advice of its acceptance up to the present writing. 
 It will be seen, therefore, that my services have covered 
 five years. 
 
 During this period I was credited to the Monarchy of 
 Bussia thirteen months. I represented the United States 
 with the Provisional Government of Bussia for eight 
 months. I remained in Bussia from the inception of 
 Bolshevik usurpation and imtil within five days of the 
 Armistice, when a surgical operation necessitated removal 
 to a hospital in London. Upon leaving the hospital I 
 went by direction of the Secretary of State to Paris, 
 to be present at the meeting of the Peace Conference in 
 February, 1919. My urgent recommendation that I be 
 sent back to Petrograd was under consideration. I was 
 continued as Ambassador to Bussia on the inactive list 
 
vi INTRODUCTION 
 
 and without pay, holding myself in readiness to return 
 if there should be at any time a favorable decision upon 
 my recoromendation. 
 
 Bolshevism began to show itself eighteen months be- 
 fore my departure from Russia. I saw its spasmodic 
 manifestations through the summer of 1917, its usurpa- 
 tion of power in the autumn of that year. I was in the 
 midst of Lenin's experiment in government for more 
 than a year. I have seen this monstrosity run its course, 
 to become the world wide danger which my observation 
 at close hand had convinced me it would become. I have 
 kept in close touch with developments in Russia up to 
 the present time, reading most of the articles written by 
 newspaper men and magazine authors who have jour- 
 neyed to Russia, having obtained the consent of the 
 Soviet Government previous to entering that country. 
 
 On the 25th of February, 1917, I sent this cablegram 
 from Petrograd : 
 
 "Secretary of State, 
 "Washington. 
 
 ' ' Strictly confidential for President. Understand Cus- 
 tomary to tender resignation on beginniag of new term. 
 Mine is herewith presented. Thoroughly reconciled to 
 return or entirely willing to remain or to serve in any 
 position where you think can be most effective. Personal 
 interest and inclination subordinated to country's welfare 
 in this critical juncture. 
 
 "Feancis." 
 
 I received no reply to the tender of my resignation, but 
 I thought nothing strange of this, as the diplomatic regu- 
 lations state an ambassador or a minister does not have 
 to resign; he should take the sending of his successor's 
 name to the Senate for confirmation as a removal or 
 recall. 
 
INTRODUCTION vii 
 
 While at Vologda, I received from the Secretary of 
 State, under date of May 24th, 1918, this cable : 
 
 "The following is for your information: Governor 
 Gardner of Missouri has stated that on account of the 
 recent death of Senator Stone, he desired to appoint you 
 to vacancy in the Senate. In reply the Department has 
 stated that your services are regarded as essential to the 
 Government's relations with Russia, and that you could 
 not be dispensed with at this time. 
 
 ' ' The above statement was made by the Department in 
 full confidence of your desire to serve where you are most 
 needed. 
 
 "Lansing." 
 
 This was exceedingly gratifying to me, not only be- 
 cause of the compliment Governor Gardner paid me, but I 
 considered it an answer to my tendered resignation. 
 
 Before leaying Petrograd for Vologda, I received two 
 cablegrams from the Department of State. The first one 
 authorized me to leave Petrograd when I considered it 
 unsafe. The second authorized my departure "when- 
 ever your jjidgtnpnt so dictates." 
 
 On my return to Washington a year later, I asked the 
 Department of State where they expected me to go 
 when they authorized me to leave Petrograd. The reply 
 was, I was expected to go to London and await orders, 
 or to return to Washington. My colleagues all endeav- 
 ored to return to their own countries, but I cabled my 
 Government that I did not think it wise to leave Russia, 
 and would uot do so unless ordered, and I went to 
 Vologda. 
 
 After being iu Vologda four or five days, the Depart- 
 ment cabled me I should remain there until I considered 
 it unsafe, when I could select my own location in Russia, 
 if I thought any place was safe. 
 
viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 While in Archangel, after the Department had been 
 advised of my condition, Secretary of State, cabled me 
 under date of October 11th, 1918: 
 
 "The Department regards your devotion to duty as 
 an example of the highest traditions of the Service. In 
 order to be able to continue your valued service, I believe • 
 you should proceed at once to London for consultation 
 as to whether surgical assistance can be rendered there. 
 Please take all precautions in your journey. I am asking 
 the Secretary of War for special assistance from the 
 medical officers with Colonel Stewart. Advise me of your 
 departure and your arrival in London. You wiU leave 
 Poole in charge. Please accept my cordial good wishes 
 for your speedy restoration to active work. 
 
 "Lansing." 
 
 On the 18th of November, 1918, Secretary of State 
 Lansing cabled me through the American Embassy at 
 London : 
 
 "As you were advised October 12th, Department plans ■. 
 for you to return to Archangel unless situation changes, 
 but no definite decision will be reached until your health 
 is restored." 
 
 From the time of my: arrival in Eussia, I followed the 
 practice of committing fully to paper the incidents, the 
 interviews, the impressions, in short whatever interested \ 
 me about Russia, whether official or unofficial. I endeav- 
 ored to present to the Department of State not always in i 
 formal but rather in intimate and confidential detail the \ 
 quickly shifting changes that were taking place in Russia. 
 These reports are drawn upon extensively in the chapters 
 which follow. I 
 
 In my personal letters to my family, to friends, to busi- ■ 
 ness associates, I wrote of Russia and of Russians, as I 
 
INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 might have done in the freedom of a diary. Liberal ex- 
 tracts from these 'letters have been introduced. From 
 time to time my opinions of Eussiah leadership and of 
 general conditions were revised, my hopes of govern- 
 mental reform and stability shattered, my predictions 
 were not realized. The readers of this narrative will 
 discover that. I thought it best to carry them through 
 these different times and perilous changes ih the hope 
 that they would reach the same conclusions that I did, 
 and which conclusions have not been changed up to the 
 present time. Those conclusions are that Bolshevism, if 
 it dominates the world, will lead us back to barbarism. 
 
 All the enciphered cables are set forth in paraphrases 
 thereof. 
 
 I cheerfully acknowledge my obligation, for their 
 valued and helpful assistance, to Mr. Lyman Beccher 
 Stowe and Mr. Walter B. Stevens. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I First Impressions 3 
 
 II German Influence in Russian Affairs . . 19 
 
 III Treason in High Places 31 
 
 IV Rumblings of Revolutions 52 
 
 V The March Revolutions 5S 
 
 VI American Recognition of the t*ROVisiONAL 
 
 Government 82 
 
 VII The Council of Workmen and Soldiers' 
 
 Deputies 96 
 
 VIII Significant Changes in the Ministry . . . 115 
 
 IX The Diplomatic and Railway Commission , . 128 
 
 X The July Revolution 134 
 
 XI The Provisional Government and the Forces 
 
 op Destruction 143 
 
 XII The Break Between Kerensky and Kornilopf 153 
 
 XIII The Bolsheviks Overthrow the Government . 171 Vy' 
 
 XIV The Constituent Assembly Dispersed by Armed 
 
 Bolsheviks 196 J 
 
 XV The Diamandi Incident 216 
 
 XVI The Brest-Litovsk Peace 223 
 
 XVII Vologda — The Diplomatic Capital .... 234 
 
 XVIII Archangel and the Northern Government . 261 
 
xii CONTENTS 
 
 OHAPTBR '^OB 
 
 XIX Allied Policies in Russi*. 297 
 
 XX Bolshevism and the Peace Conpeeencb . . 306 
 
 XXI Bolshevism in Peinciplb and in Practice . . 328 
 
 XXII Russia— The Chief Victim op the World War 341 
 
 XXIII Retrospect 345 
 
 « « 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 David R. Francis ... Frontispiece 
 
 ' FACINO 
 
 PAGE 
 
 TTie American Embassy, Petrograd, 190&-1917 22 
 
 Terestchenko 86 
 
 Paul Miliukoff . . 86 
 
 Michael Rodzianko 86 
 
 The American Railway Commission to Russia and Ambassador 
 Francis at the American Embassy, Petrograd 132 
 
 Alexander Kerensky 144 
 
 N. Prebensen 218 
 
 Sir George W. Buchanan 218 
 
 Count Diamandi 218 
 
 T. Noulens 218 
 
 Ambassador Francis and His Staff Before the American Embassy, 
 Vologda, Russia . . 238 
 
 Last Conference of the Allied Chiefs in the American Embassy, 
 Vologda, July 23, 1918 258 
 
RUSSIA FROM THE 
 AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
RUSSIA FROM THE 
 AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 FIRST IMPRESSIONS 
 
 At two o'clock in the morning on the 28th of April, 
 1916, with the grinding of brakes and the pushing of 
 people toward the doors, the Stockholm Express came 
 to a stop in the Finland Station of Petrograd, and I 
 realized that my duties as Ambassador from the greatest 
 Eepublic of the New World to the Court of the mightiest 
 Autocracy of the Old had virtually begun. It was dark 
 and cold. I was alone except for my loyal colored valet, 
 Philip Jordan. I had never been in Eussia before, I 
 had never been an Ambassador before. My knowledge 
 of Eussia up to the time of my appointment had been 
 that of the average intelligent American citizen — ^unhap- 
 pily slight and vague. In order to meet without quailing 
 the heavy responsibilities and the unknown problems 
 which lay before me I needed all the self-confidence born 
 of my experience as Mayor of my City, Governor of my 
 State, Member of the President's Cabinet, and as head 
 for many years of my own business. 
 
 Any momentary misgivings I may have felt, however, 
 were soon dispelled by my cordial American greeting 
 from the members of the Embassy staff who had loyally 
 stood by to welcome me since 11 p.m., the hour at which 
 the train had been due. 
 
 3 
 
4 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 As I began to familiarize myself with my duties I was 
 appalled at the enormous amount of work and responsi- 
 bility entailed by my uncongenial task as the represen- 
 tative of German and Austrian interests in Russia. There 
 were at the time one and a quarter million Austrian 
 prisoners and a quarter of a million German prisoners 
 in Russian prison camps. In addition there were about 
 200,000 interned German civilians and 50,000 Austrians. 
 I had to supervise the care and attention received by 
 these hundreds of thousands of persons and act as the 
 official intermediary between them and their govern- 
 ments. This work was conducted from the Austrian 
 Embassy which we had taken over at the time we as- 
 sumed charge of Austrian interests. It required not 
 only the exclusive services of a large corps of able assist-, 
 ants, known as the Relief Corps, but demanded my per- 
 sonal attention for several hours daily. 
 
 Among the first places that I visited was the German 
 Embassy which was also, and for the same reason, under 
 my charge. This capacious and imposing structure had 
 been sacked by the Petrograd populace in 1914 in retali- 
 ation for indignities which had been shown the Russian 
 Empress Dowager when she passed through Berlin on 
 her return from Switzerland to Russia after Germany's 
 declaration of war against Russia. The angry crowd 
 had done its work thoroughly. On inspecting this large 
 building I found the luxurious furnishings mutilated and 
 useless, the great mirrors broken, the electric light fix- 
 tures twisted out of shape, and even the oil paintings of 
 the German Emperors, Chancellors and Ministers of 
 Foreign Affairs, disfigured beyond repair. 
 
 This huge, costly and. partially demolished Embassy 
 seemed to me to well symbolize the relations between 
 Germany and Russia. This Embassy had been a part 
 of Germany's long and persistent campaign to gain a 
 
FIRST IMPRESSIONS 5 
 
 dominating influence in Russia. At a pre-arranged meet- 
 ing in Baltic waters on July 24th, 1905, Kaiser Wilhelm 
 iiad induced his weak and easily influenced cousin, Nich- 
 olas, to sign the secret Treaty of Bjorke. This Treaty, 
 whose provisions became known several years later, 
 hound the two nations mutually to assist each other 
 against any third party and prohibited the conclusion 
 of a separate peace with a common adversary. This 
 agreement, signed during the Eusso-Japanese War, was 
 to become effective at the restoration of peace between 
 Russia and Japan. It also provided that France was 
 not to be informed of the Treaty until after it came into 
 effect, when she should be invited to become a party to 
 it. Obviously this Treaty would have been a breach of 
 faith on Russia's part with her ally, France, and could 
 only have resulted in severing the close relations between 
 those countries and thus strengthening Germany at the 
 expense of both which was, of course, the Kaiser's object. 
 Thanks to Count Witte this mischievous Treaty never 
 went into effect. He was at the time Minister of Finance 
 and the dominating personality in the Government. He 
 succeeded in over-ruling the Czar himself, and check- 
 mating this intrigue of the German Emperor. By so 
 doing, however, he incurred the displeasure of the Czar 
 and the active hostility of the Czarina. 
 
 I had heard before leaving America that the Russian 
 Court circles were honeycombed with German spies and 
 German sympathizers. As a result I was on the look- 
 out for the activities of such persons. I also knew that 
 important Russian industries, mines and financial insti- 
 tutions were controlled by German capital. Immediately 
 before the outbreak of the war 49% of Russia's foreign 
 commerce was with Germany. In the same year Ger- 
 many had taken advantage of Russia's weakened condi- 
 tion because of her disastrous war with Japan to force 
 
6 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 upon her a commercial treaty in whicli all the advantages 
 were on the side of Germany, and which was effective 
 for ten years, or until the year 1915. The bitterness 
 against Germany was greatly increased by the effects 
 of this treaty. In fact, by the year 1914 the Russian 
 industries that were not under German control were 
 comparatively few. Germany well knew that public senti- 
 ment in Russia would never tolerate the renewal of this 
 unfair treaty and that knowledge was one of the imme- 
 diate causes which induced Germany to force Russia into 
 war in 1914. 
 
 The bitterest enmity had grown up since the outbreak 
 of the war, twenty-two months before, between the Rus- 
 sian nobility who were purely Russian and those who 
 were accused of German sympathies. The latter became 
 known as the Court Party and were headed by the Em- 
 press, who before her marriage had been a German 
 Princess from Hesse-Darmstadt, and a cousin of the 
 German Emperor. The Empress was said to have gained 
 such a strong influence over the Emperor that even his 
 mother, the Empress Dowager, to whom he had always 
 been so devoted, could not counteract it. In fact, it was 
 believed that at the behest of his wife the Emperor had 
 required his mother to leave Petrograd. In any case, 
 she had left and was living in Kieff. In addition there 
 were many charges of the direct use of German and 
 Austrian money in high places. The former Minister of 
 War, Sukhomlinoff, had been charged by Grand Duke 
 Nicholas with intentionally aiding the enemy by delib- 
 erately failing to provide the troops with arms and am- 
 munition. He had been arrested and imprisoned in the 
 St. Peter and Paul Fortress. His wife, a beautiful and 
 attractive woman, had accepted attentions from a Rus- 
 sian General, who had been charged with taking a bribe of 
 400,000 roubles from the enemy in return for informa- 
 
FIRST IMPRESSIONS 7 
 
 tion concerning Russian troop movements and the Rus- 
 sian lack of ammunition. This General had been tried, 
 convicted and shot. There was at this time a Russian 
 Commission in America for the purchase of arms and 
 munitions. It was commonly believed that a member 
 of this Commission had been bribed to give wrong speci- 
 fications for ammunition, and that when tried in actual 
 battle it was found this ammunition could not be used. 
 These exposures had naturally made the Russian people 
 extremely anxious and suspicious. The Secret Service 
 of the Empire also had corrupted several of the revolu- 
 tionary leaders, among whom were Azef and Father 
 Gapon, the leader of the Black Friday demonstration 
 of 1905. Some of these leaders had been induced to 
 make attempts upon the lives of members of the royal 
 family and in some instances had actually committed 
 murders with the knowledge of the Secret Service. The 
 Secret Service was willing to offer up these royal per- 
 sonages as sacrifices in order to obtain justification for 
 suppressing the revolutionary spirit with an iron hand. 
 I shall tell my story from here on largely by means of 
 extracts from confidential letters and dispatches which 
 I sent and received between April 28th, 1916, and No- 
 vember 6th, 1918— the dates marking my active services 
 as Ambassador. Since leaving Russia, while still hold- 
 ing the office, I have been on the inactive list. Although 
 these dispatches and letters, so far from being written 
 with a view to publication, were prepared in most cases 
 for the confidential information of those to whom they 
 were addressed, I shall use them for two reasons : first, 
 because I wish my readers to know that there are no 
 inaccuracies owing to lapses of memory on my part, and 
 second, because it seems to me that many of these ac- 
 counts have an added interest by reason of the fact that 
 
8 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 they were written immediately after the stirring events 
 described. 
 
 In a letter to my son, Perry Francis, written May 1st, 
 1916, three days after my arrival in Petrograd, I said: 
 
 "On the day of my arrival a note was sent to the 
 Foreign Office asking when I would be received, and 
 on the following day, Saturday, had an audience with 
 Sazonoff, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and also with 
 Stunner, President of the Council of Ministers, and also 
 Minister of the Interior. My interview with Sazonoff 
 was prolonged through an hour and twenty minutes and 
 was by no means satisfactory. He was exceedingly cor- 
 dial, but I was disappointed in that he said that Russia 
 was not prepared at this time to negotiate any commer- 
 cial treaty with our country or any other country until 
 all of the Allies arrived at some understanding on eco- 
 nomic questions. I told him my last advices were to the 
 effect that he was willing and desirous of negotiating a 
 new commercial treaty, to which he replied that he had 
 so stated six months ago, but that not since June or 
 July of 1915 had the subject been broached to him, and 
 now it was too late as the Allies have agreed upon a 
 program which provides for an understanding between 
 themselves not only as to the prosecution of the war, 
 but as to the commercial relations between themselves 
 and friendly, neutral and belligerent countries after the 
 close of the war. Of course, this is strictly confidential 
 and should not be given to the public prints, nor told 
 to anyone except those upon whom you can thoroughly 
 rely. Immediately upon returning to the Embassy, I 
 prepared a cablegram to the State Department of 500 
 words, informing the Secretary of the situation and 
 expressing my great disappointment. I told Sazonoff, 
 who speaks very good English, that I was greatly dis- 
 appointed, and in fact decidedly so, because to negotiates, 
 
FIRST IMPRESSIONS 9 
 
 suoli a treaty had been the main object I had had in view 
 when accepting the appointment as Ambassador. The 
 Allies have called an economic council to meet in Paris 
 about June first, at which this country will be repre- 
 sented by the Comptroller of the Empire and four other 
 potential officials. It seems, therefore, that the negotia- 
 tion of a commercial treaty must be postponed until after 
 the council is held ; it will continue in session about thirty 
 days. There is no hope, therefore, of negotiating a 
 tieaty between our country and Russia before July." 
 "When First Secretary Bearing made the appointment 
 for my initial interview with Minister of Foreign Affairs 
 Sazonoff there was no thought of my also calling upon 
 Baron Sturmer, who was at the time both President of 
 the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior, 
 but a message was received at the Embassy the morning 
 of the day I was to meet the Foreign Minister requesting 
 that I call upon Minister Sturmer before going to the 
 Foreign Oflfice. I soon learned that there was friction 
 between the two Ministers which undoubtedly accounted 
 for this unusual request. I naturally called upon Sturmer 
 as requested. Although he was exceedingly cordial and 
 expressed himself as very anxious to establish closer 
 relations with my Government, I was by no means favor- 
 ably impressed by him. His appearance was as German 
 as his name. His mind worked slowly and his tempera- 
 ment was phlegmatic. In short, he impressed me as a 
 dull man. Shortly after my presentation to the Emperor, 
 he called on me at the Embassy. He was again extreme- 
 ly cordial and emphatic in his protestations of a desire 
 for close relations with the United States Government, 
 but I liked him no better. As Minister of the Interior 
 he had charge of the prison camps which it was the duty 
 of the Relief Corps of the American Embassy to inspect. 
 The entire Corps cordially disliked him and when in 
 
10 EUSSIA FBOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 July, 1916, lie was transferred — through the influence 
 of the Empress and Easputin as I later learned — and 
 made Minister of Foreign Affairs, great was the rejoie- 
 ing among the members of the American Belief Corps. 
 Shortly after his appointment as Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs he moved into a palatial summer residence on 
 the island in the Eiver Neva opposite the Winter Palace. 
 Here I called one afternoon and met the Baroness 
 Stunner. During my conversation with her I could not 
 help noticing how the Baron paced up and down the 
 room and every now and again stopped in front of a 
 long mirror in which he surveyed himself with evident 
 satisfaction, while he turned up the ends of his mustaches 
 which were in the style of the German Kaiser. 
 
 After my original brief conversation with Baron 
 Sturmer I went to the Foreign Office for my appointment 
 with Minister Sazonoff. He greeted me cordially al- 
 though he was not as excessively cordial as had been 
 Sturmer. He looked about 55 years old, is slightly under 
 medium height and of a spare build. His nose is rather 
 prominent, his mouth firm set and his chin neither square 
 nor pointed. His face and manner bore evidence of over- 
 work and mental strain. His mind was evidently as 
 alert as Stunner's lethargic. His replies to my questions 
 were prompt to the point of abruptness. When I told 
 him I had no experience in diplomacy but had accepted 
 the appointment in the hope and expectation of negotiat- 
 ing a commercial treaty between Eussia and the United 
 States he arose abruptly from his chair and made the 
 statement given in the letter above. I could well imagine 
 him entering the great Hall of Tsarskoe Selo Pjdace 
 on the fateful night of July 31st, 1914, with his quick 
 firm step to tell the Emperor that Germany had declared 
 war. The royal family and some prominent members 
 of the nobility were attending an entertainment at the 
 
FIRST IMPRESSIONS 11 
 
 Palace when the Foreign Minister entered, and went 
 direct to his Majesty, took him to one side, told him the 
 ominous news and then left the hall with him while the 
 entertainment continued and the guests were left to 
 speculate on what had happened. 
 
 Within ten days of my arrival in Petrograd I deter- 
 mined to make the acquaintance of the American colony, 
 so I invited the Americans to tea at the Embassy on a 
 Sunday afternoon. The invitations were generally ac- 
 cepted and the guests remarked that they had not real- 
 ized there were so many Americans in Petrograd. They 
 seemed greatly pleased and were, in fact, profuse in 
 their expressions of appreciation. Although the colony 
 is so small it has been split into factions — a condition 
 that seems to have been brought about by rivalry be- 
 tween some of the American women in regard to what 
 is called the American Refuge (an orphan asylum sup- 
 ported by Americans). 
 
 But the war was the all-absorbing subject in Russia 
 : at this time. Everyone in any position of responsibility 
 \ was under the highest tension. Recruits were being 
 drilled on the street in front of the Embassy. This street 
 I is nearly 200 feet wide and paved with cobblestones which 
 i are not pleasant to walk upon, but the soldiers didn't 
 seem to mind them. These soldiers often sang familiar 
 i Russian airs. They are plaintive but enchanting — so 
 much so that one found the airs running through one's 
 : mind long after the songs had ceased. Soldiers were 
 being sent out of the city by train loads, thousands daily, 
 but no one knew where they were going except the gen- 
 eral in supreme command. 
 
 The hatred of Germany was intense, just as the feeling 
 in Germany toward England was exceedingly bitter. 
 The merchants and all of the people seemed to feel that 
 Germany had for a century or more been growing rich 
 
12 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 at the expense of Russia, and that during the Russian-f| 
 Japanese War Germany took advantage of conditions to 
 force upon Russia a burdensome treaty whereby Ger- 
 many not only got advantage over other countries, but 
 was enabled to exact tribute from all of her patrons in 
 Russia. The Russian merchants, and in fact the nobility 
 and even the Emperor himself, seemed determined that 
 no other country should ever occupy the same relation 
 to Russia that Germany did before the war. Such a posi- 
 tion pleased me to a degree, as I had been fearful on 
 account of the financial aid she was rendering to Russia 
 that England might be planning to assume a position of 
 superiority over other nations in her relations to Russia. 
 I was not fully qualified as Ambassador until I had 
 been received by the Czar. This was both an impressive 
 and pleasant experience, which I described to Mr. Polk 
 in the following letter: 
 
 "American Embassy, 
 "Petrograd. 
 "May 9th, 1916. 
 "Dear Mr. Secretary: 
 
 "I address you mainly for the purpose of making a 
 report about my reception by the Emperor and Empress 
 on Friday, May 5th, advices of which I have cabled the 
 Department. ^ 
 
 ' ' The day before calling on the Emperor and Empress,! 
 accompanied by First Secretary Dearing, I called upon 
 Baron Korff, Grand Master of Ceremonies, and also 
 upon Dame d'honneur Elizabeth Narychkine, Maitresse 
 de la Cour Imperiale ; both of these calls were very agree- 
 able, both officials responding promptly and cheerfully 
 to my expressed desire of increasing the good feeling 
 existing for so many years between Russia and the 
 United States, 
 
FIRST IMPRESSIONS 13 
 
 ' * The following day, Friday, accompanied by the Em- 
 bassy staff and the Commercial Attache, I went to a 
 special station on the railroad leading to Tsarskoe-Selo 
 where a special train was waiting, which conveyed us 
 to the Emperor's station, near the castle, after a journey 
 of about 25 minutes. There we were met by the Master 
 of Ceremonies and his staff aU arrayed in gorgeous uni- 
 forms. It has been the custom of my predecessors, I 
 am told, to wear uniforms on such occasions as this and 
 Of many other occasions, but I have not yet procured 
 a uniform and don't know that I shall; my impression 
 is that some of the Secretaries have them, but they are 
 not permitted to wear them unless the Ambassador is 
 \S0 attired. We journeyed from the station to the palace 
 in vehicles so rich in gilt finish that they had better be 
 termed chariots. The one in which I was, was drawn 
 by six horses with an outrider on the front lead horse. 
 The only one who accompanied me in this carriage was 
 a uniformed and titled attache of the Master of Cere- 
 monies, whose name I do not recall. In the second ve- 
 hicle were Dearing and Mr. Peirce; in the third were 
 Second Secretaries White and Sterling; in the fourth 
 were Third Secretary Ryan and Commercial Attache 
 Baker; in the fifth Lieutenant Riggs and Captain Mc- 
 CuUy; ia the sixth was Captain Breckinridge of the 
 Marine Corps, — ^ten in all including myself. In each 
 vehicle was a member of the retinue of Baron Korff. 
 
 "The drive to the castle was about half a mile; on 
 arrival the doors were opened and there were more uni- 
 formed servants ready to receive us than I could count. 
 After a very short delay I was conducted to a room where 
 I found the Emperor awaiting me. The doors were 
 closed behind me; the Emperor advanced and gave me 
 a cordial handshake and accompanied me to a seat. The 
 staff were all outside awaiting my return, and although 
 
14 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 the conference lasted but about 35 minutes by the watch, 
 as they were kept standing during this time, it must have 
 seemed like hours to them. | 
 
 "After expressing to the Emperor my appreciatio!j)| 
 of the honor conferred by his receiving me, I handed 
 him the sealed missive from the President and almost 
 immediately proceeded to tell him that I had come to 
 Russia mainly for the purpose of negotiating a new com- 
 mercial treaty. He smiled and said that Russia was 
 equally desirous to have a new treaty, and trusted there 
 would be no diflSculty in negotiating one. (As I later 
 learned this was a very characteristic attitude. This 
 unfortunate monarch was always trying to avoid diffi- 
 culties.) At some stage of the conversation I congratu-. 
 lated him upon his vodka edict, at which he seemed 
 pleased, saying that when it was first issued the period 
 for its operation was limited to 30 days, or during mobi- 
 lization. The appeals from women, communities, and 
 associations, however, were so numerous and importu- 
 nate that it be extended for the duration of the war, 
 which at that time doubtless no one thought would last 
 more than a few months, that he prolonged the operation 
 of the edict to make it contemporaneous with the war; 
 as the war progressed and the benefits of the prohibition i 
 of the sale of vodka became more and more apparent, j 
 he issued formal edict making the prohibition perpetual, ! 
 
 "He asked me with great interest about the relations 
 between our country and Germany and I told him that 
 the first official information received at the Embassy j 
 was in regard to treatment of merchant vessels by the 
 Allied and Belligerent Powers, but that the newspapers \ 
 contained reports to the effect that Germany's reply to 
 the President's note suggested arbitration and that they 
 further stated that the proposition had not been accepted. 
 I also told him that our official advices from Washington 
 
FIRST IMPRESSIONS 15 
 
 which had been transmitted to the Foreign Office were 
 not only a virtual reply to Germany's proposition to 
 arbitrate, but an announcement to the world of the posi- 
 tion assumed by the United States on the question so 
 long discussed — a position our country meant not only 
 to observe, but to enforce. His reply was, *0f course 
 such matters cannot be arbitrated.' I told him that 
 as the representative of a neutral country, I should be 
 discreet in my expressions concerning the great war in 
 which Russia and most of Europe was engaged, espe- 
 cially as the United States was here looking after the 
 interests of Germany and Austria. During this state- 
 ment he was smiling and bowing his head affirmatively, 
 and when later I told him that my personal sympathies 
 were with the Allies and had been from the beginning 
 and that my sentiments on the subject were well known 
 in the community where I lived and also throughout 
 the country, he smiled ih a pleased manner, and said he 
 was confident such was the case but was delighted to 
 hear it from my own lips. 
 
 ""When I told him I was residing at the Embassy, he 
 expressed satisfaction, but when I went further and 
 told him that I planned to make an effort to induce my 
 country to purchase a home for the Embassy in Petro- 
 grad, he was exceedingly pleased and said such action 
 would be very gratifying to the Russian people. 
 
 "At the end of the interview — I can't recall whethef 
 it was terminated by the Emperor or myself — ^upon aris- 
 ing I asked if I could present the Embassy staff. He 
 replied, 'Of course.' As I approached the door a uni- 
 formed man who had been guarding it, threw the doors 
 open and the staff entered. I presented them one by 
 one to the Emperor who shook hands with each. I said 
 something about each man and the Emperor also made 
 some personal remark to each one. 
 
16 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 "After this ceremony which must have required ten 
 minutes, I was conducted to another room in the castle 
 where the Empress was waiting to receive me. She very 
 gracefully advanced with extended hand and after a 
 genuine American handshake, conducted me to a seat. 
 Suffice it to say she was exceedingly gracious, and so in- 
 teresting that when hack on the way to Petrograd I was 
 asked by the members of the staff how she was attired 
 I was compelled to admit that she was so entertaining 
 that I had forgotten to note how royalty dressed on such 
 occasions. I am thinking of writing to the Mistress of 
 the Robes to ask how the Empress was dressed, but shaU 
 not do so before being told whether that would be proper 
 form, — of course, I have no curiosity myself in the sub- 
 ject, but all the ladies whom I meet seem to be very much 
 interested and furthermore it would give an opportunity 
 to state why I made the inquiry. This, however, is 
 pleasantry. The special train conveyed us back to Petro- 
 grad where we arrived about 4 :30 p.m. The Petrograc| 
 papers all stated that the Emperor and Empress had 
 received me. I now am a fullfledged Ambassador; until 
 my reception by the Emperor First Secretary Bearing 
 was Charge d 'Affaires and sig-ned all the official com- 
 munications to the Russian Government. 
 
 "Upon my return to the Embassy I remitted 300 
 roubles to a member of Baron Korff 's staff for distribu- 
 tion among the liveried men who drove and rode the 
 horses and received me at the palace; I was told that 
 such was the custom and such would be expected of me. 
 
 "I have the honor to be, sir, 
 
 "Your obedient servant, 
 
 "David R. Francis." 
 
 As my conversation with the Emperor was drawing 
 to a close my attention was attracted by a very fine life- j 
 
FIEST IMPRESSIONS 17 
 
 sized portrait, I remarked to His Majesty that it was 
 a very fine likeness of him. He smiled and replied, "It 
 is not me at all, but my cousin. King Greorge. You are 
 not the first one, however, who has mistaken that paint- 
 ing for a portrait of me. ' ' 
 
 The Emperor's domestic relations were ideal. He 
 was devoted to the Empress and to his children, particu- 
 larly the frail little Czarevitch. Before his marriage to 
 Princess Alix of Hesse-Darmstadt, he was said to have 
 heen devoted to Dshesinskaya, the ballet dancer; who, 
 until some weeks after the March Eevolution lived in a 
 beautiful palace across the River Neva from the Ameri- 
 can Embassy, and had charge of the Imperial ballet. 
 However this may have been, his love for the Empress 
 and his faithfulness to her were never questioned. 
 
 I cannot better describe the relations between the royal 
 couple and the character of each than by telling the fol- 
 lowing story as related by Dr. DiUon, the weU-known 
 British publicist and authority on Russia, whose son was 
 a member of my staff. 
 
 Once a nobleman of great experience and progressive 
 tendencies was received in audience by the Czar. He 
 laid before the sovereign the wretched state of the peas- 
 antry, the resulting general unrest and the strong neces- 
 sity of remedying it by a modification of the political 
 machinery of the Grovemment. The Emperor, after lis- 
 tening very attentively and approvingly to his visitor, 
 said, "I know. Yes, yes. You are right, quite right." 
 The nobleman retired well satisfied with his interview 
 and feeling certain that the monarch would mollify his 
 policy. Immediately afterwards a great landowner, also 
 a member of the nobility, was ushered in and he unfolded 
 a very different story. He sought to show that affairs 
 were quite satisfactory with the exception of the leniency 
 of the throne toward peasants. "What is needed. Sire, 
 
18 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY! 
 
 is an iron hand. The peasants must be kept in their 
 place by force, otherwise they mil usurp ours. To yield 
 to them and treat them as though they were the masters 
 of the country is a great crime." To this statement, 
 Nicholas II, after giving an attentive audience, said, 
 "Yes, yes, I know. You are right, quite right." The 
 second visitor departed as pleased with his interview 
 as the first had been. A side door opened, the Empress 
 entered, and said to the Czar: "You really must not go 
 on like this, Nicky. It is not dignified. Remember you 
 are an autocrat. You should show a wiU strong enough 
 to stiffen a nation of 150,000,000 people!" 
 
 "But what is it you find fault with, darling?" 
 
 "Your want of resolution and of courage to express it. 
 I have been listening to the conversation you have just 
 had. Count S., whom you first received, pleaded the 
 cause of the disaffected. You assented to everything he 
 advanced telling him he was 'right, quite right.' Then 
 M. Y. was introduced. He gave you an account of things 
 as they really are and you agreed with him in just the 
 same way saying, 'You are right, quite right!' Well, 
 now such an attitude does not befit an autocrat. You 
 must learn to have a will of your own and assert it." 
 
 "You are right, dear, quite right," was the reply of 
 the Czar. 
 
 I never met the Empress again, but I shall always 
 remember her as a dignified, graceful and exceedingly 
 handsome woman, with strong features and a pleasant 
 expression. She was very proud and very jealous of the 
 royal prerogatives of the Emperor. She was an absolute 
 monarchist by birth, by nature and by training. She 
 supplanted her mother-in-law, the Empress Dowager, in 
 dominating the weak-willed Emperor who had such a 
 dread of controversy that he would agree with anyone 
 on any subject so long as they were in his presence. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 GERMAN INFLUENCE IN EUSSIAN AFTAIRS 
 
 On July 22nd all Eussia was startled by the sudden 
 and tinexpected resignation of Foreign Minister Sazo- 
 noff. Ten days later I wrote Secretary Lansing the fol- 
 lowing letter about this resignation : 
 
 "Personal <md confidential 
 
 "Petrograd, July 25th, 1916. 
 "Dear Mr. Secretary: 
 
 "The resignation of Foreign Minister Sazonoff and 
 the appointment of Minister of Interior Stunner as his 
 successor was announced in the papers Sunday morning, 
 July 23rd, and was a great surprise to aU classes of peo- 
 ple and to every section of the country. On Monday, July 
 10th, upon which day I was expecting a conference with 
 Mr. Sazonoff concerning a plan between the Allies and 
 Belligerents whereby America could extend aid to Po- 
 land, etc., the Embassy was informed by telephone that 
 the Minister had been called to the front to confer with 
 the Emperor. Mr. Sazonoff returned to Petrograd the 
 morning of Thursday, July 13th. I saw him that after- 
 noon in company with Mr. Samuel McEoberts, of the Na- 
 tional City Bank of New York, who had asked to pay his 
 respects, and to whom the Minister extended a cordial 
 welcome because Mr. McEoberts had formed the Ameri- 
 can syndicate which loaned $50,000,000 to the Eussian 
 Government. Mr. Sazonoff complained of being tired 
 and said that on the following day, July 14th, he would go 
 to Finland for a rest of two or three weeks. He was in 
 
 19 
 
20 EtJSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Finland when his resignation was announced and is still 
 there. 
 
 "Universal regret is expressed at the retirement of 
 Mr. Sazonoff, which he and the Emperor and all mem- 
 bers of the Grovemment attribute to ill health. At the 
 same time there are rumors to the effect that his parting 
 with the Emperor on July 12th was not only friendly but 
 affectionate; the Emperor, it is said, kissed him three 
 times and expressed the highest appreciation of his pub- 
 lic services. The day after the Minister's departure the 
 Empress joined the Emperor at his military headquar- 
 ters, and two days later Mr. Sazonoff received a telegram 
 asking for his immediate resignation. Whether this is 
 true no one can say authoritatively. It is generally be- 
 lieved, however, that the Empress is very desirous of 
 peace. She has long been suspected of German sym- 
 pathies. One story was to the effect that when Minister 
 Sazonoff was directed to submit to Russia's Allies pro- 
 posals of peace suggested by Germany, he refused to do 
 so, whereupon Mr. Sturmer said he would submit such 
 proposals if the Foreign Minister declined to do so, and 
 that thereupon Mr. Sazonoff resigned. 
 
 "Mr. Sturmer is looked upon as a reactionary; in fact 
 that is his record. Some charge bim with being an op- 
 portunist and with having no convictions. He is not 
 reputed to possess a keen intellect or an incisive mind; 
 on the contrary he is said to be slow of comprehension, 
 but stubborn and possessed of great courage. I have 
 had two conferences with him, and must say that he did 
 not impress me as a man with breadth of view or imbued 
 with high ideals. He is of German origin, but his loyalty 
 to Russia in this contest has never been questioned. As 
 Minister of the Interior his jurisdiction has been very 
 extensive and his power great. 
 
 ' ' This would indicate that the court party of the Em- 
 
GERMAN INFLUENCE IN RUSSIA 21 
 
 pire is preparing to counteract what they fear will be 
 a liberal movement on the part of the people after the 
 close of the war. It is now charged that Russia is plan- 
 ning to make a separate peace with Germany. One re- 
 port is to the effect that von Lucius, present Minister 
 from Germany at Stockholm, has recently made a secret 
 visit to Russia and suggested terms of peace which are 
 attractive to Russia and not objectionable to France, 
 as they provide for ceding to France Lorraine, which 
 has belonged to Germany since 1870. It is not fully 
 known what concessions are proposed for England, but 
 she is to be propitiated by being allowed to retain the 
 German South African Colonies which she has captured. 
 Japan wUl be appeased by being permitted to retain the 
 territory she has captured in the Far East. It is said 
 that Germany is willing to recognize the integrity of 
 Belgium and to indemnify her for damage inflicted. 
 
 "In the meantime Russia is marshaling the largest 
 army ever assembled. She has already called 16,100,000 
 men, and in a call issued ten days ago increased this 
 number by 2,500,000, making a total of 18,600,000. What 
 an army ! What a menace it would be to other countries 
 if these men were armed and well organized! It may 
 be that the supporters of an absolute monarchy in Russia 
 are asking themselves what such an army, well disci- 
 plined and conscious of its strength, will do in Russia 
 when there are no more foreign enemies to fight. These 
 soldiers are as fine looking men as I ever saw carry a 
 musket. I have seen thousands of them coming into Pet- 
 rograd in obedience to a call, fresh from the fields, boys 
 who had never before seen a village of over 2,000 inhabi- 
 tants, with sunken chests, slip-shod gait and careless 
 carriage. After three or four weeks of drill, equipped 
 with military dothing, including boots of which they are 
 very proud, they march singing through the streets with 
 
22 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 swinging gait, heads high in the air, chests out-thrown, 
 and their very countenances manifesting pride in their 
 country and consciousness of their own power. After ar- 
 rival in their barracks they are given the most nourishing 
 food, including meat which previously they had had not 
 more than once a week, — soup and black bread having 
 been their principal means of subsistence. 
 
 "The last call, which comprised 2,500,000 men, was to 
 have gone into effect July 15th-28th, but yesterday the 
 date when the call was to be effective was postponed from 
 July 15th to August 15th. This change of date may not 
 have any significance, but it was determined upon the day 
 after Sazonoff 's resignation and Stunner's appointment. 
 
 "Minister Sazonoff was and is a bitter enemy of Ger- 
 many. Von Lucius, present Minister to Stockholm, was 
 Counselor of the German Embassy in Petrograd and its 
 ruling spirit when the war began. He told me in Stock- 
 holm that he and Sazonoff were formerly friends, but 
 that Sazonoff now dislikes him very intensely. Sazonoff 
 told me on the other hand, that he had never liked von 
 Lucius, never trusted him, and if he did not consider 
 him crazy and irresponsible, would say he was a liar and 
 a rascal. 
 
 "You have probably seen before reading thus far that 
 I am disposed to share in the belief that the resignation 
 of Sazonoff was forced and that the promotion of Stur- 
 mer is a triumph for the party of reaction and for the 
 champion of absolute monarchy in Eussia, although the 
 victory may be due in part to the strengthening of pro- 
 German sentiment in the Empire. 
 
 "I have the honor to be, sir, 
 
 "Your obedient servant, 
 
 "David R. Francis." 
 
 In a later letter to the Secretary of State on the same 
 

GERMAN INFLUENCE IN RUSSIA 23 
 
 subject, written August 14th, I said: "The new Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs, Baron Sturmer, who is still President 
 of the Council of Ministers, does not seem to have the 
 respect of any of the prominent Russians whom I have 
 met. His predecessor, Mr. Sazonoff, was looked upon as 
 a statesman, but when I asked the president of a large 
 bank in Petrograd, a man who is said to be the ablest 
 financier in the Empire, what he thought of Baron Stur- 
 mer 's appointment to the Foreign Office, he said, 'It is 
 just as appropriate as would be the appointment of a 
 tailor to the place I occupy.' It is generally believed 
 that the reactionaries are in the saddle and were looking 
 for an opportunity to unhorse Minister Sazonoff, who is 
 looked upon as a liberal. Baron Sturmer is said to 
 have remarked after learning of the first victories of 
 General Brousiloff in Galicia, 'One or two more such 
 victories and we can do away with the Duma. ' Whether 
 these reports are true remains to be proven. There is 
 no doubt, however, that the liberal or progressive element 
 in Russia is greatly disappointed and chagrined at the 
 removal of Sazonoff and the appointment of Sturmer. 
 I think in a former letter I stated that while the loyalty 
 of Sturmer had never been questioned, that he and the 
 reactionaries generally were more disposed to sympa- 
 thize with Germany than any other element in Russia. 
 My view concerning the benefit to the plain people of 
 Russia through their education and the broadening of 
 their views by the war is stronger now than when ex- 
 pressed two or three weeks ago. I do not think there 
 will be a revolution immediately after the close of the 
 war; that would be premature, but if the Court Party 
 does not adopt a more liberal policy by extending more 
 privileges to the people and their representatives in the 
 Duma, a revolution will take place before the lapse of 
 even a few years. 
 
24 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 "In the meantime, not only are the Russian people 
 acquiring more information concerning the resources of 
 their own country, but it seems to me that the attention 
 of the world is becoming directed or fixed more intently 
 on Russia from day to day. European and American 
 newspapers and periodicals aU dwell upon the magnifi- 
 cence of this Empire, and its undeveloped wealth and 
 immense possibilities. There will be a great competition 
 for the trade of Russia after the close of the war. Ameri- 
 can enterprise is already looking with interested eyes 
 on the mineral deposits, the great water power, and the 
 opportunities for railroad construction which this coun- 
 try offers. Several Americans are goiag home by the 
 steamer which takes this pouch, but there is not one of 
 them that is not planning to return to Russia, as aU think 
 there is no field on earth to be compared with this. The 
 National City Bank has decided to open a branch here, 
 and I think it is not only a good move for that institution 
 but wiU prove highly beneficial to the commercial re- 
 lations of the two countries. I have no intention or 
 desire to violate the neutrality of America, but in my 
 judgment American capital and ingenuity should be en- 
 couraged here in order to offset, if nothing more, the 
 well-designed plan of England, and perhaps France also, 
 to capture the trade of Russia after the war through the 
 operation of the resolutions passed at the Economic 
 Conference of the Allies held in Paris, June 17th-20th. 
 There have been many Americans here, and perhaps there 
 are some now, who are unwise enough to take advantage 
 of the necessities of Russia to extort unreasonable prices 
 for what they have to sell; that is short-sighted policy, 
 however, and one which I am advising all Americans to 
 avoid. Tour cautions concerning the improper use of 
 the pouch are timely and just, but all other embassies 
 
GEEMAN INFLUENCE IN EUSSIA 25 
 
 and legations here do not hesitate to use their respective 
 pouches to promote commerce for their countries," 
 
 In a later letter written to my friend and business asso- 
 ciate, Breckinridge Jones, President of the Mississippi 
 Valley Trust Company, St. Louis, I expressed my view of 
 an Ambassador's opportunities and obligations regard- 
 ing commercial relations — a view which longer experience 
 has strengthened. 
 
 "It has been the policy of our foreign representatives 
 of the diplomatic service to eschew all commercial mat- 
 ters and refer them to the consuls. My judgment from 
 the beginning was, and my experience of seven months 
 has only served to strengthen that opinion, that friendly 
 diplomatic relations could be engendered and fostered 
 and promoted by close commercial relations. Conse- 
 quently, from the beginning, since taking charge here 
 April 28th last, I have devoted much thought and time 
 to cultivating direct commercial relations between the 
 United States and Eussia. Several hints were given 
 me soon after I came that I had too keen a scent for 
 commerce to make an ideal diplomat; but such insinua- 
 tions only served to amuse me and had no effect upon 
 my plans. Very soon after I came an Economic Confer- 
 ence between the Allies was planned and held June 17th- 
 20th. Immediately upon being advised of the resolutions 
 there adopted, I called upon the then Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs Sazonoff and told him that those resolutions, al- 
 though ostensibly and professedly adopted to destroy 
 the commercial prestige of Germany, would operate with 
 almost equal effect against all neutral countries and could 
 not be enforced. It was not long thereafter before Brice 
 and some other broad-minded Britishers expressed the 
 same view. Those resolutions have never been confirmed 
 by Eussia either through the Duma or the Council of 
 Ministers. 
 
j BUSSIA FEOM THE AMERECAX EMBASSY 
 
 ''There is a limit, however, to prcanoting American 
 commerce irith Bussia, beyond whidi it wonld be unwise 
 for me or anyone to go, as there is a feeling more preva- 
 lent in England than in any other foreign conntry and 
 more so in France than in Enssia, bnt a feeling that is 
 growing here, to the effect that Ameiloa is bdng so 
 enormously enriched by the prosecution of the war tiiat 
 she does not wish to end it. Ton can see witiiont my go- 
 ing further into this subject that if I should ostensibfy 
 devote more time to the prosecution of commerce than to 
 the diplomatic relations between the two countries, this 
 feeling, which does great injustice to America, would be 
 strengthened and might find expression in a way that 
 would be not only disagreeable but offensive to me and 
 to our countrymen. In England and to a less extent ia 
 France there is a feeling that the war now being waged 
 is for the great prindples in whidi America is as mudi 
 interested as any other country, and consequently the 
 TJnited States, instead of holding aloof and getting 
 enormous prices for wiiat she furnished, should be par- 
 ticipating in the confli(St,'* 
 
 At about the same time (October 26th, 1916), in a letter 
 to my friend, Hamilton Cooke, of St, Louis, I wrote: 
 "An American doctor who came here at tie begirming 
 of the war and tendered his services to Bussia, Dr. Hurd, 
 who is now Surgeon-General of an army corps of 40,000 
 men, an American soldier of fortune about 6 feet 2 inches, 
 and weigliing 250 pounds, came to Petrograd from the 
 front not a great while ago, and told me he had seen a 
 Eussian army advancing in whidi only every other man 
 had a gun and the men without guns were told to seize 
 the guns of their armed comrades when they felL" 
 
 I wrote in 19il0, "the (Jerman people are continuing 
 to show their appreciation of the resources of Bussia 
 by supporting the Bolsheviks in their efforts to dominate 
 
GEEMAN INFLUENCE IN EUSSIA 27 
 
 Jussia. The Bolshevik army is at present organized 
 md disciplined by German officers and German commer- 
 ial agents are the only ones permitted to enter Bol- 
 hevik Enssia. Germany was threatened at one time 
 »y Bolshevik domination but checkmated the movement 
 ly forming a republic which is nominally socialistic but 
 ar from a Soviet Eepublic. The German mind works 
 n various ways and by devious methods. It embraces 
 my strategy to accomplish its end. Germany having 
 )een defeated in its effort to subjugate the world by 
 'orce is resorting to other means and is pushing with 
 mparalleled energy and activity her well-planned eco- 
 lomic conquest of Eussia and the world." 
 
 Although it had no connection with the loan referred 
 ,0 in the letter to Secretary Lansing, I believe it would 
 lere be appropriate to mention some of the facts and 
 igures relative to Eussia 's wealth which I gathered 
 ibout a year and a half later at the time I was reoom- 
 nending that our Government extend financial assistance 
 the Provisional Government of Eussia. I found that 
 iside from her public buildings and domiciles formerly 
 )ccupied by the imperial family and state officials, Eussia 
 lad millions upon millions of acres of tillable lands, 
 'orests of immeasurable extent, ore deposits both pre- 
 tious and base, to say nothing of vast water power. I 
 alked with N. Pokrovsky, former Comptroller of the 
 Umpire and former Minister of Foreign Affairs and 
 hen Chairman of the Commission engaged in appraising 
 ;he value of Eussia 's property. I also talked with sev- 
 jral of the leading business men and bankers of Eussia, 
 md they all said that Eussia 's yealth far exceeded that 
 )f any other coxmtry on the earth, I asked if two hun- 
 ired billion roubles (a rouble is equivalent to 51 J^ cents) 
 yould be an overestimate, to which the invariable reply 
 ,vas, " It 's very much greater than that I ' ' This property 
 
28 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 includes crown lands, but does not comprise land or 
 property privately owned and upon which taxes are paid. 
 It is similar to the public domain of the LFnited States 
 which was sold by the Government to actual settlers. I 
 am of the opinion, therefore, that although the national 
 debt of Russia is forty-one billion roubles, it might be 
 doubled, or trebled or quadrupled without jeopardizing 
 the interests of the holders of Russian bonds. The re.- 
 sources of the country owning between one-seventh and 
 one-sixth of the dry land on the globe and having a popu- 
 lation of nearly two hundred million, possessed of com- 
 mon sense and kindly instincts is, in fact, incalculable. 
 
 On September 23rd, 1916, I wrote Mr. Lansing re- 
 garding my efforts to improve commercial relations be- 
 tween Russia and America by securing a direct cable 
 between the two countries. I said : 
 
 "I took up with the Premier and Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs the question of laying a cable to the United 
 States, and also made calls in relation thereto upon the 
 Minister of the Interior, the Director-General of Posts 
 and Telegraphs, and the Minister of Finance, — all of 
 whom expressed themselves quite- favorably toward the 
 project. Finance Minister Bark was almost enthusiastic, 
 and when I ventured to tell him of the complaints that 
 had come to my hearing from American and Russian 
 merchants as to the commercial domination of England, 
 he bowed affirmatively and said that while not speaking 
 officially it was personally distasteful to him. It has been 
 reported in Petrograd several times that Minister Bark 
 was to be removed because he was wholly under English 
 influence. England is financing all of the Allies, who 
 are no doubt depending upon her for such service, con- 
 sequently they must accept the terms she imposes. 
 
 "It is very desirable that American merchants should 
 get a firm foothold in Russia while the opportunity is 
 
GERMAN INFLUENCE IN RUSSIA 29 
 
 presented. It is, consequently, very important that this 
 cahle should he laid at once. As you have been advised 
 in several other communications, I took up the subject 
 with the Western Union Telegraph Company just before 
 clearing from New York for Russia, and have since ex- 
 changed several letters with the President of the com- 
 pany, Mr, Newcomb Carlton, and am ia receipt of a cable 
 from him which is confined to two words, 'Six million.' 
 That is in reply to a letter of mine asking him the cost 
 of laying such a cable and suggesting that he frame his 
 reply s o that no one would und erst and it except myself. 
 I conclude, therefore, that the cable can iTe^ laid^oi- $67-~ 
 000,000, and so told Minister Bark. He expressed very 
 great surprise that it would not cost more and said that 
 he would recommend to the Council of Ministers that 
 an appropriation to the amount of $3,000,000 be made 
 and that the cable be owned half by our Government and 
 half by his, and I cabled you to that effect. 
 
 "Russia seems to have become aroused to her woful 
 want of transportation facilities and is planning the 
 construction of many lines of railroads for which she 
 will have t^Jmya largemian tity of m ate rial. She h as 
 within her borders boundless forests and immeasurable 
 deposits of iron, ore and coal, but the demands of the peo- 
 ple are immediate and will have to be supplied to a great 
 extent from other countries. We should be prepared to 
 take advantage of the situation, and direct cable com- 
 munication is essential to that end. 
 
 "I trust that you will look favorably upon this project 
 and will give it your potential personal and official 
 support. ' ' 
 
 The Russian government carried out its part of the" 
 bargain and appropriated the $3,000,000, but our govern- 
 ment declined to participate on the ground that it could 
 not engage in business enterprises. 
 
30 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 This Eussia wliose wealth, exclusive of private lauds 
 and property, is underestimated at 200,000,000,000: 
 roubles, and whose population is almost 200,000,000, is 
 the prize for which Germany has been contending for 
 generations; first, through commercial penetrationi 
 (which would have been complete and permanent within 
 another decade) ; second, by war; and then by means of 
 
CHAPTEE in 
 
 TREASON IN HIGH PLACES 
 
 In spite of what Foreign Minister Sazonoff had told 
 ne of Russia's unwillingness to negotiate any commer- 
 sial treaty with, any country until the future economic 
 relations between Eussia and her Allies had been defi- 
 litely determined, such a treaty with Japan was an- 
 lounced about sixty days later which must have been 
 n process of negotiation at that time. In a letter written 
 ibout this time, I commented in these terms on the situa- 
 ion thus created : 
 
 "Eussia 's position at this time is dangerous or cer- 
 tainly very serious. Japan took advantage of Eussia's 
 inability to protect her Eastern Border and dictated a 
 Russian-Japanese Treaty, much to my regret, although 
 [ was unable to prevent it; however, I did express my 
 iisapproval of it to Sazonoff immediately after its 
 promulgation. 
 
 "No one here outside of the Ministry, and not aU of 
 the Ministers, in my judgment, knew anything about this 
 Japanese Treaty until it was promulgated, and I have 
 aever ceased to suspect that there are some provisions 
 in the treaty which have never been made public. _The^ 
 Ja panes e AnibaMad^r,_M otono, w ho negotiated^ the 
 treaty, was jmmediately made a"ViscqunTb'y tfe 
 and has since been called to Japan, where he was in- 
 stalled last wee^as Jklmister ofJjorwgiLAffairs. Japan 
 tad banquets, and bonfires and festivals in celebration 
 of the treaty, but there has never been any expression 
 of approval of it in Eussia — in fact the people of this 
 
 31 
 
32 "RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 country in private conversation with, me and with otners 
 have expressed very great regret that such a treaty 
 was entered into. I believe, as stated above, that Japan 
 forced that treaty upon Russia; of course, Japan is an 
 ally of Russia in this war ; she was far-seeing and adroit 
 enough to declare war against Germany soon after Ger- , 
 many declared war against Russia. But if reports here 
 are true, Japan made Germany believe not only that she 
 would not join. Germany's enemies but would become an 
 ally of Germany, and Germany believed that Japan was 
 honest in this intention unj;il Japan secured a number 
 of men-of-war and some great munitions of waF^wETcli 
 she had ordered from Germany, then she declared war 
 against Germany iu order to become the posses sor o f 
 Germany's holdings on the Chinese coast. Japan is 
 now making every effort to strengthen her foothold in 
 China, and the United States should watch the progress 
 of this effort diligently and jealously. The Japanese are 
 not only unscrupulous, but bright and resourceful and in- 
 tensely patriotic. China has a population of 400,000,000 
 — twice that of Russia and four times that of the United 
 States. If Japan secures control of China, she can form 
 and discipline an army that will be even larger than the 
 enormous one that Russia has now and then there will 
 be a 'Yellow Peril' indeed." 
 
 I never knew exactly what the terms of this Russo- 
 Japanese Treaty were until it was published in De- 
 cember, 1917, by the Soviet Government together with 
 the other secret treaties into which the Imperial Govern- 
 ment had entered. The first two articles of this treaty 
 give its essentials. They read: 
 
 Article I. ^ 
 
 "Both the High Contracting Parties recognize that 
 the vital interests of both of them require the preserva-i 
 
TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 33 
 
 tion of China from the political mastery of any third 
 Power nourishing hostile intentions against Eussia or 
 Japan — and, therefore, mutually bind themselves in 
 future, "whenever the circumstances demand it, to enter 
 with each other into open-hearted communications based 
 on entire confidence, in order to take together the meas- 
 ures that shall be necessary to exclude the possibility of 
 such a situation of affairs arising (in China)." 
 
 Article II. 
 
 "In the event that, as a consequence of measures 
 adopted by the common consent of Eussia and Japan, 
 on the basis of the preceding article, war were to be de- 
 clared by any third Power, contemplated by the fi.rst 
 article of this convention, against one of the Contracting 
 Parties, the other Party, at the first demand of its ally, 
 must go to her assistance ; each of the high Contracting 
 Parties hereby undertakes, in case such a situation were 
 to arise, not to make peace with the common enemy with- 
 out first having received its ally's consent to do so." 
 
 On December 20th, 1916, M, Protopopoff, who had been 
 the Yice-President of the Duma, was appointed by the 
 Czar as Minister of the Interior. He was looked upon 
 as a Liberal at the time of his appointment, but almost 
 immediately on assuming this portfolio he became a Ee- 
 actionary of the most extreme type. This sudden change 
 of front was naturally bitterly resented by his former 
 Liberal associates. 
 
 I never had any extended conversation with Proto- 
 popoff, the Czar's most hated Minister. He had been 
 an unusually successful business man before he entered 
 pubKc life and had been highly respected in commercial 
 circles He was a member of the Eussian delegation 
 to the Economic Conference held in Paris in June, 1916. 
 On his way back to Eussia he was beHeved to have had 
 a preconcerted meeting in Stockholm with agents of the 
 German Government for the purpose of discussmg the 
 
34 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 terms of a separate peace between Germany and Russia. 
 It was freely asserted and generally believed tbat he 
 owed bis appointment to tbe Ministry to tbe monk Ras- 
 putin. A leading merchant in Petrograd told me that 
 he thought his elevation to high office must have upset 
 his reason. By way of illustration, he said Protopopoff, 
 had recently remarked to him, * ' Since I have come into 
 contact with the Czar, I have changed my mind about 
 him. I have really come to hold His Majesty in high 
 esteem and I think lie likes me, too." 
 
 Protopopoff was charged with (deliberately making 
 food scarce for the purpose of inciting uprisings among 
 the people which, would give him an excuse for their 
 ruthless suppression and also make possible a separate 
 peace with Germany. As Minister of the Interior, he 
 controlled the police of the entire Empire. In order to 
 make them his ready tools, he not only offered them 
 material increase in pay, but promised to pay an hono- 
 rarium of 2,000 roubles to the family of any policemen 
 who should be killed. He deliberately deceived the Em- 
 peror and the Empress as to the state of public sentiment 
 by arranging to have them receive scores of letters pur- 
 portiag to come from the peasants and the plain people 
 in which, the supposed writers affirmed their undying 
 allegiance to the monarchy and advised the suppressioj. 
 with an iron hand of all outbreaks of the people. Each 
 letter came from a different locality and alleged to give 
 the sentiment of that part of the Empire. He also had 
 machine guns placed on the tops of the buildings, includ- 
 ing even the Saint Isaacs and Kazan Cathedrals, with 
 which to shoot down the people should they gather in 
 crowds to defy the authorities. s 
 
 "Wien I left Petrograd, February 27th, 1918, Proto- 
 popoff had been transferred from the prison of the Sainl 
 
TREASON IN HIGH PLACES 35 
 
 Peter and Paul Fortress to an. insane asylmn. i Wkether 
 lie still lives I do not know. 
 
 In concluding a dispatch to the Secretary about No- 
 vember 7tli, 1916, 1 wrote as follows : 
 
 "There have been manifestations lately of unrest 
 among the workers in the factories and also among the 
 long lines of people waiting to be served small amounts 
 of sugar or meat in the shops where such things are dis- 
 tributed. I have heard it rumored that these rumblings 
 are instigated by Grerman money, and I have also heard 
 it charged by an intelligent man who gave the informa- 
 tion to me in the most confidential way that the Grovem- 
 ment itself through its emissaries is attempting to bring 
 about an uprising of the people in order to give Eussia 
 an excuse to negotiate a separate peace. Every Minister 
 in the Government is solicitous about the tenure of his 
 office. The Duma will meet in pursuance of adjournment 
 on November lst-14th. To-day's papers state that Prime 
 Minister Stunner will be imable to address the Duma 
 because of illness. He is not seriously ill and the meeting 
 is one week off. It woidd seem that he fears to go 
 through the ordeal." 
 
 At a meeting of the Duma held a week or ten days 
 later, the reason for Prime Minister Sturmer's reluc- 
 tance to appear before that body was explained in a 
 thunder-bolt oration by Professor Paul Miliukoff, the 
 Russian scholar and statesman who is so well and favor- 
 ably known in this coimtry,— which is— in my view, such 
 a dassio example of oratory and so suggestive of the old 
 Hebrew prophets or of Cicero's attacks on Cataline that 
 I am going to reproduce it in full. 
 
 * * fl- ATI fll ftTTl fiTl • 
 
 "We have all heard of funeral orations, sad affairs, yet 
 they serve some purpose. Let us analyze these purposes. 
 
S6 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Firstly, we see such orations remind the relatives and 
 friends of the deceased of some of his good qualities. 
 Secondly, they may inspire a listener to imitation; and 
 thirdly, they give the orator an opportunity to relieve his 
 feelings, or, better still, to practice his oratorical power. 
 y "But have you noticed, Gentlemen, that whatever the 
 aim of the oration it leaves the dead dead? What would 
 you, I wonder, think of an individual who should attempt 
 an oration to resurrect the dead — ^to revive the spirit 
 which has passed and bring htm back amongst the living? 
 Mad? Yes, I agree; yet there are such occasions when 
 such an endeavor would be permissible. Gentlemen, I 
 am standing on this Tribune with this mad desire upon 
 ms. Like a fire this desire has burned into my very soul. 
 I want to deliver an oration over the dead, to resurrect 
 it, because we, the mighty Russian Empire, cannot think 
 of leaving dead the most precious entity in a nation's 
 possession. The corpse over which I, together with the 
 bulk of Russian society, weep tears of blood must not 
 remain lifeless. We must revive it. You and I must 
 use superhuman effort, all our powers, magic, witchcraft,,; 
 call it what you like — ^but it must be made to live. This 
 ^jTi ghest inheritance of a nation^— its hono r — ^must not be 
 bufie37~Tarry witJTme, have patience with me, I am a 
 sorrowful mourner. Honor has died in Russia and be- 
 fore the world at large becomes aware of our dead we 
 must bring it to life again. 
 
 "Do you know that unless you act now, unless you do 
 your very utmost, the name of Russia will stink in the 
 nostrils of humanity? Even the most savage tribes of 
 the world will turn aside on the approach of a Russian, 
 because Russia is about to betray the trust of hfer Allies. 
 Allies of whom she should be proud, like the gaolbird 
 when he is received by the Mayor and Corporation. 
 Allies to whom she ought to listen with respect and 
 humiliation. 
 
 ' ' The oldest civilized countries in the world, the oldest 
 democracies. Allies who are careful in the selection of 
 their friends. Allies who have lowered their prestige to 
 call us friends. Allies who have helped us. Allies who 
 have worked for us. Allies who fight for us. Allies of 
 
TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 37 
 
 blood's wealtli. And these are to be betrayed, Judas 
 has closed the bargain! Judas is the traitor amongst 
 us. I quite understand your turmoil. I can read the 
 terror in your eyes. Even the President's hand is quak- 
 ing. He rings his bell nervously, but even the bell 
 revolts ; it strikes, but instead of its usual shrill note you 
 hear it muffled — the funeral bell. No, it will not quiet 
 me; its sound reechoes in my soul and urges me to 
 further effort. I have here the evidence of Judas. Evi- 
 dence inthecoW figures— shekels,^ Gentlemen. The pieces 
 of silver of betrayal. A new sound comes out of the 
 bell ; the jingle of silver, the blood money. 
 
 "Either Eussia is a fool or a knave. "Which is it? 
 Was it not madness to appoint as a Prime Minister a 
 man with a name and a face apart from our sympathies 
 and methods ; a man of a rac e with whom we are at 
 war ! Is it a frolic inT which our manhood from the lowest 
 of peasants upwards is shedding its precious blood? Is 
 it a money-making expedition into which we are sent? 
 Are the trenches the steps towards riches for the Premier 
 and his clique? Are the moans of the wounded, the 
 groans of the dying, only the accompaniment of a festival 
 — a carnival? Is it only another method of shedding 
 Eussian blood by German autocrats in Eussia? Has it 
 all been prearranged? Answer! Let your conscience, 
 your soul, answer before you howl like a band of hooli- 
 gans or starving wolves. WTiat are we allowing to take 
 place? Why are we silent? Yes, silence, our silence, is 
 golden to Sturmer and his colleagues; but for us, for 
 our generations to come, it is a crime, a terrible bloody 
 crime ; when honor is buried all we shall have to leave to 
 our descendants is disgrace, an everlasting disgrace 
 wliich even time will not efface. Awake, you sons of 
 Eussia, you representatives of the Eussian people, and 
 bestir yourselves to avert this, the greatest catastrophe 1 
 
 "Sturmer is in negotiation for separate peace. 
 
 "Sturmer has betrayed Eussia. 
 
 "Sturmer is disarranging supplies for our brave sons 
 and brothers in the trenches. 
 
 "Sturmer is doing it for German money. I have here 
 a document which shows every mark which he received 
 
38 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 from Germany from July, 1901, to July, 1916. Lfi^Hm 
 /come and deny it, and, if I am allowed tojive afterjfiis 
 (though I'll gladly die if E55ofTlvesl-Trwim>nng mt- 
 nesses to prove the truth. 
 
 "Traitors and spies are amongst us. 
 
 "No doubt, says Stunner, separate peace -will be bene- 
 ficial to Russia when arranged by Sturmer, but what is 
 Russia without honor? Rise up; dead Honor 1 Arise 
 from thy Coffin, and let us see thee live ! Come face thy 
 Mgh position! Accuse him in front of this Assembly; 
 let thy voice thunder 1 
 
 "Yes, I am emotional, but where is the man who know- 
 ing all this can be cool — can be unmoved? "Why lookl 
 There sits the Ambassador of an AUied Country, the 
 coldest And calmest, and yet, though he follows me with 
 difficulty, he is pale, he is perturbed. 
 
 "I am cool ia comparison with the crime with which 
 I am charging Sturmer. X wish I were younger. I wish 
 thei spirit of 1905 were upon me — ^it would be practical 
 emotion then. You accuse me of shouting, of being mad. 
 I agree; but if you are sane after having heard what I 
 have said, you also are traitors. All right. I withdraw; 
 it is against the regulations to call you traitors; it is 
 admittedly heated. I know you too well to even think it 
 of you. On the contrary, I am standing on this Tribune 
 only because you are honest men and true. You will not 
 tolerate these things, now you know of them. You will, 
 as I said in the beginning, resurrect dead honor and bring 
 gratitude instead of contempt into the hearts of onr 
 children. Rachel, we are told, is crying for her children; 
 if you open your ears you will hear a heartbroken sob— a 
 sob which will fill you with horror. Do you know who 
 is crying? Russia! The gallant Russia, the brave Rus- 
 sia, the Mother of us aU, bad and good, is ^Jrying. Her 
 heart is breaking. Are we to help her— we, her sons! 
 This heartens me. This is the miracle I have been wort 
 ing for. The dead has come back to life. Your shouts of 
 encouragement are its first signs of life. 
 
 "Now with a live honor in our midst wf can speak 
 more calmly, we can deliberate. 
 
 "As you know, our agreement with our Allies does 
 
TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 39 
 
 not permit a separate peace — ^vidth one exception. This 
 exception should have been known to our statesmen only, 
 but it is known in Berlin. And Berlin has its friends 
 here ; what is easier therefore than to make the exception 
 possible. 
 
 "Now just take the trouble to analyze the activity of 
 the Stunner Ministry since its inception. What were all 
 measures adopted for! What were they intended to pro- 
 duce? The oppression, the disorganization? What is 
 the aim of all these acts ? Dissatisfaction of the masses ? 
 What does such dissatisfaction produce? Eevolution! 
 Bed, bloody revolution! And this is the exception to 
 make separate peace possible. 
 
 ' ' No, Berlin does not pay money for nothing I Sturmer 
 had to earn it and he did* He paved the way for a revo- 
 lution as the means of separate peace. Must not the 
 great Eussian public be told of this and be warned to 
 suffer and be patient? But were it not better to remove 
 the cause of their suffering, their anxiety? 
 
 "Gentlemen, this traitor, this German, must go. No 
 matter what excuse be made for him. For the sake of 
 honor, to reestablish the confidence of our AUies, 
 Sturmer, nay, the whole German clique, must go. 
 
 "Just a few words more. Gentlemen, these are history- 
 making epochs. Bussia's hope, Eussia's life, is based 
 on her alliances ; these alliances depend on victory. The 
 Eussian Duma, though it has no power^ must help to 
 achieve it. The people stand helpless awaiting your lead, 
 you the representatives of the people, are responsible. 
 You must act." 
 
 Soon after the meeting in which this attack upon 
 Sturmer was made, I wrote Secretary Lansing that in 
 my judgment the Government was preparing to do two 
 things : one to abandon to her fate her small Ally, Eou- 
 mania, whom she had induced to enter the war through 
 promises of support, and, second, to make a separate 
 peace with Germany. I said that I beKeved this had been 
 the underground plan of the Ministry ever since Sturmer 
 became Prime Minister in July, and knowledge of these 
 
40 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 plans or plots reaching the Duma had caused the out- 
 breaks of wrathful denunciation. 
 
 Attacks such as Miliukoff 's upon the Prime Minister, 
 instead of causing the Emperor to prorogue the Duma, 
 as would have been the case a few years earlier^lei,hun 
 /to dismiss Sturmer, who quickly disappeared into igno- 
 minious oblivion. He later died in prison in the Saint 
 PeteFand "Paul Fortress, and his wife after an attempt 
 to cut her throat is now in the insane asylum. 
 
 "While the removal of Sturmer temporarily allayed pub- 
 lic indignation, the appointment of M, Trepoff aa 
 
 his successor was not reassuring. Trepoff, although 
 opposed to a separate peace, was also a reactionary and 
 was not satisfactory to the Duma. He was, moreover, a 
 man with deep convictions and iron nerve, and on that 
 account more dangerous than Sturmer, who was venal 
 and with neither convictions nor strength. As I said at 
 the time of his appointment Trepoff was a man who 
 would not hesitate to demand that the Emperor dissolve 
 the Duma if that body opposed him, and such action 
 could hardly fail to result very seriously. 
 
 On November 18th, shortly after Sturmer 's dismissal 
 and Trepoff 's appointments I attended a turbulent and 
 stirring session of the Duma. I was the only Ambas- 
 sador in the diplomatic loge when the President called 
 the meeting to order, but a few minutes later was joined 
 by the Italian, British and French Ambassadors suc- 
 cessively. After a few remarks by the President, Pre- 
 mier Trepoff was introduced, advanced to the Tribune 
 and tried t o read a written speech. His voice was inau- 
 Hibie amid~the"TauhTs,^ shouts, clapping and stamping 
 from the "Left." Three times-he^eturned to the Trib- 
 une from His seat in the space at the right of the Presi- 
 dent, reserved for the Ministry. The President used 
 a bell in his efforts to keep order instead of a mallet 
 
TREASON IN HIGH PLACES 41 
 
 as in other deliberative assemblies. Three times tha 
 Premier's efforts to be heard were drowned in the 
 uproar. Finally after the^espiilsion of a half dozen of 
 the most obstreperous disturbers, he got a hearing, read 
 his address, and received perfunctory applause. He 
 denied that Eussia had sought a separate peace, and 
 said that no peace would be concluded that did not give 
 Eussia control of the Dardenelles and added that Eus- 
 sia 's Allies had agreed to this. At this point a number 
 of the members looked curiously toward_Sir G;eorge^ 
 .Bucbanan,_ihe British Ambassador, who sat next to me, 
 but his expression showed no trace of dissent. 
 
 Several speakers followed the Premier, but the speech 
 of G eneral Purishkevic h was the only one which created 
 a sensation. The General had been well known as an 
 ultraconservative — a member of the "Eight" and joined 
 the "Left." He made specific charges that German 
 influence had j>erm.eated not only Court and military 
 circles, but banking and commercial affairs also. He 
 accused some of the Eussiau Generals with inefficiency 
 and indifference, if not actual treachery. He cited one 
 General in particular who had used freight cars to trans- 
 port_mineral, waters to Hs^^adquaxJep~wEcE"'sh^^^ 
 have been used to haul munitions and soldiers to Eou- 
 mania— Eussia 's small and sorely pressed Ally. He 
 made other definite charges against the army, of which 
 he claimed to have documentary evidence and stepping 
 to the Ministerial Bench he handed the Minister of War 
 a document. He was merciless in his criticism of the 
 Ministry, saying that the Minister and Duma could not 
 work together— one or the other must go. He singled 
 out Minister offteJnterio^Pjotojpopoff for his bitterest 
 denimaiiion.'"Protopopo£rhad not stayed to hear what 
 the General had to say about him. 
 
 He told of a movement to start a daily newspaper in 
 
42 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Petrograd wHch should be under German influence and 
 should advocate a separate peace between Russia and 
 the Central Empires. He charged that ten prominent 
 banks in Russia had agreed to subscribe 500,000 roubles, 
 each, to this paper, but that seven of them on learning its' 
 real purpose had -withdrawn their support. The three 
 that remained were the International Bank of Commerce, 
 the Russian Bank of Foreign Trade and the Azoff-Don 
 Bank. He stated that of the assets of the Russian Bank 
 of Foreign Trade of 70,000,000 roubles only 20,000,080 
 was Russian capital, the remaining 50,000,000 being Ger- 
 man. Further he said that of the 170,000,000 roubles 
 representing the combined capital of the three banks, 
 50,000,000 only was Russian, the rest, or 120,000,000, 
 beiag German. 
 
 When General Purishkevich took his seat he received 
 a great demonstration of approval both from the mem- 
 bers and from the spectators in the galleries. 
 
 On December 17th, O.S. 1916, all Russia was stirred 
 by the report of the murder of Rasputin, the monk, who 
 had exercised such a dominant influence over the royal 
 family, particularly the Czarina, In January I wrote 
 Counselor Polk a personal letter in which I gave him 
 the most authentic version I could then obtain"^ the 
 murder. I said: 
 
 "I have heard some of the particulars from a very 
 authentic source concerning the killing of Rasputin — the 
 monk or pretender who was killed because he was sup- 
 posed to have too touch influence with the Empress and 
 was bringing disgrace on the royal family. You have 
 no doubt read in the public prints of this man. He was 
 uneducated and untidy in his dress, but had a wonderful 
 eye and hypnotic influence. He undoubtedly had access 
 to the Empress at all hours and through her was very 
 potential with the Emperor. Consequently his assistance 
 
TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 43 
 
 was sought by all aspiring to power and position. He 
 was a man of extraordinary if not unprecedented sexual 
 passions. He was very human in other regards, having 
 an appetite for liquor and rich food, notwithstanding 
 his obscure origin. 
 
 ■ "On the night of the tragedy he was sent for to come to 
 the house of Prince Usoupoff, a fine palace on the Moika. 
 It appears there had been a dinner at this house attended 
 by Eussian ladies, who, however, had taken their depar- 
 ;ure before Basputin arrived. After considerable drink- 
 ing Easputin began to boast of his power, claiming to 
 iiave influenced a number of appointments to official posi- 
 tions, and even asserted that he had illicit intercourse 
 (nth many women of high position, calling them by 
 aames. He went so far as to say that his next mistress 
 jy^ould be a well-known young Grand Duchess of the royal 
 family whose character is above reproach and who is 
 i^ery well thought of by all classes in Eussia. When he 
 nade that statement, it is said that the host, Prince 
 [Jsoupoff, drew his pistol and laid it down on the table 
 ^n front of Easputin, and told him that after making such 
 1 statement it was time for him to kill himself. Easputin 
 jrasped the pistoTBiitTSSteaSoffiringTtat himself, shot 
 it Ilsoupoff , whom Jie__ f ortunaie]y^ 
 joing throu^_ad£of^ndj;tti3fitiagJi^^ 
 pioHce^iiJiia-ourtsider The other members of the party 
 ihenTdrew their weapons and began to fire at Easputin, 
 jnh.0 tried to leave the room. The young noblemen con- 
 inued to fire and Easputin fell to the floor just before 
 'eaohing the door, having been shot three times through 
 ;he back. No one knows who fired the fatal shots — in 
 act it is said that none of those present admitted having 
 ired at all. My information, however, is from a source 
 vhioh is said to be very reliable. Prince Demitry, a son 
 >f a Grand Uncle of the Emperor, and Prince Usoupoff, 
 
44 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 the son of one of the richest if not the richest nobleman 
 in Eussia, and General Purishkevich_ are generally 
 thought to have been the onTy ones present. After Eas- 
 pntin was killed an automobile was sent for, driven by 
 the owner, another nobleman, Count Pistelcorse, con- 
 nected by marriage with the Grand Duke Paul— the 
 Emperor's uncle. It came to the house, the body of 
 Easputin was placed in it, and taken across the Neva to 
 one of the bayous or inlets of that river, where it was 
 put through a hole cut in the ice. The body was dis- 
 covered there in a few days after a thorough search by 
 the police, was identified and taken to a hospital on this 
 side of the river. It is said that the Empress went to this 
 hospital herself, had the body removed to Tsarskoe-Selo, 
 about twelve miles out of the city limits, and that funeral 
 services were held in the Emperor's church and the body 
 buried in the grounds of the palace. It is said to be 
 the intention of the Empress to erect a chapel over this 
 body and to locate its altar immediately over the grave. 
 Whether these reports are true it is difficult to say, but 
 at any rate they are generally believed. Other accounts 
 of the killing of Easputin have come to me since, but I 
 do not know that they are any more authentic than the 
 version given. 
 
 "It was thought for a day or two after Easputin's 
 death that nothing would be done about it ; everyone feel- 
 ing that his removal would be beneficial from every view- 
 point. In fact the Emperor who was at the Front when 
 the killing occurred is said to have been not displeased 
 when the news reached him and as especially talkative 
 and good-humored when enroute from the front to 
 Tsarskoe-Selo. But in a few days a change came over the 
 Emperor concerning the punishment of those who had 
 killed Easputin. Meantime the Empress had herself 
 signed an order for the arrest of Dem itry and had given 
 
 Mm 
 
TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 45 
 
 it to a much beloved Russian General of advanced years 
 whose name I don't recall. "When the General presented 
 the order of arrest to Demitry, the latter said he was a 
 member of the royal family and no one could order his 
 arrest except the Emperor himself. Thereupon the old 
 General said, 'If you don't observe this it will be the 
 cause of my downfall, and I appeal to you through per- 
 sonal consideration for me to consider yourself a pris- 
 oner in your own house,' to which Demitry consented. 
 About two days after the Emperor 's arrival, he ordered 
 Demitry to military service in Persia and is said to have 
 prohibited^is return to Petrograd for a period of twelve 
 years. He banished Usoupoff to his estates somewhere 
 in Southern Russia. Purishkevich, a General in the 
 Army, and the same who had made the bitter speech in 
 the Duma against Protopopoff, had assembled a trainload 
 of supplies for the relief of theTfiis^lairw6uiided''Whicii 
 was waitingToFTEiifraii a^side^raek in the suburbs of 
 Petrograd. He joined it about -daylight and went to the 
 front where ]ae is supposed to be now, distributing the 
 supplies. It is probable, however, that some punishment 
 has been iaflicted upon him. 
 
