„_ p*™*" University Library 
 D i6.K64 
 
 ^ause and effect In history / 
 
 3 1924 027 810 245 
 
 CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 

 w 
 
 0.VI m^sj?s 
 
 OCT 13 1886 
 
 Cause and Effect 
 
 IN 
 
 HISTORY. 
 
 ; A Paper read befoie (iie "Literary and ycicnliiic yociely' 
 of llaniilton, Ohio. 
 
 K-'R. KLEMM, Ph. D. 
 
 Si)pt. of Public Schools. 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027810245 
 
CAUSE AND EFFECT IN HISTORY. 
 
 A Paper 
 
 Read before the "Hamii-ton Literary and Scientific Society" 
 
 By L. E. KLEMM, Ph. D. 
 
 Superintendent or Public Schools. 
 
 Not only in the history of our earth's formation, hut in the history 
 of man, of nations as well, has tlfe " cataclysm-theory " ceased to be 
 tenable. Modern physical' science no longer accepts the statement, 
 that worlds and organisms are completely destroyed at certain crises, 
 and continents and oceans arranged in a different order to form an 
 entirely new creation. And like geology, scientilic history, that is, 
 historical investigation, searches among all transmitted facts for cause 
 and effect. Only cotemporaries are surprised. 
 
 By succeeding generations cause and effect are seen to he the scheme 
 planned long in advance, the operation of prepared expedients and 
 mechanical forces. Such a view behind the scenes of the world's 
 theatre is often painful, and yet helpful to the mind. For wounds 
 inflicted by truth do not cause loss in Vital energy, but great gain. 
 Indeed, it is' only as we assure ourselves of the true nature of the 
 forces at work in universal history, that we can reconcile ourselves 
 with the experience that the result often falls far behind justifialjle 
 expectations,^that the advantage of one individual or nation is the 
 detriment to another, — that without sacrifice no progress is possible. 
 
 The causes of the downfall of tbei Roman republic form tlie subject 
 which I desire to present to. day. In Jhis connection, the thought ox;- 
 cnfed to me to point out, at especially notable periods in this his- 
 torical sketch, the resemblances existing in our government §f to-day, 
 and to draw parallels, but this seemed scarcely appropriate for an as- 
 sembly likp the present. He must be stricken with, blindness, who 
 could not discern the*likeness between the dangers affecting the gov- 
 ernment in Rome and in America. Whoever will have the goodness 
 to follow rile attentively, will be tempted, at several prominent 
 points, to exchange the names of American statesmen for Roman 
 ones, so similar, so identical, are the conditions in the Union with 
 those of Rome 2000 years ago. 
 
' CAUSE AND EFFECT IJJ HISTOKY. 
 
 I 'Some one, may wish to suggest that among the nations mentioned 
 in history there may be, at least one, better suited than , the Boman, 
 to the consideration given in this place. The history of the Roman 
 people, I admit, is by no means the one,' which most iaiarms the 
 human mind. In this reispect it is far, surpassed by the Greek, par- 
 ticiilarly the Attic. I have, however, chosen the Koman, because it 
 is in severalpoints similar to the history of the United States, though 
 \fin others, to be sure, as unlike as possible. , Furthermore, it ia of 
 ■ peculiar value to us as citizens of the United Stafes, since no other , 
 /historical epoch is so well fitted to serve as a store-house of fruitful 
 teaching for the circumstances by which we ^fe surroupded. Yet 
 that alone is riot the cause of my selecting the Roriiari history. It is, 
 that, of all histories, this one is the most instructive for knowledge of 
 the laws in accordance with which states rise, flourish and decline. 
 In harmony with the serious, prudent character of its people;, it pre- 
 sents more clearly than does any other, a gradual, progressive, Self- 
 unfolding development of all governmeutal relations. I^qt easily 
 could a state be found, in which both, the detail of outward, changes- 
 and the unfolding of the inner national life^have proceeded so regu- 
 larly. Outwardly and inwardly, in the prosperity and in.the decay 
 of the nation, a sudden change is scarcely visible. i 
 
 This peculiarity is especially noticeable in the external history. 
 From what slender, almost imperceptible beginnings rose the Eoman 
 power ! The starting point of that mighty: empire was a city in a dis- 
 trict which would have offered scarcely" Space enough for. our little 
 city. This gradual, uninterrupted .growth was by no means the se- 
 quence of a sudden illumination of political good fortune, but noth^ 
 ing more and nothing less than discriminating judgment, unusual 
 persistence and a peculiar aptitiide for war were the causes that thg 
 city subdued, first, the surrounding regions, then all Italy, and that 
 the Koman power finally reached out farther with resistless certainty 
 until the boundaries of the empire included nearly all of the then 
 known world. The largest, fairest portions 6i the earth's surface, as 
 then exi(lored, were either Roman provinces or tributary states. 
 
