iiiJimiHSUiiHmmiHRHi MVAminmimimmmmnmntmmmmtsmimimmmmnKMmuMHmmiismmmmmatmt^^ BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Hcnrg m. Sage 189X ../m %t ";' '^ K^^ Cornell University Library The original of this bool< is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007489986 The Study of History from Original Sources The Hamilton^ ^ ^ Facsimiles of e^ ^ Manuscripts e^ d^ ^ nsr THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES RELATING TO AMERICAN HISTORY PART I The Monroe Doctrine Its Origin and Intent New York THE PUBLIC OPINION COMPANY 1896 ^.'\^['JL\ Copyrli;ht, i8g6, by D. T. PIERCE AU ri^kU reservtd 1 |N the National Archives at Washington there are carefully pre- served a large number of original manuscripts relating to the early history of the United States. Imperfect knowledge concerning them exists even among those who have devoted many years to the study of the sources of American history. From these manuscripts a careful selection has now been made for reproduction in facsimile and permanent preservation in available form. It will readily be seen that these faithful reproductions, in the exact handwriting, with all erasures, interlineations, and signatures as originally written, are of great value to all careful students of American history, to conscientious teachers, and to every patriotic American. The present series covers correspondence between President Monroe, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Richard Rush, Minister to England, disclosing the attitude of those great statesmen towards the policy which later became a part of our National creed under the name of the ** Monroe Doctrine." S. M. HAMILTON Washington, D. C, t&96 CONTENTS OF PART I Letter from James Monroe to Thomas Jefferson, dated October 17, J 823. Transmit- ting dispatches from Richard Rush, United States Minister to England, communi- cating letters from George Canning, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, suggesting designs of the Holy Alliance and proposing American and British co-operation in support of South American independence. Monroe asks Jefferson's opinion and requests that the correspondence be forwarded to Madison. (Facsimile of autograph originaL) Letter from Thomas Jefferson, dated October 24, 1823, in reply to President Monroe. "The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most momentous which has been ever offered to my contemplation since that of Independance. .... I candidly confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most inter- esting addition which could ever be made to our system of states." (Facsimile of autograph draft.) Letter from Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, dated October 24, J 823. "I forward you two most important letters sent to me by the President." (Facsimile of auto- graph original.) Letter from James Madison to President Monroe, dated October 30, J 823. "I have rec^. from Mr , Jefferson your letter to him, with the correspondence between M' . Canning & Mr. Rush, sent for his and my perusal, and our opinions on the sub- ject of it." (Facsimile of autograph originaL) Letter from James Madison to Thomas Jeff erson, dated November I, J823. "I return the letter of the President. The correspondence from abroad has gone back to him, as you desired." (Facsimile of autograph original.) Letter from Richard Rush to President Monroe, dated January 28, J 824. "Your letter of the i7^ of December, by Mr. McRae, got to hand yesterday. . . . When Mr. Canning made his approaches to me last summer on this subject of Spanish America, I felt that it placed me in a new and difficult conjuncture, . . ." (Facsimile of autograph original.) Extracts from President Monroe's 7th Annual Message to Congress, dated December 2, 1823, that have been cited as expressing the Monroe doctrine. APPENDIX ^*.A.A-^ 4f<^^^->^/^. ^/^z ^^..^/^^ ^y^-»-«-*5» At^-i:^ ^ ^^'^ /**^r^ ^*^«:^ V /W^^ Z^" /i-^^^ *,O^C^ /^-^-y ^!^^ ^^ /'^'^/C^ ^j^ ^fn^/^M^4j -> /-^ >i: t-^i^^^. /«r,,;/5^-=^ /»*-^^ /st^ -' ^ « ^-*^,-»-.-^^ >^2t;.rf*^ ^*'^*^^'^- /^^r^.^^; ^/^^^ ,^^^y— ^-^^— ''^' jita^Sor Tn-rrZtLtjeJlJU ?lj '■'^^fo-t-^inniZ, i^r^U-Ojd. ^ h-movtA'*^ Uran- ujr^iC G-re^ /iinAwr. tAn^f>.J/yeu*ny Avt), rn-un- jcoXl ftrtvot s]yjJ.iad. cnle /^ft/f «t -f>«ra«^ vr^ir^^t/^^ e.amjl-*jfu.enr\.^ 7 A-0M>«: >-*-e«:t,»A*-i) 'Tv^j.^rr'Ari'^CX'' JrrUiX'cQifok- x) iSr #x-v >y £-^t>*s.t t.'yt^ 4t^^~ ^ ^^^ uj^ o^ tir f^!o^HL. Ia^c^ W^LyU. OL^ t/^Lt. . ^i^e^^-tijuc^ EXTRACTS FROM THE SEVENTH ANNUAL MESSAGE OF JAMES MONROE, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, DATED DECEMBER 2, 1823 ^d^j^^^^^^^d^^^^ )T the proposal of the Russian imperial government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and ■ instructions have been transmitted to the Minister of the United States at St. Petersburg, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to the government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The government of the United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his government. In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, (the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a prin- ciple in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be con- sidered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.