 "On January 1st, all the members of the royal family, 
 includiug many Grand Dukes and Grand Duchesses, 
 united in a 'round robin' to the Emperor, asking his 
 demency^for Demitry on the ground that his health is 
 broken and that Persia where he has been ordered to 
 special service on the staff of the commander of the 
 Russian forces is a very unhealthy country. This 
 'round robin' was signed by the Empress Dowager 
 who is at Kieff where she has been ever since my arrival 
 here. It is said that she is not permitted to return to 
 Petrograd by order of the Emperor, and while a strong 
 woman and exceedingly popular in Russia, she admits 
 that she has no influence over her son who seems to have 
 
46 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 been prejudiced against her by bis wife, tbe Empress. 
 Tbis 'round-robin' was presented to tbe Emperor by the 
 Queen ppwager of jSreeoe, wbo lives in Petrograd. Tbe 
 Emperor, bowever, was immovable and banded tbe peti- 
 tion back to tbe Queen Dowager of Greece, after writing 
 on tbe reverse side tbat be was surprised sucb a petition 
 should be presented to him, as he could not permit so 
 heinous a crime to go unpunished. It is reported that 
 the new count wbo drove the automobile which conveyed 
 Rasputin's body from Usoupoff's touse across the river 
 was ordered to leave Petrograd for two months ; that all 
 of tbe signers of the 'round robin' were informed that 
 they would find it beneficial to their health to make a visit 
 of from two to four weeks to their respective country 
 places. 
 
 "The Minister of the Interior, Protopopoff, was said 
 tojbavegonejntoateince when talking to tbe Empress a 
 short time before the assassination and when he re- 
 covered himself to have said in answer to an inquiry 
 that he bad communicated wHh Jesus Christ, who bad 
 told him to f ojlo w th e teachings o? the Saint Rasputin." 
 
 In a letter to Frederick Sterling who HadrBeenTSecond 
 Secretary of tbe Embassy when I arrived in Petrograd, 
 and who was a St. Louisan, I wrote on January 8tb, 1917: 
 
 "Not long before this murder both the Imperial 
 Council and the Congress of Nobles had passed resolu- 
 tions inveighing against 'the invisible influences' sur- 
 roxmding the Government. Tbe influences are conamonly 
 referred to as 'dark forces.' The Emperor has been 
 undoubtedly very much provoked by all these hostile 
 demonstrations, and in his appointment of reactionaries 
 is showing a defiant attitude. Trepoff has resigned as 
 Premier, and is said to have told tbe Emperor that he 
 would not serve longer with Protopopoff. His resigna- 
 tion was accepted after an interval of about two weeks. 
 
TREASON IN HIGH PLACES 47 
 
 Ignatieff, Minister of Education, and Brobinsky, Minis- 
 ter of Agriculture, have also both resigned for the same 
 reason— namely, hostility to Protopopoff. Prince Golit- 
 zin has been appointed to succeed Trepofras Premier. 
 He-is^^eactlojiary.and is saddiaJiave been appointed 
 through the influence of the Empress. He has had charge 
 of her charities and relief work. Last Sunday, which 
 was the Eussian New Year's Day, Rodzianko, the Presi- 
 dent of the Duma, refused to shake Protopopoff 's hand 
 and told him that he desired to have no relations with 
 him at any time or place. Protopopoff retorted, *If that 
 is the case I will send you a challenge!' Rodzianko 
 turned on his heel with the remark, 'I hear you.' Noth- 
 ing has come of it however. ' ' 
 
 In a letter to Mrs. Francis, January 15th, 1917, New 
 Style, I wrote : 
 
 "It has long been the custom in Russia for the Emperor 
 to receive the Diplomatic Corps on the Russian New 
 Year's Day, which is our January 14th. There was no 
 reception January 14th, 1916, because the Emperor was 
 at the front. It was generally understood there would be 
 no reception this year, but the Embassy was notified by 
 the Master of Ceremonies January 10th that the Em- 
 peror would receive the Diplomatic Corps at 4 p.m., Janu- 
 ary lst-14th at Tsarskoe-Selo, and that a special train 
 would be provided for them leaving Petrograd at 2:35 
 p.m., and leaving Tsarskoe-Selo for the return at 5:30 
 p.m. I was in Moscow when this notice was received, and 
 Counselor "Wright was requested by the Master of Cere- 
 monies to wire me and state that it was expressly desired 
 that I should be present at the reception. 
 
 "Accompanied by my staff I left Petrograd on the spe- 
 cial train at 2 :35 p.m., arriving at Tsarskoe-Selo about 
 thirty minutes later. Each Ambassador was conveyed 
 from the station to the castle, a distance of about one 
 
48 EUSSIA PROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 verst or two-tHrds of a mile, in a separate carriage ; the 
 Ministers and Staffs of the Embassies and Legations 
 followed in carriages and sleighs loaded to their respec- 
 tive capacities. Upon arrival at the castle the Diplo- 
 matic Corps was conducted to a large room about 120 
 feet long and about 40 feet wide, richly furnished in gold 
 and red and lighted by hundreds of electric lamps. "When 
 all were assembled each head of a mission took position 
 in his proper order, accompanied by his staff, who stood 
 two paces in the rear. A few minutes later the Emperor 
 entered, accompanied by the Grand Master of Ceremo- 
 nies and by the Marshal of the Court and also by twenty 
 or thirty members of His Court. The Emperor advanced 
 first to the British Ambassador, whom he engaged in 
 conversation for five or six minutes. The Ambassador 
 read a paper to His Majesty, the contents of which were 
 not made known to the other missions. The conversation 
 between the Emperor and the Ambassador was not 
 audible more than three or four feet away. I have not 
 learned the contents of the paper read by Sir George 
 Buchanan, but conclude that as I was not consulted that 
 the Ambassador did not presume to speak for my Govern- 
 ment. At the end of the conversation betw^een the Em- 
 peror and the Ambassador, the suite ofUhe British 
 Embassy, consisting of about fifteen men, were presented 
 to the Emperor, each man shaking hands with His Maj- 
 esty. After a few words addressed by the Emperor 
 to the members of his suite, His Majesty advanced to. 
 the Italian Ambassador where the same proceedings were 
 enacted ; the Italian Ambassador, however, did not have 
 any paper in his hand and the conversation appeared to 
 be of an informal character. The Emperor next ad- 
 vanced to the French Ambassador, with whom he held 
 conversation in an undertone for a few minutes and then 
 
TREASON IN HIGH PLACES 49 
 
 the members of the French, suite were presented — ^they 
 were nine in number. 
 
 "The Emperor then advanced to myself and after shak- 
 ing hands cordially recalled my presentation to him last 
 May. I remarked that I had learned a great deal more 
 about his country and his people than I knew when I 
 saw him last and had found much in both to admire and 
 much to interest me. He expressed gratification, talking 
 all the time in excellent English (I think his conversation 
 with the Italian and French Ambassador and the Spanish 
 Ambassador and, perhaps, with all of the other heads of 
 the missions except Sir George Buchanan and myself 
 was in French) and when I said to bi-m that I had been 
 endeavoring to promote closer relations between Eussia 
 and America he smilingly and responsively replied: 'Yes, 
 I have heard of your actions in that line and think con- 
 siderable progress has been made.' After a few more 
 words of casual conversation and with sincere expres- 
 sion by me of New Tear's Greetings, I presented the 
 nine members of my Staff to His Majesty and took occa- 
 sion to say some word of commendation or explanation 
 about each member. We were all impressed with the 
 cordiality of His Majesty's manner, by his poise and his 
 apparent excellent physical condition, as well as by the 
 promptness of his utterances. After leaving the Ameri- 
 can Embassy, the Emperor next conversed with the 
 Spanish Ambassador and then with the heads of all of 
 the other missions, ending his very trying ordeal, which 
 occupied about an hour and twenty minutes, in a talk with 
 the Charge d 'Affaires of the Japanese Embassy. The 
 Emperor was attired in a Cossack uniform, with an 
 overcoat extending to within a few inches of his ankles. 
 He is a man of medium stature and gave appearance of 
 having supreme confidence in himself. During this hour 
 and twenty minutes the members of the Diplomatic Corps 
 
50 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 all retained the positions to which they were first 
 assigned. The Emperor after leaving the Japanese 
 Embassy, proceeded to the door and, turning with a 
 dignified and graceful bow, saluted the entire Diplomatic 
 Corps and then took his departure, accompanied by his 
 suite. 
 
 ' ' The Diplomatic Corps nimibered over eighty persons ; 
 the chief of every mission was in uniform except the 
 American ; seven members of the American mission were 
 in full dress suits with white vest, white tie and white 
 gloves — ^the two Naval Attaches and the Military Attache 
 were, of course, in their dress uniforms. After a light 
 luncheon we were driven from the castle to the station 
 in the same order and in the same vehicle that conveyed 
 us from the station. The special train arrived in Petro- 
 grad at the Imperial Station a f^w minutes after six 
 o'clock. 
 
 "This entire ceremony was very impressive. The scene 
 in the magnificent room was brilliant indeed. The 
 Emperor appeared to me as taking advantage of the 
 occasion to impress his royal personality upon all 
 present. 
 
 "On the same day the Emperor announced tiie new 
 members of the Imperial Counedl; the names of these 
 members are said to be nearly or quite all those of Reac- 
 tionaries. If so, that is but another indication that His 
 Majesty is not yielding in the slightest degree to the 
 liberal sentiment which expressions in the Duma and in 
 the Imperial Council during the past mionth, indicate has 
 been spreading throughout the Empire." 
 
 Little did any of us who were present at this reception 
 know that we were witnessLag the last public appearance 
 of the last ruler of the mighty Romanoff dynasty. And 
 as I look back on it I am convinced that just as little did 
 the central figure, the Czar fif fiO. the Russians, realize 
 
TEEASON IN HIGH PLACES 51 
 
 that within sixty days lie would be compelled to abdicate 
 the throne of his ancestors. In fact he made the im- 
 pression upon me and upon every member of my staff 
 that he was more at his ease and felt more secure in his 
 position than he did when I presented to him seven 
 months earlier my letters from the President of the 
 United States. This complacent monarch had no pre- 
 monition of the storm that was brewing. This weak 
 ruler had no idea that he was standing on a volcano 
 whose eruption within seven short months was to bury 
 himself and his dynasty. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 EUMBLINGS OF REVOLUTION 
 
 On December 23rd, 1916, I delivered to Foreign Min- 
 ister Pokrovski President Wilson's communieation to 
 each of the Belligerents requesting them to state the 
 terms upon which they would be willing to make peace 
 and stop the terrible slaughter. A few days before I had 
 delivered to the Minister the overtures for paace of the 
 Central Powers which I had received from the State De- 
 partment. These I handed him without comment. I had 
 told Minister Pokrovski at that time, however, that I 
 would shortly present to him a communication from the 
 President of the United States, but that such message not 
 only was not inspired by the note of the Central Empires, 
 but was being prepared before it was known that the 
 Central Powers were to make any overtures. I read the 
 President's note to the Minister and then delivered the 
 original to him. 
 
 Almost exactly a month later I delivered to the Foreign 
 Minister a copy of President "Wilson's speech to the 
 Senate in which he outlined the terms and conditions 
 Tinder which the United States might be willing to join 
 with the other Powers for the preservation of the peace 
 of the world after the close of the war — the celebrated 
 fourteen points. The reaction to this message at the 
 time can perhaps best be suggested by giving here an 
 accoimt of a dinner given to some of my colleagues of 
 the Diplomatic Corps representing the Neutral countries 
 and sent to the Secretary immediately afterwards. I 
 said: 
 
 62 
 
RUMBLINGS OF REVOLUTION 53 
 
 "I gave a dinner in the Embassy last evening which 
 was attended by the Ministers of Sweden, Norway, Den- 
 mark, Holland, China, Siam and Serbia. There were 
 eighteen plates but only six ladies as most of the mem- 
 bers of the Diplomatic Corps are either unmarried or 
 unaccompanied by their wives. The general subject of 
 discussion was the President's message as I anticipated 
 it would be. It is not surprising that the representatives 
 of these smaller countries should be in entire sympathy 
 with the President's desires, but all of them expressed 
 doubt and fear lest his views might be so impractical as 
 to prevent their being put into operation. I told them 
 that they should bear in mind that this utterance of the 
 President of the United States was not addressed to the 
 Belligerents nor to the Neutrals, but to that branch of 
 his own Government to which, in connection with himself, 
 was entrusted the direction of our foreign relations ; that 
 the message gave the conclusions of the President after 
 mature deliberation as to the kind of a peace which in his 
 judgment would prove lasting and for the preservation 
 of which he would be willing to see our Government enter 
 into a League with other nations. I reminded them that 
 no revolution in the history of the world and in fact no 
 reform had ever been broached or agitated or consum- 
 mated that had not been the result of a moral conviction 
 in the minds and hearts of men and that invariably the 
 first expression of such conviction had appeared to the 
 supporters of the 'old order' as a Utopian dream which 
 society was unprepared to put into effect and that in 
 most instances those advocating such changes had been 
 charged with insincerity and accused of being moved by 
 selfish objects. Of course, there were no speeches at this 
 dinner and this conversation was a mutual interchange 
 of views concerning the President's message and its 
 bearing upon conditions which are unprecedented in the 
 world's history. Every one of these ministers was 
 prompt to avow his belief in the purity and unselfishness 
 of the President's motives, while expressing the fear 
 that his plan for peace would not be realized in connec- 
 tion with the end of the present war. 
 
 "The criticism of the President's message most fre- 
 
54 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 quently heard is of that expression that a j)eace based 
 on victory of either side will not Be a lastin g peace. 
 WhileadSuttihg that a cessation of Iiostilities as the 
 result of a war of conquest would result in a pe ace ch ar- 
 acterized by bitterness and resentment, jhegene ral f eel- 
 ing seems to be that.J&ermany merits punisBii ent and 
 should be taught a lesson for the violation of her agree- 
 ments and because of the policy which has characterized 
 her prosecution of the war, which it is charged has been 
 in defiance of all international law and of all of the 
 instincts of civilized society." 
 
 Discussion of this speech was, however, soon termi- 
 nated by our breaking off of diplomatic relations with 
 Germany on February 4th. I gave a statement to the 
 newspapers concerning our rupture of diplomatic rela- 
 tions with Germany immediately after the receipt of a 
 cable from the State Department officially informing me 
 of the act. This was necessary in order to give the Rus- 
 sian people a clear idea of what the United States had 
 done. Otherwise they would have thought we had de- 
 clared war. In a letter to Secretary Lansing written at 
 this time, I said : 
 
 "The Russians are very much pleased with the stand 
 we have taken and are already beginning to treat us as 
 Allies. The French are delighted also and according to 
 telegraphic reports there have been demonstrations of 
 an enthusiastic nature in Paris. 
 
 "I don't like the position of England, or rather that 
 of the British Embassy here. Neither the British Ambas- 
 sador nor the French nor the Italian has called nor have 
 I met any one of them since Bemstorff was given his 
 passports — ^it seemed to me that it would not have been 
 improper for those Ambassadors to call and express 
 gratification at least that our diplomatic relations with 
 the arch-enemy of their countries had been severed. The 
 Belgian Minister, deBuisseret, did call and expressed 
 
ETJMBLINGS OF EEVOLUTION 55 
 
 himself as being much pleased with the stand we had 
 taken. The Siamese Minister called yesterday and stated 
 that his Government had instructed him to ascertain what 
 reply the Neutral countries had made or would make to 
 the suggestion of President Wilson that they take similar 
 action to ours. I told him that no official information had 
 been received on the subject, and all I knew concerning it 
 was what had appeared in the public prints. He told me 
 he had called upon me first, but proposed to caU upon the 
 Ministers of the other neutral countries, and that when 
 he left the Embassy he would go to the Norwegian Lega- 
 tion. I requested him to telephone me the result of his 
 conference with Miaister Prebensen, which he did later 
 and informed me that the Scandinavian countries had 
 come to no conclusion other than an agreement to confer 
 and make a joint reply. Meantime I had telephoned to 
 the Chinese Minister and called at his Legation where 
 he informed me of the action by his government. (China 
 had followed President Wilson's advice and also severed 
 diplomatic relations with Germany.) He seemed very- 
 much pleased and I was exceedingly so. I informed the 
 Siamese Minister of the action taken by China and 
 strongly urged him to recommend his government to do 
 likewise — ^he virtually promised to do so." 
 
 It is the practise in the diplomatic service for all 
 Ambassadors and Ministers to submit their resignations 
 at the close of a Presidential term. Accordingly on Feb- 
 ruary 25th, I cabled mine to the President paraphrased 
 in the following terms : 
 
 "Understand that it is customary for Ambassadors to 
 tender their resignations at the beginning of a new term. 
 Mine is herewith presented. Am thoroughly reconciled 
 to return or perfectly willing to remain, or would cheer- 
 fully serve in any position where you thought I could be 
 more effective. In this critical juncture personal inte- 
 
56 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSi^ 
 
 rests and inclinations should be subordinated to 
 country's welfare." 
 
 I also requested that if agreeable to the President it 
 be published in the American papers. My object in 
 desiring its publication was to indicate that I had no 
 sympathy with the obstructionists in the United States 
 who were seeking to keep us out j)fajust_and inevitable 
 war — particularly did I wish it understood tKatTcntirely 
 disagreed with Senator Stone of Missoufi, my own State. 
 In this connection, I might say that after I had served 
 five months in Russia and had established not only pleas- 
 ant, but friendly relations with the Russian Government, 
 I was told by some of my friends among the Russian 
 officials that I had originally been supposed to be pro- 
 German in my sympathies and that my appointment was 
 thought to have been brought about by pro-German influ- 
 ences in America. This rumor was strengthened by my 
 hailing from St. Louis, where the German element was 
 supposed to predominate. 
 
 On March 9th there had just occurred several demon- 
 strations of dissatisfaction by the working people, espe- 
 cially the women. These were caused by the ever-in- 
 creasing difficulty in getting food. Long bread lines were 
 constantly seen, one of them being just across the street 
 from the Embassy ;, the women formed these at four or 
 five o'clock in the morning and sometimes waited IbT 
 hours with the thermometer 8 or 10 degrees below zero, 
 and then on reaching the point of distribution, after 
 enduring such hardships for so long, they were told there 
 was no more bread or no sugar. That state of affairs 
 prevailed for several weeks when finally there was no 
 more black bread even. The women became clamorous, 
 the men refused to work in the factories and the inevit- 
 able consequence was a congregation of boisterous 
 
RUMBLINGS OF REVOLUTION 57 
 
 crowds on the streets demanding provisions, bread, and 
 in some instances crying for peace. An assemblage of 
 several thousand hungry people on a street near the 
 Embassy was dispersed by the Cossacks, who did not, 
 however, treat the people with cruelty or even harshly. 
 The city is fortunately separated into sections by canals 
 and by the River Neva, upon each side of which are large 
 and compactly built areas. Communication between 
 these sections is by bridges only. On these bridges Cos- 
 sacks were stationed._to prevent all suspicious-looking 
 ^characters from crossing. It was suspected and charged 
 that this scarcity of food was the result of desigiLJin 
 the part o f s^me of_the raembers of the GrX)vernment in 
 order that internal dissensions might justify Russia in 
 concluding a separate peace with the Central Empires. 
 (Under the terms of Russia's agreement with her Allies 
 she could only enter into a separate peace if obliged to 
 do so by internal revolutionary disturbances.) The Cos- 
 sacks who had always obeyed the Emperor's orders im- 
 plicitly, regardless of consequences, were said to be 
 advising the people, while dispersing them, to demand 
 bread or the cessation of the war. 
 
 When in the face of these critical and dangerous condi- 
 tions, the Emperor prorogued the Duma, instead of 
 enlarging its powers as he had solemnly promised his 
 apprehensive Ministry he would do, one can readily 
 understand that the effect was like throwing a burning 
 match into a powder magazine. 
 
 In the midst of this critical situation BaroiL_Uchida,_ 
 Japan's present Minister_of Eorei^-Affairs, arrived in 
 Petrograd as the new Japanese Ambassador. Soon after 
 his arrival he called uponiihe and I promptly returned 
 his call. I found that he felt particularly friendly toward 
 the United States because he had served on the staff of 
 the Japanese Embassy in Washington, while the Baron- 
 
58 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 ess was a graduate of ^ryn Mawr CoUege. Conse- 
 quently our relations speedily became unusually close. 
 Only four days before the outbreak of the March revolu- 
 tion when the desultory street firing which preceded the 
 outbreak had actually begun, I gave a dinner at the 
 Embassy for the Baron and Baroness TJchida, which was 
 the last function of its kind to be attended by Ministers 
 of the Russian Empire. 
 
 When bidding my guests good night, I expressed the 
 hope that they would reach their homes safely. As they 
 departed they made jn^mg references to the disturb- 
 ances and were inclined to accept my solicitude about 
 their safety as a conversational pleasantry. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE MARCH REVOLUTION 
 
 The gathering storm of Revolution soon broke. The 
 American Embassy was in the midst of the fighting. 
 Many of the chief encounters could be seen from the 
 Embassy. More could be heard. 
 
 In a dispatch to the Department, I gave the following 
 description of the situation: 
 
 "As I have written you from time to time, there has 
 been considerable unrest in Russia for the past several 
 months. I cabled you about two weeks ago that I had 
 asked for a military guard to be placed at the Austrian 
 Embassy which contains the office of the Second Divi- 
 sion of the American Embassy, and where 12 or 15 of 
 the Embassy employees live. (We had taken over the 
 Austrian Embassy building when we took over Aus- 
 trian interests in Russia.) Although the Foreign Office 
 promised to send the guard immediately, six days elapsed 
 before any guard made its appearance and then only two 
 soldiers were sent ; that guard was increased to 18 about 
 a week ago. The Austrian Embassy is on Sergiuskaia 
 Street, which is the next parallel street to Fourstatdskaia 
 Street on the West. The Embassy is, as you know, at 
 No. 34 Fourstatdskaia and faces South; the block is 
 perhaps 1,000 to 1,200 feet long; the street on the West is 
 Liteiny, which is about 1,000 feet distant ; on the East is 
 Voskresensky which is about 200 feet away. There are 
 tram cars on both streets, but no cars have been operat- 
 ing for two or three d&ysr^OnTriSaiy, March 9th, crowds 
 visifeJ a number of factori^"an3ordered the men to 
 stop work, which they promptly did. Yesterday, Sunday, 
 there were soldiers in the streets and perhaps 50 people 
 were killed or wounded, but most of the firing was with 
 
 59 
 
60 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 blank cartridges. Yesterday evening tlie order was given 
 that no persons or vehicles should go on the streets- 
 to-day. About ten o'clock this morning a regiment of 
 1,000 to 1,200 men stationed in barracks about two blocks 
 from the Embassy mutinied and, according to reports, 
 kiUed their commanding officer because he would not 
 join them. 
 
 "At 11:30 a.m., Mr. Miles phoned me from the Second 
 Division in the Austrian Embassy that some of the muti- 
 neers accompanied by many revolutionists had visited 
 the munition factory adjoining the Austrian Embassy; 
 had killed the officer in command there, and had ordered 
 the men to quit work; that many of the employees and 
 one lieutenant had come into the Austrian Embassy, 
 crawling through the back windows to seek protection 
 from the angry crowd. Mr. Miles said that he was at 
 the time endeavoring to prevent more employees from 
 entering the Embassy and fearing that the crowd might 
 learn that the Embassy was being used as a refuge he 
 called me up and requested an additional guard. I tele- 
 phoned to the Foreign Office and was assured that the 
 guard would be strengthened if possible, but that it must 
 be done by the War Department or General Staff, with 
 which the Foreign Office would immediately communi- 
 cate. That was the last communication I had with the 
 Imperial Foreign Office. 
 
 "This is written at 8 p.m. For four or five hours 
 there have been crowds on the Liteiny which is the most 
 frequented thoroughfare in this section of the city, and 
 Secretary Bailey who came to the Embassy from his 
 apartment at about 3 :30 p.m. reported that he had seen 
 four dead and five wounded men lying on Liteiny. 
 Within one hour thereafter many of the mutineers 
 were seen walking on Fourstatdskaia in front of 
 the Embassy, some with guns and some without. There 
 also marched by the Embassy in the roadway a 
 body of about one hundred men in citizens' clothes who 
 carried muskets but observed no order of marching and 
 appeared to have no commanding officer. During this 
 hour, from 4 to 5 p.m., there also passed in front 
 of the Embassy a number of motor cars filled with sol- 
 
THE MARCH REVOLUTION 61 
 
 diers witli guns, but in every car there were some citizens 
 or men in citizens' clothes who were no doubt revolu- 
 tionists. About this hour the Embassy was informed by 
 telephone that the Duma had been dissolved or pro- 
 rogued until about the middle of April. I heard later 
 ' that this order was issued yesterday afternoon but as 
 there have been no newspapers for the past two days it 
 ' was not known until the hour for the Duma 's assemblage, 
 ' and I suppose the members were ignorant of it until they 
 
 went to the hall for the meeting. 
 ' "At about 6 p.m.. Captain McCully, the Naval 
 ' Attache of the Embassy, who had left for his apartment 
 ■ about 5, telephoned that in his walk from the Embassy 
 ; to his apartment, a distance of over a mile, he had seen 
 ' neither police nor soldiers who acknowledged fealty to 
 ' the Government, but had passed a thousand or more 
 '- cavalrymen riding quietly toward the Neva and aban- 
 1 doning the streets of the city to the mutineers and revo- 
 ' lutionists. About 6 :30 p.m. the telephone connection of 
 ' the Embassy was severed. Between 7 :30 and this writ- 
 ing, 9 :30 p.m., many rumors have come to the Embassy 
 - through the Secretaries and other attaches. Mr. Basil 
 I Miles, Director of the Second Division, took the women 
 ' employees from the Austrian Embassy to the Hotel de 
 France, where they are quartered for the night. The 
 city seems entirely quiet but absolutely under the control 
 ; of the soldiers who have mutinied, and of the revolu- 
 1 tionists. It is reported that six regiments have joined 
 ! the revolutionists and the Government seems to have 
 ;: abandoned all effort to curb the revolution. One rumor 
 I is to the effect that the Duma, after being dissolved, 
 I assembled notwithstanding the royal decree, and de- 
 clared the Ministry deposed and made the President of 
 the Duma, Rodziaiiko, the President of the Council of 
 Ministers. The President of the Imperial Council, a 
 
 ( Reactionary, is said to be under arrest. Another rumor 
 
 li is to the effect that Grand Duke Nicholas has been made 
 
 \i Commander-in-Chief of all the Russian forces to sup- 
 
 '; plant the Emperor. I cannot vouch for the truth of any 
 
 J of these rumors, but the Duma has certainly been pro- 
 
 li rogued until the middle of April, and the order to that 
 
62 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 effect is said to have been signed by the Emperor severa^. 
 days ago. 
 
 "I had a telephonic talk with Moscow today about 
 noon and Consul-General Summers reported that every- 
 thing was quiet in that city ; the treatment of the Duma,' 
 however, will arouse every section of the Empire. No 
 one can foretell what to-morrow will bring forth. It is 
 said that the Ministers of State have all left their respec- 
 tive houses for fear the revolutionists will arrest them. 
 One theory is that the city has been abandoned and will 
 be subjugated by being starved out. 
 
 "Everything depends upon the Army. If the Grand 
 Duke Nicholas, who is known to be very antagonistic to 
 Pro-German influences, which are said to be dominating 
 the Emperor through the Empress, should assume com- 
 mand of the Army it would be very likely to rally to Ms 
 appeal. The Emperor, however, has many friends, and 
 it is not Hkely that he will yield without a struggle. 
 
 "The antagonism to the Minister of the Interior, 
 Protopopoff, is bitter and quite general as he is charged 
 with being the creature of Rasputin and is also suspected! 
 of German sympathy and of having assisted in bringing 
 about the scarcity of food in order that the resulting 
 unrest might justify Russia in making a separate peace." 
 
 During this same eventful day the Countess Nostitz, 
 who lives near the Embassy, called me up and told me 
 that an army officer had just died in the lazaret on the 
 first floor of her house, having been shot because he 
 refused to give up his sword to the revolutionists. When 
 I put up the receiver I ordered the "dvornioks" and 
 employees of the Embassy who were standing on the 
 the sidewalk "rubbering," to come into the house and 
 lock the gates. 
 
 At about midnight my secretary, Mr. Johnston, and I 
 started out for a walk to see what was "doing." When 
 less than a block from the Embassy door we saw a group 
 of men on an intersecting street and heard rifle shots. 
 Concluding that a walk in that direction would be indiSf 
 
THE MAECH REVOLUTION 63 
 
 creet we started back toward tlie Embassy. Just as we 
 turned the corner we came upon about fifteen soldiers 
 carrying guns, but not in formation and evidently under 
 the influence of liquor. As we passed one of them held 
 his gun in very uncomfortable proximity to my secre- 
 tary's stomach. We heard no further disturbances dur- 
 ing the night. The twelve or fifteen members of the staff 
 who lived in the Austrian Embassy after two or three 
 unsuccessful attempts to reach that building, which is 
 only three blocikg away, decided to spend the night 
 with us. 
 i The next morning there was still firing in the streets 
 and many people were killed, a few accidentally. Many 
 ' citizens, as well as the revolutionary soldiers, had arms. 
 They paraded the streets and when they met an officer 
 \ demanded his sword. If he refused to give it up they 
 i shot him. They showed a particularly unrelenting hatred 
 I of the police whom they shot on sight. The Commercial 
 I Attache's cook when two blocks from the Embassy saw 
 ' a policeman's head severed from his body by a saber. 
 , The cook had hysterics for several hours afterwards, 
 i The police tried to disguise themselves in soldiers' uni- 
 , forms and in citizens' clothes. Some of them placed 
 minute guns o,n the roofs of houses and fired into tho 
 ; crowds as they marched by. They also fired into the 
 , crowds from windows of houses and even from hospitals 
 in which they had hidden. When this happened soldiers 
 and students would raid the houses and kill all the police 
 they could catch. In some cases they would lead them 
 out into the street and then shoot them. 
 ! I remained in the Embassy during the day. By 5 :30 
 in the afternoon the shooting had become so incessant 
 J and so wild that for the first time I ordered the flag 
 raised over the building. The Italian Embassy had 
 'raised three flags during the forenoon. Just before the 
 
64 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 flag was raised two soldiers had called at the Embassy 
 and asked if there was an automobile in the building. 
 The "dvomick" who opened the door, replied that there 
 was one but that it was a small one and not a very good 
 one (referring to my "Ford" which I had bought with 
 which to go to and from the golf course), and he added 
 "This is the American Embassy." 
 
 At that the soldiers replied, "Why didn't you raise 
 your flag?" and went away. During the day a crowd of 
 soldiers and citizens visited the French Embassy with 
 a band which played the Marseillaise, and one of the 
 attaches came out and made a non-committal speech. 
 
 During all of this time the Duma was in session, having 
 refused to obey the Emperor's order to dissolve. They 
 were striving to organize a Provisional Government 
 From time to time they issued orders and manifestoes 
 signed by the President of the Duma, as Chairman of 
 the Provisional Grovemment Commission. The streets 
 were filled with bands of soldiers who in many instances 
 were led by students who as a class were very enthn^ 
 siastic revolutionists. 
 
 During the night the firing was continuous, some of it 
 by mitrailleuse. A barricade was made at the inter- 
 section of Liteiny and Serguiskaia, a comer of the block 
 in which the American Embassy is located, and there 
 were placed three cannon pointing toward the Nevsky 
 Prospect — the most frequented avenue in Petrograd. 
 On this day also Lieutenant-General Stadkelberg was 
 shot He was a veteran of the Eusso-Turkish and the 
 Russo-Japanese Wars and had served as Military 
 Attache with various Russian Embassies. For several 
 months he had been the Military Commander of all the 
 Russian hospitals in Petrograd. I had made his acquaint- 
 ance in connection with the exchange of a German and 
 an Austrian officer. I had seen him several tiines, highly 
 
THE MAECH REVOLUTION 65 
 
 respected him and also liked him very much. A band of 
 soldiers demanded admission to the General's apartment. 
 When the porter refused to admit them they fired on him 
 and killed him after he had killed two of them. The 
 Greneral then came to the door with his revolver, and 
 after killing several more of the soldiers, tried to escape. 
 He was killed, however, after eleven of his assailants 
 had fallen. The remaining soldiers then mutilated his 
 body, rode their horses over it; and, according to one 
 report, severed his head from his body, put it on a spike 
 and used it as a target. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 14th, the firing on the streets 
 continued and desultory parties of from two to a dozen 
 armed men wandered about without restraint of any 
 kind. They were fired at from windows and from house- 
 tops as they passed, supposedly by policemen, and when- 
 ever this occurred the bands would fire back wildly. The 
 Dxmia in the Tauride Palace was the place to which 
 soldiers and revolutionists both armed and unarmed 
 reported and to which they took such prisoners as they 
 did not kill. Irresponsible soldiers, and citizens who had 
 taken arms from the police or the armories, arrested, 
 sometimes with and sometimes without orders, all the 
 Ministers of the Imperial Government whom they could 
 i find except Pokrovsky, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 '■ and Grigorovitch, the Minister of the Admiralty, On 
 I arriving at the Duma the captives were turned over to 
 ! tribunals which were often self-constituted and were 
 i locked up in rooms of the Palace. Ex-Premier Stunner 
 ; was among those captured and after being confined for 
 ( some time in the Palace was taken across the Neva to 
 I the prison of St. Peter and Paul Fortress. The arch- 
 { offender, Minister of the Interior, Protopopoff, could not 
 5 be found, but finally went voluntarily to the Duma and 
 I) approaching a student said, "Are you a student?" On 
 
66 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 receiving an affirmative reply, lie said, "1 am Protopop- 
 off and I have come to give myseK np." He Tvas taken 
 before one of the tribraials and had he not been protected 
 would have been killed on the spot. He too, was confined 
 in the prison of St. Peter and PanL Another hated char- 
 acter, Sokomlinoff, ex-Minister of War, was brought to 
 the Duma and when the enraged soldiers were prevented 
 from killing bim they demanded that he be led down a 
 haH some 300 feet long, so that they might have oppoT- 
 tnnity to tell biTn to his face their opinion of his 
 treachery. He, too, was at length locked np in St, Peter 
 and Paul Prison. Many army officers from Lieutenamt- 
 Generals to Lientenants were also seized and taken to 
 the Dmna. Among these was General (Connt) Xostitz, 
 a wealthy nobleman whose wife is an American and who 
 was in the entourage of the Emperor. Two other higji 
 Russian officers married to American women. Prince 
 Bellosels^, who married a Miss Whitman of Xew Tori^ 
 and Baron Ramsai, whose wife was a Miss "Whitehonse, 
 obeyed the summons of the Duma and took the oath of 
 fealty to the new Government. The number of sudi 
 officers finally became so great they .could not all get in 
 the Tauride Palace, whereupon they were directed to go 
 to the Officers Club on the Liteiny, about two blocks from 
 the Embassy, and to register their allegiance. 
 As I said in my report to the Department: 
 
 "During the day, March 14th, the Duma Commission 
 headed by its President, Rodzianko, made considerable 
 headway toward asserting its authority and restoriiig 
 order. That commission was empowered by the Dmna 
 to name a Ministry, the composition of which was 
 announced the following day. The members of that 
 Ministry are men of education, of good records, some 
 of them possessed, of great wealth, and their selection 
 coes great credit to the judgment of the Commission by 
 vrMch thev were chosen. 1 
 
THE AfARCH REVOLUTION 67 
 
 "About midnight, it became known that a body of 
 armed men, the Gens d'Axmes, who were supposed to bo 
 loyal to the Emperor, were to arrive at the Baltic station 
 to suppress the revolution- Revolutionary representa- 
 tives were sent to the station to meet them and to per- 
 suade them to join, the revolution; armed bodies were 
 also sent to the station to resist the new-comers in the 
 event they could not be persuaded or converted. Upon 
 arrival, however, these supposedly loyal men also joiaed 
 the revolution. It had been reported during the day that 
 the garrison at Tsarskoe-Selo, the palace where lived 
 the Empress, her four daughters and one son, had also 
 gone over to the revolutionary party. The report proved 
 to be true, as the Empress telephoned to Rodzianko and 
 asked, for protection. At about 12 :30 at ni^t I walked, 
 acoompanied by my seo-etary, Johnston, around two or 
 three blocks adjouung the Embassy. We met a body of 
 armed men, two or three hundred in number, mar<Mng 
 quietly down Ser^uskaia, and apparently commanded 
 by non-commissioned officers. Firing was kept up dur- 
 ing the night, but was not so frequent as during the 
 preceding ni^ts. As we were returning to the Embassy 
 we were stopped by two very alert soldiers and asked 
 who we were. Our reply appeared unsatisfaetory and 
 they called, the non-commissioned officer commanding 
 them. Upon his approadi, I advanced toward him and 
 pointing to myself smd in Russian : ' Amerikanski Pasol' 
 — 'American Ambassador.' Thereuiwn he sainted me, 
 motioned Mr. Johnston and myself to proceed and 
 directed the two soldiers to pass on. In the light of sub- 
 sequent events I must admit that these midnight walks 
 of Tuesday and Wednesday were more reckless than 
 discreet." 
 
 "March 15th. 
 "During this day comparative quiet prevailed. The 
 abdication of the Emperor was authoritatively an- 
 nounced and his manifesto published in circular form 
 and distributed on the streets — ^no newspapers had been 
 published since the morning of Saturday, March 10th. 
 Later in the day, Grand Duke Michael, in whose favor 
 
38 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMEKIUAW ±iMiJA»ox 
 
 the Emperor had abdicated, was smmnoned to the Duma 
 md issued a manifesto accepting the authority trans- 
 ferred to him on condition that the people of Russia so 
 Jesired, and pledged himself that if the people desired 
 it he would exercise the functions of the office under the 
 control and advice of the representatives selected by the 
 people. Meantime several manifestoes or proclamations 
 md some orders had been issued by a committee calling 
 itself 'Commission of WorMngmen and Soldiers' Depu- 
 ties'; these publications were violent in tone and tended 
 to alarm all law-abiding citizens, as they advised the 
 soldiers, of whom there were thousands walking the 
 streets, that they were not compelled to salute their 
 afficers and that they could by a vote select their own 
 3ommanders. This commission is Still professing or 
 attempting to exercise authority and is in almost con- 
 tinuous session in the Duma building — in fact, they were 
 meeting in the Duma hall last evening when I went to 
 the Duma building unofficially, accompanied by my secre- 
 tary and colored valet, Philip Jordan. This visit was 
 made incognito, but in order to gain admission to the 
 building I was compelled to reveal my identity to the 
 ^uard, and upon doing so was shown every courtesy. I 
 was asked whom I wished to see and although there was 
 iisappointment when I said 'no one,' and it was learned 
 that I was only a sightseer, there was always a soldier 
 3r student at hand who spoke English and very courte- 
 ausly conducted me through the building. This was my 
 second visit to the Duma building. On my first visit, 
 the large white hall, called Catherine Hall, was filled 
 with two regiments who were enroute from Siberia to 
 Prance, but who on arriving in Petrograd had joined 
 the revolution. On the second visit we were conducted 
 to a door of the Duma hall where we saw a large audi- 
 ence composed of soldiers and agitators or workingmen's 
 delegates listening to a speaker in the Tribune who wore 
 a soldier's uniform." 
 
 "March 16th. 
 "On this day there were stiU a few parties of armed 
 mn\ walking the streets and an occasional shot was heard 
 
THE MAECH EEVOLUTION" 69 
 
 but the new Ministry had assumed authority and issued 
 a proclamation appealing to the reason and patriotism 
 of the people and calling upon them to observe order and 
 support the Provisional Government which had suc- 
 ceeded the detested Administration of the Imperial 
 power exercised by Protopopoff and his hated police. 
 On this day the new Ministers assumed charge of their 
 respective Departments and made some progress toward 
 administering the affairs of the Government, a new 
 Prefect of Police had been appointed and was endeavor- 
 ing to suppress the irresponsible soldiers and armed 
 civilians who had been walking the streets for five days 
 without restraint. Reports came to Petrograd from Mos- 
 cow, Kieff and other cities to the effect that the authority 
 of the Provisional Government was being accepted and 
 its representatives installed without bloodshed or oppo- 
 sition of any kind. On the afternoon of this day the 
 newspapers were again issued. The commanders of two 
 of the Eussian fronts under whom were hundreds of thou- 
 sands of soldiers publicly announced their allegiance to 
 the new government and it began to appear as if the 
 revolution was successful in every respect, Eeports of 
 the unfortunate and unprovoked killing of some of the 
 naval commanders even after they had acknowledged 
 allegiance to the new government produced depression 
 but the Imperial Government and its friends had been so 
 completely over-awed that they made no attempt to resist 
 the new order. In fact, all who were opposed to anarchy 
 had about arrived at the conclusion that the only way 
 to avoid such a reign was to yield willing allegiance to 
 the new Ministry if not to support it aggressively. 
 
 "March 17th. 
 "On this day the abdication of the Emperor for him- 
 self and son was officially promulgated. The authority 
 of the new Ministers who had taken charge of their 
 respective Departments was generally recognized. The 
 soldiers and students and the unreasonable revolution- 
 ists seemed to be exhausted and willing to rest and take 
 stock of the surrounding conditions. By this time all 
 thought of the Imperial Party attempting any opposition 
 
to the new Ministry was abandoned. The program of 
 the Duma began to be discussed. The plan was a most 
 comprehensive one and eminently wise. The Duma, a 
 committee of which had named the Ministry, had practi- 
 cally abdicated and all governmental authority was 
 vested in a Council of Ministers, the personality of whose 
 members seemed to meet with universal satisfaction, 
 and in fact commendation. Meetings of the 'Commis- 
 sion of Workingmen's and Soldiers' Deputies' were 
 continued in the Duma. Soldiers in uniform and armed 
 were marching in the streets and although they had few 
 commissioned officers they were keeping step, observing 
 discipline and making efforts to enforce order. The revo- 
 lutionists were divided in judgment or preference as to 
 whether the Provisional Government should be suc- 
 ceeded by a republic or a constitutional monarchy. There 
 was no difference of feeling, however, concerning the 
 wisdom of respecting the authority of the Provisional 
 Government. That was the condition at the end of six 
 memorable days during which the extent and the marvel- 
 ous success and the comparatively bloodless consum- 
 mation of a widespread revolution had surprised and 
 stunned even its projectors and most ardent champions." 
 
 The day before I had said in a letter to Madden Sum- 
 mers, Consul-General at Moscow: 
 
 "Whitehouse and Eiggs have just brought into the 
 Embassy a report which seems authentic to the effect 
 that the Czar has abdicated for himself and for the 
 Czarevitch in favor of his brother Michael. And just 
 before W. and E. met the man with whom they were 
 talking and from whom they got this information, Schid- 
 loffsky, one of the Duma Committee of Twelve, a tele- 
 gram had been received from Grand Duke Michael also 
 abdicating. These men reported that there was great 
 excitement in the Duma and that Sohidloffsky told them 
 there was only one thing determiaed and that was that 
 no Eomanoff should succeed to the throne. The wort 
 
THE MAECH REVOLUTION 71 
 
 ingmen's party have been joined by some soldiers, I 
 don't kno-w bow many, and they have a committee called 
 'Committee of Workingmen's Party and Soldiers' Depu- 
 ties'; this committee bas issned a number of proclama- 
 tions — I tbink several daily — and tbese pronunciamentos 
 bave been filled witb rot. Tbat organization demands a 
 republic. 
 
 "Tbe Ministry selected seems to be composed of good 
 men wbose selection reflects credit on the judgment of 
 the autborities by wbom tbey were cbosen. I am mucb 
 pleased to bear tbat tbe President of the Ministry, Lvoff, 
 is a first cousin of your motber-iu-law and tbat other 
 members of tbe Ministry are connected witb your family 
 Mid tbat you know many of tbem personally. I bave been 
 pf the opinion tbat it would be imwise to attempt to estab- 
 liBb a republican form of government in Russia just now, 
 rait if such men as these are put at the helm, it is possible 
 ibey may be able to steer through tbe breakel-s that beset 
 ^s course. The Duma party favors a vigorous prosecu- 
 tion of tbe war, but tbe utterances of tbe Workiagmen 
 and Soldiers Deputies Committee declare in favor of 
 concerted action on the part of the proletariat of tbe 
 belligerent countries in putting an end to a war which 
 they say is waged in tbe interest of capital at the expense 
 of labor and the laboring classes. 
 
 "There is a rumor this afternoon that Emperor 
 William has been deposed and there have been rumors 
 extant for several days to tbe effect that there is a revo- 
 lution in Germany. One report is that there was a bread 
 riot in Berlin, and that the people went to the Imperial 
 Palace en masse and demanded bread of tbe Emperor, 
 who replied by turning the hose on them, and that there- 
 upon the mob demolished the palace. There are so many 
 rumors, however, that one does not know which to credit 
 if any." 
 
72 EUSSIA FROM THE AMEKIOAN EM13AS»i: 
 
 I have since realized that these rumors of a German 
 revolution and all similar rumors were deliberately circu- 
 lated by the radical leaders in order to make their plan 
 for a world revolution appear feasible. 
 
 In a dispatch to the Department, of March 15th, in 
 commenting on the revolution, I said : 
 
 "This is undoubtedly a revolution, but it is the best 
 managed revolution that. has ever taken place, for its 
 magnitude. The Duma is assuming control and is exer- 
 cising its authority in Petrograd with rare good judg- 
 ment. Its President, Eodzianko, is head of the provi- 
 sional government and is called * Cheiirman of the Com- 
 mission.' Bulletins are issued, although no newspapers 
 are published, giving official information concerning 
 events. This one that came to the Embassy this morn- 
 ing gives the names of a new Cabinet of Ministers— in 
 some cases two or more are appointed instead of one as 
 heretofore. The Emperor was stopped on his way to 
 Tsarskoe-Selo — from the front — and there are rumors 
 about his being forcibly detained; in fact, one of the 
 Assistant Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Polotsoff, made 
 this statement to Mr. Miles yesterday afternoon. 
 
 "Upon the whole Russia is to be congratulated in my 
 judgment on the prospect of getting through an impor- 
 tant change in government with so little bloodshed and 
 without material interference with the war she is wag- 
 ing with powerful antagonists. One cause of this revolu- 
 tion is a suspicion on the part of the army and of the 
 people who caU themselves true Russians, that the 
 Empress and those surrounding her have been planning 
 a separate peace with the enemy and that the Emperor 
 has yielded too often and too completely to her in- 
 fluence." 
 
 In a circular letter addressed to my colleagues in the 
 American diplomatic service, I commented thus upon the 
 outcome of the revolution : 
 
 "At this writing, Saturday, March 24th, orderly quiet 
 
THE MAECH EEVOLUTION 73 
 
 prevails and every day it continues strengthens the 
 present government. The Government is the Ministry 
 which is in absolute control and its authority is loyally 
 recognized by the army and navy and by every munici- 
 pality and province in Eussia so far as known. The 
 duty and prerogative of this Ministry is to call a constit- 
 uent assembly, or a convention as we would designate it, 
 the members of which are to be chosen by universal 
 suffrage, including women. That assembly will be em- 
 powered to determine the kind of a government Eussia 
 will have, whether a republic or a constitutional mon- 
 archy. In the wise plan worked out by the Duma, 
 through the Committee appointed to select the Ministry, 
 care was taken that the Imperial succession should not 
 lapse, and thus a claim of any member of the royal 
 family to the throne by virtue of blood succession was 
 barred. That was done by having the Emperor abdicate 
 for himself and the Czarevitch in. favor of his brother, 
 Michael, and then Michael was 'persuaded' to accept the 
 transferred crown on condition that the people of Eus- 
 sia so desired, and when and if so accepted to exercise 
 its functions under the advice or control of a law making 
 body elected by, and representative of, the people." 
 
 In a dispatch to the Secretary of State sent the next 
 day, March 25th, I touched upon the vulnerable spot in 
 the new Government — the point at which entered the 
 poison which eventually destroyed the entire govern- 
 mental organism. I said: 
 
 "As to present conditions, the situation is very re- 
 markable. While the authority of the Ministry is rec- 
 ognized throughout Eussia the Ministers very candidly 
 tell me that|of the troops in Petrograd, numbering from 
 100,000 to 150,000, a majority are on the side of the 
 workingmen and are influenced more (if not absolutely) 
 
74 ±CU«»iA li'JttUM TMJIJ AMJlJKiUAJN JlilVLls Aiso i 
 
 by the Coimnittee of WorHngmen's Party and Soldiers' 
 Deputies than by the Ministry itself. || The policemen, ;| 
 who were so bitterly hated by the people, and who were ^^ 
 pursued so mercilessly during the three days of rioting, 
 are all in confinement and are to be sent to the front. 
 The patrol of the city is still under an officer called the 
 'Grande Archalnick,' who was selected by the Ministry 
 with the approval of the "Workingmen's and Soldiers' 
 Deputies. The patrol is composed of soldiers who walk 
 the streets in companies of two or four, and by what is 
 called the 'city militia' — a body composed mostly of stu- 
 dents, armed with guns and patrolling generally in 
 groups of the same size. Hit speaks higlily for the spirit 
 of this revolution that notwithstanding the want of 
 respect for authority, order is so well preserved — ^there 
 are very few disturbances. On the first day of the revo- 
 lution the prison doors were opened and the inmates 
 liberated. The incentive to this action was the desire of 
 the populace and the revolutionary soldiers to liberate 
 the political prisoners, but they failed to make distinc- 
 tion when they opened the prison doors, with the result 
 that hundreds of hardened criminals were released to 
 prey upon the public. Il Some of these criminals dressed 
 in soldiers' uniforms went to private residences and 
 demanded admittance to search for firearms and while 
 in the houses committed thefts. The present police 
 authority is attempting to arrest these fugitive crimi- 
 nals, and very few of them are still at large — ^many of 
 them, in fact, are reported to have returned voluntarily 
 to their prisons. 
 
 "An assistant to the Prefect of Police called at the 
 Embassy Monday or Tuesday and said he desired to send 
 a guard of seven soldiers to protect the Embassy. I 
 had seen no occasion for a guard, but thinking it unwise 
 to refuse and fearing the Prefect knew more of the dan- 
 ger of the Embassy than I did, I consented. . Seven 
 soldiers with guns and fixed bayonets appeared the fol- 
 lowing day. One was stationed at the front door, the 
 other at the gateway, and quarters were provided for 
 the remaining five; these soldiers were given by the 
 Embassy two roubles (E8.2.00) per day each for their 
 
THE MAECH EEVOLUTION 75 
 
 Bubsistence. Yesterday, March. 24t]i, th.© Embassy was 
 notified that there was no longer occasion for a guard 
 and the soldiers left about 5 o'clock in the afternoon. 
 
 "It is marvelous that there doesn't seem to be as 
 much scarcity of food as there was before the revolution 
 began, notwithstanding that the transportation lines have 
 been crippled and fewer trains have been operated. 
 Indeed the cause of the outbreaks was that the people 
 believed that food was not half as scarce as the dealers 
 or the Government supply station professed. 
 
 ** During the first two or three days of the revolution, 
 March 12th-14th, the bread lines disappeared and I have 
 neither seen nor heard of any during the past four days. 
 Sugar whicb could not be obtained for three roubles (90c) 
 per pound, I understand, is now on sale at eighty kopeks 
 (24o) per pound, and it is the same with butter." 
 
 An eye-witness has described the abdication of the 
 Czar and the events immediately preceding it in an 
 account written for a Eussian newspaper. 
 
 It seems that on the night of March 14th, 1916, th« 
 Emperor's train, preceded by a train under command of 
 Major-General Tsabel, Commandant of the Eailway 
 Eegiment, was on the way from Staff Headquarters to 
 Tsarskoe-Selo whither Nicholas had been summoned by 
 the Empress. With the Emperor on the Imperial train 
 were the feeble old Coimt Fredericks, the celebrated 
 Admiral Niloff, former Commander of the Marines of the 
 Guard and the Commandant of the Palace, Voeikoff. The 
 Emperor's companions were drinking heavily and Admi- 
 ral Niloff kept urging the Emperor to drink. 
 
 At this time the Emperor had not been informed of 
 the situation in Petrograd and Voeikoff and Niloff were 
 afraid lest he should learn the truth. At one o'clock 
 General Tsabel became excited and told Yoeikoff he must 
 tell the Emperor, otherwise he, Tsabel, would tell him 
 himself. Voeikoff agreed but told the Czar a much modi- 
 
76 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 fied story. Later, the Emperor called Niloff and asked 
 Tiim what was going on in Petrograd. Niloff answered 
 that though there were great disorders, a telegram had 
 just come stating that 700 knights of St. George were 
 then on their way to Petrograd and that these brave 
 soldiers could quickly put down all revolt. 
 
 At this point General Tsabel entered the train and 
 said: 
 
 "All this is a lie! Tour Majesty, they are deceiving 
 you. Here is the telegram. See, it reads, 'Petrograd, 
 Commandant of the Nicholas Railway Station, Lieu- 
 tenant Grekoff, . . . Hold at Station Vishera Train No. 
 A, and when you dispatch it send it to Petrograd and not 
 to Tsarskoe-Selo.' " 
 
 The Emperor jumped up. 
 
 "What's this? Revolt? Lieutenant Grekoff com- 
 mands Petrograd?" 
 
 Tsabel replied: 
 
 "Tour Majesty, in Petrograd there are 60,000 soldiers 
 with their officers at their head that have already gone 
 over to the side of the temporary Government. Tour 
 Majesty has been declared dethroned. Rodzianko has 
 proclaimed to the whole of Russia that a new order has 
 come to hand. You cannot go ahead; Deputy Bublikoff 
 is running all the railroads." 
 
 In extreme surprise, perplexity and anger the Emperor 
 cried : 
 
 "Why have you not told me anything about this 
 sooner? Why are you telling me only now, after aU is 
 over?" 
 
 But after a minute with calm despondency he said: 
 
 "Well, thank God! I'll go to Livadia. If the people 
 want me to, I'll abdicate and retire to Livadia to my 
 jjarden. I love flowers." 
 
 At the station of Dno, they came up with the train of 
 
THE MAECH EEVOLUTION 77 
 
 Greneral Ivanoff, who reported to the Emperor all that 
 had happened in the capitals and said: 
 
 "The revolutionists have got the power in their hands. 
 The only salvation now is to go to the army," 
 
 One of those present belonging to the Emperor's suite 
 affirms that at this moment General Voeikoff cried: 
 
 "Only one thing remains to be done now. Open the 
 Minsk front to the Germans and let the German armies 
 come in and put down this rabble ! ' ' 
 
 Drunk as he was, Admiral Niloff grew indignant and 
 said: 
 
 "That would hardly do any good, for they would take 
 Eussia and they would not give it up again to us." 
 
 Voeikoff kept on urging his plan, however, assuring 
 the Emperor that, according to what Princess Vassil- 
 chikoff had reported. Emperor William was making war 
 not on Emperor Nicholas but on Eussia with its anti- 
 dynastic tendencies. 
 
 To this the Emperor replied: 
 
 "Yes, Gregory Ephimovich (Easputin) often talked to 
 me along this line, but we would not listen to him. This 
 could have been done when the German armies were in 
 front of Warsaw, but I never would have betrayed the 
 Eussian people." 
 
 So saying, the Emperor wept. 
 
 Then, after a moment's silence, he added: 
 
 "If only my wife and children have been saved, I shall 
 go to Livadia and pass the rest of my life there in peace 
 and quiet. Let Michael rule the best he can. By the 
 way, he is liked." 
 
 The Emperor had left Tsarskoe-Selo for Moghileff 
 early Friday morning, March 9th, after being persuaded 
 by the Empress and Protopopoff to destroy the decrees 
 which he had promised the Ministry to issue to the Duma, 
 extending the powers of the Duma, and promising a new 
 
78 EUSSIA FROM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Constitution to Eussia. These decrees had been drawn 
 up by the Council of Ministers and sent by Protopopoff 
 to the Palace at Tsarskoe-Selo for the Emperor's signa- 
 ture. When the Empress saw them she was very indig- 
 nant, and, seconded by Protopopoff succeeded in con- 
 vincing the Emperor that he was making a mistake in 
 adopting such a liberal policy. Nicholas II. in his weak- 
 ness yielded to the arguments of his wife, ably and 
 aggressively seconded by the Minister of the Interior, 
 who assured the Emperor that he could suppress any 
 uprising of the people. It was a fatal moment for the 
 Czar when he yielded to this appeal of the Czarina. If 
 he had been firm and had complied with his promise to 
 the Coimcil of Ministers the Eevolution could at least 
 have been deferred. Before a week had elapsed the 
 Emperor had abdicated the throne which he had inherited 
 from his ancestors and the Eomanoff Dynasty was no 
 more. If he had signed the liberal decrees prepared for 
 him and which he had pledged himself to sign, the result 
 would have been far different. Russia would have 
 probably continued in the war xmtil its successful ending 
 and himdreds of thousands of lives pi the youths of the 
 Allies would have been spared. 
 
 Eodzianko had telegraphed the Emperor once Monday 
 the 12th and twice on Tuesday, but the telegrams had 
 not been delivered to the Emperor until Tuesday eve- 
 ning, when the Eussian officer had threatened to commu- 
 nicate their contents to the Emperor himself if General 
 Voeikoff, Commandant of the Palace, did not deliver 
 them to His Majesty. 
 
 The Emperor at once decided to go to Petrograd, but 
 his advisers persuaded him to go to Tsarskoe-Selo first 
 and call a meeting of his Ministers. The special train 
 was hastily prepared, and the Emperor started froifi 
 MoghUeff for Tsarskoe-Selo. During the night the train 
 
THE MARCH REVOLUTION 79 
 
 was stopped and upon Voeikoff "being informed ttat the 
 road was blocked he changed the route and the train 
 proceeded. The next morning the Imperial Party 
 arrived at Pskoff where it was held by the Superinten- 
 dent of the Station to await the arrival of the two 
 deputies of the Provisional Government, as related in 
 the article quoted above. These two deputies were 
 Goutchkoff and Shulgin who had been sent by the Pro- 
 visional Government to demand the abdication of the 
 Emperor. He received them courteously and upon being 
 informed of their business calmly said he was ready to 
 abdicate in favor of Grand Duke Michael not only for 
 himself but for his son also. Retiring into his private 
 room he came out a few minutes later with a typewritten 
 document which he submitted to Goutchkoff and Shulgin, 
 and upon their approving, promptly signed his abdica^- 
 tion. It was witnessed by Count Fredericks, the Mare- 
 Bchal of the Imperial Court, who had served the Crown 
 loyally for nearly forty years. This occurred late "Wed- 
 nesday evening, March 14th, and the Emperor in a 
 private wire conversation with the Empress the next 
 morning did not tell her of his abdication. The first 
 knowledge she had of it was on the afternoon of Thurs- 
 day, on the arrival of an officer with a guard, who 
 informed her that she was under arrest. When she 
 asked where the Emperor was, he told her that he had 
 abdicated. She retorted, "It is a lie, I talked to him 
 this morning and he did not tell me of it." What must 
 have been her feelings when she was convinced of the 
 truth of the abdication ! Did she realize she was respon- 
 sible for itf Both the Emperor and the Empress have 
 long since paid the penalty of their follies. Upon abdi- 
 cating the Emperor asked of the delegates of the Provi- 
 sional Government what disposition they proposed to 
 make of him. and they replied that he could return to 
 
80 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY | 
 
 Headquarters if lie so desired. He did return to Moghi-| 
 leff, and remained tliere four days, during which, time 
 he was visited by the Empress Dowager, who endeavored 
 to comfort him, but from all accounts she was more 
 perturbed than he was. The Emperor did not seem to 
 realize what had happened. At the end of four days^ 
 when he was ordered to Tsarskoe-Selo Palace he went 
 quietly and calmly while his mother, the Empress Dowa- : 
 ger, in bidding him good-by was overcome with emotion. ' 
 
 IJpon his arrival at Tsarskoe-Selo he was received by 
 the Empress, whose spirit had not been broken. Her 
 children were seriously ill with the measles and had 
 absorbed her attention. A few days later Kerensky, the 
 Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government, 
 visited the Emperor and had an hour's conference with 
 him. Toward the end of the conversation, the Empress 
 is said to have entered the room and upon the Emperor 
 presenting Kerensky to her, the latter kissed her hand 
 and drawing up a chair invited her to be seated. 
 Straightening her queenly figure, she remarked, "I do 
 not need to be offered a chair in my own palace." This 
 to the man to whom she was probably indebted for her 
 life and the Emperor's. Kerensky had during the first 
 days of the Eevolution exerted his potential influence 
 with the violent workmen and soldiers to prevent them 
 from committing excesses. Too much credit cannot be 
 given Kerensky for his conduct during the first week of 
 the Revolution. 
 
 The Emperor and Empress were permitted to have 
 private conversation during the first two days after the 
 Emperor's arrival, but they were separated during the 
 remainder of their stay at Tsarskoe-Selo, only being 
 permitted to see each other at meals when there was 
 always a representative of the Provisional Government j 
 in attendance. When someone in authority was asked ^ 
 
THE MAECH REVOLUTION 81 
 
 why tlie Emperor and Empress were not permitted to 
 enjoy eact. other's society, the reply was, "He is too 
 weak and she is too strong." 
 
 Upon the occasion of Kerensky's visit to Tsarskoe an 
 incident occurred relating to the Czarevitch. The story 
 is told that when Kerensky emerged from the conference 
 he was approached by the Czarevitch, who, after making 
 known his own identity, asked Kerensky if he was the 
 Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government. 
 
 "Yes," said Kerensky, "I am." 
 
 ^'I want to know," said the Czarevitch, "if my father 
 had any right to abdicate for me when he abdicated for 
 himself. ' ' 
 
 Kerensky's reply is not recorded. Another instance 
 of children asking questions which learned and wise men 
 were unable to answer. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 AMERICAN EECOGNITION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERN- 
 MENT 
 
 C In the absence of instructions from the Department of 
 State I did not feel authorized to have any official com- 
 munication with the Provisional Government. Eealiz- 
 ing, however, that the Embassy was confronted by con- 
 ditions with which the Department was unacquainted, I 
 determined to take advantage of personal acquaintance- 
 ship in order to advise myself authoritatively for the 
 purpose of communicating with the Department and 
 
 . giving my opinion if not making an outright request for 
 authority to act. By telephone I made an engagement 
 with Michael Rodzianko, President of the Duma, wh6m 
 I knew personally and who was the man who had ofiS- 
 cially promulgated the decrees of that body which, by 
 refusing to obey the decree of the Emperor ordering its 
 adjournment, had commanded the attention and in fact 
 the admiration and respect of all opponents of autocratic 
 government. He received me cordially at his residence 
 and in a conversation of about half an hour I learned 
 from an authoritative source the plans of the leaders of 
 this remarkable uprising which had met with su^jjmizer- 
 
 jal_approval among all classes of Russia's immense 
 population. I told Mr. Rodzianko that I was making an 
 unofficial call upon him in order to learn the truth con- 
 cerning the state of affairs so that I could cable the same 
 to my government and could base thereon my judgment 
 as to future developments." 
 
 Rodzianko had been President of t he Fourth Dum a 
 
 82 ' ^ 
 
AMEBICAN EECOGNITION 83 
 
 since its organization and had made ^satisf aoto rx pre- 
 siding officer ; impartial in his rulings and prompt in his 
 decisions. He -was a large man, over six feet in height 
 and very heavy, weighing almost three hundred pounds. 
 I had met him several times — ^in fact he had dined with 
 me previous to the Eevolution. He was an eloquent 
 speaker and had j^ great voice that could reach thousands 
 of auditors in the open air, and it was a familiar saying 
 among Eussians that Eodzianko 's voice " on a still day 
 covt\d be heard a verst" — ^which is about two-thirds of a 
 mile.\He was a jX)nstitutional mona rchist by conviction 
 and a large landowner, but very liberal" in his views^JL 
 joTl't think he arknowlpdgpd Rllfi^'anrft toLaiiyLrfirty. He ^- 
 spoke English fairly well and was very affable and -y 
 approachable. He~received me in his study or library 
 and when I stated the object of my call seemed very 
 much interested. At the time of my call the Eevolution 
 had been in progress six days and during all that time 
 he had been in the Duma building, and my recollection 
 is that he told me the preceding night was the only night 
 he had stayed at home since the Sunday night before. He 
 was not as clear in his statements concerning the plans 
 of the Provisional Government as was Miliukoff and 
 before I suggested calling oil Miliukoff as I had intended, 
 he advised me to do so and made the engagement for me. 
 The President of the Dunmw hile much respected for his 
 ch aracter and oratorical abil ity was not considered the 
 strongest man in that body. At the time of my call he 
 was on the top wave of his popularity; he was President 
 of the Commission of Twelve appointed by the Duma to 
 select a Ministry for the Provisional Government, and 
 his speaking qualities had made him quite prominent 
 during the previous six days in^dd ressing s oldie rs who 
 left their barracks and marched to the Duma in bodies 
 of attonsamLar-jnore, and in addressing the crowds that 
 
84 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 1 
 
 assembled in the building and adjacent grounds. I never 
 learned wbetber it was the President that made the sug- 
 gestion to the Duma to adjourn sina^die but always 
 thought that adjournment was a mistake. The Com- 
 mission of Twelve, of which Rodzianko was made Chair- 
 man, was vested with full power to select a new Ministry 
 and as an extra precaution was instructed by the Duma 
 to cease functioning when the Ministers had been named. 
 This was also a mistake in my judgment. The Duma 
 was the most representative body in Russia at the time 
 of the Revolution and if it had not been dissolved by 
 its own vote could have remained in session notwith- 
 standing the decree of the Emperor ordering its dissolu- 
 tion. Purthermore, it could have directed the Com- 
 mission of Twelve to report to it and would have thereby 
 strengthened the Provisional Government. However, the 
 Workmen's Party under the leadership of Chidzi was 
 exercising authority in the Duma building, and increased 
 its power by giving to the soldiers representation in their 
 organization after which it was named "Workmen's and 
 Soldiers' Deputies; later by adding representation for 
 the Peasants it came to be known as the ""Workmen's, 
 Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies." The members of 
 the Duma no doubt reasoned that if they continued in 
 session it would provoke a contest with the Workmen, 
 Soldiers and Peasants ; furthermore the Clergy and Mon- 
 archists constituted a potential faction in the member- 
 ship of the Duma. A stronger man in the President 's^ 
 chair might have perpetuated the Duma and made of it a 
 potential factor in the situation, but Eodzianko was 
 not equal to that undertaking. 
 
 Eodzianko remained in Petrograd most of the time 
 during the eight months' existence of the Provisional 
 Government but after the Bolsheviks came into power 
 he lived in retirement if not in hiding. There was a 
 
AMERICAN RECOGNITION 85 
 
 rumor in Petrograd a few days after the Bolsheviks 
 came into power that they were looking for ten or twelve 
 men and Rodzianko's name headed the list. The day 
 after this report was circulated I received a note from 
 him introducing its bearer as his friend and a man to 
 whom I could talk freely. The bearer of this note told 
 me that Rodzianko and he had been friends from their 
 youth. When I asked him where Rodzianko was at that 
 time he replied that he was in his apartment a short 
 distance from the Embassy. He said that Rodzianko 
 was in hiding and when I asked if I could see him replied, 
 "Of course, if you will come to my apartment." I went 
 and had a talk with him. He said his life was in danger 
 and asked if he could take refuge in the American Em- 
 bassy. I replied that it would be unsafe for him to come 
 there but my secretary, Earl Johnston, was living in an 
 apartment with a special investigator of the Depart- 
 ment of Commerce and that both young men could be 
 trusted and, as they were occupying a commodious apart- 
 ment, would be glad to furnish him a refuge. This proved 
 satisfactory to Rodzianko and he expressed the intention 
 of availing himself of the hospitality of the young men 
 provided it would be agreeable to them. After consulting 
 them I advised Rodzianko that the young men would be 
 glad to receive him and care for him as long as he desired 
 to stay with them, but he did not avail himself of the 
 considerate offer and I heard nothing more from him for 
 several days. I afterwards learned that after remaining 
 at his friend's house for five or six days unmolested he 
 went to Novo Russisk and joined Kaledin — so I was 
 informed by his friend whom I asked, "How was Rod- 
 zianko disguised?" He replied, "As a woman," and 
 when I expressed doubt about the possibility of success- 
 fully disguising the huge figure of Rodzianko as a woman 
 he replied he had had a telegram reporting that Rod- 
 
86 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY J 
 
 zianko had arrived safely at Novo Eussisk. When 
 asked him how the telegram got through he said it wad 
 prearranged that the signature should be in an assumej 
 name and the telegram should state only "She arrive 
 safe. ' ' 
 
 From the satisfactory interview which I had wit 
 Eodzianko, I returned to the Embassy where I ha 
 invited to luncheon Baron and Baroness Nolde. Baroil 
 Nolde had been connected with the Foreign Office fo)| 
 many years as its judiciary adviser, having retained tha| 
 place through many changes in the Ministry. He, hoT 
 ever, could give me little information as he had remainl 
 in the Foreign Office during the entire week, devotufl 
 himself to his official duties. Meantime, after leamin| 
 from Eodzianko that Miliukoff possessed the confidence 
 of himself and his colleagues as Foreign Minister, I had 
 made by telephone an appointment to make an unofficial 
 can upon that Minister with whom the heads of all the 
 foreign missions had the closest relations. I learned 
 from Dr. Miliukoff, with whom I had no difficulty in 
 getting telephonic communication, that he could not re-; 
 ceive me at his residence before 11 :30 p.m. but that if I 
 would come to the Foreign Office he would be pleased to 
 grant me an iaterview. I went to the Foreign Offices 
 promptly, was cordially received by the new Ministeri 
 and learned from him the plans of the Provisional Gov4 
 emment as I had from Eodzianko, but Miliukoff stated| 
 them more clearly. ' 
 
 I had met Dr. Miliukoff soon after my arrival in 
 Petrograd, having sat beside him at a function given to 
 me by the Eusso-American Society, of which Baro^ 
 Eosen, formerly Ambassador to the United States, was 
 President. Miliukoff was emphatic in his assurance that 
 the Provisional Grovemment was firmly established and 
 Kould administer affairs imtil the meeting of the Con- 
 
TERESTf'IIKXKO 
 
 Minister of Fiiianru uthI later MinistcT of Foreign Airairs under llic First 
 
 I'rovisidnal ( ;(i\('rnmenl 
 
 PAUL MILIUKOFF 
 
 First Ministc^r of Foreign Affairs under 
 the Provisional (lovc^rnitii'.nt 
 
 MICHAEL K(JU/IANI<:o 
 
 Formerly President of the Russian 
 Duma 
 
AMERICAN RECOGNITION , 87 
 
 stituent Assembly which, would determine the form of 
 Govermnent for all the Eussias. He was so well equipped 
 to be Minister of Foreign Affairs that no other man had 
 been spoken of for the place. Miliukoff had lectured in 
 America and was well known in the United States as an 
 eminent scholar and patriotic Russian. He was sup- 
 posed to be the owner of the Byetch (in English 
 "Voice"), a Petrograd dedly newspaper whose columns 
 were ably edited. Dr. Miliukoff had visited several of 
 the xmiversities of this coimtry and was personally 
 acquainted with many American scholars. He was looked 
 upon in Russia, as in all other countries, as a statesman 
 who had the courage of his convictions and withal pos- 
 sessed of a high degree of culture. He was a thorough 
 linguist, speaking English, French, German and Polish 
 fluently. His attack on Sturmer in the Duma in the 
 preceding November had attracted attention throughout 
 Russia. He had aroused the revolutionary spirit of the 
 country and xmquestionably had been a potential factor 
 in bringing about the first Revolution. He had been for 
 a long time the leader of the Cadet Party which was the 
 popular designation for constitutional Democrat; he had 
 lead that party with a firm hand and had been fearless 
 in his denunciations of the oppressions of the Monarchy. 
 He had long been in disfavor with the monarchial or 
 reactionary party when the Revolution began. He 
 appeared to be about fifty-three years of age, and his 
 manner and speech, although decided, was courteous. 
 He had a snaooth face with the exception of a slight 
 mustache and was about five feet eleven inches in height, 
 muscular and active with no surplus flesh. He was never 
 at a loss for words with which to express his thoughts, 
 and was a facile writer and logical thinker. He im- 
 pressed me when I called upon him that Sunday, March 
 
88 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 18tli, as a man who realized his responsibility and would 
 not shirk it. 
 
 As I looked at him and heard his prompt replies to 
 my questions, the thought passed through my mind that 
 here was the real leader of the Revolution; here was a 
 deep thinker and a genuine Russian patriot. His phil- 
 ippic on Sturmer had shown his high sense of honor 
 when he appealed to the Duma and to the country to 
 uphold at any cost the pledges of Russia to her Allies. 
 I left him more convinced than ever that the rule of the 
 Romanoffs was ended and that those entrusted with the 
 administration of the new Government were right-think- 
 ing, sincere and determined Russians who would prose- 
 cute the war fearlessly regardless of its cost in blood and 
 treasure and would advocate the form of government 
 which they thought would best serve the interest of their 
 coimtry. 
 
 Miliukoff took a leading part in the Council of Min- 
 isters; he was outspoken in his defense of what he be- 
 lieved to be the right policies regardless of consequences. 
 He had no patience with the pronunciamentos of the 
 "Workmen's and Soldiers* Deputies. He had precipi- 
 tated the Revolution by charging Sturmer and Proto- 
 popoff and the Court with negotiating for a separate 
 peace with Germany and thereby breaking faith with 
 Russia's Allies, and he foresaw that the predominance 
 of the principles championed by the Workmen's and 
 Soldiers' Deputies would lead inevitably to a separate 
 peace with the Central Empires. He was a bitter oppo- 
 nent of socialism and had often looked horns with Ker- 
 ensky in the Duma. Kerensky was at this time Minister 
 of Justice and performed an essential part, and per- 
 formed it well in preventing excesses by the radical revo- 
 lutionists. Kerensky probably had more influence dur- 
 ing the first days of the Revolution than any other Min- 
 
AMEEICAN RECOGNITION 89 
 
 ister of the Provisional Government and possibly more 
 than any other Russian. Therefore when Miliukoff dif- 
 fered with Kerensky concerning the retention of Con- 
 stantinople by Russia in the event the Central Empires 
 should be defeated in the World War and when these 
 two distinguished Russians clashed concerning the pro- 
 visions of the secret treaties between Russia and her 
 Allies, Miliukoff was not only in the minority in the 
 Coimcil of Ministers, but decidedly in the minority with 
 the Russian people. Notwithstanding this situation, and 
 Miliukoff understood it better than anyone, he stood by 
 his guns. 
 
 According to the plans, as explained to me by both 
 Rodzianko and Miliukoff, the supreme authority of the 
 Government was vested in a Ministry under the Presi- 
 dency of Prince Lvoff, who is perhaps the most highly 
 respected citizen of Russia, who had been President of 
 the Union of Zemstvos which Protopopoff several months 
 before had prohibited from continuing their meetings not- 
 withstanding the very efScient and excellent service they 
 had performed in furnishing supplies to the army and 
 to the large cities of Russia. It was the duty of this 
 Council of Ministers, in addition to administering the 
 affairs of the government in these troublous times and 
 during the progress of a terrible war, to arrange for a 
 meeting of a Constituent Assembly at as early a date 
 as practicable ; the prerogative and duty of such assem- 
 bly would be to adopt a form of government for Russia ; 
 that form when adopted would be binding upon the whole 
 people because the membership of the Assembly was to 
 be chosen by direct vote of the people at an election held 
 on a date to be fixed by the Ministry and at which every 
 citizen and soldier of Russia would be permitted to vote. 
 The success of this wise and comprehensive plan de- 
 pended upon many contingencies but, however problem- 
 
90 EUSSIA FROM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY | 
 
 atical the outcome might be, the hest if not the only ii 
 promise of organized government, the maiatenance of 
 order and the protection of life and property lay in the 
 administration of a Ministry composed of patriotic men 
 who had character and ability and who were inspired by 
 high motives. Such a government merited the support 
 of all good citizens and was entitled to the recognition 
 of aU foreign governments that favor law and order 
 and especially of that government represented in Bussia 
 by me. 
 
 After these conferences I was so thoroughly imbued 
 with the conviction that it was wise for the Government 
 of the United States to recognize the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment, that upon returning to the Embassy I retired 
 to my private apartment with my secretary, denied my- 
 self to all callers and prepared the following cable to the 
 Secretary of State : 
 
 ' ' The six days between last Sunday and this have wit- 
 nessed the most amazing revolution in history. A nation 
 of two hundred million people who have lived under ab- 
 solute monarchy for more than a thousand years and 
 who are now engaged in the greatest war ever waged 
 have forced their Emperor to abdicate for himself and 
 his heir and have induced his brother, to whom he trans- 
 ferred the Imperial authority, to accept it on condition 
 that a Constituent Assembly of the people so request 
 and when so accepted to exercise its functions under 
 authority of the Government framed by that Assembly. 
 This is official information obtained by my personal 
 unofficial calls to-day on Eodzianko at his residence and 
 Miliukoff, Minister of Foreign Affairs, at his office.* There 
 is no opposition to the Provisional Government; which 
 is a Council of Ministers, appointed by a Committee of 
 Twelve named by the Duma. /Quiet prevails here and 
 throughout Eussia so far as known. Eodzianko and 
 Miliukoff both assure me that the entire army accepts 
 the authority of the Provisional Government and all 
 
AMERICAN RECOGNITION 91 
 
 appearances and advices confirm the same. The plan 
 of the Provisional Government is to call a Constituent 
 Assembly or convention whose members will be elected 
 by the whole people and empowered to organize a gov- 
 ernment. Whether that will be a republic or a constitu- 
 tional monarchy is not decided but the conclusions of 
 the Assembly will be accepted universally and enforced 
 by the army and navyi' There has been no concerted 
 action in the Diplomatic Corps; no meetings have been 
 held or called. It has been customary for British, French 
 and Italian Ambassadors to call daily together at the 
 Foreign Office and they called upon Miliukoff Friday, 
 yesterday and to-day but have not formally recognized 
 the Provisional Goverimaent. Miliukoff tells me confi- 
 dentially that Buchanan, the British Ambassador, has 
 authority from his government for recognition but is 
 waiting until the Italian _and French Ambassadors are 
 likewise authorized. ^ request respectfully that you 
 promptly give me authority to recognize the Provisional 
 Government, as the first recognition is desirable from 
 every vie^Mnt. This revolution is the practical rea- 
 lization of that principle of government which we have 
 championed and advocated — I mean government by con- 
 sent of the goveme^^Our recognition will have a stu- 
 pendous moral effect especially if given first. Rodzianko 
 and Miliukoff both assure me thatLthe Provisional Gov- 
 ernment will vigorously prosecute the war. Further- 
 more, upon Russia's success against the Central Empires 
 absolutely depends the salvation of the revolution and 
 the perpetuity of the government it establishes^ , The 
 third of the eight principles in the manifesto issued an- 
 nouncing the new Ministry and signed by the President 
 of the Duma and all of the Ministers is 'abolition of all 
 class, religious, and national limitations.' Answer." 
 