 4>»,df just as gradually did the life of the tree decline, so that its 
 .faji at last could occur almost without noise. 
 
 .,. But still more than the external, do the internal relations afibrd 
 .the sight of a slow, one might say thoughtful, advance. Nowhere else 
 |,jii!iy be traced so clearly the progress of a national growth in nature's 
 'own unhurried manner. Until the year 509 B. C, that is, for nearly 
 250 years, Rome was a monarchy. It is true, by the unanimous 
 
CAUSE AND EFFECT IN HISTOI^Y. S 
 
 report of antiquity, this early monarchy was overthrown suddenly and 
 with violence, hut on closer inspection, we see," that it ho longer had 
 foundation in. popular approval. The repuhlican fOrm of govern- 
 ment, was prepared long before, as plainly told by eSrly writers, Livy 
 in particular. Then followed the conflict of ranks and classes. Fully 
 two hiindred years elapsed from the beginning of the contest, before 
 the common people, wresting one immunity after another from the 
 aristocracy, attained to the full possession of political rights, and the 
 oi^anization of the government thereby reached its highest consujB; 
 mation. 
 
 In "precisely similar manner as the progress, is the ruin of the re- 
 publican constitution finally brought about, without shock or violent 
 act. No, the splendid Roman republic, after it has conquered the 
 globe, is thoroughly unsettled in a , long, quiet struggle by various 
 deadly conditions, and the way for its fall" thereby so imperceptibly 
 prepared that the appearance in ■ coiiclusion of the " One-Man- 
 Power, " of Csesarism, is made to appear inevitable necessity. Even 
 the thought of a return to the old republican form can no more arise. 
 
 Since thus in the course of Eome's history, violent transitions ocr 
 cur Very seldom, but instead, the germs of new forms may be' traced 
 in undisturbed growth through' long periods, the study of this history 
 oflTera' opportunity for comparison, as does that of no other people. 
 But in all Boman history, no otherperiod offsfs so much instruction 
 as the one which witnessed the downfall of its, republican govern; 
 ment. ■ " . 
 
 Gentlemen ! Wlien a free state whose citizens have conquered the 
 world by their wonderful strength, adapts itself with such composure 
 to a monarchy that the latter is never again seriously opposed, the 
 constitutional change must indeed be accounted for by causes of the 
 most unanswerable character. The merely incidental conquest .by. 'a 
 despot could' in no way explain it. Striking evidence is found, how 
 little a monarchy thus established may count upon continuance, 
 among the numberless examples of Greek- despots who were soon 
 compelled to yield again to the popular republican pressure. In 
 Bome, dii the contrary, liberty is by no means restored through 
 Ctesar's assassination, but a fresh struggle for supremacy begins which 
 does not cease, until Octaviailus succeeds in establishing his authority. 
 And from that time on, whatever opposition occurs, is directed 
 against the person of the monarch, not against the fact of monarchy, 
 which is conclusive proof that royal power must have had deep- 
 leaching roots in the altered character and corresponding condition of 
 
6 cltJSE AND fit'i'ECT IN histoby. 
 
 the people. If we now direct our attention towards those conflicts of 
 fictions, preceding and directly assisting the fall of the Kepublic, 
 and cbinparfe them; accordiHg to their origin and aim, With ihe earli- 
 er ones between patricians and pTebeiaris, we shall find, first of all, a 
 tery reiharkable change in flie national character, than which none 
 oihei- cOnld be more favorable to the subversion of free government. 
 For instance, while the earlier strifes between the nobility and the 
 common people were almost always waged by the populace in behalf 
 of their own well-understood interest, we now see the people set into 
 commotion, even if under the pretence of their advantage, merely for 
 the selfish purposes of their leaders. Thus Caesar ranged himself, 
 from the beginning of his career, on the side of the popular party, 
 ind sought to commend himself to it by his agrarian laws and other 
 favors ; but who does not see froia the whole history of the ambitious 
 tnan, that by these means he wished to make {he people instrumental 
 to his personal aims, and that they were meirely the price, for which 
 the people helped along Caesar's ainbitious schemes ? 
 