^/ ^^w J^ J^ %g* V^ 1?^ 4?^ tff^ It was stated at the commencement of the last session, that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal, to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the Atlantic. Li the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essen- tially different, in this respect, from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted, ^e owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety.) With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power; we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But, with the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an un&iendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between these new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this govertmient, shall make a corresponding change, on the part of the United States, indispensable to their security. The late events in Spain and Portugal, shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact, no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves^ to have interposed, by force, in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question, in which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy, in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power; submitting to injuries from none. But, in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent, without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our Southern Brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new govern- ments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States, to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course. ^9* V^ Sir. I return the letter of the President. The correspondence from abroad has gone back to him as you desired. I have expressed to him my concurrence in the policy of meeting the advances of the B. Gov*, having an eye to the forms of our Ginstitution in every step in the road to war. With the British power & navy combined with our own we have nothing to fear from the rest of the nations and in the great struggle of the Epoch between liberty and despotism, we owe it to our- selves to sustain the former in this hemisphere at least. I have even suggested an invitation to the B. Gov*, to join in applying this "small effort for so much good" to the French invasion of Spain, & to make Greece an object of some such favorable attention. Why M"" Canning & his colleagues did not sooner interpose ag^ the calamity w'^'' could not have escaped foresight cannot be otherwise explained but by the different aspect of the question when it related to liberty in Spain, a^d to the extension of British Commerce to her former colonies. Health & every other blessing JAMES MADISON RICHARD RUSH TO JAMES MONROE London January 28, J 824 Dear Sir Your letter of the 17*^ of December, by Mr M^Rae, got to hand yesterday, and I can scarcely find words to express to you the satisfac- tion whidi it has afforded me. When Mr Canning made his approaches to me last summer on this subject of Spanish America, I felt that it placed me in a new and difficuh conjuncture, and having to decide upon it /in default of instructions, and without any communion with other minds, I became proportionably anxious about the issue. Your approbation therefore of the course which I pursued, has relieved and consoled me greatly. I am thankful also for the sentiments which you have added upon the subject in question, as they will be of essential service to me in the conversations I shall hold with Mr Canning, though circumstances, as you will have long since learned, have much changed since the subject began between us. The kind tone of your letter, will encourage me in the work of the negociaticm, on which I am now seriously embarked. My second meeting with the British plenipotentiaries takes place to-morrow. I am not sanguine as to results; but at this moment incline to think that more will be accomplished on the topick of the slave trade than any other. Whenever any incidents in the progress of this negociation may seem to render any communication from me proper or desirable (aside itom my regular despatches to the secretary of state) I will take care to write to you. Believe me dear sir, with my constant respect, your obliged and faithful svt RICHARD RUSH. President Monroe. SCHEDULE INDICATING THE CONTINUATION OF THE SERIES OF FACSIMILES Part n. In Press, containing