 On March 19th, one week after the Revolution began, 
 and the day after I sent my cable to the Department, I 
 called on Goutchkoff, the Minister of War. Wlien I 
 handed my card to the officer in charge of the outer room 
 I was told that the Minister was in conference with dele- 
 
92 EUSSIA FBOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 gates from the Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, but 
 the officer sent in my card. Gontchkoff came out prompt- 
 ly and after receiving me courteously conducted me to a 
 private room, I saw that he was in a nervous state and, 
 knowing that he had excused himself from a delegation 
 to see me, lost no time in stating the object of my visit. 
 I asked him if recognition by my Government would 
 strengthen the Provisional Government of Eussia. He 
 replied with alacrity that it would and asked if it could 
 be done on the following day. I told him "No," that I 
 had only sent the cable the preceding evening and could 
 not expect a reply before the 22nd or 23rd. With much 
 agitation he expressed doubt as to whether the Provi- 
 sional Government could survive until that time. I asked 
 him how many soldiers he had in Petrograd. He rephed 
 about one hundred and twenty-five thousand, but ex- 
 pressed the fear that the Government could not rely 
 upon more than twenty-five thousand of these soldiers 
 being loyal to it, while the remainder would side with 
 the Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. I expressed 
 regret at my inability to recognize the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment without authority from my Government. 
 Goutchkoff was about fifty-five years of age. He is of 
 medium height with keen gray eyes and close cropped 
 iron gray whiskers. His eye and the set of his jaw gives 
 evidence of decided courage. He is a member of a dis- 
 tinguished Eussian family, an elder brother having been 
 a popular and efficient Mayor of Moscow who was at 
 the time of our interview a leading manufacturer of that 
 city who had married a Miss Tertiakoff, the daughter of 
 the man who gave to Moscow the celebrated gallery 
 bearing his name, I had visited Moscow in January, 
 1917, and had been shown through the Tertiakoff Gal- 
 lery by this brother, Goutchkoff was the leader of the 
 Octobrist Party and was the man who, in company with 
 
AMERICAN EECOGNITION 93 
 
 Shulgin, had visited the Emperor at Pskoff as the repre- 
 sentative of the Provisional Government to demand his 
 abdication. He had joined the Boer Army in the South 
 African War in 1899, where he had made a brilliant 
 record. When I called upon him I was not aware that 
 the celebrated General Order No. 1 to the Army had 
 been issued. This was the order that contributed more 
 than anything else toward the demoralization of the 
 superb Eussian army because it demoted all the officers 
 to the ranks and permitted the army organizations down 
 to the smallest units to elect their commanding officers. 
 The Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies had sent this 
 order out without the knowledge of the Minister of War 
 and when he learned of it he found himself powerless 
 to countermand it. This caused him great distress as he 
 had been trained as a soldier and believed in strict 
 discipline. 
 
 On March 22nd, four days after the dispatch, I re- 
 ceived a sweepingly favorable reply to my cable. That 
 was a record time both for the cable service and for the 
 State Department. I subsequently learned that on its 
 receipt it had at once been submitted by the Secretary 
 to the President and by him had been brought up at a 
 Cabinet Meeting. 
 
 I immediatley called up the Foreign Office, secured an 
 appointment and an hour later told Foreign Minister 
 Miliukoff the contents of the cable he had had sent for 
 me and of the favorable reply. I said that as Ambas- 
 sador I formally recognized the Provisional Government, 
 but that I desired to be presented to the President, Prince 
 Lvoff, and to present to him my eight Secretaries and 
 Attaches and my Military and Naval Attaches in full 
 uniform as I thought it important to make the recogni- 
 tion as formal as possible. He not only agreed but sug- 
 gested that I make the formal recognition not merely 
 
94 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 to President Lvoff, but to the entire Council of Min- 
 isters. I told Mm that would be very gratifying to me, 
 and he at once arranged for me to meet the Ministry 
 at the Marensky Palace at 4 :30 that afternoon. 
 
 At that hour I accordingly appeared before the Min- 
 ^istry, having driven up the Nevsky Prospect with my 
 (Joachman in full livery on the box and the chasseur also 
 in full livery standing behind me. I was accompanied by 
 the Counselor, the four Secretaries, the Military and 
 Naval Attaches ia fuU xmiform, the Commercial Attache 
 and two Attaches on special mission. Upon being pre- 
 sented to Prince Lvoff I made the formal recognition in 
 these words: 
 
 "Mr. President of the Council of Ministers : 
 
 "I have the honor as American Ambassador, and as 
 representative of the Government of the United States 
 accredited to Russia, to hereby make formal recognition 
 of the Provisional Grovernment of aU the Russias and 
 to state that it gives me pleasure officially and personally 
 to continue intercourse with Russia through the medium 
 of the new Government. May the cordial relations exist- 
 ing between the two countries continue to obtaiu and may 
 they prove mutually satisfactory and beneficial." 
 
 After a brief speech of appreciation by Foreign Min- 
 ister Miliukoff, the short but impressive ceremony con- 
 cluded. Two days later, with like ceremony, the British, 
 French and Italian EmTaassies made formal recognition 
 of the new Government to the Council of-Ministers. 
 
 Important as I felt this recognition of the Provisional 
 ^Government by the United States to be I did not at the 
 time fully realize its significance, ^t should be borne in 
 mind that at the time of this recognition our country 
 was still neutral as we did not enter the war until fifteen 
 days later. This recognition undoubtedly had a power- 
 ful influence in placing America in a position to enter 
 
AMEEICAN RECOGNITION 95 
 
 tlie war backed by a practically tmaniinoiis public opin- 
 ion. There can be no donbt tbat there would have been 
 serious opposition to our allying ourselves with, an ab- 
 solute monarchy to make war no mattef in what cause. 
 President Wilson recognized this by his eloquent refer- 
 ence to Russia in his soul-stirring address to the Con- 
 gress made April 2nd. ^ 
 Moreover this recognition of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment, followed as it was within forty-eight hours by 
 like action on the part of the British, French and Italian 
 Governments, undoubtedly gave strong moral encourage- 
 ment to the new Government, which, as the above account 
 of my interview with Goutchkoff, Minister of War, shows, 
 was in a situation of extreme peril. It was menaced on 
 the one side by forces desiring the restoration of the 
 Monarchy and on the other by the threat of the Work- 
 men's and Soldiers' Deputies to take the administration 
 of affairs into their own hands. If either of these hostile 
 elements had succeeded an armistice with the Central 
 Empires would have followed inunediately and conse- 
 quently Germany would have sent her hundred-odd divi- 
 sions from the Eastern to the Western front almost a 
 year sooner than they were sent and at a time when the 
 Allied Armies were particularly ill prepared to resist 
 them. 
 
CHAPTER Vn 
 
 THE COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES 
 
 My recognition of the Provisional Government de- 
 scribed in tlie preceding chapter had taken place just 
 eleven days before President Wilson delivered his mem- 
 orable message to the Joint Session of Congress recom- 
 mending that a state of war be declared to exist with 
 Germany. 
 
 I addressed the following letter to Miliukoff on 
 April 5th : 
 
 "Excellency: 
 
 "I am just in receipt by cable of the following noble 
 sentiment eloquently expressed by President Wilson in 
 his address to Congress delivered the evening of April 
 2nd to the two houses in joint session. 
 
 " 'A steadfast concert for peace can never be main- 
 tained except by a partnership of democratic nations. 
 No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith 
 within it or observe its covenants. It must be a league 
 of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue could eat 
 its vitals away. The plottings of inner circles who could 
 plan what they would and render account to no one 
 would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only 
 free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor 
 steady to a common end and prefer the interests of man- 
 kind to any narrow interest of their own. Does not 
 every American feel that assurance has been added to 
 our hope for the future peace of the world by the won- 
 derful and heartening things that have been happening 
 within the last few weeks in Russia 1 Russia was known 
 
 96 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 97 
 
 by those who knew her best to have been always in fact 
 democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, 
 in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke 
 their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards 
 life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of her po- 
 litical structure long as it had stood and terrible as was 
 the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, 
 character or purpose, and now it has been shaken off and 
 the great generous Russian people have been added in 
 all their native majesty and might to the forces that 
 are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and 
 for peace. Here is a fit partner for a league of honor.' 
 
 "I thought this would be of interest to you and hasten 
 to communicate it. In my judgment it is not only thrill- 
 ing and impressive but should be an inspiration to the 
 Russian people and prompt them to a patriotic support 
 of the Government which you and your Colleagues are 
 so ably and faithfully administering. 
 
 "With assurances of personal and official esteem, I am, 
 "Yours sincerely, 
 
 "David R. Francis." 
 
 This same day I also forwarded tc* the Minister to use 
 as he saw fi.t this wise message to the workingmen of 
 Russia from Samuel Gompers : 
 
 "Washington, April 2, 1917. N. S. Tschedzi, Petro- 
 grad, Representative of working people of Russia. Ac- 
 cept this message to the men of labor of Russia. We 
 send greeting. The established liberty of Russia finds 
 a warm response in the hearts of America's workers. 
 We rejoice at the intelligence, courage and conviction 
 of a people who even while concentrating every effort 
 upon defense against foreign aggression have reorgan- 
 ized their own institutions upon principles of freedom 
 and democracy, but it is impossible to achieve the ideal 
 
fiS RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN K:\IBASSY 
 
 state immediately. "When the right foundation has been 
 established the masses can daily utilize the opportu- 
 nities for progress, more complete justice and greater 
 liberty. Freedom is achieved in meeting the problems 
 of life and work. It cannot be established by a revolu- 
 tion only. It is the product of evolution. Even in the 
 Republic of the United States of America, the highest 
 ideals of freedom are incomplete, but we have the ^vill 
 and the opportunity. In the name of America's workers, 
 whose watchwords are Justice, Freedom and Humanity, 
 we plead that Russia's workers and masses shall main- 
 tain what you have already achieved, and practically and 
 rationally solve the problem of to-day and safeguard 
 the future from the reactionary forces who would gladly 
 take advantage of your lack of unity to reestablish the 
 old regime of royalty, reaction, tyranny and injustice. 
 Our best wishes are with Russia in her new opportunity. 
 
 "Samuel Gompers, 
 "President American Federation of Labor." 
 
 In a dispatch to the Secretary of April 17, 1917, I 
 made the following observations on some of the initial 
 experiences of the new Government in its efforts to con- 
 solidate its power: 
 
 "For a week or ten days after our recognition of the 
 Provisional Government the tension continued very 
 great, as the Council of Ministers or Provisional Govern- 
 ment was trying to establish itself but was so fearful 
 of the consequences of a test of strength with the Work- 
 ingnaen and Soldiers' Deputies that it proceeded very 
 cautiously. The soldiers were permitted to parade 'with 
 banners and bands throughout the city and the working- 
 men if returning to work at all were making unreason- 
 able demands as to wages and hours and in some or many 
 instances were selecting their own foremen. There has 
 been, however, no contest between these two authorities 
 up to this time and I think ther^ is likely to be none. 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 99 
 
 The Provisional Grovernment or Council of Ministers 
 has been gaining strength from day to day; they have 
 made two visits in a body to the front and at this writing 
 the entire situation is much better than it has been at 
 any day since March 12th, when the first regiment 
 mutinied. 
 
 "Representatives of the Workingmen's Party and of 
 the Soldiers' continue in session daily at the Duma or 
 Tauride Palace, and I think meet in the Duma Hall. On 
 Friday last, April 13th, this body passed by an over- 
 whelming majority a resolution favoring a vigorous 
 prosecution of the war to a successful issue and either 
 the same day or the day after adopted another resolu- 
 tion endorsing the Provisional Government. 
 
 ' ' The general impression is that Rodzianko is in favor 
 of a Constitutional Monarchy and that Miliukoff is also 
 so inclined, but that Minister of Justice Kerensky, who 
 is a Social Revolutionist, and who has conducted himseK 
 most admirably, favors a republic. 
 
 "It has been my effort, and in such effort there has 
 been no cessation, to impress upon all the importance of 
 a vigorous prosecution of the war and to subordinate 
 thereto all questions as to the rights of races or the recog- 
 nition of classes. 
 
 "The Jews have undoubtedly been subjected to many 
 injustices and unjust restrictions in Russia, and aU fair- 
 minded people are pleased that most if not all of such 
 restrictions have been removed. The prejudice against 
 the race, however, has by no means been eradicated; 
 it pervades the peasants to a wonderful extent and that 
 prejudice will be fanned into flame by opponents of the 
 present regime if any reason therefor is given or can 
 be charged with any appearance of truth. 
 
 "In reply to your cable concerning a separate peace, 
 received the 14th, I cabled the result of a conference with 
 Miliukoff. While I was talking with him in the Foreign 
 Office, delegations of British and French Socialists were 
 awaiting an audience and subsequently he phoned me 
 that they had come to Russia for the purpose of advis- 
 ing Russian Socialists to push the war vigorously and to 
 give no thought of af'separate peace as the Socialists of 
 
100 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Grermany and Austria-Hungary were more devoted to 
 their respective countries than they were to socialistic 
 doctrines, or at least were pursuing the policy of achiev- 
 ing a victory for the Central Empires first." 
 
 The people of Petrograd learned of America's en- 
 trance iuto the war before I received official notification 
 thereof. 
 
 The President's address delivered on April 2nd, 1917, 
 to the Joint Session of Congress not only aroused great 
 enthusiasm in America but electrified all of Europe. 
 There had been no doubt in my mind about America's 
 coming into the war since President Wilson had severed 
 diplomatic relations with Germany and given Bernstorff 
 his passports. 
 
 Our declaration of a state of war existing with the 
 German Empire, coming as it did ten or fifteen days 
 after the Russian Revolution, and our recognition of the 
 Provisional Government of Russia was not only hailed 
 with delight in Russia but was vastly strengthening to 
 the Provisional Government, and served to dissipate all 
 fear of the restoration of the monarchy. 
 
 There were many^ assemblages of people throughout 
 the country and wherever they were held there were 
 demonstrations of great joy. There were some "doubting 
 Thomases," as there were in our own country, as to the 
 extent of the part we would perform, and some of these 
 pointed to Japan's course after she had declared war 
 against the Central Empires, but the great bulk of the 
 Russian people were aroused to a high state of enthu- 
 siasm ; if they had thought that America would perform 
 so important a part in the war as to bring the Central 
 Empires to their knees within eighteen months , Russia 
 would no doubt have remained in the war to the* end, 
 
 I was frequently called upon to make speeches, and 
 being well acquainted with the American spirit, pre- 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIEES 101 
 
 dieted on every occasion that America having finally 
 entered the conflict would prosecute it to a successful 
 finish. Our people not only surprised and astonished the 
 people of Europe by the rapidity and magnitude of their 
 operations but even surprised themselves. 
 
 On Sunday evening, April 22nd, while I was enter- 
 taining some guests at the Embassy my colored valet, 
 Philip Jordan, came to me and said that the police official 
 in charge of the district had called up to warn me that 
 an anarchist mob was gathering with the intention of 
 attacking the Embassy. Their object was to avenge 
 themselves upon the American Ambassador for a death 
 sentence which had been passed upon one "Muni" in 
 San Fremcisco. I had never heard of "Muni," and did 
 not know what it was all about. I instructed Jordan to 
 reply to the police officer that I thanked him for his 
 warning, but considered that it was his duty rather than 
 mine to protect the Embassy. I then told him to load 
 my revolver and bring it to me. In a few minutes the 
 police official who had telephoned arrived at the Em- 
 bassy with a squad of police. Revolver in hand I went 
 to meet the police officer, and told him to station his men 
 at the Embassy gate, with instructions to shoot anyone 
 who tried to enter the building without my permission. 
 I stated I would take my stand inside prepared to shoot 
 anyone who attempted to cross the threshold. 
 
 The mob never reached the Embassy although they 
 started for it. Reports also differed as to how they were 
 dispersed and why they did not carry out their inten- 
 tion. One explanation was that while they were gather- 
 ing on the Nevsky in front of the Kazan Cathedral, some 
 Cossacks happened by and, attracted by the crowd as 
 Russians always are, joined in and inquired what was 
 on foot. When told that the crowd was going to attack 
 the American Embassy because a socialist was to be 
 
102 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 hung in America, the Cossacks replied, "Not if we know 
 it," or words to that effect, and began attacking the mob 
 which scattered in all directions. 
 
 I later learned with amusement that some of my 
 friends had circulated a very much more sensational i 
 version of this episode. According to this version, the 
 angry mob did reach the Embassy where I met them 
 with a threat to shoot the first man who crossed the 
 threshold and thus violated American territory, and that 
 thereupon the mob slunk away. When in Paris on my 
 way home I found this was the version of the story which 
 had been circulated in the Peace Conference circles. I 
 tried to correct it, but with little success. Everyone 
 seemed to prefer the more sensational story, so I sup- 
 pose I shall have to resign myself to this heroic role. 
 It, at any rate, truthfully represents my intentions. All 
 I lacked was the opportunity to carry them out. 
 
 Two days afterwards the Spanish an.d Japanese Am- 
 bassadors and the Chinese Minister came to express their 
 solicitude and regrets at the threatened indignity to the 
 Embassy and myself. The same day the Minister of 
 Justice, Alexander Kerensky, called and expressed the 
 sympathy of the Government and their indignation at 
 the threat to which I had been subjected. 
 
 Alexander Kerensky performed noble, patriotic and 
 effective service in this critical stage in the life of the 
 Provisional Government. 
 
 I met Kerensky at the time I formally recognized the 
 Provisional Government. He was a young man, thirty- 
 four years of age, with a smooth-shaven face, not over 
 five feet ten inches in height, and of extremely nervous 
 temperament. He had been the leader of the Socialist 
 Revolutionists in the Duma, where he had shown elo- 
 quence of a high order; his speeches always commanded 
 attention, because they were logical and delivered in a 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIEES 103 
 
 good voice, and they were always characterized by a 
 vehement opposition to the Czar's government. Conse- 
 quently the Workingmen's and Soldiers' Deputies had 
 more confidence in Kerensky than in any other member 
 of the Provisional Government. 
 
 Numerous instances of his influence with the Work- 
 ingmen's and Soldiers' Deputies and with the populace 
 were told me. 
 
 Baron Eosen, who had been Russian Ambassador at 
 Washington, one day came to the American Embassy 
 fresh from one of these scenes. He told me that he had 
 seen a mob on the point of killing an officer, when Ker- 
 ensky rescued the doomed man, and speaking to the 
 angry crowd said he was the Minister of Justice and 
 as long as he held that office no man should be deprived 
 of life except after conviction in a fair trial. 
 
 The Ministry of the Provisional Government frequent- 
 ly called upon Kerensky to exert his influence at this 
 time, and had it not been for his efforts and the recog- 
 nition by America of the Provisional Government, it 
 would have been deposed and the revolution which took 
 place the following November, eight months later, would 
 have occurred in March, 1917. 
 
 Kerensky, whom I came to know well, and with whom 
 I had close relations during the regime of the Provi- 
 sional Government, did such valiant work that we should 
 not be harsh in our condemnation of his subsequent mis- 
 takes. When Goutchkoff resigned as Minister of War, 
 Kerensky succeeded him. Kerensky was responsible for 
 the decree abolishing the death penalty in the army, and 
 although he issued a later decree, at the instance of 
 Komiloff, reinstating the death penalty, his heart was 
 too soft to command an army. 
 
 I well remember being present when Kerensky was ad- 
 dressing a large audience in the Miransky Theater. He 
 
RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 interrupted three times by a man in the gaUery, to 
 whom he paid no attention at the first twd interruptions. 
 The audience was spell-bound, but the man in the gallery 
 insisted on interrupting the speaker the third time, call- 
 ing out, "What about restoring the death penalty!" 
 Then Kerensky, pointing in the direction whence the 
 voice came, remarked, "Wait until I order a man put 
 to death," thereby demonstrating that his feelings were 
 still with the decree abolishing the death penalty. 
 
 After he became War Minister he made several visits 
 to the Eastern front, and at one time took command of 
 the army and ordered an advance which was successful. 
 But he never countermanded Order No. 1, which demoted 
 all officers to the ranks and permitted the soldiers to 
 elect their own officers, and made provision for the of- 
 ficers so elected to be removed by the soldiers when they 
 saw fit. 
 
 I was lunching with Kerensky in Terestehenko's apartt- 
 ment one day when Nekrassoif, Bakhmatieff, Ambas- 
 sador of the Provisional Government at Washington, 
 and others were present. 
 
 Terestchenko 's apartment faced the Quay, along which 
 a procession was passing. As we watched the parade 
 I asked Kerensky if Lenin and Trotzky were not both 
 Jews. Trotzky I knew was, and I had heard that Lenin's 
 mother was of Jewish descent. Kerensky promptly re- 
 plied that he went to school with Lenin, and that Lenin 
 was of pure Russian blood. He said his first recollection 
 of political life was of being in Lenin's father's house 
 at the age of six when the house was searched for Lenin's 
 elder brother, who had made an attempt upon the life 
 of Alexander III. The brother was afterwards arrested 
 and shot. 
 
 This reminds me of a report which was current in 
 Petrograd at the time Kerensky escaped. It was said 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIEES 105 
 
 that Kerensky could have apprehended Lenin when the 
 attempted revolution of July 16th and 17th, 1917, oc- 
 curred. Trotzky was arrested at the time and impris- 
 oned, although later released. Lenin was never arrested 
 hy the Provisional Government although he was contin- 
 ually trying to undermine it. During the Bolshevik 
 Revolution of November, 1917, all the other Ministers 
 were arrested and imprisoned in Saint Peter and Paul 
 Fortress, but Kerensky escaped. It was rumored that 
 Lenin and Trotzky permitted Kerensky to escape in re- 
 turn for his having permitted Lenin to escape in the 
 previous July. 
 
 The next day after the threatened attack of April 
 22nd, on the Embassy, a delegation of one hundred or 
 more school children called and through one of their 
 number made a little speech condemning the threatened 
 action of the mob. I had learned meantime that the 
 "Muni" for whose death sentence the mob proposed to 
 make me vicariously responsible was Mooney, the labor 
 leader, who had been convicted of responsibility for the 
 bomb outrage in California. I explained to all my Rus- 
 sian visitors that while I was not familiar with the details 
 of this particular case that in America persons were con- 
 demned to death for two causes only — ^murder and 
 treason. That free speech and free press were per- 
 mitted. That if any person so used these privileges as 
 to menace the safety of other individuals, of the Govern- 
 ment, or of society he was bound over under bond to keep 
 the peace if an American citizen, and if an alien he was 
 deported to the country whence he came. 
 On May Ist, I said in a letter to my son Perry : 
 * ' Today is labor day throughout Europe and is a very 
 strict holiday. The guests in the hotels were told yes- 
 terday that no meals would be served today. The streets 
 were and are now practically deserted but the crowds 
 
106 RUSSL4 FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 have congregated at several places listening to speeches, 
 some of which are sensible and some otherwise. Many 
 allowances, however, must be made for people who have 
 been living under an absolute monarchy all of their lives 
 and who have never been permitted the liberty of free 
 speech, which everyone has in our country. 
 
 "This government is still doing a great deal of con- 
 structive work btit it has not yet asserted its authority 
 with any force. There are daUy meetings of the Com- 
 mittee representing the Working-men's and Soldiers' 
 Deputies and the membership of that Committee, I am 
 told, is over two thousand. An ultra-Socialist named 
 Lenin has been doing a great deal of foolish talking and 
 has advised his hearers to kill aU people who have prop- 
 erty and refuse to divide. We are living somewhat in sus- 
 pense. Lenin's followers are an unknown quantity. We 
 occasionally hear rumors of violence being planned. One 
 up-rising was said to be fixed for today, but at this hour, 
 5 p.m., it has not materialized. My relations with the 
 Ministers are very close, and I feel justified in stating 
 that the American Embassy never stood so well in Eus- 
 sia as it does today." 
 
 Li the huge Labor Parade which was the feature of the 
 day there were many banners bearing the inscription 
 "Peace with Victory but without Annexation or 
 Contribution. ' ' 
 
 Two days later, on May 3rd, Foreign Minister Miliu- 
 koff issued the following statement on Russia's war aims 
 apropos of America's entrance into the conflict. 
 
 "I never doubted that the United States could join 
 only the powers of the Entente. In the definition of the 
 objects of the war by President Wilson and the states- 
 men of the Continent, there never appeared any diversity 
 of opinion. As President Wilson, so also Briand, 
 Asquith and Grey recognized as the fundamental object 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS l';7 
 
 of the war— the prevention of war; that is to-day, the 
 finding of peaceful means for the settlement of conflicts 
 and the creation of a new and equitable organization of 
 nations, founded on the triumph of justice in inter- 
 national relations. The best pledge of America's enter- 
 ing the ranks of the Allied Powers was undoubtedly this 
 accord of views in the domain of the conception of the 
 war. Assuredly the formula 'Peace without Victory,' : 
 proposed by President "Wilson is unadmissible for the \ 
 Allies, but it must be noticed in this connection that the 
 logical development of all the ideas on which are founded 
 the President's statements imperiously demands the con- 
 tinuation of the war by the Allies to a victorious end. 
 Only victory is able to give the powers of the Entente 
 the possibility of solving those broad international ques- 
 tions, the settlement of which President Wilson himself 
 recognizes as necessary for the good of humanity. It 
 must not be forgotten that in her declarations concerning 
 her efforts for peace Germany remains true to her policy, 
 wishing to march ahead of a pacified universe. The 
 only obstacle to the development of normal international 
 relations has always been found in German presentations 
 to world domination, to the enslavement of peoples and 
 to the transformation of all Europe according to the law 
 of the Prussian mailed fist. Without victory over Ger- 
 many the establishment of the ideal international order 
 of which President Wilson dreams is an utopia impos- 
 sible of realization. 
 
 "The concurrence of the views of the Allies with the 
 fundamental tenets of President Wilson is not only 
 apparent in the definition of these ideal aims of the war, i 
 but also of those entirely concrete objects, the attainment J 
 of which is to lead to an international organization of \ 
 the universe. Not one of the Allies can be reproached 
 with pursuing a policy of encroachment. The program 
 of the Entente powers consists in the realization of the 
 leading idea of President Wilson concerning the satis- 
 faction of all national aspirations, the restoration of 
 crushed nations and trampled rights. The Entente 
 powers must fix the map of Europe on lines that will 
 include every possibility of a new international catas- 
 
} 
 
 8 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 trophe. I repeat it: none of the Allies is pursuing 
 encroaching aims ; the Allies consider necessary only the 
 restitution of what was forcibly amputated or the settle- 
 ment of national historical questions. Under these cir- 
 cumstances it is possible to speak of 'peace without 
 annexations' only under the condition that by the word 
 ' annexation ' is meant a conquest. The fixing of frontiers , 
 in accord with national endeavors must in no wise be 
 considered a conquest. In general the formula 'peace 
 without victory' must be treated with great precaution, 
 this formula having been launched by the Allies of Ger- 
 man social democracy as corresponding to German 
 interests only, 
 
 "Starting from the principle of the liberation of 
 nations put forward by President Wilson as well as by 
 the Entente Powers, the fundamental task of the Allies 
 tends toward the liquidation of Turkish rule over op- 
 pressed nations beginning with the Armenians, who, 
 after the victory, must be under the care of Russia, and 
 toward the radical reorganization of Austria-Hungary. 
 One of the natural consequences of this transformation 
 will be the uniting of the Servian territories ; another— 
 the creation of a Czecho-Slovak state — ^bulwarks against 
 Germany's plans of conquering non-German lands. Hun- 
 gary and German Austria must contract within their 
 ethnographical frontiers in order to restore Italians to 
 Italy, Roumanians to Roumania, and the Ukrainian 
 provinces to Ukrainia. 
 
 "All these ideas are entirely conformable to the ideas 
 of President Wilson. The same concurrence of views is 
 also noticeable in the Russian endeavors to command 
 the Straits. As it is known, President Wilson on the 
 question of the Straits did not only take the position of 
 their possible neutralization, but also of their transfer to 
 Russian control. In the establishment of Russian domi- 
 nation over the Straits there must be in no wise seen a 
 manifestation of tendencies of conquest, but exclusively 
 the existence of a national object — the necessity of com- 
 manding the gate to Russia without which it is impossible 
 to guarantee the safety of the Black Sea. When this 
 gate shall have been firmly fortified, we shall not be 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 109 
 
 obliged to increase the defenses of the shores of the 
 Black Sea, or to maintain a powerful battle fleet. As far 
 as the neutralization of the Straits is concerned, this 
 solution of the question would give access to the Black 
 Sea to foreign battleships, which is precisely the consid- 
 eration impelling Russia to prefer to a neutralization the 
 retention of the Straits in the hands of a weak power. 
 Occupying Constantinople as mere parasites and ruling 
 by the sole force of conquest the Turks cannot, in opposi- 
 tion to the Russian aims, allege their national rights." 
 
 This statement, although only a reiteration of the dec- 
 laration made by the Provisional Government on April 
 10th, proved to be a bombshell. I had known for some 
 time that a serious difference of opinion in tne Cabinet 
 was threatened on the question of\ annexation or foreign 
 policy at the close of the war. I knew that Miliukoff, as 
 stated in this interview, claimed that Russia must be 
 given Constantinople in accordance with the promise of 
 the Allies to the Imperial Government before the Revo- 
 lution. Kerensky, however, demanded the neutraliza- 
 tion of the Dardanelles and was opposed to any annexa- 
 tions to Russian territory as a result of the war. I knew 
 that the Ministry had been about equally divided between 
 these two positions, but had understood that the matter 
 had been decided in favor of Kerensky 's position — that 
 is against annexations. The British Ambassador, Sir 
 George Buchanan, had told me a few days before that he 
 could say nothing because the Allies had promised Con- 
 stantinople to Russia before the Revolution, when Rus- 
 sia's policy with regard to Constantinople was well 
 defined and well known. He added, however, that he 
 personally hoped and believed that the result would be 
 the neutralization of the Dardanelles. 
 
 Miliukoff gave out this statement without consulting 
 that self-appointed branch of the Government, the Work- 
 men's and Soldiers' Committee. This they bitterly re- 
 
110 RUSSIA FIJOM THIO AMEKICAN lOMBASSY 
 
 sented and instigated hostile demonstrations agamst 
 him. As I wrote the Secretary at the time : 
 
 "The offense seems to have been that the Provisional 
 Government presumed to make a statement without con- 
 sulting with and obtaining the consent of the Working- 
 men's Committee. In the midst of these hostile demon- 
 strations I called upon Miliukoff, who was in a meeting 
 of the Council of Ministers in the War Department, and 
 told him and Goutchkoff, the Minister of War, in effect 
 that having risked my judgment in asking my Govern- 
 ment to recognize the Provisional Government and hav- 
 ing done a]l I could to assist the Ministry, I felt con- 
 siderable official and personal responsibility concerning 
 a stable government ki Eussia and that if more satis- 
 factory evidence was not given of such government, I 
 should feel compelled to advise my Government not 
 to extend the aid which I have been continuously 
 recommending. ' ' 
 
 I was endeavoring to secure from our Government a 
 credit to the Provisional Government of Eussia and had 
 fair prospects of success. I was also seeking to have a 
 practical railroad man sent to Vladivostok to relieve the 
 congestion at that point and generally to make the Si- 
 berian railroad more efficient. I had also made public 
 addresses urging support of the new government and 
 continuation of the war to a successful conclusion. I 
 had spoken thus at a great rally at the City Duma only a 
 week or so before. I sjwke with the Ministers of Foreign 
 Affairs, Finance, Commerce and Industry and Ways 
 and Communications. The huge hall was crowded to 
 overflowing and the enthusiasm great. When I was 
 introduced as the first Ambassador to recognize the Pro- 
 visional Government, I received an ovation. 
 
 Goutchkoff seemed very much pleased at the statement 
 and asked if I would make it public, but before I could 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 111 
 
 answer MUiukoff remarked that he trusted there would 
 be no occasion for me to do so and added that he expected 
 hostile demonstrations against himself at the meeting 
 of the Ministry to be held that evening. May 3rd, at the 
 Marinsky Palace at 9 o'clock, when there would be a 
 conference with the Executive Committee of the "Work- 
 ingmen's Committee; that his friends had desired to 
 make a counter demonstration but he had advised against 
 it. The conference did take place and at about 10 p.m. 
 a large crowd, including some soldiers in uniform and 
 armed, appeared in front of the Marinsky Palace, but 
 the friends of the new government were there also and 
 in larger numbers than its opponents. In response to 
 loud calls for Miliukoff, Nekrasspff, Minister of Ways 
 and Communications, appeared and addressed the crowd, 
 stating that the Grovemment was confident of its posi- 
 tion and would continue to direct affairs according to its 
 best lights; that Miliukoff was in the meeting and was 
 at that moment engaged in conference, but would address 
 the assemblage in a few minutes. Miliukoff soon ap- 
 peared and was given an ovation; he spoke with more 
 confidence and firmness than on previous occasions and 
 was very much gratified at the reception his remarks 
 met with. On his return to the Foreign OfSce after mid- 
 night, he found a crowd assembled there and made an- 
 other talk. How much influence my talk with the Minis- 
 ters had upon their assuming for the first time a rather 
 independent position I cannot say, but the report has 
 gained circulation and credence that the stand taken by 
 the Ministry was inspired if not demanded by the Ameri- 
 can Ambassador. I give you this for what it is worth 
 and must rely upon your knowledge of my discretion in 
 whatever I did or said. It seemed to me there was a 
 crisis in the situation and I endeavored to meet it in 
 the most effective manner. The following day, Friday, 
 
112 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 the hostile demonstrations continued for a few hours; 
 in fact, I passed one of these demonstrations on the 
 Nevsky where there was a procession of worMngmen, 
 some of whom were armed, and there was one black flag 
 with an inscription anarchistic in tone. I co m mu ni cated 
 with Miliukoff by phone, congratulating him on his 
 success the previous evening, and was informed by him 
 that an agreement had been reached with the "Working- 
 men's Committee, which would be promulgated within 
 a few hours. As the day wore on, friends of the new 
 government and opponents of the anarchistic and ex- 
 treme socialistic expressions of Lenin, gained courage 
 to such an extent that whenever a Lenin banner appeared 
 on the streets it was Raptured and torn to shreds. On 
 Friday evening late it became known that an agreement 
 had been reached and the Saturday morning papers con- 
 tained, an explanatory note from the new government 
 and also a proclamation from the WorMngmen's Com- 
 mittee advising its friends to refrain from congregating 
 in crowds and carrying arms. That proclamation con- 
 tained only one objectionable paragraph and that was 
 a statement that no troops other than the small squads 
 for police duty could appear upon the streets without 
 the written consent of the Workmen. The result, how- 
 ever, was that the streets then became extremely quiet; 
 the Provisional Government expressed great satisfaction 
 with the situation, and was entirely confident of the ob- 
 servance of its authority. 
 
 In a letter to my son David, written the same day, I 
 said in commenting on the same events that when the 
 Ministry asserted itself it found, to their gratification if 
 not surprise, that the overwhelming sentiment of the 
 people of Petrograd was in favor of the new Govern- 
 ment and against the anarchistic doctrines which had 
 been preached from every street comer by an extreme 
 
COUNCIL OF WORKMEN AND SOLDIERS 113 
 
 Socialist named Lenin and his followers. I am inclined 
 to the opinion that Lenin is in the pay of the German 
 Government and this Government thinks so too. 
 
 This opinion formed in the early Spring of 1917, when 
 Lenin was a mere agitator who had come to Russia from 
 Switzerland, traveling through Germany, I have held 
 ever since and hold to-day. 
 
 Not long after Lenin reached Russia through Ger- 
 many, Leon Trotzky arrived from the United States. 
 Neither one would have been allowed to enter Russia 
 under the Empire. Both were taking advantage of the 
 democratic hospitality of the new Government. The 
 way they used that hospitality is an interesting study. 
 
 While these events were taking place in Petrograd, 
 conditions were going from bad to worse throughout 
 Russia as I learned from reports received from the Con- 
 suls and other official sources throughout the country as 
 well as from the press. Perhaps one such report will 
 serve to indicate the tenor of them all; it was from 
 Consul-General Summers of Moscow, and read in part 
 as follows : 
 
 "While, under your guidance, we are duty bound to 
 do everything possible to encourage a free government 
 here, yet there is a limit to everything, and this is being 
 reached rapidly. The soldiers are plunging the country 
 headlong into anarchy and civil war, and the army as a 
 fighting force no longer exists. This' is the unanimous 
 opinion of everyone who returns from the front. The 
 situation in the provinces is still worse. Estates are 
 being sacked and the owners beaten and murdered. 
 Drunkenness is rampant and the soldiers are plundering 
 everywhere. In Moscow no one dares keep anything of 
 value in the house. Robberies are of daily occurrence 
 and no one protests. The Commanding General of the 
 District resigned yesterday, and he stated he could do 
 nothing with the troops who absolutely refused to obey 
 
114 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 his orders. The entire garrison of the city spends its 
 time riding over the city in the tram cars, refusing to 
 pay their fares and generally behaving in a disorderly 
 manner. 
 
 "In every province there are riots and murders daily. 
 The landowners dare not go to their estates and many of 
 them will not be able to raise crops this year as the 
 peasants, who are being inflamed by the soldiers, refuse 
 to allow them to cultivate the land. Everywhere the 
 soldiers and peasants are threatening the landowners 
 with death and confiscation of their property. The 
 managers of large factories report that the workmen are 
 doing what they please and that they are managers in 
 name only. The food supply of the city is rapidly 
 diminishing, and it is with tiie greatest difficulty that one 
 can provide a meal. Servants must stand all day in the 
 bread, milk, and meat lines and then return with very 
 little. 
 
 "The local authorities here are desperate and make 
 heart-rending appeals to the people, but the soldiers 
 are bent on their destructive work and there is no hope 
 of improvement. 
 
 "The time has come when strong representations will 
 have to be made to avoid one of the bloodiest situations 
 in history. God grant that it may pass over, but we must 
 be prepared for the worst." 
 
 I then suspected and now feel confident that all this 
 disastrous disintegration of Russian society was largely 
 accomplished by Lenin and Trotzky and a host of similar 
 agitators, liberally provided with German money. They 
 worked, in so far as they could, through that potential 
 but irresponsible branch of the Government, the Council 
 of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, over which body 
 they finally secured control. 
 
CHAPTEE Vm 
 SIGNIFICANT CHAU GES IN THE MINISTET 
 
 Is a letter to my son Perry of May 15th, 1917, I 
 remarked: "The first change in the Provisional Govern- 
 ment took place Smiday when Grontdikoff, Miuister of 
 War, resigned. Other changes were made last evening 
 and to-day, and you wHl no doubt hear of them long 
 before you receive this letter. At this time these changes 
 appear to me to be wise as they will divide the responsi- 
 bility with that socialistic element representing the work- 
 men and the recalratrant soldiers wbo have never 
 a(inowledged unreservedly Hie authority of the new 
 government." 
 
 In a letter at about the same time to John F. Stevens, 
 the Chairman of the BaOroad Commission whidi was 
 then about to land at Vladivostok, I commented on the 
 Ministerial cSianges in these words : 
 
 "The situation in Eussia at this writing has just 
 undergone a very material change. There have been two 
 powers exercising authority — one the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment, composed of ten ministers all of whom are able, 
 patriotie and courageous; the other a self -constituted 
 Committee of forty or fifty who represent the working- 
 men and the soldiers and do not recognize the authority 
 of the Provisional Government. I say self-constituted 
 in the sense that no provision was made by the Duma 
 for sucb committee. I think they have been elected by 
 the workingmen and soldiers whom they clmm to repre- 
 sent. However that may be, this Committee has been 
 almost supreme in Petrog^ad and bas claimed the right 
 
 Ii5 
 
116 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 to veto all of the decrees of the Provisional Government 
 including those given by the Minister of War to the 
 army. For this reason the Minister of War, Goutchkoff, 
 resigned two days ago. I have just heard that Kerensky 
 who has been Minister of Justice since the beginning of 
 the Revolution has been appointed Minister of War but 
 he has not yet been installed. Professor P. N. Miliukoff, 
 who was looked upon in America as the leading spirit of 
 the Revolution, and who has been Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs since the organization of the Government, has 
 also resigned his portfolio but I understand will take 
 another portfolio in the Government — ^probably that of 
 the Department of Education. Terestchenko who has 
 been Minister of Finance from the beginning of the 
 Government has been made Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 I am also sending with the Commission, my military 
 attache, Lieut. E. Francis Riggs. You may talk freely 
 with Lieut. Riggs who is familiar with the military 
 situation on the Russian front and also in Petrograd. 
 Lieut. Riggs, however, is a military man eind conse- 
 quently is not as sanguine about the outcome of the 
 present situation as I am. All army and navy officers are 
 naturally pessimistic concerning present conditions be- 
 cause the soldiers and sailors have treated their officers 
 with little respect and some people think that discipline 
 cannot be restored for a long time if at all in the Russian 
 army." 
 
 In commenting on the same situation to a business 
 associate, Mr. William H. Lee, I said : 
 
 "The part we are performing in this war is of the 
 utmost importance especially in Russia, where the Gov- 
 ernment and the people seem to look to America for guid- 
 ance and assistance and I may say for leadership. An 
 Englishman said a few days ago that when America 
 entered the war Russia left it. That may not be entirely 
 
SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN THE MINISTEY 117 
 
 true but the situation here at this writing is by no means 
 satisfactory. The Provisional Government which I so 
 heartily endorsed at a critical time more than two months 
 ago has grown in strength from that time to this, but 
 yesterday the Minister of War, Goutohkoff, one of the 
 ablest and strongest men in the Government, resigned. 
 He has never been popular with the Workmen's and Sol- 
 diers' Deputies Committee because he was looked upon 
 as an aristocrat, being a man of property, and further- 
 more having had considerable experience as a soldier, he 
 had little patience with the position assumed by the sol- 
 diers of the left to elect their own officers, and never could 
 listen for a moment to the claim of the Workmen's Com- 
 mittee to vise his military orders. The fraternizing at 
 the front between Russian and German soldiers has 
 always been objectionable to him." 
 
 Upon hearing of Goutchkoff's intended resignation, I 
 had attempted to find him for the purpose of remon- 
 strating with him and telling him he should not forsake 
 the Provisional Government, and that in my judgment 
 such an act would be cowardly. I telephoned to the War 
 Office and to his residence also and sent a note by mes- 
 senger to his house. He could not be found, however, 
 and when I finally saw him Kerensky had already been 
 appointed as his successor and installed in the office. 
 
 I met Goutchkoff several times after his resignation, 
 and learned from him that he abandoned his office be- 
 cause he could not endure the dictation of the Working- 
 men's and Soldiers' Deputies to which he was subjected. 
 
 The next to leave the Provisional Government Min- 
 istry was Miliukoff, who resigned. At a private meeting 
 of the members of the Duma, Miliukoff stated that he 
 left the Government as a large majority of his former 
 colleagues were against him. He expressed as his opin- 
 ion that the new foreign policy, adopted by the Socialists, 
 
118 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 was the result of theoretical speculations supported by 
 the minorities of socialistic parties abroad, and that the 
 realization of this policg^ would be dangerous for the 
 Entente, and that therefore he, Miliukoff, could not take 
 upon himself the responsibility to conduct such policy. 
 However, he said he hoped that the new Government 
 would succeed in obtaining real authority and bringing 
 about a change for the better in the army. Therefore 
 he stated that all parties should support the new 
 government. 
 
 "When Miliukoff resigned, Terestchenko, the Minister 
 of Finance in the Provisional Government, was trans- 
 ferred from the Department of Finance to the Foreign 
 OflBce. He was a young man, only thirty-one years of 
 age, descended from Cossack ancestors. His family was 
 rich; his mother was a widow and universally beloved 
 for her charities. 
 
 I recall that while Terestchenko was dining with me 
 at the American Embassy, his eye f eU upon an engraving 
 of Rapine's celebrated painting, "The Cossack's Reply 
 to the Sultan of Turkey." "One of these Cossacks," he 
 said, "was my ancestor." He was a "Radical" in poli- 
 tics, but the party to which he belonged had only a small 
 membership. He was reported to have given 5,000,000 
 or 10,000,000 roubles to assist the Provisional Govern- 
 ment. He spoke English, French, German and Polish. 
 His father died long before the war began, and the young 
 man had gained much credit by applying himself to the 
 preservation of his father's estate, which owned several 
 large sugar refineries. His mother purchased a yacht 
 for him before the war began at a cost of 500,000 roubles, 
 and when Russia entered the war he gave that yacht to 
 the Government. He was a dose student and a sincere 
 lover of his country. The Provisional Government was 
 
SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY 119 
 
 fortunate in having a man so well qualified to fiU 
 Miliukoff's place. 
 
 Shortly after he became Minister of Forei^ Affairs, 
 I made an arrangement to see him at a fixed time each 
 day; this resulted in our becoming close friends. Ter- 
 estchenko was loyal to Kerensky, whom he greatly 
 admired up to within two or three weeks of the Bolshevik 
 Revolution. I did not know, indeed, that he ever lost con- 
 fidence in Kerensky until Terestchenko visited me incog- 
 nito in the latter part of October, 1918, at Archangel. 
 
 When, after the fall of the Provisional Govei:nment 
 and during the Bolshevik regime, the Germans ap- 
 proached within twenty-five miles of Petrograd, which 
 caused the departure of all of the Allied Missions from 
 the city, Terestchenko and the other former Ministers 
 were released from the St. Peter and Paul Fortress. 
 After living in seclusion for some weeks, Terestchenko 
 managed to get through the lines to Sweden, and told 
 me when he arrived in Archangel that he had spent the 
 summer of 1918 on a farm in Norway belonging to a 
 former employee of his. He said he had come with the 
 intention of joining Kolchak if he could get through, but 
 that if he could not make his way through the lines, he 
 wished to go to America. I told him I would give him 
 a passport to America, but he was loath to abandon his 
 plan to join Kolchak, and was still in Archangel when I 
 left that city November 6th, 1918. He did not come to 
 America but during my stay in London, I heard that he 
 was in Stockholm. I have heard nothing from him since 
 I parted with him in Archangel the day before I was 
 borne on a stretcher aboard the cruiser Olympia; sup- 
 pose he is somewhere in Scandinavian country, awaiting 
 the restoration of established order in Russia when he 
 will return to his beloved country. 
 
 Shortly after Terestchenko 's assuming the Foreign 
 
120 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Office portfolio, he issued to the Russian press the follow- 
 ing statement of his policy : 
 
 "You ask what is my program? You can read itnin 
 the declaration of the new Ppervisional Government 
 called to power hy Free Russia. This program is short, 
 but significant, namely,, the reestablishment as early as 
 possible of universal peace^/ A peace which aims neither 
 at domination over other peoples, nor a seizure of their 
 national patrimony, nor a taking by force of foreign 
 territories, a peace without annexations or indemnities, 
 based on the principle of the rights of peoples to dispose 
 of themselves^ peace concluded in close and indissoluble 
 union with the allied democracies*/ Free Russia, like 
 every country which has made a great renovating revolu- 
 tion, is moved by two mo/^^ives profoundly idealistic. The 
 first is an aspiration to give a just peace to the entire 
 world, not to injure any nation, not to create after the 
 war a hatred, an estrangement which remains always 
 when one nation comes forth from the struggle enriched 
 at the expense of the other nations, when the latter are 
 crushed and obliged to accept humiliating conditions of 
 peace. We have seen a sad example of that in 1870. 
 The wounds dealt to France by Germany remained open 
 for forty-five years. The hope of the people of Alsace- 
 Lorraine for a better future is not dead up to the present 
 and they have now a right to hope for the realization of 
 their ideal. Outrage and injustice are not forgotten, 
 violence creates hatred. Liberated Russia does not wish 
 that either for herself, or for others. 
 
 "The second motive is; the consciousness of ties with 
 the allied democracies, consciousness of the duty which 
 these ties have imposed on her. Revolutionary Russia 
 cannot and ought not to break these ties sealed by blood;' 
 for her it is a question of revolutionary honor which is 
 so much the more precious to her now. The great revolu- 
 tion which stirred the public ocean to its greatest depths 
 could not but influence the army, which was unable to 
 immediately accommodate itself to the suddenly changed 
 state of affairs. At the same time, the democracy of 
 the west continued to accomplish with tenacity its war- 
 
SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN THE MINISTEY 121 
 
 like work whicli was for us a powerful aid. The allied 
 armies of whom the great mass is composed, as with us, 
 of peasants and workmen, carried on without stopping 
 the struggle against the enemy, diverting his strength 
 and by their heroic effort are saving the Russian revolu- 
 tion from an external defeat. The success of the Rus- 
 sian revolution is also bought by their blood; it is with 
 a sentiment of profound satisfaction that I must state 
 that in Free Russia, in spite of a divergence of opinions 
 of the democratic parties, there has not been a single 
 party, a single organization as there was in reactionary 
 Russia, which would have made a propaganda for a 
 separate peace. I know, however, that there exists a 
 question capable of stirring the emotions of the numerous 
 groups of the Russian democracy, that is the question of 
 the treaties concluded by the old Russian regime. This 
 question stirs up the passions. But I believe neverthe- 
 less that I ought to touch upon this question, expressing 
 my entire and true opinion, for the Russian people have 
 the right to expect and expects that the Provisional 
 Government should only tell it the truth. The Russian 
 democracy is afraid that bound by these old treaties it 
 will be made to serve purposes of annexation which are 
 foreign to it. This disturbs its revolutionary confidence, 
 diminishes its spirit and enthusiasm. That is why de- 
 mands for the immediate publication of all the treaties 
 concluded by the old regime are being made. I think 
 that in this case the sentiments which bring forth these 
 demands are highly humanitarian, but I am convinced 
 that the question is raised in an entirely erroneous man- 
 ner and that should be understood by the Russian 
 democracy. 
 
 "It ought absolutely to understand that in the name of 
 the safety of the Russian revolution and the Allied 
 democracies, the immediate publication of the treaties is 
 equivalent to a rupture with the Allies and will result 
 in the isolation of Russia. Such an act will necessarily 
 bring on a separate situation and for Russia will be the 
 beginning of a separate peace. But it is exactly this 
 which the Russian people repudiates with all its force 
 and not only by a feeling of honor. It understands that 
 
122 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY/^ 
 
 the international war can only be ended by an interna- 
 tional peace. It is only tbis peace wbieb could guarantee 
 this justice, this right of the people to dispose of them- 
 selves which is ardently desired by liberated Russia. 
 Other ways must be chosen, for new Russia must look 
 forward and not backward. Now the world at war is 
 confronted by some new facts, namely, the great Russian 
 revolution and the entry into the war of the Great 
 American Republic, which hailed with enthusiasm the 
 Russian revolution and has united itself without hesita- 
 tion to the Allies after the disappearance of Russian 
 absolutism. We must start from these facts and these 
 facts cannot but be counted on by the Allied democracies. 
 Personal intercourse with representatives of the western 
 democracies, as for example Mr. Thomas, makes near 
 and clear to all the aims which are now placed before 
 Russia and before the world as a result of the Russian 
 revolution. In basing oneself on this intercourse, I 
 notice the growth of a reciprocal confidence with the 
 Allies which will permit the Russian Government to 
 undertake preparatory measures for an agreement with 
 the Allies on the basis of the declaration of March 27th- 
 April 9th, and I will apply every effort to hasten the proc- 
 ess of appi'oachment of mutual understanding and agree- 
 ment. But to attain this aim with success Free Russia 
 must prove that she is accomplishing faithfully her fun- 
 damental engagement that she has taken towards the 
 Allies, the engagement of united struggle and mutual 
 help. 
 
 "She must inspire an unlimited confidence in herself 
 and prove that her idealism is not derived from weak- 
 ness and that she renounces annexations not because she 
 cannot realize them but because she does not desire them. 
 It is precisely the reason why in the name of the demands 
 of the democracy, in the name of a peace rapid and just, , 
 it is necessary to re-create the military power of new 
 Russia, to strengthen it by all the force of her revolu- 
 tionary enthusiasm and to prove really the existence of 
 this force. The Russian army proved its heroism, its 
 great self-denial even when it was sent to the field of 
 battle by the old regime. At present being subjected only 
 
SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY 123 
 
 to a discipline freely accepted it must understand and 
 understands that it is struggling for what it holds most 
 dear, for the integrity and the safety of its freed country 
 aspiring to a new life. It understands also that a defeat 
 will annihilate this liberty and this new life. And that 
 ought to be the only aim to animate it. It is ridculous 
 in fact to speak at the present moment of the annexa- 
 tionist plans of the Allies as of a real menace to peace, 
 just when Russia, Belgium, France and Servia are them- 
 selves occupied in whole or in part by the enemy. Now 
 it can only be a question of an active defense with a view 
 to defending the national independence and liberty. As 
 for the future the Allied democracies in their ever grow- 
 ing confidence must count with the desire and tendency 
 of all. It is not for nothing that Russian liberty comes to 
 the world and that its consequences and influences are 
 spreading in a large and poT^erful wave across the 
 civilized world. That is all that I can say for the moment 
 in regard to what will serve me as a basis tot my activity 
 and the measures that I propose taking." 
 
 The reader will note how radically this statement dif- 
 fers from the pronouncement on the same subject issued 
 by Terestchenko's colleague and predecessor, Miliukoff, 
 only a few weeks before. In fact there is scarcely any 
 similarity except on the fundamental points of the neces- 
 sity of winning the war and remaining loyal to Russia's 
 Allies. It was the insistence on these fundamentals, 
 which made it possible for me to continue my coopera- 
 tion with the Government. 
 
 The Provisional Government, with which I had close 
 relations, was surrounded at this period by many dif- 
 ficulties. I saw the Minister of Foreign Affairs daily, 
 and attempted to keep my Government advised concern- 
 ing the situation. 
 
 Terestchenko, Kerensky and Lvoff, the latter two of 
 whom I saw frequently, told me that they did not need 
 men but supplies and credit, in order to equip and feed 
 
124 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY H 
 
 and clotlie the Russian army. Soon after Ainericr| 
 entered the war a credit was extended to the Provisional^ 
 Government, on my recommendation, by the United 
 States of $100,000,000 on condition that the entire amount 
 be disbursed in America. After the arrival of the Ameri* 
 can Commission, Senator Root and I joined in a recom- 
 mendation that $15,000,000 of this $100,000,000 and if the 
 entire $100,000,000 had already been obligated, an addi- 
 tional credit amounting to $15,000,000 be extended in 
 cash for the purpose of paying the Russian army in 
 Finland. Finland had an agreement with Russia by 
 which the former was to pay the latter 20,000,000 roubles 
 annually, and in return Finnish citizens were not subject 
 to conscription for iservice in the Russian army. The 
 government of Finland had informed the government ia 
 Petrograd that the Russian soldiers in Finland threat- 
 ened to mutiny in default of their pay, which was 
 overdue. 
 
 The Government of the United States followed the 
 recommendation of Senator Root and myself and placed 
 $15,000,000 to the credit of Russia in the Bank of Eng- 
 land, in accordance with an agreement made with the 
 Bank of Finland, with which the Russian soldiers in 
 Finland were promptly paid. 
 
 Finland had long desired her independence ;, in fact a 
 number of the richer classes sympathized with Germany 
 from the beginning of the war. Germany was continu- 
 ously propagandizing in that country with a 'view of 
 creating an uprising of the Finns. During this period I 
 realized the importance of maintaining the Russian 
 army on the Eastern front, and was well acquainted with 
 the trials and tribulations of the Ministry. America had 
 entered the war ninety days previously ; and, in my opin- 
 ion, it would require at least one year for her to land 
 troops in France or Belgium that would be of material 
 
SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY 125 
 
 assistance to the Allied cause. It was, therefore, of vital 
 importance that the Eussian army should maintain the 
 Eastern front, so that Germany and Austria could send 
 no assistance to their armies in France. Hindenburg 
 and Ludendorff were advancing their lines in France and 
 Belgium; consequently, this was a critical juncture of 
 the world war. 
 
 This situation, in my opinion, not only justified but 
 demanded activities on my part to assist the Eussian 
 Government to keep the Eussian armies fighting which 
 under ordinary circumstances would have been not only 
 unusual but improper for an Ambassador to undertake. 
 
 About this time I said in a letter to my eldest son : 
 
 "I have not lost faith in Eussia coming out of this 
 ordeal as a republic and with a government which will 
 be founded on correct principles. My constant effort is 
 to keep her in the war as her withdrawal would throw 
 the bulk of the burden of the defeat of Germany upon 
 our country. I realize the magnitude of my responsi- 
 bility but at the same time feel fortunate that it has fallen 
 to my lot to play such an important part in occurrences 
 which are determining not only the future of our country 
 and of Eussia but of all international relations and in 
 fact of society itself." 
 
 On May 31st, I received the following confidential 
 report on the experiences of Kerensky at the front : 
 
 "Kerensky is stiU continuing his inspection of the 
 front, and is met everywhere with the greatest enthu- 
 siasm. The reception given him at the Frontal Congress 
 at Odessa and Sevastopol is characteristic of this enthu- 
 siasm. Kerensky entered the Assembly Hall in Odessa 
 at the moment when, at the chairman's call, the soldiers 
 were handing over their decorations and medals for the 
 needs of the war, whereas those who had none, handed 
 over money. Young women in the audience came for- 
 
126 RUSSIA FBOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 ward aad laid on the chairman's table their jewelry. 
 Kerensky, as usual^ was met with enormous enthusiasm. 
 In his speech, he mentioned amongst other things: *We 
 have gone through a period of destruction, but now we 
 must understand that this cannot be contiaued or re- 
 peated, but we must commence the positive work of con- 
 struction. Enemies of Russian freedom dare not go 
 agaiast us openly. They choose the path of deceit and 
 go to the famine-stricken masses, corrupted^ by the old 
 regime and iuspire them ''to demand everything immedi- 
 ately," and they whisper words of mistrust against us, 
 who have, aU our lives, struggled for freedom against 
 Tzarism. There are also, amongst us, idealists, who, 
 much too stubbornly, look towards the skies, and lead us 
 to the precipice of anarchy. We must say to them: 
 "Stop !" Do not shake the new foundations. It is easy 
 to criticize and destroy, but the Russian Revolution 
 demands other things of its sons, wise statesmanship, 
 and demands that one does not play on the cords of the 
 fatigue of the people and of the diillness inherited from 
 the old regime. All that we have conquered is in the 
 balance. If the Russian people, and especially the Rus- 
 sian army, cannot retrieve its bravery and courage, if it 
 cannot again put on its steel armor of discipline, we 
 shall be lost, and the whole world will despise us, and 
 besides us, will despise the ideas of Socialism, in the 
 name of which we made the Revolution.' Kerensky 
 ended his speech with the words: 'I have come to you, 
 not to blush for the Russian army, but in order to, 
 together with you, accomplish an heroic action, and for- 
 getting the damnation of the past, rush forward in the 
 name of freedom, equality and fraternity.' The speech 
 called forth great ovations, and all present swore a 
 solemn oath, to go forward and only forward. The 
 whole audience shouted: 'Lead us and we wiU follow 
 you.' " 
 
 In the midst of our apparently successful efforts for 
 the revival of Russia's military power this disquieting 
 report among many others was received at the Embassy. 
 
IGNIFICANT CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY 127 
 
 ider the influence of the Bolsheviks, the Council of 
 orkmen's and Soldiers' Deputies of Cronstadt had by a 
 te of 210 to 40 decided to take aU power into its own 
 nds and to repudiate the Provisional Government, 
 le local representatives of the Government had been 
 jmissed and replaced by the Council's own appointees, 
 order to keep in touch with the rest of the country the 
 •onstadt Council had opened communications with the 
 itrograd Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE DIPLOMATIC AND RAILWAY COMMISSIONS 
 
 Peesidbnt Wilson appointed a Commission to visit 
 Russia of which Honorable Elihu Root was Chairman. 
 The other members were General Hugh Scott, Admiral 
 Glennon, Charles R. Crane, present Minister to China, 
 James H. Duncan, Vice-President of the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor, S. R. Bertron, John R. Mott, Executive 
 Secretary of the YouJag Men's Christian Association, 
 and Charles E. Russell, at one time Socialist candidate 
 for President. 
 
 Upon the arrival of this Commission at Vladivostok 
 there was a hostile demonstration on the part of some 
 unfriendly spirits, at the instigation of Russians living 
 on the East Side of New York City, but it was sup- 
 pressed and the Commission proceeded upon its way. 
 When it arrived in Petrograd I met it at the station and 
 escorted it to the Winter Palace, where provision had 
 been made for its accommodation and where the Com- 
 missioners were the guests of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment during their stay in Russia. The Ministry held a 
 special session to receive the Commission, which I had 
 the honor of introducing. In the presentation of the 
 Commission to the Ministry I said among other things 
 that the Cormnission represented all the interests in our 
 country, and had come for the purpose of welcoming 
 Russia to the sisterhood of republics, furthermore, that 
 the Commission was composed of men eminent in 
 America, who were serving without compensation, and 
 who had left their avocations at great personal sacrifice ; 
 
 128 
 
PLOMATIC AND RAILWAY COMMISSIONS 129 
 
 it they represented a comitry whose institutions were 
 sed upon the great principle that aU just powers of 
 pernment are derived from the consent of the 
 7emed, and whose superstructure was universal edu- 
 tion, and the crowning arch equality of opportunity. 
 Chairman Boot spoke eloquently on hehalf of the Com- 
 ssion, and to him Minister Terestchenko made a fit- 
 Lg reply. The Commission remained ia Petrogxad 
 out SIX weeks, visiting Moscow in the meantime, and 
 neral Scott went to the front, whUe Admiral Grlennon 
 tiewed the Black Sea Fleet. 
 
 [ entertained the members of the Commission at lim- 
 Bons and dinners, inviting to meet them at one time 
 •dzianko, at another time MiliukofE; Kerensky, who 
 s then Minister of "War and Minister of Marine also, 
 is invited to meet General Scott and Admiral Glen- 
 a. Messrs. Mott and Bertron lunched or dined at the 
 aerican Embassy, and had long talks with the Minis- 
 "s of Commerce and Industry. Messrs. Duncan and 
 Lssell had discussions at the American Embassy on 
 reral occasions with Tchemov, who was Minister of 
 bor. The American Society of Petrograd honored the 
 mmission by giving it a dinner on July 4th in celebra- 
 n of our Independence Day and Minister Terestchenko 
 v^e visiting Americans an elaborate luncheon at the 
 partment of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 The Commission took its departure from Petrograd 
 the 8th of July, 1917, just nine days before the July 
 volution, which attempted to overthrow the Provi- 
 nal Government. Felicitations between the Commis- 
 n and the Provisional Government were hearty and 
 cere. 
 
 Fhe Commission in parting jointly and severally 
 jressed their gratitude to the American Ambassador, 
 nplimenting him on his relations with the Provisional 
 
130 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Government, and Ms standing with, the Eussian people, 
 which they attributed to the opportune recognition of the 
 Provisional Government by our Government. 
 
 I had recommended the sending of a railway commis- 
 sion to Eussia. The Allied Missions of England, France 
 and Italy by agreement had assigned the transportation 
 systems of the Provisional Government to the Americaa 
 Ambassador. When I was advised of the conunission 
 appointments, I was pleased to hear that so eminent an 
 engineer as John F. Stevens had been named as its. head. 
 The State Department had cabled me that Mr. Stevens 
 would be appointed Chairman if I did not object, to 
 which cable I made prompt reply that if I had had the 
 selection of a chairman I did not know of any man I 
 would have preferred to Mr. Stevens. I knew Mr. Ste- 
 vens personally and esteemed him highly. The other mem- 
 bers of the Commission were : George Gibbs, a mechan- 
 ical engineer of experience formerly connected with the 
 Pennsylvania Eailroad; Henry Miller, who had served 
 the Wabash and made a fine record as General Manager; 
 W. L. Darling, a civil engineer of repute, and John E, 
 Greiner, Consulting Eng^Jieer of the Baltimore and Ohio. 
 
 The Commission arrived in Vladivostok in June, 1917. 
 I sent the Commercial Attache of the Embassy, E. 
 Francis Eiggs, to meet them, with the following letter 
 of greeting: 
 
 "My dear Stevens: I was more than pleased when 
 advised by the State Department that you had been des- 
 ignated to come to Eussia as the head of a commission 
 of experts whose mission is to relieve the congestion at 
 Vladivostok and to improve generally the transportation 
 facilities of the Siberian railway. My understanding is 
 that you will be given absolute control at Vladivostok, 
 and I hope to have that control extended throughout 
 the entire length of the Siberian railway. I have not 
 
IPLOMATIC AND RAILWAY COMMISSIONS 131 
 
 iked the latter at this time because it is impolitic to do 
 ►. The railroad engineers of Eussia are highly educated 
 en and claim to be exceedingly practical. They are 
 salons to a degree of any reflection upon their ability 
 id qualifications, and consequently they must be handled 
 iplomatically as I know you are capable of doing." 
 
 When the Eailroad Commission arrived in Petrograd, 
 ley reported to me that they had inspected the Trans- 
 iberian and had begun the erection of an assembling 
 lant near Vladivostok. I promptly secured quarters for 
 16 Commission in the Department of Ways and Com- 
 lunications. Mr. Stevens was taken ill soon after arriv- 
 ig in Petrograd and was confined to the hospital for 
 bout two months. In the meantime, Darling and Greiner 
 ad left for America, via Sweden. Gibbs departed soon 
 fter and reported from Vladivostok that the assembling 
 lant was making satisfactory progress. I requested 
 [r. Stevens — ^when he recovered from his iUness — and 
 [r. Miller to inspect the Donetz system of railroads, 
 'hey had just completed this work and had reached 
 [oscow on their return when the Bolshevik Eevolution 
 )ok place. Mr. Stevens wired me from Moscow that 
 is mission was completed and that he would await 
 irther orders at Moscow. This telegram was received 
 le Sunday after the Bolshevik Eevolution began. I 
 3plied suggesting that the party remain at Moscow 
 ntil the situation cleared up, or as long as it was safe 
 ) remain in that city, and then come to Petrograd, where 
 would protect them. I don't know whether Mr. Stevens 
 srer received this telegram or not, but I learned from 
 ther sources that he had attached his private car to 
 le Siberian Express bound for Vladivostok. 
 
 In the meantime there had been assembled for Eussia, 
 1 accordance with the request of the Eailroad Commis- 
 ion, endorsed by myself, a party of over 200, consisting 
 
132 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 of railroad operating men, engineers and interpreters,, 
 under the conmiand of George Emerson, whicli planned 
 to leave Seattle November 19, 1917. I cabled the Depart- . 
 ment to allow this party to come on to Russia, stating^ 
 in the cable that I had no confidence in the survival of 
 the Soviet Government, but regardless of whether it 
 survived or not there would be some government in 
 Russia, and that that country, which was our ally in the 
 war, would accept gladly whatever assistance we could 
 render in its transportation, I did not calculate on Rus- 
 sia agreeing to an armistice and signing the Brest-Litovsk 
 Peace which resulted in Russia withdrawing from the 
 war. 
 
 These railroad men did^ arrive in Vladivostok and there 
 met Mr. Stevens. There were frequent changes in the 
 Department of Ways and Communications under the 
 Bolsheviks, but I had made the acquaintance of several 
 subordinates in this department, with whom I kept in 
 close touch. The railroad men after landing in Vladi- 
 vostok, concluded to reembark and go to Nagasaki, Japan, 
 where they remained some months. 
 
 When at Vologda, I wired Mr. Stevens to send me 
 twenty railroad engineers, and cabled the Department 
 of State that I had so wired. Mr. Stevens promptly 
 replied that the instructions would be followed. The 
 Department cabled to know what I wished with these 
 railroad men, to which inquiry I replied that it was my 
 intention to improve the transportation facilities of Rus- 
 sia, with a view to assembling all supplies at Archangel 
 and Murmansk to prevent the Germans from capturing 
 them. The Department seemed satisfied and cabled that 
 Emerson was leaving with ten engineers from Harbin, 
 via Vladivostok. Mr, Emerson did not arrive at Vladi- 
 vostok, however, until the 12th of May, when it was too 
 
PLOMATIC AND RAILWAY COMMISSIONS 133 
 
 te for them to reach Vologda on account of the fighting 
 tween the Czeeho-Slovaks and the Red Army along the 
 le of the Trans-Siberian Railroad. 
 The Bolshevik Revolution prevented the consumma- 
 m of the well-laid plans of these railroad experts. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 THE JULY REVOLUTION 
 
 Lenin and Trotzky had not belonged to the same fac- 
 tion of International Socialists, hut they soon saw after 
 arriving in Russia that they had the same ulterior ob- 
 ject, which was world-wide social revolution, and that 
 it could be best promoted by their joining forces. Lenin 
 was the stronger intellect of the two. Trotzky was the 
 abler executive. Lenin led a simple life; Trotzky was 
 fond of display and luxury. Whenever the two dis- 
 agreed, Lenin dominated because he had the stronger 
 will and the greater following. These two men soon 
 became the recognized leaders and drove the moderate 
 Socialists out of the organizations which they dominated. 
 Both believed in "direct action," that is, they scrupled 
 at no means by which their ends could be accomplished. 
 In other words, they believed in force rather than argu- 
 ment. Plekahnov, at whose feet Lenin had imbibed the 
 principles of Socialism, also returned to Russia after the 
 first Revolution ; he had championed Socialism and inter- 
 nationalism, but believed in putting them into practical 
 operation by peaceful means, contending that if the peo- 
 ple were educated in the principles of Socialism, they 
 would all become its supporters. Lenin claimed that the 
 education of the masses in Russia was too slow a process. 
 He had been the leader of the "Defeatists" at the be- 
 ginning of the war, and had advocated the defeat of 
 Russia — ^his own country — as the surest and quickest 
 means whereby the Russian Monarchy could be over- 
 thrown, and a world-wide revolution promoted. 
 
 134 
 
THE JULY EEVOLUTION 135 
 
 Lenin was living in Switzerland when I arrived in 
 strograd, but when the Provisional Government, soon 
 ter its installation, issued a degree pardoning all po- 
 ical offenders, whether in prison or in exile, he re- 
 rned through Germany in a special car, and immedi- 
 ely set to work to demoralize the Eussian army, 
 rotzky, who had been banished from France, was eking 
 it an impecunious existence on the East Side in New 
 ork by contributing articles to radical socialistic pub- 
 sations. When he attempted to return to Eussia the 
 eamer upon which he sailed touched at Halifax, and 
 rotzky was taken ashore by force, after refusing to 
 ley the commands of the inspection oflScer and detained 
 
 Halifax for several weeks. He was later, at the re- 
 lest of the Provisional Government, permitted by the 
 ritish Government to proceed on his way to Eussia. 
 Lenin on arriving in Petrograd immediately began to 
 sburse money which was supposedly furnished by Ger- 
 any. He was disregarded by the Provisional Govern- 
 Bnt, and for some time the Workingmen's, Soldiers' 
 id Peasants' Deputies denied alliance or cooperation 
 ith him. Lenin was persistent, however, and gradually 
 lined influence with the enemies of the Provisional 
 avemment. 
 Across the Neva on the Petrograd side was the palace, 
 
 beautiful structure, of an influential baUet dancer 
 imed Dschinskaia, who was reputed to have been the 
 mperor's mistress before he married. This palace 
 IS pointed out to all visitors as having been the gift of 
 e Emperor to the dancer. She had subsequently he- 
 me the mistress, according to current rumor, of two 
 rand Dukes with royal connections. Her word was 
 ill law with the ballet, which was subsidized by the 
 iperial Government, and upon rare occasions she par- 
 jipated in its performances. Soon after the Eevolu- 
 
136 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 tion she fled from her palace, and it was taken over by 
 the Workingman's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. 
 Just across the street from this palace was the Circus 
 Moderne, which had a seating capacity of from 6,000 to 
 10,000. In the same neighborhood was the St. Peter and 
 Paul Fortress, which continued under the control of the 
 Provisional Government. 
 
 The Circus Moderne was the place of assemblage of 
 all the radical elements in Petrograd. Here they came 
 to listen to orators, whose themes were opposition to the 
 goverpment, the dictatorship of the proletariat dud the 
 division of all property. Lenin took possession of the 
 Dschinskaia palace, but at what time or by whose au- 
 thority was never known. There was in the comer of 
 the grounds a circular pagoda, or band stand, from which 
 Lenin and other orators addressed the crowds which 
 congregrated day and night. Lenin and Trotzky, whose 
 followers were continually increasing in numbers, de- 
 cided upon a "peaceful demonstration" on the evening 
 of July 16th, 1917. 
 
 So it was that on Monday evening, July 16th, accord- 
 ing to the Bolshevik schedule, demonstrations took place 
 all over the city. Parades were everywhere formed. 
 Thousands of peasant soldiers, for the most part un- 
 armed, formed in lines carrying banners — "Let Us Go 
 Home and Harvest the Crops Then "We'll Fight!" and 
 "All Power to the Workingmen's, Soldiers' and Peas- 
 ants' Deputies!" — "All Power to the Soviets!" They 
 marched by the thousands to the Smolny Institute. There 
 were also gathered hundreds of Kronstadt sailors and 
 amongst the masses gathered around the buildings of the 
 Smolny Institute were three-inch field pieces with cais- 
 sons and other equipment. All during the evening 
 speeches were made inciting the people against the Gov- 
 
THE JULY REVOLUTION 137 
 
 iment and turning them to the Soviet by advocating the 
 uring slogans proclaimed on the banners. 
 The Government took no active measures against these 
 ietings preferring to await the results and then arrest 
 i ringleaders. 
 
 The next day, however, the Government finally decided 
 permit no more demonstrations of this character and 
 3ordingly called upon the Cossacks with armored cars 
 keep the crowds dispersed and prevent such demon- 
 •ations. 
 
 Tuesday evening about 7:30 I received a telephone 
 11 from Frederick Holbrook, of Holbrook, Cabot & Eol- 
 s, of Boston, saying that there was going to be trouble 
 the city and that he was coming to the Embassy. About 
 3 time he arrived the trouble began all over the city, 
 le fighting nearest the Embassy took place about 300 
 rds away on the Liteiny Prospect, when a calvacade of 
 •ssacks riding toward Liteiny Bridge across the Neva 
 ver four blocks from the Embassy, with the intention 
 controlling the bridge and preventing communication 
 tween the different organized bands of provocateurs 
 d agitators met with resistance. "When they rushed 
 3 crowd with their horses, however, the mob broke and 
 Q in all directions. But a new and unlooked-for factor 
 w showed itself. An automobile truck loaded with 
 ronstadt sailors appeared on the scene with a machine 
 n on the rear, which they turned upon the Cossacks 
 d opened fire. They poured a deadly and disastrous 
 e into the ranks of the Cossacks. They were mown 
 wn without any chance to defend themselves. Horses 
 d drivers fell together and, although there was a driv- 
 y rain a half hour afterward when I visited the scene, 
 3 street was literally and actually running with blood. 
 )dies were scattered for four blocks along the street 
 om the bridge to the Kirochnaya, while those respon- 
 
138 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 sible had driven rapidly away with their death-dealing 
 machine. What a catastrophe to the Government and 
 what shouts of triumph broke exultingly from the Bol- 
 shevik leaders when informed of this coup ! Where were 
 the armored motor cars of the government? With the 
 same speed with which the Bolsheviks had fled after the 
 encounter the Government's armored cars, the only real 
 aid which might have saved the Cossacks, had been 
 rushed to a different section of the city where they 
 thought they might be more needed and by the time com- 
 munication had been established with them the scene 
 was quiet save for the bodies and the blood in the street 
 and the ever curious crowds who gathered as always to 
 talk and talk and talk. 
 
 Although the government won a technical victory that 
 night, as a survey showed that 450 Bolsheviks had paid 
 the penalty and about 70 Cossacks, nevertheless it was 
 by so close a margin as to presage their ultimate down- 
 fall unless new and radical means were adopted. 
 
 While the July Eevolution showed the Bolsheviks that 
 their time had not quite come, it showed the Government 
 that while they were not helpless yet they still were 
 being surely undermined ; and it showed the Allied Diplo- 
 mats that unless conditions changed and changed radi- 
 cally Russia would soon be out of the war with all of the 
 uncertainties and dangers which that would mean not 
 alone for Russia, but for the world. 
 
 Lenin is believed to have fled to Kronstadt disguised 
 as a sailor. Trotzky was arrested the following day 
 but was soon freed upon demand of the Soviet. Soon 
 after this temporary inconvenience he was allowed to 
 proceed with his work of undermining the democratic 
 government without hindrance of any kind. 
 
 Following is a statement by Prince Lvoff which ap- 
 
THE JULY REVOLUTION 139 
 
 peared in the "Bourse Gazette" of July 4th-17th, con- 
 cerning this July Revolution : 
 
 * ' The crisis in the Provisional Government, which de- 
 veloped in connection with the Ukrainian question, was 
 somewhat unexpected. Certain members of the Provi- 
 sional Government supposed that certain misunderstand- 
 ings and even disorders might be produced by this ques- 
 tion, but at aU events not in such an acute form. The 
 cause of the crisis is properly not the mg-ainian question. 
 This is only the pretext; the cause lies considerably 
 deeper. It lies in the difference of the Socialist and 
 bourgeois standpoints. Through their resignation from 
 the Provisional Government the Cadets added the last 
 touch to a sufficiently difficult situation: Owing to their 
 resignation the impression is produced that the best 
 organized portion of the Bourgeoisie, the spokesmen of 
 which are the Cadets, is in opposition to the whole Gov- 
 ernment. There cannot be any question of discussing 
 the persons who shall take place in the new Ministry. 
 The program for immediate action of the new Govern- 
 ment must be made dear and only thereafter would it 
 be possible to call those individuals. 
 
 "Rumors of the entire breaking up of the Provisional 
 Government, which are agitating the population, are en- 
 tirely unfounded. The Provisional Government, not- 
 withstanding the resignation of some of its members 
 who belong to the party of national freedom, continues 
 to exist. The Provisional Government is animated only 
 by its former endeavors to realize all the main lines 
 of the Revolution and to bring the country to the Su- 
 preme Constituent Assembly which will settle the destiny 
 of the country and the people. The agitation among the 
 troops and the excesses that have taken place during the 
 evening and the night will, I am convinced, cease by 
 morning. Entire cahn will very soon be restored. The 
 majority of the garrison is on the side of the Provisional 
 Government, and this is a guarantee that order will 
 speedily be reestablished. The armed demonstration of 
 military bodies is shameful and sad, and is not the result 
 of the resignation of the Cadets from the Provisional 
 
140 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Government. The immediate cause for these demon- 
 strations must be sought in the fermentation produced 
 among the troops of Petrograd by the reformation of 
 the Regiment of Grenadiers. The crisis of the Provi- 
 sional Government will be closed by the formation of a 
 new coalition Cabinet." 
 
 During the outbreak some automobiles, armed with 
 machine guns, went to the Warsaw station. The soldiers 
 sitting in them stated that they had been ordered to ar- 
 rest the Minister of War. The soldiers, however, were 
 too late. The train which carried the Minister of War 
 to the front had left the station fifteen minutes before 
 their arrival. 
 
 Other incidents of the Revolution reported by the 
 Bourse Gazette were as follows : 
 
 "At 9 :40 p.m. an automobile armed with machine guns, 
 with six armed and four unarmed men, drew up to Prince 
 Lvoff's door. The men demanded the surrender of all 
 the Ministers in the apartment, and stated that they 
 requisitioned all the automobiles of the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment. This information was carried to the Ministers 
 in session. Prince Lvoff, Tseretelli, Chernou and Nek- 
 rasoff. Tseretelli expressed the desire to speak with 
 the men, but while he was going to the door the armed 
 automobile disappeared. At ten o'clock the automobile 
 reappeared and the Ministers could not be informed of 
 it as one of the two automobiles of the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment standing by the door was seized and removed. 
 It turned out to be the one belonging to Minister Tsere- 
 telli. To the porter who said that Tseretelli had asked 
 that the motor should not be touched, they answered, 
 'One automobile will do for me,' — During the evening 
 Bolshevik soldiers requisitioned all the automobiles of 
 the members of the Provisional Government, as well as 
 all the motors in the garages of the former palace. 
 