 I inust call your attention to another phase of the subject from 
 which it likewise follows that the people in general had become a 
 spiritless tdol in the hands of their leaders, aind that their vital intet- 
 est were of no consequence to the weal or woe of the state. We no- 
 tice, for instance, that during the civil wars, many a time, oHe battle 
 decides the contest, and we can draw the conclusion, fliat everything 
 depended on the person of the leader, whom they renounced at once, 
 when the prospect of reward had vanished from his side. 
 
 fiuf if a people, which calls itself republican, permits itself to be 
 thus maltreated, it must fare ill with ife love of liberty. The possi- 
 bility is at least suggested, that it may submit to the yoke of despo- 
 t'fiin without resistance. Both things, however, the indifference of 
 tlie masses to constitutional liberty, as well as the stl-ife of party 
 chiefs for unlimited extension of power, could have arisen pnly from 
 Jeep moral degradation. The perversion of morality which. increased 
 in equal measure with external power, is the fundamental evil of 
 tliat tinie, yel, it is a prominent cau'sie of the overthrow of the repub- 
 lican government, though by no means the only one, as I mean to 
 slioW further on. 
 
 In all historical writings, antient and modern, mention is chiefly 
 made of the mor^l depravity among the influential and powerful 
 classes, when speaking of the deterioration of the Roman people. To 
 me, on the contrary, it seems, as if the moral sense of the lower classes 
 
CAUSE AND EFFECT IN HISTORT. 7 
 
 is by far the more important and the more significant element fpr 
 th'6 dismemberment ol {he government. 
 
 But if we question how it comes, that the plebs during the last cen- 
 tury of the free state became so contemptible a class, there is presented 
 for consideration. as the peculiar evil of the state, on one side, the 
 gradual increase in the vast class without property, the pauper ele- 
 ment; on the other side, the vast accumv(lation of yfealth, and especi- 
 ally of landed property, in the ha^ds of the few. Between these ex- 
 tremes the middle class stands on poor footing, and even disappears 
 entirely in consequence of imppverishment. But o,n this ciass de- 
 pends tl^e 3tre;ngtli of every state, the middle olaiss in its. turn depends 
 upon agriculture. Tlie impoveri|bment of this class, hpwevev., anc( 
 tire deci^y o;E agriculture, by whiph the ^ea^h-b.low wa.s given to the 
 welfare of the spiall land-ownprs, b.egin during one of the mpst bvil: 
 liant periods in BoiuE^n history,, the Second Punic Wsir{218-201 B-C.)) 
 
 It was the most Wtter revpnge that t^ie finally defeated Hannibal, 
 of Carthage, could have taken on Eome at tis departure froni Italy, 
 that in consequence of his victorious passage through the X^i'olp, pen- 
 insula, in the year 201 B. C, he left bel](ind him an Italy wasted ai^t} 
 reduced beyond exa,lnpie. Alresidy during the war had the small 
 lapd-owners, disregardin^g their mined possessions, rushed ip crowds 
 towards the city of Home ; nor could they bp again rpmovecl from it, 
 not even by ^orc^. 
 
 During t^e wearisoine war, the burdens of 4^bt anjong the sn\all 
 proprietors, a class already greatly enlarged, increased so much, that 
 it was scarcely possible for them, after the close of the war, tocn^tivatp 
 their la,nds again. 
 
 pentlemen ! Some of you know from experience what consequences 
 follow in the train of war and likewise how difiicult it is, to over- 
 come these consequences, and now remember, that the second Punic 
 ^rar was waged with the greatest severity in thei,r own land for 17 
 years. This war resulted in a devastation of the open country si^cli 
 as occurred in greater degree only in the 30-years' war during tb? 
 17th century. In addition to this reflect, ftatwhat had been 50 rutli- 
 lessly destroyed in Italy in one year required th,e labor of ten years to 
 be restore^. For this reason tlje popr nian iost courage, and, we all 
 kno\Vj that the Latin race lacked the unconquerable vitality of the 
 Germanic race. The ground adapted to cnltixation passed njore an^ 
 more into the hands of tl^e, wealthy few, vho, through bargain, usury 
 and craft, or even violence, dispossessed the. ^^umble proprietor, and 
 even acquired the exclusive use of the incorporated common lands. 
 
8 CAUSE AND EFFECT IN HISTORY. 
 
 in many cases even secured ownership. Moreover they had their 
 land worked by slaves ; thus land ceased to give support to free 
 citizens. 
 