t (J) Franklin's letter to Strahan, written after the burning of Charlestown. Auto- graph Draft signed. (2) Lafayette's acceptance of his commission from the C>ntinental G>ngress. Auto- graph originaL (3) Pulaski offering his services in the cause of America. Autograph original. (4) Canons of Etiquette by Thomas Jefferson. Autograph original. (5) "Rules of Qvility and Decent Behaviour in G)mpany and Conversation" in Washington's handwriting, aged 13. Full Autograph text. (6) "True Happiness," Poem in Washington's handwriting, aged 13. Autograph. Part m. In Press, containing : (J) Arnold's letter to Washington after his flight and escape to the "Vulture" and that informing Washington that Arnold no longer considered himself acting under the orders of Congress. Autograph originals. (2) Hamilton's hurried note to Washington on Arnold's escape. Autograph original. (3) Letter from Gustavus (Arnold) to Mr. Anderson (Andre). Facsimile of Arnold's disguised handwriting. (4) Andre's letter to Washington asking for the death of a soldier and not that of the spy. Autograph. (5) Trial of Major Andre. Full text of original bearing signatures of the Board of General Officers. (6) Letter from Hannah Arnold to her brother's wife. Found among Arnold's papers at West Point. In Contemplation Correspondence of the Revolution, collections of the letters of General and Field Officers addressed to the Continental Congress. While these letters are mostly in the handwriting of Aides and Secretaries (who also were men of note) they are interspersed with many autograph originals. The attention of libraries and historical students is especially invited to this chapter of the facsimiles. The present intention is to reproduce separately the correspondence of each officer. For example : Montgomery, Wooster, Spencer, Greene, Schuyler, Lee, Putnam, Wayne, and others. handwriting: and over their signatures, acquire a force and reality that every intelligfent person must strongly appreciate. Another motive, and one that must appeal to the patriotism of Americans, is that many of these original manuscripts have never been reproduced, certainly not in the form that is now proposed. It cannot fail to he a source of gratification and pride to those who contribute to this undertaking to knOw that they are helping to perpetuate, beyond all chance of loss, the words of advice and guidance left to us by the greatest and best of American statesmen and soldiers. At this time it is impossible to say to what extent this project may be carried out. Its continuation and ultimate accomplishment de- pends on the support it may receive. The price, per volume, has been placed as low as possible, in order that it may come within the reach of those who cannot afford costly works. As the work progresses its value and development will become more apparent. For these reasons the plan would seem to be entitled to the support and patronage of Americans generally. The book will be printed on heavy Dickinson hand-made paper, and substantially bound in buckram, with gilt side stamp. The first edition will number but five hundred copies, a considerable portion of which have already been sold, and the publishers would be glad to receive your orders at once, as this small edition will be exhausted within a short time from the date of publication, though no general sale will be sought for the work. The price is $1.50. THE PUBLIC OPINION CO. New York, t896. (3^ €5™ C^^ Vr^ tfr^ tgr^ Address all communications and. make all remittances payable to D. T. PIERCE, J3 Astor Place, New York. CONTENTS OF PART I Letter from James Monroe to Thomas Jefferson, dated October J7, 1823. Transmit- ting: dispatches from Richard Rush, United States Minister to England, communi- cating; letters from Georg;e Canning, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, suggesting designs of the Holy Alliance and proposing American and British co-operation in support of South American independence. Monroe asks Jefferson's opinion and requests that the correspondence be forwarded to Madison. (Facsimile of autograph original.) Two pages. Letter from Thomas Jefferson, dated October 24, J 823, in reply to President Monroe. " The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most momentous which has been ever offered to my contemplation since that of Independance. . . . . I candidly confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most inter- esting addition which could ever be made to our system of states." (Facsimile of autograph draft.) Three pages. Letter from Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, dated October 24, 1823. "I forward you two most important letters sent to me by the President." (Facsimile of auto- graph original.) One page. Letter from James Madison to President Monroe, dated October 30, 1823. "I have rec