 "Late at night the Minister of Justice was informed 
 that the printing presses of the Novoe Vremya had 
 been seized. The Minister of Justice applied for assist- 
 
THE JULY REVOLUTION 141 
 
 e to the Commander of Troops, who replied, 'The 
 tary authorities are powerless to take any meas- 
 
 [ad the Provisional Government at this time ar- 
 jned Lenin and Trotzky and the other Bolshevik 
 lers, tried them for treason and executed them, Russia 
 bably would not have been compelled to go through 
 ther revolution, would have been spared the reign of 
 •or, and the loss from famine and murder of millions 
 ler sons and daughters. 
 
 'rince Lvoff resigned from the Presidency of the Pro- 
 onal Government shortly after this attempted revo- 
 on. He was not forced out, but broken-hearted and 
 lespair over his country's plight, probably on account 
 ;he failure of his colleagues to mete out due punish- 
 it to Lenin and Trotzky and their like. The govern- 
 it may not have felt that it had the strength to do 
 I, or may have feared the effect of executing Lenin 
 . Trotzky would be to make martyrs of them and so 
 mgthen their hold on their followers. "Whatever may 
 e been their reasons, I am persuaded now, as I felt 
 ;he time, that the government showed decided weak- 
 s. In fact, I so expressed myself at the time to the 
 lister of Foreign Affairs, Terestchenko. Drastic ac- 
 1 might have precipitated the revolution which took 
 ee in. the following November, but I am convinced in 
 light of subsequent events that whatever the immedi- 
 
 result, the consequences of executing Lenin and 
 )tzky would have been of benefit to Russia in the long 
 
 and would have produced less unrest than now pre- 
 Is throughout the world. The Russian army was not 
 Q so demoralized as it became four months later, 
 miloff and Alexieff and Brousiloff and other brave 
 liers were then living and the Intelligencia and Bour- 
 
142 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 geoisie had not been so decimated by famine and slaugh- 
 ter as they soon were. 
 
 Furthermore, I doubt whether two more as strong 
 characters as Lenin and Trotzky could have been foxmd 
 among the Bolsheviks of the entire world. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 IE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT AND THE FORCES OP 
 DESTRUCTION 
 
 5vEN though Lenin and Trotzky and their fellow con- 
 rators had not been shot as traitors as they should 
 7e been, Lenin was a fugitive and was supposed to have 
 1 to the ever-ready protection of Germany while 
 Dtzky was under arrest. The Provisional Government 
 J asserted itself even though all too feebly, had put 
 ivn open insurrection, and restored a semblance of 
 ler. The most reassuring act of the Ministry, at least 
 my view, was the appointment of General Komiloff 
 Cbmmander-in-Chief of all the Russian forces. He 
 mediately began to restore disdpline. 
 Dn August 7th, 1917, I wrote to Charles K. Moser, 
 lerican Consul at Harbin, China, a letter in which I 
 nmented on the new government in these terms : 
 'It is a Coalition Government in which all political 
 rties are represented. Kerensky in addition to being 
 esident is also Minister of War, but under him Savin- 
 1 is the Executive Head of the "War Department and 
 bedev is Executive Head of the Navy. Nekrasoff is 
 ninal Minister of Finance, but the Director of the 
 partment is Bernatsky, a University Professor, and 
 1 Assistant Minister is a practical banker named Glas- 
 •g, a Jew of good standing. So that there are fifteen 
 Qisters and three additional executives. Kerensky, 
 krasoff and Terestchenko are all supposed to repre- 
 it no parties. Of the remaining fifteen three are Social 
 mocrats, four are Social Revolutionists, two are Na- 
 
 143 
 
'9 
 
 144 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 tional Socialists, four are Cadets and two are Radical 
 Democrats. I have not the time to explain the differeno|.;/ 
 between these parties — don't think I could if I had the 
 time. Of the fifteen Ministers, however, nine are Social- 
 ists and six are non-Socialists. 
 
 "Lenin is now a fugitive and is supposed to be in Ger- 
 many. The Bolsheviks gave a so-called 'peaceful demon- 
 stration of power' July 16th and 17th on the streets of 
 Petrograd in which four hundred people were reported 
 killed, of which seventy were Cossacks, but exactly the 
 number of casualties has never been ascertained. The 
 Bolsheviks are now in great disfavor, and their leaders 
 are being arrested — one, Trotzky, was arrested yester- 
 day; he was an exiled Russian Jew, who returned from 
 America two or three months ago and immediately set 
 his mouth going since which it has never ceased to oper- 
 ate. If we could keep such men in America they could 
 be handled much better than they can be in Russia at the 
 present time. Tseretelli, a well-poised Socialist who 
 has been in the Ministry, has resigned and it is feared 
 will be the leader of the Workingmen's and Soldiers! 
 and Peasants ' Deputies who are likely to oppose the new 
 Grovernment. 
 
 ' ' Kerensky is unquestionably the most influential man 
 in Russia; some of his own people say he has it in mind 
 to be a second Napoleon, consequently effort is being 
 made to undermine him. He is only 34 .years of age and 
 if his head is not turned by the adulation he is receiving 
 he is indeed a wonderful man. He is now living in the 
 Winter Palace and sleeping in the bed of Alexander the 
 Third, which is not good politically to say the least. He 
 addressed last night the all-Eussian Congress of Peas- 
 ants and when he told them he was appointed their 
 President as Minister of the Interior they applauded him 
 vigorously. Then he said: "I continue as President or 
 
ALEXANDER KERENSKY 
 
 The writing across the picture reads in translation: "In memory of friendly 
 conversations tlirough bright but difficult days" 
 
THE FORCES OF DESTRUCTION 145 
 
 mier of the Government," whereupon the applause 
 
 terrific. I will make no prophecies concerning the 
 ire, which is uncertain. In Russia now it is presump- 
 
 to prophesy in the forenoon what will occur in the 
 rnoon. 
 Pood is very scarce here and if at any time you can 
 
 a man who will bring me fifty pounds of breakfast 
 )n I would appreciate it and will promptly remit you 
 only the cost but will send you a souvenir in addition 
 ou will tell me what there is in Petrograd you would 
 
 to have — always provided it is obtainable, as most 
 he stores here now are closed and those remaining 
 Q have very depleted stocks." 
 1 a long letter written to my son David a week later, 
 ch was really a diary of four or five weeks of this 
 ical period, I said: 
 
 The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Terestchenko, told 
 on his return from the front a few days ago, when 
 sked him about General Komiloff, the new Com- 
 ider-in-Chief of the Russian Army, some most ab- 
 aing experiences of his. General Korniloff is a Cos- 
 £, a man of about 50 years of age, rather small of 
 ;ure and not robust in appearance but with an iron 
 stitution. He speaks seventeen languages and is thus 
 5 to address each division and brigade and even each 
 iment in its own tongue. This makes him exceedingly 
 ular. The Cossacks follow him around and are ever 
 the alert to protect him against possible danger or to 
 whatever they think will please him. If his constitu- 
 i is iron, his will is steel. Soon after taking command 
 lad one hundred deserters shot and their bodies stood 
 by the roadside with a placard on each reading, "I 
 I shot because I ran away from the enemy and was 
 raitor to Russia.' When advised that several Ger- 
 1 and Austrian officers had surrendered, his suspi- 
 
146 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 oions were aroused and he ordered their knapsacks and 
 effects searched. Literature in Russian was found, 
 which had been printed in Germany, and advocating a 
 separate peace along the lines of Bolshevik preachments 
 which were demoralizing the army and which had for 
 many weeks disturbed Petrograd and other cities 
 throughout Russia. He ordered all of those officers shot 
 and had their bodies stood up by the roadside also. Gen- 
 eral Komiloff was wounded in 1915 and taken a prisoner 
 by the Austrians. When he recovered he put on the uni- 
 form of a private Austrian soldier and escaped. He 
 walked 800 versts, about 600 miles. His linguistic accom- 
 plishments enabled him to talk to all the people whom 
 he encountered in their own tongue. One night when he 
 was being guided by an Austrian shepherd they both 
 climbed a tree while a company of cavalry was passing. 
 The shepherd showed General Komiloff a circular in 
 the shepherd's language describing Komiloff, stating he 
 had escaped from an Austrian prison, and offering fifty 
 thousand Austrian crowns for his capture. The shep- 
 herd said that he would like very much to capture Gen- 
 eral Komiloff and get the fifty thousand crowns. 
 
 ' ' I met General Korniloff the day he resigned the com- 
 mand of the Petrograd Military District, of which he 
 had been in charge since the first day of the Revolution. 
 He told me in English that he did not like his position and 
 was going to resign to go to the front. The papers next 
 morning stated he had resigned. Upon going to the 
 front he was given command of a brigade, but rapidly 
 rose to be a divisional commander then a corps com- 
 mander, next an army commander, and finally to be the 
 Commander-in-Chief of all the Russian forces, which 
 number at least ten million men. Russia has called into 
 service over sixteen million men, but three or four mil- 
 
THE FORCES OF DESTRUCTION 147 
 
 of them have been killed, are in hospitals or have 
 srted. 
 
 There was a meeting yesterday afternoon at the 
 odni Dom, the largest auditorium in Petrograd. All 
 lie Ambassadors were invited to take loges, but the 
 anese Ambassador and myself were the only ones 
 ttendance. I arrived accompanied by my Naval At- 
 e, Commander Crossley, an hour or more after the 
 •cises had begun and after Kerensky had spoken from 
 loge. After some difficulty experienced by the Rus- 
 . officer who conducted me, I was shown to mine, 
 reupon Kerensky saluted me, and immediately came 
 white uniform, with his aide, from his loge to mine 
 thanked me for attending. Very few in the immense 
 Lence knew me, but all of them knew Kerensky and 
 n he pointedly made his way through the crowd to 
 it me the curiosity of the audience was aroused as 
 Qy identity. Kerensky only remained a few minutes 
 then left the building. Some minutes later Miliu- 
 ' was called to the platform, and made in Russian 
 it I was told was an eloquent speech. During his 
 : he alluded to America's part in the war and pointed 
 tie American Ambassador, whereupon there was great 
 lause, the entire audience rising and continuing the 
 tion for several minutes. I arose and acknowledged 
 compliment and bowed but made no speech. There 
 a call for the American hymn but the band was com- 
 ed to admit it knew no distinctive American air. . . . 
 Mrs. Pahkhurst, the English Suffragist, came to Pet- 
 rad about five or six weeks ago not for the purpose 
 ighting for votes for women, as suffrage had already 
 a thrust upon the Russian women Avithout any effort 
 ixpressed desire on their part, but for the purpose of 
 ateraoting the Bolshevik or separate peace influence 
 to infuse some courage into the Russian army which 
 
148 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 had been threatening to cease fighting and was opening 
 debating societies not only at every front but in every 
 division and brigade, and even in every regiment. Mrs. 
 Pankhurst held a meeting at Hotel Astoria, where she 
 was stopping, which was presided over by Mrs. McAl- 
 lister Smith, an American lady who had interested Lady 
 Georgina Buchanan, the wife of the British Ambassador; 
 Mrs. Butler "Wright, the wife of my Counselor, and sev- 
 eral other ladies. I attended the meeting as did the 
 Italian Ambassador and the Roumanian Minister. Mrs. 
 Pankhurst was talking when I entered the room and 
 quietly took a seat in the audience. I soon became inter- 
 ested in her remarks which were extremely sensible, be- 
 ing attracted by the intonations of her voice, by her easy 
 delivery and most of all by her excellent choice of words. 
 "Several days before the formation of the Coalition 
 Ministry Mrs. Pankhurst, assisted by Mme. D. C, a Rus- 
 sian lady (I would give her name but as she is still in 
 Petrograd it might cause her trouble), obtained an audi- 
 ence with Kerensky — Mrs. Pankhurst had requested me 
 through a third party to secure this audience but I in- 
 quired why she did not have her own Ambassador do it 
 and was told that she had asked Sir George Buchanan to 
 secure the audience but he had refused, whereupon I 
 declined also. Immediately after the audience this Rus- 
 sian lady came to the American Embassy and in a very 
 nervous and excited manner, told me that Kerensky, in 
 talking to herself and Mrs. P. (who could understand no 
 Russian and K. could speak no English and very indif- 
 ferent French), threatened to resign and she feared he 
 would and become the leader of the Bolsheviks ; that he 
 said he would resign and let some one act who loved Rus- 
 sia more than he, if they could find any one. I asked my 
 informant what she wished me to do. She replied : ' ' Send 
 for Miliukoff . ' ' I said he had no influence with Kerensky 
 
THE FORCES OF DESTRUCTION 149 
 
 whom he was forced out of the Ministry ; she replied 
 t she was aware of that, but that at an informal meet- 
 
 of Duma members, Miliukoff had valiantly and ably 
 ended Kerensky. I thereupon agreed to telephone 
 iukoff and ask him to come to the American Embassy, 
 came and I related to him what I had heard and told 
 1 the source of my information; he listened atten- 
 }ly and after remarking that he was going to Moscow 
 7:30 p.m. that evening (it was 6 p.m. when I was 
 ring to him), he said he was not surprised at my 
 rative, as K. had arrived at the parting of the ways, 
 I that if he remained as President of the Council of 
 listers he must break with his old associates, and he 
 3 in consequence nervous and overwrought. I asked 
 I if K. should resign who would form the ministry. 
 
 replied that K. was the only man to select a cabinet 
 I the only one who could save Russia from a Bolshevik 
 remment. I mentioned Nekrasoff who was Vice- 
 jsident of the Ministry, and Terestchenko Minister of 
 reign Affairs, and Tseretelli a member of the Ministry, 
 I holding the portfolio of the Interior, I think, and 
 lernof. Minister of Labor, but he said no one of those 
 lid cope with Lenin and Trotzky. "Well," I said to 
 1, "you must postpone your Moscow trip and attend 
 
 meeting at the Winter Palace tonight." Whereupon 
 consented to do so ; in my judgment he was the real 
 der of the First Revolution, as I have said heretofore, 
 I a sincere and zealous lover of Russia. 
 •Miliukoff left the Embassy about 6:30. I went 
 
 the Foreign Office at 7, according to appoint- 
 tit with TerestohBnko, and upon arrival was told that 
 rensky.had resigned about an hour and a half pre- 
 us, and that the Council of Ministers would meet at 
 1 'clock to act upon his resignation. The resignation 
 3 presented, and the Council of Ministers decided to 
 
150 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 call a conference of the leaders of aE parties to confer 
 about the situation. This meeting assembled in the 
 Whiter Palace about midnight and continued in session 
 until 7 :30 the next morning. Miliukoff was present and 
 spoke several times — ^iu fact seemed to be the guiding 
 spirit of the meeting. The outcome assumed no definite 
 shape but resulted in Kerensky being appealed to to 
 form a new Ministry. In the meantime Kerensky had 
 left the city and only a few of his closest friends knew 
 where he had gone or when he would return, if at aU. 
 By this time it was the morning of Saturday, August 
 4tlL Kerensky returned to the city Sunday morning 
 and began the formation of a new Ministry which was 
 perfected about 4 p. m., Monday, August 6th, and an- 
 nounced in the papers the next morning. That is the 
 present Ministry which met with general favor and has 
 been growing in strength from that day to this. Having 
 confidence in this Ministry, I have recommended to my 
 Government that an additional credit of sixty million 
 dollars be extended to Russia. 
 
 "It is impossible to tell to what extent this course of 
 events was affected by the interview of Mrs. Pank- 
 hurst and this Russian lady with Kerensky. If, however, 
 I had not seen Miliukoff he would probably have gone to 
 Moscow as he had planned ; Kerensky might possibly ia 
 that case have decliued to form a ilinistry and another 
 less able and less worthy Government might have come 
 into power." 
 
 It may be admissible to add here a few observations 
 which I made in a letter written about this time in regard 
 to the effect which it seemed to me the war was bound 
 to have upon the position of women and of labor and in 
 class distinctions. Obviously whatever interest these 
 observations may have is derived chiefly from the fact 
 that they were made in 1917 rather than in 1919. I said: 
 
THE FORCES OP DESTBUCTIOX 151 
 
 'The experience of the past two and one-half years 
 the countries engaged in war has tau^t them many 
 sons valnahle indeed, although in some instances very 
 tly. I think this war has done more for woman than 
 rthing which has occurred siace tiie hirth of Christ. 
 e teachings of the lowly Xazarene did more for woman 
 a had ever heen done in the history of the world up 
 that time. The demonstration made hy woman of her 
 Kty to aid her country in difficulty and strife and in 
 omplishing a worthy end has heen demonstrated in 
 8 war and hereafter whatever kind of peace may he 
 [otiated, woman will he given more consideration and 
 1 be a more potential factor not only in the affairs 
 i development of the government to which she owes 
 Ity hut in international affairs also. Woman has not 
 I a position anywhere in the world that will compare 
 h that which has been accorded her in America and 
 England. In Bussia heretofore women have heen 
 ated as chattels merely, while in Germany they have 
 sn looked ui)on almost as beasts of burden, who were 
 apelled to do not only common labor but the lowest 
 ■ms of such labor and at times were obliged to work 
 e by side with the dogs. 
 
 'In the next place I think another result of this war 
 1 be to digni^ labor of all kinds; every country has 
 I to reckon with the labor interests whose rights as 
 nan beings many people have been disposed to ignore, 
 my judgment also another effect will be the abolition 
 class distinctions in countries where such distinctions 
 1 exist. There have fortunately never been any titles 
 nobility in America; Jefferson prevented that by his 
 it against the law of primogeniture, but they have 
 vived in most European countries, and are not only 
 ;reat injustice to aU children after the first but pre- 
 
152 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 serve classes of nobility, the representatives of which 
 are by no means always worthy of the preeminence and 
 good fortune that falls to their lot. After this war every 
 man and every woman must by service show why he or 
 she is given the privilege of living," 
 
CHAPTER Xn 
 
 THE BREAK BETWEEN KERENSKY AND KORNTLOFF 
 
 'Q^OT long after the formation of the Coalition Ministry 
 !re were two Congresses held at Moscow — one the AU- 
 ssian Cossack Congress and the other the AU-Eussian 
 ngress of Soldiers and Workmen. 
 When I mentioned these approaching Congresses to 
 nister of Foreign Affairs Terestchenko he said they 
 uld result in nothing except talk, hut that the Govem- 
 nt had nothing to fear from them. The forecast of 
 5 Minister seems to have been correct as far as it went, 
 
 indicated by the following comments on the Con- 
 ssses and attendant conditions in Moscow received by 
 ! from Consnl-General Summers at the time: 
 'The political situation here is interesting. General 
 )miloff arrived yesterday and there is much guessing 
 what he will do. The speech of Kerensky seems to 
 ve fallen flat, as he laid out no program nor did he 
 ike any new declarations. There was absolutely no 
 lorder, and the local papers content themselves with 
 ring the speeches of the orators. Only Komiloff's 
 rival appeared to interest the public. He was preceded 
 rough the main streets with an escort of twenty or 
 irty automobiles full of picturesque Cossacks and of- 
 ers of the St. George Cavaliers. He was applauded 
 erywhere. All day the streets were crowded with well- 
 oomed soldiers and ofiScers of the St. George Cavaliers, 
 ley were shown sympathy everywhere. 
 "There can be no cooperation with the radical element 
 
 the part of the intelligencia of the country as long 
 
 153 
 
154 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 as all rights and opinions are trampled down. A man 
 is not going to give up without a struggle all that he has 
 and for which he has labored. There can be no coopera- 
 tion between two parties one of which is doing its level 
 best to destroy instead of construct all that stands for 
 liberty, freedom and rights of men. Nor can there be 
 any hope for a party which stands, for a moment, and 
 more particularly at the present time, for any semblance 
 of anarchism or insubordLaation. Who is it that is giv- 
 ing their lives at the present to their country? It is the 
 body of officers constituting the conservative, patriotic 
 backbone of the country, and not the anarchist who seems 
 to have the upper hand at Petrograd. There is a wave 
 of disgust at the manner in which the Government has 
 been conducted up to the present, amd to the incompe- 
 tency and insincerity of the radical cabinets. This feel- 
 iag is rapidly growing and is penetrating all soberly 
 thinking people who do not now hesitate to organize 
 against a further continuance of such comedies as have 
 been pulled off at Petrograd, The Moscow people have 
 received the conference with a coldness to be expected. 
 The papers give the speeches of the politicians without 
 a remark. The people themselves consider that the 
 Moscow industrial and conservative element only can 
 save the situation. They have no patience with empty 
 words and misgovernments. 
 
 "The foreign newspaper correspondents are of the 
 opinion that the conferences have fallen flat and that the 
 situation is just what it was before, or even more serious, 
 as nothing has been done in the way of laying down a 
 program. The Council of Workmen and Soldiers re- 
 mained seated when the General-in-Chief of the Army 
 arose to speak. This is considered here as a challenge 
 to the military code of discipline. 
 
 "Miliukoff's speech was not considered what it might, 
 
KERENSKY AND KORNILOFF 155 
 
 ve been or what the excited feelings of his party might 
 ve led one to believe that he would make. Komiloff 's 
 eech also was not considered as containing a challenge, 
 lere was, in summing up the whole matter, nothing 
 ne of any importance, each side only feebly declaring 
 lat a terrible state the country was in without giving 
 e sick man any medicine. Moreover, as a Russian said 
 
 me this morning, it was a case where the sick man 
 is being attended by disagreeing doctors. Woe to him, 
 pecially as the doctors are young and inexperienced 
 
 their profession." 
 
 Although both Congresses passed resolutions endors- 
 g the Government these resolutions were so restrained 
 id were carried with such lack of enthusiasm as to 
 aount to "damning by faint praise." 
 The outlook in Russia at this time was indeed dark 
 id had been growing steadily worse for several months, 
 lere was fraternization and mutiny at the front with 
 rikes, pUlage, robbery and famine in the rear. As if 
 e situation was not in all conscience bad enough a tragic 
 eak between General Komiloff and Premier Kerensky, 
 e two maia pillars, upon whom what hope there was 
 ft for the salvation of Russia rested, occurred a few 
 jeks later. By this added complication this stricken 
 untry was simultaneously threatened by ruthless for- 
 ^n invasion, smoldering internal revolution and open 
 
 sril war. 
 
 I have subsequently learned that the Kerensky-Komi- 
 ff break occurred in the following manner: V. N. Lvoff, 
 rmer Procurator of the Holy Synod (who should not be 
 infused with Prince Lvoff, former President of the 
 inistry), after several conversations with Kerensky, 
 ent to General Komiloff and proposed to him that he 
 id Kerensky combine against the constantly and alarm- 
 
156 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY | 
 
 ingly growing power of the Bolsheviks, who were work- ; 
 ing through the Council of Workmen's, Soldiers' and 
 Peasants ' Deputies. While Lvoff did not specifitsally state 
 to Komiloff that he represented Kerensky it is never- 
 theless probable that he allowed him to gain that impres- 
 sion. As a matter of fact, Kerensky had not authorized 
 hiTn to represent him, or to make such a proposal. He 
 was acting entirely on his own responsibility. General 
 Komiloff replied that he would enter into such an under- 
 taking with Kerensky provided he, Komiloff, were placed 
 at the head of the Government; that he would have no 
 objection to Kerensky occupying his former post as Min- 
 ister of Justice or to Savinkov being Minister of War. 
 
 Kerensky, amazed at this sweeping proposal, which 
 came without warning or provocation as far as he was 
 aware, called General Komiloff on the long distance 
 telephone at his Military Headquarters and inquired 
 whether Lvoff was his representative and authorized 
 by him to make the proposal he had just made. Komi- 
 loff without even taking the precaution to ask Kerensky 
 to state the proposal made by Lvoff replied in the afi&nn- 
 ative. Kerensky, his pride wounded and greatly incensed, 
 ordered Lvoff placed under arrest and notified General 
 Komiloff that he was relieved of his command and should 
 regard himself as under arrest. Komiloff, enraged at 
 this reception of his reply to the proposal which, as he 
 believed, had been sent him by Kerensky, retaliated by 
 issuing a proclamation in which he announced his inten- 
 tion of marching his army against Petrograd and seizing 
 the governmental power. 
 
 This action had the effect of leading Kerensky to turn 
 to the Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies for the support 
 of his threatened Government and led him to make his 
 final and fatal blunder of distributing arms and ammu- 
 nition to the workingmen of Petrograd, in order that ., 
 
KEBENSKY AND KORNILOFF ir>7 
 
 they might help to defend his tottering regime against 
 Komiloff and his advancing army. In other words, he 
 found himself in the predicament where he had to arm 
 one group of virtual enemies of his Government in order 
 to prevent its overthrow by another and more imme- 
 diately threatening hostile group. After things had been 
 brought to this pass the position of the Kerensky Govern- 
 ment was hopeless. Its overthrow was only a matter of 
 time. Had LvofE been a wise and strong man instead of 
 the meddlesome rattle-brain that he was, and had Keren- 
 sky been big enough to place his country's welfare above 
 his own pride and seek some middle ground upon which 
 he and Korniloff might have worked against the Bol- 
 sheviks — ^their common enemies — they might between 
 them have rescued Eussia and the world from the curse 
 of Bolshevism ; and have given the Constituent Assembly, 
 the time for convening of which had already been fixed, 
 a chance to establish a government based upon the con- 
 sent of the governed, instead of upon force as was the 
 Czar 's government, and as is that of Lenin and Trotzky. 
 In the conferences held by the Allied Ambassadors in 
 leference to the Kerensky-Korniloff embroglio I steadily 
 maintained, and succeeded in persuading my fellow 
 diplomats to accept my view, that we should preserve a 
 neutral attitude. I argued that should Komiloff be suc- 
 cessful it would not mean a restoration of the Monarchy, 
 but merely a new administration and a more vigorous 
 prosecution of the war. If, on the other hand, as I said 
 in my letter to Judge Priest, Russia should be forced 
 out of the war through Kerensky 's failure to restore 
 discipline in the army, the Allied diplomats would re- 
 ceive and deserve severe censure for having aided Ker- 
 ensky to eliminate Korniloff. If, on the contrary, we 
 were to support Korniloff and he should fail we would 
 
158 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 obviously find ourselves in an impossible position with 
 relation to the Kerensky Government. 
 
 In a letter written at the time to Judge Henry S. 
 Priest, of St. Louis, I commented thus on the situation: 
 
 "We are now in the midst of a counter-revolution 
 which appears to have failed. By counter-revolution I 
 do not mean a restoration of the monarchy but the re- 
 action against the present Provisional Government which 
 many think is Socialistic in its spirit if not in its policies. 
 General Korniloff who has been Commander-in-Chief for 
 about two months past made demands of the Provisional 
 Government for powers which were not granted him 
 although they should have been as they were essential 
 to the restoration of discipline among the soldiers who 
 axe still maintaining committees and 'commissaires,' 
 as they are called, who interfered with the orders of the 
 Commander-in-Chief and with the sentences of courts- 
 martial. You would inveigh against these conditions 
 if you were in my place much more vigorously than I 
 have, and I am feeling to-night as if some expressions 
 I have made to the Government within the past few days 
 might possibly result in my being looked upon as per- 
 sona non grata. Being over six thousand miles away 
 from Washington with very irregular cable connection 
 and most unreliable and uncertain mail communication 
 I am often compelled to act solely upon my own judg- 
 ment. I always cable to the Government what I have 
 done but sometimes act without instructions. 
 
 "To-day at a meeting in the Foreign Office of the 
 British, Italian, French and American Ambassadors with 
 Terestchenko, Minister of Foreign Affairs, I took issue 
 on a matter concerning which the four others agreed, 
 but requested the British Ambassador, as Dean of the 
 Diplomatic Corps, to call a meeting of the Allied repre- 
 sentatives or the heads of Missions representing the 
 
KERENSKY AND KORNILOFF 159 
 
 governments of the Entente. They are eleven in num- 
 ber and had met last Monday afternoon and agreed upon 
 an expression of their views and a tender of their serv- 
 ices to the Government in its controversy with General 
 Komiloff. The British Ambassador presented this ex- 
 pression to the Foreign Office and phoned me about noon 
 yesterday that it would be given to the afternoon papers. 
 It did not appear and at 9 :30 p. m. I received an auto- 
 graph note from the British Ambassador that the Min- 
 ister of Foreign Affairs had concluded not to publish 
 the action of the Allied representatives because such 
 action put General Komiloff on a 'par with the Govern- 
 ment,' but that he would publish a statement in the 
 morning papers giving our position and our efforts 'to 
 clear the situation.' When I reached the Foreign Office 
 at 12 :30 to-day I found those three Ambassadors in con- 
 ference with the Ministers and learned they had agreed 
 upon a statement for the press in which they wished 
 my concurrence. It was in French and, although I under- 
 stood it, I told them I wished to consider it before giving 
 assent to its publication, and suggested to the British 
 Ambassador that he should call another meeting of the 
 eleven Allied representatives by whom the expression 
 of the Allies was originally framed. By this time it was 
 after one o'clock and the British Ambassador asked me 
 if I could attend a meeting at half past two, I replied 
 that I could attend immediately, but he said that he must 
 have his luncheon (English, wasn't it?). I went to the 
 British Embassy at 2 :3(} p. m. and found there only the 
 British, Italian and French Ambassadors and upon in- 
 \quiry was told that no others had been invited. I then 
 stated my position, which was that we should insist upon 
 the Minister of Foreign Affairs giving to the press the 
 expression originally framed by the Allied representa- 
 tives. I was met with the argument that these are the 
 
160 EUSSIA FKOM THE AMEKICAN EMBASSY 
 
 days of censorship and that if the Russian Government 
 refused to give our statement to the press we should 
 have no redress. I replied that we could have in any 
 case the satisfaction of stating our views, and by this 
 and other arguments finally induced my colleagues to 
 insist upon the Minister of Foreign Affairs giving to the 
 press the conclusions of the Monday meeting, omitting 
 merely the word 'mediation' which did not lessen or 
 impair the force of the statement. Sir George Buchanan 
 said he would call upon the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
 and ask the publication of the original statement. We 
 also instructed Sir George to inform the Minister that 
 if he did not give out this statement for publication we 
 would. 
 
 "My objection to being misrepresented in addition to 
 the principles involved was that the statement which 
 Terestchenko wished to give out concerning our action 
 placed us in the position of aiding the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment to suppress Komiloff, which we had not done. 
 
 "Komiloff phoned at 3 :30 this morning that he would 
 surrender, consequently the Provisional Government is 
 stronger than it was before. If, however, it does not 
 immediately restore discipline in the army, Eussia's part 
 in this war will be henceforth ineffective and in fact ab- 
 solutely futile. In such event the causes leading to such 
 condition will become known and will be viewed with a 
 critical eye. If the Allied representatives should permit 
 the impression that they aided the defeat of Komiloff 
 to prevail they would receive and merit severe censure. 
 I used these and other arguments with my colleagues 
 to-day, and although the position taken may produce 
 strained relations with the Kerensky Government, I pre- 
 fer such situation to the credit of aiding the Provisional 
 Government to condemn as a traitor, and perhaps to 
 convict, a brave soldier and patriot whose mistake was 
 
KERENSKY AND KORNILOFF 161 
 
 making demands before public sentiment was sufficiently 
 strong in their favor to force their acceptance. 
 
 ''I have not yet lost all hope for Russia, as the Pro- 
 visional Government can still save the situation if it 
 takes prompt and decisive steps to restore the discipline 
 of the army and navy. I remained with the Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs to-day after my colleagues had left 
 and had with him a very plain talk. In answer to hid 
 statement that Russia or any sovereignty would object 
 to the interference of any outside governments in their 
 internal affairs I stated that while such a position would 
 be tenable under ordinary circumstances the situation 
 in Russia at this time is peculiar. Russia is one of a 
 number of Allies who are fighting a common enemy and 
 Russia is asking and receiving very material assistance. 
 I furthermore stated that I felt the responsibility of 
 keeping my Government advised concerning the condi- 
 tions in the country to which I am accredited and of giv- 
 ing my best judgment as to the proper policy to pursue. 
 
 "It is unnecessary, however, to tire you any longer 
 with this narrative, as I have just received a note from 
 the British Ambassador saying that the Minister has 
 complied with our request and given to the press for 
 publication to-morrow morning the exact expression 
 formulated by the Allied representatives September 
 10th." 
 
 In a letter written my son Perry the next day, I said : 
 
 "By a telephone talk with Terestchenko, Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, I learn that the report received an 
 hour ago of an agreement between the Government and 
 General Komiloff is untrue. The Minister claims that 
 a division ordered by General Komiloff to attack Petro- 
 grad has abandoned the General and is giving allegiance 
 to the Government. My Military and Naval Attaches 
 contend, however, that Komiloff will undoubtedly domi- 
 
162 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 nate the situation. The Provisional Government has 
 been weak in that it has failed to restore discipline in the 
 army and has given too much license to the ultra-Social- 
 istic sentiment whose champions are called 'Bolshe- 
 viks.' " 
 
 I further commented upon this complicated situation 
 in a letter written at the time to American Consul Mosher 
 at Harbin, China, in which I said : 
 
 "The air is full of rumors and general fear is enter- 
 tained of a Bolshevik outbreak. The British Embassy 
 and Consulate are said to have given notice to all British 
 subjects to leave Russia, It is also reported that the 
 Scandinavian Legations have given all of their subjects 
 advice to do likewise. Many Americans are frightened 
 and that condition prevails somewhat in the Embassy 
 and in the Consulate also. I do not partake of it in the 
 slightest degree, as I feel no concern about my personal 
 safety, nor do I anticipate that the Embassy itself will 
 be attacked. In compliance with the repeated appeals 
 of some members of the Embassy Staff, and of other 
 members of the Colony, I have, however, chartered a 
 small steamboat upon which Americans who so desire 
 can take refuge in the event disturbances should occur. 
 I shall remain in Petrograd as long as the Government 
 does, and perhaps longer, as there is some doubt ex- 
 pressed as to the survival of the present Government. 
 The failure of General Korniloff 's attempted overthrow 
 of the Government has resulted in strengthening Ker- 
 ensky, and the appointment of Alexieff as Conamander- 
 in-Chief inspires us with hope, however faint it may be, 
 that the Provisional Government will make some effort 
 to put the army again in fighting condition. At this 
 writing General Komiloff is said to be demanding terms 
 for the surrender of himself and his Chief of Staff, Lu- 
 komsky. The whole situation may be changed to-morrow 
 
KERENSKY AND KOENILOFF 163 
 
 or before night. I was informed by the Foreign Office 
 yesterday noon that General Komiloff had phoned at 
 3 :30 a. m. on the 12th to know to whom he should sur- 
 render. Eussia is certainly going through a severe or- 
 deal, and if she should go out of the war the whole burden 
 of the contest will fall upon the United States and would 
 cost untold millions of treasure and probably millions 
 of American lives. 
 
 "The movement of General Komiloff resulted in fail- 
 ure because it was iU advised, inopportune and was 
 against the only recognized constituted authority in 
 Russia. General Komiloff 's reasoning that the Govern- 
 ment was imder Bolshevik influence was denied by its 
 president, Keren sky, who immediately ordered Komi- 
 loff to relinquish command of the army and directed 
 Alexieff, his successor, to arrest him. The present status 
 is that Komiloff is under arrest awaiting trial. Alexieff 
 has resigned and a new Minister of War, Verkhovsky, has 
 been installed, whose policy is broad and liberal, and 
 whose expressions have convinced the Soviet of his devo- 
 tion to the cause of the Revolution and have resulted in 
 the lessening of the hold of the Soviet over that large 
 portion of the army which was a menace not only to the 
 Government but to the preservation of order. After the 
 failure of Komiloff this is the only policy that contains 
 any hope for the salvation of Eussia and her continuance 
 in the war. It may be that the Komiloff fiasco was a 
 blessing in disguise. Verkhovsky is a young man, 34 
 years of age, who was a Lieutenant-Colonel in command 
 of the Moscow District when Komiloff defied the Gov- 
 ernment and threatened the arrest of all the Ministers. 
 Komiloff sent for Verkhovsky and gave him orders to 
 that effect, but he defied Komiloff and said that he would 
 be loyal to the Provisional Government. Kerensky, who is 
 President of the Council of Ministers and Commander- 
 
164 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 in-Chief of the Army, has issued orders putting into 
 effect the policies of Verkhovsky. ' ' 
 
 In a letter to Judge Priest already quoted, I said of 
 this period: 
 
 "It is my intention to remain in the Embassy and if 
 the Russian Government cannot protect me and the resi- 
 dence of the representative of the Government which is 
 extending such moral and material aid to Russia, then I 
 shall defend myself and the property of my country from 
 the mob. Don't understand me as meaning that I shall 
 go on the street and defy a bloodthirsty pillaging crowd, 
 but I shall remain in the Embassy, and if the doors are 
 broken in in face of my remonstrance I shall not attempt 
 to escape." 
 
 The National Democratic Conference was called to 
 meet in Petrograd on December 25th. It was not recog- 
 nized by the Government, but Foreign Minister Teres- 
 tchenko told me that the Government had no fear of this 
 Congress which was called by the Soviet for the purpose 
 of forming a Government to administer the affairs of 
 Russia pending the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. 
 
 In a letter of September 24th to my friend, Walter 
 Williams, of Columbia, Missouri, I said of the then pre- 
 vailing conditions : 
 
 "The greatest menace to the present situation is the 
 strength of the Bolshevik sentiment which, intoxicated 
 with its success (attributable in no small degree to the 
 failure of the Korniloff movement), may attempt to over- 
 throw the present Provisional Government and admin- 
 ister affairs through its own representatives. If such 
 condition should eventuate, failure will undoubtedly en- 
 sue in a short time, but meanwhile there may be blood- 
 shed, of which there has been remarkably little since the 
 beginning of the revolution, when taking into considera- 
 tion all of the circumstances. Another menace of which 
 
KERENSKY AND KORNILOFF 1G5 
 
 I have evidence while dictating this letter is the scarcity 
 of food in Petrograd; just across the street is a bread 
 line of several hundred people, who stand for hours and 
 are sometimes told thereafter that the supply is ex- 
 hausted. In walking yesterday afternoon we overheard 
 a woman whom we passed, and who was talking with con- 
 siderable emphasis, say, 'I have asked for bread so often 
 and have been refused it that now I am going to demand 
 it. ' These manifestations indicate bread riots. There is 
 no scarcity of food in Russia but very imperfect, inade- 
 quate and insufficient transportation facilities." 
 
 As I said also at the time in a dispatch to the 
 Secretary : 
 
 "Food is very difficult to procure here now and is com- 
 manding exorbitant fignires; in front of the Embassy I 
 counted to-day about 200 people in a bread Une, many 
 of whom after waiting four to six hours were told the 
 supply was exhausted. This is one of many such in 
 every section of the city." 
 
 About this time hand bills, of which the accompanynig 
 is a copy, were widely distributed throughout the city. 
 They read: 
 
 "PROTEST MEETING" 
 
 "(Free) America wants to execute a Russian emi- 
 grant, Revolutionist, Alexander Berkman. All the Sol- 
 diers and Workers of Petrograd must attend a Mass 
 Meeting which will be held in Circus Modeme on Sun- 
 day, September 17th (30th), at 7 p. m., to find out how 
 this (free) country deals with its revolutionists." 
 
 "Admittance free." 
 
 I sent a representative to this meeting who made this 
 report on what took place : A resolution was passed to 
 the following effect : 
 
166 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 " 'The Soldiers and Workers of Petrograd, assembled 
 on the 17th of September, at the Circus Moderne, having 
 received reports of the state of things in the United 
 States, energetically protest against methods of the so- 
 called "free" republic of North America in its repres- 
 sive measures against time friends of the liberation 
 movement, and fighters for the peace of all nations. 
 
 " 'The Soldiers and Workers of Petrograd send their 
 fraternal greetings to the revolutionists Goldman and 
 Berkman and all those who in "free" America fight for 
 the social revolution, and they demand in the name of 
 free speech and free press, which are supposed now to 
 be the foundation of free society, the immediate release 
 of our revolutionist friends, and the abolition of all pro- 
 vocative measures of the United States Government 
 against internationalist measures which remind one of 
 the best days of Russian Tsardom. This meeting ad- 
 dresses itself to the Council of Workmen and Soldiers 
 as well as to the Central Committee of the Councils, re- 
 questing it to send effective protest to the American 
 authorities against persecution of men and women whose 
 only crime is doing in their country, against autocracy, 
 what Russian workers have done here against autoc- 
 racy. . . ." 
 
 "There were about six thousand present at the meet- 
 ing, counting 200 for each of the sixteen sections of the 
 amphitheater and 3,000 for the arena. In addition to this 
 there were a great many people coming and going, so 
 that it would probably not be wrong to say that 8,000 saw 
 all or part of the meeting. 
 
 "Shotoff, an anarchist and former agitator in Amer- 
 ica, was the chief speaker. 
 
 "I have reason to believe that John Reed brought 
 over the story of the proposed execution of Berkman 
 (as far-fetched a tale as has ever been made the subject 
 of an appeal to the niob). Also that he obtained exclu- 
 sion of the Associated Press from the democratic con- 
 gress on the ground of their 'capitalistic' character.. I 
 have also learned that he has been expelled from Eng- 
 land and France and from Russia under the old regiiiift< 
 
KERENSKY AND KORNILOFF 167 
 
 "The Kronstadt sailors, 11,000 in number, passed a 
 resolution similar to the one above. 
 
 "A petition to request immediate action on the case 
 of Berkman will be presented to the Soviet and the 
 American Ambassador." 
 
 The John Reed referred to had come to the Embassy 
 about a month before this time with a letter of introduc- 
 tion from a prominent federal official of New York : 
 
 "New York, August 17, 1917. 
 "Dear Mr. Ambassador: 
 
 "I want to present to you my old friends, Mr. and 
 Mrs. Jack Reed, both of whom are of the American news- 
 paper world and are visiting Russia with a view to 
 studying conditions. 
 
 "Any courtesy at any time which you and the gentle- 
 men of the Embassy may extend to them will be deeply 
 appreciated by, 
 
 "Yours faithfully, 
 
 On October 1st, I sent the following cable to the Secre- 
 tary of State in reference to Reed: 
 
 "Sept. 18/Oct. 1, 1917. 
 
 "Secstate, 
 
 "Washington, 
 
 "Reliably informed that John Reed, holder of Ameri- 
 can Passport No. , cordially welcomed by Bol- 
 sheviks whom he apparently advised of his coming. Lost 
 pocketbook soon after arrival which found delivered 
 Consulate containing letter from Hillquit introducing 
 Reed to Huymans, Secretary of the Stockholm Confer- 
 ence. 
 
 "Think Bolsheviks' information concerning Berkman 
 obtained through Reed and Wilham Shotoff. Under- 
 stand Reed secured passport upon affidavit was not going 
 
1G8 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Stockholm Conference. Presented personal letter to me 
 
 from (a prominent federal official), presenting 
 
 'my old friends, Mr. and Mrs. Jack Reed' and bespeak-* 
 ing courtesies. Endeavoring to ascertain inspiration of 
 Protest Meeting. Shotoff been in America much past 
 twenty years. Returned Russia recently is now Secre-, 
 tary of some Soviet Committee. Please give record of 
 both." 
 
 The lost pocketbook referred to contained the follow- 
 ing letter of endorsement: 
 
 "Stockholm, Sept. 9, 1917. 
 "Hellano Scandinavian Socialist Committee, 
 
 "I beg to recommend to you very warmly the citizen 
 John Reed, member of the Socialist Party of the United 
 States, editor of the socialist pubUcation, New York Call. 
 "He is recommended to me especially by the citizen 
 Mr. Hillquit, delegate of the United States to the Inter- 
 national Socialist Bureau. 
 
 "Huymans, 
 "Secretary of the Stockholm Conference." 
 
 The personal note also contained in the pocketbook 
 was addressed to "Dear Sally" and the whole enclosed 
 
 in an envelope addressed to Mrs. , 
 
 Croton-on-Hudson, N^w York, and read in part: 
 
 "There may be a possibility for me to make money 
 
 here, so tell not to send me any more money 
 
 until I cable, but then to do it quick or whatever else I 
 ask him to do with it. I do not think my benefactors 
 are going to lose much on this trip of mine." 
 
 After these disclosures I naturally regarded Mr. Reed 
 as a suspicious character and had him watched and his 
 record and acts investigated. To an agent of mine he 
 expressed these views and made these statements: 
 
\ KERENSKY AND KORNILOFF 169 
 
 ! "Says — 'He is Socialist. Believes that tlie Workmen 
 can manage the factories themselves. Some works are 
 b^ing run by them with a great deal of success. The 
 newspapers only mention the failures. Barring the 
 Cadets — the Bolsheviks are the only Party with a pro- 
 gram. The other factions of the Socialistic Party are 
 at sea in regards to a policy and program. Though the 
 Russian workman has not reached the same high stand- 
 ard of eflfioienoy of the American — he is farther advanced 
 in politics and in political thought.' Says — 'That if the 
 workmen were paid in proportion to their labor they 
 would get all the profits. Instead of shutting down, the 
 works should be compelled to furnish the material, or 
 to turn the factories over to the workmen.' Was at the 
 all-night session of the Democratic meeting held in the 
 Alexander Theater. Seemed to know all about what 
 took place there. Says that if the Bolsheviks get control 
 of the Government the very first thing they would do 
 would be to kick out all the Embassies and all those con- 
 nected with them. Vesey's paper {The Bussian Daily 
 News, printed in English) is liable to be qlosed any day 
 as he is playing up to the American Embassy and in 
 favor of the Cadets. The Embassies are interfering too 
 much with the internal politics of the country. Men- 
 tioned the Marx theory. Apparently knows a great deal 
 about all the Socialistic factions here." 
 
 Thus at this time were the American Bolsheviks com- 
 ing to the aid of Russian Bolsheviks in their efforts to 
 overthrow the democratic government of Russia just as 
 now the Russian Bolsheviks are coming to the aid of 
 American Bolsheviks, in their efforts to overthrow our 
 democratic government. 
 In a letter of October 13th to my son Perry, I said : 
 "The air is always full of rumors here concerning 
 plots of the Bolsheviks, but the outbreaks that are 
 prophesied seem never to occur — it is only the unex- 
 pected that happens here. I heard a few days ago that 
 the Bolsheviks had made a list of people whom they 
 
170 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 intended to kill, and that, while the British Ambassadoi' 
 heads the list, I am not many removes from the top. I 
 do not believe this and consequently I am not regulating 
 my actions or movements accordingly." 
 
 And in a later letter I observed : 
 
 "The Bolsheviks are said to be armed and organized: 
 for a demonstration, which means ' shooting up the town' 
 in our western vernacular. I may be in danger but do 
 not feel so any more than I did when that mob on the 
 Nevsky, with a black flag, was advancing to attack the 
 Embassy." 
 
CHAPTEE Xni 
 
 THE BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW THE GOVERNMENT 
 
 On October 11th, 0. S., 1917, Kerensky issued this his 
 last appeal to the Eussian people to support his Govern- 
 ment and its policies until the Constituent Assembly 
 could be convoked : 
 
 "Great confusion has once more been brought into the 
 life of our country. In spite of the swift suppression 
 of the revolt of General Korniloff, the shocks caused by 
 it are threatening the very existence of the Eussian 
 Eepublic. 
 
 ""Waves of anarchy are sweeping over the land, the 
 pressure of the foreign enemy is increasing, counter- 
 revolutionary elements are raising their heads, hoping 
 that the prolonged governmental crisis, coupled with the 
 weariness which has seized the entire nation, will enable 
 them to murder the freedom of the Eussian people. 
 
 "Great, boundless is the responsibility of the Provi- 
 sional Government, on whom devolves the historic task 
 of bringing Eussia to a state where the convocation of 
 the Constituent Assembly will be possible. The burden 
 of this responsibility is alleviated only by the deep con- 
 viction that, united by the common desire to save the 
 fatherland and to protect the achievements of the Eevo- 
 lution, the representatives of all classes of the Eussian 
 people will understand the necessity for cooperation with 
 the Provisional Government in establishing a firm gov- 
 ernmental power, capable of realizing the urgent de- 
 mands of the country, and bringing it, without further 
 upheavals, to the Constituent Assembly, the convocation 
 of which, it is the deep conviction of the Provisional 
 Government, cannot be postponed for one day. 
 
 "Leaving to the Constituent Assembly, the sovereign 
 
 171 
 
172 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 master of Russia, the final solution of all great questions 
 on which the welfare of the Russian people depends, the 
 Provisional Government, the personnel of which has now 
 been completed, holds that only by carrying out energet,- ' 
 ically a series of resolute measures in all spheres of the 
 life of the State, will it be able to fulfill its duty and 
 satisfy the urgent needs of the nation. 
 
 "In the firm conviction that only a general peace will 
 enable our great fatherland to develop all its creative 
 forces, the Provisional Government will continue inces-' 
 santly to develop its active foreign policy in the spirit 
 of the democratic principles proclaimed by the Russian 
 Revolution. The Revolution has made these principles 
 a national possession, its aim being to attain a general 
 peace — a peace excluding violence on either side. 
 
 "Acting in complete accord with the Allies, the Pro- 
 visional Government will, in the next few days, take 
 part in the conference of the Allied Powers. At this 
 conference the Provisional Government will be repre- 
 sented, among other delegates, by one who particularly 
 enjoys the confidence of the democratic organizations. 
 
 "At this conference our representatives, together with 
 the solution of common questions and military problems, 
 will strive towards an agreement with the Allies on the 
 ground of the principles proclaimed by the Russian 
 Revolution. 
 
 ' ' Striving for peace, the Provisional Government will, 
 however, use all its forces for the protection of the com- 
 mon. Allied cause, for the defense of the country, for 
 resolute resistance to any efforts to wrest national terri- 
 tory from us and impose the will of any foreign power 
 on Russia, and for the repulsion of the enemies' troops 
 from the borders of the fatherland. 
 
 "For the purpose of securing for the revolutionary 
 authorities close contact with the organized public forces 
 and thus imparting to the Government the necessary 
 stability and power, the Provisional Government will in 
 the next few days work out and publish a decree estab- 
 lishing a Provisional Council of the Republic, which is 
 to function until the Constituent Assembly convenes. 
 This Council, in which all classes of the population will 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVEETHROW GOVERNMENT 173 
 
 be represented and in which the delegates elected to the 
 Democratic Conference will also participate, will he 
 given the right of addressing questions to the Govern- 
 ment and of securing replies to them in a definite period 
 of time, of working out legislative acts and discussing 
 all those questions which will be presented for considera- 
 tion by ttie Provisional Government, as well as those 
 which will arise on its own initiative. Resting on the 
 cooperation of such a council, the Government, preserv- 
 ing in accordance with its oath, the unity of the govern- 
 mental power created by the Revolution, will regard it 
 its duty to consider the great public significance of such 
 a council in all its acts up to the time when the Constit- 
 uent Assembly will give full and complete representation 
 to all classes of the population of Russia. 
 
 "Standing firmly on this program, which expresses 
 the hopes of the people, and calling upon all for imme- 
 diate and active participation in the preparations for 
 the convocation of the Constituent Assembly in the short- 
 est period of time, the Provisional Government presumes 
 that all citizens of Russia will now rally closely to its 
 support for concerted work, in the name of the basic and 
 paramount problems of our time, the defense of the 
 fatherland from the foreign enemy, the restoration of 
 law and order and the leading of the country to the sov- 
 ereign Constituent Assembly. 
 
 "A. Kerensky, 
 "Prime Minister." 
 
 As if in brazen response to this appeal appeared the 
 announcement by the Bolsheviks, Volodarsky and Mani- 
 nef, of the formation of a Military Revolutionary Com- 
 mittee organized to seize the power of the Government. 
 
 On the 19th of November, 1917, following the down- 
 fall of the Provisional Government and upon the usurpa- 
 tion of control by the Bolsheviks, I issued this address : 
 
 "To the People of Russia: 
 
 "I address you because there is no official in the For- 
 eign Office with whom I can communicate, and all of the 
 
174 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 members of the goverament or ministry with which I 
 had oflBcial relations are inaccessible, being in flight or 
 in prison, according to my best information. 
 
 "When, on March 5th-18th, 1917, six days after your 
 memorable revolution began, and three days after the 
 Provisional Government was named, and before I had re- 
 ceived official notice of its appointment, I cabled to my 
 Grovemment earnestly requesting authority to aid the 
 revolution by recognizing the new government at a crit- 
 ical juncture of its existence. I had no thought that 
 within the short period of seven months you would be 
 engaged in civil strife as you are to-day, and so divided 
 that the liberty for which you had striven and suffered 
 for so many generations would be so endangered as it is 
 at present. Within four days I received instructions 
 from Washington to recognize the Provisional Govern- 
 ment, and did so promptly and in the most impressive 
 manner I could command, on March 9th-22nd. 
 
 "Fifteen days thereafter (March 20th- April 4th) Presi- 
 dent Wilson sent a message to the American Congress, 
 recommending that a state of war be declared to exist 
 between the United States and the imperial government 
 of Germany. That immortal message electrified the peo- 
 ple of my country and thrilled the lovers of liberty 
 throughout the world — especially in Russia — ^by its deep- 
 ly-moving allusion to the heart of the Russian people. 
 
 ' ' The Congress promptly responded to the appeal, and 
 very soon thereafter I cabled my Government urging the 
 extension of a credit of $500,000,000 to Russia, to enable 
 her the more vigorously to prosecute the war against 
 Germany whose success would mean the loss of the dear- 
 ly bought freedom of the Russian people. Up to the 
 beginning of the present revolution, credits had been 
 extended to Russia to the extent of $256,000,000 by the 
 United States Government, and a cable sent by myself 
 two days before the beginning of the present revolution 
 recommended an additional advance of $100,000,000. 
 
 "Almost immediately. President Wilson appointed a 
 diplomatic mission to Russia under the chairmanship of 
 Honorable Elihu Root, to express the good will of my 
 country, and to extend encouragement to the Russian 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW GOVERNMENT 175 
 
 people in the bold stroke they had made for liberty. The 
 factories of the United States, subordinating domestic 
 needs to the necessities of Russia, at once devoted their 
 energies and resources to the manufacture of munitions, 
 railroad equipment and other requirements of your 
 country. Soon thereafter American Red Cross missions 
 were dispatched to Russia and Roumania to minister to 
 the sufferings of a people enervated by years of struggle 
 and, for this voluntary offering, no compensation or re- 
 ward was asked and none is expected. A railway com- 
 mission of distinguished experts also came from America 
 to Russia to render what assistance they could toward 
 improving your transportation facilities, to the end that 
 your magnificent food productions might be so distrib- 
 uted as to relieve the famine which seemed to prevail in 
 some sections. This commission has already achieved 
 great results, but its work has hardly begun. 
 
 "America's motives in entering the war and the ob- 
 jects thereof have been set forth clearly and impressively 
 by President Wilson in his message to Congress, in his 
 note to the Provisional Government on the coming of 
 the diplomatic mission, in his flag-day speech, in his 
 reply to the Pope, and in many other eloquent utter- 
 ances, all of which show that my country has entered 
 this war desiring and expecting no annexations and no 
 indemnities, but has unselfishly assumed a stupendous 
 task in the interests of humanity, to enable all peoples 
 to dispose of themselves, to make the world safe for 
 Democracy. . . . 
 
 "If reports received daily are to be credited, even 
 partially, (the Russian people are engaged in fratricidal 
 strife and are paying no attention to the approac h of a 
 powerful enemy who is already on Russian soil. (There 
 is no power whose authority is recognized throughout 
 Rus^a]; your industries are neglected and many of your 
 peopfe^are crying for food. This need can be supplied 
 if you will permit the American railway commission to 
 continue its helpful work, as there is sufficient food in 
 Russia to feed all her people if properly distributed, 
 An able and experienced railroad operator is clearing 
 from America to-day with three hundred and forty engi- 
 
176 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 neers, skilled mechanics, and operatives, for Vladivostok, 
 in accordance with an agreement between the Depart-I 
 ment of Ways and Communications and the American ;' 
 Eailway Commission. I have cabled my Grovernment 
 urging that your internal conditions be not permitted to 
 prevent the coming of this assistance. The men are 
 coming to Eussia for a temporary stay only and they 
 will not take the places of any railroad men now em- 
 ployed. Food conditions or the scarcity of bread is the 
 greatest menace confronting you at this time, and 
 America is making every effort to improve the situation. 
 
 *'I have not lost faith in the ability of the Eussian 
 people to solve their own problems. On the contrary, 
 I believe that your patriotism, your pride, your sense 
 of right, and your love of justice will remove the difii- 
 culties that beset your pathway. But the time you have 
 therefor is extremely limited. A powerful enemy is at 
 your gates. A desperate foe is sowing the seeds of dis- 
 sension in your midst. (A hostile, unscrupulous, imperial 
 government is maintaining a well-organized espionage 
 throughout the land. Your liberties are threatened. 
 Your beloved land is in danger) Your unapproachable 
 resources may pass into unfriendly hands. Eternal vigi- 
 lance is required to preserve for your descendants the 
 rich heritage you now hold. Neglect of present opportu- 
 nity may entail upon your children a commercial slavery 
 worse than serfdom. (l appeal to you to be watchful of 
 your true interests, and I make this appeal on behalf 
 of my Government and my people) with whom you have 
 ever borne friendly relations, and who cherish a sincere, 
 deep interest in your welfare. I make this appeal also 
 for myself. I have lived in your naddst for more than 
 a year and a half. I have studied your character, and 
 admire your many excellent traits. I think if you are 
 now mindful of your true interests your future will he 
 more glorious than your most sanguine expectations. 
 
 •'Your Constituent Assembly, upon which your minds 
 and hearts are centered, is less than nine days distant. 
 That august body is empowered to formulate a govern- 
 ment for Russia. "What preparations are you making 
 for its assembling? Can it be representative of the soul t 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVEETHEOW GOVEENMENT 177 
 
 of Russia if her sons are daily shedding the blood of 
 each other? 
 
 /'It may be true that you are tired of war and desire J 
 peace, but what kind of a peace can you expect from 
 a Government not only imperialistic in form but the 
 greatest enemy of Democracy? ) You are dissipating your 
 power and weakening your spirit, and wasting your 
 energies, by family dissensions. 
 
 "My country has no secret treaties in connection with 
 this war. We are bound to our Allies in a league of 
 honor. Our forefathers, the founders of the American 
 Republic, warned us against entangling alliances with 
 foreign powers, but they also taught us that a govern- 
 ment which fails to fulfil its obligations to live up to 
 its agreements, cannot command the respect of civiliza- 
 tion and neither merit nor receive the loyal support of 
 its own citizens, and consequently cannot survive. 
 
 "I appreciate your friendly feeling for my country, 
 and your considerate treatment of myself during my 
 official stay among you. If by this candid expression of 
 thought and feeling I forfeit your friendship, I shall 
 regret it sincerely. My hope is that what I have said 
 may make you stop and think. If so, it will inure to your 
 profit. ' ' 
 
 Instead of rallying to the support of the Provisional 
 Government the troops in Petrograd acknowledged al- 
 legiance to the Bolshevik Revolutionary Committee. 
 This meant the overthrow of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment just as surely as had the defection of these troops 
 eight months before meant the downfall of the Czar. 
 
 "It is reported that a Bolshevik uprising or 'demon- 
 stration' is beginning on the other side of the river. The 
 immediate cause is the suppression of the four Bolshevik 
 newspapers, one of them Maxim Gorky's. These papers 
 have been advocating a separate peace and supporting 
 extreme socialistic doctrines." This I said in concluding 
 a letter to my eldest son on November 6th, 191.7. 
 
 On the same day I had a long talk with Terestchenko 
 
178 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY t 
 
 at tlie Foreign Office. After a brief discussion of routine! 
 matters I went to a window from which we could see a 
 thousand or more soldiers drilling in the open space 
 between the Foreign Office and the Winter Palace. We 
 were both under great tension, but Terestchenko was 
 more nervous than I was. We were alone and neither 
 had spoken for some minutes when he said, "I expect 
 a Bolshevik outbreak to-night." 
 
 "If you can suppress it, I hope it will occur," I com- 
 mented. 
 
 "I think we can suppress it," the Minister said with 
 apparent calmness ; but when he abruptly added, "I hope 
 it will take place whether we can or not — ^I am tired of 
 this uncertainty and suspense," I realized to the full, 
 the terrible strain under which this: young man was 
 living. 
 
 He was the richest man in the Government and had 
 been reared in luxury, but unlike most men so reared ho 
 had never wasted his time. Beside his own language 
 he knew English, French and German. He had been a 
 student both of political economy and of Russian history,*| 
 Having lost faith in his chief, Kerensky (a fact which 
 I did not know at the time), he undoubtedly felt that 
 the chief responsibility for saving his country from the 
 terrible fate that threatened her rested upon his shoul- 
 ders chiefly* 
 
 "Whose soldiers are those?" I asked. 
 
 "They are ours," the young Minister replied as he 
 turned wearily to his desk, and I took my departure 
 feeling hopeful that he was justified in his belief that 
 the Government would be able to defeat any effort the 
 Bolsheviks might make. 
 
 As I stepped into my victoria, drawn by two gray 
 horses with small American flags attached to the rosettes 
 of their bridles, I directed my coachman to drive by the 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW GOVERNMENT 179 
 
 soldiers who had stacked arms and were talking in little 
 groups. I saluted as I passed and the men under their 
 non-commissioned ofiBoers promptly came to attention 
 and returned my salute with all proper military preci- 
 sion. I wanted to impress these men with the fact that 
 America and her Ambassador were back of the threat- 
 ened Provisional Government. 
 
 The next morning I was called up from the Foreign 
 Office and told that because of pressing matters the 
 Minister could not receive me at one o'clock that day. 
 That was the hour of my daily call upon the Foreign 
 Minister. 
 
 Shortly after receipt of this message Secretary White- 
 house rushed in in great excitement and told me that 
 his automobile, on which he carried an American flag, 
 had been followed to his residence by a Russian officer, 
 who said that Kerensky wanted it to go to the front. 
 Whitehouse and his brother-in-law. Baron Ramsai, who 
 was with him, accompanied the officer to General Head- 
 quarters in order to confirm his authority for making 
 this amazing request. There they found Kerensky — ^the 
 Headquarters are across the square from the Winter 
 Palace, where he lived surrounded by his staff. Every- 
 one seemed to be in a high tension of excitement and all 
 was confusion. Kerensky confirmed the officer's state- 
 ment that he wanted Whitehouse 's car to go to the 
 front. Whitehouse asserted, "This car is my personal 
 property and you have (pointing across the square to 
 the Winter Palace) thirty or more automobiles waiting 
 in front of the palace. ' ' Kerensky replied, ' ' Those were 
 put out of commission during the night and the Bol- 
 sheviks now command all the troops in Petrograd except 
 some who claim to be neutral and refuse to obey my 
 
 orders." 
 Whitehouse and Ramsai, after a hurried conference, 
 
180 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 1 
 
 came to the very proper conclusion that as the car had 
 virtually been commandeered they could offer no further 
 objection. After they had left the Headquarters White- 
 house remembered the American flag, and returning, told 
 the officer who had originally asked for the car that he 
 must remove the flag before using the car. He objected 
 to doing this and, after some argument, Whitehouse had 
 to be content with registering a protest against Keren- 
 sky's use of the flag, and left to report the affair to me. 
 
 On hearing the story I approved Whitehouse 's action, 
 but gave orders that no mention should be made of the 
 occurrence to anyone. A rumor reached me later that 
 Kerensky had left the city in an American Embassy auto- 
 mobile and under the American flag, but the rumor had 
 a very limited circulation and was, I think, for the most 
 part disbelieved. At any rate no point has been made 
 of the manner of Kerensky 's escape other than the fact 
 that he deserted his colleagues. 
 
 He told Whitehouse to inform me that he was going 
 to the army and would return within five days with a 
 sufficient force to liquidate the situation. He did attempt 
 to return at the head of 3,000 to 5,000 Cossacks, but his 
 troops were repulsed about fifteen miles from the city 
 by a force of about 20,000 men of whom 4,000 to 6,000 
 were armed workmen. It is not improbable that their | 
 arms had been furnished by the order of Kerensky him- 
 self when he armed the workmen of Petrograd in order 
 that they might aid in repelling Korniloff's army. On 
 Friday, November 16th, there came to the Embassy 
 after dark a young man whom, although dressed in 
 civilian's clothes, I recognized as Captain Kovanko,| 
 Kerensky 's naval aide. He said he had left Kerenskyt 
 the morning of the previous day after his defeat and;' 
 had returned with papers from him for friends in Petro- 
 grad. He said Kerensky had told him to see me and 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW GOVERNMENT 181 
 
 advise me of the situation. He said that General Kras- 
 noff, commanding the Cossacks, had called Kerensky's 
 attention to the German tactics of the Bolshevik army, 
 and that both General Krasnoff and Kerensky believed 
 that the Bolshevik army was commanded by German 
 officers. It may be that he invented the story of Keren- 
 sky's sending him to me, as he again appeared after 
 dark the next day and told me he was anxious to go to 
 America. Naturally I could do nothing for him in that 
 direction. The following day he was arrested and im- 
 prisoned in St. Peter and Paul Fortress. 
 
 On November 7th, the day of Kerensky 's flight, his 
 colleagues of the Provisional Government held a meeting 
 at the Winter Palace. Late in the afternoon the Palace 
 was surrounded by Bolshevik troops and Red Guards 
 who demanded its surrender, which was refused. There- 
 upon the Bolsheviks opened fire assisted by the man-of- 
 war, Aurora, which lay in the river and by the guns 
 of St. Peter and Paul Fortress across the river — ^the 
 Winter Palace fronts on the River Neva and the Fortress 
 is almost directly opposite. The Palace was defended by 
 cadets, commonly known as "Junkers" (youths corre- 
 sponding to our West Pointers) of whom there were 
 ] several hundred, and by a battalion of women soldiers. 
 *' At 2 :10 a,m., November 8th, the Palace was surrendered. 
 ; The Ministers were captured and compelled to walk, 
 ' under guard and subjected to many indignities, to the 
 Fortress two miles distant, where they were imprisoned. 
 The four Socialist Ministers were subsequently released, 
 but kept under surveillance. The other Ministers were 
 said to be well treated, but their friends and relatives 
 I were in constant fear that they would be killed, which 
 ' seemed to me not improbable. According to one report 
 ' the Ministers were stood up in line to be shot when the 
 commander of the prison intervened. 
 
182 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Madame Terestehenko, the mother of tlae young 
 Foreign Minister, called upon me at the Embassy a few 
 days after her son's arrest. She was obviously in deep 
 distress of mind and told me that her son's guards, as 
 indeed those of all the former Ministers, were being 
 changed from soldier cyclists to Kronstadt sailors by 
 order of young Rothschild, the President of the so-called 
 "Kronstadt Republic." These Kronstadt sailors had 
 threatened to kill all the former Ministers. She added 
 that her son could be released on the payment of 100,000 
 roubles to the Soviet Government — an amount which she 
 would gladly pay, but that he refused to accept his 
 liberty and leave his colleagues in prison. I explained 
 to the distressed mother as best I could how gladly I 
 would help her if I could, but that unfortunately any 
 interest I might show in her son would simply lead the 
 Bolsheviks to deal more harshly with him. 
 
 In a letter to Secretary Lansing written November 
 20th, 1917,- 1 said of this period : 
 
 "On the night of November 7th, the Petrograd Coun- 
 cil of "Workmen and Soldiers, which is mainly Bolsheviks, 
 and the National Soviet, of which a congress has been 
 called in Petrograd, named a new ministry calling it a 
 ' Commissaire ' and appointed as commissaires of the 
 peope Lenin as President and Trotzky as Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, and ten or fifteen others whose names 
 are immaterial. The Mencheviks in the Soviet Congress 
 thereupon withdrew, and also a few of the- Bolsheviks. 
 The second day thereafter the right wing of the Social- 
 ist Party, including the above Soviet-seceders, the Social 
 Revoliitionists, and a majority of the Internationals and 
 most of the Peasant Deputies, held a conference and 
 attempted to agree upon a compromise ministry. Dan, 
 speaking for the Social Revolutionists, stated they would 
 not participate in any government with Bolsheviks and 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHKOW GOVEBNMENT 183 
 
 that the Peasants and Railway Union, who have become a 
 power in the situation, were of the same mind. Later 
 this decision appears to have been altered to the effect 
 that a Bolshevik representation would be permitted pro- 
 vided neither Lenin nor Trotzky should be selected. Of 
 course, Lenin and Trotzky objected, and that is the pres- 
 ent situation. An adjourned meeting for the selection of a 
 compromise ministry was planned but for some reason 
 was not held. In the meantime, Lenin and Trotzky are 
 administering whatever government there is, outside the 
 City Duma, from the Smolny Institute, an educational 
 building which has been headquarters of the Petrograd 
 Council and the Bolsheviks since they were put out of 
 the National Duma in order that it might be prepared 
 for the Constituent Assembly. The military, or that 
 portion of them which recognizes the Lenin-Trotzky 
 government, is commanded by a revolutionary military 
 committee. 
 
 "A Colonel Mouravief, whose reputation is not good, 
 was appointed commander of the Petrograd District, and 
 assumed charge of the Petrograd military headquarters. 
 He issued an order. No. 1, in which he acknowledged in 
 a complimentary way the supremacy of the Revolution- 
 ary Military Committee and the Red Guard. It appears 
 that the British, French and American Military Attaches 
 called on Mouravief and asked him to protect the foreign 
 Embassies and Legations. I was not aware of this until 
 after it was done, and when informed of it expressed my 
 displeasure and gave orders that nothing should be 
 done by anyone connected with the Embassy or subject 
 to my control that could be construed as a recognition 
 of the Lenin-Trotzky Government. 
 
 "A few days before the revolution began— perhaps a 
 week, the Provisional Government had sent to the Em- 
 bassy seven Junkers or cadets as guards. I had not so 
 
184 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 requested, but gave them quarters and provided some of 
 their food, until they were ordered to return to their 
 school, which order they received November 12th or 
 13th, a day or two before the Junkers had made open 
 resistance to the Bolshevik soldiers. I consented to their 
 leaving, and have since heard that they arrived safely 
 at Nikolai School. The Red Guard has been killing tho 
 Junkers on the streets and on sight without warning, a 
 species of unsurpassed brutality. On or about November 
 9th a telephone message was received at the Embassy 
 asking whether I desired a guard of Polish soldiers. I 
 replied in the negative, but the Polish soldiers, ten in 
 ntmiber including a lieutenant, arrived next day and were 
 also given quarters and food. General Judson, the Mili- 
 tary Attache, thought it unwise to keep the Polish sol- 
 diers in the Embassy, as they were known to be unfa- 
 vorable to the Bolshevik government, and recommended 
 that they be replaced by Bolshevik guard. I assumed 
 the position that, while I was willing for the Polish sol- 
 diers to leave, I would not accept a guard from the 
 Revolutionary Military Committee, nor from the Bol- 
 shevik Headquarters. 
 
 "I have just had a call from Skobeleff, whom you 
 remember as a delegate appointed to accompany Teres- 
 tchenko to Paris. He was accompanied by Tchaikovsky. 
 They both stated voluntarily that the present govern- 
 ment is no government at all and that if it is not soon 
 succeeded by a representative ministry anarchy wiU. pre- 
 vail throughout Russia, and this country will be dis- 
 rupted and will disappear from the face of the earth as 
 one of the Great Powers. They said they represented 
 the committee of national defense of which Avksentieff 
 is chairman, but he is not in Petrograd at this time be- 
 cause he and his friends thought it unsafe for h iTn to re- 
 main here. They believed the situation could be saved if 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW GOVERNMENT 185 
 
 the Allies would agree to call a conference for the purpose 
 of defining theii aims in continuing the war. They 
 asserted the soldiers and everybody in Russia were ask- 
 ing what the Russian army is fighting for and that the 
 army could only be held together by an announcement 
 of war aims by the Allies. If such announcement should 
 be made and not accepted by Grermany, then the army 
 could be reorganized and solidified and would at least 
 hold that part of Russia which is not now in the posses- 
 sion of the Germans. I am cabling you this proposition 
 to-day. Skobeleff and Tchaikovsky said they had just 
 left Sir George Buchanan, and that he had promised to 
 cable their suggestion to his government with a recom- 
 mendation that it be followed. It was their opinion that 
 such a conference should not be held in Petrograd nor 
 in Russia. I told them there was no objection on our 
 part to such a conference as our aims in this war had 
 been stated before we entered it and had been repeated 
 by President Wilson several times since. 
 
 "The situation here is extremely critical. The army 
 is without bread, and many of the soldiers are likely to 
 come to Petrograd in quest of food. When they arrive, 
 it is possible they may indulge in excesses. 
 
 "I have a strong suspicion that Lenin and Trotzky are 
 working in the interests of Germany, but whether that 
 suspicion is correct or not, their success will unques- 
 tionably result in Germany's gain. As I cabled you 
 several days ago, it is believed by many that there are 
 Gei-man officers here in touch with the commanders of 
 the Bolshevik regiments. I have also cabled you con- 
 cerning the German propaganda at the front, in Moscow 
 and elsewhere. You do not need to be impressed with 
 what it means to us for Germany to get possession of 
 Russia. 
 
 "Your cable of November 16th, 3 p. m., to Morris was 
 
186 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 received by me to-day. You can readily see that cables 
 between tbe Department and the Embassy have been 
 ■wilfully intercepted, especially when I call your atten- 
 tion to the fact that unimportant cables have come 
 through unmolested. I appreciate your concern abont 
 the safety of the members of the Embassy and also about 
 American citizens, but as I have cabled you several 
 times, no American has been injured either in Petrograd 
 or in Moscow." 
 
 The day after the overthrow of the Provisional Grov- 
 ernment, I wrote in a letter to Consul-Greneral Summers 
 at Moscow : 
 
 "The streets are quiet to-day but some of them are 
 barricaded. The principal point of interest is the tele- 
 phone headquarters on the Moskaya, which was taken 
 by the Bolsheviks night before last. Some cadets at- 
 tempted to recapture it yesterday afternoon but were 
 repulsed. 
 
 "The Foreign Office in reply to my inquiry, phones 
 this morning that it does not know where the Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs is, and that no one representing the 
 new power has appeared at the Ministry, consequently 
 all of the officials there are folding their hands. An 
 official of the Department of Agriculture called at the 
 Embassy this morning and told me that the Ministry 
 was closed as it was impossible to do any business with 
 the Ministers in prison. I have just received word, how- 
 ever, from the Ministry of Ways and Communications, 
 that a telegram I sent there to be forwarded to John F. 
 Stevens would be promptly transmitted, consequently I 
 conclude that the Department is transacting business. 
 
 "It is reported that the Petrograd Council of Work- 
 men and Soldiers has named a cabinet with Lenin as 
 Premier, Trotzky as Minister of Foreign Affairs, and 
 Madame or Mile. KoUontai as Minister of Education. 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW GOVERNMENT 187 
 
 Disgusting! — ^but I hope such effort -will he made, as 
 the mores ridiculous the situation the sooner the remedy. 
 It is reported also and generally believed that Ver- 
 khovsky, late Minister of War, is at the Smolny Institute 
 and directing the military affairs of the Bolsheviks. I 
 am inclined to believe the report." 
 
 In a later letter, I said : 
 
 "There has been little fighting here on the streets. 
 Last Sunday the Junkers (the cadets) captured thd 
 telephone office and held it about six hours, when they 
 were compelled to surrender. They thought Kerensky's 
 forces would enter Petrograd Sunday and they are said 
 to have been promised that the three Cossack regiments 
 here would attack the Bolsheviks, provided they were 
 given an armored motor. The Junkers had heard on 
 Saturday that their arms would be taken from them on 
 Sunday, consequently on Saturday night they entered 
 the garage where the motors are stored, and after bind- 
 ing and chloroforming the guards captured eight 
 armored motors. About ten o'clock the next morning 
 they captured the telephone office, and were engaged in 
 more or less street fighting during the day. The Bol- 
 shevik soldiers and Red Guards took the Vladimir School 
 across the river, and, after almost demolishing it with 
 artillery, captured the inmates, who had offered resis- 
 tance, and are said to have practised horrible cruelties 
 on those who surrendered. During Sunday and Monday 
 whenever a Junker was seen on the street he was shot 
 by a Red Guard or a Bolshevik soldier without being 
 questioned. 
 
 "On the night of November 8th, after the fall of the 
 Winter Palace, the Petrograd Council of Workmen and 
 Soldiers, and the National Soviet, or what is left of it, 
 after several factions had withdrawn, passed a decree 
 dividing among the people all the land in Russia except 
 
188 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 that belongmg to the Cossacks. They then adopted peace 
 resolutions and recommended a three months' armistice, 
 for their consideration, and ordered the resolutions sent 
 to the army and by wireless to all belligerent and neutral 
 countries. 
 
 "The Embassy has never received any ofl&cial notice 
 that there has been any change in the government, but 
 the departments are all closed or operating only par- 
 tially and without chiefs. The Lenin-Trotzky Ministry 
 has not sent any written or oral communication to the 
 Embassy. In fact, I have not heard of its functioning 
 at all except to demand the secret treaties from the 
 Foreign Office, which were not forth-coming, and to take 
 possession of the State Bank. The private banks have 
 been closed notwithstanding Lenin's order to them to 
 keep open for at least two hours daily. The National 
 City Bank tells me it would open for the accommodation 
 of its customers but it has no money outside the State 
 Bank and can get none from there. Quiet prevails here 
 notwithstanding there is no government. 
 
 "When a government is formed and I am officially 
 advised, I shall confer with the heads of the Allied Mis- 
 sions and the Department upon a course of action. Of 
 course, we would not, or I would not, recognize any \ 
 Ministry of which Lenin is Premier or Trotzky Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs." 
 
 In a letter to my son Perry written November 26th, I 
 thus commented upon later phases of the Revolution: 
 
 ' ' There has been no firing on the streets of Petrograd 
 for the last three days except occasionally. Killing and 
 robberies are much more frequent than anyone knows, 
 however, because they are not given to the press, and 
 for the further reason that all evidence of such crimes 
 are rapidly removed, I never knew of a place where 
 human life is as cheap as it is now in Russia. You can, 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVEETHEOW GOVEENMENT 189 
 
 however, become accustomed to murders and robberies. 
 About ten days ago when I was returning to the Embassy 
 in a Ford automobile, driven by Phil, my attention was 
 attracted by a crowd congregated on the corner of this 
 block, which is about 1,200 feet long, with the Embassy 
 within 200 feet of one end of it. Phil was inclined to stop, 
 but as I had an engagement at the Embassy I told him 
 to drive on, but his curiosity was so strong that after 
 leaving me at the Embassy he drove back to the comer 
 and about half an hour later came into my office and told 
 me the crowd was in front of a branch post-office, the 
 woman in charge of which, a 19-year-old girl, had been 
 killed and the office robbed of 82,000 roubles. It seemed 
 incredible, but I have become so accustomed to such out- 
 rages that I only remarked that I was sorry and that 
 the scoundrel who did it should be shot, and continued 
 to dictate to the stenographer. 
 
 "The Department has given no instructions concern- 
 ing recognition of the Lenin-Trotzky government, nor 
 have I made any recommendation looking toward such 
 recognition. The Constituent Assembly will be convened 
 day after to-morrow, but no one can foretell its political 
 complexion or its action. I am still having the Embassy 
 guarded nightly by two of its employees, who sit in the 
 vestibule from 2 a.m. until 7, as I never go to bed until 
 2 o'clock, or haven't since the Eevolution began." 
 