 -This decay rff the middle class had so extended up to tlie year 137, 
 that Tiberius Gracchus during a journey through Etruria found 
 slaves a;t the plough in almost every case ; on which account, in' an 
 effective speech to the pBopIe, he used the words: " Theso-called 
 masters of the world do not' possess' a clod of earth as their own prop- 
 erty.". . ■ 
 
 Thg city of Rome appeared the most natural place of refuge to all 
 the ruined tribes in Italy, and' of couifee, an excessive increase of the 
 poorer class occurred in consequence. But even here, no respectable 
 occupation could bfe found except for him, who was adapted or in- 
 clined to the military ptrfessiens Antient Rome recognized only 
 £wo honorable yocations for thfr free-born citizen,^agrifculture and 
 war. Trade and industrial pursuits had always been' foreign to the 
 Romans. They proudly held these to be necessary' evils and un- 
 worthy Occup^tioijs for a free man. They rather left it to forfeigners 
 ^nd, serfs to .enjoy the rich profit which manual labor and mercantile 
 en'terprises bring iii, than that they should 'have sullied theirdignity 
 with the stain of vulgar occupations. All professional' labol'; even the 
 decoration of the palaces, was performed by ' ^lafes, men atad women. 
 All the conditions mentioned taken together, formed the nalEaral fciun- 
 ,dation, on which was formed,more quickly in' Rome than in Europe of 
 to-day, a frightfully large class of the lower order. This class, as 
 everywhere, was driven By the very nature of the case into immora'K 
 ity,and became a tool to be bought with gold, and ready foi' anything, 
 — a class, too, which did ilot shrink from revolts and revolutions, but, 
 on the colitrary, regarded these as welcome opportunities. 
 
 And there was no la6k of persons to bribe the hands of this all- 
 powerful' order for eriterprisfis'of such character,' for the antient lofty 
 'Rbman Spirit had also disappeared from the upper ranks of society, 
 and iA its place luxury and avarice'had entered, coupled •with bound- 
 less ambition. These were, in a high degree, the characteristic fea- 
 •lures of the upper classes in those days. 
 
 ■■ The old proverbial simplicity of a Cincinnatus, CUrius' and Fabri- 
 cius could have continued only so long, as Rome had retained its 
 simple conditions, when its wars were waged only with pastoral peo- 
 ple, whose conquest only extended its might but did not increase 
 wealth by enormous booty and spoils. A crisis must have intervened 
 When contact began witli the superfine, wealthy and luxurious Greeks. 
 
CAUSE AND EFFECT IN HISTOB*. 9 
 
 The subjugation of the eastern emjiires entirely destroyed the last 
 protection of the antient Koman spirit. 
 
 The poet calls it Nemesis, tlie Nemesis'of universal history. F6'ol- 
 ish talk ! Nothing is presented in such events, but the results of given 
 causes. The rushing together of two streams does riot double, but quad- 
 ruples the force of their waters. Let no one wonder therefore at the' 
 decay of morality in antient Rome ; let him see therein nothing' re- 
 markable. It simply but plainly proves", that every nation which 
 does not, or. cannot; refrain from intimate contact with other nationsi 
 stands under the law of universal application, in other words is weak- 
 ened by them. It milHt have happened, as it did htippfen ; for with 
 the acquisition of higher culture fi^jn others the disadvailtages' of 
 that culture inust also be accepted'. And these" disadva,ntages in-'^ 
 creased in geometrical progression. With .tlie taste for greater refine- 
 ment, for the art-treasures of the Greeks, the Grecian idea of living 
 held Sway, and Grecian luxury and fastidiousness entered into the 
 homes of th6 Komail nobles. The first traces of this change in 'the 
 national character likewise appear in the time of the second Punic' 
 war. The robbery of works of art became a habit with time. Extor-" 
 tion in the enemy's land increased systematically. In ofder to ex-' 
 hibif in its full force this Characteristic, which liad become general' 
 with time among the influential Eomaiis, it will suffice to cite,'iristead 
 of many, one conspicuous example, which has' attained unenviable 
 celebrity through Cicero's orations, I mean Verres, the governor of 
 Sicily, who was publicly accused' by Cicero in his famous ^' Orations 
 against Verres " on account of his' shameful oppression, and Cicero so 
 vigorously attacked him,' that he voluntarily went into exile. Cicero 
 does! not hesitate in his accusations to put into the mouths of the in- ' 
 habitants Of Sicily the words, " Verres has plundered all the gold and 
 silvel- and treasures of the island during his administration." Now, 
 whether that be a rhetorical exaggeration or not, the essential fact is ' 
 not affected. When he reports the value of the booty at lOOO million ' 
 sesterdfis, he seems specially to coniirm the publicity of the robbery. 
 