 In a letter to my wife written on Monday, the 12th, I 
 commented : 
 
 "We have had no government here since Thursday. 
 Most of the government offices are closed as the em- 
 ployees have refused to work under Bolshevik Ministers. 
 Some departments have been visited by the new Ministers 
 but some have not. I understand all of those called upon 
 to do so have declined to recognize the Bolshevik govern- 
 
190 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 ment and those not called upon have ceased to operate 
 for want of authority." 
 
 On November 24th, Consul-General Summers wrote me 
 a letter in which he thus, described the Revolution as it 
 affected Moscow : 
 
 "We were for a week in the center of the fighting zone 
 and for four days I could not get out of the house on 
 account of the firing on the streets both of artillery and 
 musketry. All the houses at the comer near our house 
 were shelled and burned. I was very anxious about the 
 Consulate where Poole, Macgowan and BuUard were 
 sleeping, having been cut off from their homes. The 
 Consulate is only about 400 yards from my home — ^in the 
 direction of the National Hotel, and the heaviest fighting 
 in Moscow was between us. Fire broke out the second 
 night as the result of the heavy artillery fire directed 
 against the buildings. Numerous persons were killed or 
 burned to death. The Dom Gagarin, the property of my 
 wife's aunt, was the stronghold of the Bolsheviks. It 
 controlled the entrance to the Kremlin by the Nikitzkaya 
 and was hotly contested until the last moment when shells 
 set it and the surrounding buildings afire. Our house 
 was struck several times by bullets and shrapnel, but we 
 were not injured or even worried. 
 
 ' ' The Consulate was shot up a little but on the whole 
 was respected as much as could have been desired. A 
 large building in the yard, however, is torn to pieces by 
 shell fire. All Americans are safe, although several at 
 the Hotel Metropole, which is a partial wreck, have lost 
 their baggage. The number of dead is not yet known, 
 though it is very large. Last night thirty-five dead bodies 
 were removed . from the Dom Gagarin, nineteen were 
 taken from a burning house in front and all over the city 
 funerals are taking place. The morgues are full of 
 Junkers and Bolsheviks. The dead of the latter are 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW GOVERNMENT 191 
 
 being buried to-day. Disorders are expected in the 
 afternoon, though I think that the terror of the past 
 week has cowed resistance. 
 
 "The most horrible atrocities are known to have been 
 perpetrated by the Bolsheviks. Large numbers of young 
 students from ten to sixteen years of age have been 
 murdered because they were cadets, the word Cadet being 
 confused with the political party. Junkers were thrown 
 into holes made in the ground and buried without funer- 
 als. Many of them were subjected to unheard-of cruel- 
 ties. The French Consul-General from Warsaw was 
 brutally treated and the Roumanian officers at the Met- 
 ropole were little less than executed. Concrete cases of 
 looting, murder and other rapacious acts !are not want- 
 ing. Immediately after the firing was stopped and the 
 Consular Corps could be gotten together, a meeting was 
 held at my home. All were present except the English 
 Consul-General, who informed me that he did not pro- 
 pose to adopt any definite line of action until he received 
 instructions from the Embassy. It seems to me that on 
 occasions of this sort, when the life and property of 
 foreigners is at stake, the first duty of a Consular officer 
 is to see that every protection is given them, regardless 
 of who has assumed the power. I have carefully studied 
 this question at other tunes when the question of recog- 
 nition of governments, created by revolution, was con- 
 cerned, and find that representations to a body which has 
 forcibly come into power and de facto occupies the gov- 
 ernment, in regard merely to the matter of protection of 
 citizens and their properties, is not only in order, but is 
 obligatory on Consular officers. 
 
 "We have carefully given them to understand that we 
 were merely treating with them on matters of the protec- 
 tion of our citizens. After long and rather strong argu- 
 ments were employed, the representatives of the War 
 
192 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Revolutionary Committee called at the Swedish Consu- 
 late on myself and the Swedish' Consul-General, who in 
 the meantime had been selected by the Consular Corps 
 to represent them, and we succeeded in forcing them to 
 place their seal on certain certificates of citizenship and 
 residence which we prepared which would at once pro- 
 tect each foreigner, and insure his house against search 
 except in the presence of a Consular officer. We insisted 
 on a strict compliance with the laws of the nations ia 
 the treatment of all foreigners and warned them of the 
 consequence of any infringement of such laws. 
 
 "I think in the end we have secured to all foreigners 
 here a speedy and effective method of protection. Every- 
 one seems to be contented, though there was a great 
 panic the first days. The American Red Cross was mak- 
 ing every possible effort to get out before anyone else, 
 and annoyed the Consulate-General no little by taking up 
 our time when we were busy trying to secure to our 
 colony all due protection. I confess that it aggravated 
 me not a little to have to stop this work to get special 
 cars for them to get away. I realized that if all of them 
 left precipitately as they wished to do there would be a 
 panic here, and I told them that if they did, even though 
 it cost me my post, I would telegraph the President what 
 they were endeavoring to do and its effect at this serious 
 moment. 
 
 "I am glad to say they have all gone and sincerely 
 hope they will not return. I am not by any means done 
 with this matter, as I have many things in connection 
 with the entire work of this body which I will bring to 
 the attention of the government. Some of them are 
 earnest men and others are little less than curiosity 
 seekers who avail themselves of the official nature of the 
 body to make nuisances of themselves and of the Red 
 Cross, quite contrary from the Y.M.CA, which has 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW GOVERNMENT 193 
 
 done splendid work, as I have cabled the Department. 
 
 "The colony is all quiet and quite untouched. We are 
 making all due preparation for them in case we have to 
 leave. As far as myself and family are concerned and 
 all the staff of this ofiSce, we shall stay here until we are 
 forced to leave. Like yourself I have no fear of these 
 people and feel strongly that we should fight the thing 
 to the end. ' ' 
 
 In reply to the question that is often asked me, "Why 
 did the Kerensky Grovernment fail!" I reply there are 
 many reasons, among which these might be mentioned: 
 The great mass of soldiers in the Russian army were 
 ignorant peasants who had only the vaguest idea what 
 they were fighting for. They had fought long, had lost 
 enormous numbers, had been betrayed by some of their 
 leaders, and in many cases their families were destitute. 
 Lenia and Trotzky and their numerous agents came 
 among them and promised them peace and land. They 
 longed for peace ! To gain possession of the land upon 
 which they worked had been their ambition for genera- 
 tions. Under these conditions, to keep these peasant 
 soldiers fighting and at the same time build up a demo- 
 cratic government in a land that had known only des- 
 potism for hundreds of years was a task for a leader with 
 the iron nerve of Cromwell and the far-seeing wisdom 
 of Lincoln. Not such a man was Kerensky! He was 
 first and foremost an orator. He was also, in my belief, 
 a patriotic Russian with the welfare of his country at 
 heart. But he was weak, and twice in the brief tenure of 
 his power he blundered fatally; first, when after the 
 attempted Revolution of July, he failed to execute as 
 traitors, Lenin and Trotzky. Second, when during the 
 Korniloff episode, he failed to seek to conciliate General 
 Korniloff and instead turned to the Council of Work- 
 men's and Soldiers' Deputies and distributed arms and 
 
194 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 ammunition among the workingmen of Petrograd. By 
 this singularly inept stroke he alienated his own army 
 and armed his enemies. 
 
 In a private letter written from Vologda on June 23rd, 
 1918, 1 told of this incident of Kerensky 's departure from 
 Russia. 
 
 "Kerensky was in Moscow four weeks ago after 
 reports had stated he had settled in Norway, and I think 
 the Government was aware of his presence there, hut 
 don't know such to be the case. The Ministers of the 
 Provisional Government, who were kept in the St. Peter 
 and Paul Fortress for four months, have all been re- 
 leased. Shingarieff, who was an ex-minister, was killed 
 in a hospital to which he had been transferred when the 
 feeling against the Provisional Ministers was very bitter. 
 His murderers have never been punished. 
 
 "I was informed a few days ago that Kerensky might 
 possibly apply for admission to the United States, where- 
 upon I cabled the Department recommending that he be 
 granted permission to enter. I received a few days ago 
 authority to grant him admission. Meantime he has 
 gone to Murmansk, by the Murman railroad, disguised 
 by a fuU growth of whiskers, and wearing the uniform of 
 a Serbian officer. He arrived safely at Murmansk, and 
 while dining on a British man-of-war was so completely 
 disguised that he was not recognized by all of his hosts, 
 but one of them did recognize him. During the dinner 
 when the British officers were talking about Russian 
 affairs, one of them mentioned Kerensky in a very un- 
 complimentary manner, and said if Kerensky had had the 
 courage and wisdom to perform his duty, and had shot 
 Lenin and Trotzky when he could have done so, after 
 the outbreak of July 17th and 18th, 1917, Russia and 
 the Allies would have been spared much trouble and 
 expense and loss of life. You can imagine Kerensky 's , i 
 
BOLSHEVIKS OVERTHROW GOVERNMENT 195 
 
 feelings, and the embarrassment of the officer who harl 
 recognized him." 
 
 Kerensky was in England when I arrived there but did 
 not call upon me. He was occupied in writing his book. 
 I understand that, at this writing, he is in Paris and 
 attends meetings of the Russians there who have organ- 
 ized an anti-Bolshevik association. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED BY ARMED 
 BOLSHEVIKS 
 
 Immediately after the Czar's abdication on March 
 15th, the Provisional Government had issued its addtess 
 to the "citizens" of Russia. It declared the policy to 
 be based on principles, one of which was as follows : • 
 
 "To proceed forthwith to the preparation and con- 
 vocation of a Constituent Assembly based on universal 
 suffrage which will establish a stable governmental 
 regime." 
 
 The members of the Provisional Government took oath 
 of office immediately. Entering the great hall of the 
 First Department of the Senate, the Ministers with 
 Prince Lvoff at their head took their places ta the center 
 of the hall at a table, and each repeated this oath, follow- 
 ing the text as pronounced by the President of the Sen- 
 ate, S. B. Brasski: 
 
 "According to my duty as a member of the Provisional 
 Government, established by the will of the people on 
 the initiative of the Imperial Duma, I promise and swear 
 before God Almighty and my conscience to faithfully and 
 truly serve the people of the Russian State, sacredly pro- 
 tecting its liberty and rights, its honor and dignity, 
 inviolably observing in all my actions and my orders the 
 foundations of civil liberty and civil equality, and in all 
 measures at my disposal to suppress all attempts, di- 
 rectly or indirectly aiming at the reestablishment of the 
 old regime. I swear to apply all my intelligence and all 
 my strength to entirely fulfil all the obligations which 
 
 196 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 197 
 
 the Provisional Government has assumed before the 
 whole world. I swear to take all the measures for the 
 earliest possible convocation of a Constituent Assemblj' 
 on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suf- 
 frage, to transfer to it the plenitude of authority which 
 I am temporarily exercising together with the other mem- 
 bers of the Government and to submit to the will of the 
 people expressed through this assembly concerning the 
 form of government and the fundamental laws of the 
 Russian State. So help me God to fulfil my oath." 
 
 Of like interest, bearing upon the purposes of the Con- 
 stituent Assembly, was the order issued by Minister of 
 War and of the Navy, Goutchkoff, on the 23rd of March. 
 
 "Officers, soldiers and sailors, trust one another. The 
 Provisional Government will not permit a return to the 
 past; having laid the foundation of the new order of 
 Government, it seeks to quietly await the convocation of 
 the Constituent Assembly. Do not aid agitators who 
 sow among you dissension and lying reports. The will 
 of the people will be strictly fulfilled, but the peril has 
 not passed." 
 
 In a subsequent address to "citizens," the Provi- 
 sional Government declared: 
 
 "While taking measures indispensable for the defense 
 of the country against a foreign enemy, the Government 
 will consider it its first duty to grant to the people every 
 facility to express its will concerning the political admin- 
 istration, and will convoke as soon as possible the Con- 
 stituent Assembly on the basis of universal suffrage, at 
 the same time assuring the gallant defenders of the 
 country their share in the Parliamentary Election. The 
 Constituent Assembly will issue fundamental laws, guar- 
 anteeing the country the immutable rights of equality 
 and liberty." 
 
 The Petrograd Soviet, describing their organization 
 as "Russian Workingmen and Soldiers, united in the 
 
198 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies," 
 declined to join the cabinet of ministers composing the 
 Provisional Government, in March, but issued a procla- 
 mation addressed to "Comrades, Proletarians and all 
 Laboring People of all Countries." In this proclama- 
 tion the Soviet did not oppose the proposed Constituent 
 Assembly, but endorsed it. The Soviet said : 
 
 "The people of Russia will express their will in the 
 Constituent Assembly, which will be called as soon as is 
 possible on the basis of universal, equal, direct and 
 secret suffrage. And already it may be said without a 
 doubt that a Democratic Republic will triumph in 
 Russia." 
 
 Stecklov, who was a member of the Executive Com- 
 mittee of the Petrograd Soviet, said that following the 
 establishment of the Provisional Government: 
 
 "The Soviet decided to limit itself to presenting to 
 the Provisional Government definite political demands, 
 and without influencing directly the composition of the 
 cabinet, which means without recommending directly 
 desirable candidates for ministers, to confine itself to 
 the right to veto those candidates who are definitely 
 undesirable and definitely opposed and dangerous to the 
 revjolution. " 
 
 The foregoing statement of the policy of the Soviet 
 appeared in their organ, Izvestia. 
 
 Even the imperialistic element gave apparent support 
 to the proposed Constituent Assembly. The Grand Diike 
 Michael Alexandrovitch, in whose favor the Czar abdi- 
 cated, announced March 3rd-16th his refusal to accept 
 without adherence to the plan of the Constituent As- 
 sembly : 
 
 "I have firmly decided to accept the supreme power 
 only in case it is the will of our great nation, which 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 199 
 
 through its representatives in the Constituent Assembly- 
 will decide upon a form of Government and the new laws 
 of the Russian Empire. Calling God's blessing, I request 
 all citizens of the Russian Empire to submit themselves 
 to the temporary government created by the Imperial 
 Duma and which has the full power until the time when 
 the Constituent Assembly which shall be called upon the 
 basis of general, direct, secret and equal suffrage, shall 
 decide upon the new form of government. 
 
 (Signed) "Michablu' 
 
 jj 
 
 When the Provisional Government was reorganized 
 in May, two months after the first organization, six 
 Socialists were given places in the Cabinet, Prince Lvoff 
 remaining as Prime Minister. Again the Provisional 
 Government issued an address promising an early assem- 
 blage of the Constituent Assembly : 
 
 "Leaving it to the Constituent Assembly to decide the 
 question of transfer of land to the toilers and making 
 the requisite preparation for this, the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment will take aU necessary measures to secure the 
 greatest production of grain, in order to satisfy the needs 
 of the country and to regulate utilization of land in the 
 interests of the country's economic welfare and the needs 
 of the toiling masses. The work of introducing and 
 strengthening the democratic organizations of self-gov- 
 ernment will be continued with all possible assistance 
 and speed. The Provisional Government will in like 
 manner make every effort to convoke the Constituent 
 Assembly in Petrograd as soon as possible." 
 
 These expressions of the purposes of the Provisional 
 Government and of the Soviet in the spring of 1917 
 seemed to justify a general feeling of hopefulness that 
 Russia was about to create an established government of 
 the people, but it was not until November 25th that the 
 elections to the Constituent Assembly were held, and it 
 was not until January 18th that the Constituent Assem- 
 
200 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 bly convened. In that long delay to fulfil the early 
 promises and expectations, Russia's opportunity for a 
 stable government by consent of the governed was lost. 
 From time to time the Provisional Government sent 
 out urgent appeals to stay the political disintegration 
 and to establish harmony : 
 
 "Citizens of Russia! The fate of our country is in 
 your hands. Without you the Government is helpless. 
 Together with you it will with courage and determina- 
 tion lead the country toward its great future. Remem- 
 ber that it is impossible to observe freedom without 
 authority and that in the new order the authority is set 
 up and guarded by you yourselves, by your inner disci- 
 pline and your free obedience. Gathering around the 
 authority you have erected, and putting it in a position 
 to use in point of fact the entirety of the rights you have 
 conceded to it, you will give it force and power to over- 
 come all the difficulties and dangers which stand in the 
 country's path, and to bring Russia's freedom entire 
 and untouched to that great day when the nation itself, 
 in the person of the Constituent Assembly it will have 
 elected, shall stand at the helm of government." 
 
 Following the attempted revolution led by Lenin and 
 Trotzky in July, the Provisional Government issued an- 
 other proclamation on the subject of the Constituent 
 Assembly : 
 
 "The Provisional Government will take all measures 
 for the election to the Constituent Assembly to take 
 place at the appointed time (September 17th) and for the 
 preparatory measures to be concluded in time to guar- 
 antee the uprightness and freedom of the votes." 
 
 The Bolsheviks made much capital out of the delay 
 in calling the Constituent Assembly. They insistently 
 demanded that the elections be held. They charged that 
 the Provisional Government was purposely postponing 
 these elections in order that it might remain in power. 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 201 
 
 They called attention to the luxurious style in which 
 Kerensky was living. And all of the time they went on 
 mth plans to set up their own experiment in govern- 
 ment. Claiming to be for a Constituent Assembly, they 
 organized "The National Congress of the Councils of 
 the Deputies of the "Workmen and Soldiers." In a com- 
 munication addressed to the American Embassy the Bol- 
 sheviks announced "a new government of the Eussian 
 Republic under the form of the Councils of the Com- 
 missaries of the People." The communication sent to 
 the Embassy stated that "the President of this govern- 
 ment is Mr. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, and the management 
 of the foreign policy was entrusted to me as Commissary 
 of the People for Foreign Affairs. ' ' This document was 
 signed by "Leon Trotzky." 
 
 Only a few days before this notice was sent to the 
 Embassy Trotzky had publicly charged Kerensky with 
 conspiring to prevent the convocation of the Constituent 
 Assembly. The date for the election had been postponed 
 from September to November, which gave Trotzky addi- 
 tional ground for his oft-repeated claims that the Provi- 
 sional Grovernment did not at heart sincerely favor a Con- 
 stituent Assembly. The Bolshevik government was now 
 in power, but it elected only 168 of the 703 deputies to 
 the Constituent Assembly. There were 81 election dis- 
 tricts, but in only 54 of them were elections held. The 
 returns showed that the Social Revolutionists were in 
 the large majority. They had polled 20,893,734 votes 
 against 9,023,963 for the Bolshevik candidates. The 
 total vote cast was 36,257,960. 
 
 As soon as the results of the election were known the 
 Bolshevik leaders began to plan for absolute control of 
 the Assembly by their small minority. Through the 
 Executive Committee of the Soviet, they put forth a 
 declaration that where a majority of the voters were 
 
1 
 
 KUSSIA FROM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 satisfied with the men they had chosen as deputies, 
 writs for new elections might be issued. 
 
 The Constituent Assembly had been called to meet on 
 the 12th of December. Pending the plans of the Bol- 
 sheviks to overcome the majority the meeting of the 
 Assembly was postponed until January 18, 1918, The 
 scheme of new elections failing, the Bolshevik leaders, 
 through their newspaper organ, demanded that the Con- 
 stitutional Democrats who had been elected to the 
 Assembly be arrested and brought to trial before the 
 revolutionary tribunals. The Council of Peoples' Com- 
 missaries by a decree announced that this would be 
 done. Miliukoff and other Constitutional Democrats 
 were threatened with arrest. Some arrests were made. 
 Deputies were held in confinement until after the Con- 
 stituent Assembly had met and had been dispersed by 
 force. Then they were set free. The arrests were purely 
 arbitrary acts on the part of the Bolsheviks to overawe 
 the majority in the Constituent Assembly. 
 
 Lenin, a short time before the meeting of the Assembly, 
 printed an argument that the election had not given clear 
 indication of what the people wanted. Briefly Lenin's 
 position was: 
 
 "The Soviet Eepublic represents not only a higher 
 form of Democratic institutions, but it is also the sole 
 form which renders possible the least painful transition 
 to Socialism." 
 
 A part of Lenin's argument was that the division of 
 the Social Revolutionists Party into Eight Wing and 
 Left Wing after the election showed that the people 
 had not acted with definite purpose. 
 
 The Social Eevolutionists had the largest body of dele- 
 gates in the Constituent Assembly. The Eight Wing 
 Avas composed of the Conservative Social Eevolutionists, 
 and the Left Wing was composed of the Eadical Social 
 
\ CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 203 
 
 Kevolutionists. In various ways the Bolshevik leaders 
 were preparing local sentiment in Petrograd so far as 
 might be for the forcible dispersal of the Constituent 
 Assembly. 
 
 The Assembly met at last on January 5th-18th, 1918. 
 The day before the assemblage of the Constituent As- 
 sembly, January 4th-17th, I had a meeting of the Diplo- 
 matic Corps, of which I was Dean, in the American Em- 
 bassy. I proposed to them that we all attend in a body 
 the meeting of the Constituent Assembly, but they ob- 
 jected, saying they were not invited. I said no one was 
 invited. I insisted on going but as no one would accom- 
 pany me, I did not go alone. The Italian Ambassador, 
 Torretti, afterwards mentioned it to me in Paris about 
 thirteen months later and regretted that he had not gone. 
 If we had gone, the presence of the Diplomatic Corps, 
 representing Eussia's Allies, might have had a pacifying 
 effect on that assemblage. 
 
 There were stationed in and about the hall during the 
 session sailors and Lettish soldiers armed with rifles and 
 grenades and machine guns. Very soon after the open- 
 ing of the session, the Bolshevist delegates presented an 
 ultimatum to the Constituent Assembly. Among other 
 things they demanded the adoption of this decree : 
 
 ' ' Supporting the Soviet rule and accepting the orders 
 of the Council of Peoples' Commissaries, the Constitu- 
 ent Assembly acknowledges its duty to outline a form 
 for the reorganization of society." 
 
 The Constituent Assembly refused to adopt this, 
 whereupon the Bolshevik delegates withdrew. The meet- 
 ing of the Assembly was attended by many disorders 
 and much street fighting. There was violent but scat- 
 tered opposition to the Bolshevik program. The Bol- 
 shevik newspapers claimed that the Bolshevik soldiers 
 
204 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 were fired on by mobs. The soldiers then fired into the 
 crowds. Uritzky, one of the Bolshevik leaders, was 
 among the wounded in this street fighting. He was after- 
 wards assassinated and the Bolshevik government shot 
 513 people as a reprisal for this deed. 
 
 One of the organs of the Bolsheviks stated the next 
 cay that the Constituent Assembly began well, but that 
 yrhen the Eight Social Revolutionists began to assert 
 themselves its fate was sealed. "It is now necessary to 
 work on the enlightenment of the masses." 
 
 The Dielo Naroda was compelled to suspend publi- 
 cation. The Nova Vremya was also suspended, and 
 its editors committed to trial for publishing a statement 
 that a motor lorry containing Red Guards and Lett 
 rifles fired on the barracks of the Ismailov and Petrograd 
 regiments. The Red Guard confiscated and destroyed 
 ail non-Bolshevik newspapers. 
 
 A delegation of the Looga Workmen's and Soldiers' 
 Council visited Lenin and handed him a resolution of 
 their Council supporting the Constituent Assembly. 
 Lenin expressed his surprise at this resolution. The 
 delegation replied that not all the Democracy was in 
 favor of the Council government and that only the Con- 
 stituent Assembly could unite it. Lenin answered that 
 he had in his pocket a decree disbanding the Constituent 
 Assembly, and that orders had been given to allow no 
 one to enter the Tauride Palace. The delegation asked 
 what would happen if the Constituent Assembly opened 
 in another place. Lenin replied no one would support 
 the Constituent Assembly, and that it would be dis- 
 banded. Instead a convention would bs called which 
 would be formed by the forthcoming Congress of Work- 
 men's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. 
 
 At 1:30 a.m. following the first day's session of the 
 Constituent Assembly, the Central Executive Committee 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 205 
 
 of the Council of Workmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants' 
 Deputies issued the decree referred to by Lenin disband- 
 ing the Constituent Assembly. The decree said : 
 
 "The Constituent Assembly, opened on the 5th of 
 January (18th), gave, owing to circumstances known to 
 all, a majority of the Right Social Revolutionists Party 
 — ^the party of Kerensky, Avksentiev, and Tchemov. 
 Naturally this party refused to consider the absolutely 
 definite, clear, unmistakable proposal of the supreme 
 organ of Council Government, the Central Executive 
 Committee of the Councils : to acknowledge the program 
 of the Council Government ; to acknowledge ' the declara- 
 tion of Right of the Laboring and Exploited People ' ; to 
 acknowledge the October revolution and the Council Gov- 
 ernment. By this act the Constituent Assembly broke 
 all connections between itself and the Council Republic 
 of Russia. The withdrawal from such a Constituent 
 Assembly of the Maximalist and Left Social Revolution- 
 ists Party, which now compose the great majority of the 
 Council and have the confidence of the workmen and of 
 the majority of the peasants, became unavoidable. 
 
 "Outside the walls of the Constituent Assembly the 
 majority party of the Constituent Assembly — the Right 
 Social Revolutionists and Minimalists, — carry on open 
 war against the Council Government in their papers call- 
 ing for the downthrow of it, thus indirectly supporting 
 the resistence of exploiters and the transfer of lands and 
 factories into the hands of the laborers. 
 
 "It is obvious that the remaining part of the Constit- 
 uent Assembly can only in view of this play the role of 
 masking the struggle of the bourgeois — counter-revolu- 
 tion to overthrow the CouncU Government. Therefore, 
 the Central Executive Committee resolves the Constitu- 
 ent Assembly is disbanded." 
 
 Adjournment of the Constituent Assembly at the close 
 of its first and only session was enforced in the most 
 brutal manner. A drunken sailor said to the deputies : 
 "I am tired and want to go to bed. If you don't get out, 
 I will turn out the lights." 
 
206 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 On the morning of the 19th of January guards were 
 stationed at the entrance of the palace to prevent the 
 entrance of the deputies or delegates, and that was the 
 end. The Constituent Assembly, forecasted with Such 
 promise and hope just ten months previously, never met 
 again. Bolshevism, although in the minority and repre- 
 senting only one-fourth of the votes cast for deputies, 
 was in power by force. 
 
 Anarchy quickly found opportunity in the success of 
 Bolshevism. It is interesting to note that coincident 
 with the forcible usurpation by the Bolsheviks the Anar- 
 chists became boldly aggressive. Three or four days 
 before the Constituent Assembly was dispersed, four 
 Russians, — ^two sailors, a workman, and an anarchist 
 orator— presented to the Embassy a resolution passed by 
 a group of anarchists on the yacht Polar Star. This 
 resolution was addressed, "To the Envoy of the United 
 States of North America," and was as follows: 
 
 "We, sailors, soldiers and workmen of the to\m of 
 Helsingfors, having become acquainted from all sides 
 with the fact of the persecution by the Government of 
 the United States of North America of our comrade 
 Alexander Berkman, all of whose guilt lies only in the fact 
 that he has devoted his whole life to the cause of serving 
 the working and disinherited class, demand the imme- 
 diate liberation of our comrade Alexander Berkman. In 
 the contrary event we openly announce that we shall 
 hold the representatives of the Government of the United 
 States personally responsible for the life and liberty of 
 the revolutionary and champion of the cause of the peo- 
 ple, comrade Alexander Berkman. 
 
 "The President: S. Krylov, 
 "The Secretary: K. Kutzy. 
 Seal of the Helsingfors group of anarchists." 
 
 No attention was paid by the Embassy to the resolu- 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 207 
 
 tion further than to send a copy to the Secretary of State 
 at Washington, with this explanation : 
 
 "Delegation of four anarchists just visited Embassy; 
 after stating they were anarchists said they represented 
 sixty per cent of the Baltic Fleet and all the workmen 
 and soldiers of Helsingfors, and requested to see the 
 American Ambassador. I sent interpreter Secretary 
 Phelps and Private Secretary Johnston to ascertain their 
 mission. Delegation presented resolution in Russian, of 
 which following is translation. Upon hearing the reso- 
 lution I directed the two attaches above mentioned to 
 say I was engaged and would not see them whereupon 
 they asked that the resolution be presented to the Ameri- 
 can Government. The delegation was told this would be 
 done and advised that no definite time could be fixed for 
 reply as cable service was irregular and unreliable. The 
 delegation also said a copy of resolution was being sent 
 to Smolny (Bolshevik headquarters). Don't permit con- 
 sideration for my personal safety to influence govern- 
 ment action." 
 
 A few weeks previous, in September, the anarchii^s 
 had held a meeting and had put out "posters" according 
 to their usual plan of presenting their views. In these 
 posters they demanded the release of Berkman. At that 
 time an inquiry was made of the Embassy by the Pro- 
 visional Government to know who Berkman was and 
 what offense he had committed. 
 
 To this I replied thet Berkman was utterly discredited 
 by organized labor in the United States; that he had 
 been an opponent of all kinds of government and an 
 enemy of society. I said that he had been arrested for 
 interfering with or attempting to interfere with the 
 enforcement of the draft law and was awaiting trial on 
 that charge. He had served in the penitentiary for the 
 attempted assassination of Henry 0. Frick, who at the 
 time was a partner of Andrew Carnegie. 
 
208 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 This information was given to the Petrograd news- 
 papers and printed. Apparently it was not satisfactory 
 to the anarchists, but beyond an anonymous communica- 
 tion sent to the Embassy nothing more was heard from 
 them until the Bolsheviks had set up their government. 
 The anonymous communication was signed, "The Black 
 Point," and was addressed "Ambassador." It was to 
 this effect: 
 
 "You appear too often in the press, and especially in 
 the newspaper Russkoe-Slovo with your anecdotes of 
 a true American model. You irritate the nerves. Our 
 advice is to finish up with this childish occupation. Pack 
 the trunk with anecdotes and leave for your native coun- 
 try, via Archangel, to your wise Solomons. It would be 
 desirable to leave not later than December 15th, 1917, in 
 order to arrive in time for Christmas Eve." 
 
 With the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly the 
 anarchists began to threaten. Meetings were held and 
 violent addresses were made. In a letter addressed to 
 my son, dated four days after the dispersal of the Con- 
 stituent Assembly, I wrote : 
 
 "The morning of Saturday, January 19th, an article 
 appeared in the Bureauvestnik, the anarchistic organ. 
 I paid little more attention to this than I did to the 
 resolution passed by the Helsiagfors anarchists, of 
 which I sent you a copy. The next morning, however, I 
 learned about 11 o'clock that two well-known men, Ex- 
 Ministers, named Shingarieff and Kokoshkin, had been 
 murdered in a hospital about four blocks from the Em- 
 bassy. After confirming this report which I was enabled 
 to do by sending the Commercial Attache to look at the 
 bodies, I began to think that the threat of the anarchists 
 should be guarded against. During the afternoon when 
 I was presiding at a meeting of the Allied Chiefs of 
 Missions a woman telephoned to the Embassy saying she 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 209 
 
 had some important information to impart but was afraid 
 to come to the Embassy and desired that I send someone 
 to meet her at the intersection of two streets about eight 
 blocks from the Embassy. Earl Johnston, and Doctor 
 Huntington, Commercial Attache, went and met her and 
 heard from her the following story : 
 
 "She had been approached the night before by a sol- 
 dier who was under obligation to her, and who professed 
 to have some wine for sale. Upon being asked where he 
 got the wine he replied it was from the Italian Embassy 
 and he was one of the soldiers who had done the looting 
 the night or several nights previous. He told her that 
 the American Embassy would be attacked that evening, 
 and the building burned and the Ambassador killed. 
 
 "I had arranged a reception or tea that evening to 
 which 200 guests had been invited, to say good-by to 
 General Judson, the Military Attache who will leave to- 
 morrow morning for America. I concluded to permit 
 General Judson to send to a barracks not far from the 
 Embassy for a guard. A guard of ten soldiers (Bolshe- 
 vik) was secured after considerable time, and came to the 
 Embassy about 9 p.m. They did not look or deport them- 
 selves as soldiers, but I told Phil to give them cigarettes 
 and tea, soup and bread, which he did — ^he had to give 
 them white bread which is very scarce here and a great 
 luxury. They consumed that rapidly and asked for more, 
 which Phil provided. The guests began to arrive about 
 9 :30, but mostly in uniform as they were military attaches 
 of the other Diplomatic Missions. Two of them, how- 
 ever, were Eussian officers and came in uniform, not 
 knowing there was a guard in the Embassy, as there 
 never had been one before since the last Revolution. The 
 music box was brought into use — ^it is a great luxury, 
 tell your Mother — and some of those who were not play- 
 ing bridge began to dance. Phil provided a most excel- 
 
210 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 lent supper which all the guests seemed to enjoy greatly. 
 It was unfortunate that there was an entertainment here 
 that evening, and more unfortunate that the two Rus- 
 sian oflScers came in uniform, I heard the following day 
 from the dvomick at the door that he had difficulty in 
 preventing the Bolshevik soldiers on guard from invad- 
 ing the salon to take the shoulder straps off of the Rus- 
 sian officers. The order has been issued by the Bolshe- 
 vik Government that shoulder straps should be abolished 
 and officers now get no more pay than soldiers, which is 
 five or seven roubles per month. I gave each one of the 
 soldiers five roubles when they left the Embassy for 
 their barracks the following morning, but was told that 
 they regarded the gifts contemptuously. Under these 
 circumstances I have concluded not to request any addi- 
 tional guard for the Embassy ; consequently, am attempt- 
 ing to protect it by its attaches. To-day two members 
 of the marine corps who were serving as couriers and 
 were about to leave to-morrow morning were ordered by 
 me to remain and to live in the Embassy. They renlon- 
 strated, but I was very emphatic — don't know at this 
 writing whether they will remain or not. If they should 
 go after my order to remain I shall cable the Department 
 and demand that they be punished." 
 
 Later in the month, January, 1918, I wrote home as 
 follows : 
 
 "At an anarchist meeting held not a great distance 
 from the Embassy about two weeks ago a resolution 
 was passed demanding the release of Berkman, Mooney, 
 Emma Goldman, et al., and threatening 'local American 
 Ambassador' with a hostile demonstration in front of 
 the Embassy if he did not procure the desired libera- 
 tions. That resolution was sent to Trotzky, the Peoples* 
 Commissaire for Foreign Affairs ; Trotzky was at Brest- 
 Litovsk negotiating a separate peace, and his assistant, a 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 211 
 
 Russian Jew named Zalkend, forwarded the resolution to 
 me saying he felt it his duty to do so. His note contained 
 no comment whatever, not even an offer of protection, 
 but indicated 'save yourself if you can,' or might be con- 
 strued that way. When Lenin heard of it he was incensed 
 and directed Zalkend to write me a note of apology, which 
 Zalkend failed to do, but thought he had smoothed the 
 situation over by sending a messenger to the Embassy 
 last evening at seven o'clock, who stated that the anar- 
 chists had planned an attack for last night but that 
 Trotzky had attended to it, or prevented it. I have six 
 guards at the Embassy — all Americans and well armed, 
 whom I kept on duty last night ; furthermore. Earl John- 
 ston and American Consul Treadwell and two or three 
 others and myself were here on hand in case of neces- 
 sity. No attack or demonstration occurred. I have been 
 communicating or keeping in touch with Smolny through 
 Raymond Robins, a Chicago man who is in charge of the 
 American Red Cross Mission here. He says no one be- 
 lieves that any demonstration was planned at all. Any- 
 how Lenin has removed Zalkend and put in his place 
 Teheoherin, a Bolshevik who was interned in London and 
 whose release was demanded by the Bolsheviks a month 
 ago when Trotzky announced that no British would be 
 permitted to leave Russia until Tchecherin and his col- 
 league, Petrov, were released. The British Ambassador 
 recommended the release of these men, and they were set 
 free. The anarchists are now attempting to frighten me 
 into recommending the release of Mooney and Berkman 
 and Goldman but as you know I don't scare very easily. 
 On the contrary I have wired the Department not to per- 
 mit consideration for my safety to influence the action 
 of the Government. 
 
 "I received last night from the Department a long 
 cable evidently composed by the President giving a sum- 
 
212 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY \ 
 
 mary of the report of the Commission appointed by him 
 to investigate the Mooney case. The Department wired 
 that the President had instructed that I be authorized to 
 publish the cable if I saw fit. It has not been published 
 yet and may not be. 
 
 "The Bolsheviks seem to be gaining all over Russia 
 but as our only source of information is the Bolshevik 
 press, — ^the anti-Bolshevik newspapers having been sup- 
 pressed, — ^it is difficult to tell what is going on outside of 
 Petrograd and Moscow. I received to-day a telegram 
 from American Consul at Odessa which was 21 days 
 enroute. I sent two telegrams to the American Consul 
 at Vladivostok the 29th of December, or two copies of the 
 same telegram, one of which was sent direct, and the 
 other around the globe, — or via Washington. To the 
 former I have as yet received no reply, but to the latter 
 received reply to-day. This shows you how difficult it 
 is to communicate with interior points in Russia. I don't 
 know how long our cables will be in transmission to the 
 United States or any foreign country. Not one of the 
 Foreign Missions here has recognized the Bolshevik gov- 
 ernment, which is making every effort to obtain recogni- 
 tion and consequently is making it more disagreeable for 
 the Foreign Missions from day to day. It is possible that 
 our cable communications may be cut off. If so, most or 
 all of the Foreign Missions will have to leave. The 
 Department has not only complied with every request I 
 have made, but when I suggested a change of policy in 
 regard to the Bolshevik government which it had not 
 recognized in accordance with my advice, it declined to 
 follow the suggestion saying my course had met with 
 approval of the Department and it saw no occasion to 
 change it. I suggested such a change because I was dis- 
 gusted with all political parties and all capitalistic in- 
 terests in Russia for not organizing and deposing the 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 213 
 
 Bolshevik government, whose principles were so repre- 
 hensible. My advice up to December 24th was to await 
 the convening of the Constituent Assembly which was 
 the supreme power to which all Russia and all civilized 
 countries had looked; but the time for its assembling, 
 November 28th, passed and when the Bolsheviks arrested 
 many of the prominent men elected to that Assembly and 
 intimidated others from coming I began to feel that the 
 only way to keep Russia in the war was by supporting 
 the people in authority. One reason for the bourgeoisie, 
 as they are called, offering no resistance to the Bolshe- 
 viks was that the latter had control of the army which 
 numbered 10,000,000 or more men, with guns, who had 
 been held in subjection so long that they could not appre- 
 ciate liberty when they gained it. All ranks in the army 
 and navy were abolished, even shoulder straps being 
 prohibited and oflBcers drawing the same pay as men 
 after being selected by their comrades but subject to 
 removal by the same authority. I don't know what is to 
 become of this country as 80 per cent of the people are 
 uneducated and many are inclined to follow the false 
 teachings of Bolshevism. The ignorant believe that they 
 can divide the property and live in idleness if not in 
 luxury. It is a great pity that Russia is, in view of these 
 circumstances, richer in resources than the United States 
 or any other country on the globe. I would write at 
 greater length on this subject but have not the time. 
 
 "A telegram just received from Helsingfors, Finland, 
 says that the Bolsheviks have driven out the bourgeois 
 Senate and assumed control of Finland — a country which 
 declared itself independent about a month ago and whose 
 independence has just been recognized by France and 
 five or six other governments. Finland has been a part 
 of Russia for about a century, but the Finns, many of 
 whom are in the United States, have preserved their own 
 
214 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 identity by speaking their own language, having their 
 own schools, customs, etc. They deserved independence 
 and I was in favor of their having it, but like the Rus- 
 sians they don't seem to know how to use it. 
 
 "I have just been called to the phone and heard that 
 Smolny Institute, Bolshevik Headquarters, has formally 
 announced that a revolution similar to that in Russia has 
 begun in Germany. The Bolshevik leaders here, most of 
 whom are Jews and 90 per cent of whom are returned 
 exiles, care little for Russia or any other country but are 
 internationalists and they are trying to start a world- 
 wide social revolution, If such a revolution can get a 
 foothold in Germany where the people are obsequious to 
 those above them and domineering and tyrannical to 
 those beneath them and where organization and system 
 has obtained such a foothold as it never had in history 
 before, I begin to fear for the institutions not only of 
 England but of the Republic of France and the thought 
 arises in my mind whether our own institutions are 
 safe." 
 
 The relationship between the Bolsheviks and the 
 anarchists grew closer as the weeks passed. On April 
 15th our Consul-General Summers in Moscow cabled the 
 Secretary of State: 
 
 "By decrees March 21st Moscow Commissariat Mili- 
 tary Affairs incorporated anarchist forces into socialis- 
 tic army on equal footing. Since then de facto authori- 
 ties have requisitioned and given to official anarchist 
 groups approximately thirty large private residences for 
 publication newspapers and other propaganda. As re- 
 sult of protection present government anarchism has 
 openly spread over Russia. As a result of growing 
 power and insults offered Colonel Robins of the Ameri- 
 can Red Cross, who is on very intimate terms with Lenin 
 and Trotzky, orders were given on the 13th to arrest all 
 
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISPERSED 215 
 
 anarchists. This was done after considerable resistance 
 and partial destruction by artillery of the houses occu- 
 pied by anarchists. It is understood also that Count 
 \Mirbach, the German Ambassador, who is expected in 
 Moscow daily, warned the local authorities that anar- 
 chism must cease before he arrived. ' ' 
 
CHAPTEE XV 
 
 THE DIAMANDI INCIDENT 
 
 I NEVER saw Trotzky. I saw Lenin on one occasion. 
 It was when I went as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, 
 accompanied by all Allied and Neutral Chiefs, to demand 
 the release of the Roumanian Minister, Diamandi. The 
 British Ambassador, Sir George Buchanan, had left 
 Petrograd two weeks before. The Eoumanian Min- 
 ister had been arrested and put in the fortress on the 
 Russian New Year's Evening, our 14th of January, 1918. 
 I called the Corps to meet at the American Embassy the 
 following day. There were twenty of us altogether, 
 thirteen representing the Allied and seven the Neutral 
 countries. All of us signed the demand for the release. 
 Some of the others were disposed to have me go accom- 
 panied by two Neutrals and two Allied Chiefs. There 
 was some delay about agreement on the four members 
 besides myself, and I proposed that we all go in a body. 
 I had arranged a meeting through the telephone with 
 Lenin, who speaks English. 
 
 The Bolsheviks had been in control of the government 
 about two months when the Roumanian Minister was 
 arrested. They retained the same headquarters that they 
 occupied when the Provisional Government was over- 
 thrown, which was Smolny Institute. Smolny had been 
 used as a girls' school. When Lenin appointed the time 
 for the Diplomatic Corps to call upon him, he informed 
 the leaders of the Bolshevik Party thereof. Some of 
 these leaders suggested that Smolny Institute should be 
 furnished with rugs and new furniture for the occasion. 
 
 216 
 
THE DIAMANDI INCIDENT 217 
 
 Others advised Lenin to receive the Diplomatic Corps 
 
 \ in his own office, without rising and -without inviting them 
 
 \ to take seats, and to cut the interview short by asking 
 
 \the Diplomats in a curt tone of voice what they wished. 
 
 A compromise was decided on by Lenin, who did not 
 
 procure any additional furnishings, but met us at the 
 
 door of his office. 
 
 I, as Dean of the Corps, accosted him first, saying to 
 him I was the American Ambassador and Dean of the 
 Diplomatic Corps. I introduced the other Ambassadors 
 and the Ministers by their official titles. Lenin thereupon 
 invited us into a room about twelve by fifteen feet, and 
 showed the Ministers and Charges to seats upon a 
 wooden bench. He showed the Ambassadors to chairs, 
 and said: "Be seated, gentlemen." I read in English, 
 and while standing, the demand which we had all signed, 
 and then had Livingston Phelps read it in French. 
 
 Lenin said: "Let us discuss the matter." I immedi- 
 ately replied: "No discussion on the subject whatever." 
 I said that the person of a diplomatic representative was 
 inviolate and was immune; that we stood on this prin- 
 ciple recognized in international relations and demanded 
 the release of Diamandi. The French Ambassador be- 
 gan to talk. A discussion ensued lasting at least an 
 hour. Lenin was pleasant in manner throughout the 
 meeting. At the close of the talk I got up and said: 
 "We'll end this discussion here." 
 
 The Serbian Minister had made a very impassioned 
 speech in French in which he had said the Germans and 
 Austrians had invaded his beloved land, killing many 
 innocent citizens, women and children. He said that the 
 Serbians did not revenge themselves on the German Min- 
 ister or the Austrian Minister, when they could have 
 done so, observing the custom, which had never been 
 violated, of giving ministers of the belligerent countries 
 
218 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY, 
 
 safe conduct through the border. It was evident thi 
 the Bolsheviks saw they were in a very embarrass^^ 
 position.' The Diplomats would have left Petrograd i: 
 Diamandi had not been released. 
 
 Lenin said he would refer the demand to the Goxan 
 of Commissars, that is to say practically the Bolshe 
 Executive Committee, and would let us know by twelYJ 
 o'clock that night, or as soon as the matter was passej 
 upon. I told Lenin I would be in the Embassy throug] 
 out the evening. He phoned me about midnight that the 
 Central Soviet had concluded to release Diamandi. Tli| 
 release took place the next day about one o'clock, 
 the Roumanian Minister was ordered to leave Petrogrj 
 within ten days after that, and was given only twentp, 
 four hours ' notice. I went to the Roumanian Legation to 
 say good-by, but found that Minister Diamandi had 
 already gone to the Finnish Station. I followed him 
 there, and caught the train before he left. He was going 
 to Sweden. He crossed at Torneo, which was about 
 thirty hours' distance by regular schedule, but he was 
 three weeks in getting there. I heard afterwards that 
 the Bolshevik Commissar who had the Minister in ohargfi 
 carried a communication to the local Commissar orderii^, 
 that the Roumanian Minister be shot when they reached 
 Torneo ; but a revolution had taken place there and the 
 Whites were in control, having taken Torneo out of the 
 hands of the Reds the day previous. The Whites ar- 
 rested the Bolshevik Commissar when he came into 
 Torneo and it was reported that they shot him instead of 
 Minister Diamandi. 
 
 The arrest and imprisonment of Diamandi will pass 
 into diplomatic history as an act of most extraordinary* 
 character. It Ma,s an incident which gained in signife 
 cance through later developments. 
 
 On the day following the call of the Diplomatic Corps 
 
M PREBENSEN 
 X()r\vosian Minister to Russia 
 
 SIR GEORGE W. BUCHANAN 
 Britisii Amiiassador tn Russia 
 
 COUNT DIAMANDI 
 Roumanian Minister to Russia 
 
 T. NOULENS 
 Frencli Ambassador to Russia 
 
THE DIAMANDI INCIDENT 219 
 
 at Smolny, tlie organ of the Bolsheviks Pravda 
 (Truth) printed an astonishing statement that Zaikend, 
 the Assistant Commissar (Trotzky being down in Brest- 
 Ijitovsk) had received by telephone information to this 
 effect: 
 
 "American Ambassador assures he "will immediately 
 after the release of Diamandi go to him with protest 
 against the treatment of the Russian troops in Roumania, 
 and will make through the American' Representative at 
 Roumania, a necessary statement to the Roumanian Min- 
 istry. He regards the act of Diamandi 's arrest as a 
 formal expression of protest of the Russian Government 
 against the activities of the Roumanian Commander-in- 
 Chief." 
 
 As a matter of fact, I had sent no statement and had 
 authorized no one to make any statement for me, by tele- 
 phone or otherwise, to Zaikend. Apparently the state- 
 ment had been given out by Zaikend to save the face of 
 the Bolshevik Government. It was not until some time 
 later that I learned what was behind this action of Zai- 
 kend 's. Diamandi after his release referred to this pub- 
 lication in Pravda and expressed to the Diplomatic 
 Corps his surprise and regret on account of it. I imme- 
 diately addressed to him a letter in which I said: 
 
 ' ' My dear Colleague : 
 
 "I am surprised and pained to learn from you that 
 you for a moment think that I would or could justify 
 your arrest and confinement in Peter and Paul Fortress 
 as I have had only one opinion on the subject, and have 
 made no expressions concerning it other than to deplore 
 such an unprecedented infraction on diplomatic immu- 
 nities. I have concurred in the sentiment of our col- 
 leagues, allied and neutral chiefs of missions, and as 
 the doyen of the Diplomatic Corps accompanied by all 
 
220 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 the members thereof presented to the President of the 
 Commissars the demand for your immediate and uncon- 
 ditional release and stated in doing so that we could not 
 enter into any discussion concerning the causes of your 
 arrest. 
 
 "I have had no communication direct nor indirect, not 
 have I sent any message to anyone connected Avith the 
 Soviet Government on the subject of your arrest or your 
 release. The dragoman of the Embassy by my direction 
 telephoned to Smolny Institute about midnight of the 
 14th to ask whether the decision concerning your release 
 had been determined, but he was not instructed nor 
 authorized to make any other inquiry and certainly no 
 condition concerning your release, and he informs me 
 that he did not do so or even think of doing so. ' ' 
 
 There was an echo to this Diamandi incident at the 
 meeting of the Bolshevik Councils some weeks later. 
 Rabovski, one of the Bolshevik leaders, in that congress 
 expressed regret that the Roumanian Minister had spent 
 only twenty-four hours outside the walls of his Embassy. 
 "This matter can be righted," he said, "and we will give 
 the most active assistance to Roumanian workmen and 
 peasants to help them hide away the Messrs. Diamandis 
 where they should be." 
 
 The circumstances which led the Bolsheviks to arrest 
 and imprison the Roumanian Minister came to my 
 knowledge some time after the visit of the Diplomatic 
 Corps tc Lenin. Those circumstances went to show not 
 only that the Bolsheviks were acting in the interests of 
 the Germans in this matter, but under special requests 
 from them. 
 
 A letter from A. Joffe, and marked "confidential" was 
 sent from Brest-Litovsk, dated December 31st (Old 
 Style), 1917, addressed "To the Council of People's Com- 
 
THE DIAMANDI INCIDENT 221 
 
 missars of Petrograd." A. Joffe was President of tlie del- 
 egation representing the Bolshevik Government in the 
 peace negotiations at Brest. This letter opened with: 
 "Comrade L. D. Trotzky instructed me to bring to the 
 knowledge of the Council of People's Commissars the mo- 
 tives of his telegraphic order about the arrest of the 
 Roumanian diplomatic representatives at Petrograd." 
 The letter stated that G-eneral Hoffmann of the German 
 Peace Delegation "pointed out the necessity of sending 
 of sure agents into the Roumanian Army and the possi- 
 bility to arrest the Roumanian Legation at Petersburg 
 (Petrograd) in whole; also to take repressive measures 
 against the Roumanian King and the Roumanian Chief 
 Command. After this conversation Comrade L, D. 
 Trotzky ordered in a telegraphic way the arrest of the 
 Roumanian representative at Petersburg (Petrograd). 
 The above-mentioned report is sent with a special 
 courier, Comrade I. G. Brosoff, who will give to Com- 
 mander Podvoyski secret information concerning the 
 sending to the Roumanian Army of persons, the names 
 of whom Comrade Brosoff will tell. All of those persons 
 will be paid from the fund of the German Kerosene- 
 Trade Bank, which bought near Borislave the stock 
 society Fanto & Co. The chief direction of the agents 
 will belong according to General Hoffmann's indication 
 to the well-known Wolff Venigel, who has under his 
 observation the military missions of the Allied 
 countries." 
 Very significant was the conclusion of this Joffe letter: 
 "What concerns the British and American representa- 
 tives, General Hoffmann said that the German staff 
 approved the measures taken by Comrade Trotzky and 
 Comrade Laziniroff concerning looking after their 
 
 activities." 
 Still more convincing evidence, perhaps, of Lenin's 
 
222 EUSSIA FROM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 employment as the agent of Germany was afforded in a 
 newspaper interview with General William Hoffmann, 
 Chief of Staff of the Eastern Army of Germany, which 
 appeared in the newspapers of December 24th, 1920. 
 General Hoffmann was quoted as saying : 
 
 "As Chief of Staff of the East Army during the war, 
 I directed the propaganda against the Russian Army. 
 The General Staff naturally made use of every possible 
 means to break through the Russian front. One of these 
 means was poisoned gas, another was Lenin. The Im- 
 perial regime dispatched Lenin to Russia from the Swiss 
 frontier. With our consent, Lenin and his friends dis- 
 organized the Russian army. Von Kuehhnann (former 
 German Secretary for Foreign Affairs), Count Czemin 
 (Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister), and I then closed 
 the Brest-Litovsk Treaty so that we could throw our 
 army against the West front. While at Brest we were 
 convinced that the Bolsheviks could not hold power more 
 than three weeks. 
 
 "On my word of honor as a German general, in spite 
 of the valuable service Trotzky and Lenin rendered, we 
 neither knew nor foresaw the danger to humanity from 
 the consequences of this journey of Bolsheviks to 
 Russia." 
 
 Shortly after the appearance of this interview, General 
 Hoffmann attempted to repudiate it. While I was in 
 Washington, early in March, 1921, to present my resig- 
 nation as Ambassador to Russia to the outgoing Admin- 
 istration, I was told that this interview with General 
 Hoffmann was shown to him before publication, and that 
 he signed his name to it in token of approval. 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 THE BREST-LITOVSK PEACE 
 
 The Bolsheviks acted quickly after announcing their 
 new government under the form of the ' ' Council of Com- 
 missars of the People. ' ' 
 
 On the 7th of November, 1917, Trotzky as "the Com- 
 missary of the People for Foreign Affairs," addressed 
 this communication to the American Embassy : 
 
 "In drawing your attention to the text of the proposi- 
 tion for an armistice and a Democratic peace without 
 annexations or contributions, founded on the rights of 
 people to dispose of themselves, proposals approved by 
 the Congress of the Council of Workmen and Soldiers, 
 I have the honor to beg you, Mr. Ambassador, to be good 
 enough to regard the above-mentioned documents as a 
 formal proposal for an armistice without delay on all the 
 fronts, and for the opening without delay of negotiations 
 for peace — a proposal which the plenipotentiary govern- 
 ment of the Russian Republic is addressing simultan- 
 eously to all the belligerent nations and to their govern- 
 ments. 
 
 "I beg you, Mr. Ambassador, to be good enough to 
 accept the assurance of the perfect consideration and 
 very profound respect of the government of the Councils 
 for the people of the United States, who also, like all the 
 other peoples exhausted by this incomparable butchery, 
 cannot help but ardently desire peace." 
 
 The armistice between the Bolsheviks and the Germans 
 took effect at the end of November, 1917. Trotzky an- 
 nounced that hostilities had ceased on the Russian front 
 and that preliminary negotiations would be started on 
 the 2nd of December. His announcement said: 
 
 223 
 
224 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 "The Allied governments and all diplomatic repre- 
 sentatives in Eussia are kindly requested to reply 
 whether they wish to take part in a negotiation." 
 
 The British Ambassador, who at that time was Dean 
 of the Diplomatic Corps, made public a statement that 
 Trotzky's letter with the proposal of a general armistice 
 was not received until nineteen hours after the receipt 
 by the Russian Commander-in-Chief of the Bolsheviks 
 of the order to open inomediate negotiations for an 
 armistice. I transmitted the communication from 
 Trotzky to the American Government, but made, no 
 answer to Trotzky, as the United States had not recog- 
 nized the Bolshevik G-ovemment. Lieut.-Col. Kerth, 
 representing the Military Mission of the United States 
 at the front in Russia, did address the Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Russian Army this protest: 
 
 "In accordance with definite instructions of my Gov- 
 ernment, transmitted to me by the Ambassador of the 
 United States of America ia Petrograd, I have the honor 
 to inform you that in view of the fact that the Republic 
 of the United States is carrying on a war inllliance witk 
 Russia, which war has as its basis the struggle of democ- 
 racy against autocracy, my Government categorically 
 and energetically protests against any separate armistice 
 which may be made by Russia." 
 
 It was not until the 12th of March, 1918, that the terms 
 of this peace were approved by the Soviet Congress at\ 
 Moscow, but in the meantime Lenin and Trotzky had not 
 delayed the work of demoralizing the Russian Army. 
 Lenin, it must be remembered, had come into Eussia 
 from Switzerland, traveling through Germany in a pri- 
 vate car and being abundantly supplied with means. 
 "When I went to Russia there was an iarmy enlisted of 
 12,000,000 men. It was increased to 16,000,000 before 
 
THE BEEST-LITOVSK PEACE 225 
 
 the revolution against the Monarchy in March, 1917, and 
 there was a call for 3,000,000 additional. Of those 16,- 
 000,000 men, 2,000,000 had been captured and 2,000,000 
 had been killed or died from disease, so that the army at 
 the time of the armistice entered into by the Bolsheviks 
 with the Germans numbered about 12,000,000 men, not 
 equaled in numbers by any other nation in any war. 
 
 With the signing of the armistice this army demobi- 
 lized itself. It melted away like snow before a summer's 
 sun. Disintegration continued during the period of 
 negotiations at Brest-Litovsk, and while the treaty was 
 awaiting approval by the Soviet Congress. The soldiers 
 left their regiments in large bodies. They would get on 
 trains and the trains would start before they asked 
 where they were going. Some of these soldiers sold 
 their arms for a trifle; others threw their arms away, 
 and some took their arms home. 
 
 As soon as the armistice had been agreed to by the 
 Bolsheviks, the Germans moved more than 100 divisions 
 from their Eastern front to France, and began to pre- 
 pare for their drive, in March, 1918, against the Allied 
 armies. History records how nearly successful this drive 
 was. Had it not been for the demoralization of the Rus- 
 sian army by the Bolsheviks, hundreds of thousands of 
 lives of French and British and American soldiers would 
 have been spared. Lenin and Trotzky demoralized the 
 Russian army and thereby caused the war to be pro- 
 longed. 
 
 In various ways the Bolsheviks promptly contributed 
 directly or indirectly to strengthen the Germans during 
 that period immediately following their armistice. In 
 March I received through Consul-General Madden Sum- 
 mers, of Moscow, reports from our consuls, — Macgowan 
 at Irkutsk, Nielson at Samara, Jenkins at Chita, and 
 others, showing the movement of released prisoners and 
 
 J 
 
226 EUS.SIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 of material from Russia to Germany. Nielson from 
 Samara reported many cars of cotton loaded and being 
 shipped by German firms. 
 
 The Bolsheviks went through the form of inviting 
 England, France, Italy and America to enter into nego- ' 
 tiations for peace under the armistice with Germany. 
 They waited ten days, professedly to give the other 
 countries time to come in. Then they proceeded with 
 the negotiation of a separate peace. Trotzky was at the 
 head of the Bolsheviks in the first negotiations. Lenin 
 remained in Petrograd and was practically the whole 
 Bolshevik Government. While I have no doubt that 
 Lenin was a German agent from the beginning and dis- 
 bursed German money, I believe, and so wired the De- 
 partment, that his real purpose was promotion of world- 
 wide social revolution. He would have taken British 
 money, American money, and French money and used nj 
 to promote his purpose. He told a man who asked whar 
 he was doing in Russia that he was trying an "experi- 
 ment in government" on the Russian people. Germany's 
 desire to demoralize Russia and break up the Provisional 
 Government gave Lenin his opportunity, of which he 
 made good use. 
 
 When Trotzky demurred to the hard terms offered by 
 the Germans in the first peace negotiations, General 
 Hoffmann, the head of the German delegation, notified 
 him and his Bolshevik associates that Germany would 
 not prolong the negotiations more than two or three days 
 further, and said: "You will have to say definitely 
 whether you will accept these terms or not." Then it 
 was that Trotzky showed real ability. He made that 
 dramatic stand and replied in effect: "We decline to 
 sign those severe peace terms, but Russia will fight no 
 more." 
 
 This was the situation which rather stunned the Get- 
 
THE BREST-LITOVSK PEACE 227 
 
 mans. Trotzky carried out his declaration by leaving 
 Brest-Lite vsk and returning to Petrograd. A few days 
 later the Germans gave out that they were going to 
 march on Petrograd and Moscow. Trotzky replied to 
 them that they could not move without violating the 
 terms of the armistice, which required twelve days' 
 notice before resumption of hostilities. The Germans' 
 reply was, as the armies advanced, "You have already 
 terminated the armistice by refusing to sign the peace 
 terms." 
 
 From Brest-Litovsk on the 5th of February, 1918, Karl 
 Radek sient a long statement of the purposes of the Bol- 
 shevik delegation in the negotiations for peace with Ger- 
 many. In the course of that he said : 
 
 "We Bevolutionary-Intemationalists not only em- 
 phatically refused to aid our own Bourgeoisie to gain 
 a victory over the proletariat of a neighboring country, 
 but we pointed out that a peace which would be the result 
 of an agreement between the great capitalistic powers 
 would be a peace concluded at the expense of small na- 
 tions and their international proletariats. The small 
 nations will represent 'small change' for such a peace, 
 and the international proletariat wiU pay the expenses 
 of the war. What is it that you want? — ^we are asked 
 by the Centrist elements ; by the Minimalist Internation- 
 alists in Russia. Do you demand that the war shall be 
 continued until capitalism is overthrown in all countries 
 and all colonies liberated? — and they ridicule us as vi- 
 sionaries, who are prepared to consent to the proletariat 
 being drained of blood for the sake of India being liber- 
 ated from the English yoke. Yes, this would be in- 
 sanity; and we answered them, therefore: No, we do not 
 want to continue the war until socialism has conquered 
 but we want to use, with all our might, the world war— 
 the world crisis of capitalism— for directing the maturing 
 forces of the labor class to the object of tearing out once 
 for all, the roots of war and capitalism. We want to 
 transform the war of nations into a civil war." 
 
228 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 The formal notification wMcli the Trotzky delegation 
 handed to the Germans at Brest was a curiosity : 
 
 "In the name of the People's Commissaries, which is 
 the government of the Russian Federated Republic, we 
 hereby bring to the knowledge of the governments and 
 peoples at war with us, to our allies and to the neutral 
 countries, that refusing to sign an annexationist treaty, 
 Russia declares on her part the state of war with Ger- 
 many, Austro-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria has ceased. 
 That the Russian troops are simultaneously given orders 
 to demobolize completely on aU fronts." 
 
 When Trotzky returned to Petrograd after making this 
 grandstand play, which dumbfounded the Germans, 
 Lenin reprimanded him and told him the Russian Soviet 
 Government would be compelled to agree to terms still 
 more severe, whereupon Trotzky resigned as Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs and was made Minister of War and 
 organized the Red Army, which organization is in exis- 
 tence up to the present time, and waged war successfully 
 for a time against Poland and is now threatening 
 Esthonia. The Red Army is composed of Lettish and 
 Chinese troops and conscripted Russians. It lias the rep- 
 utation of being the most strictly diaapliB.ed and the 
 most cruel army in history. 
 
 The actions of these Bolsheviks in these peace negotia- 
 tions were without precedent as far as I know in the his- 
 tory of international relations, but it may be said that 
 Lenin and Trotzky have disregarded many precedents. 
 While I have no agreement whatever with Lenin's views, 
 my judgment credited him with sincerity. (This sentence 
 was written soon after my return. I have changed my 
 mind in regard to Lenin's sincerity.) He proved ruthless 
 and unscrupulous, however, in attempting to carry out his 
 convictions. When his power was threatened and could 
 not be maintained~in any other way, he pgfmllted the 
 
THE BREST-LITOVSK PEACE 229 
 
 Rei^ of Terror. J[t:gilLheJcecalled that Trotzk^^ rofased^ 
 tobea^pa rty in per s on to ^he-a pcn nd.ne g fxtiatioBfi-with-the 
 Grermans, and that Tohecherin represented the Bolshe- 
 piks. 
 
 While the peace negotiations were going on at Brest 
 one of my "scouts," whose duty it was to look, listen 
 and report, brought to the Embassy this memorandum : 
 
 "The anarchist movement strengthens daily. During 
 a visit to the Foreign OfiSce, the anarchist representative ^ 
 said that in case the anarchists condemned in America 
 are not released the American Embassy at Petrograd 
 and the Ambassador would pay the penalty." 
 
 A short time before the Brest-Litovsk peace was rati- 
 fied at Moscow by the AU-Russian Soviet Congress I 
 had cabled the State Department that the Congress 
 would meet to act upon the peace treaty, and that I 
 thought the Russian people should have some expression 
 of interest on the part of the American people. Presi- 
 dent Wilson cabled a message addressed to the Russian 
 
 people through this Soviet Congress. He said: 
 
 I 
 
 "May I not take advantage of the meeting of the Con- .1 
 ?ress of the Soviets to express the sincere sympathy 
 (vhich the people of the United States feel for the Rus- 
 sian people at this moment when the German power has 
 been thrust in to interrupt and turn back the whole strug- 
 a:le for freedom and substitute the wishes of Germany 
 For the purpose of the people of Russia? 
 
 "Although the Government of the United States is, 
 mhappily, not now in a position to render the direct and 
 jffective aid it would wish to render, I beg to assure the 
 Deople of Russia through the Congress that it will avail 
 tself of every opportunity to secure for Russia once 
 nore complete sovereignty and independence in her own 
 
230 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 affairs, and full restoration to her great role in the life 
 of Europe and the modem world. 
 
 "The whole heart of the people of the United States 
 is with, the people of Russia in the attempt to free them- 
 selves forever from autocratic government and become 
 the masters of their own life." 
 
 On the same day Samuel Gompers, President of the 
 American Federation of Labor, cabled the All-Russian 
 Congress of Soviets as follows: 
 
 "We address you in the name of world liberty. We 
 assure you that the people of the United States are 
 pained by every blow at Russian freedom, as they would 
 be by a blow at their own. The American people desire 
 to be of service to the Russian people in their struggle 
 to safeguard freedom and realize its opportunities. We 
 desire to be informed as to how we may help. 
 
 "We speak for the great organized movement of 
 working people who are devoted to the cause of freedom 
 and the ideals of democracy. We assure you also that 
 the whole American Nation ardently desires to be help- 
 ful to Russia and awaits with eagerness an indication 
 from Russia as to how help may most effectively be 
 extended. 
 
 "To all those who strive for freedom, we say: Cour- 
 age! Justice must triumph if all free people stand 
 united against autocracy! We await your suggestions." 
 
 President Wilson's message was presented to the 
 Congress. Zinoviev, who was the head of the Bolshevik 
 /'^gyei^mentinPeS^ogradj^was'ml^ the cable 
 
 from Presldenf Wilson was printed. He returned to 
 Petrograd two or three days later and said in a speech; 
 '_iWe slapped the President of the United States in tHe 
 "^face." 
 
 The reply to the President's message to the Republic 
 
THE BEEST-LITOVSK PEACE 231 
 
 of Russia was intended by the Bolsheviks for effect on 
 the -workingmen of the United States. It was practically 
 an invitation to revolution in the United States. It is a 
 fair illustration of what Bolshevism means. 
 
 "The AU-Russian Congress of Soviets expresses its 
 appreciation to the American people, and first of all to 
 the laboring and exploited classes in the United States 
 for the message sent by the President of the United 
 States to the Congress of Soviets in this time when the 
 Russian Socialistic Soviet Republic is living through 
 most difficult trials. 
 
 ' ' The Russian Republic uses the occasion of the mes- 
 sage from President Wilson to express to aU peoples 
 who are dying and suffering from the horrors of this 
 imperialistic war its warm sympathy and firm conviction 
 that the happy time is near when the laboring masses 
 in all bourgeois countries will throw off the capitalistic 
 yoke and establish a socialistic state of society, which 
 is the only one capable of assuring a permanent and just 
 peace as well as the culture and well-being of all who 
 toil." 
 
 Inoanediately following the ratification of the peace 
 treaty at Moscow, I gave out a statement for publication, 
 March 16, 1918, The Bolshevik papers at Moscow were 
 closed against communications from the American Em- 
 bassy, but in other cities the statement was printed. I 
 had it translated into Russian : 
 
 "I shall not leave Russia until forced to depart. My 
 government and the American people are too deeply 
 interested in the welfare of the Russian people to aban- 
 don the country and leave its people to the mercies of 
 Germany, America is sincerely interested in Russia and 
 in the freedom of the Russian people. We shall do all 
 possible to promote the true interests of the Russians 
 and to protect and preserve. the integrity of this great 
 country. The friendship between Russia and the United 
 States which has existed for a century or more should 
 
232 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 be augmented rather than impaired by Russia becoming 
 a Republic, and all Americans are sincerely desirous that 
 Russians should be permitted to continue free and inde-. 
 pendent and not become subjects of Germany. 
 
 "I have not yet seen an authentic copy of the peace 
 treaty but am sufficiently acquainted with its provisions 
 to know that if the Russian people submit thereto Russia 
 will not only be robbed of vast acres of her rich territory 
 but will eventually become virtually a German province 'i 
 and her people will lose the liberties for which their 
 ancest^ra have struggled and sacrificed for generations 
 past. xMj Government still considers America an ally 
 of the Russian people, who surely will not reject the 
 proffered assistance which we shall be prompt to render 
 to any power in Russia that will offer sincere and organ- ^ 
 ized resistance to the German invasion^If the Russian 
 people who are brave and patriotic wil^old in abeyance 
 for the time being their political differences and be reso- 
 lute and firm and united they can drive the enemy from 
 their borders and secure before the end of 1918 for them- 
 selves and the world an enduring peace." 
 
 I issued the above address to the Russian people. I 
 appealed to them to organize and repel the Germans. I 
 said we Americans and our Government still considered 
 the Russian people our allies, that we were not going to 
 observe the peace. 
 
 About four days after this appeared, Kuehlman, the 
 German Minister of Foreign Affairs, made a demand on 
 the Bolshevik Government that I be sent out of Russia, 
 The German demand said : 
 
 "He is not only violating the laws of neutrality, but 
 he has issued an address to the Russian people which is 
 a virtual call to arms." 
 
 The Bolsheviks said nothing to me about this demand 
 of the German Government. I was not in communication 
 with them at the time. I learned, however, that their 
 
THE BEEST-LITOVSK PEACE 233 
 
 reply to Kuehlman was to the effect that I had not said 
 any more than President Wilson had said in his message 
 to the Bolshevik Congress. 
 
 Kuehlman, in conversation wi^:_ Karahan. Secretary 
 of the Eussian Peace Delegation at Brest in February, 
 had said that the Foreign Embassies would have to leave 
 Petrograd on short notice from the Germans. One of 
 the reports which reached us at the time was that the 
 Allied Missions might be arrested. It was even rumored 
 that the American Ambassador might be made a prisoner 
 by the Germans and held to be exchanged for the German 
 ship. The Vaterland, then held in New York harbor. 
 Therejw ere Germ an nflRf-Prg In^Pptrngrgtll at the time. 
 05e^fJJifiiB-«tot-aiidJdllfidJtsEiiJSn£^^ 
 Grand Ho tel ^'f or being. rud-e-to himjj' as the report made 
 to the Bolshevik officers stated. 
 
 At this time cable communication with my Government 
 was severed; it had been very unreliable and irregular 
 since the Bolsheviks came into power. I had no author- 
 ity from my Government to make the foregoing address 
 to the Eussian people, but assumed the responsibility, 
 advising the Department of State of the exact wording of 
 this appeal to the Eussian people. I did not learn until 
 two months later that the Department of State approved 
 of this address, and then I was informed only through 
 a newspaper clipping sent to me by Ira Nelson Morris, 
 American Minister to Stockholm. That newspaper clip- 
 ping stated the Associated Press correspondent in Wash- 
 ington had called at the Department of State and in- 
 quired whether the address I had issued to the Eussian 
 people had been authorized by my government. The re- 
 ply, according to the clipping, was : "No, but it was thor- 
 oughly approved." 
 
CHAPTER XVn 
 
 VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 
 
 I HAD received authority from my government to leave 
 Petrograd whenever my judgment so dictated, and all of 
 my colleagues had received similar authority from their 
 governments. We were meeting in the American Em- 
 bassy daily, not all of the Allied Chiefs, but the British, 
 the French, the Italian and the Japanese Ambassadors. 
 The Germans were approaching Petrograd. The Bol- 
 shevik Government was preparing to move to Moscow. 
 I had remained some four weeks after receiving instruc- 
 tions to act upon my own discretion about leaving Petro- 
 grad. At one of these conferences of the Ambassadors 
 toward the end of February, 1918, we decided that the 
 time had come to leave. I said to them : "I am not going 
 out of Russia." 
 
 "Where are you going?" one of them asked. 
 
 "I am going to Vologda," I said. 
 
 "What do you know about Vologda?" 
 
 "Not a thing except that it is the junction of the 
 Trans-Siberian Railway and the Moscow-Archangel 
 Railway and that it is 350 miles farther away from the 
 Germans." 
 
 "Well, if it is unsafe there, what are you going to do?" 
 
 "I am going east to Viatka, which is 600 miles east, 
 and if it is unsafe there, I am going to Perm. If it is 
 unsafe at Perm, I am going to Irkutsk, and if it is still 
 unsafe, I am going to Chita, and if necessary from there 
 I am going to Vladivostok, where I will be protected 
 
 234 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 235 
 
 by an American man-of-war, the Brooklyn, under 
 Admiral Knight." 
 
 We discussed the situation, and I told my colleagues: 
 
 "You ought not to leave Russia now." 
 
 They wanted to get out of Russia and return to their 
 own countries. All of them declined to join me in my 
 plan except the Japanese Embassy and the Chinese 
 Legation. They were willing to go to Vologda, which 
 would be on their way home. 
 
 The other missions attempted to get away by going 
 west. The British, French, Italians, Belgians, Serbians, 
 Portuguese and the Greeks left on trains, attempting to 
 go through Finland. They found themselves in the midst 
 of civil war between the Bolshevik element and the Bour- 
 geoisie. The Bolsheviks had occupied Helsingf ors. After 
 considerable negotiation it was arranged that these Allied 
 Missions be permitted to go through the lines, but through 
 some misunderstanding the British Embassy in its spe- 
 ci al train was the only mission ^^ai gotlErougET The 
 lines were again closed and the remaining six missions 
 were left on the Red Guard side of Finland. After re- 
 maining several weeks on their special trains, some of 
 them were instructed by their respective governments 
 to return to Russia, which they did and joined me at 
 Vologda. The French, Italian and Serbians arrived 
 first, and the Belgians about a week later. They lived 
 in cars on the tracks at the railway station for some time. 
 
 Having discretionary authority to leave Petrograd 
 the natural thing, perhaps, for me to do was to have 
 gone with the other missions and stopped in Norway or 
 Sweden for orders from Washington, but I did not like 
 to abandon the Russian people, for whom I felt deep 
 sympathy and whom I had assured repeatedly of 
 America's unselfish interest in their welfare. 
 
236 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Just before leaving Petrograd, I wrote my son Charles^ 
 under date of February 23rd, 1918 : 
 
 "... My plan is to stay in Russia as long as I can. 
 If a separate peace is concluded, as I believe it will be, 
 there will be no danger of my being captured by the 
 Germans. Such a separate peace, however, will be a 
 severe blow to the Allies, and if any section of Russia 
 refuses to recognize the authority of the Bolshevik Gov- 
 ernment to conclude such a peace I shall endeavor to 
 locate in that section and encourage the rebellion. If 
 no section is opposed to same I shall go to Vladivostok 
 and endeavor from there to prevent supplies from fall- 
 ing into the hands of the Germans, and if there are any 
 people organizing in Russia for armed resistance to 
 Germany, I shall encourage them and recommend our 
 Government to assist them. You may not conclude, 
 therefore, that I am planning to return to America." 
 
 I left Petrograd on the morning of February 27th, and 
 arrived at Vologda about twenty-six hours later. The 
 railroad connections offered the main reason for the 
 selection of this stopping place, notwithstanding my in- 
 formation was to the effect that the Bolshevik spirit in 
 Vologda was deep-rooted and widespread. I lived near- 
 ly a week on the train, which was very much crowded 
 with the Embassy staff and the military mission. After 
 being in Vologda two days, I cabled the Department I had 
 concluded to remain as long as it was safe. To this con- 
 clusion I was encouraged by the local treatment received. 
 The Mayor, the President of the City Duma, the Presi- 
 dent of the local Soviet and the local representatives of 
 the Central Soviet at Moscow called upon me. Although 
 I had never had any ofificial relation 'with the Soviet or 
 Bolshevik government because the United States had 
 not recognized the Bolsheviks, these local oflBcers were 
 very courteous and accommodating. They offered me 
 
VOLOaDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 237 
 
 the use of a club house, a commodious and an imposing 
 structure, for the American Embassy. I accepted and 
 began living there and conducting the chancellery therein 
 from March 4th. I inaugurated the custom of giving 
 a tea every Saturday afternoon to which the officials 
 mentioned, my colleagues and their families and the sta- 
 tionmaster were invited. In an after-dinner speech 
 made by me when I was a guest of the Mayor, I desig- 
 nated Vologda as "the diplomatic capital of Eussia." 
 The Russians present seemed very much pleased when 
 this was translated to them. 
 
 This action taken by me in selecting Vologda, and re- 
 maining there was rather unique in diplomatic history, 
 I recall that the French Ambassador to the United 
 States, Jusserand, when I met him in Paris, during the 
 peace negotiations, referred to it and commented. He 
 said, "You discovered Vologda. You put it on the map. 
 You made it the diplomatic center of Kussia for five or 
 six months. ' ' 
 
 Vologda was founded 1147 A. D., or about 345 years 
 before Columbus discovered America. It is the great or 
 one of the great lace centers of Eussia. Some very fine 
 samples of lace are to be had there. I am told they are 
 all handmade and of very fine linen. 
 
 After becoming settled at Vologda, I told in a private 
 letter to one of my sons of the gradual development of 
 friendly relations. The letter was dated March 19th: 
 
 " ... I have never recognized this Bolshevik Govern- 
 ment, but have established a quasi business or working 
 arrangement with it, and to that do I attribute the 
 courtesy shown us by the municipal authorities and by 
 the local Commissar and by the President of the local 
 Soviet. There are local Soviets throughout Eussia com- 
 posed of workmen, soldiers and peasants; they assume 
 and exercise the right to commandeer whatever resi- 
 
238 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY , 
 
 dences they desire to live in, ordering the owners or 
 occupants therefrom. There has been no violence here 
 that I have heard of; in fact the town is remarkably 
 quiet and I have enjoyed my stay here, being domiciled 
 in the club house, very well adapted to the Embassy's 
 uses. Last night I entertained the local Commissar, the , 
 Mayor, President of the Local Soviet, President of the 
 City Duma, and five other ofl&oials, at a dinner in the 
 club house, which has become known through the town 
 as the American Embassy." 
 
 At one time I spoke to the Mayor about his aflSliations. 
 I asked him if he was a Bolshevik. He said he was not 
 a Bolshevik, and that he was authorized by the munic- 
 ipal assembly — as we would call it in the United States — 
 to invite us to remain there ; that we would be protected. 
 He continued to administer affairs until we left Vologda, 
 although the local Soviet was disposed to dispute Ms 
 authority some time before we left. 
 
 On May 5th, 1918, 1 was shocked to hear that Consul- 
 General Madden Summers had died the day before after 
 an illness of twenty-four hours. I had not yet regained 
 my strength from ten days' illness and was still on diet, 
 but I decided to go to Moscow and did so on the first 
 train. At the funeral I delivered an address in which 
 I endeavored to bring out the significance of Summers' 
 splendid work, to emphasize his record as a faithful, effi- 
 cient representative of his country. In the course of 
 this address I said : 
 
 "He who gives his life for a cause can contribute no 
 more. Whether such tribute be rendered on sea or on 
 land or in the clouds, whether it be at the cannon's mouth 
 or in defense against an assault or even by some of the 
 other horrible devices of modem warfare, whether it be 
 in military or civil service, none the less, he has given 
 his all and no man can make greater sacrifice than this. 
 

 w 
 
 H 
 
 K 
 O 
 
 H 
 
 m 
 
 W 
 Q 
 
 z; 
 
 < 
 
 A 
 
 as 
 o 
 Q 
 < 
 
 < 
 
 m 
 k^ 
 rt 
 <i 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 239 
 
 Madden Summers yielded Ms life in his country's service 
 and did so as effectually as if he had been taken off hy 
 the enemy in ambush and as courageously as if he had 
 fallen in attack on the enemy's works. He realized as 
 fully as does an officer leading his troops in a battle that 
 his very life was in jeopardy and that realization nerved 
 him to renewed effort." 
 
 On the 4th of July, 1918, 1 gave a reception which was 
 attended by the members of the Diplomatic Corps then 
 in Vologda, all of the attaches of the Allied Missions, 
 and by quite a number of Russians. The Mayor was 
 present — ^nominally Bolshevik, but at heart "anti." He 
 had been elected by a direct vote of the people before 
 the Bolshevik regime. The assistant mayor, Mr. Zu- 
 boff, a Cadet, was present. Both the mayor and the 
 assistant mayor had been suspended from office the week 
 before by a representative of the Bolshevik Government 
 at Moscow, named Kedroff. The latter, after arresting 
 and sending to Moscow the City Duma of Archangel, 
 stopped at Vologda on his return and had placed a local 
 Bolshevik "in the saddle" of municipal affairs. 
 
 I made this Fourth of July reception the occasion of 
 an address to the Russian people, which was published 
 in the Vologda paper, Listoh. I ordered 50,000 copies 
 printed in Russian circular form, for general distribu- 
 tion. 
 
 At this time the Bolshevik Govenmient at Moscow had 
 a representative at Vologda in the person of Vosne- 
 senski, who occupied the position of Chief of the Far 
 Eastern Division in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 
 Vosnesenski was a shrewd Jew. He had, as we used to 
 express it in Kentucky immediately after the Civil War, 
 "the cheek of a government mule." He had been sent 
 to Vologda by the Bolsheviks to ascertain whether the 
 Allies had concluded in principle to intervene, but he got 
 
240 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 no satisfaction from me, and I do not think he received 
 any definite information from any of my colleagues. 
 
 There were at this time many mimors afloat concern- 
 ing the advance of the Allied detachments. We had 
 authentic reports to the effect that the landing of the 
 Allied forces would be resisted by Bolsheviks at Arch-^ 
 angel. Those forces were, as we knew, in possession 
 at Murmansk, and the local Soviet there was friendly 
 to the Allies, because it had seen what had been evident 
 to the Allied representatives at Vologda for some time, 
 that the Bolshevik Government was absolutely under the 
 domination of Germany, At the same time the Bolshe- 
 viks at Moscow were manifesting a strong desire to ap- 
 pear on good terms with the Allied missions, and espe- 
 cially the American Embassy. 
 
 The Fourth of July address to the Russian people 
 follows : 
 
 ' * On this July 4th, the natal day of the American Re- 
 public, I feel constrained to say a few words of encour- 
 agement to the Russian people for whom my country 
 cherishes deep sympathy. One hundred and forty-two 
 years ago to-day the thirteen American Colonies pro- 
 claimed their independence; they had a population of 
 about three million souls occupying a narrow strip along 
 the Atlantic seacoast. After a struggle of seven years 
 their independence was acknowledged; then followed a 
 critical period of internal dissension which ended in the 
 adoption of a Constitution and the formation of the 
 Government which exists to-day. 
 
 "Americans throughout the world celebrate this day 
 in commemoration of the achievements of our ancestors, 
 to express our pride in our institutions, to renew our 
 pledges of fealty to the principles on wMch our Govern- 
 ment is based and to inspire our descendants with love 
 of country and with appreciation of the liberty they 
 enjoy. 
 
 "France assisted us to gain our independence and we 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 241 
 
 lave always felt sincerely grateful therefor — and I am 
 pleased to note that the French Chamber of Deputies has 
 iecided to observe the day in testimony of 'indissoluble 
 and fraternal friendship.' 
 
 "The Father of our Country warned us against en- 
 tangling foreign alliances and we observed that injunc- 
 tion for a hundred and forty years, or as long as our 
 3elf-respect, our sense of duty and our obligations to 
 dumanity permitted. We were much farther removed 
 froin Europe when our independence was achieved than 
 we are to-day; the application of steam as a motive 
 power had not then been discovered, there were no ocean 
 steamers, no steam railroads; there were no telegraph 
 lines, no telephones, no machine guns, no aeroplanes, no 
 submarines. 
 
 "Within that period our population has grown by 
 rapid strides until it now numbers considerably over one 
 bundred millions, and many millions of the increase have 
 3ome from European lands. 
 
 "We are engaged in the greatest war of history — a 
 world war in fact — and so earnestly have we taken part 
 that the spirit of our people is aroused as never before. 
 We have not the slightest doubt as to the outcome. Rus- 
 sia is interested in this war as no other country is inter- 
 ested because she will lose most in the event of the vic- 
 tory of the Central Empires. My country and all of the 
 Miles consider the Eussian people still in the struggle. 
 We do not observe the Brest-Litovsk peace. Surely no 
 Russian who loves his country and looks with pride 
 apon her greatness is going to submit tamely to her dis- 
 nemberment and humiliation. 
 
 "President Wilson has said feelingly and impressively 
 )n several occasion that he has no intention of deserting 
 Russia, in fact that he is resolved not to do so. That 
 neans that we will never consent to Germany making 
 Russia a German province; that we will never stand 
 dly by and see the Germans exploit the Eussian people 
 md appropriate to Germany's selfish ends the immense 
 •esources of Russia. We take this stand not because 
 ve ourselves seek territorial aggrandizement; not be- 
 lause we have commercial ambitions in connection with 
 
242 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Russia; nor because we wish to dictate to the Russian 
 people or to interfere in the internal affairs of Russia. 
 We assume this position because we wish the Russian- 
 people to have the right to dispose of themselves and not 
 be compelled to submit to the tyrannical rule of Ger- 
 many, even though such a disposition nught result in a 
 temporary peace. It is moreover my opinion that all of < 
 the Allies agree with America on this subject. 
 
 "Therefore, on this day, which is celebrated in every 
 city, in every village and in every hamlet in America, 
 I appeal to the Russian people to take courage, to or- 
 ganize to resist the encroachments of Germany. The 
 Allies are your friends and are willing and able to assist 
 you notwithstanding your superb army has been demo- 
 bilized. The United States, which had an army of about 
 two hundred thousand when we entered the war less than 
 fifteen months ago, has already sent to France nine hun- 
 dred thousand well-armed, disciplined men and is mak- 
 ing rapid progress toward raising an army of five mil- 
 lion. The strength of the American Navy and of the 
 American shipping has been increased many fold and 
 is continuing to grow at a wonderful rate which exceeds 
 all calculations and expectations. There is not a craft 
 on the broad seas that dares float the German flag or the 
 colors of one of the Central Empires. 
 
 "On May 29th, last, my Government authorized its 
 representatives throughout the world to express its sym- 
 pathy with the nationalistic aspirations of the Czecho- 
 slovaks and Jugo-Slavs, and within three days past I 
 have received instructions to announce that the position 
 of the United States Government is 'that all branches 
 of the Slav race should be completely freed from German 
 and Austrian rule.' 
 
 "What an inspiration this should be to Russians 1" 
 
 When my appeal to the Russian people reached Ber- 
 lin, the German Minister of Foreign Affairs again de- 
 manded my deportation, on the same ground he had 
 previously urged, that I bad not only violated the rules 
 of neutrality but had criticized the Central Soviet Gov- 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 243 
 
 ermnent of the Eepublic. I do not know what reply 
 was made to this by the Bolsheviks. 
 
 At the same time I made my Fourth of July appeal 
 to the Russian people to resist the Germans, conditions 
 in Russia favored it. The time was opportune for action. 
 Prompt and decisive intervention by the Allied Powers 
 might have had far-reaching results. I received from a 
 reliable source this account of what was going on at 
 Moscow: 
 
 "The Fifth AU-Russian Congress of the Soviets 
 opened on the 4th of July at the Grand Theater in Mos- 
 cow. Strict measures were taken not to allow anybody 
 without special permit to enter the theater. The Gr and 
 Duke'sj box on the left side of the theater was occupied 
 by representatives of t he German JBmbassy wjA the 
 Counselor von Bassovitz~at the head. The^P r esideht o f 
 theCenkaL,ExecuiyT5_CommilteV-Sv^ 
 tEe^ongress~bpened atTpTmT, and stated that up to that 
 moment 1,035 deputies had arrived, of whom 678 be- 
 longed to the Bolshevik party; 269 to the party of the 
 Left Social Revolutionists; about 30 Maximalists, and 
 about six Internationalists. The floor was given to Alex- 
 androff, delegate of the Ukrainian Peasants' Congress. 
 His appearance on the platform was met with loud ap- 
 plause. He said: 
 
 " 'We have (in Ukrainia) against us the overwhelming 
 power of German bayonets. We have no more profes- 
 sional Unions, no Cooperatives, and no Workmen's 
 Dlubs. The regulation respecting the eight-hour day 
 Eias been annulled (shame, shame). When the Ukrainian 
 Kada opened the doors to Germany (traitors) we lost 
 jven that which we gained by the February revolution, 
 jrermans are destroying with artillery fire whole vil- 
 ages, people are executed without trial. ' 
 
 " 'But,' exclaims Alexandroff, 'the Ukrainian prole- 
 ariat are not giving up their struggle with their enemy. 
 i*easants refuse to give Germany grain. Trains loaded 
 dth grain for Germany are blown up by us. Practically 
 
244 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 all stores of munitions have been blown up by us. The 
 aeroplane works in Odessa were set on fire. The Ukrainian 
 j is on the verge of rising against Austro-Germany. ' 
 •^ "These words of Alexandroff were met with continu-' 
 ous applause. The Left Social Revolutionists, standing 
 up from their seats and turning in the direction of the 
 box occupied by von Bassovitz shouted, 'down wiih the* 
 Germans.' Movement in the box could be noticed. 
 
 " 'I implore you,' continued Alexandroff, 'to come to 
 our assistance.' Shouts again: 'Down with the Ger- 
 mans!' 
 
 " 'I want you to reply with yes or no. We are confi- 
 dent that you will come,' continued Alexandroff, 'and 
 the sooner you come will our Baron von Mumm be driven 
 out from the Ukrainia, as well as your Baron von 
 Mumm, Count Mirbach, will be driven out by you from 
 Moscow. ' Stormy applause ; ' Down with Mirbach ! Down 
 with the Germans!' 
 
 "After a speech bjJKarelin, a Left Social Revolution- 
 ist, protesting against capital punishment, and his sec- 
 ond speech disclosing forgeries practised by the party of 
 Bolsheviks during the election in order to insure their 
 majority at this Congress, the floor was given to Trotzky. 
 
 "Trotzky stated that some agitators have resumed 
 their work against the Soviet Government in different 
 parts of the front line. Under the influence of these 
 agitators, several Red Army detachments have crossed 
 the demarcation line. Several commissars have been 
 murdered, and the President of the Bolshevik Peace 
 Delegation to the Ukrainia, Rakoffsky, was threatened 
 with a bomb. 'If you will ask me who are these agi- 
 tators, I say that I do not know, but presume that among 
 them are Right Social Revolutionists, agents of the Ger- 
 man war party, as well as agents of those that lauded 
 troops on the White Sea coast. ' 
 
 * ' Trotzky further stated that he had given orders that 
 agitators belonging to parties that want Russia to be 
 drawn into war by provoking Germany to occupy Moscow 
 and Petrograd should be sent to prison in Moscow and 
 Petrograd. Agents of foreign governments who resist 
 the government with arms in their hands should be shot 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 245 
 
 on the spot. Trotzky requested the congress to give 
 sanction of this, his order. 
 
 ^'Kumkoff, a Left Social Revolutionist Deputy, reply- 
 ingto^Tretzky, stated that the latter had misrepresented 
 the actual facts. That the events referred to were not 
 perpetrated by agitators, but were an actual result of a 
 policy of national treason favored by the Bolsheviks; 
 that the men at the front cannot be silent spectators of 
 workmen and soldiers being shot by German imperial- 
 ists; that they do not want to take any part in these 
 deeds of Cain, and mean to fight the scoundrels which 
 have also come here. Kumkoff pointed to the box oc- 
 cupied by German representatives. Shouts, 'down with 
 Mirbach!' " 
 
 On the 6th of July, two days later, the German Am- 
 bassador to Russia, Count Mirbachf was ass flasiTifl.t,p.d-i.n-X 
 MoBcowr~An official statement issued by the Bolshevik 
 Government said: 
 
 "Two scoundrels, agents of Russian- Anglo-French Im- 
 perialism, having forged the signature of Dzerjinsky, 
 sneaked through to the German Ambassador, Count Mir- 
 bach, under a false certificate, and, under the protection 
 of this document, they thre-w^a bomb, killing Count 
 Mirbach." 
 
 The Bolsheviks attributed the assassination to the 
 Russian Monarchists and Counter-Revolutionists. They 
 claimed to have identified one of the assassins as a mem- 
 ber of the Left Social Revolutionists Party. 
 
 About four or five days after this assassination of 
 Count Mirbach, Tchecherin, Minister of Foreign Affairs 
 of the Bolshevik Government at Moscow, sent me a tele- 
 gram marked "urgent," addressing me as Dean of the 
 Diplomatic Corps, and saying: 
 
 "Taking into consideration the present situation and 
 possibility of danger for representatives of Entente 
 powers Soviet Government looks upon Moscow as town 
 
246 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY | 
 
 where security of named representatives can be assured. 
 Considering as its duty safeguarding ambassadors' se- 
 curity Government sees in their coming to Moscow a 
 necessity. "We hope that highly esteemed American Am- 
 bassador will appreciate this step in friendly spirit in 
 whidi it is undertaken. In order to execute this measure 
 and to remove any difficulties People's Commissariat for i 
 Forei^ Affairs delegates to Vologda as its representa- 
 tive, Citizen Radek." 
 
 To this I made immediate reply, hoping to forestall the 
 coming of Radek : 
 
 "Immediately on receiving your urgent message last 
 midnight, I called a meeting of the Chiefs of Allied Mis- 
 sions, as their Dean. I am requested by them to ask 
 you why you think our remaining in Vologda unsafe or 
 inadvisable. We have no fear of the Russian people, : . 
 whom we have always befriended and whom we consider 
 our Allies, and we have full confidence in the population 
 of Vologda. Our only anxiety is concerning the forces ■ ' ■'* 
 of the Central Empires with whom we are at war and, 
 in our judgment, they are much more likely to capture 
 Moscow than Vologda. We realize that in a country 
 suffering as Russia is at present there are unreasonable 
 and desperate men, but we are confident that they are 
 not more dangerous at Vologda than elsewhere. At Mos- 
 cow, on the other hand, we hear that the Grermans have 
 already received permission to introduce their troops to 
 safeguard their representatives, and in any case the town 
 is directly threatened by the Germans. If you mean by 
 your message that the government of Soviets has taken 
 without consulting the Allied Missions the decision that 
 the latter should come to Moscow and that you are send- 
 ing Mr. Radek to carry such a decision into execution, 
 we desire to inform you that we consider that would be 
 offensive to us and we would not comply therewith." 
 
 Radek arrived the next day and about 3 p. m. inquired 
 at what tirae I could receive him, and was told at four 
 o'clock new time. Radek did not call until after five 
 
VOLOaDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 247 
 
 'clock, when the Allied Diplomats were in session at 
 he American Embassy. Leaving my colleagues in ses- 
 ion I went to the reception room of the Embassy, and, 
 fter hearing from Eadek that the object of his mission 
 sras to arrange for the removal of the Allied Missions 
 rom Vologda to Moscow, I told him that such an invita- 
 ion had already been received by wire from Tchecherin 
 md had been declined by wire. He disclaimed any in- 
 ention on the part of the Soviet Government of forcing 
 he Allied Missions to remove from Vologda to Moscow, 
 tut after mentioning the responsibility of the Soviets for 
 he safety of the Allied representatives, stated that if 
 his declination would be persisted in he would demand 
 L statement in writing from the Allied representatives 
 absolving the Soviet GdVernment from all responsibility 
 or -their safety. I said to Eadek that as the Allied 
 l!hiefs were in session in the American Embassy at that 
 aoment, perhaps he should himself make this statement 
 o them. I returned to the Allied conference and re- 
 )orted the interview with Eadek. The Allied represen- 
 atives decided that I, as the Dean, should state to Eadek 
 hat they stood upon their reply made by wire to Tche- 
 herin until authoritatively advised ^ to the demands 
 •f Germany consequent upon ^gj killing of_ Mirbach. 
 S^ing'BeBTdrbjLMfe froTHiMo^owJh^ 
 tn d Austria ns were guaxdnig;,. the embassi^ 
 ulates of the Central JEnapiresJnjioscowJC^^ 
 inference thereupon adjourned. • 
 
 iTetumedToThereception room and had a talk with 
 Jadek lasting about an hour. Eadek was accompanied 
 y an interpreter, Arthur Eansome, the correspondent 
 if the Manchester Guardian. I called my stenog- 
 apher, Mr. Johnston, who was also my private secre- 
 ary, and he took down the conversation. I told Eadek, 
 ifter listening to his argument, that we had decided to 
 
24S RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN' EMBASSI 
 
 refuse the invitation to go to Moscow. His reply vras : 
 ••I -win station guards aiound aU of your embassies." 
 They called aU of our legations embassies- ' ' And no one 
 will be permitted to go in or out wi^out a passport." 
 I said: "We are Tirtually prisoners then?'' *'Xo,'* he 
 said, "you are not Tirtually prisoners, you can go in aiiJ 
 out and the chiefs can all go in and out. but when you 
 desire anybody to come in here, you wiU have to teU tLo 
 local Soviet the name of the man and they will give him 
 a pass to enter through your guards," 
 
 The guards came there the next morning, or perhaps 
 the same evening, but they did not disturb us. They 
 were hungry and we gave them food. They were very 
 accommodating to us. Badek was in uniform, and car- 
 ried a pistol. He was a newspaper man, an Austrian. 
 He was intensely devoted to the Bolshevik purpose of a 
 world-wide revolution. I understood that Lenin and 
 Trot^y dei^ended ui)on Badek for the coocqposition of 
 many proclamations whidx they signed. After the 
 armistice, Badek went to Beriin, and was active in the 
 efforts to overturn tiie German GoA-emment and iu the 
 attempted spread of Bolshevism throughout Gfermany. 
 
 The day after sending the decision of the Allied Mis- 
 sions not to leave Vologda, I received from Toheoheiiii 
 this message, marked "Urgent": 
 
 "Thanks for telegram. You are obviously badly in- 
 formed. It is abscdntely false that Germans have re- 
 ceived permission to introduce troops at Moscow. This 
 is monstrous distortion of true situation. How is it that 
 somebody from Moscow deliberately misrepresents to 
 you our policy and real state of things! When you wiU 
 be in Moscow no intriguers wiU be able to create such 
 trouble between us. Moscow is not threatened by Ger- 
 mans. If this was the case, we would at once warn you 
 and take steps necessary for your departure. You are 
 insufficiently informed situation Russia. People are for 
 
VOLOaDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 249 
 
 IS but conspiring groups like that whicli acted lately 
 jystematically create trouble. Such conspirators pre- 
 pare stroke. Your remaining Vologda impossible. We 
 liave responsibility to bear we cannot otherwise. Badek 
 a^oes consult you first." 
 
 I replied to Tchecherin as follows : 
 
 "I have received your telegram in response to mine 
 which was sent in reply to your first telegram concern- 
 ing the removal of the Allied Missions from Vologda to 
 Moscow. Mr. Eadek, representative of the Soviet Gov- 
 smment, arrived and had conference with me before the 
 receipt of this telegram. He informed me that your first 
 telegram was intended for invitation or advice to the 
 A.llied Missions in Vologda and not a command or a de- 
 asion to be enforced by him as your representative. 
 A.fter conferring with Mr. Badek I submitted his propo- 
 sition to the Allied Diplomatic Corps, which decided to 
 stand on its former reply and to decline your invitation 
 to come to Moscow until hearing what further demands 
 3r movements Germany is likely to make as the German 
 press and many prominent Germans charge the Allies 
 with inspiring, planning and carrying into execution 
 issassination of the German Ambassador, Mirbach. Mr. 
 Badek when informed by me of this decision demanded 
 I written statement from the Allied Missions that we 
 ibsolve the Soviet Govenmaent from aU responsibility 
 'or our safety. When again informed that the Allied 
 iiissions stand on their reply telegraphed you until they 
 earn what Germany demands or proposes to do, Mr. 
 Badek stated that he would station guards around every 
 iUied chancery or residence in Vologda who would be 
 ustructed to admit no one without his approval or ours, 
 IS he proposed to remain in Vologda until receiving 
 'urther instructions from you or the Soviet Government. 
 SV^hile we have not asked for guards and would appre- 
 siate guards stationed around our residences and chan- 
 series solely for our protection we look upon the plan 
 IS proposed by Mr. Radek as a virtual arrangement to 
 jlace us under espionage or to make us prisoners. We 
 rust such is not your intention ; if it is we protest against 
 
250 EUSSIA FROM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 the plan proposed by Mr. Badek as incompatible with 
 the dignity of our Governments. 
 
 "Your telegram states that onr remaining in Vologda 
 is 'impossible.' While Mr, Eadek disclaimed any inten- 
 tion on the part of the Soviet Grovemment to compel us 
 to come to Moscow your telegram fails to reply to that 
 portion of my message to you based upon the theory that 
 Mr. Eadek has been sent to Vologda to carry into execu- 
 tion a decision of the Soviet Government. We await 
 your reply to this telegram." 
 
 Eadek remained in Vologda some days. He made a 
 bad impression upon the people of Vologda, who showed 
 their opposition to him and their preference for the 
 Allies against the Germans in many ways. The Bol- 
 shevik element called a meeting of about 2,000 workmen, 
 including the raUroad employees, for the purpose of 
 hearing a speech from Eadek on the evening of July 
 15th. This speech was intended to incite feeling against 
 the Allies. Eadek even went so far as to say that the 
 workmen must xmite with the German troops to oppose 
 the Anglo-French soldiers. This was too much for the 
 audience, who immediately cried out: "We won't do it. 
 The Germans have shown what they wiU do by their 
 conduct in the Ukraine. We prefer the Allies, and we will 
 join them and fight the Germans." Eadek was very 
 much incensed, and threatened that the Bolshevik Gov- 
 ernment would treat Vologda as it did Yarsolave, and 
 would destroy both cities. — — 
 
 While this pressure was being brought to bear to in- 
 duce the Allied diplomats to go to Moscow, I was visited 
 at 11 o'clock at night, July 17th, by a British captain, 
 named McGrath, who had come down that same after- 
 noon from Archangel. Lindley, the British Charge, 
 brought McGrath to the Embassy. I had already heard 
 from Eiggs, who came down from Archangel on the same 
 
VOLOaDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 251 
 
 train mth MeGrath, that General Poole, in coihmand 
 of the British, was in closer touch with the situation at 
 Archangel than we had previously known. Captain Me- 
 Grath, after telling me in a general way of the military 
 plans of the Allies for the occupation of Archangel, said 
 he had come down to make a proposition to the Allied 
 missions in Vologda, but he knew I would be opposed to 
 it. His proposition was that the missions leave Vologda 
 for Archangel, 
 
 I immediately replied that I was not opposed to leav- 
 ing Vologda or making any other strategic move, but 
 that I was opposed to going to Moscow on the "invita- 
 tion" of the Bolsheviks, and would not leave Vologda 
 by order of the Bolsheviks, and would under no circum- 
 stances leave Russia unless forced to do so, or recalled 
 by my Government. 
 
 Captain MoGrath's face lighted up and he said Gen- 
 eral Poole thought the continued, presence of the Allied 
 Embassies at Vologda would hamper his military plans. 
 General Poole feared the Soviet Government would cap- 
 ture the Allied chiefs and hold them as hostages, and 
 possibly some desperate Bolsheviks might commit vio- 
 lence upon the Allied Ambassadors. 
 
 I asked Captain McGrath what his plan was and he 
 said he wanted us to leave Vologda in time to meet Gen- 
 eral Poole, who was at Murmansk when the British ar- 
 rived in Archangel, but he was not definitely advised as 
 to when that would be. Lindley, the British Charge, 
 had told me previously when he arrived in Vologda that 
 Poole would reach Archangel the first week in August, 
 but McGrath said the British plans had been hastened 
 by our safety being threatened at Vologda. 
 
 I arranged for McGrath to come to the conference of 
 the Allied chiefs the following day. He did so and stated 
 in effect what he had told me the night before. I then 
 
252 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 outlined to my colleagues the plan that we should bo 
 prepared to leave for Archangel on short notice, but 
 should not ask consent of the Bolshevik authorities, and 
 should distinctly state that wo wore not going to leave 
 Russia, but were only withdrawing to Archangel tem- 
 porarily for safety, and to prevent beijig taken by the 
 P>olshevik8 as hostages. I proposed that we would leave 
 our Embassies antl, Legations at Vologda, functioning as 
 usual. I reminded the chiefs that the invitation of the 
 Bolsheviks to come to Moscow for protection had been ac- 
 companied by the statement that they could not protect 
 us at Vologda from unreasonable and desperate Russians, 
 or from five thousand German and Austrian prisoners 
 in the VologdaTdistrict . Rad^ had said that these pris- 
 oners were likely to be incensed by the assassination of 
 Mirbach, the German people and the German leaders 
 having charged the Allied Ambassadors with instigating 
 and having carried into execution that dastardly act. 
 
 Captain McGrath said there could be no possible doubt 
 about the ability of the Allies to land when they arrived 
 at Archangel, and went into sufficient detail to convince 
 me that he was justified in making such statement. 
 
 The diplomatic representatives at Vologda agreed for 
 the time being that it was best for them to stay there. 
 We had entire confidence in the good will of the Vologda 
 people, and we believed that Moscow was an undesirable 
 residence place for us. We refused to change our loca- 
 tion. Tchecherin's telegram to me and my reply thereto 
 were given to the press before the arrival of Radek and 
 had been published in Vologda and Petrograd papers. 
 The party headed by Radek was known as "the Extraor- 
 dinary Revolutionary Staff." This staff issued an order 
 addressed to the journals of the city, prohibiting publi- 
 cation of communications or interviews with us unless 
 tliey were previously censored by the staff. We en- 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 253 
 
 deavored to reach the Russian people through a pam- 
 phlet containing a copy of the order from the staff, but 
 another order was issued prohibiting the distribution of 
 these pana.phlets. The conclusion of the Diplomatic 
 Corps was that the Bolsheviks desired to have us in 
 Moscow and hold us as hostages in event of intervention. 
 It seems as if our refusal to leave Vologda had settled 
 the matter, but on the 23rd of July this message marked 
 "Urgent" was received by me from Tchecherin: 
 
 ' * I entreat you most earnestly to leave Vologda. Come 
 here. Danger approaching. To-morrow can be too late. 
 When battle rages, distinction of houses cannot be made. 
 If all smashed in your domiciles during stiniggle of con- 
 tending forces responsibility will fall upon your making 
 deaf ear to all entreaties. Why bring about catastrophe 
 which you can avert?" 
 
 After consulting with my colleagues, and finding them 
 of the same mind with me, that the plan was to hold us 
 as hostages at Moscow, or at any rate to hold us against 
 the German and Austrian representatives at Moscow, 
 I replied to Tchecherin : 
 
 "Thank you for your telegram. We fuUy appreciate 
 the uninterrupted interest you have taken in our personal 
 safety and have decided to follow your advice and are 
 leaving Vologda. " 
 
 Our determination was to go to Archangel, but I did 
 not state in the telegram where we proposed to go. 
 
 When we finally decided to go to Archangel, I sent 
 word to my colleagues to have their baggage down to the 
 train before six o'clock, that the train would leave at 
 eight o'clock in the evening. I had held a special train 
 on the Vologda tracks for five months. My transporta- 
 tion man. Mason, had told me that the stationmaster, 
 with whom we had made friends, would furnish me a 
 locomotive on an hour 's notice to take that train on any 
 road that we wished. I sent for my transportation man 
 
254 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 and said: "You told me that the stationinaster promised 
 you a locomotive for this train. I want that locomotive 
 attached to the train tonight at 7 :30 and I want to leave 
 at 8." He left me, hut came back in an hour and said 
 that the stationmaster had left on a vacation, and that 
 the one he had left in charge could not get a locomotiv e 
 without submitting his request to Moscow. The stafion- 
 master said that_Tchecherin had given orders to the Di- 
 rector of TjocnTnotjv^P^^^ lhat hFinust hot put^ aJLoco- 
 moiive onTEiijtxain without ge tting his permission . I 
 told the substitute stationmaster to submit the matter to 
 Moscow. He did so and the reply was: "Who wishes 
 the locomotive'?" I replied through my transportation 
 man, "the American Ambassador." 
 
 "Where does he wish to go?" 
 
 "To Archangel." 
 
 When the Diplomatic Corps went to the station we 
 
 were shown a telegram signed b y Zaikin, Commissar of 
 
 Exploit ation Department of the Bolshev ik Go vernment 
 
 "aSTaHHressed to the Vologda stationmaster, reading: 
 
 "In accordance with an order from People's Commis- 
 sar for Foreign Affairs, Tchecherin, 1 request informa- 
 tion immediately as to who from t he American Embassy 
 and for wha^_^yfflasaIIOimaSaiiigL^_&pgsLa^^ 
 Archangel, "until the receipt of this information and the 
 receipt by you of a permit to dispatch the train, same 
 should not be dispatched." 
 
 I replied to this : 
 
 "The American Ambassador as Dean of the Diplo- 
 matic Corps, received about noon to-day a telegram from 
 Tchecherin entreating^the Dinl omatio Corps to leave Vo-_ 
 logda 'as to-moriw^can^etoo.late,' and it is unsafe for. 
 them' to remaifnEera^ TThis train is desired by the 
 ATTierinan Ambasaadnr for the eutirfi Diplnmgfio Hnrpa 
 to convey them to Ar^iaQgel.^' ^ 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 255 
 
 Then came a longer message from Tchecherin still 
 urging that the Corps decide to come to Moscow: 
 
 "Having heard of your resolve to leave Vologda for 
 Archangel, we feel ourselves compelled whilst appreciat- 
 ing your clear comprehension of the untenable situation 
 in Vologda to he kindly informed by you about some 
 particulars of your decision. If your intention is to leave 
 Russia, we are powerle ss to hinder you in doing so, but 
 we express our sincerest regrets at your departure from 
 our soil together with our hope to see you soon in our 
 midst here in the hearts of Soviets of Russia. In case 
 you really wish to depart we beg to emphasize that in our 
 view the relations between our two countries are not 
 going to be affected by an event, to which we will not 
 ascribe any political symptomatic character. If, how- 
 ever, the idea of exchanging Vologda for Archangel was 
 not altogether removed from your mind it is unfortu- 
 nately nec essary t o draw your attention to the fact that 
 in the expectation ^f a sie ge Archangel cannot be a resi- 
 dence fit for Ambassadors and tha t jueh a question caii- 
 not possibly be answered in the affi rmative. Tcaniiot 
 but repeat that under the presenr"condition when our 
 foes seeing their impotence to take place in the politi- 
 cal inclinations of the great masses seek to conspire and 
 to create artificial outbursts and to provoke civil war, 
 we can, with complete earnestness, point to Moscow, 
 where as experience shows our forces are and cannot 
 but remain in undisturbed control of the city and to its 
 peaceful gay suburbs with their splendid villas as to an 
 appropriate abode which our government deliberately 
 proposes to the Ambassador of friendly America. We 
 must at any cost avoid the danger of your departure be- 
 ing misinterpreted in the eyes of our great masses and 
 of American public opinion and of its being understood 
 in a sense altogether dissimilar to that in which you and 
 myself would understand it. That at the present junc- 
 ture would be a fatal mistake, and the best means of 
 averting this danger would be your coming to the official 
 center of Russia, where a warm, friendly reception 
 awaits you. The special train is at your disposal, but 
 
256 RUSSIA FRDM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 we do not lose the hope that your decasion will be to come 
 to Moscow." 
 
 I replied with a detailed statement covering the situa- 
 tion, showing how communication with the American 
 Government had been practically cut off and referring to 
 the censorship which prevented the Corps from printing 
 anything without first submitting it to the Soviet Gov- 
 ernment. I give this communication in full : 
 
 "On receipt of your urgent telegram of the 22nd, ad- 
 dressed to me as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, and 
 received about noon of the 23rd, I called the Corps in 
 conference. After deliberating, we decided to leave Vo- 
 logda, but considered that our previous telegraphic cor- 
 respondence had fully settled the question of our going 
 to Moscow and that conclusion was negative. As Dean 
 of the Diplomatic Corps, I replied to your telegram, ex- 
 pressing appreciation for your continued interest in our 
 personal safety and advising that we had concluded to 
 leave Vologda. Consequently the entire Diplomatic 
 Corps repaired to their train at Vologda Station, but 
 on giving directions for the train to move we were in- 
 formed by the railroad, officials that no motive power 
 could be furnished without authority from Moscow. We 
 were under the impression and had been informed from 
 reliable sources that these trains were at our disposal 
 and locomotives would be furnished upon our request. 
 When such request was forwarded to Moscow the reply 
 was received after some delay that locomotives could not 
 be furnished without your consent and you desired to 
 know who had asked for the train for the American Am- 
 bassador and for what purpose he wished to go to Arch- 
 angel. I promptly directed that reply be made that the 
 locomotive was desired to take the entire Diplomatic 
 Corps to Archangel as they had concluded to quit Vo- 
 logda upon receipt of your urgent telegram entreating 
 them to leave because unsafe to remain in Voldgda, and 
 stating that postponing departure until to-morrow might 
 be too late. 
 
 "In reply to this statement you wired m? sX length. 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 257 
 
 The correspondence up to this time had been between 
 myself as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps and yourself 
 as Commissar of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 "This telegram while sent by me as Dean of the Diplo- 
 matic Corps is meant also for my reply as the American 
 Ambassador. 
 
 "Permit me to say to you that while your message 
 is appreciated because expressing friendly feeling for 
 the people I represent and a desire on your part to main- 
 tain relations with them and with my government, your 
 treatment of me as their representative does not accord 
 with such expressions. WhUe refraining from interfer- 
 ing in all internal affairs in Bussia I have considered 
 that the Eussian people were stUl our Allies, and have 
 more than once appealed to them to unite with us in re- 
 sistiag a common enemy. I have furthermore recom- 
 mended to my government many times to send food to 
 relieve the sufferings of the Russian people and to ship 
 agricultural implements to meet the requirements of 
 Bussia. A wireless message sent from Washington July 
 18th, received at Moscow, was delivered to me after last 
 midnight. It stated that no message had beien received 
 from me of later date than June 24th, except one sent 
 through Archangel July 7th, advising of the killing of 
 the German Ambassador; it furthermore stated that it 
 had cabled me often and fully. I have received no cables 
 from my government that were sent after July 3rd, ex- 
 cept two wireless messages inquiring why they did not 
 hear from me ; I have cabled fully every day. -Mor eover 
 the press of Vologda and doubtless the entire press o f 
 Sossia has recftivpfl nrd prs to print nothing from an y 
 Allied Ambassador or representative wit hout lirst sub-^ 
 mitting same to the Soviet Government. Some journals 
 in Vologda and some in Petrograd did print your first 
 telegram inviting or ordering the Diplomatic Corps to 
 come to Moscow and our reply thereto ; these were given 
 to the press by myself Tor the information of the Bus- 
 sian people and because I thought secret diplomacy had 
 been abolished in Bussia. Upon learning that the press 
 was forbidden to publish further correspondence con- 
 cerning our removal to Moscow, the Diplomatic Corps 
 
258 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 decided to have printed in pamphlet form in Eussian 
 the entire correspondence on the subject together with 
 some excerpts from a stenographic report of t he inter - , 
 ,yif:^hgJi^g^XQ]'J!:_2!gEIf^^^^'^^^^^ Eadek and myagTT^ 
 These pamphlets have been ready for delivery for two 
 days past, but we are informed that the jCentral Sovie t 
 Committee or the Extraordinary E evoluti ona ry Staff o f 
 Vologda has prohibited deliveryipf s ame to us. 
 
 "Your last telegfamT addressed to myself while ex- 
 pressing friendly sentiments toward America and con- 
 sideration for its Ambassador makes no mention of my 
 colleagues representing America's Allies in Vologda., 
 This is to inform you if you entertain any doubt on the 
 subject that the Allied representatives in Vologda are 
 acting in concert and in perfect harmony. 
 
 "The Allied missions and staffs have been living for 
 twenty-four hours in special train on track of Vologda 
 station, awaiting a locomotive to transport them to Arch- ' 
 angel. Your telegram to me states that if permitted to 
 go to Archangel it would be only for the purpose of their 
 leaving Eussia which you 'are powerless to hinder.' Your 
 telegram states that Archangel is not a fit residence for 
 Ambassadors in the event of a 'siege.' Do you expect 
 a German siege of Archangel? J&u ce rtainly do a ot 
 anticipate Allied siege of _that_city or you would n ot 
 "insist upon the AllieH representatives^nnng to Moscow. 
 If you mean a siege of Archangel by Russians I can only 
 repeat what I have said to you and to the Eussian people 
 many times, and that is that the Allies have nothing to 
 fear from the Eussian people whom they have constantly 
 befriended and with whom they consider themselves still 
 in alliance against a conunon enemy. Speaking for my- 
 self I have no desire or intention of leaving Russia un- 
 less forced to do so, and in such event my absence wou],d 
 be temporary. I would not properly represent my gov- 
 ernment or the sentiment of the American people if I 
 should leave Eussia at this time. The Brest-Litovsk 
 peace the Allies have never recognized, and it is becom- 
 ing so burdensome to the Eussian people that in my 
 judgment the time is not far distant when they wiU turn 
 upon Germany and by their repulsion of the invader 
 
VOLOGDA— THE DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL 259 
 
 from the Russian borders will demonstrate what I have 
 continuously believed, and that is that the national spirit 
 of great Russia is not dead but has only been sleeping. 
 
 "The above are my personal views and feelings and 
 I think that in cherishing such I am properly repre- 
 senting my government and my people. 
 
 "The Allied Diplomatic Corps of Vologda await your 
 immediate approval of the locomotive to draw their train 
 to Archangel. K local authorities at Archangel consider 
 the situation does not allow us to remain, we shall leave 
 with deep regret and with the hope of soon returning." 
 
 After the receipt of this telegram, Tchecherin said he 
 would go to the direct wire and wished the American 
 Ambassador or his representative at Vologda to be there. 
 I sent Mr. Lehrs, an attache of the Embassy, with in- 
 structions to inform Tchecherin that the Diplomatic 
 Corps reiterated with emphasis its request for a loco- 
 motive in order to go to Archangel. Mr. Lehrs reported 
 that Mr. Tchecherin had given orders that when a defi- . 
 nite reply from the ambassadors came a locomotive 
 should be immediately provided. Tchecherin also said 
 to Lehrs that he would telegraph Mr. Popoff of the Bol- 
 shevilc Government at Archangel instructing him to pre- 
 pare a steamer for the Allied Ambassadors. 
 
 Mr. Lehrs reported this conversation with Tchecherin, 
 and at my direction sent the following: 
 
 "I am instructed by the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps 
 to inform you that the diplomats of the Allied missions 
 at Vologda after considering your message decided to 
 request you to furnish at your earliest convenience a 
 locomotive to draw their special train from Vologda to 
 Archangel." 
 
 The correspondence, part of it by wireless, was com- 
 pleted at 11 :20 p. m., July 24th, with the following from 
 Tchecherin : 
 
260 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 "We will give instructions that a locomotive be put 
 at your disposal at Vologda and that a boat should be 
 prepared for you in Archangel. Once more we empha- 
 size that we do not ascribe a political meaning to this 
 individual leaving of Allied representatives, which we 
 profoundly regret and which was caused by a sorrowful 
 of circumstances independent of our will." 
 
 Tchecherin seems to have been under the impression 
 that after our departure from Vologda the Soviet Gov- 
 ernment had disposed of the American Ambassador. He 
 sent this wireless message to Archangel July 29th, 1918 : 
 
 "American Ambassador Francis, 
 "Archangel. 
 ' * I take the opportunity of this last moment before your 
 departure to express once more my profound regret and 
 sorrow at the unfortunate circumstances which have had 
 as a result your present journey across the sea and also 
 my best thanks for your kindness and courtesy and for 
 your good feeling toward the Eussian popular masses 
 whose most adequate and faithful representatives are the 
 Soviets, the councils of the poor and of the toiling. 
 Please convey our affection and admiration in the mes- 
 sages you will send across the ocean to the great people 
 of pioneers on the new continent and to the posterity 
 of Cromwell's revolutionaries and of Washington's 
 brothers-in-arms. 
 
 "Tchecherin." 
 
 This telegram was evidently meant for consumption 
 by American pacifists, and fearing it would be given to 
 the American people by the Department of State, I failed 
 to transmit it. 
 
CHAPTER XVni 
 
 ARCHANGEL AND THE NORTHERN GOVERNMENT 
 
 The plan had been to leave Vologda on the 23rd of 
 July but we did not get away until after midnight of 
 the 24th; the telegraphic correspondence with Moscow 
 taking that interval. The Diplomatic Corps had slept 
 on the train and waited. 
 
 I had received a telegram from Kedroff, the Bolshevik 
 Commissar, who had removed the City Duma of Vologda 
 and the City Duma of Archangel, saying he would meet 
 us at a station between Vologda and Archangel, naming 
 the station. Our train arrived there before his, but 
 after we waited ten or fifteen minutes his train pulled 
 into the station. I sent Riggs to ascertain what Kedroff 
 wished in requesting us to wait, thinking he might prob- 
 ably detain us, and possibly by force take us back to 
 Moscow. Riggs, who was second in rank to Col. Ruggles 
 of the Military Commission, had learned to speak Rus- 
 sian, and had by this time become a major. He was only 
 a lieutenant when I arrived in Petrograd, and was my 
 Military Attache until he was supplanted by General 
 Judson. He returned after a short conference with Ked- 
 roff, and reported that Kedroff desired to inform us 
 that a steamboat was awaiting our arrival at Archangel. 
 This intelligence was communicated to us and relieved us 
 greatly, as we were on our way out of Bolshevik juris- 
 diction of Russia. 
 
 On our arrival at Archangel, we were met by a delega- 
 tion of local Bolsheviks, accompanied by a representa- 
 
 261 
 
262 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 tive of the Moscow government. These officers pointed 
 to a boat on the Dvina River and said: 
 
 "There is a boat. We are instructed to direct your 
 attention to that boat, to put you on that boat and to say 
 you can use that boat to go where you wish." 
 
 I said: "We refuse to go on that boat." 
 
 "Why?" 
 
 "Well," I said, "we do not intend to leave Russia 
 until we can communicate with our governments. Cable 
 communication has been severed for three weeks." 
 
 The Bolsheviks replied: "Well, we have no other 
 orders. ' ' 
 
 The Diplomatic Party numbered about 140 persons, 
 counting attaches and domestics. I said to the Bolshe- 
 viks : "Moreover that boat is not big enough for us." 
 
 They said: "We wiU give you an additional boat." 
 
 In the course of further conversation these local Bol- 
 sheviks seemed to be perplexed as to their own course, 
 and asked us : "What are we to do?" 
 
 I replied: "I do not know what you are to do except 
 to go and report what we say to the people at Moscow, 
 to Lenin, Trotzky and Tchecherin." 
 
 They stationed guards around the train and left. That 
 was on the 26th of July. In about thirty hours they 
 returned. We learned that they had been wiring Moscow 
 and received answer. The purport of this correspond- 
 ence had been made known to us through confidential 
 sources. We knew that the Moscow people, while pro- 
 fessing to desire us to leave Russia, were telling the local 
 Bolsheviks to hold us as hostages. About two or three 
 o'clock in the afternoon of the 27th of July, the Bolshe- 
 viks came back to the train where we were. By that 
 time, acting upon the information we had received as to 
 the communications from Moscow, and also upon in- 
 formation of local trouble, we had determined that our 
 
ABCHANGEL 263 
 
 best plan was to get away to Kandalaksha. Information 
 had reached us through confidential channels that an 
 anti-Bolshevik revolution was about to take place at 
 Archangel. We felt that we would not want to be there 
 when it occurred. 
 
 When the Bolshevik officers came back to the train, we 
 assumed a firm attitude before tliem, and insisted on 
 leaving Archangel for Kandalaksha, which was under 
 Allied control. The Bolsheviks, realizing local condi- 
 tions and at the same time having their instructions from 
 Moscow, were frightened. They did nothing to actually 
 detain us, but they threw all the obstacles in the way 
 they could. For example: when we had expressed our 
 determination to go to Kandalaksha, they said our bag- 
 gage did not have diplomatic seals on it. I said to my 
 colleagues : "We will go down and identify the baggage." 
 After this the baggage was transferred to the boat about 
 eight o'clock in the evening. Then the Bolsheviks in- 
 sisted that we must all come off the boat and show our 
 passports when we reembarked. We complied with this. 
 By that time it was midnight. The next excuse was that 
 the Bolshevik officers must go across the river to have our 
 passports vised. The railroads do not enter Archangel. 
 They stop at the south side of the Dvina Eiver, which is 
 about a mile wide. The Bolsheviks went over to Archan- 
 gel, and were gone until four o'clock in the morning. 
 Then they came back, and at that hour on the 29th of 
 July, we cleared for Kandalaksha. 
 
 If the Bolsheviks had not given permission for us to 
 leave for Kandalaksha, we intended to go anyway. 
 There was a British merchantman in the harbor, and I 
 had asked the British Commissioner Lindley, "What boat 
 is that!" 
 
 His reply was: "It is one of ours." 
 
 I asked: "Will it obey your instructions?" He said; 
 
264 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 "I think so." I said: "If the Bolsheviks do not come 
 by seven o'clock, we will get on that boat and go to 
 Kandalaksha," but the Bolsheviks came at four o'clock. 
 I had had the conversation about the British merchant- 
 man two hours previous. 
 
 At Kandalaksha we heard that General Poole, in com- 
 mand of the British forces, was at Murmansk, which is a 
 port of the railroad that is open all year around as the 
 Gulf Stream jBows by that port. Kandalaksha is about 
 150 miles south of Murmansk. General Poole with about 
 2,000 men cleared for Archangel. The forces arrived at 
 Archangel on the 2nd of August. Not knowing whether 
 he was to be opposed in his plan to land there, he tele- 
 phoned in from the pier: "What government is in con- 
 trol here?" The reply was: "The Provisional Govern- 
 ment of Northern Russia." 
 
 It seems that the anti-Bolshevik revolution, of the 
 plans for which we had learned before we left Archangel, 
 had taken place about four hours before the arrival of 
 the troops. The General inquired: "Will you permit us 
 to land?" The Bolshevik Government, under instruo; 
 tions from Moscow, had been prepared to resist the land- 
 ing. The reply of the new government was : "Yes, come 
 quick." The landing at Archangel was made on the 
 2nd of August. 
 
 The first landing of Allied troops on the North coast 
 of Russia came about without opposition by the Bol- 
 sheviks through an interesting combination of circum- 
 stances. It will be remembered that Trotzky refused to 
 participate in the second negotiations for the Brest- 
 Litovsk treaty. He sent T^hecherin in his place. Tche- 
 cherin wired for a special train, to return from Brest- 
 Litovsk without saying whether he had signed the treaty. 
 The terms of the treaty were far more severe than those 
 which Trotzky had rejected during the first negotiations. 
 
AECHANGEL 265 
 
 and Trotzky supposed Tchecherin had refused to sign 
 them. Just at the time of Tchecherin's request for a 
 train on which to return, Trotzky received an inquiry 
 from the local Soviet at Murmansk wishing to know 
 whether the Bolsheviks there should permit Allied troops 
 to land. Trotzky, thinking Tchecherin had not signed the 
 treaty because of its severe terms, replied to the inquiry : 
 "Yes, permit the Allied troops to land without resis- 
 tance." Whereupon the local commissars, or Bolsheviks, 
 at Murmansk informed the Allied troops of Trotzky's 
 instructions, and even invited the Allied troops to land. 
 
 Captain Martin, of the American Military Mission, 
 just before his departure for Murmansk to meet the 
 Allied forces, called upon me at the American Embassy 
 in Petrograd, and asked if I had any message to send to 
 Captain Bierer, who was in command of the cruiser 
 Olympia in Murmansk harbor. I replied: "Tell Cap- 
 tain Bierer that I do not assume authority to command 
 him to land his marines, but if I were called upon to give 
 advice, I should want American marines to land, pro- 
 vided the British and French and Italian troops were 
 landed." 
 
 I subsequently met Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 
 Franklin D. Eoosevelt, who informed me that Captain 
 Bierer, in command of 200 American marines, was in- 
 structed to obey my orders. These marines were the 
 first American troops to be landed in Russia. 
 
 The Allied missions had held the boats on which they 
 had come from Archangel to Kandalaksha. The British 
 Commissioner, the Italian Ambassador and the French 
 Minister and I went from Kandalaksha to Murmansk 
 and were able to communicate with our governments 
 from there. I cabled Washington my plan, that I was 
 going back to Archangel, and received approval of the 
 
266 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 plan. So I went back to Archangel, and remained there 
 until November 6th. 
 
 The revolution against the Bolsheviks at Archangel 
 established what was known as the Sovereign Govern- 
 ment of the Northern Region. This government not only 
 welcomed the landing of the Allied forces, but invited 
 the Allied missions to return to Archangel. The head of 
 that government was Tchaikovsky. In a letter written 
 from Archangel, August 29th, 1918, to Charles E. Crane 
 of Chicago, I wrote of Tchaikovsky : 
 
 "He spent four years, 1875-79 in America, and was a 
 Russian exile in England from 1879 to 1907. When in 
 America he lived at Independence, Kansas, where he 
 attempted to form a new religious sect, but failed therein. 
 He told someone a few days ago that he still cherished 
 the belief that God is in every man's soul, and that is the 
 sole existence of what the religious denominations call 
 the Supreme Being, but that he had abandoned all effort 
 to found such a sect because the race has not arrived at 
 that stage of development where it can appreciate such 
 beliefs. He is an able writer, a fine character and a 
 valuable man." 
 "" To my son, Sidney, I wrote on the 30th of July from 
 Kandalaksha : 
 
 ' ' The Russian people are divided between a Monarchy 
 and a Socialistic Republic, and I am not interfering in 
 the slightest degree in any way. Their national pride 
 seems to be awakening, and they are so disgusted with 
 the Bolshevik rule that they would make an alliance 
 with Germany if we don't intervene. Have written you 
 that I recommended the intervention in cable of May 2nd, 
 but have not been advised whether this principle has 
 been passed upon. It is true that American marines 
 have been landed at Murmansk, and I believe that Ameri- 
 can troops are enroute to Archangel. SuflSce it to say 
 
AECHANGEL 267 
 
 that Eussia is an immense country abundant in resources, 
 and nearly two hundred million people who are unedu- 
 cated but who love the land devotedly. I have issued a 
 number of statements or pronunoiamentos trying to 
 arouse the Russian people against Germany and have 
 gotten limited circulation therefor. The general instruc- 
 tions to diplomats are to do nothing at this time without 
 instructions from the Department. I have not been 
 'called down' thus far." 
 
 I very soon established close relations with the Ameri- 
 can Expeditionary Forces which had been landed at 
 Archangel. The information came to me one day that 
 our American soldiers were manning the street cars. 
 There had been a general strike in Archangel. When 
 the workmen heard of the kidnapping of the Tschaikov- 
 sky Ministers, some 30,000 of them quit work, including 
 all those in the factories. The street car forces joined 
 the strike. As soon as I heard that American forces 
 were manning the street cars instead of the strikers, I 
 called up Col, Stewart, the oonunanding officer, or rather 
 attempted to call him up, but could not find him. I then 
 called for Major Nichols, who was in command of the 
 American battalion still remaining in Archangel, — the 
 one I had reviewed. I asked Major Nichols, "Is it true 
 that American soldiers are manning the street cars?" 
 
 "Yes." 
 
 "Do you know that will raise commotion in America? 
 By whose orders has this been done?" 
 
 "Well, G. H. Q." (General Headquarters.) 
 
 "Was it in writing?" 
 
 "No, it was not in writing. I was called up by phone 
 and asked if I had any men here who could act as motor- 
 men and conductors in the street cars here. As my 
 battalion was recruited in Detroit, and about one-half of 
 them are motormen and conductors, I said 'Yes,' I sent 
 
268 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 some of tlie men down to the car sheds to take the cars 
 out." 
 
 ''Where is Col. Stewart?" I asked. 
 
 Major Nichols replied: "Mr. Ambassador, we are 
 charging no fares." I said: "That is different, but I 
 want Col. Stewart anyway." 
 
 For twenty-four hours or perhaps thirty hours, Ameri- 
 cans were conducting the street cars, or acting as motor- 
 men, and at every stopping place, which in Archangel is 
 every two or three blocks, there were two or three Ameri- 
 can soldiers to keep the crowds from overloading the 
 cars. That was because no fares were being charged. 
 In coimection with this street car incident, I made an 
 announcement of America's position in Archangel. I 
 said, "In connection with this street car strike, there is 
 one thing I want understood." I said it with the em- 
 phasis of an oath, I believe. "There is one thing I want 
 understood." 
 
 "What is that?" I was asked. 
 
 I said : "Civil strife in the rear of our front. I am not 
 going to permit the lives of our soldiers to be jeopar- 
 dized by Bolsheviks on one side and a civil war in the 
 rear. I will order them back from the railroad, and 
 from up the river, and if there is a gun fired we will 
 participate in the firing ourselves, if we have to kill 
 Russians." 
 
 After that there was no fear of civil strife. 
 
 Right here, I would like to say a word about the Ameri- 
 can soldiers who landed at Archangel. They showed the 
 same spirit that they did on the Western front. They 
 were just as anxious to get into a fight. They understood 
 the cause of the war. 
 
 I had a personal experience with a group of these 
 American soldiers, most of whom were from Michigan 
 and Minnesota, and seemed to know me by reputation. 
 
AECHANGEL 269 
 
 One day while walking along the principal thoroughfare, 
 the Broadway of Archangel, I saw three or four soldiers 
 engrossed with a yar map. I stopped and said to them, 
 in English, of course, "You are American soldiers." 
 They turned around and smiled at me, and I said, "I 
 never was so glad to see American soldiers in my life as 
 I was when you landed here a few days ago." They 
 looked pleasant, but did not make any answer, and I 
 continued, "I am the American Ambassador." They 
 looked more interested and opened their eyes wider, but 
 did not reply or ask me any questions. I said something 
 more to them — four or five more remarks in an interroga- 
 tive way — and they answered respectfully, "yes," and 
 "no," but did not develop the conversation. I turned to 
 go away, when the soldiers stopped the man who was 
 with me, and asked "Who is that fellow?" The man 
 replied, "That is Governor Francis." They said, "Why 
 in hell didn't he say so." 
 
 Archangel is on the White Sea — a place of about 50,000 
 or 60,000 people. It has very substantial structures, 
 more substantial than Vologda, although it is not so old. 
 On the night of the 5th of September, 1918, occurred a 
 coup d'etat. Americans would call it a plain case of 
 kidnapping. AU ministers but two of the new Northern 
 Government were taken from their homes and conveyed 
 on a steamer to the Soliovetski Monastery on Soliovetski 
 Island, which was about thirty hours from Archangel. 
 The kidnapping was done by a party of Russian officers, 
 counter-revolutionists, who were against the Tchaikov- 
 sky Government, because the ministers were Socialists. 
 The head of the kidnapping party was a man named 
 Chaplin, a Russian naval officer, attached to the staff of 
 General Poole. 
 
 On the morning of the 5th of September, following 
 the kidnapping, I was reviewing a battalion of American 
 
270 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERIOAIf EMBASSY 
 
 troops. Three American battalions had been landed, one 
 of them had been sent down the railroad toward Vologda, 
 one was up the Dvina Eiver, toward Kotlas, and the other 
 one was held at Archangel. I had just finished reviewing 
 this battalion that was left in Archangel, when General 
 Poole, who with me on the Government steps had re- 
 ceived the salute, turned to me and said: "There was a 
 revolution here last night." I said: "The hell you say! 
 Who pulled it off?" He replied: "Chaplin." Chaplin, 
 as I have said, was a Russian naval officer on General 
 Poole's staff. I said: "There is Chaplin over there 
 now." I motioned for him to come over and join us. 
 General Poole remarked, "Chaplin is going to issue a 
 proclamation at 11 o'clock." It was then 10:15. I said: 
 "Chaplin, who pulled off this revolution here last 
 night?" He said: "I did." 
 
 Chaplin had done very good work against the Bol- 
 sheviks, getting them deposed and out of Archangel. He 
 went on to say: "I drove the Bolsheviks out of here, I 
 established this Government" — meaning the Tchaikov- 
 sky Government. "The ministers were in General Poole's 
 way, and were hampering Col. Donop," who was the 
 French Provost Marshal. "I see no use for any govern- 
 ment here anyway." 
 
 I replied : "I think this is the most flagrant usurpation 
 of power I ever knew, and don't you circulate that proc- 
 lamation that General Poole tells me you have written 
 until I can see it, and show it to my colleagues." 
 
 The Representatives of the Allied Missions met at my 
 apartment that day. They came up there at 12 o'clock. 
 I had Chaplin there. When the troops landed, I had sent 
 for Col. Stewart, who was the commander of 4,700 Amer- 
 ican soldiers, and asked him: "Have you any communi- 
 cation for me!" He said, "No." I said, "What are 
 your orders!" He said, "To report to General Poole, 
 
AECHANGEL 271 
 
 who is in command of the Allied forces in Northern Rus- 
 sia." I said, "I interpret our policy here. If I should 
 tell you not to obey one of General Poole's orders what 
 would you do?" He said, "I would obey you." 
 
 This conversation had taken place before the kidnap- 
 ping. I had arranged beforehand through the Depart- 
 ment of State the relations between the Ambassador and 
 the American forces. I had cabled the State Department 
 that as I was interpreting the American policy in North 
 Eussia, I requested that the ranking oflBcer in command 
 of the American troops be put in close touch with me. 
 Basil Miles, who was head of the Eussian Bureau in the 
 State Department, told me when I arrived in "Washing- 
 ton six months later that he had taken my cable over to 
 General March, who manifested great annoyance on 
 reading the cable, and said: "I didn't want the Ambas- 
 sador to have anything to do with these troops." Mr. 
 Miles returned to the State Department, and told Assist- 
 ant Secretary Long of his interview with General March. 
 Assistant Secretaiy Long wrote a letter to the President 
 expressing the opinion that I had made a proper request 
 in desiring thg ranking officer in command of American 
 troops to be in close touch with me, as I was interpreting 
 American policy in Eussia. The President evidently 
 agreed with Assistant Secretary Long, as in a war council 
 held the following day, he told General March that he 
 thought I had made a reasonable request and ordered that 
 request complied with. General March immediately 
 cabled Col. Stewart to get in close touch with me, which 
 accounts for Col. Stewart's reply to me when I asked 
 him whose orders he would obey. 
 
 We brought back the Tchaikovsky ministers composing 
 this "socialistic government" as Chaplin and his asso- 
 ciates called it. It seems those ministers had been 
 aroused at their apartment about 12:30 at night, and had 
 
•272 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN E^fBASSY 
 
 been told to put on their clothes. Thoy asked, ""What 
 are you going to do with ust" Chaplin's party replied, 
 "TVe are going to put you in a monastery.'' The minis- 
 ters were taken to a boat, and the boat cleared about 
 4 :30 in the morning. It was after ten when I heanl of 
 the coup d'etat, or kidnapping, through (Jeneral Poole. 
 The boat on which the Ministers had been taken away 
 had no wireless apparatus, and we could not communi- 
 cate with them. "We wired to Kem, whidi is a st^ition 
 down the Mui-man Railroad, about twenty-five miles be- 
 low Kandalaksha, to get a boat over there and get those 
 ministers when they landed there and bring them back 
 to Archangel. 
 
 There was something significant about the time chosen 
 for his kidnapping. The American troops had landed 
 on the 4th of September, and the kidnapping took place, 
 as I have said, on the night of the 5th. It was timed, 1 
 think, to make the impression upon the people \ip there 
 that it had the sanction, if it was not at the instigation 
 of the American Ambassador, occurring as it did almost 
 simultaneously with the landing of the American troops. 
 I soon gave them to understand that I did not sanction 
 the kidnapping at all. 
 
 As soon as the news was spread of the kidnapping, 
 petitions and delegations and telegrams were coming to 
 me as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, asking that the de- 
 posed government of ministers be reinstated. The 
 Tchaikovsky administration, I think, was well disposed, 
 and intended to administer a verj' good govenmient. As 
 to the position of General Poole, I am satisfied he did not 
 want to establish a government of his own, but British 
 soldiers have been colonizers for so long that they do not 
 know how to respect the feelings of socialists. I do not 
 mean to say that is the policy of the British Government, 
 but British officers have had to do so much with uncivi- 
 
ARCHANGEL 273 
 
 lized people, and Great Britain has done so much colo- 
 nizing that its officers do not feel as American officers do. 
 We brought back the Tchaikovsky Government on Sun- 
 day night, and the ministers were reinstalled on Monday 
 momiag at 9 o'clock. The confused conditions which 
 prevailed iu Archangel after I learned that Tchaikovsky 
 and his fellow ministers had been kidnapped and taken 
 to the monastery are thus described in my report to the 
 Secretary of State, dated September 10, 1918 : 
 
 "I asked Chaplin if he had gone with those detailed to 
 arrest the Ministers and was told he had not, but he had 
 given a written order to the officer in command, and that 
 officer had arrested the Ministers and taken them to the 
 steamer in the harbor and they had cleared for the mon- 
 astery between 2 a.m. and 4 a.m. General Poole had told 
 me that Chaplin was going to issue a proclamation ex- 
 plaining to the people that the Sovereign Government 
 had been deposed and that he was in command of the 
 situation. Chaplin's manner indicated that he was proud 
 of the deed, and expected commendation. I told General 
 Poole not to permit any proclamation to be circulated 
 before submitting it to the Allied Ambassadors, whom I 
 requested to meet in my apartment at 12 noon. They 
 assembled at that hour, when General Poole brought me 
 a copy of the proclamation by Chaplin, and said he had 
 held up its circulation until the Allied Ambassadors could 
 pass upon it. The Allied Ambassadors immediately de- 
 cided to bring back the kidnapped ministers and sent for 
 Chaplin, who came with Startseff, Commissar of Archan- 
 gel under the Sovereign Government, who had joined 
 with Chaplin in deposing it. We told Chaplin to issue 
 no proclamation; that we had ordered the ministers 
 brought back, and I told him that I considered his act a 
 flagrant usurpation of power, and an insult to the Allied 
 Ambassadors. That evening about 10 p.m., September 
 6th, Chaplin issued a proclamation, appointing Ignatieff 
 to the position from which the Sovereign Government 
 had removed him three days previous, and appointing 
 
274 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Durop, Assistant Minister of War under the Sovereign 
 Government, to be Minister of War, 
 
 "Durop came to the ambassadors' meeting on the fol- 
 lowing day, September 7th, and said he had been offered 
 the post of Minister of War, but had declined it, and 
 would not serve under Chaplin, as he considered Chaplin 
 an adventurer. Meantime the strongest man in the 
 Ministry, Dyedushenko, who held three portfolios, had 
 escaped arrest by not sleeping in his apartment. He had 
 sent word to me that he would like to call if I -would guar- 
 antee him against arrest, which I promptly did. He came 
 while the ambassadors were in session and was invited 
 in. He and another minister, who had escaped arrest, 
 Evanoff, by name, had prepared a proclamation, calling 
 upon laborers, peasants and citizens to resist the Chaplin 
 domination and charging it with being monarohistic, 
 stating that the Grand Duke Michael, brother of the 
 murdered Czar, was in Archangel, and implying, if not 
 asserting, that the Chaplin movement was in concert with 
 the Grand Duke's followers. We told Dyedushenko not 
 to circulate the proclamation, and he went to the tele- 
 phone in my apartment and gave an order to that effect. 
 The four Allied Ambassadors issued a statement which 
 was circulated, a copy of which is enclosed. The morning 
 of September 7th, crowds were gathered around these 
 three declarations, namely: The Ambassadors, and the 
 one from Chaplin and Startseff and the third from Dye- 
 dushenko and Evanoff. To say that the populace was 
 confused inadequately expresses the condition of their 
 minds. 
 
 ' ' Meantime I had been visited by delegations of work- 
 men, of peasants, of Zemstvos and of Cooperatives, all of 
 which protested against the Chaplin government, and 
 stated they were in favor of the deposed ministers. I 
 also received telegrams and petitions from organizations 
 of Zemstvos and peasants in the outlying districts, some 
 of them stating that organizations were arming and com- 
 ing to Archangel to reinstate the Sovereign Government. 
 The strike committee ordered a general strike of the 
 workmen, including those at the electric light plant and 
 conductors and motormen of street cars. I thought that 
 
AECHANGEL 275 
 
 the situation justified and demanded that the Allies 
 should assume control. My colleagues and General Poole 
 agreed thereto, and a proclamation or statement was 
 prepared setting forth such conclusion. By the time this 
 proclamation was translated into Russian it was 8 p.m., 
 and upon sending it to the printers we were informed 
 that the printers were on striie, consequently the procla- 
 mation was never published. 
 
 "The Ministers returned at 9 p.m. on Sunday, Sep- 
 tember 8th, and were held on the steamer in the harbor 
 until a representative of the Allied Ambassadors, Lind- 
 ley, oould tell them of the action of the Ambassadors. 
 Lindley returned to my apartment about 11 p.m., and 
 reported that President Tchaikovsky appeared grateful 
 that he and his colleagues were so promptly returned and 
 promised to perform no act of government until meeting 
 with the Ambassadors at 11 a.m., the following day, 
 September 9th. 
 
 "After we succeeded in bringing them back the Allied 
 Ambassadors conferred with them in the hope of being 
 able to reestablish the Tchaikovsky Government on a 
 firm basis." 
 
 The report made by me on September 12th, 1918, to the 
 Secretary of State sets forth the discouragement that 
 attended our efforts : 
 
 "Yesterday afternoon the three Ministers who at- 
 tended the conference with the four Ambassadors sur- 
 prised us very much by reading a declaration to the effect 
 that they were going to abdicate and appoint a Governor- 
 General, who would report direct to the new government 
 combination, whose headquarters are at Samara. The 
 main cause given for the abdication was that their decree 
 of mobilization had been a failure. It appears that 
 Chaplin had assembled in Archangel about 300 Russian 
 officers, who were completely under his control, with, I 
 suspect, the encouragement of some British and French 
 military officers. Tchaikovsky, who was aii old man and 
 unaccustomed to the responsibilities of the position he 
 had held for six weeks, appears 75 years of age. He told 
 
276 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 us in tremulous tones that only three officers, of the 300 
 or more he had expected, had obeyed the call for mobili- 
 zation. That call specified that officers desiring to serve 
 in the army should report first to the Sovereign Govern- 
 ment and fixed dates therefor. Furthermore, he stated 
 that while the Allied Diplomatic Chiefs were well dis- 
 posed toward the new government, friction was constant- 
 ly arising between the British Military control, repre- 
 sented by the British Intelligence Bureau under Colonel 
 Thornhill, and the Russian Military officials. He drew 
 out the official newspaper of the government and ex- 
 hibited the work of the censor commission, which had 
 condemned over half of the matter in the proposed issue 
 of the paper, and consequently it was not issued. 
 
 "I have just written to General Poole a note demand- 
 ing American representation on this censor commission. 
 General Poole appointed a French Military Governor, 
 Colonel Donop, for the city of Archangel, and he has had 
 friction not only with the ministry but with the minis- 
 try's military appointees; this French Colonel is sus- 
 tained by the French Ambassador, who has suggested a 
 modus Vivendi which leaves the Sovereign Government 
 a government in name only. I have not consented to this 
 project, and shall not without modifications. The Min- 
 istry planned to announce to the Zemstvo meeting at six 
 p.m. this intention of abdicating and appointing a Gover- 
 nor-General to report to the head of the new movement at 
 Samara, but we prevailed upon them not to do so. Tchai- 
 kovsky went to the Zemstvo meeting and at my request, 
 translated, sentence by sentence, a speech I delivered 
 there. While Tchaikovsky, who preceded me, spoke in 
 Russian, I had an interpreter who told me that Tchaikov- 
 sky said nothing about the intention of abdicating. This 
 new Government at Samara is under three directors who 
 are higher than the Ministers in Archangel, in Samara 
 and in Siberia; these three directors are: Avksentieff, 
 Aleksieff and Stapenoff. I told Tchaikovsky as we were 
 going to the Zemstvo meeting that he knew I was friendly 
 to him and his Government and that he should not take 
 such a serious step without consulting me. I have been 
 waiting for a call from him, but up to this hour, noon, he 
 
ARCHANGEL 277 
 
 has not phoned or called. The objection I have to the new 
 Government abdicating is that it will give an appearance 
 to the presence of the Allied troops here of a decided 
 military character and may possibly arouse opposition 
 among the peasants and Zemstvos and Cooperatives 
 against the Allied forces." 
 
 After deciding to abdicate, the Ministers of the Sove- 
 reign Government appointed a Governor-General, but 
 on the 25th of September reconsidered that decision and 
 decided to remain in office. Tchaikovsky also continued 
 as President. The selection for Governor-General was 
 Duroif. He was appointed on the 18th of September, 
 but issued no orders until several days thereafter. 
 
 President Tchaikovsky, the Governor-General, and 
 General Poole met with the ambassadors in my apart- 
 ment, and reached an understanding as thorough as 
 seemed possible under the circumstances. 
 
 On the 24th of September, President Tchaikovsky tele- 
 phoned me he would like to meet the ambassadors, and I 
 called them in session at my apartment at five o'clock 
 that day. When they were all assembled, Tchaikovsky 
 said that the government in view of conditions in Samara 
 could not abdicate without vesting the Governor-General 
 with dictatorial power. This the government could not 
 think of doing on account of its responsibility to the 
 people. 
 
 "Of course," I said, but my colleagues were not so 
 prompt, and while they made no objections I thought they 
 were disappointed that the government had concluded to 
 continue. 
 
 Three ministers after the "irrevocable decision" of 
 the government left Archangel by boat for Omsk. These 
 were the three ministers most objectionable to the opposi- 
 tion, and also the ministers least liked by my colleagues. 
 As the vessel on which they sailed had no wireless appa- 
 
278 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 ratus and could only be reached at some place on the Ob 
 River, where they might make their first landing, Lindley 
 and Noulens advised that no effort be made to reach 
 them. I did not object to permitting them to remain 
 away, as I knew their return would bring discord, or 
 promote any that already existed. President Tchaikov- 
 sky did not say what he would do, but I learned that he 
 attempted to reach them by wire and failed, because he 
 expressed great concern lest they might be shot by the 
 Bolsheviks, who had captured the town to which he wired. 
 
 After the abdication of the Sovereign Government took 
 place Tchaikovsky was thoroughly disheartened. He 
 came to my apartment several times during: the effort we 
 were making to reestablish the Sovereign Government of 
 Northern Russia. Impressed with his sincerity and be- 
 lieving that he had the confidence of a great many Rus- 
 sians, we endeavored to persuade him to accept some 
 official position. One suggestion made to him was that 
 he become Military Governor. He put this aside. The 
 French Ambassador suggested that Tchaikovsky become 
 the Diplomatic Representative of the Government of 
 Samara. This proposition was taken under advisement 
 by Tchaikovsky, and when he came to see me the next 
 day he told me that he had concluded not to accept, and 
 said he would like to go to England if I would assist, 
 which I promptly agreed to do if he had fully decided to 
 go, but expressed the hope that he would remain in 
 Archangel. 
 
 I took advantage of this private conference with Tchai- 
 kovsky to ask him the real reason for the Government 
 abdication. He told me that another coup d'etat was 
 being planned and when I assured him that I would take 
 steps to prevent same and to protect the Ministers in the 
 discharge of their duties, he replied that the Sovereign 
 Government could not get along with General Poole, who, 
 
AECHANaEL 279 
 
 while apparently desirous of doing the right thing, was 
 constantly under the influence of the British officers sur- 
 rounding him and the French officers also, and that the 
 British especially and he thought the French also were 
 discouraging Eussians from joining the Russian army, 
 and doing propaganda work to induce them to join the 
 British army. He said the French had recently opened 
 a recruiting station also. He was confident that the 
 British officers together with some of the French officers 
 had planned a coup d'etat, or kidnapping, of himself and 
 associates; that General Poole was approving orders is- 
 sued by his subordinates which sent all Russian soldiers 
 of democratic inclinations out of Archangel to the front, 
 and consequently the Russian soldiers remaining were 
 friends of Chaplin and opposed to the Sovereign Govern- 
 ment or to any regeneration of Russia that did not look 
 to the restoration of monarchy. At this juncture Lind- 
 ley entered and Tchaikovsky told him that he had decided 
 not to accept the diplomatic post which Noulens had 
 suggested the previous evening. 
 
 Of the events which followed, I wrote the Department 
 of State on the 4th of October : 
 
 "I advised President Tchaikovsky to fiU the vacancies 
 with representatives of elements not represented, such 
 as commerce and shipping interests, etc., and to agree to 
 make effort to do so. At the next meeting, held two days 
 later, he informed us that he was unable to fill the vacant 
 portfolios because he could find no members of the Con- 
 stituent Assembly among those interests and was imper- 
 vious to our arguments that it was not essential that 
 ministers should be members of the Constituent Assem- 
 bly, which had been dissolved by the Bolsheviks wjten it 
 attempted to meet in Petrograd in January last and had 
 never met since. Furthermore, the membership of that 
 Constituent Assembly was depleted by assassination and 
 
280 ErSSIA FKOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 flight and some of the members, such as Eodziaiiko, were 
 open advocates of monarchy, and others, such as Miliu- 
 koff, had made terms with the Germans. He was immov- 
 able, but was finally prevailed upon to reduce the Minis- 
 try to five members, Matushin, Minister of Fiaance; 
 Ivanoff, Minister of Agriculture; Goukovsky, Minister 
 of Justice; Zouboff, Minister of Post and Telegraph — 
 Zouboff was not a member of the Constituent Assembly, 
 but was Secretary of the Government, and while he met 
 with the Ministers he had not the privilege of voting on 
 their decrees. 
 
 "At the next meeting President Tchaikovsky informed 
 us that Matushin, Ivanoff and Zouboff had resigned. 
 Consequently he and Goukovsky were the only remain- 
 ing members of the Constituent Assembly. He said that 
 he had attempted to persuade Grudestoff, a well-known 
 commercial man representing timber interests, to become 
 a minister without a vote, as he was not a member of the 
 Constituent Assembly, but that Grudestoff had pleaded 
 want of time, whereupon the Ambassadors asked me to 
 attempt to persuade Grudestoff, whom I knew, to con- 
 sent to become a member of the Government. I tele- 
 phoned Grudestoff and he came to my apartment about 
 11 p.n[L ; instead of my convincing him, he convinced me 
 that it was better that he should remain outside of the 
 government, and organise an executive commission of 
 fifteen, who would represent all interests and to such 
 commission the govemiJient would refer financial, eco- 
 nomic, and aU questions other than military over which 
 the Governor-General had supreme control, subject to 
 the approval of the Ministry. 
 
 "The next meeting held at 11 a.m., the following day, 
 was attended by the Ambassadors, President Tchaikov- 
 sky and Grudestoff. The Ambassadors advised that a 
 minister be appointed from the bourgeois classes ; several 
 
ARCHANGEL 281 
 
 names were suggested, but as tlie bourgeoisie who were 
 active and influential bad been arrested and taken to 
 Moscow by the Bolsheviks, or fled from Archangel before 
 the Sovereign Government was installed, the supply of 
 available men was limited. Several were suggested dur- 
 ing that day and the following day, but everyone 
 declined. 
 
 "At the next meeting of the Ambassadors with Tchai- 
 kovsky, it was agreed that he and Goukovsky would rep- 
 resent the Government and cooperate with the Executive 
 or Advisory Commission, of which Grudestoff was to be 
 Chairman, and with Col. Duroff, who in the meantime had 
 talked with General Poole, as I had, and arranged for 
 harmonious action. At this juncture the subject which 
 I had avoided at previous meetings was brought up, and 
 that was punishment of the Eussians who had planned 
 and executed the kidnapping. General Poole was pres- 
 ent and in his defense of these men was very emphatic 
 and insistent, saying he knew that if effort were made to 
 punish them there would be greater discord than ever. 
 I then told General Poole that I had heard confidentially 
 from President Tchaikovsky, previously, that the Gov- 
 ernment Secret Service had informed President Tchai- 
 kovsky that another coup d'etat or kidnapping of Colonel 
 Duroff had been planned. The result of this conference 
 was that General Poole guaranteed there would be no 
 more coups d'etat and President Tchaikovsky agreed to 
 issue a proclamation of amnesty and appeal to all Eus- 
 sians to unite in the formation of an army for the resto- 
 ration of order, the expulsion of the Germans and the 
 regeneration of Eussia. 
 
 "At the next meeting President Tchaikovsky informed 
 us that Goukovsky had resigned because they had dif- 
 fered over the form of the proclamation which Duroff 
 had drawn up and Tchaikovsky had approved with a 
 
282 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 few alterations. He read th.e proclamation to us and we 
 commended it. He thereupon said that Goukovsky, who 
 is a lawyer and a Jew, a man of fifty-odd' years, insisted 
 on stating in the proclamation in legal phraseology all 
 the reasons why this amnesty was granted and they had 
 argued four hours without coming to any agreement. I 
 related a story of an old St. Louisan who said that he 
 employed lawyers not to tell him what to do, but to 
 arrange methods for his doing what he had concluded to 
 do. Tchaikovsky said that the Ministers when they had 
 all resigned several days previously had empowered him 
 to form a new ministry, but he could find no members of 
 the Constituent Assembly to whom he could assign port- 
 folios, and as no supreme power could exist outside of 
 the Constituent Assembly there would be no branch of 
 the government authorized to legislate. 
 
 ' ' The next and final meeting of the Ambassadors with 
 Tchaikovsky was held two days ago, and he then stated 
 that he had 'ordered' Matushin and Zouboff to resume 
 their former positions in the government, and was now 
 looking around for the fourth man, or a fifth counting 
 Duroff, who would confer and advise without a vote. 
 For two days past he had been endeavoring to find such 
 a man, and when he succeeds will inform the Ambassa- 
 dors. I think now he will not appoint a minister to 
 whom we object. 
 