 What rriore natural than that with the rapacity described, with ' 
 this influx of the whole world's wealth into Rome, the most unbounded" 
 dissipation, and to us unimaginable extravagance sliould go hind in 
 
 ■ hand. In consequence of these things Rome became a cess-pool 'of 
 vicew The scope of this discourse does riot permit, me to g6 into a 
 closer dtecription b'f the refined debaucheries.- Neither is this the ' 
 
 place to picture in detail tlie monstrous extravalgance wliich began io 
 
 prevail at banquets and spectacles, in dress and buildings arid fiitrii- ' 
 
 ture. 
 
10 , , CAUSE AND EFFKCT IN HISTORY. 
 
 Let the remark suffice that Sallust, although himself living in the 
 midst of the depraved age, and therefore very moderate in his judg-,; 
 ment, introduces his short recital of these evils of the time with the 
 words, " These things would seem in the highest degree incredible to ] 
 him who had not seen them with his own eyes." Indeed, one may,| 
 even without possessing a special acquaintance with the history ol 
 luxury, affirm without hesitation that never in the course of all his- 
 tory, had dissipation and excess reached a similar height as among 
 the Eomans of the higher ranks, for the simple reason, that at no time 
 could the means for these have been provided so profusely. What 
 foolishly large sums were expended by single citizens of Rome for 
 articles of luxury, may be learned from the following facts. Gato had 
 tapestries brought from Babylon for the cushions of his banquet-hall, 
 which cost him 800,000 sesterces ($30,000). The greatest extravagance, 
 however, was reached in furniture made from the cypress-wood grow- 
 ing at the foot of the Atlas Mountains. The peculiarity of this wood 
 consists in a knot in the root, which after preparation exhibits a re- 
 semblance to a panther-skin or peacock-feathers. One million sester- 
 ces ($35,900) was paid for two such tables, owned by Gallus and Cethe- 
 gus ; and Cicero, although he was not rich, paid as much for one such 
 table. Our public statesmen and senators have, the Lord be thanked ! 
 not yet carried things as far as that! Crassus is reported to have 
 owned real-estate in the city of Eome to the amount of 170 millions 
 of sesterces (12 million dollars). 
 
 Reverence for law disappeared ; truth and faith were subjects for 
 ridicule, perjury a daily occurrence. Marriage lost its sanctity, edu- 
 cation was given up entirely. The youthful Romans of rank grew up 
 amid the improprieties, crimes and outrages which their parents, yes, 
 even tlie state itself, shamelessly committed. The excavated walls of 
 Pompeii bear witness to acts which seem incredible, and which no 
 author had the courage to chronicle. The brushes or colors of the 
 artists proved to be vile enough for the occasion. How must such ex- 
 amples have taken effect on youthful dispositions, especially as the 
 education and training of the young was commonly entrusted to slaves 
 of Greek descent ! 
 
 Let us once more hear Sallust in regard to the result of such train- 
 ing, " The disposition of youth, early directed towards evil, could 
 not easily escape an inclination towards sensual pleasures ; all the 
 more eagerly was it bent in every way upon wealth and lavish ex- 
 penditure." Now, if the paternal property did not suffice for the un- 
 limited expenses, if everything had been squandered or entirely gov- 
 
Cause ANb Et"PEcT in historV. U 
 
 ered with debts, a longing glance was turned toward the provinces 
 in order to extort from these the means for new prodigality. But on 
 the other hand, it was possible to obtain these provincial appoint- 
 ments only through bribery. 
 
 With the mention of these competitions I have indicated the ground 
 upon which the baseness of this upper classes and the recklessness of 
 the populace met. And nothing is more natural than that tliese two 
 extremes should meet. This reciprocal action greatly precipitated 
 the further ruin and destruction of the government. 
 
 Prom the third Punic war, and already during its continuance, the 
 occupation of official positions depended no longer upon worth and 
 capability, but upon the amount and e?xtension of the bribe. The des- 
 titute, suffering people regarded bribery as a regular means of liveli- 
 hood. It did not stop with electoral corruption, which was done in 
 secret, and often amounted to millions of sesterces, — no, ambition and 
 party strife on the one hand, cowardice and depravity, sometimes 
 sheer starvation, on the other, were of such a character, that the peo. 
 pie made bold to present themselves to the brokers who bought, not 
 only the votes of the populace for elections, but also engaged in ad 
 vance their strong right arms for murder and strife. All too often 
 such scenes occurred at elections. Laws proved of no avail against 
 the general depravity and the unbounded corruption. There is no 
 more striking proof of the hopelessness in the conditions then exist- 
 ing, than that Cicero himself openly protected Murena who was ac- 
 cused of notorious briberies. That was equivalent to a legalization 
 of lawlessness. 
 