 "In the meantime quiet prevails throughout the city, 
 and the forces up the Dvina and down the railroad to- 
 ward Vologda seem to be resting on their arms, as no 
 engagements have been reported by General Poole for 
 three days past — the warfare has been of a guerrilla 
 character from the beginning. A few days ago three 
 British sailors were surprised and captured on the rail- 
 road by the Bolsheviks, were killed after they had sur- 
 rendered, and their arms severed from their bodies. A 
 
AECHANGEL 283 
 
 Frencli interpreter was captured about ten days ago, was 
 killed after capture and his head cut off and his heart 
 taken out. Eoger Simmons and Peter Bukowski, have 
 just arrived in Archangel, but I have not seen them. 
 Simmons told my secretary that Lockhart was in prison 
 and would surely be shot; that a young Jewish lawyer 
 whom I knew well — ^but Simmons could not remember the 
 name — was in the same' cell with Simmons and was taken 
 out and shot because he had been the legal adviser of the 
 British Embassy. Simmons said he would have been 
 shot the next day, if Poole, Acting Consul-General, had 
 not intervened. SimmonS" also says that the doctor who 
 attended me during my illness of ten days in April in 
 Vologda, Dr. Gortaloff, a man of sixty years, was ar- 
 rested becauGe he gave him a certificate of illness, and 
 has probably been shot ere this. The Bolsheviks are 
 inhuman brutes. Simmons says they have heard that 
 General Poole said he would kill every commissar he 
 could capture, and that numbers of innocent people had 
 been killed in anticipation of the execution of General 
 Poole's threat. I do not blame General Poole for feel- 
 ing that way, but if he made the threat, which I do not 
 believe, it was indiscreet. I have been satisfied from 
 subsequent developments as well as from what I heard 
 at the time of cabling you, that it was the intention of 
 the Soviet Government at Moscow to hold us Allied 
 diplomats as hostages at Archangel when we arrived the 
 first time and remained there two days before leaving 
 for Kandalaksha. The reason why we were not detained 
 was because the local Soviet knew that a revolution was 
 brewing here and feared it would be successful with the 
 aid of Allied forces, who were reported as coming from 
 Murmansk for days before they left that place, July 31st. 
 "I think I did not write you or cable that the Moscow 
 Central Soviet ordered the Siberian Government to ar- 
 
284 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 rest the Japanese Ambassador Uchida (now Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs in Japan), when he left me at Vologda, 
 March 4th and started for Vladivostok. The Siberian 
 Government replied that they would not arrest the Japa- 
 nese Ambassador, because they feared it would bring the 
 Japanese army in Siberia. These Bolsheviks have per- 
 sistently endeavored by special favors and hypocritical 
 expressions of friendship to American representatives 
 to create discord between the Allies. They are iu 
 my opinion German agents and have been from the 
 beginning. 
 
 "As cabled you yesterday, if the American troops had 
 not arrived when they did this Government of the North 
 would have been overthrown and a civil war ia the rear 
 of our front, which would have been the result, would 
 have left the few British and French soldiers on the 
 Dvina and on the railroad toward Vologda completely at 
 the mercy of the Bolsheviks, and we diplomatic repre- 
 sentatives would have been forced to leave Russia. As 
 General Poole stated to me, before the arrival of the 
 4,500 American soldiers, he was playing a great game of 
 bluff; he had less than 2,000 soldiers all told. If the 
 Allied forces had numbered 50,000 when they first landed, 
 they could have advanced to Vologda, could have taken 
 Kotlas and possibly Viatka, but now the BolshcAriks have 
 had time to get reenforcements and are commanded by 
 German officers, who are directing them how to offer 
 spirited resistance. Only four American soldiers have 
 been killed in battle, but about sixty have been wounded 
 and brought back to Archangel." 
 
 Personal letters written by me from Archangel give 
 possibly more detailed and intimate descriptions of the 
 confusing situation than do the official reports. 
 
 To Thomas H. West, St. Louis, in a letter dated 
 Archangel, August 27th, I wrote : 
 
AECHANGEL 283 
 
 "This letter is written from Archangel and is dictated 
 from my bed. My colleagues come to my apartment, as 
 do members of the new government and the British Gen- 
 eral and the Military Governor also. I am determined, 
 as Mr. Britling said, 'to see it through' even although 
 it may cause a shortening of my life, which I hope it 
 will not do. But if it did, I would be willing to remain 
 here if I thought I could best serve my country by doing 
 so. My whole heart and soul is in this war, and I am 
 hoping and praying that I may be spared to see Germany 
 defeated. 
 
 "At Murmansk I received newspapers from America 
 for six months back, and although I have not been able to 
 read them carefully, have gathered therein information 
 that is very gratifying to me, and that is that our people 
 are aroused and determined to succeed in this struggle 
 which is one between force and humanity, between autoc- 
 racy and democracy, between feudalism and civilization, 
 between the old and the new, in fact a struggle between 
 the old theory of classes and the new and broadening, 
 principles of Christianity; a struggle between slavery 
 and freedom, between a favored few who think they can 
 exploit their fellows, by their own superiority if not by 
 divine right on the one side, and individual responsi- 
 bility to God and society on the other. I feel that if 
 Germany is successful in this war, not only will our liber- 
 ties in America be jeopardized and all of our principles 
 subverted, but that this world will not be a desirable 
 place for an intelligent freeman to live in." 
 
 On the 29th of August, 1918, I wrote from Archangel 
 to Festus J. Wade of St. Louis a letter describing the 
 conditions then existing in Northern Russia. 
 
 "The situation here is critical. Cable communication 
 is very irregular and unreliable, and connection with 
 Moscow, Petrograd, Vologda and Siberia is absolutely 
 
286 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 severed. The new government in the saddle here is sin- 
 cere but not strong. I am having difficulty in lessening 
 the friction between the Military Governor, a Britisher, 
 General Poole, and the new civil government. None of 
 the Allied governments have yet recognized this ' Sover- 
 eign Government of the Northern Regions' as it calls 
 itself, but its principles are correct, and that is more 
 than could at any time have been said of the Bolshevik 
 Government. The new govenmient is attempting to or- 
 ganize an army with which to fight Germany, and it has 
 the sincere motive of attempting to resurrect Russia. 
 At the same time it has its enemies in Russia, the Bolshe- 
 viks and the Monarchists are persistently endeavoring to 
 undermine and overthrow it. As I said to the President 
 of the new government, Tchaikovsky, in a conversation 
 a few days ago, 'The situation at Archangel is anoma- 
 lous, unprecedented, difficult and delicate.' American 
 representatives here are less disliked than the represent- 
 atives of any other foreign country. There is some prej- 
 udice against the Allied governments, as their objects 
 are suspected. It is believed by some Russians, and they 
 are a suspicious race, that England, France and Japan 
 are planning to subordinate the resources and the man 
 power of Russia to their own interests, and the Bolshe- 
 viks are doing all in their power to foster this suspicion. 
 Thanks to the expressions of our President and the 
 American Ambassador in Russia to a limited and less 
 extent, our objects are not considered selfish. Lenin and 
 Trotzky called the American Government imperialistic 
 and capitalistic and all Bolshevik orators do likewise, 
 and find thousands of hearers who believe them, as it is 
 difficult for Europeans to understand why a people thou- 
 sands of miles away are interfering in affairs which do 
 not affect their material welfare. It has been very dif- 
 ficult to make clear to them that America is unselfishly 
 
AECHANGEL 287 
 
 fighting for a principle, for humanity, for civilization, 
 for society itself as it should be constituted. I flatter 
 myself that I have made some impression on the Russian 
 people by the addresses I have issued and the interviews 
 I have given. All that I have said and done, however, 
 cannot be compared with the utterances of President 
 Wilson, whose speeches and messages I have assiduously 
 circulated and with good effect. I must close now as the 
 Financial Adviser of the British Embassy is waiting for 
 me in an outer room. I hear him coughing as if he were 
 impatient." 
 
 In a letter to Breckinridge Jones of St. Louis, dated 
 Archangel, September 4, 1918, I wrote of the confusion 
 and difficulties attending the establishment of govern- 
 ment in Russia: 
 
 "The British Empire was not diplomatically repre- 
 sented ia Russia from February to July, when on the 
 7th or 10th of that month F. 0. Lindley, who had been 
 Charge after the departure of Sir George Buchanan in 
 January, came to Vologda. The Allied forces here, 
 numberiag only about 3,000 are under the command of a 
 British General, named Poole. About 4,000 American 
 soldiers are expected to-morrow, but the State Depart- 
 ment has not advised me specifically of their coming. 
 Reconciling their presence with our Government's decla- 
 ration of Russian policy is a delicate task. The British 
 and French are impatient with the Russians and have 
 lost patience with the latter -s ability to govern them- 
 selves. The new government here, calling itself ' Sover- 
 eign Government of the Northern Region' has an exag- 
 gerated judgment of its importance and power and is 
 constantly complaining to me of the encroachments of 
 the military on the civil prerogatives. I am Dean of the 
 Diplomatic Corps, by reason of being longest in service 
 as Ambassador, and have my hands full in endeavoring 
 
288 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 to reconcile these discordant elements. The new govern- 
 ment, it is true, has declared that it does not recognize 
 the Brest-Litovsk peace and is attempting to mobilize an 
 army with which to fight Germany. I had to tell the 
 President a few days ago in answer to some grievance he 
 presented that if the Allied forces should withdraw from^ 
 Archangel, the officials of the new government would be 
 driven into the Arctic Ocean, if they escaped being killed 
 by the Red Guard of the Bolsheviks. This is not the 
 only menace of the new government; officials of that 
 government are Socialists and are considered by the 
 Monarchists as little better than the Bolsheviks, conse- 
 quently the Monarchists are constantly attempting to 
 undermine the Sovereign Government of the Northern 
 Region and to supplant it with a dictatorship." 
 
 On the first of October, 1918, I wrote to my son 
 Charles : 
 
 "My request for additional American troops to come 
 to Archangel has not met with favor. In fact, I am in 
 receipt of a cable, dated September 26th, stating, 'You 
 are advised that no more American troops will be sent 
 to the northern ports of Russia.' The same cable con- 
 tains the following: 'The course that you have followed 
 is most earnestly commended. It has the entire admira- 
 tion of the President, who has characterized it as being 
 thoroughly American. I highly approve of your actions. 
 They have been very consistent and have been guided by 
 a very sound judgment, exercised under the most trying 
 and complicated circumstances.' Of course, this is con- 
 fidential. I replied, 'Thanks for personal commendation 
 but ain not resting on past efforts,' — and then went on to 
 say that I did not despair of inducing the Russians to 
 form a republic." 
 
 In a letter of September 23rd from Archangel to Miss 
 Isabel F. Hapgood, Atlantic City, who visited Russia 
 
AECHANGEL 289 
 
 while tiie Boot Commission was in Petrograd, and who 
 took great interest in Russian affairs, I wrote of the fate 
 of the Czar, giving the ofi&cial information which had 
 come to me direct from the American Consulate at 
 Ekaterinburg. 
 
 "The Emperor was shot by the Bolsheviks on the 16th 
 of July, last, after having been removed from Tobolsk 
 to Ekaterinburg. He was killed by order of the local 
 Soviet, whose action was subsequently approved by the 
 Central Soviet at Moscow. A courier from the Ameri- 
 can Consul at Ekaterinburg to myself, who left Ekaterin- 
 burg August 2nd, and after many vicissitudes arrived in 
 Archangel, August 24th, told me that the Emperor was 
 shot July 16th, but nobody knew it until July 18th, when 
 it was officially announced. He said that the disposition 
 of the body was not known but the rumor was that it had 
 been thrown into a coal mine and burned. He said that 
 the members of the Red Guard or Red Army who were 
 ordered to shoot the Emperor refused to do so, and a 
 detachment of Lettish soldiers was ordered to shoot him, 
 but when they found it was the Emperor, they declined 
 to shoot, and thereupon the local Commissar himself shot 
 him. The killing of the Emperor, whom the people of 
 Russia once looked upon with affection and reverence as 
 the 'Little Father,' aroused no resentment on the part of 
 the people whatever. In fact, it was forgotten within a 
 short time — so accustomed have these people become to 
 killing." 
 
 Of events at Vologda, following our departure on July 
 25th, a letter sent from Stockholm, September 12th, to 
 me at Archangel by Norman Armour, the Second Secre- 
 tary of the American Embassy whom I left in charge at 
 Vologda, gave the following account : 
 
 "After receiving your telegram instructing me to re- 
 main in Vologda, until it should be possible to join you, 
 
290 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 I went to the Soviet and explained to Vitoslikin, as Presi- 
 dent of the Extraordinary Revolutionary Committee, 
 that I had received orders from you to stay. Things 
 went aU right for three days, when suddenly we were 
 ordered by an officer sent by Kedroff to leave town imme- 
 diately for Moscow. I flatly refused, saying that having, 
 twenty nationals I should have to remain in order to 
 protect them. If it was dangerous for me to remain it 
 was equally damgerous for them. However, Kedroff re- 
 fused to see this point of view and a train was prepared 
 and we were told to go on board. Upon our again refus- 
 ing, troops entered the Embassy during the night (the 
 French, as you know, had already moved into our build- 
 ing) and forced us to enter an automobile, which took us 
 to the station, and put us on board the train. On the 
 train was a guard of ten soldiers. Before our depar- 
 ture, we were informed by the Commissar of War that 
 our train would stop 40 versts away where we could 
 await our nationals. Contrary to this promise, the train 
 continued to Daniloff, from which station I sent a tele- 
 gram to the Commissar of War, telling him he had broken 
 his word and demanding the train to remain there. He 
 complied with this request, and I was able three days 
 later to see the Y.M.C.A. and National City Bank pass 
 through safely." 
 
 Secretary Armour requested to remain with me upon 
 my leaving Petrograd. He is at the present Secretary 
 of the American Legation at The Hague. I saw him in 
 London when I was confined in the hospital there, imme- 
 diately before he returned to Stockholm, where he mar- 
 ried the Russian Princess Koudachev. 
 
 I was confined to my apartment in Archangel during 
 almost my entire stay in that city, and in my bed the most 
 of the time. Five surgeons, who were called in, two 
 Americans, two British, and a French-Russian, agreed 
 
ARCHANGEL 291 
 
 upon the diagnosis of my ailment and said it required a 
 major surgical operation for my relief. I said to them, 
 "Perform it here and now." But they refused. After 
 suffering ten or twelve days longer, I advised the State 
 Department of my condition and of my exasperation at 
 the surgeons for refusing to perform the surgical opera- 
 tion. The Department replied in a very complimentary 
 cable, which is set forth in the Introduction, and a sub- 
 sequent cable informed me that it had obtained the con- 
 sent of Admiral Sims and Secretary Daniels to send 
 the Olympia for me. The cruiser arrived on the 
 28th of October, under command of Eear Admiral 
 McCully and Captain Bierer, but was held in the Archan- 
 gel harbor until the 6th of November, just five days be- 
 fore the Armistice was signed, when I was carried on 
 board on a stretcher, borne by eight sailors. 
 
 Terestchenko, former Minister of Finance and Minis- 
 ter of Foreign Affairs in the Provisional Government, 
 came to Archangel and dined with me twice. He was 
 going under the name of Titoff. He came from Stock- 
 holm, having gone there from Norway, where he had 
 been living quietly with a peasant since his release from 
 prison in Petrograd, about March 4th. He was attempt- 
 ing to join Kolchak, traveling as a courier of Goul- 
 kevitch, the Russian Minister to Sweden. He was de- 
 cidedly anti-German and pro-Ally in his feelings, but 
 like most Russians was suspicious of the intentions of 
 the British. He thoroughly approved of the American 
 policy, and told me at our second meeting that while liv- 
 ing in Archangel incognito he had seen many of his 
 bourgeoisie friends and was pleased to inform me that 
 not only the local government, but the people generally 
 considered the American Ambassador the best friend 
 they had in the Diplomatic Corps. He told me that 
 he and Kerensky were not friends, or did not agree 
 
292 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 in their policies after the Komiloff affair. He further- 
 more assured me that about August 1st, 1917, he re- 
 ceived advantageous peace proposals from Germany; 
 that he showed them to no one in the Ministry except 
 Kerensky and gave Kerensky the credit of siding with 
 him against a separate peace. He was very proud of his^ 
 position on that issue and claimed credit therefor, cor- 
 rectly saying that if Russia had concluded a peace at 
 that time, four months after America entered the war, 
 the Central Empires would have been able to concen- 
 trate their strength against the Allied armies before 
 America could transport troops to France. If this was 
 true, and I have no reason to doubt it, the course of 
 Terestchenko, supported by Kerensky, not only brought 
 the war to an earlier end than it would otherwise have 
 had, but it cost the Allies less blood and far less treasure. 
 I always had faith in the sincerity and loyalty of Teres- 
 tchenko. He is a more practical man than Kerensky, 
 and is much more highly esteemed in Russia. 
 
 The reasons which inspired Terestchenko to reject the 
 proposal of the Central Empires for a separate peace 
 were the same reasons that inspired me to sustain the 
 Provisional Government to the extent of my influence, be- 
 cause I knew that when the Bolsheviks came into power 
 they would withdraw Russia from the conflict and thereby 
 permit Germany and Austria to send their forces on the 
 Eastern front to the Western front. It is possible that 
 our Government's recognition of the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment on my recommendation perpetuated the Provi- 
 sional Government during its administration of affairs. 
 If the Provisional Government had been shorter-lived, 
 Germany would have sent 105 divisions to the Western 
 front sooner than they were sent, and that would have 
 been before Pershing and his men could have gotten to 
 France from America. 
 
AECHANGEL 293 
 
 In my Archangel cables of October to the Department 
 of State, I reported in detail the friction existing among 
 the different forces there and especially the attitude of 
 the British, who were inclined to be overbearing, and 
 who attempted to conduct all affairs in the Archangel 
 region according to their own ideas. The State Depart- 
 ment informed me that General Poole had been cautioned 
 regarding his policy in Russia, and to keep in touch with 
 me. Immediately following receipt of this cable from 
 the Department, I noticed a change in the General's atti- 
 tude. However, it was reported to me that he was going 
 to England and would not return unless I was removed 
 or recalled from Archangel, and that that was one of the 
 objects of his visit to England. 
 
 Under date of October 19, 1918, 1 cabled from Archan- 
 gel to the Department : 
 
 "The general conduct and bearing of all British repre- 
 sentatives, military and civil, at Archangel and Mur- 
 mansk indicate a belief or feeling on their part that if 
 they do not have exclusive privileges at these ports, they 
 should have, and they will not be contented with not 
 having a decided advantage. Every move on their part 
 indicates a desire to gain a strong foothold. There were 
 20,000 tons of flax in Archangel and the British, after 
 stating to the French and our representatives that we 
 should not compete therefor and thus advance the price 
 to unreasonable figures, and after we consented thereto, 
 contracted for the entire holdings of the cooperatives. 
 Three thousand tons were apportioned to us, and as the 
 same is shipped Captain Proctor, the British represent- 
 ative, demands payment for purchase shall be in pound 
 sterling in London, — notwithstanding shipments are 
 made to America, and the cooperatives or the sellers wish 
 and request payments to be made in dollars in America. 
 At this writing I have, instructed Consul Poole and 
 Berg's representative (Berg is making purchases for a 
 linen thread company of America) to inform the ooopera- 
 
294 ETJSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 tives and Captain Proctor that the sellers of this flax 
 when shipped to America can receive purchase money 
 in dollars in America. 
 
 "I cabled you that Lieut. Hugh S. Martin, our repre- 
 sentative at Murmansk, had sent me confidential infor- 
 mation by Crawford "WTieeler, ranking Secretary of the 
 Y. M. C. A. in Russia, that he had proof the British were, 
 attempting to negotiate commercial treaties of an exclu- 
 sive, preferential character with the Russians at Mur- 
 mansk. I cannot believe this is true, but am waiting the 
 arrival of Lieut. Martin before making up my mind on 
 the subject. The British have been experienced in inter- 
 national commerce for centuries and consequently 
 they have tiie advantage over others who have less 
 experience." 
 
 Under date of October 18th, 1918, 1 cabled the Depart- 
 ment of State, as follows : 
 
 " General Ironsides, the successor of General Poole, 
 dined with me last evening; he told me he had made two 
 or three quick tours of inspection to the fronts, and 
 while he realized that the soldiers on both fronts should 
 have more relief than he is able to give them, on accoimt 
 of the small number of soldiers at his disposal, he had 
 arranged that each company at the front should spend 
 eight days in the month in Archangel. Acting Naval 
 Attache Riis returned from the railroad front and re- 
 ported that American soldiers there were very dissatis- 
 fied and the French were more so. The French, having 
 heard that there was an armistice, had openly declared 
 liiat they would not fight any more in Russia if the 
 hostilities had ceased in France, because they did not see 
 why they should fight for British interests in Russia. 
 The American soldiers and officers were partially innoeu- 
 lated with the same sentiment, but Riis told them that no 
 armistice had been agreed upon and hostilities had not 
 ceased. 
 
 "General Ironsides is six feet four inches tall wifiout 
 shoes, weighs 270 pounds, and is only thirty-seven years 
 old. He is descended direct from the last Saxon king of 
 
ARCHANGEL 295 
 
 England, was dismissed from St. Andrew's School when 
 he was ten and one-half years old because he whipped 
 the teacher. He was the first British officer to land in 
 France; in fact he landed on the night of August 2nd, 
 before England had entered the war, on August 6th. He 
 was in command of a division on the French front, when 
 he was ordered to Russia. He relinquished his command 
 and cleared in an aeroplane for England. After a flight 
 of three and one-half hours he landed somewhere in 
 England, spent three days acquainting himself with Rus- 
 sian conditions and arrived in Archangel September 
 20th; he does everything that way. He speaks six lan- 
 guages with equal fluency — English, French, Russian, 
 German, Italian, Swedish, and can converse although not 
 fluently in eleven other languages. In other words, he 
 has studied seventeen languages, and has mastered six 
 of them sufficiently to be able to converse therein flu- 
 ently and grammatically. He told me that the War 
 Office had turned down his request or appeal for per- 
 mission to transfer 5,000 or 6,000 troops from Murmansk 
 to Archangel, but he said that while greatly disappointed 
 thereat he was making the best of the troops under his 
 command, few as they are." 
 
 Under date of October 23rd, 1918, I cabled the De- 
 partment : 
 
 "General Ironsides seems to have impressed every- 
 body favorably. President Tchaikovsky told me he was 
 pleased with General Ironsides, and believed him to be 
 a sincere man and more disposed than his predecessor 
 was to respect the rights of the civil government. Gen- 
 eral Ironsides told me that he was encouragiug in every 
 way the mobilization of an army by the Archangel Gov- 
 ernment, and President Tchaikovsky confirmed this by 
 saying that he was experiencing less difficulty in procur- 
 ing clothing and supplies for the mobilized army since 
 General Ironsides came. General Poole or his staff were 
 delaying honoring such requests with the view to forcing 
 into the British-Slav legion all men desiring to enlist." 
 
 Almost my last act before I was taken on board the 
 
296 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Olynipia was to issue an address to the American sol- 
 diers in North Russia in which I gave a short account 
 of the work they had- done, the hardships they had suf- 
 fered, the illness and deaths among the men, calling 
 attention to their splendid response in spite of all these 
 difficulties and expressing my appreciation of their spirit 
 of service and sacrifice with which they had performed 
 every duty. I said: 
 
 "I trust you do not underestimate the importance of 
 the service you are performing as American soldiers in 
 Russia. Our Government has no desire for territorial 
 conquest anywhere, especially in Russia, in whose wel- 
 fare and integrity President Wilson has repeatedly as- 
 sured the world of his deep and abiding interest. . . . 
 President Wilson reflects the views and feelings of the 
 American people when he says he proposes to stand by 
 Russia. Regardless of sympathy with the people who 
 have been oppressed for centuries, if the Allies had con- 
 sented for Germany to appropriate Russia, German 
 methods would have begun immediately to organize the 
 immense man power of this country and to develop itself 
 immeasurable resources in preparation for another effort 
 to pstablish Deutschland tjber Alles. . . . 
 
 "The Bolsheviks, who control the Soviet Government, 
 axe completely under the domination of Germany} and 
 consequently in resisting them you are not only perform- 
 ing a humanitarian service but you are preventing Ger- 
 many from securing a much stronger foothold in Russia 
 than she has up to this time been able to establish. Your 
 service is as important as that which any American 
 soldiers or Allied troops are performing anywhere. I 
 have no doubt that you would prefer to be in France or 
 in Italy, but like soldiers you are performing the duty 
 to which you are assigned and are entitled to all the more 
 credit therefor. " 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 ALLIED POLICIES IN RUSSIA 
 
 In December, 1917, the Bolsheviks in a series of decrees 
 began to develop their strange financial policies. These 
 decrees declared the banking business to be a "monopoly 
 of the government," instructed all proprietors of safes 
 in safe deposit institutions to present themselves immedi- 
 ately with their keys "in order to be present at the revi- 
 sion of the safes," otherwise all property contained 
 therein would be confiscated and become the property of 
 the nation. Later decrees announced the cancelation of 
 all loans contracted by former Eussian governments, all 
 guarantees for these loans, and all loans made from 
 abroad. There were nine other decrees : nationalization 
 of land, of factories and works, of banks (including the 
 opening of all ssde deposit boxes) ; the suspension of 
 payment of all bond coupons; taxation amounting to 
 confiscation of buildings, whether or not belonging to 
 foreigners ; annulment of all loans ; confiscation of shares 
 of stock in former private banks ; and nationalization or 
 confiscation of every ship belonging to private individ- 
 uals or corporations. 
 
 The diplomatic corps was unanimous with the excep- 
 tion of myself, in approving a protest to the Bolshevik 
 government against all these decrees. I believed that 
 with the decrees pertaining to domestic affairs we had 
 nothing to do and consequently we should not protest in 
 the form proposed. As for the decree abolishing debts to 
 foreigners, or to foreign countries or interfering with the 
 property rights of our nationals, I was willing to join 
 in the protest. 
 
 297 
 
298 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Finally a protest was agreed upon by all of us and 
 served on the Soviet Grovemment. This protest stated 
 that we regarded the repudiation of state debts, confis- 
 cation of property, etc., in so far as they concerned the 
 interests of foreign subjects, as non-existent and that our 
 governments reserved the right to demand satisfaction* 
 for all damage or loss which may be caused foreign states 
 in general and their subjects who live in Russia in par- 
 ticular, by the operation of these decrees. 
 
 On the 2nd of May, 1918, I cabled the State Depart- 
 ment that the time had come for the Allies to intervene 
 in Russia, and gave my reasons in detail : 
 
 "In my opinion the time has arrived for Allied inter- 
 vention. I had hoped Soviet Grovernment would so re- 
 quest and have discreetly worked to that end. 
 
 "First, by remaining here with the approval of the 
 Department when other Allied Missions had departed. 
 
 "Second, by fostering friendly business relations with 
 the Bolsheviks and allowing Robins to remain in Moscow 
 for that purpose — this although Summers objected, say- 
 ing he was humiliated thereby. 
 
 "Third, by taking position against Japanese inter- 
 vening alone. 
 
 "Fourth, by suggesting and arranging for Allied mili- 
 tary advice in forming new army; as stated to you I 
 was confident I would be able at proper time to influence 
 such army; I also persuaded my French and Italian 
 Colleagues to permit their military chiefs to cooperate. 
 This movement, hov/ever, had not been carried into effect 
 when your cable was received prohibiting its execution 
 until advised of the object for which the new army was 
 to be organized ; that object was never varied from Trot- 
 zky's first statement that it was to defend and promote 
 the world-wide social revolution not only "against existing 
 monarchies but against our government also. 
 
 "Fifth. I requested that six railroad units be sent to 
 Vologda for consultation with me and an experienced 
 
ALLIED POLICIES IN EUSSIA 299 
 
 Soviet Eailroad official. Stevens at first wired he was 
 sending six units and I so advised the Soviet Govern- 
 ment, but later Stevens having opposed the sending of 
 any men whatever these units were not directed to come 
 and I was embarrassed by having to explain to Trotzky 
 through Kobins and Riggs their failure to come as 
 promised. I later asked that Emerson be instructed to 
 bring three able engineers to Vologda and you replied 
 April 24th that Emerson had been ordered to come or 
 send Goldsmith and advise me of their leaving Harbin. 
 Eeceiving no advice from Harbin of the departure of 
 Emerson, I did not advise Trotzky or the Soviet thereof, 
 fearing I might be again embarrassed. I am not com- 
 plaining or criticizing Department action concerning 
 military and railroad matters but merely stating facts. 
 
 ' ' Sixth. I have in every way encouraged international 
 commercial relations between America and Eussian 
 merchants whUe throwing around the same proper 
 safeguards. 
 
 "I was ill nine days, from April 19th to April 28th, 
 possibly from ptomaine poisoning, by which I was greatly 
 weakened, being confined to my room if not to my bed, 
 but I never ceased to work or lost spirit; am fully 
 recovered now. 
 
 "Seventh. I informed the Soviet Government of the 
 Department's action concerning Chinese Embargo and 
 ignored the offensive prohibition issued to American 
 'Consul at Irkutsk concerning cipher messages and over- 
 looked the demand for recall of the American Consul at 
 Vladivostok notwithstandiag there were no evidences 
 that he was guilty of charges made which if proven were 
 not incriminating. I furthermore paid no attention to 
 the demand of tiie Soviet Government to define the 
 American, view of the landing of Japanese and British 
 marines at Vladivostok but gave two carefully worded 
 interviews on the subject. I have herein made a hasty 
 resume of my policy since arriving in Vologda. 
 
 "Am not aware of the Department's view concerning 
 Allied intervention, while knowing American and Eus- 
 sian opposition to exclusively Japanese invasion which 
 I heartily endorse. Last information on this subject 
 
300 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 received by me was from the Ambassador at Tokio and 
 was to the effect that Japan would not intervene against 
 our wishes. Since then Motono has resigned but if our 
 Japanese policy has been altered I am not advised. _ It 
 is possible that Japan may not intervene without being 
 compensated but any reasonable compensation other 
 than territorial if demanded by Japan I think should be 
 granted. 
 
 "I fuUy realize the import of this recommendation 
 which is given now for the following reasons : 
 
 "First. Germany through Mirbach is dominating and 
 controlling Bolshevik Government and Mirbach is prac- 
 tical dictator as all differences even between Russians 
 are referred to him. 
 
 "Second. I call attention to Consulate-General's No. 
 439 of April 29th, which contains an account of Soviet 
 protest and appeal to Berlin against violation of Brest 
 Treaty and contains also Mirbach 's reply of April 30th 
 that German encroachments would cease when Allies 
 evacuated Murmansk and Archangel; this last informa- 
 tion was obtained through the French Embassy who say 
 it was received from Lookhart/ British Representative 
 in Moscow. In my opinion such evacuation would be 
 very unwise. 
 
 "Riggs, just arrived from Moscow, says the Soviet 
 Government won't oppose Germany in absence of Allied 
 encouragement and is confident that the Soviet Govern- 
 ment will approve Allied intervention when it knows the 
 same is inevitable ; he furthermore says that if the Mili- 
 tary Missions are informed of the proposed interven- 
 tion previous to occurrence thereof the Missions can 
 probably influence Bolsheviks to become reconciled 
 thereto. Possibly the Soviet Government when informed 
 of Allied intervention would advise Germans; we must 
 take that risk. Riggs advises the Embassy moving from 
 Vologda to, Moscow or that a diplomatic representative 
 be established there. I do not concur because I think it 
 would result in recognizing Soviet Government or widen- 
 ing existing breach. 
 
 "Russia is passing through a dream or orgy from 
 which it may awaken any day, but the longer awakening 
 
ALLIED POLICIES IN RUSSIA 301 
 
 is delayed the stronger foothold will Germany acquire. 
 Eobins and probably Lockhart also have advocated rec- 
 ognition but the Department and all Allies have persis- 
 tently declined to recommend it and I now feel that no 
 error has been committed. 
 
 "I have postponed this recommendation of Allied in- 
 tervention not only because I hoped the Soviet Govern- 
 ment would request intervention but expected that the 
 Department would approve my requests for purchasing 
 supplies to prevent such falling into the hands of Ger- 
 many and also in the hope that Russian people would 
 awaken from their lethargy and request Allies to inter- 
 vene. Many organizations in Russia have informed the 
 Allied Missions and myself that Russians would welcome 
 Allied intervention but whether such sentiment would 
 result in material physical assistance I much doubt as 
 the Bolshevik policy has been severe and has inflicted 
 death penalty upon all charged with being counter- 
 revolutionary, 
 
 "Lenin is the ablest intellect in the Bolshevik party 
 and tyrannizes the situation. In every speech he calls 
 the Brest-Litovsk peace only a breathing spell and pre- 
 dicts success of world-wide social revolution, exulting 
 over the exhaustion of what he calls capitalistic-imperi- 
 alistic governments by their bloody struggle. In an 
 address of April 28th he glorified the struggle for terri- 
 torial aggrandizement and said that by such conflict the 
 dictatorship of the proletariat was brought nearer. 
 Lenin's last utterances are devoted to what he calls the 
 danger to the proletariat from small bourgeois, as he 
 claims the rich bourgeoisie are already exterminated. 
 He has said that he was trying an experiment in govern- 
 ment in Russia ; is relentless and far-seeing and appre- 
 ciates the danger from the middle classes and the desire 
 on the part of the peasants to own their own homes and 
 till their own soil. „,.„., 
 
 ("Finally I doubt the policy of the Allxes longer tem- 
 porizing with a Government advocating the principles of 
 Bolshevism and guilty of the outrages the Soviet Govern- 
 ment has practised, i 
 
 "1 await instructions or miormation," 
 
302 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 On the 15th of May I saw Colonel Raymond Robins 
 who was on his way to the United States. We had a 
 private conversation of abont twenty minutes. After 
 our conversation Robins told Rennick, the Associated 
 Press representative at Vologda, and a man named 
 Groves who was one of the employees of the Embassy, in 
 charge of the telegraph department, that if he could get 
 one hour with President Wilson he would persuade the 
 President to recognize the Bolshevik government. He 
 made the remark, "I have the goods on my person." I 
 heard afterwards that Colonel Robins was the courier 
 for the Soviet Government of proposals to our govern- 
 ment to grant us the same concessions, privileges, < and 
 advantages that it had been forced to grant Germany in 
 the Brest-Litovsk treaty. 
 
 I received no reply to my May 2nd cable, recommend- 
 ing Allied intervention, for a month thereafter. I con- 
 cluded to go to Petrograd. I wished to demonstrate to 
 the Germans and Austrians that the American Govern- 
 ment still had a representative in Russia who was not 
 afraid; and besides I wished to see what progress was 
 being made in removing munitions and supplies out of 
 the possible reach of the Germans. These were the 
 ostensible objects of my journeying to Petrograd. The 
 real object was to see what organized opposition, if any, 
 existed to the Bolshevik Government. I found Petrograd 
 a very different city from the Petrograd I had left a 
 little over three months previous. The streets presented 
 a deserted appearance, a great many of the shops were 
 closed. The Central Soviet Government had removed 
 from Petrograd to Moscow, and the office buildings were 
 deserted or only partially occupied. After remaining 
 four days in Petrograd, I returned to Vologda. The 
 two women and the dvomick that I left in charge of the 
 American Embassy in Petrograd were very much pleased 
 
ALLIED POLICIES IN RUSSIA 303 
 
 at my return there. My first act was to have the Stars 
 and Stripes raised over the Embassy and the Norwegian 
 flag taken down. This was my last visit to Petrograd. 
 I understand that at this writing, April, 1921, it is a 
 deplorable sight, and a travesty upon its former great- 
 ness as the capital of all the Russias and the gayest city 
 ia Europe. 
 
 To my son, Tom, I wrote from Vologda, June 4th, 1918 j 
 "I am now planning to prevent if possible the dis- 
 arming of 40,000 or more Czecho-Slovak soldiers, whom 
 the Soviet Government has ordered to give up their arms 
 under penalty of death, and has prohibited their trans- 
 portation by every railroad line and threatened to pena- 
 lize every railroad official who violates such instructions. 
 The Czeeho-Slovaks were Austrian prisoners of war, 
 confined in Russian military prison camps; they were 
 conscripted men, and have long felt themselves to be 
 oppressed by Austria, — consequently were serving 
 against their wishes in the Austrian Army. They will 
 be treated as deserters now if they return to Austria. 
 They are well disciplined soldiers, good fighters, and hate 
 bitterly the Austrian rule and more bitterly, if possible, 
 Prussian 'militarism. I have no instructions or authority 
 from Washington to encourage these men to disobey the 
 orders of the Soviet Government, except an expression 
 of sympathy with the Czecho-Slovaks sent out by the 
 Department of State. I have taken chances before, 
 however. 
 
 "I was visited last week by Vosnesinski, an attache of 
 the Soviet Foreign Office, who has charge of the Division 
 of the Far East. He is a shrewd, talkative little Rus- 
 sian. He came to me on a 'fishing expedition,' to ascer- 
 tain whether Allied intervention is likely to occur soon if 
 at all, and whether if it should occur it would interfere 
 with the present Soviet Government. I told him as you 
 
304 RUSSIA FEDM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 will see from the enclosed cable that I did not know, but 
 when he told me that he would return thia week I in- 
 formed him that I would not be as candid with him again 
 and on his return would not tell him whether I knew or 
 not. When he asked my individual opinion, I told him 
 that sometimes I thought Allied intervention would take 
 place, and other times thought otherwise, sometimes 
 changing opinion several times a day during these long 
 Russian days." 
 
 From Vologda under date of June 20th, 1918, 1 wrote 
 to my son Talton : 
 
 "Affairs are approaching a crisis hete. The last re- 
 port is that the Bolsheviks have made an agreement with 
 the Germans which contemplates the latter taking pos- 
 session of Moscow with two army corps immediately and 
 joining in an effort to suppress the Czecho-Slovaks. 
 These Czechs are in control of various cities throughout 
 Siberia and are encouraging the organization of a new 
 Siberian Government. Tchecherin, the Commissar for 
 Foreign Affairs, has addressed a note to the American, 
 French and British representatives Jiere demanding that 
 their war vessels leave Russian ports. I have forwarded 
 the American note to the Department at Washington, 
 but have recommended that the demand be not complied 
 with, and I think it will not be. It has been a question for 
 some weeks past whether the Bolsheviks would come to 
 terms with the German Government, or whether the In- 
 telligencia, or educated and thinking people, would form 
 a German alliance. I have been in fear that the latter 
 would be effected. Consequently, am not displeased with 
 the reported agreement between the Bolsheviks and the 
 Germans. I have cabled the Department that the sen- 
 sible, patriotic Russians who are inclined to favor the 
 Allies are getting weary in waiting for Allied interven- 
 tion and are likely to make terms with Germany, — in 
 
ALLIED POLICIES IN RUSSIA 305 
 
 fact, as cabled, they would make terms with the devil him- 
 self in order to get rid of the Bolsheviks. 
 
 "I have recommended Allied intervention and the Gov- 
 ernment at Washington has it under consideration. We 
 have no forces, however, to send to Eussia as we are 
 sending all of our available men to France. The only 
 country that can send a formidable army into Russia at 
 this time is Japan, against which there is a strong prej- 
 udice among the Russians, who fear that Japan will have . 
 a covetous eye toward Siberia. If the Germans move 
 into Moscow, they will probably come to Vologda, which 
 is only about 300 miles from Moscow. If the Germans 
 should approach Vologda, of course I shall have to leave. 
 It is possible I may have to go to Archangel, but I prefer 
 to go East, or to Siberia, as I am determined not to leave 
 Russia until compelled to do so." 
 
CHAPTEE XX 
 
 BOLSHEVISM AND THE PEACE CONFERENCE 
 
 I SENT a dispatch, to the Department of State after the 
 Armistice, in which I recommended that I be sent back 
 to Petrograd as soon as my operation was performed 
 and I was strong enough. My plan, as I recommended, 
 was to occupy the Embassy at Petrograd, I said I would 
 require not more than 50,000 American soldiers. I was 
 satisfied that as soon as the English, the French and 
 the Italians learned I was returning to Petrograd they 
 would send their Ambassadors to join me. Our soldiers 
 would be strengthened by a detail of at least 50,000 
 French, 50,000 English, and 20,000 ItaUan soldiers. 
 
 The plan as I outlined it was that I, as Dean of the 
 Diplomatic Corps, would announce in Petrograd to the 
 Russian people that we had not come for the purpose 
 of interfering in their domestic affairs, but for the pro- 
 tection of our Embassies and to enable the Russian peo- 
 ple to hold a free election with a fair count for members 
 of a constituent assembly, that assembly to choose a 
 form of government preferred by the majority of the 
 Russian people. 
 
 During the visit of President Wilson to London I en- 
 deavored to secure an audience with him, and to take 
 up this recommendation, but was unable to do so. I sent 
 a note to the President by my private secretary, Earl 
 M. Johnston, and had it delivered at Buckingham Pal- 
 ace. The President's reply to this note was that his mind 
 had been running in the same lines as mine, and while 
 he could not fix any date or time to give me an audience, 
 
 306 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 307 
 
 he would undoubtedly see me before his return. I sup- 
 posed that meant before his return to Paris from 
 England. 
 
 I attended a dinner that King George V. gave to the 
 President at Buckingham Palace, one or two days after 
 Christmas, 1918, At the dinner the President remarked 
 to me that he had hoped to have some opportunity there 
 to talk with me about Russia. But we were not thrown 
 together. While he was talking to the King and the 
 Premier, Lloyd George, and the former Premier, 
 Asquith, I was talking to the ladies. As the President 
 took his departure from the dinner, he offered his arm 
 to the Queen. King George, who was escorting Mrs. 
 Wilson out of the reception room, when he met me, said : 
 
 "Mr. Ambassador, what do you think we ought to do 
 about Russia?" 
 
 / I replied I thought the Allies should overturn the Bol- 
 Vshevik Government. 
 
 The King rejoined by telling me he thought so, too, 
 but President Wilson differed from us. 
 
 The next day being Saturday a luncheon was given at 
 the Mansion House, which is the residence of the Lord 
 Mayor. President Wilson spoke. I attended the luncheon 
 and heard the President speak. That afternoon, follow- 
 ing the luncheon, Mr. Wilson went to Carlisle, England, 
 where his grandfather, Rev. Woodrow, had a Presby- 
 terian congregation. The next day, Monday, he visited 
 Manchester, returning to London late tha.t evening. As 
 he had not fixed a time for giving me an audience, I in- 
 structed my private secretary to get Admiral Grayson 
 on the phone at Buckingham Palace and to say to him 
 that although I had been confined to my bed, I would 
 journey to Dover with the President, if agreeable, as the 
 itinerary provided for a special train to convey him 
 there. As Dover was about two hours' ride from Lon- 
 
308 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 don, I thought I could in one hour discuss with him my 
 recommendations concerning Russia, — my plan to return 
 to Petrograd with a military support as outlined in the 
 recommendation made to the Department of State. 
 
 Admiral Grayson replied over the phone to my private 
 secretary that he would confer with the President and 
 call me later, asking where I could be found. Admiral 
 Grayson did call up about half an hour thereafter, and 
 said that as the Hyde Park Hotel was not far from Buck- 
 ingham Palace, he would come over to see me if I would 
 receive him. He came about half past eleven o'clock 
 that night, bringing with him Captain Jones, of Hous- 
 ton, Texas. Admiral Grayson told me that the President 
 had made other arrangements about his trip to Dover, 
 and asked what my plans were. I told him they would 
 depend on whether Dr. Hugh H. Young would consent 
 to perform the operation for me that my ailment re- 
 quired. I explained that a celebrated British surgeon 
 had refused to perform it; that Dr. Young had been in 
 London since the 22nd of December, having been ordered 
 to report to me as soon as possible by Secretary Lansing. 
 
 The operation was performed in a London hospital 
 by Df. Young on the 4th day of January, 1919. I left 
 the hospital four weeks to a day after the operation, and 
 arrived in Paris at 11 p. m., February first. On arriv- 
 ing there I got in touch with Admiral Grayson and 
 told him that I desired an audience with the President. 
 The Admiral promised me to secure an audience with 
 the President if possible. In the meantime I stated my 
 recommendation and plan to return to Petrograd in con- 
 versations with Secretary Lansing, General Bliss, 
 Colonel House, General Pershing, and Henry White. 
 With each of thejn separately I went over the recom- 
 mendation, and each one of those men said to me, "You 
 tell that to the President." Not one of them, however, 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 309 
 
 told me, if he knew it, about the President's contem- 
 plated return to America. I asked my chief, Secretary- 
 Lansing, if he had any orders for me. He requested me 
 to remain in Paris, because, he said, the Peace Con- 
 ference would probably wish me to come before it. 
 
 Not hearing from Grayson during the next week and 
 seeing him at a dinner at the Ritz, I accosted him and 
 remarked to him that I was only awaiting the President's 
 pleasure in Paris, but if I did not hear from the Presi- 
 dent during the following week, I would proceed to 
 America. Thereupon the Admiral said: "We are going 
 to America, leaving Paris on the 14th, and clearing from 
 Brest on the 15th of February. Come and go on the 
 steamer George Washington wi\h. us." 
 
 I replied to the invitation that I had orders from the 
 Secretary to remain in Paris until further instructed, 
 but that I would call on the Secretary and tell him that 
 I had been unable to secure an audience with the Presi- 
 dent, and inform him of the invitation that the Admiral 
 had extended to me to go to America on the steamer. 
 I saw Secretary Lansing the next day, and he advised 
 me by all means to accept the invitation to accompany 
 the President to America, because he thought that was 
 the only way I could secure an audience, as the President 
 had engagements that would consume his entire time 
 up to his departure. Admiral Grayson had asked how 
 many there were in my party, and I had told him my son 
 Perry and his wife, my private secretary, and a colored 
 valet. 
 
 I left Paris on the special train with the President the 
 evening of February 14th. We went on the steamer 
 the next day and cleared immediately. In a note to the 
 President, I said to him I awaited his pleasure for ah 
 audience. The President did not reply in writing, but 
 two or three days later came to the cabin I was occupy- 
 
310 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 ing. I outlined my recommendation about Russia to 
 him. He replied that sending American soldiers to Rus- 
 sia after the armistice had been signed would be very 
 unpopular in America. I ventured to differ with him; 
 I expressed the opinion that many of the 2,000,000 sol- 
 diers he had in Europe were disappointed that the armi- 
 stice was signed before they could engage in. a battle. > 
 1 said: "You could get 50,000 volunteers out of the 2,- 
 000,000 of American soldiers who would be glad to go 
 to Russia to protect a representative of their govern- 
 ment in that country." The President replied that he 
 had mentioned my recommendation to Lloyd George and 
 that Lloyd George's expression was, if he should order 
 any British soldiers to go to Russia they not only would 
 object but refuse to go. The President furthermore 
 stated that he had mentioned the same subject to Clem- 
 enceau, and he had met with the reply that if Clemenceau 
 should order French troops to go to Russia they would 
 mutiny, but the President said he would give further 
 consideration to my recommendation. I never broached 
 the subject again to the President, and did not see him 
 after landing in Boston until his term expired, except 
 for a moment when he arrived in New York from Paris 
 July 8, 1919. 
 
 I think that if the recommendation had been carried 
 out it would have saved Europe from Bolshevism, which 
 came near overturning the German Government, and did 
 succeed in deposing the Austrian and Hungarian Gov- 
 ernments, and menaced France, and threatened England 
 and was the cause of unrest in America and throughout 
 the world. 
 
 Prom the George Washington I sent by radio to Secre- 
 tary Lansing, General Bliss, Colonel House and Henry 
 White this report of my conversation with the President: 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONPERIiNCE 311 
 
 "I had a thorough talk with the President concerning 
 Russia. I presented the plan that the Allied Missions 
 return to Petrograd to occupy their domiciles accom- 
 panied by 100,000 Allied troops and abundant food sup- 
 plies. I also suggested that the proposed Prinkipo in- 
 vestigation be transferred to Petrograd and that all pro- 
 fessed Eussian governments be summoned there and 
 their statements be confined to replying to questions 
 asked. I further proposed that the Allied Missions issue 
 an address to the Russian people disclaiming any inten- 
 tion of interfering in the internal affairs of Russia and 
 stating that the Russians were still considered Allies and 
 that the object in reoccupying domiciles was to assist 
 Russia in her misfortunes and difficulties and to afford 
 them unawed the opportunity for a free election and 
 a fair count for the election of a constitutional assembly 
 to select a form of government by the majority. In 
 order to accomplish this, order would necessarily be re- 
 stored. The President said he would give the plan con- 
 sideration; he admitted that the withdrawing of Allied 
 forces from Russia would mean the deplorable slaughter 
 of the Russian friends of the Allies, but repeated the 
 statements of Lloyd George and Clemenceau concerning 
 the difficulty of ordering British and French troops to 
 Russia. 
 
 "I expressed the opinion that an army of 200,000 com- 
 posed of American, British, French and probably Italian 
 soldiers would volunteer when the appeal was made to 
 them to go to Russia to protect the representatives of 
 their governments, but stated that I thought 100,000 
 would be ample. 
 
 "Radios indicate that Secretary of War Baker has 
 said the Allied troops will be withdrawn from Northern 
 Russia early in the spring; my judgment is that such a 
 policy would be a mistake and would delay peace nego- 
 tiations because no peace treaty would be effective with 
 Russia left out. If treaty is signed with Bolsheviks 
 dominating Russia or disorder prevailing there, Ger- 
 many will so utilize Russia's immeasurable resources 
 and so organize Eussian manpower as to convert defeat 
 into victory in ten years or shorter time. Furthermore, 
 
312 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 Bolshevism prevailing in Russia would extend its bane- 
 ful influence to other countries and becoijie a more po- 
 tential menace than it is now not only to organized gov- 
 ernments but to society itself. Bolshevik doctrines de- 
 stroy family relations and if they predominate they will 
 mean return to barbarism. 
 
 "I shall not return with the President but shall keepi 
 in touch with the State Department and can be in Paris 
 on two weeks' notice." 
 
 "While I was in the hospital at London, I received 
 through the American Embassy this cable addressed to 
 me and signed "Polk, Acting": 
 
 "Kindly telegraph the American Ministry which has 
 already received the text of the following telegram full 
 comments on the points which are raised therein. Em- 
 bassy and Consulate cables relating to these questions 
 have been received by the Department but it now wishes 
 to have such a collective statement as you could furnish. 
 It is urgent to have an answer as soon as possible." 
 
 The telegram he enclosed was from Tchecherin, Peo- 
 ple's Commissar of Foreign Affairs at Moscow. The 
 comments on the points in the telegram were desired 
 for the use of the American Peace Commission then in 
 session in Paris. Tchecherin began by referring to the 
 reasons for sending American troops to Russia as they 
 had been presented in the United States Senate by Sen- 
 ator Hitchcock, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Com- 
 mittee. Tchecherin took up these reasons, giving the 
 Bolshevik answer to them, and then made his argument 
 for the recognition of the Soviet Government by the 
 United States. This long dispatch by Tchecherin was 
 manifestly intended for effect in connection with the 
 peace negotiations going on at Paris. 
 
 Tchecherin 's cable stated: 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 313 
 
 <n 
 
 'First reason given is desire prevent establisliment 
 of German submarine base Archangel. Whether pre- 
 viously justified or not, at any rate this reason exists 
 no longer. 
 
 "As to second reason, namely, safeguarding Allied 
 stores, I beg to remind that already in Spring of last 
 year we entered into negotiations with view guarantee- 
 ing interests of Entente in this respect, and we are ready 
 now to give every reasonable satisfaction on this ques- 
 tion. As to danger of the stores falling into hands of 
 Germans, whether previously justified or not, danger 
 exists no longer. 
 
 "Third reason given is maintaining gateway for ar- 
 rival and departure of diplomats and others. I beg sub- 
 mit that best way attain that end is to enter into an 
 agreement with my Government. Mr. Francis, Ameri- 
 can Ambassador, at time of leaving our country was 
 able to depart and arrive unhindered, our sole reason 
 for asking him not remain Vologda was the great danger 
 which threatened his personal safety, and we offered 
 him most appropriate residence in or near Moscow. 
 
 "Fourth reason given is guaranteeing safety of 
 Czecho-Slovaks, but there is nothing to prevent this be- 
 ing attained by agreement with my Government. "We 
 have officially proposed Czeoho-Slovaks free passage 
 home through Russia on conditions guaranteeing their 
 safety and we have come to complete understanding with 
 Professor Maxa, President Czecho-Slovak National 
 Council in Russia, who has now gone to Bohemia to com- 
 municate our proposal to Czecho-Slovak Government. 
 
 "Last reason given by Senator Hitchcock is preven- 
 tion of formation of army composed of German- Austrian 
 prisoners. At present only obstacle barring way home 
 to all prisoners of war is presence of Entente troops or 
 White Guard under their protection. We are therefore 
 at loss to understand what justification there can be for 
 further maintenance of American troops in Russia, As 
 can be seen from above-mentioned radiogram, some prom- 
 inent leaders of principal political parties of America 
 equally fail understand the reason. They expressed de- 
 sire that American troops be withdrawn from Russia 
 
314 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 as soon as possible. We share their desire for resuming 
 normal relations betwfeen two countries and are ready to 
 remove everything that can be hindrance to such rela- 
 tions. It is not first time we make such offer. In Octo- 
 ber we sent communication to that effect through Nor- 
 wegian Minister in Russia. A week later we made sim- 
 ilar verbal offer through Mr. Christensen, Attache Nor- 
 wegian Legation, when he was leaving Moscow. On* 
 November 3rd we invited all neutral representatives in 
 Moscow requesting them transmit written proposal to 
 Entente Powers to enter negotiations for putting end to 
 fighting Russia. On November 26th all-Russian Con- 
 gress of Soviets declared to the whole world and to En- 
 tente Powers that Russia wished to open peace negotia- 
 tions. On December 23rd, our representative, Mr. Lit- 
 vinoff, informed Entente Ministers in Stockholm once 
 more of desire of Russian Government of peaceful set- 
 tlement all outstanding questions. He also appealed to 
 President Wilson in London. Responsibility, therefore, 
 lies not with us if settlement not yet been reached. We 
 had opportunity of hearing some American ofl&cers and 
 soldiers expressing perplexity at their presence in Rus- 
 sia, especially when we pointed out to them this to be 
 attempt to put upon Russian people yoke of oppression, 
 which it cast away. Result of this explanation was not 
 unfavorable to our personal relations with these Ameri- 
 can citizens. We hope that peaceful aspirations of above- 
 mentioned Senators shared by whole American people 
 and we request American Government kindly make 
 known place and date for opening peace negotiations 
 with our representatives." 
 
 I made my comments on the above dispatch from Tche- 
 cherin, dictating what I had to say from my bed in the 
 hospital. In accordance with Acting Secretary Polk's 
 request, on January 22nd, I sent to the American Peace 
 Commission at Paris this statement: ^ 
 
 "Neither we nor any of the Allied governments nor 
 any Neutral have recognized (with possible exception of 
 Persia) the Tohecherin message from Soviet Govern- 
 
iiULSHEViSM AND i'J^JAUJ^J CONFEEENCE 315 
 
 iment, whicli message is absolutely false in its claim that 
 it represented Russian people. In spite of the importu- 
 nities of Robins and some other Americans I refused 
 to recommend recognition. I always maintained, as 
 shown by the records, that world-wide social revolution 
 was the object of the Soviet Government and also as 
 subsequent developments proved, their efforts were en- 
 tirely directed to that end. It was clearly established 
 that Lenin accepted German money and used it to cor- 
 rupt Russia, but to gain the same end he would have 
 accepted American, British or French money. Lenin 
 is a fanatic. He openly stated that he was trying an 
 experiment on Russia in government. Trotzky is an ad- 
 venturer, absolutely without conviction and saturated 
 with personal ambition. Until the Brest-Litovsk Peace 
 I encouraged Soviet opposition to Central Empires, after 
 which peace I made an address trying to arouse Russian 
 spirit and saying that the United States still considered 
 herself the ally of the Russian people and would not 
 recognize such a peace. The German Government de- 
 manded that I be sent out of Russia. This they de- 
 manded of the Central Soviet Government because of 
 the above address referred to and the one to the Rus- 
 sians of July 4th. In the meantime I had left Petrograd 
 on February 27th on account of threatened German ap- 
 proach and stopped at Vologda, in which place I re- 
 mained five months, being joined there subsequently by 
 Belgian, French, Serbian and Italian missions. As 
 shown by the records my requests that railroad engi- 
 neers be sent from Vladivostok to me at Vologda and 
 that American officers be sent to aid Trotzky in organiz- 
 ing army had ulterior objects. 
 
 "Answering Tcheoherin message, while first reason is 
 dissipated it unquestionably existed when Allied troops 
 were sent into North Russia. 
 
 "Second reason: While Soviet Government was nego- 
 tiating for retention of supplies at Archangel it was re- 
 moving such supplies at the rate of a hundred cars daily 
 and the British and French assured me was breaking 
 faith by doing so in addition to having repudiated obli- 
 gations given for purchase of such supplies. I refrained 
 
316 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 from participation in such negotiations as America had 
 little if any supplies there. Undoubtedly the Soviet Gov- 
 ernment would now negotiate for retention of such sup- 
 plies at Archangel or make other promises for recog- 
 nition. 
 
 "Third reason: A few days after Mirbach's assassina- 
 tion the Soviet Government wired Allied Diplomats at 
 Vologda, inviting or ordering them to Moscow and say- 
 ing Radek was sent to Vologda to 'execute' removal. 
 The Allied chiefs unanimously declined the invitation or 
 order, saying if order was meant they considered it of- 
 fensive. Furthermore, German press was charging Mir- 
 bach's death to Allied instigation and demanding of 
 Soviet Government that German and Austrian troops 
 be permitted to come to Moscow for protection of their 
 Embassies and Consulates. Ten days later, after mid- 
 night July 23rd, I received as Dean of the Diplomatic 
 Corps telegram from Tchecherin urging that Allied Dip- 
 lomats quit Vologda and saying another day might be 
 too late. To this we replied we had concluded to accept 
 the advice and would leave Vologda, requesting a loco- 
 motive to convey the special train on track at Vologda 
 to Archangel. When Tchecherin heard we contemplated 
 going to Archangel he wired going there meant leaving 
 Russia. I replied, repeating the request, stating we 
 would not leave Russia unless compelled by force and 
 then absence would be temporary. A locomotive was 
 furnished after twenty-four hours' delay and the Diplo- 
 matic Corps arrived in Archangel July 26th. "When 
 told by the Local Soviet and the representative of the 
 Central Soviet that a boat was waiting to convey us 
 where we elected we replied refusing to embark before 
 communicating with our governments, with which com- 
 munication had been severed for three weeks or more. 
 After some colloquy our decision was wired the Soviet 
 Government at Moscow, who replied that communication 
 was impossible. We decided to go Kandalaksha which 
 was occupied by Allied troops if furnished an additional 
 steamer because one was inadequate. The additional 
 steamer was provided July 28th, but many useless 
 obstacles prevented clearing until four a.m. July 29th. 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 317 
 
 Meanwhile we heard from credible sources that while 
 the Central and Local Soviet professed willingness for 
 our departure the Central Soviet was secretly urging 
 Local Soviet to detain us as possible hostages to prevent 
 landing of Allied troops, which I have heard since was 
 their object in insisting on our removing to Moscow 
 rather than regard for our safety. The Local Soviet, 
 however, was afraid to detain us as a local Anti-Bolshe- 
 vik revolution was inapending. This was not the first 
 evidence we had of Tchecherin's hypocrisy. The Anti- 
 Bolshevik revolution occurred August 2nd, Allied troops 
 landed four hours later and the Allied Missions returned 
 to Archangel August 9th. 
 
 "Fourth reason: Czecho-Slovak detention no longer 
 obtains. It was a burning issue when Allied troops landed 
 at Archangel. Permitting Czecho-Slovaks to depart now 
 is no reason why Soviet Government should be recog- 
 nized, and it should be remembered that when the 
 Czecho-Slovaks started leaving Russia they were prom- 
 ised safe conduct with their arms and all Czecho trouble 
 was caused by the treachery of Trotzky, who issued a 
 secret order that they should not be permitted to leave 
 without giving up their arms and, when given up, they 
 should be detained notwithstanding. 
 
 "Answering the last reason: Allied missions had posi- 
 tive evidence that German-Austrian war prisoners were 
 being armed and German officers were instructing Bol- 
 shevik forces. While German-Austrian prisoners may 
 now be free to return home, the fact remains that Bol- 
 sheviks are propagandizing among prisoners and offer- 
 ing every inducement to join the Bed Army. Probably 
 the Soviet Government did send communications, written 
 and verbal, to us through Norwegian representatives 
 that if American troops were withdrawn they would 
 establish diplomatic relations, but that involved recog- 
 nition of Bolshevik Government, which neither we nor 
 any other well ordered government could afford as Bol- 
 shevik orators not only charged our Government with 
 being capitalistic but openly advocated opposition to all 
 organized government everywhere. I was compelled to 
 leave Archangel for a surgical operation November 
 
318 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 6th, but the Soviet Government had already instituted 
 a reign of terror to maintain themselves in power; they 
 were pillaging and murdering inoffensive citizens with- 
 out trial and when they could not find men they were 
 arresting wives, mothers and sisters as hostages for the 
 appearance of the men to serve in Eed Army. I recom- 
 mended weeks before leaving Archangel armed interven-' 
 tion for restoration of order knoAving that the same 
 would involve extinction of Bolshevism, which I consid- 
 ered not only irreparably injurious to Eussia but a dis- 
 grace to civilization and a reflecting on Allies. I con- 
 sider Bolshevism as practised in Eussia means a return 
 of the race to barbarism if it should prevail throughout 
 society. That is why I studiously avoided encouraging 
 the Soviet Government, refused going to Moscow and 
 failed to establish even a modus vivendi with it. I have 
 never doubted its willingness to make any arrangement 
 that would secure our recognition as Tchecherin's mes- 
 sage demonstrates. I heard through Eadek after Eobins' 
 departure that the latter was the messenger from the 
 Soviet Government to extend to our Government all of 
 the privileges and concessions granted Germany in the 
 Brest-Litovsk treaty, but Eadek said that the offer did 
 not include England and France. I never heard that 
 Eobins was permitted to present this proposition to our 
 Government. 
 
 "I think furthermore that if peace is consummated 
 with the disorder prevailing in Eussia or if the Bolshe- 
 viks are permitted to dominate there, that Eussia will 
 be exploited by Germany so completely as to effectually 
 recoup her losses by war and become again a menace to 
 civilization." 
 
 Three days after my statement had been sent to the 
 American Peace Commission, Mr. Poole, whom I had 
 left in charge of the Embassy at Archangel, forwarded 
 his comments upon the Tchecherin communication. He 
 wrote : 
 
 "The entire absence of good faith on the part of the 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 319 
 
 Bolsheviks would render futile Tchecherin's proposal of 
 m agreement for the establishment of diplomatic rela- 
 tions even if it were not acceptable for other reasons. 
 No reliance can be placed on the solemn assurances of 
 the Bolshevik party. For example, the Consulates-Gen- 
 eral of Great Britain and France were forcibly violated, 
 as reported from Moscow on August 5th and 6th, two 
 hours after Tchecherin had most earnestly assured the 
 Japanese and Swedish Consuls-General and myself that 
 under all circumstances the immunities of foreign repre- 
 sentatives would be respected. You will no doubt hear 
 from Mr. Francis, about his 'unhindered private move- 
 ments' during the latter part of July. Even now Tche- 
 cherin is constantly lying about the circumstances relat- 
 ing to the departure of the Ambassador. First proof of 
 this is an intercepted wire communication between him 
 and Eadek while the latter was working on this matter 
 at Vologda, a copy of which has been given the Depart- 
 ment; second proof lies in a subsequent admission made 
 by Tchecherin in his report to the All-Russian Soviet 
 Congress held in September, translation of which was 
 sent me from Moscow, to the effect that 400 German 
 soldiers were admitted during July to Moscow as a Ger- 
 man Embassy guard. On at least two occasions Karahan 
 and Tchecherin solemnly assured me, in reply to a cate- 
 gorical inquiry on my part, that there were no German 
 soldiers in Moscow and none would be admitted. When 
 these men spoke the soldiers were in Moscow. The third 
 proof is contained in a letter addressed to Karahan by 
 Larin, the Bolshevik negotiator in Berlin, translation of 
 which was forwarded from Stockholm. There is an ad- 
 mission in the next to last paragraph of this letter that 
 one of the true motives in forcing the Ambassadors to 
 go to Moscow was to play them off against the German 
 Government in connection with negotiation of the 
 treaties by which the treaty of Brest-Litovsk was sup- 
 plemented. 
 
 ' ' The problem is gravely complicated by the utter bad 
 faith of the Bolsheviks.. Even were it possible to disre- 
 gard the virtual alliance which existed between the Im- 
 perial German Government and the Government at Mps- 
 
320 EUSSIA FROM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY || 
 
 cow after eonclusion of the treaties supplementary to 
 that of Brest-Litovsk (which differed from the latter in^ 
 that they were actively sought after rather than accepted 
 under constraint) or the nauseous and destructive 
 butchery of the terrorism and other evils, — even if it 
 were possible to overlook all these, — it would still be 
 impracticable to renew de facto relations with the Mosj 
 cow Government because of the impediment of complete 
 and proven bad faith on their part. The President f ound^ 
 this an insuperable obstacle to peace negotiations with 
 the German Government. The futility of Bolshevik en- 
 gagements is due, not only to the dishonesty of their 
 leaders, but to the natural disorderliness of a loose knit 
 Government, many of whose most active members are 
 anarchists by temperament. At the caprice of Trotzky 
 and the Commissariat of War or the Extraordinary 
 Commission against counter-revolution or of any other 
 strong personality of the moment, the most democratic 
 decision or engagement of the Commissariat of Foreign 
 Affairs may be altered. 
 
 "The Czecho-Slovak matter has given Department 
 evidence of Bolshevik bad faith. Unfortunately my files 
 on this were burned. 
 
 "It is of interest to note following representative 
 statements regarding Tchecherin's proposal. These are 
 taken at random from * The Fall is Near of Lloyd George 
 and Wilson,' a piece of Bolshevik propaganda prepared 
 for distribution among our troops here : 
 
 " 'Pitiless conditions which are more cruel than those 
 of Brest-Litovsk and which are more threatening to th^e 
 world's peace have been imposed by the Allies on the 
 enemy which they have vanquished.' 
 
 " 'The League of Nations which Wilson proposes is a 
 fake.' " 
 
 DeWitt C. Poole, Jr., was sent to Eussia by the De- 
 partment of State. I recommended him for Acting Con- 
 sul-General after the death of Madden Summers at Mos- 
 cow in May, 1918. The Department followed my recom- 
 mendation and gave him that appointmeEit, He was a 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 321 
 
 fearless, loyal and able representative of his government. 
 I had known his mother and grandfather, who formerly 
 lived in St. Louis. I was not acquainted with his father, 
 who was an army officer. Old residents of St. Louis 
 will remember well the firm of Pettus & Leathe. Poole 
 was a grandson of that Mr. Pettus. 
 
 Poole remained in Moscow until he was forced to leave 
 by the Bolsheviks. He succeeded me as Chief Represen- 
 tative of the American Government at Archangel, after 
 my health necessitated my leaving Russia. He was Chief 
 of the Russian Bureau in the Department of State at 
 Washington for a number of months, and was given a 
 long leave of absence. He is connected with the Depart- 
 ment of State at this writing, assisting Mr. Carr, the 
 head of the Consular Bureau. His special duty is teach- 
 ing new consuls as well as those not new to the service 
 their duties and responsibilities. 
 
 On the 22nd of January, President Wilson presented 
 to the Peace Conference what is known as the "Prinkipo 
 Proposal." This was an invitation to "every organized 
 group that is now exercising or attempting to exercise 
 political authority or military control anywhere in Si- 
 beria or within the jurisdiction of European Russia" to 
 send representatives to a conference on the Princes 
 Islands. The invitation included the Bolshevik Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The official report of a conference held by members 
 of the Peace Conference the preceding day, January 21st, 
 1919, represented President Wilson as saying: "That 
 if on the other hand the Allies could swallow their pride 
 and the natural repulsion which they felt for the Bol- 
 sheviks and see the representatives of all organized 
 groups in one place, he thought it would bring about a 
 marked reaction against Bolshevism." 
 
 This action of the President drew from Acting Chief 
 
322 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY | 
 
 Poole the following protest, which included the offer of 
 his resignation, and which was received by the American; 
 Peace Conference at Paris on the morning of February 
 5th: 
 
 "It is my duty to explain frankly to the Departmeilt 
 the moral perplexity into which I have been thrown by 
 the statement of Russian policy adopted by the Peace 
 Conference January 28th, on the motion of the President 
 The announcement very happily recognizes the revolu- 
 tion and confirms again that entire absence of sympathy 
 for any form of counter-revolution which has always 
 been a keynote of American policy in Russia; but it con- 
 tains not one word of condemnation for the other enemy 
 of the revolution — the Bolshevik Government. However, 
 this Government is accepted apparently on the same foot- 
 ing for the purpose of the invitation to Princes Island; 
 Those other groups which, however weak they may be, 
 are inspired with reasonable decency and patriotism and 
 have been loyal in the fight against growing Imperial- 
 ism. Having reread within the past few days practically 
 every pronouncement of the President on foreign policy 
 and having remarked especially his statement at Mobile, 
 October 27th, 1913, that we dare not turn from the prin- 
 ciple that morality and not expediency is the thing that 
 must guide us and that we will never condone iniquity 
 because it is most convenient to do so, I feel that some 
 further utterance of the Conference must follow which 
 will reveal the United States and its associates as the 
 outspoken champions of right aligning our Russian pol- 
 icy in the future with that of the past as exemplified in 
 the note of September 20th to the Neutral Powers. The 
 Department knows that I am not a stubborn or obstinate 
 advocate of any specific course of action against the 
 Bolshevik Government. I had thought only that unceas- 
 ing condemnation of its evil methods had been accepted 
 beyond all changing as a part of our policy. I have 
 given all there is in me to reveal, and possibly thereby 
 slightly to counteract, the utter wickedness of much the 
 liolsheviks have done and are still doing. I had thought 
 
323 
 
 i BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 
 
 , that I might be contributing in some slight way to better 
 the world's affairs. Knowing as I do, possibly better 
 than any other American, the complete nnmorality of 
 the Bolshevik leaders — though the aspirations of a few 
 be sincere— and the demoralization which their cynicism 
 and cruelties work upon those whom they lead, I cannot 
 in honesty or self-respect do other than protest against 
 any course of action which does not take unmistakable 
 account of these facts. If I have misconstrued the Paris 
 
 fannouncement, or any subsequent action is to give it a 
 different color, I know that the Department will set me 
 right with the same understanding and indulgence which 
 it has invariably shown me. Affairs at Archangel are 
 critical. I should be loath to evade responsibility and 
 my departure would add uncertainty and conjecture to 
 a situation already overwrought. In tendering my res- 
 ignation, therefore, I desire not only to express the sor- 
 row which the necessity for this action causes me and 
 my deep appreciation of the kindness which I have al- 
 ways met at the hands of my superiors, but also my 
 readiness to abide by the Department's determination 
 of the moment when it will be opportune to let me go. 
 My only purpose is to avow readily to the Department 
 my state of naind, in order that it may determine the 
 possible future value of my services, and secondly to 
 assure my early disassociation from any Russian policy 
 which does not include, regardless of its other compo- 
 nents, unremitting public denunciation of, or in any other 
 way seems to condone, the methods by which the^ Bol- 
 sheviks have come into power, which they have continued 
 to employ and are still to-day employing in order to 
 maintain themselves." 
 
 I cabled to Poole on February 8th, as follows : 
 
 "I am inclined to think you misconstrue therein the 
 President's policy as he offered the resolution as a com- 
 promise for the proposition of Lloyd George which was 
 to invite representatives of all Russian Governments to 
 appear before the Peace Conference in Paris. I consider 
 the Prinkipo suggestion merely an investigation or m- 
 
324 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY | 
 
 quiry court to enable the Conference to officially acquire 
 knowledge of Eussian conditions as the Commission 
 would have no power to act but would refer back findings 
 to the Conference accompanied or unaccompanied by 
 recommendations. The Commission can make rules of 
 procedure designating hours for each delegation and 
 thereby preventing delegates from even seeing each 
 other. I have stated in interview here that patrioMc 
 Eussians put themselves no more on a level with the out- 
 law Bolsheviks than you would put yourself on the level 
 with a burglar when subpoenaed as witness to identify 
 stolen property. 
 
 "Your cable is very able, clear and creditable, but I 
 regret its presentation at this juncture. Confidentially 
 I am reliably informed that the British, French, and 
 Italiem members of the Conference told the President 
 that if their armies were ordered to Eussia they would 
 not obey. 
 
 "I am here under Department instructions, but no spe- 
 cific duty has been assigned as yet. I have recommended 
 that the Allied Missions be sent to Petrogradj which 
 from their viewpoint is still the Eussian capital, accom- 
 panied by sufficient troops to protect and sufficient food 
 to subsist, with the announcement that they are sent to 
 reoccupy domiciles there, to befriend the Eussian peo- 
 ple, whom we still consider Allies, and to enable Eussia 
 after order is restored to make untrammeled choice of 
 the form of Government preferred by the majority. This 
 would mean extinction of Bolshevism, would save our 
 faces and would probably induce troops to obey orders. 
 What think you? Would 100,000 troops be sufficient?" 
 
 I think, and stated at the time, that the Eussian repre- 
 sentatives of the anti-Bolshevik factions who were in 
 Paris and the Soviet Government itself made a mistake 
 in not accepting this Prinkipo invitation. In the light 
 of subsequent events, I have not changed my mind in 
 that respect up to the present time. As I told the Eus- 
 sians in Paris at a luncheon given to me the Monday 
 before my departure for America, they did not have to 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 325 
 
 cross their legs under a table witli murderers and rob- 
 bers, as the Commission appointed by the Peace Confer- 
 ence would summon as witnesses the representatives of 
 every government in Eussia, including Lenin and 
 Trotzky, and the commission would make rules for its 
 procedure and report to the Peace Conference. 
 
 I furthermore stated in a speech at the luncheon given 
 to me in Paris on the 10th of February, 1919, as I did 
 in the above-quoted cable to Acting Consul Poole that 
 they would no more degrade themselves by appearing 
 before this commission and would no more associate with 
 murderers and robbers than I would if summoned by a 
 court to identify stolen property when the burglar was 
 being tried. 
 
 All of the Russian factions declined to appear before 
 the commission, so the Prinkipo Conference was aban- 
 doned. Notwithstanding, however, the President ap- 
 pointed "William Allen White, Italy appointed Terretti, 
 who had been with me in Russia, and some other Italian 
 of prominence to represent Italy on the commission. I 
 cannot recall whom England appointed to represent the 
 British Government, nor whom France appointed to rep- 
 resent the French Government, if, indeed, they appointed 
 representatives at all. 
 
 The Russians in Paris notified the Peace Conference 
 that they would not associate with murderers and rob- 
 bers representing the Soviet Government of Russia, evi- 
 dently thinking they would have a general conference 
 instead of a commission making its own rules for pro- 
 cedure and summoning witnesses to appear before it. 
 The Soviet Government also declined to participate in 
 the Prinkipo Conference, but not until after refusal of 
 the Anti-Bolshevik factions in Paris had resulted. 
 
 Tcheoherin was one of the two Bolsheviks who had 
 been interned in England, A letter from Trotzky to the 
 
326 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 British. Ambassador conveyed the thinly veiled threat 
 that unless these men were released, public opinion m 
 Soviet Russia would turn against the many Englishmen 
 living in Russia who openly expressed counter-revolu- ;' 
 ticmary attitudes. 
 
 That this letter was not entirely a bluff may be seen^ 
 in the fact that on August 31st Captain Cromie, a British 
 ofl&cer, was killed by the Bolsheviks in an attack on the 
 British Embassy. On the sixth of September Balfour 
 addressed a note to Tchecherin strongly protesting 
 against this attack and demanding immediate satisfac- 
 tion and severe punishment of all those responsible: 
 "If the Russian Soviet Government will not give com- 
 plete satisfaction or if violence be used against British 
 subjects," he said, "the British Government will^ con- 
 sider every member of the Russian Government individ- 
 ually responsible, and will take measures to insure that 
 all the governments of civilized nations shall consider 
 them outside the law Eind that there shall be no asylum 
 for them to go to." 
 
 While in Archangel, Lindley told me that every civi- 
 lized government in the world had been noticed they could 
 not become a harbor for Lenin and Trotzky without in- 
 curring the serious displeasure of the British Govern- 
 ment; that the British Government would pursue Lenin 
 and Trotzky to the ends of the earth. Yet, notwithstand- 
 ing this statement of the British High Commissioner^ 
 and the announcement of Minister of Foreign Affairs 
 Balfour, less than three years eifter that the British Gov- 
 ernment entered into a commercial treaty with Lenin, 
 Trotzky, Tchecherin and Krassin, representing the Bol- 
 shevik Government of Russia. Selah ! 
 
 Two weeks after this note was sent the American Gov- 
 ernment issued under date of September 21st, 1918, a note 
 addressed "To all the Associated and Neutral Govern- 
 
BOLSHEVISM AND PEACE CONFERENCE 327 
 
 ments" to be communicated through American repre- 
 sentatives. This note referred to the state of terrorism 
 then existing in Russia in which thousands of persons 
 were executed without trial and numberless barbaric 
 crimes committed, and asking what action, if any, each 
 of these governments expected to take to show the atti- 
 tude with which civilization regarded such acts. 
 
 On the 24th of October, 1918, . Tchecherin addressed a 
 long open letter to President Wilson sneering at the 
 President's professed sympathy for the Russian people 
 and the League of Nations, charged the Allies with in- 
 spiring counter-revolution, and protested against the 
 arrival of Allied troops. The note concluded a denuncia- 
 tion of capitalists and stated that the source of war could 
 be destroyed by transferring the control of banks and 
 industries into the hands of the masses. 
 
CHAPTER XXI 
 
 BOLSHEVISM IN PRINCIPLE AND IN PRACTISE 
 
 • 
 
 How has it been possible for tbe Bolsheviks to main- 
 tain themselves in power when they represent a small- 
 part of the Russian population, certainly not one-fourth, 
 probably not more than one-tenth? This question has 
 been put to me many times. My reply is that the "bour- 
 geoisie," who include the middle classes, and all the 
 land-owning peasants, have been so unjustifiably and 
 cruelly treated by the Bolsheviks that they have lost all 
 courage. Many of the Bolshevik followers, or those who 
 were followers when the Bolshevik Government first 
 came in power, have deserted them. Bolshevism would 
 not have gained such headway in Russia had not the 
 army been demoralized by General Order No. 1, which 
 permitted the soldiers to select their own officers, and 
 this was followed by Kerensky, when he became Minister 
 of War, issuing a decree abolishing the death penalty. 
 It is true that Kerensky afterwards restored the death 
 penalty; it was made a condition by Korniloff upon his 
 accepting the position of Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 The Russian army, when Trotzky made the dramatic 
 statement at Brest-Litovsk in February, 1918, that the 
 peace treaty would not be signed but that Russia would 
 fight no more, numbered about 12 million men, accord- 
 ing to the records, but it had probably been reduced 25 
 to 33% or more by desertions, as the soldiers had been 
 going home ever since the Bolshevik Government had 
 come into power in the previous November, 1917. After 
 Trotzky 's statement that there would be no morfe fight- 
 
 328 
 
)LSHEVISM— PEINCIPLE AND PEACTISE 329 
 
 ? every freight and passenger train was filled with sol- 
 ars who paid no fare and did not ask where the train 
 IS going until after embarking on it ; they were on the 
 ofs, and on the trucks and on the platforms. 
 The Bolshevik army, which has been estimated va- 
 jusly from two hundred thousand to seven hundred 
 ousand, is scattered through Central and Western and 
 Drthem Eussia and is composed of Letts and Chinese, 
 gether with conscripted Eussians. The Bolshevik 
 iders arrest women and hold them as hostages until 
 eir husbands, and sons and brothers reappear and ac- 
 pt service in the Bolshevik army. The discipline in 
 is army is very strict. The Eussians act from impulse 
 id that accounts for the following that Bolshevism had 
 
 the beginning. The leaders, Lenin and Trotzky and 
 idek, Peters and Zinovieff and others promised peace 
 
 the army wearied by three years of fighting — peace, 
 od, and land. 
 