 But however much the diminution of free sentiment among the 
 masses may have made easy and prepared the downfall of the repub- 
 lican government, they greatly err who would make this moral de- 
 basement the sole, or even the chief cause for the appearance of mon- 
 archy as a necessary sequerice. That such a conclusion is too pre- 
 cipitate may be seen by a reference to republics, ancient and modern, 
 in which the greatest depravity is known to have held sway. In Car- 
 thage, the republican form of government went down only with the 
 city, and it was maintained in Venice for centuries, almost without 
 any internal disturbance. To be sure, the so-called republics were 
 not democratic, but from the preceding statements concerning the 
 conduct of the lower and the upper ranks, it is sufficiently plain, that 
 also in Rome, after the time of the Gracchi, the democratic form had 
 really failed, if not formally. Even if the issue of elections or legisla- 
 tion depended upon the masses, they were subservient almost entirely 
 
12 CAUSE AND EFFEOT IN HISTOBY. 
 
 to the aims of ambitious party chiefs. Moreover,' we find the posi- 
 tions with -which the, real power was- associated without exception in 
 possession of tlie most influential families, the so-called Optimates. 
 
 The demoralization had already gone so far eighty years before our 
 era;th^t the people proper held only the humble offices. The upper 
 official positions were -passed from h.and to- hand among the nobles, 
 thus strengthening their sway. Nobility of ratk and birth formed an 
 Obstinate phalanx against all those .who believed they might rely upon 
 their merits. 
 
 'This aristocracy might have existed amid the greatest degradation 
 of morals, and monarchy could have been avoided, but internal dis- 
 sensions'were not to be stifled. -Venice, for example, existed for ■ cen- 
 ttirieS under an aristocracy. -It is granted that this republic was not 
 dtelnocratic; but it was nevertheless a republic. Had' the coriditions 
 shaped themselves in Bome, as they did later in Venice, the' necessity 
 for amoiiarchy would not have appeared. Wesee from this thatthe 
 gi'eat dfepravity and corruption were not the only causes of the down- 
 fall of the tcpilblican govfernnieftt among the Eomans. Other causes 
 nfust have been involved to resiilt in its failure, despite' its splendid 
 piist-^and this, indeed, was the case. 
 
 THe-secOnd eff&ctive-lever for the overturning of the government' 
 Was the dissihiilar compositibn' of the state as a whole, which made it 
 impossible- under a republican 'constitution to guard against internal 
 collisions and disturbances: From the .collisions' civil wars' arose as 
 a natural sequence, -and' these could only end in a military despotism. 
 No authority has more clearly stated the elements of which the Eo- 
 m'an' state was composed than Guizbt. May I' be permitted to quote 
 liimT' ■ '■ • ■ > -■ ! , ; . ! 
 
 "" Rhme, in its origin, was a mere municipality, a corporation. -In 
 Italy,. around Rome, we find nothing but cities^-no country 'places, 
 no villages.. , The coijntry w;as. cultivated,, but not peopled. The pro-, 
 prietoj-s dwplt in cities. If we follow the. history of Rome we find 
 that she founded or conquered' a host of cities. It was with cities she 
 foiight; it was With cities she treated', into bities she sint coloiiies'. In 
 Gaul and Spain we meet with nothing but cities ; the conntrv around 
 is.maj-ish.a!id.f«rest., In the monnnients. left us of,antiept Rop^e, we 
 find great roads extending from city to city ; but the thonsands of lit- 
 tle by-paths now intersecting every part of the coiinti^y ' were "un- 
 known.' Neither do we find traces of the immense niljubef of cimrch^ 
 es, castles, country seats, and villages which were spread all over tlie 
 country durmg the middle, ages. The only bequests pf Pome consist 
 of.vast monuments impressed with municipal character, . destined for 
 a numerous population crowded into a single spot. ' A municipal cor- 
 poration like Rome might be able to conqner the world : but it -was a 
 much more diflicult task to mould it into one compact body " 
 
CAUSE AND EFFECT IN BISTOEX. 13 
 
 -Ihe Eoman, state then had arisen from a municipality, for. which, 
 according to all historical experience, a republican form pf govern- 
 ment was certainly most suitable. In those times republican methods 
 01 conducting affairs -vyere refilly adapted only to small countries or 
 municipalities, for means of communication were lacking to provide 
 the intercourse necessary to such an administration. All that, is 
 greatly altered iij our times, where telegraph and steam power unite 
 the .most; widely separated portions of a composite nation. As the 
 Koman state widened by conquest, it suited the pride of. the vconquer- 
 ors, that the newly-added portions should unite with the conquering 
 p.ower -ouTy in a relation of subjection. This, is the most consequen- 
 tial mistake in the Eoman policy. Bride blinded the victors, and in- 
 stead of granting equal rights to the conquered districts, they reduced 
 the,m to serfdom, aijd topk away from them for all future time the op- 
 portunity to attain political equality. It is plainly to, be seep that 
 the condition of such a republic was insecure, for the people of. the 
 conquered provinces attempted, to regain their independence, when- 
 ever danger threjitened Rome, the head of the nation. They wojild 
 have considered it an honor to take part with Rome's citizens in the 
 destinies of the state,, but they would never have accepted cheerfully 
 a fate such as became theii-s. History offers proofs in abundance of 
 that statemen):. .After the disastrous days at Cannse, \jrhen Hannibal 
 had nearly vanquished Rome, there occurred a general revolt of the 
 confederates an4 dependencies. To, he sure the favorable change in 
 the war at that time returned everything in the old state of i things. 
 
 But the effort of the Italian races to rise from their dependent con- . 
 dition was repeated later,.and more vigorously ;: only with the differ- 
 once, that they no longer wishe4 to lead a national life separated 
 from Rome, but to share with her in the rule of the world. . Vainly 
 did the aristocrats of Rome seek to evade this, demand ; the dangerous 
 Social .War threatene4 the destruction of Rome, and there finally re- 
 mained no e:^pe4ient to arrest the dissolution of the body politic, ex- 
 cept the granting of civil rights to all Italians. , , 
 
 The extension of civil equality to all Italians marks so important a 
 moment in the vital history of the republic, that I cannot forbear .to 
 dwell upon it a little. .; They intended by Ihjs mea.sure to renew and 
 refresh, as it were, the. debased city inhabitants by a healthful infus- 
 ion from the, rural population, in other words, to restore the middle 
 class. They intended to convert the Roman city into a Roman na-, 
 tion. But they made a mistake, or rather half did what could be, 
 cured only by a radical reform. 
 
14 CAtSE AND EPfEW In HfSTOBY. 
 
 In the first place itmay be said with truth, that not even the slight- 
 est improvement, so hopecl for and desired, may be noticed in the 
 behavior of the Roman populace after the real incorporation of the 
 Italians, in 81, B. C. ; on the contrary, the popular assemblies and 
 conventions were still as heretofore a play-ball in the hands pf am- 
 bitious demagogues, greedy for spoils. That attempt to fit the form 
 of a municipality to a whole country must of necessity have been a 
 failure. Just imagine, how could the real middle, class, plainly the 
 most important element in the new body of citizens, from whose pres- 
 ence in the assemblies something beneficial was to be hoped, — how 
 could this class have been able to make frequent journeys to Borne, 
 to the neglect of their own affairs, in order to make their political 
 rights of value there by exercising them? 
 
 What immense additions on the other hand were received by the 
 two extremes of Home's population, the low-born and the aristocratic ! 
 The prominent and wealthiest of the new citizens were soon driven to 
 go the same way with the aristocratic party, that is, crowd their way 
 to the head by unworthy means. On the other hand we see needy 
 crowds, averse to labor, who now flow directly towards Eome, like 
 refuse into a sewer, to obtain through bribery and lavish expense the 
 means of a comfortable support, a life of idleness. Home which had 
 only 450,000 inhabitants in 70 B. C, had 4,165,000 inhabitants in 29 
 B. C, an increase of more than 900 per cent. 
 
 ■Thus the exact opposite was attained of what was intended by the 
 . new law. It was a new ferment thrown into the seething mass of the 
 Eoman populace. The question involuntarily presents itself : Why 
 did it not occur to the Romans wheti civil and electoral rights were 
 given the Italians, to introduce the representative system ? This 
 would have been the best way to ascertain the common will of the 
 nation and they would have been able to dispense with so many leg- 
 islative and popular assemblies, bringing ruin to the city. But this 
 system remained foreign to all antiquity, at least, as far as represen. 
 tation of all the people included in the goverument was concerned. 
 Nor could this scarcely have been otherwise. 
 
 The great oriental kingdoms from time immemorial, succumbed to 
 despotism, as they even to this day languish under it. In the little 
 free states of Greece, as for a long time among the Romans, the will 
 of the controlling majority of the citizens in regard to important af- 
 fairs, could be learned all too easily by personal votes or elections, so 
 that the need of a representative system could not have made itself 
 felt. It was not thought of later, when this need did appear, for the 
 
CAUSE AND EFFECT IN HISTOBY. 15 
 
 reason that it was the custom to consider participation in legislation 
 ami state-management as a personal right, inseparable from the dig- 
 nity of a free citizen. It certainly presents a limitation to the nature 
 of a genuine democracy which is only to be found where every iudi- 
 vvlual citizen shares, or may share, in the expression of the common 
 will. (This thoroughly democratic method has lately, in certain 
 places, been converted into a limited representative system in which 
 new bills, legal decisions, and even appointments are subjected .to a 
 popular vote, as is done in Switzerland.) Nor must it be forgotten 
 that the necessity of the representative system for Greeks and Romans 
 appeared just at a time, when, what was best in their political con- 
 stitution, had outlived its day; tli^ political sense had almost perished 
 among the people. 
 