 Eussia is inhabited largely by the Slav race; a race 
 issessed of more than ordinary common sense, with 
 lod impulses, but with paradoxical characteristics. 
 Tien I first arrived in Petrograd, I was impressed by 
 e religious sentiment of the people. That sentiment, 
 iwever, has grown smaller by degrees and beautifully 
 3S under Bolshevik rule. I could see a decided change 
 en in the cab drivers. Under the Czar, who was the 
 lad of the Greek Church, a driver would not pass a 
 urch or cathedral without crossing himself, although 
 i might pass the same cathedral thirty times during the 
 y; under the Bolshevik rule it was a rare thing for a 
 bby to cross himself, .although he might come into the 
 ry shadow of St. Isaac's or the Kazan Cathedral. The 
 :ovisional Government attempted to foster the church, 
 it the Bolshevik Government recognizes no religious 
 ntiment and no Supreme Being. With the abdication 
 
330 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 of the Czar, the church lost its titular head, but the mai- ^ 
 istry of the Provisional Government still recognized tho 
 existence of the church by appointing a Procurator of 
 the Holy Synod. Russians are naturally sympathetic 
 and tenderhearted, but they are fatalists ; they are super- 
 stitious to a degree. I have never visited a country 
 where human life was held as cheaply as it is in Russia. 
 During the first Revolution and during the attempted 
 Bolshevik Revolution of July 17th-18th, 1917, and during 
 the Bolshevik Revolution of November, 1917, and during 
 the whole period from that time to the present when a 
 murdered person was found on the streets no questions 
 were asked, no effort was made to apprehend the mur- 
 derer, but the corpse was taken to the morgue (provided 
 the deceased had no friends cognizant of the murder) and 
 interred in the public burying ground. I remember one 
 incident when a woman came out of a house chasing a 
 man and yelling that he had stolen her pocketbook. The 
 woman was soon joined by an angry mob who pursued 
 the fleeing man and captured and cruelly murdered him. 
 Meantime the woman had returned to her apartment and 
 had found her purse which she accused the man of steal- 
 ing, and attempted to restraia the mob saying she had 
 found her pocketbook. Thereupon the crowd turned 
 upon the woman and put her to death. Occurrences of 
 that character were frequent from Nov., 1917, to Nov., 
 1918, when I left Archangel and I learn from well au- 
 thenticated sources that they have continued with in- 
 creasing frequency since, as the Bolshevik rule has been 
 characterized by augniented cruelty and merdlessness. 
 In the midst of the strenuous effort to form a stable 
 goveminent out of the uncertain elements at Archangel, 
 I received a letter quoting from Lovat Fraser, a traveler 
 and writer and considered one of the best authorities 
 on the Russian people : 
 
BOLSHEVISM— PEINCIPLE AND PRACTISE 331 
 
 "The only possible course for the Allies until stability 
 has been restored is to insist on the Russians obeying 
 their orders. There must be no speechifying, no more 
 quarreling with rival parties, no more meetings of the 
 illiterate rank and file to consider whether they will or 
 will not do this or that. I do not in the least believe that 
 there will be a recrudescence of Bolshevism as a result 
 of Allied action. The Russian people will obey strength, 
 and the nearest strength, and nothing else. That Russian 
 general who said the other day that many of his country- 
 men would fight for any man with a big stick knew what 
 he was talking about. 
 
 ^'Germany understood the Russian character better 
 than any other country. Until the beginning of the war 
 Germany was making rapid progress toward monopo- 
 lizing the foreign trade of Russia, and if the war had 
 been postponed or deferred for ten years, Germany 
 would have had such a firm foothold in Russia that it 
 would have been impossible to dislodge herj Germany 
 was better acquainted with Russian resources than was 
 the Russian goverimient itself. Germany took advantage 
 of Russia's misfortunes to end the Russo-Japanese War 
 and of the threatened revolution to negotiate a very 
 advantageous commercial treaty of ten years' duration. 
 Under the treaty Germany had succeeded in capturing 
 more than fifty per cent of the entire foreign commerce 
 of Great Russia. The Russian merchants and manufac- 
 turers, and the Russian people who were not under the 
 domination of Germany, became very restive under the 
 commercial treaty of 1905, which had been in operation 
 for nine years when the war began. Germany well knew 
 that this treaty on its eviration would neither be re- 
 newed nor extended, and that was one of the potential 
 reasons why Germany thought she could subjugate Rus- 
 sia and France, and consequently did not hesitate to 
 
332 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 bring on the war, little thinking that England would 
 come to the rescue of Belgium, and not dreaming that 
 America would be involved in the contest. The world 
 war was waged with the loss of eight millions of lives 
 and untold and incalculable treasure. After four years 
 of struggle, hostilities nominally ceased. Almost two, 
 and a half years have elapsed since the armistice was 
 signed, and the work of reconstruction in the victorious 
 countries has made slow progress. Germany, familiar 
 as she was with the deplorable result of an invaded do- 
 main, took care when she saw the tide of war turning 
 against her that her industries should not be destroyed 
 as she had dismantled and stolen those of France and 
 Belgium; took care that her fields should not be laid 
 waste and her cities, villages and hamlets leveled to the 
 ground, as were those of the countries she had invaded. 
 It was the boast of the German Emperor that "the soil 
 of the Fatherland was not desecrated by the tramp of 
 hostile armies." 
 
 The Military Party in Germany had used Lenin and 
 Trotzky to demoralize Russia's immense army, and had 
 succeeded in withdrawing Russia from the contest. This 
 was done in the face of the protests of the conservative 
 element of the German population, but was aided by the 
 Socialists in Germany. Little did the General Staff of 
 the Imperial Government think when the fatal dose was 
 handed to Russia that the poisoned chalice would be com- 
 mended to her own lips within twelve months. Germany 
 was defeated on the battlefield, and her annies have been 
 subjugated and shorn of their power, but it is not so 
 with industrial Germany. Germany is using the same 
 means and pursuing the same policy in her economic 
 war, which has not only begun but has made considerable 
 headway with Russia. Germany's commercial agents 
 are the only ones admitted into Soviet Russia. Germany 
 
BOLSHEVISM— PRINCIPLE AND PRACTISE 3;;.' 
 
 is making her plans to wage an economic war by the same 
 i tmserupulous methods which she used in waging the 
 world war. She has quit the manufacture of poisonous 
 gases which had physical effect, but she has not aban- 
 doned her devious ways by which she hopes through 
 neutral and deceitful agencies to capture the commerce 
 of the world. She has been prohibited from constructing 
 submarines with which to prey upon the commerce of 
 the neutral countries and destroy innocent lives, but she 
 has not forsaken her manufacturing power; on the con- 
 trary she is rapidly utilizing it in her efforts to extend 
 German trade. 
 
 The German people have changed their form of gov- 
 ernment, but it is as difficult for a leopard to change his 
 spots as it is for the Germans to change their character. 
 The present government of Germany is following in the 
 footsteps of the Imperial government in all matters per- 
 taining to German domination in the commercial world. 
 
 I was astounded upon returning to this country to find 
 a much larger number of advocates of Bolshevism than 
 I thought possible. (The basic principle of the Bolshevik 
 government is what they call the "dictatorship of the 
 proletariat," — ^which means the severe oppression of a 
 class or of certain classes. It is a worse form of tyranny 
 than absolute monarchyV-bad as that is. This basic 
 principle put in practise is that no man or woman is al- 
 lowed to vote who does not perform manual labor. The 
 B.olshevik constitutition prohibits from the exercise of 
 suffrage all merchants, or dealers in securities, or pro- 
 fessional men who are not in the employ of the govern- 
 ment, and eveij domestics or servants who "work for the 
 proscribed classes. The Bolshevik theory strikes at the 
 home as Americans understand it. The decrees of Bol- 
 shevism made marriage and divorce so easy that they 
 were to be had for the asking. Simply a verbal an- 
 
334 RUSSIA FEOM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 nouneement to an irresponsible citizen legalized Dot] 
 marriage and divorce under the Lenin and Trotzk] 
 regime. 
 
 After I returned to the United States, still being Am- 
 bassador to Russia but on the inactive list, I was asked 
 repeatedly as to the reports of the Bolshevik theories 
 on personal or domestic relations. I replied it was true 
 that in some part or parts of Russia local authorities 
 had issued decrees nationalizing women. I saw nothing 
 of the application from my own observation. I only 
 know of such decree or decrees from having seen them in 
 official publications of the Bolshevik government. 
 
 The Central Organization, that dominated by Lenin 
 and Trotzky, had never nationjalized women by a decree 
 when I left, but it had issued a decree which I saw in 
 Izvestia, the official publication of Lenin and Trotzky, 
 making divorce and marriage as easy as to require only 
 a notice to some man by a married couple that they had 
 agreed to separate, and likewise a notice that two un- 
 married people had decided to marry. There was no 
 limit of time as to how long the marriage should hold. 
 
 There are some well-meaning people in the United 
 States who advocate leaving Russia "to stew in her own 
 juice." Passing over for a moment the selfishness of this 
 policy, I would call attention to the effect of Bolshevism 
 already seen on the uneducated of every European coun- 
 try. All of the unrest throughout Europe and in this 
 country and in every country on the Western hemisphere 
 can be traced back to this Bolshevik experiment in Rus- 
 sia. The Allies could have exterminated Bolshevism in 
 Russia and saved their face if they had taken steps to this 
 end before the armistice was signed. This Bolshevism 
 or Soviet Government as operated in Russia has been a 
 disgrace to civilization and a reflection upon the Allies* 
 Bolshevism even da,red to show its head in this country. 
 
BOLSHEVISM— PRINCIPLE AND PRACTISE 335 
 
 Khas made strenuous effort to depose the conservative 
 pministration of the labor organizations of the United 
 itates. It has presumed to induce the members of those 
 organizations to assume control of the Government by 
 (jlilireot action." Lenin and Trotzky and their followers 
 have not hesitated from the time they came into control 
 ,to call the Government of the United States, under which 
 this country has been the haven of the oppressed at all 
 times and for all races, a "capitalistic government." 
 
 A temporizing policy with Bolshevism in the United 
 States is not only unwise but may result in the under- 
 mining of our institutions, which have withstood the test 
 of time, and which every American citizen should be will- 
 ing to sacrifice his life to maintain. I advocated the 
 eradication of Bolshevism in Russia because it is a blot 
 on the civilization of the Twentieth Century, and for the 
 additional reason that it is to our interest to exterminate 
 it in the land of its birth. V I say "our interest" from 
 two points of view. First"?, If Bolshevism is permitted 
 to thrive in Russia it wiU promote unrest in all coun- 
 tries.) Second: It is our duty to the Russian people, 
 who have always been favorable to America, and whose 
 greatest offense is that they favored the Allies as against 
 Germany in the world war, to relieve their country of 
 the injury and disgrace inflicted upon it by Soviet Rule. 
 
 When I first returned to America from Russia it ap- 
 pears that I was misunderstood in expressions of my 
 opinion of Lenin. I said he was not only honest com- 
 mercially but honest intellectually, and a fanatic who 
 would sacrifice his sons and his wife and his own life for 
 the promotion of a world-wide social revolution. This 
 was said to contrast him with Trotzky, whom I consid- 
 ered an adventurer pure and simple, without convictions, 
 fond of display and luxury, liking to be in the limelight, 
 but possessed of executive ability of a high degree. 
 
336 EUSSIA FROM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSYi 
 
 Trotzky foresaw the outcome of the war more clearlyj 
 than Lenin, which accounts for his grandstand play at, 
 the first Brest-Litovsk Peace Conference, and his refusal 
 to attend the second conference, and Tiis resignation as^ 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs. Trotzky after accepting' 
 appointment as Minister of War flirted with the AlUgfi 
 Military Missions when he asked their assistance in or-| 
 ganizing an army, professedly for the promotion of 
 world-wide social revolution and incidentally for oppos- 
 ing the German advance — Germany had an imperialistic 
 government at that time — ^but Lenin would never con- 
 sent to fighting Germany. This move was encouraged 
 by me, as I felt confident that the army when organized, ' 
 and after checking the Germans and interesting them so 
 that they could not send assistance to Hindenhurg and 
 Ludendorff at the Western front, could be influenced 
 agaiast a world-wide social revolution. 
 
 Lenin was the great intellect that dominated the Bol- 
 shevik Eevolution in Eussia. Every time that Lenin and 
 Trotzky disagreed, Lenin came out victor. Lenin led 
 a simple life, while Trotzky lived a luxurious life. They 
 both, however, were ruthless. They agreed in the policy 
 of instituting a reign of terror to perpetuate Bolshevik 
 supremacy, and now, after they have inflicted untold 
 damage on Eussia, which it will require two or more 
 generations to repair, they are professing to abandon 
 communism. In my judgment this is camouflage, a mere 
 pretense, a move to strengthen their tottering reign and 
 to afford an opportunity to propagandize their perni- 
 cious doctrines in other countries. 
 
 I have sometimes wondered what would have been the 
 result if I had not been compelled to leave Eussia when 
 I did, or had remained in Eussia after the Armistice was 
 signed. Admiral McCuUy, whom I saw in Washington 
 within the last three months, said when he put me on 
 
BOLSHEVISM— PRINCIPLE AND PRACTISE 337 
 
 the cruiser Olympia at Archangel on the 6th of No- 
 vtember he never expected to see me alive again. Major 
 I "Williams, of the Red Cross Mission to Northern Russia, 
 whom I also met in "Washington, expressed the same 
 opinion. 
 
 I As narrated in the foregoing, King George of Eng- 
 land agreed with my policy of exterminating Bolshevism, 
 and that had been the desire of the French Grovernment 
 from. the beginning. When on the eve of my departure 
 from Archangel I received a cable from the Department 
 of State saying "It is the plan of our Government for you 
 to return to Archangel when your health and strength 
 permit," it would have been my effort as the result of 
 my deep-seated convictions that Bolshevik supremacy 
 should be overthrown in Russia. 
 
 It is likely that President "Wilson would not have ob- 
 jected to sending more American troops to Archangel; 
 and if he had consented thereto, England and France 
 certainly would have cooperated, and Italy and the other 
 Allies possibly would have also. I certainly would have 
 requested additional troops, because I knew well that 
 the Bolshevik Soyiet Government did not represent more 
 thjan ten per cent at the outside of the Russian people, 
 and only maintained itself in power by the assistance 
 of Chinese and Lettish soldiers whom they were able to 
 pay with the Russian and Roumanian gold that they had 
 commandeered or stolen. 
 
 The Secretary of State at that time would, I think, 
 have been favorable, and the sending of troops there 
 '■ would have enabled the Allied forces in Northern Russia 
 to depose the government of Lenin and Trotzky, and 
 thereby have spared Russia at least two years of suffer- 
 ing and Europe an equal period of difficulties which came 
 near producing chaos on the Continent and threatened 
 England itself. 
 
338 EtJSSiA FROM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 ' I do not mean that this Bolshevik Soviet aovernment 
 should have been overthrown by any other power than 
 the Russian people themselves, but the presence of Al- 
 lied troops in Russia would have encouraged the people 
 to hold their differences in abeyance for the time being, 
 and I certainly would have contributed all in my power 
 to that end. 
 
 From the first I contended that Bolshevism did not 
 have followers in Russia exceeding twenty per cent of the 
 Russian people, and that following has been diminishint 
 until it is now less than five per cent. I furthermore ex- 
 pressed the opinion in cables and dispatches from Arch- 
 angel to the State Department and from London that 
 order could not be restored in Europe as long as there 
 was chaos in Russia. Lloyd George recognized this by 
 advocating that Russia should be authorized to send 
 delegates to the Peace Conference and President Wilson 
 recognized this by suggesting the Prinkipo Conference. 
 
 My conclusions as to the character and purposes of 
 Bolshevism, as set forth in the private letters and official 
 reports sent by me during my residence in Petrograd, 
 Vologda and Archangel have not undergone changes, save 
 that they have become intensified, if possible, since my 
 return to the United States. I received a telegram from 
 a prominent newspaper recently asking my opinion aboilt 
 Lenin's repbrted change of heart on world-wide social 
 revolution. I was asked, "Do you believe Lenin sincere 
 or that he can hold fanatical followers?" My reply, 
 which shows my present attitude, was : 
 
 "I would not trust Lenin's promises and doubt his 
 sincerity. He has stated on more than one occasion that 
 be would not hesitate to violate a written contract if he 
 could promote his main object of a world-wide social 
 revolution by so doing. I have always charged that Lenin 
 would sacrifice his wife and children and even his own 
 
BOLSHEVISM— PRINCIPLE AND PRACTISE 339 
 
 life if he thought he could promote a world-wide social 
 revolution by doing so. He has been ruthless in his ad- 
 plinistration of Russian aifairs for almost three and one- 
 half years and when England first offered to make a com- 
 mercial treaty with the Bolshevik Soviet Government on 
 oondition that the latter would oease propagandizing in 
 British territory, he manifested willingness to enter into 
 an agreement to this effect. But when the British Gov- 
 ernment demanded that the agreement should include the 
 Third Internationale also, Lenin said he could not con- 
 trol the Third Internationale, and thereby was guilty of 
 falsifying. I agree with English sentiment that calls 
 the commercial treaty with the Soviet Govermnent 'the 
 unclean thing.' Lenin was first sent into Russia as a 
 German agent to demoralize the Russian army and with- 
 draw Russia from the world war. His administration 
 has been marked by theft and murder. I do not believe 
 in trusting thieves and murderers." 
 
 Three days later I received from a different city this 
 inquiry : 
 
 "Russia has asked the United States to enter into a 
 trade agreement following Great Britain. Will you 
 kindly wire your opinion whether such an agreement 
 should be made together with your reasons why it should 
 or why it should not?" 
 
 To this I made the following reply : 
 
 "If we wish to strengthen the Bolshevik Soviet Govern- 
 ment of Russia the most effective way to do is to enter 
 into trade relations with it. The invariable rule of that 
 government is that all foreign commerce is directly and 
 absolutely under its control. I think I have answered your 
 inquiry completely by this statement unless we desire 
 to promote a world-wide social revolution and to assist 
 in maintaining an experiment in government which is 
 'the greatest failure in all history' and an experiment 
 
340 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 which is not new but has met with signal failure every 
 time it has been tried. I think it would be a grievous 
 mistake for any government and a stultifying crime for 
 our government to enter into trade relations with the 
 Bolshevik government of Russia." 
 
CHAPTEE XXII 
 
 RUSSIA— THE CHIEF VICTIM OF THE WORLD WAR 
 
 Who will gainsay that Russia was and is the chief vic- 
 tim of the World War! Belgium and France are rapidly 
 recovering, as are the Balkan States; Germany and 
 Austria were never laid waste by a hostile army, nor 
 was England. Turkey is no worse off than before the 
 war, and all the other belligerents were too far removed 
 from the scene of battle to have suffered any devastation 
 whatever. Russia not only lost more of her sons in the 
 war than did any other nation, notwithstanding she with- 
 drew from the contest almost a year before it ended; 
 but no progress has been made toward her recuperation. 
 -On the other hand Russia was in the throes of civil war 
 for two years after the Armistice; her industries have 
 been wrecked ; her transportation lines are idle for want 
 of motive power and equipment ; her intelligeneia are in 
 exile; her proud capital is deserted and infested with 
 epidemics and racked by famine. And what is the cause ? 
 Bolshevism! 
 
 She deserves a better fate. Twice she saved the con- 
 flict before America entered the war. Twice she has de- 
 fended our Government, once when England was about 
 to recognize the Southern Confederacy, and once when 
 our country was in the panic of 1893, by tendering three 
 hundred million dollars in gold— true the offer was not 
 accepted, but the good will was manifested; nor should 
 we forget that Russia sold us Alaska for the paltry sum 
 of $7,000,000. 
 
 In my judgment too much credit cannot be given the 
 
 341 
 
342 RUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 labor unions led by Samuel Gompers and Ms conserva- 
 tive colleagues in France for not siding with the Bol- 
 sheviks in Russia. I have no sympathy with any move- 
 ment which has for its object the disruption of labor 
 unions. 
 
 On my return to St. Louis after three and one-hal^ 
 years' absence a banquet was given me at which I made 
 an address which was published in full in the dailies of 
 the city, but I do not think that speech can be summarized 
 more tersely than it was in "America at Work," of Octo- 
 ber 16th, 1919, under the caption of, "The Message of 
 Ambassador Francis to America": 
 
 "First, that Russia's continuation in the World War 
 under the Provisional Government, until March, 1918, 
 shortened the conflict by at least a year, and per'haps 
 saved European civilization. 
 
 "Second, that the issued joined by Lenin is one which 
 the whole world will have to meet, that true democracy 
 and sound economic development must either conquer 
 Bolshevism or be conquered by it, 
 
 "And, third, that in the hour of Russia's bitter need 
 that help which she so richly deserves at the hands of 
 the world by reason of her self-forgetful sacrifice of pre- 
 cious lives and treasure in the cause of liberty and de- 
 mocracy can only be rendered through the instrumen- 
 tality of the League of Nations. 
 
 "For three years this citizen of the United States has 
 occupied a unique position in our diplomatic service. 
 He has worked unafraid in the very teeth of the flames 
 which were threatening the whole fabric of civilization. 
 He has said, as a great missionary of liberty, of life and 
 faith nineteen centuries ago, 'This one thing I do.' It 
 was an impressive moment when at the banquet tendered 
 him by his friends and fellow townsmen, he said, *I hold 
 myself ready to go back to Russia at the call of my Gov- 
 ernment; I may even return without that call.' 
 
 "Ambassador Francis returns to America not simply 
 as the Ambassador of the United States ; he has received 
 
RUSSIA— CHIEF VICTIM OF WORLD WAR 343 
 
 a commission from a higher power. He stands before 
 his countrymen to proclaim the inexorable working of 
 laws written not in human statute books but in the 
 eternal constitution of men and nations by Him who 
 'hath made of one blood all men who dwell upon the 
 earth.' He has come back to tell us that it is impossible 
 that we should leave 180,000,000 human beings helpless 
 and hopeless in command of a ruthless, conscienceless 
 and bloodthirsty oligarchy, directed by a man with the 
 brain of a sage, and the heart of a monster, without our- 
 selves being involved in the threatened ruin of the great 
 people which compose one-seventh of all the land of the 
 earth. ' 
 
 "Never was Ambassador Francis on a more truly dip- 
 lomatic mission than now. Against him in his message 
 are ranged the traditional provinciality of the people 
 of the United States, the sense of the remoteness of the 
 Orient, the deadening effect upon our sensibilities and 
 sympathies of the breadth of the Atlantic and half the 
 continent of Europe on the one side and the whole width 
 of the vast Pacific on the other, and the narrow contrac- 
 tile councils of a group of blind and selfish political 
 leaders, distributed somewhat impartially among both 
 parties in the United States. ' ' 
 
 When I was cabling to our Government from Arch- 
 angel recommending armed intervention and when I was 
 arguing with President Wilson and appealing to him 
 on the steamer George Washmgton to let me go back 
 to Petrograd, accompanied by American soldiers, I used 
 the above reasons. President Wilson suggested per- 
 mitting the Russians to settle their own differences, and 
 when I told him that would entail great human slaughter 
 he replied that no one abhorred bloodshed more than he 
 did, but if I was right that he thought "it must needs 
 come " This was on his first return to America, when 
 he made a stay of only eight days in Washington. Presi- 
 dent Wilson may have been influenced by my emaciated 
 
344 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 physical condition and apparent weakness, or he maj 
 have thought the League of Nations would be formed anc 
 America would join the League and that would serve th( 
 same purpose. He returned to New York July 8th, 1919 
 I met him there, but only for a moment, and did not have 
 opportunity to broach the Russian problem. He socfti 
 started on the tour of the country, and if he had nol 
 broken down I have always thought the result would have 
 been different — America would have joined the modified 
 League and Russia would have been saved. 
 
 In my opinion Woodrow Wilson will live in history 
 as one of the greatest of Presidents, as a lover of his fel- 
 lows, and as a patriotic American! 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 RETROSPECT 
 
 ?HE foregoing pages, with the exception of a few inter- 
 jations, were written over two years ago, but were not 
 )lished because I was still nominal American Ambassa- 
 to Russia. I presented my resignation to President 
 Ison on March 3rd, 1921, in the following communica- 
 i: 
 
 [y dear Mr. President : 
 
 'I beg herewith to tender my resignation as Ameri- 
 L Ambassador to Russia. I have made effort to resign 
 ee or more times since my return from Russia, but 
 '^e been asked by the Secretary of State not to do so — 
 ^e drawn no salary since April 26th, 1919, since which 
 e have been on the inactive list of ambassadors." 
 
 ihortly after Secretary of State Hughes announced 
 Russian policy, I wrote congratulating him thereon, 
 [ called attention to my resignation with the request 
 t it be accepted. Secretary Hughes replied that the 
 er of resignation could not be found in the State De- 
 tment nor at the White House, and that if I would for- 
 rd my resignation he would submit it to the President 
 [ have it promptly accepted. I did so in two communi- 
 Lons, a copy of the one presented to President Wilson, 
 I one dated May 18th, 1921, which was an exact copy 
 reof, addressed to President Harding, who chose to 
 ept the latter, and a letter dated 31st of May, 1921, of 
 ch the following is a copy : 
 
 y dear Mr. Francis : 
 
 There has come to my attention yours of May 18th, 
 dering your resignation as Ambassador for the United 
 
 345 
 
346 EUSSIA FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 
 
 States to Russia. I beg to advise you of the acceptance 
 of your resignation, and at the same time thank you for 
 the signal service which you rendered to your country 
 in that capacity. 
 
 "Very truly yours, 
 (Signed) "Wabken G. Habding." ^ 
 
 This much in explanation of the delay in publication 
 of ' ' Russia from the American Embassy. ' ' 
 
 In correcting the proof of this book there is one thought 
 that impresses me, and that is the horror of Bolshevism 
 and how Russia is to be saved from its curse and all other 
 countries from its menace. 
 
 I still believe that Germany employed Lenin to demoral- 
 ize the Russian Army, that fact having been proven by 
 General Hoffmann, and that the entente would have been 
 justified in deposing the Bolshevik-Soviet Government of 
 Russia before the armistice was signed, as recommended 
 in my cable of 2nd of May, 1918, from Vologda, framed 
 after I had given the Soviets every encouragement to 
 resist the encroachments of Germany. 
 
 When I arrived in London from Archangel, during all 
 the two weeks I spent in Paris, in my home-coming on 
 Steamer George Washington, in my testimony before 
 the Overman Committee of the Senate on Bolshevism, in 
 all my public addresses, interviews, magazine articles, I 
 endeavored to impress my hearers and readers with the 
 menace of Bolshevisms I argued that it was impossibl? 
 to restore peace to Europe with chaos prevailing in 
 Russia. These predictions have all been fulfilled. Yon 
 cannot pick up a newspaper or periodical without seeing e 
 dispatch or an article about the deplorable plight of Rus 
 sia under Bolshevik rule, or the growing danger of th< 
 spread of Bolshevism into some other country. Th( 
 I. W. W, chief, "Big Bill" Haywood, has gone to Eussii 
 and forfeited his bond by doing so ; I was told by a well 
 
RETROSPECT 347 
 
 informed man that the I. W. W. organization had four 
 million members ia the U. S. and the cables inform us 
 that Haywood received an ovation in Moscow. Further- 
 more, at the national meeting of the Socialist Party held 
 in Detroit in July, 1918, a resolution was introduced to 
 the effect that the convention should yield obedience to 
 the Soviet Government of Russia, and that resolution had 
 such enthusiastic support that it was laid over for con- 
 sideration. 
 
 At the American Federation of Labor now in session in 
 Denver, Gompers had the fight of his life for reelection 
 to the Presidency. He was opposed by the radicals in the 
 organization because he had courageously stood against 
 Bolshevism — the opposition polled over 12,500 votes. 
 The Bolsheviks are propagandizing continuously and 
 zealously. I have changed my mind about Lenin ; upon 
 returning to America I expressed belief in his sincerity, 
 while a fanatic and ruthless and unscrupulous. I have 
 lost confidence in his honesty and think him as great a 
 hypocrite as Tchecherin, who, while professing to pursue 
 the policy of establishing friendly commercial relations 
 with all countries, secretly instructs his representatives 
 therein to do all in their power to stir up revolution and 
 opposition to the governments to which they are ac- 
 credited. Lenin is quiet at the Third Internationale, 
 which is meeting in Moscow at this writing, while the 
 radicals seem to have captured the Assembly— Trotzky, 
 Zenovieff and Eadek and that ilk. Lenin has always been 
 able to have his own way in Russia. 
 
 If the Russians opposed to the Bolsheviks had con- 
 sented to go into the Prinkipo Conference as President 
 Wilson proposed, this state of affairs might, and most 
 likely would, have been avoided; they may say that the 
 Soviet Government, refused to go to Prinkipo also; if 
 they had stayed away, their very absence would have been 
 the death knell to Bolshevism. The Kolchak, Deniken, 
 
348 EUSSIA FEOM THE AMEEICAN EMBASSY 
 
 and tlie Tchaikovsky Governments should have been pres- 
 ent, and their attendance would have encouraged the peas- 
 ants and the intelUgencia to organize and overthrow the 
 Soviet Grovernment and would have justified the Peace 
 Conference in establishing some kind of a protectorate 
 over Eussia, as the Peace Conference called the Prin-* 
 kipo meeting and at that time Eussia was considered an 
 ally by the victors in the world war, notwithstanding 
 the peace of Brest-Litovsk. I cabled the State Depart- 
 ment to inquire whether the President included Eussia 
 when he demanded that all the territory of the allied 
 countries should be evacuated, and received a prompt 
 reply that Eussia was included and Eoumania also. 
 
 The situation might have been saved, had President 
 Wilson permitted me to return to Petrograd, accom- 
 panied by 50,000 troops, but he doubtless felt that some 
 antidote to Bolshevism would be found by the Peace 
 Conference. 
 
 It would have inspired the Eussians with some courage 
 to organize and depose the Bolshevik-Soviet Government, 
 which represented at that time not over three per cent 
 of the people. 
 
 Do you ask why the Kolchak and Deniken and Wrangle 
 movements failed? I will tell you why, notwithstand- 
 ing they were aided by the British and by the French 
 also. The Bolsheviks were propagandizing all the while 
 by telling the peasants if Kolchak or Deniken or Wrangle 
 were successful they would restore the big estates to the 
 barons, and that England and France would take Eussian 
 territory for the assistance which those governments 
 were rendering. The Eussian peasant loves the land 
 which he tills, and all Eussians cherish a pardonable 
 pride in the magnitude of their country. 
 
 Only America could have assisted Kolchak or Deniken 
 or Wrangle without her motives and her objects being 
 impugned. 
 
EETEOSPECT 34S 
 
 But what is to be done now? The wounds of millions 
 of Eussians cry trumpet tongued to save their beloved 
 land from the curse of Communism, Are we allies of this 
 afflicted country going to persist in ignoring these ap- 
 peals? As I have said in these pages, Eussia was the 
 chief victim of the world war. We owe her a duty which 
 gratitude should prompt us to discharge. But beyond 
 that, if we could but realize it, we owe it to ourselves, if 
 we would preserve our institutions, to eradicate this foul 
 monster — Bolshevism — ^branch, trunk and root. We owe 
 it to society. We owe it to humanity. If we would save 
 society from barbarism and humanity from slaughter. 
 
 America saved civilization and thus became the moral 
 leader of the world. Let us retain this leadership by sav- 
 ing Eussia, because we are the only government on the 
 face of the earth that can do it. The League of Nations 
 is in active operation and forty-eight or forty-nine gov- 
 ernments have joined it. Let us join also. By that 
 course we can save Eussia and put an end to Bolshevism. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Alezandrieff, speech against Ger- 
 many by, 243 ff. 
 
 Alezieff, appointed Minister of War, 
 162 ff.; resignation of, 163. 
 
 American Commissioner to Russia, 
 membeiBhip of, 128; arrival of, 
 128; entertainment of, 128 S.; de- 
 parture of, 129. 
 
 American Embassy, fighting in 
 neighborhood of, 59, 64; guard 
 supplied for, 74 ff.; threat of at- 
 tack on, 101 ff.; Junker and Po- 
 lish guard for, 183 S. ; anarchist 
 threat against, 209; reception at, 
 209 ff.; Bolshevik guard for, 210; 
 American guard at, 211; Trotz- 
 ky's address to, 223. 
 
 American Expeditionary Force in 
 Bussia, landing of, 265 ft.; Fran- 
 cis in touch ■with, 267; on strike 
 duty, 267 ff.; praise of, 268 ff.; 
 review of, 270; Francis in charge 
 of, 271; Francis's farewell to, 
 296. 
 
 American Belief Corps, German and 
 Austrian prisoners aided by, 4; 
 Sturmer disliked by, 9. 
 
 Anarchists, in ranks of Bolsheviks, 
 206; resolution sent Francis by, 
 206 ff.; threats made by, 208, 229; 
 murders committed by, 208; Bol- 
 shevist relations with, 214; ar- 
 rest of, 214 ff. 
 
 Archangel, Terestchenko in, 119; 
 Diplomatic Corps attempts to 
 reach, 251 ff.; Diplomatic Corps 
 at, 262 ff.; departure from, 263; 
 counter-revolution at, 264, 266; 
 landing of English at, 264; Ameri- 
 can troops at, 266 ff.; strike in, 
 267 ff.; ministers kidnapped in, 
 269; ministers returned to, 271 
 ff.; report of conditions in, 282 
 ff.; attitude of British in, 293. 
 
 Armonr, Norman, Vologda conditions 
 reported by, 209 ff. 
 
 Asqoith, Herbert, Francis's meeting 
 witl^ 307. 
 
 Austria, prisoners of, in Bussia, 4. 
 
 Austrian Embassy, Americans in 
 charge of, 4, 59; revolutionary 
 refugees in, 60 ff. 
 
 Avksentieff, Chairman of the Com- 
 mittee of National Safety, 1S4. 
 
 Azef, corruption of, 7. 
 
 Bakhmatieff, Provisional Govern- 
 ment 's ambassador at Washington, 
 104. 
 
 Bzifour, Arthur, note to Bolsheviks 
 from, 326. 
 
 Bark, Finance Minister, U. S.-Eus- 
 sian cable and, 2S ff. 
 
 Belgium, German willingness to in- 
 demnify, 21 ; German advance in, 
 125. 
 
 BeUoselsky, Prince, oath of alle- 
 giance given by, 66. 
 
 Berkman, Alexander, protest meet- 
 ing for, 165 ff . ; anarchist resolu- 
 tion for, 206; demand for rele'ase 
 of, 207, 210 ff.; Francis's report 
 on, 207. 
 
 Bematsky, Director of Department 
 of Finance, 145. 
 
 Bemstorff, Count, passports given 
 to, 54. 
 
 Bertron, S. E., on Bussian Commis- 
 sion, 128; at American Embassr, 
 129. 
 
 Bierer, Capt., Olympia and marines 
 commanded by, 265. 
 
 Bjorke, Treaty of, terms of, 5; 
 Count Witte's opposition to, 5. 
 
 Bliss, Gen., Francis's talk on inter- 
 vention in Bussia with, 308, 310 
 ff. 
 
 Bolshevik Eevolutionary Committee, 
 support of, 177, 179. 
 
 Bolsheviks, early German support of, 
 26 ff . ; Bodzianko sought by, 74 
 ff.; Council of Ministers arrested 
 by, 105; Terestchenko 's escape 
 from, 119; July Bevolution of, 
 129 ff.; IiCnin and Trotzkr leaJ- 
 ers of, 134 ff.; "peaceful demon- 
 
 SSI 
 
352 
 
 INDEX 
 
 stration of," 136 fE., 144; street 
 fighting of, 137; temporary fail- 
 ure of, 138; fear of outbreak of, 
 162 ff. ; 170 ; Berkman Protest 
 Meeting held by, 165 ff. ; success- 
 ful uprising of, 173 ff.; new min- 
 istry named by, 182; minority of, 
 201; plans for control by, 201 ff._; 
 Constituent Assembly given ulti- 
 matum by, 203; Constituent 
 Assembly opposed to, 203; Con- 
 stituent Assembly disbanded by, 
 205 ff . ; power seized by, 206 ; 
 Berkman 'a freedom demanded by, 
 207 ff.; reason for power of, 213; 
 Finland won by, 213 ff . ; an- 
 archists ' relations with, 223 ff. ; 
 aid given Germany by, 225 ff.; 
 Diplomatic Corps' protest against, 
 297 ff. ; Allied intervention sought 
 against, 298 ff.; Eobins the 
 courier of, 302 ; Prinkipo Proposal 
 submitted to, 321; Prinkipo Pro- 
 posal refused by, 325; British 
 Commercial treaty with, 326, 339 ; 
 army of, 328 ff.; Russian religion 
 under, 329 ff . ; American support 
 of, 334 ff.; Nationalization of 
 women under, 334; other countries 
 affected by, 334 ff. 
 
 Sea also Commission of Work- 
 men 's and Soldiers' Deputies. 
 
 Bourse Gaeette, account of July 
 Eevolution in, 140. 
 
 Brest-Litovsk, Treaty of, Trotzky 
 and, 210, 225 ff. ; negotiations of, 
 220 ff., 225 ff.; signing of terms 
 of, 224; disintegration of army 
 during negotiations for, 223; 
 Trotzky 's refusal to sign, 226 ff.; 
 Tchitcherin and, 229; ratification 
 of, 231. 
 
 Brobinsky, Minister of Agfriculture, 
 resignation of, 47. 
 
 Brosoff, I. S., diamandi affair and, 
 221. 
 
 Brousiloff, General, victory of, 23. 
 
 Buchanan, Sir George, English Am- 
 bassador, 41; at Czar's reception, 
 48; authorized to recognize Pro- 
 visional Government, 91; attitude 
 on Dardanelles question, 109; 
 statement of war aims asked from, 
 185; departure of, 216. 
 
 Buchanan, Lady Georgina, at Mrs. 
 Pankhurst 's meeting, 148. 
 
 Bvremivestmk, Anarchist organ, 209. 
 
 Cadet Party, Miliukoff's leadership 
 
 of| 87. ,, „ 
 
 Carlton, Newcomb, Eussia-U. 8. 
 cable and, 29. 
 
 Central Empires, peace overtures 
 of, 52. 
 
 See also Germany. 
 
 Chaplin, Northern Government min- 
 isters kidnapped by, 269 ff . ; Fran- 
 cis 's rebuke of, 270, 273 ff.; army 
 officers under, 275. • 
 
 Chidzi, Workmen's Party led by, 84. 
 
 Cjiina, Japan in, 32; Busso-Japan- 
 ese treaty on, 23; relations with 
 Germany severed by, 55. 
 
 Circus Moderne, radical assemblages 
 in, 136, 165 ff. 
 
 Clemenceau, Georges, on French in- 
 tervention in Bussia, 310. 
 
 Commission of Workmen's and Sol- 
 diers' Deputies, manifestoes is- 
 sued by, 68; meetings of, 70 ff.; 
 soldiers influenced by, 74; grow- 
 ing power of, 84, 92; Miliukoff's 
 opposition to, 88; army demoral- 
 ized by, 93; Provisional Govern- 
 ment 's fear of, 98 ; war policy of, 
 99; faith in Kerensky of, 103; 
 size and growth of, 106; hostility 
 toward, 112; disintegration ac- 
 complished by, 114; right to veto 
 decrees claimed by, 115 ff.; 
 Goutchkoff 's hatred of, 117 ; Cron- 
 stadt Council joins with, 126 ff. ; 
 Circus Moderne used by, 136; 
 ' ' peaceful demonstration ' ' of, 
 136; street fighting of, 137 ff.; 
 Kerensky distributes arms to, 156 
 ff.; new ministry named by, 182; 
 Assembly disbanded by, 204 ff. 
 See also Bolsheviks. 
 
 Constantinople, Bussian desire for, 
 108 ff. 
 
 Constituent Assembly, promise of, 
 196 ff. ; Soviet endorsement of, 
 198; Grand Duke Michael's en- 
 dorsement of, 198 ff.; elections 
 held for, 199 ; postponed convening 
 of, 200, 202; arrest of members of, 
 202 ; parties in, 202 ff . ; meeting 
 of, 203; Bolshevist ultimatum de- 
 livered to, 203; Bolsheviks op- 
 posed by, 203; disbanding of, 
 204 ff. 
 Council of Workmen's Soldiers' and 
 Peasants' Deputies. See Commis- 
 sion of Workmen's and Soldiers' 
 Deputies. 
 
irjxn&A. 
 
 353 
 
 Couneil of Ministers, appointment 
 of, 66; authority vested in, 70, 
 84; Lvoff, president of, 71, 89; 
 duty of, 73, 89 ff.; imprisonment 
 of members of, 105, 181; changes 
 in, 115 ff. ; release of, 194. 
 
 Court Party, German sympathies of, 
 6; reactionary policy of, 20, 23. 
 
 Crane, Charles B., on American 
 commission to Bussia, 128. 
 
 Cromie, Captain, Bolsheviks' mur- 
 der of, 326. 
 
 Cronstadt Council of Workmen's 
 and Soldiers' Deputies, Provision- 
 al Government repudiated by, 126 
 ff.; street fighting, 137. 
 
 "Cronstadt EepubUe," 182. 
 
 Crossley, Commander, 147. 
 
 Czar Nicholas, Treaty of Bjorke 
 signed by, 5; Czarina's influence 
 on, 6; Empress Dowager sent 
 away by, 6; declaration of war 
 told to, 10 ff.; Francis received 
 by, 13 ff.; German- American re- 
 lations discussed by, 14 ff . ; domes- 
 tie relations of, 17 ff.; Sazonoff's 
 resignation and, 20; Protopopoff 's 
 deception of, 34; Basputin's 
 deatii and, 44; Diplomatic Corps 
 received by, 47 ff.; Duma pro- 
 rogfued by, 57, 61 ff.; abdication 
 of, 67 ff., 75 ff. ; execution of, 289. 
 
 Czarina Alix, Witte disliked by, 5; 
 German sympathies of, 6; Stur- 
 mer made Minister of Foreign Af- 
 fairs by, 10; Francis received by, 
 16; Nicholas's devotion to, 17 ff.; 
 description of, 18; Sazonoff's res- 
 ignation and, 20; Easputin's in- 
 fluence on, 42; Easputin's death 
 and, 44; protection sought by, 67; 
 Nicholas 's abdication and, 79 ff. 
 
 Czarovitch, Nicholas's devotion to, 
 17; abdication for, 8. 
 
 Czeeho-Slovaks, disar min g of, 303 ff. 
 
 Czemin, Count, Brest-Ldtovsk Treaty 
 and, 222. 
 
 Dardanelles, Eussian desire for, 108 
 
 Darling, W. L., on American Eail- 
 road Commission, 130; departure 
 of, 131. 
 
 Dearing, First Secretary, 9, 12 ff.; 
 
 de Buisseret, Belgian Ambassador, 
 American severing of German rela- 
 tions and, 54 ff. 
 
 Demitry, Prince, Easputin's death 
 and, 43 ff.; arrest of, 44 ff.; ban- 
 ishment of, 45. 
 
 Diamandi, Boumanian Minister, de- 
 mand for release of, 216 ff.; re- 
 lease of, 218; Bolshevik statement 
 on, 219; Francis's letter to, 219 
 ff. ; cause of arrest of, 220 ff. 
 
 Dielo Naroda, suspension of publica- 
 tion of, 204. 
 
 Dshesinskaya, ballet-dancer. Czar 
 Nicholas and, 17; flight of, 135 ff. 
 
 Duma, Sturmer's reluctance to meet 
 with, 35; Miliukoff's oration be- 
 fore, 35 ff.; Trepoff before, 40 ff.; 
 Purishkevich 's speech on treason 
 before, 41 ff.; defiance of liberal 
 sentiment in, 50; proroguing of, 
 57, 61 ff.; assembling of, 61, 64; 
 Bodzianko made president of 
 Council of Ministers by, 61; ar- 
 rested ministers taken before, 65 
 ff.; order partially restored by, 
 66; ministry appointed by, 66 ff. 
 Grand Duke Michael before, 67 ff. 
 program of, 70; dissolution of, 
 84. 
 
 Duncan, James H., on American 
 Commission to Bussia, 128; Tcher- 
 nov introduced to, IS^. 
 
 DuTofl, made Governor General of 
 Northern Government, 277. 
 
 Economic Conference of the Allies, 
 24; resolution passed by, 25; Pro- 
 topopoff at, 33. 
 
 Emerson, George, railroad men in 
 charge of, 132; in Bussia, 132 ff. 
 
 Empress Dowager, Czarina and, 6; 
 Demitry and, 45; Nicholas's ab- 
 dication and, 80. 
 
 Finland, payment of Eussian Army 
 in, 124; desire for independence 
 of, 124; German propaganda in, 
 124; Bolshevik control in, 213 ff. 
 
 France, Treaty of Bjorke and, 5; 
 peace terms submitted to, 21; de- 
 sire of Bussian trade by, 24; Ger- 
 man advance in, 125; Eastern Ger- 
 man Armies moved against, 225; 
 March, 1918, drive against, 225. 
 
 Francis, David E., arrival in Bussia, 
 3; Sazonoff's interview with, 8 ff. 
 Sturmer's interview with, 9 ff. 
 Americans entertained by, 11 
 Nicholas 's reception of, 13 ff. 
 Czarina's reception of, 16; Bus 
 
354 
 
 INDEX 
 
 sian-Ameriean cable qoestion and, 
 28; Diplomatic Corps reception 
 and 47 ft.; dinner to Diplomatic 
 Corps given by, 53; reaignatio' 
 of tendered, 55 S. ; last diplomatic 
 dinner given by, 58; Eevolution 
 witnessed by, 59 ff . ; Revolution 
 reported by, 69 ff., 90 ff.; Eodzi- 
 aiJio's reception of, 82 ff.; Bodzi- 
 anko's later meeting with, 85; 
 Miliukoff's reception of, 86 ff.; 
 recognition of Provisional Govern- 
 ment recommended by, 90 ; Goutch- 
 koff's reception of, 90 ff.; Provi- 
 sional Government recognized by, 
 93 ff.; threat of attack on, 101 ff.; 
 Kerensky described by, 102 ff.; 
 Provisional Government aided by, 
 110, 124; Terestchenko's friend- 
 ship with, 119; endeavors to keep 
 Bnssia fighting made by, 124 ff . ; 
 American Commission welcomed 
 by, 128 ff. ; Bailroad Commission 
 desired by, 130; Bnssian transpor- 
 tation in charge of, 130 ff . ; Ker- 
 ensky 's meeting with, 141; Miliu- 
 koff 's interview with, 149 ff.; Ker- 
 ensky-Komiloff break described by, 
 157 ff. ; John Beed 's Bolshevism re- 
 ported by, 167 ff.; Bussian people 
 addressed by, 173 ff.; conditions 
 after Bolshevist uprising reported 
 by, 182 ff. ; Anarchist resolution 
 addressed to, 206 ff.; "The Black 
 Point" addressed to, 208; threats 
 against, 208 ff., 2^; reception 
 given by, 209; Bolshevik guard 
 for, 210; release of Diamandi ac- 
 complished by, 216 ff.; Lenin's 
 reception of, 217; Pravda's state- 
 ment regarding, 219; letter to 
 Diamandi from, 219 ff.; Trotzky's 
 request for armistice reported by, 
 224; publication of message of, 
 231 ff. ; German demand for dis- 
 missal of, 232 ff., 242; German 
 threats against, 233; depar- 
 ture from Petrograd of, 234 
 fl.; Bolshevik reception of at 
 Vologda, 236 ff.; Summers's 
 death and, 238 ff. ; reception given 
 by, 239; 4th of July address by, 
 240 ff.; Tchitcherin's telegrams 
 to, 245 ff., 248 ff., 253, 255 ff., 260; 
 replies to Tchitcherin of, 246, 248 
 ff., 253, 255 ff.; Eadek's mter- 
 view with, 247 ff . ; urged to go to 
 Archangel, 251; removal to Arch- 
 
 angel planned by, 253 ff . ; at Arch- 
 angel, 262 ff. ; departure from 
 Archangel, 263; at Kandala k sha, 
 263 ff.; at Murmansk, 264 ff.; re- 
 turn to Archangel, 266; Archan- 
 gel's attitude toward American 
 soldiers and, 267 ff . ; American 
 troops reviewed by, 270; kidnap- 
 ping affair and, 270 ff.; French 
 and British attitude opposed by, 
 276; Tchaikovsky and, 276 ff.; s 
 Archangel conditions reported by, 
 282; Bussian conditions reported 
 by, 283, 285 ff., 294 ; assassination 
 of Nicholas reported by, 289; ill- 
 ness of, 290 ff.; on Olympia, 291; 
 Terestchenko's visits to, 291; 
 British friction reported by, 293 
 ff.; General Ironsides praised by, 
 294 ff.; Bolshevik financial policy 
 protested by, 297 ff. ; Allied inter- 
 vention sought by, 298 ff., 304 ff.; 
 trip to Petrograd of, 302 ff., 306; 
 attempt to see Wilson of, 306 ff.; 
 interview with George V. on Rus- 
 sia, 307; Admiral Grayson's in- 
 terview with, 308 ff . ; operation on, 
 308; ordered to Paris by Lansing, 
 309; departure from Paris with 
 Wilson, 309 ff.; Wilson's inter- 
 view with, 310; Wilson's refusal 
 to intervene reported by, 310 ff. ; 
 Tchitcherin's cable answered by, 
 312 ff.; Prinkipo Proposal de- 
 fended by, 323 ff . ; Bolshevism de- 
 scribed by, 328 ff. ; eradication of 
 Bolshevism desired by, 335 ff., 342 
 ff.; Lenin described by, 335, 338; 
 Trotzty described by, 335; opinion 
 Bolshevik treaty of, 339 ff . ; res- 
 ignation of, 345. 
 
 GaUcia, Bussian victory in, 23. 
 
 Gapoa, Father, corruption of, 7. 
 
 German Embassy, Bussian destruc- 
 tion of, 4. 
 
 Germany, American charge of in- 
 terests of, 4; infiuence of, 4 
 ff., 26 ff.; Bussian commercial 
 treaty with, 6, 12; Bussian ha- 
 tred of, 11 ff. ; peace terms 
 submitted by, 20 ff.; Bolsheviks 
 supported by, 26 ff. ; Japanese re- 
 lations with, 32; severing of 
 American relations with, 54; 
 American entrance in war against, 
 95; Finnish popaganda of, 124; 
 Bolshevism an aid to, 185, 225 ff.; 
 
INDEX 
 
 355 
 
 Bolshevism in, 214; arrest of Eou- 
 manians ordered by, 221; Bolshe- 
 vik armistice with, 223; removal 
 of armies to Western Front hj, 
 225; Brest-Iiitovsk peace of, 224 
 ff.; diplomats in Russia threat- 
 ened by, 233; removal of Francis 
 demanded by, 232 ff., 242 ; Ukrai- 
 nian opposition to, 243 ff. ; Moscow 
 demonstration against, 243 S. ; 
 Bolshevik agreement with, 304 
 fE. ; present economic war of, 
 332 ff. 
 
 Gibbs, George, on American railroad 
 commission, 130; report of from 
 Vladivostok, 131. 
 
 Glennon, Admiral, on American Com- 
 mission to Bussia, 128; Black Sea 
 fleet reviewed by, 129; Kerensky 
 introduced to, 129. 
 
 Glasberg, Assistant Minister of Fi- 
 nance, 143. 
 
 Goldman, Emma, release demanded, 
 210 ff. 
 
 Golitzin, Prince, TrepofiE succeeded 
 by, 47. 
 
 Gompers, war message to Bussia of, 
 97 fE.; message to Soviet Congress 
 of, 230. 
 
 Gorky, Maxim, suppression of paper 
 of, 177. 
 
 Goukovsky, Minister of Justice, 
 Sovereign Government of North- 
 em Bussia, appointment of, 280; 
 resignation of, 281 fE. 
 
 GoutchkofE, Provisional Minister of 
 War — ^Francis's interview with, 91 
 fE.; description of, 92 fE.; Nicho- 
 las's abdication demanded by, 79, 
 93; demoralization of army op- 
 posed by, 93; Bolsheviks feared 
 by, 92, 95; resignation of, 103, 
 115 fE.; American attitude and, 
 110; Bolshevik hostility toward, 
 117. 
 
 Great Britain, influence of in Bus-; 
 sia, 12; peace terms submitted to, 
 21; desire of Russian trade by, 24; 
 commercial domination of, 28; at- 
 titude toward TJ. S., 54; in 
 Northern Bussia, 276 fE.; Bol- 
 shevik commercial treaty with, 
 326, 338. 
 
 Greece, Queen Dowager of— petition 
 for Demitry presented by, 46. 
 
 Grenisr, John E., on American 
 Eailroad Commission, 130; de- 
 parture of, 131. 
 
 Grigorovitch, Minister of Admiralty, 
 arrest avoided by, 65. 
 
 Harding, Warren G., Francis's resig- 
 nation accepted by, 345 fE. 
 
 Hindenburg, General von, advance of 
 line of, 125. 
 
 Hitchcock, Senator, Chairman For- 
 eign Relations Committee — ^Ameri- 
 can troops in Russia and, 312. 
 
 HofEman, General William, arrest of 
 Roumanians ordered by, 221; 
 Lenin called German agent by, 
 222; Brest-Ititovsk peace nego- 
 tiated by, 226. 
 
 Holbrook, Frederick, Bolshevik fight- 
 ing and, 137. 
 
 House, Col. Edward, Francis's talk 
 on intervention with, 308; Fran- 
 cis's interview with Wilson re- 
 ported to, 310 fE. 
 
 Hughes, Charles E., Francis's resig- 
 nation accepted by, 345. 
 
 Hurd, Dr., battle front experience of, 
 26. 
 
 IgnatiefE, Minister of Education, 
 resignation of, 47. 
 
 Ironsides, General, Poole succeeded 
 by, 294; description of, 294 ff. 
 
 Isvestia, Soviet Organ, 198. 
 
 IvanofE, General, Nicholas's abdica- 
 tion and, 77. 
 
 Japan — Russo-Japanese War, 5 ; 
 peace terms submitted to, 21 ; Rus- 
 sian commercial treaty with, '31 fE.; 
 double dealing of, 32; in China, 
 32; in the war, 100. 
 
 JofEe, A., arrest of Diamandi ex- 
 plained by, 220 e. 
 
 Johnston, Earl, revolution sightsee- 
 ing of, 62flE.; 67; Eodzianko and, 
 85; threat against Embassy re- 
 vealed to, 209. 
 
 Jordan, Philip, Francis's valet, 3, 
 6, 8, 101. 
 
 July Revolution, 129, 131 fE.; street 
 fighting in, 137 fE.; failure of, 
 138 fE. 
 
 JuHkers, Bolsheviks opposed by, 181, 
 183 fE., 187j Bolshevist outrages 
 on, 1S4, 187, 191. 
 
 Kaledin, Bodzianko with, 85. 
 Kandalaksha, Diplomatic Corps at, 
 
 263 fE. 
 KedrofE, 261. 
 Kerensky, Alexander, Minister of 
 
 Justice of Provisional Govern- 
 
356 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ment, restraint exerted by, 80, 88 
 fE.; 102 ff.; MuliukofE's opposi- 
 tion to, 88flf., 109; K«publie de- 
 sired by, 99; description of, 102 
 fE.; Francis's acquaintance with, 
 103 ; as minister of war, 103 flf., 
 116 fE.; death penalty and, 103 ff.; 
 Lenin described by 104 ff.; es- 
 cape of, 105, 180, 194 ff.; war 
 aims of, 109, Tereatchenko 's rela- 
 tions with, 119; Provisional Got- 
 ernment's needs outlined by, 123 
 ff.; war-front experiences of 125 
 ff.; American Commission intro- 
 duced to, 129; made President of 
 Ministry, 143 ff . ; at meeting with 
 Prancis, 147; Mrs. Pankhuist re- 
 ceived by, 148; threat to resign 
 made by, 148 ff . ; resignation of, 
 149; return of, 150; new Ministry 
 formed by, 150; at Moscow con- 
 gresses, 153; Korniloff's break 
 with, 155 ff . ; Korniloff 's failure 
 an aid to,- 162 ff. ; last appeal of, 
 171 ff. ; flight of, 179 ; return and 
 repulse of, 180; causes of failure 
 of, 193 ff . ; luxurious living of, 
 201; separate peace opposed by, 
 292. 
 
 Kerth, Lieut. Col., protest against 
 Kussian armistice by, 224. 
 
 Kieff, Empress Dowager in, 6, 45; 
 Revolution in, 69. 
 
 Kokoshkin, murder of, 208. 
 
 Kolchak, Terestchenko 's desire to 
 join, 119. 
 
 KoUontai, Mile., Bolsheviks' Min- 
 ister of Education, 186. 
 
 Korff, Baron, Francis's call on, 
 12 ff. 
 
 Korniloff, General, 103, made Min- 
 ister of war, 143; discipline re- 
 stored by, 143; experiences of, 
 145 ff. ; at Moscow Congresses, 153 
 ff.; Kerensky 's break with, 155 ff.; 
 attack on Petrograd by, 156 ff.; 
 failure of, 160 ff. 
 
 Kovanko, Captain, return of, 180, 
 report of, 180 ff.; arrest of, 
 181. 
 
 Krasnoff, Cossacks commanded hf, 
 ISL 
 
 Krassin, British treaty with, 326. 
 
 Lansing See. Bobert, Francis's in- 
 terview with, 308 ff. ; Francis 's in- 
 tervi'ew with Wilson reported to, 
 310 ff. 
 
 Lebedev, Executive Head of the 
 Navy, 143. 
 
 Lenin, Vladimir I., Kerensky 's ac- 
 count of, 104 ff.; Francis's ac- 
 count of, 106, 112 ff.; 335 ff.; 
 338 ff. ; disintegration of army 
 accomplished by, 114 ff. ; Trotzky 
 compared with, 134; "direct ac- 
 tion" policy of, 134; arrival in 
 Bussia of, 135; German money < < << 
 used by, 135; power of. 135; 
 "peaceful demonstration'' de- 
 sired by, 136; flight of, 138, 
 143 ff.; Provisional Government's 
 leniency toward, 141 ff.; made 
 President of the Soviet Commis- 
 saire, 182, 186 ff.; government ad- 
 ministered by, 183; pro-German 
 suspicion of, 185; defiance of elec- 
 tion results by, 202; Constituent 
 Assembly disbanded by, 204 ff.; 
 release of Diamandi demanded 
 from, 216; Diplomatic Corps re- 
 ceived by, 217; Francis's inter- 
 view with, 217; as pro-German 
 agent, 221 ff. ; Trotzky repri- 
 manded by, 228; reign of terror 
 permitted by, 227 ff.; British 
 treaty with, 326; 1. 
 
 Lindley, F. O., Commissioner at 
 Archangel, 251, 263; British 
 Charge, 287. 
 
 Lloyd George, Premier, Francis's 
 meeting with, 307; on interven- 
 tion, 310. 
 
 Long, Assistant Secretary, Fran- 
 cis supported by, 271. 
 
 Looga Workmen's and Soldiers' 
 Council : Constituent Assembly 
 supported by, 204. 
 
 Lorraine, German offer to cede, 21. 
 
 Ludendorff, Gen., advance of line 
 of, 125. 
 
 Lukomsky, surrender of, 162. 
 
 Lvoff, Prince, President of Council 
 of Ministers, 71, 89, American 
 recognition conveyed to d3 ff. ; 
 Provisional Government needs out- 
 lined by, 133 ff.; on the July 
 Bevolution, 139 ff. ; resignation of, 
 141. 
 
 Lvoff, V. N., Kerensky-Komiloff 
 break precipitated by, 156; arrest 
 of, 156. 
 
 MeCuUey, Capt., Naval Attach^, 
 Bevolution reported by, 61; Fran- 
 cis and, 337. 
 
INJJl^JX 
 
 357 
 
 McGrath, condition at Archaneel re- 
 ported by, 251 ff. 
 
 March, Gen., Francis opposed by, in 
 connection with request that com- 
 mander of troops in Russia consult 
 with him, 271. 
 
 Marinef, Government defied by, 173. 
 
 Martin, Hugh S., landing of Ma- 
 rines suggested to, 265; English 
 conmiercial treaties reported by, 
 294. 
 
 Michael, Grand Cuke, abdication in 
 favor of, 67 ff.; authority accepted 
 by, 68, abdication of, 70; Con- 
 stituent Assembly endorsed by, 
 198 ff. 
 
 Miles, Basil, revolutionary refugees 
 and, 60 ff . ; head of Bussian Bu- 
 reau in American State Depart- 
 ment, 271. 
 
 Military Revolutionary Conunittee, 
 formation of, 173. 
 
 Miliokoff, Paul, oration of, 35 ff.; 
 Francis received by, 84 ff.; de- 
 scription of, 87 ff.; Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, 86 ff.; socialism 
 opposed by, 88; Kerensky op- 
 posed by, 88 ff. ; American recog- 
 nition of Provisional Government 
 and, 93 ff . ; American entry in 
 war and, 96 ff.; 106 ff.; consti- 
 tutional monarchy favored by, 
 99; war aims of, 106 ff.; 173; hos- 
 tility toward, 110 ff. ; ovation for, 
 111; resignation of, 116 ff.; Amer- 
 ican Commission introduced to, 
 129; Speech on America by, 147; 
 Kerensky and, 149 ff.; at Mos- 
 cow Congresses, 155. 
 
 Miller, Henry, on American Rail- 
 road Commission, 130. 
 
 Mirbach, Count, anarchy opposed by, 
 215; demonstration against, 244 
 ff. ; assassination of, 245. 
 
 Mooney, demand for release of, 
 
 210 ff. ; investigation of case of, 
 
 211 ff. 
 
 Moscow, Revolution in, 69; Tertia- 
 koff Gallery in, 92; American 
 Commission's visit to, 129; Bail- 
 road Commission iuj 181; out- 
 Dreak of Bolshevism in, 131; AU- 
 Russian Cossack Congress at, 153; 
 AU-Bussian Congress of Soldiers 
 and Workmen at, 153; conditions 
 in, 190 ff.; Brest-Litovsk Peace 
 approved at, 224; threatened Ger- 
 man advance against, 227; Bol- 
 
 shevik Government's removal to, 
 234; report of conditions in 243 
 ff . ; anti-German demonstration 
 in, 243 ff. 
 
 Moscow Commissariat of Military 
 Affaiars, anarchists in, 214 ff. 
 
 Motono, Japanese Ambassador, 
 Russo-Japanese treaty negotiated 
 by, 31. 
 
 Mott, John B., American Commis- 
 sion to Bussia, 128 ff. 
 
 Monravleff, Col., in command oi 
 Petrograd district, 183. 
 
 Murmansk, Gen. Poole at, 264; 
 American marines at, 265 ff. 
 
 Naryehkine, Elizabeth, Francis's 
 call on, 12. 
 
 National Congress of the Councils of 
 Deputies of the Workmen's and 
 Soldiers' organization of, 201. 
 
 National Democratic Congress, meet- 
 ing of, 164. 
 
 Nekrassoff, lunch with, 104, Min- 
 ister of War, 143, 149. 
 
 Nicholas, Grand Duke, Sukhomlinoff 
 accused by, 6; reported Com- 
 mander in Chief of Armies, 61 ff. 
 
 Nichols, Major, American Force in 
 Bussia commanded by, 267. 
 
 Niloff, Admiral, abdication of Nich- 
 olas and, 75 ff. 
 
 Nolde, Baron, Francis's luncheon 
 with, 86. 
 
 Noove Vremya, printing presses 
 seized by Bolsheviks, 140; sus- 
 pension of, 204. 
 
 Nnstitz, Count, taken before Duma, 
 66. 
 
 Pankhurst, Mrs., Russian mission of, 
 147 ff.; Kerensky 's interview with, 
 148, 150. 
 
 Pershing, General, Francis's inter- 
 view with, 308. 
 
 Petrograd, Francis's arrival in, 3; 
 Empress Dowager 's departure 
 from, 6; Americans in, 11; Rus- 
 sian army in 21 ff. ; pro-German 
 newspaper in, 42; March revolu- 
 tion in, 59 ff . ; Provisional Gov- 
 ernment supported by, 111 ff. ; 
 power of Bolsheviks in, 115; 
 American Commission in, 128 ff. ; 
 American Railroad Commission 
 in, 131; July Revolution in, 137; 
 conditions in, 145, 165, 186 ff., 
 302; threatened German advance 
 
358 
 
 INDEX 
 
 on, 227, 234; diplomat's depar- 
 ture from, 234 fE. 
 Phelps, LiyingBton, Lenin's inter- 
 view with, 217. 
 Pistelcorse, Count, Rasputin's body 
 
 removed by, 44. 
 Plekahnov, Lenin taught by, 134. 
 Pokrovsky, N., Comptroller of the 
 Empire, 27; Wilson peace over- 
 tures delivered to, 52; escape of, 
 65. 
 Poole, DeWitt C, American troops 
 in Russia justified by, 318 ff.; ap- 
 pointment of, 320 ff.; in Moscow, 
 321; Francis succeeded by at 
 Archangel, 321; Prinkipo Pro- 
 posal protested by, 322 ff. 
 Poole, Gen., conditions at Arch- 
 angel reported by, 251; plans of, 
 251; at Murmansk, 264; at 
 Archangel, 264; Chaplin on staff 
 of, 269; kidnapping affair and, 
 271 ff.; American opposition to, 
 276; Bussian disagreement with, 
 278, 286; Tchaikovsky's agree- 
 ment with, 281; cautioned, 293; 
 withdrawal of, 293. 
 Pravda, Bolshevik organ, 219. 
 Prebensen, Norwegian Minister, 55. 
 Prinkipo Proposal, Wilson's submit- 
 ting of, 321; Poole's protests 
 against, 322 ff.; Francis's defense 
 of, 323 ff.; abandonment of, 
 325. 
 Protopopoff, made Minister of In- 
 terior, 33; career of, 33; German 
 peace supported by, 33 ff.; reac- 
 tionary policy of, 34; Czar de- 
 ceived by, 34; insanity of, 34 ff.; 
 Purishkevich 's attack on, 41 ff . ; 
 hostility toward, 46 ff., 62; sur- 
 render and imprisonment of, 65 ff . ; 
 MUiukoff's attack on, 88. 
 Provisional Government — organiza- 
 tion of, 64, 66; order preserved 
 by, 69 ; authority of, 70 ; American 
 relations with, 82, 90 ff.; policy 
 of, 88 ff., 102 ff.; British, French, 
 Italian recognition of, 94 ff. ; dan- 
 ger to, 95, 98; treatment of Lenin 
 by, 105; hostility toward, 110 ff.; 
 American support of, 110 ff.; fall 
 of, 119, 173 ff.; foreign policy of, 
 120; difficulties of, 123; Cron- 
 stadt repudiation of, 127; July 
 Revolution put down by, 137 ff. ; 
 Kerensky's last appeal for, 171 
 ff.; soldiers' betrayal of, 177; 
 
 surrender of, 181; Constituent 
 Assembly promised by, 196 ff., 
 199; Assembly called by, 199 ff.; 
 last appeals of, 200. 
 Purishkevich, Gen. pro-German deal- 
 ing revealed by, 41 ff. ; Proto- 
 popoff attacked by, 41; Rasputin's 
 death and, 44. 
 
 Babovski, on Diajnondi's release, 
 
 220. 
 Radek, Karl, statement of Bol- 
 shevik purposes by, 227; sent to 
 Vologda, 246 fl.; career of, 248; 
 hostiUty toward, 250. 
 Railroad Commission (American), 
 115 ff.; appointment of, 130; 
 membership of, 130; in Vladi- 
 vostok, 130 ff.; in Petrograd, 131; 
 in Nagasaki, 132. 
 Ramsai, Baron, oath of allegiance to 
 Provisional Government, 66; in 
 Bolshevik uprising, 179. 
 Eansome, Arthur, Radek 's inter- 
 preter, 247. 
 Rasputin, Stunner promoted through 
 influence of, 10; Protopopoff 
 supported by, 34; murder of, 
 42 ff. 
 Red Army, newspapers destroyed by, 
 204; Trotzky's organization of, 
 228; success of, 228; composition 
 of, 228. 
 Reed, John, Berkman information 
 given by, 166; introduced by Ma- 
 lone, 167; papers found on, 167 
 ff.; policy of, 169. 
 Biggs, Lieut. Francis, on Russian 
 affairs, 116; sent to meet Rail- 
 road Commission, 130; on trip to 
 Archangel, 261. 
 Robins, Raymond, with American 
 Red Cross, 211; intimacy with 
 Lenin and Trotzky, 214 ff.; as 
 Soviet Courier to U. S., 302. 
 Rodzianko, Michael, President of 
 Duma. Protopopoff hated by, 47; 
 promotion of, 61; order restored 
 by, 66 ; Francis received by, 82 ff. ; 
 description of, 83; Duma ad- 
 journed by, 84; Bolshevik pursuit 
 of, 85; escape of, 86; Constitu- 
 tional Monarchy favored by, 99; 
 American Commission introduced 
 to, 129. 
 Roosevelt, Franklin D., marines 
 placed in Francis's command by, 
 265. 
 
IJNDl^iA 
 
 359 
 
 Boot, Elihu, in Eussia, 124; Chair- 
 man of American Commission to 
 Eussia, 128; speech of, 129. 
 
 Bosen, Baron, Eusso-American So- 
 ciety President, 86; on Kerensky, 
 103. •" 
 
 Eothschild, President of the "Cron- 
 stadt Eepublic," 182, 
 
 Boumania, Eussian readiness to 
 abandon, 39, 41; German mach- 
 inations against, 221. 
 
 Bussell, Charles £., American Com- 
 mission ■ to Eussia, 128 fE. 
 
 Eussia, Francis's arrival in, 3; 
 Austrian and German prisoners in, 
 4 ; German influences in, 5 fit., 
 26 ff. ; German commercial treaty 
 with, 6, 12; American desire for 
 treaty with, 8fE., 14; Germany 
 hated by, 11 ff. ; England 's influ- 
 ence in, 12; German peace terms 
 submitted to, 20 ff. ; army of, 21 
 ff.; trade opportunities in, 24; 
 wealth of, 27 fl.; U. S. cable to, 
 28 ff . ; Japanese commercial treaty 
 with, 31 ff.; readiness for separate 
 peace in, 39 ff. ; Dardanelles 
 promised to, 41 ; unrest in, 56 ff. ; 
 March Eevolution in, 59 ff . ; Pro- 
 visional Grovernment in, 64 ff.; 
 demoralization of army of, 93, 
 328 ff.; conditions in, 113 ff., 145, 
 162 ff., 282 ff., 329 ff. July Eevo- 
 lution in, 129 fl. ; American aid of, 
 174 ff.; demobilization of army 
 of, 225; German understand- 
 ing of, 331; result of war in, 
 341. 
 Bussian Commission in America, 
 
 treason in, 7. 
 Eussian Secret Service, corruption 
 
 of, 7, 
 Euaso-American Society, 86. 
 Eusso- Japanese Treaty, publication 
 
 of, 31 ff.; terms of, 32 ff. 
 Biisso-Japanese War, 5. 
 Busskoe-Slovo, Francis in, 208. 
 
 Savinkoff, Executive Head of War 
 Department, 143. 
 
 Sazonoff, Minister of Foreign Af- 
 fairs, Francis's audience with, 
 8 ff.; description of, .10; American 
 commercial treaty and, 8 ff. ; 25, 
 31; resignation of, 19 fl.; admira- 
 tion of, 23. 
 
 Schidloffsky, Duma Committee of 
 Twelve, 70. 
 
 Stott, Gen. Hugh, on American Com- 
 mission to Eussia, 128 ff. 
 
 Shulgin, Emperor's abdication de- 
 manded by, 79, 93. 
 
 Shingarieff, murder of, 208. 
 
 Shotoff, William, Berkman meeting 
 and, 166 ff. 
 
 Skoboleff, Bolshevik Government op- 
 posed by, 184 ff. 
 
 Smith, Mrs. McAllister, at Mrs. 
 Pankhurst's meeting, 148. 
 
 South African Colonies, German 
 willingness to cede, 21. 
 
 Sovereign Government of the North- 
 ern region, 266; kidnapping of 
 ministers of, 269; release of min- 
 isters of, 271 ff . ; abdication of 
 ministers of, 278; attempted re- 
 organization of, 279 ff. 
 
 Soviet Congress, Brest-Litovsk peace 
 approved by, 224; American mes- 
 sages to, 229 ff. 
 
 See also Bolsheviks, and Cam^ 
 mission of Workmen's and Sol- 
 diers' Deputies. 
 Stackelberg, Lieut. Gen., killing of, 
 64 ff. 
 
 Stecklov, Member of the Executive 
 Committee of the Petrograd So- 
 viet, Constituent Assembly and, 
 198. 
 
 Stevens, John F., Chairman of 
 American Eailroad Commission, 
 appointment of, 130, illness of, 
 131; at Moscow, 131, departure 
 of, 131. 
 Stewart, Col., marines in command 
 
 of, 267 ff. 
 Stone, Senator, Francis's disagree- 
 ment with, 56. 
 Slurmer, President of Council of 
 Ministers, 8 ; Francis and 8 ff . ; 
 Made Foreign Minister, 19, 22; 
 character of, 23; Miliukoff on, 
 36 ff.; dismissal of, 40; death of 
 40; imprisonment of, 65. 
 Sukhomlinoff, Minister of War, 
 charged with treason, 6; imprison- 
 ment of, 6, 66. 
 Summers, Madden, Consul at Mas- 
 cow, conditions reported by, 113 
 fl., 153 ff., 190 ff., 214 ff.; death 
 of, 238, funeral of, 238 ff. 
 
 Tchaikovsky, Bolshevik government 
 opposed by, 184 ff.; government 
 of Northern Eegion headed by, 
 266; description of, 266; kidnap- 
 
360 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ping and release of, 270 ff. ; fail- 
 ure of, 275 ff.; Poole criticized by, 
 278 ff. ; attempted reorganization 
 by, 279 ff. 
 
 Tehernov, Minister of Labor, Amer- 
 ican Commission introdneed to, 
 129; inability of, to cope with 
 Bolsheviks, 149. 
 
 Tchetcherin, ZaJkend succeeded by, 
 211; imprisonment and release of, 
 211; representative of Bnssia at 
 Brest-Ldtovsk, 229, 264 ff.; Fran- 
 cis's telegraphic communication 
 with, 245 ff.; departure of Allied 
 warships demanded by, 304; cable 
 from, on presence of American 
 troops, 312 ff.; internment of, 325 
 S.; British treaty with, 326; de- 
 nunciation of Allies by, 327. 
 
 Terestchenko, Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, appointment of, 116, 118; 
 description of, 118 ff.; Kerensky's 
 relations with, 119; escape of, 
 119; policy of, 120 ff.; American 
 Commission welcomed by, 129; on 
 Bujmiloff, 145, 161; inability of, 
 to cope with Bolsheviks, 149, 178 
 ff.; imprisonment of, 182; at 
 Archangel, 291; release of, 291; 
 separate peace opposed by, 292. 
 
 Tcrestehenko, Madame, 182. 
 
 Torneo, Biamandi saved at, 218. 
 
 Trepoff, Stnrmer supplanted by, 40; 
 character of, 40; resignation of, 
 46. 
 
 Trotzky, Leon, a Jew, 104; impris- 
 onment of, 105; arrival in Bussia 
 of, 113, 135; disintegration ac- 
 complished by, 114; Lenin com- 
 pared with, 134; "direct action" 
 policy of, 134; "peaceful demon- 
 stration" planned by, 136; arrest 
 and release of, 138, 143 ff . ; Soviet 
 Minister of War, 182, 186 ff.; gov- 
 ernment administered by, 183; 
 pro-German suspicions of, 185; 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, 201; 
 re.solution against Francis sent to, 
 210 ff.; attack on Embassy pre- 
 vented by, 211 ; arrest of Diamandi 
 ordered by, 221; German agent, 
 221; armistice announced by, 223 
 ff.; negotiation of, 226 ff.; notice 
 of peace given Germans by, 228; 
 Minister of War, 228; Red Army 
 organized by, 228; Allies allowed 
 at Murmansk by, 264 ff . ; British 
 hatred of, 326; British treaty 
 
 with, 326; Francis's opinion of, 
 
 335 ff. 
 Tsabel, General, at abdication of 
 
 Nicholas, 75 ff. 
 Tschedzi, N. S., Gompers 's war mes- 
 sage to, 97 ff. 
 TsereteUi, in July Revolution, 140; 
 
 resignation of, 144; Minister of 
 
 Interior, 149. 
 Turkey, Russia's attitude towards, 
 
 108 ff. 
 
 Uehida, Baron, Japanese Ambas- 
 sador, friendliness of, 57; dinner 
 for, 58; arrest of ordered, 284; 
 Siberians refuse to arrest, 285. 
 
 Ukraine, straggle against Germany 
 in, 243 ff . 
 
 Union of Zemstvos, meetings of, pro- 
 hibited, 89. 
 
 United States — hope of Russian com- 
 mercial treaty with, 8 ff ., 14 ; op- 
 portunities in Bussia for, 24 ff.; 
 28 ff.; Russian cable question and, 
 28 ff.; German relations severed 
 by, 54 ff.; Provisional Govern- 
 ment's relations with, 82, 90 ff., 
 96; entrance in war of, 96, 100, 
 106 ff.; Provisional Government 
 aided by, 110 ff., 124, 173 ff.; in 
 France and Belgium, 124 ff. ; inter- 
 vention in Bussia sought from, 290 
 ff. ; troops in Bussia, 312 ff . ; atti- 
 tude toward Bolshevism in, 334 ff. 
 
 Uritzky, shooting of, 204. 
 
 Usoupoff, Prince, Basputin killed in 
 house of, 43 ff.; banishment of, 
 44. 
 
 Venigel, Wolff, German spies in 
 charge of, 221. 
 
 Verkhovsky, Minister of War, de- 
 scription of, 163 ff.; Bolshevist 
 armies directed by, 187. 
 
 Vladivostok, American Bailroad 
 Commission at, 115, 130; Ameri- 
 can Commission at, 125; difficulty 
 of communication with, 212. 
 
 Voeikoff, General, at Nicholas's ab- 
 dication, 75, 77 ff. 
 
 Volodarsky, Provisional Government 
 defied by, 173. 
 
 Vologda, Francis's removal to, 
 234 ff.; Allied Embassies at, 235 
 Francis's reception at, 236 ff. 
 life at, 237 ff. ; departure from, 
 247 ff.; conditions at, 289 fl. 
 
INDEX 
 
 361 
 
 Von EneUmann, Brest-IiitOTsk 
 Treaty and, 222; Frands's dismis- 
 aal demanded by, 232 ff . 
 
 Von Lneins, peace terms submitted 
 by, 21; SazoneS's relations with, 
 22. 
 
 Vosnesenski, Bolshevik Govem- 
 ment's representative at Vologda, 
 239; mission of, 239 S.; disarma- 
 ment and, 303 ff. 
 
 W^te, Henry T., Francis's talk on 
 
 intervraition with, 308. 
 White, WilHam Allen, appointed to 
 
 Prinkipo Conference, 3^. 
 WUhehn, Kaiser, Czar inflneneed by, 
 
 5. 
 Wilson, Woodrow, peace overtures 
 
 of, 52; fonrteen points an- 
 
 nonmeed by, 52 ff.; war declared 
 
 by, 96, 100, 106 ff.; Bossian Com- 
 misraon appointed by, 128; 
 Mooney case reported by, 211 ff.; 
 message to Bolshevists from, 229 
 ff.; Francis supported by, 271, 
 288; Bobins's mission to, 302; 
 Frands's interview on intervention 
 with, 306 ff.; Prinkipo Proposal 
 submitted by, 321. 
 Witte, Ckinnt, Treaty of Bjorke op- 
 posed by, 5. 
 
 Young, Br. Hugh E., Francis op- 
 erated on by, 308. 
 
 Zalkend, anarchist resolution sent 
 Francis by, 211; Lenin's removal 
 of, 211; report of Francis's prom- 
 ise to, 219. 
 
 Zinovier, on President Wilson, 230.