 But, even if the leading heads in Rome could have made the reso- 
 lution to introduce popular representation, Italy could not have con- 
 gratulated itself as a republic on the stability needful for 'its plans 
 and enduring peace without other comprehensive changes. It was 
 not only too large, (too large for the scanty means of- communication 
 of that time,) but it was composed of too diverse elements, which was 
 the especial reason, that the form of a united republic under the direc- 
 tion of a central power would have been more suitable. 
 
 A remedy could have been found for the Roman colossus against 
 the increased danger of factions in its interior, namely the federal re- 
 public. This kind of free states in which the central power is re- 
 stricted to the management of such affairs as niust concern the whole 
 and rise from the whole, while freest elbow-room is left to each state 
 for the management of its own aflFairs, was alone able to encounter 
 the dangers indicated, with which greater republics must universally 
 contend. Not only have municipal confederations, like the Aeolian, 
 the Ionian, the Doric, of ancient times, or the Hanseatic League of 
 the middle ages, been able to maintain in this way the republican 
 form of government, and attain great prosperity, but there are ex- 
 amples also in the present time of important confederations, — our 
 Ameriean Union of States, the numerous republics in South America, 
 nay, one even in the heart of Europe, Switzerland, which prove the 
 successful adaptation of this form of government. 
 
 The prominent statesmen of Rome saw the need of this chaiige, but 
 the possibili'y of its execution was not obvious. For while the 
 above-named republics of modern times have grown up naturally by 
 the union of separate states which might have existed near each other 
 without great rivalry, the opposite plan must have been pursued in 
 
16 CAUSE AND EFFECT IN HISTORY. 
 
 the Koman slates. It could have been attained only by a breaking 
 up of the firmly united national body; which would have been at- 
 tended with the giving up of privileges, centuries old. But it is a 
 fact of experience that a people will sooner give up a right secured 
 by law, than a privilege: sanctioned by time or custom. By the way 
 of victory, conquest and triumph, and iu spite of these, Home ran to 
 meet Its ruin. The state fell sick from its own greatness. 
 
 Gentleman I The forces mentioned as contributing to the overthrow 
 of the free government in Kome, are about all which present themselves 
 to us in the study of Roman history. At least rio neW ones were ad- 
 ded from the year 86 before Christ to the final crash. I will not 
 go into the highly interesting struggle which the dying repflblic 
 carried on against the near and nearer approching monarchical en- 
 croachment, and we will, in conclusion only aSk : HoVv could Kome 
 so long ward off' monarchy ? The cause of it is two-fold : A people, 
 with whose manner of life and thought republican tendencies and 
 customs have been most closely entwined for more than four centries,^ 
 such a people can accustom themselves only very slowly to the sight 
 of a monarch; his sudden appearance they are not able to sudure. 
 Secondly; it is natural that the nobles will not soon put up with the 
 rule of one from their own number, to disturb them in their pre- 
 sumptive privileges. 
 
 How powerful were these two elements of opposition to monarchy is 
 plainly seen in the history of that man,'of whom his flatterers said, 
 that the imperial vocation was written on his brow. With what assi- 
 duity did Cfesar labor at the erection of a royal throne ! The power 
 of royalty was already attained by hifn, chiefly thrbugh his accepting 
 the perpetual dictatorship. There was lacking only the title to crown 
 the labors of his life. But he was compelled to atone with his life'for 
 this concealed design. 
 
 And yet his mip-derers were mistaken who performed the justifiable 
 deed under the guidance of Brutus, if they believed; that by the mur- 
 of the tyrant they had crushed tyranny and restored life to the free 
 goverment. "^^ivil wars broke out afresh with unrestrained fury. But 
 ■wheh the most daring republicans had fallen in the fierce contests orbv 
 proscription, and the multitude longed for rest, it was possible for the 
 crafty victor at Actium, Octaviauus, to establish his imperial power, 
 though invested with republican forms. 
 
 But the Roman republic had beeh'borrie to its tomb — with no hope 
 of a resurrection ! 
 

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