m J// BOUGHT WITH THE INCOg>IE FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Henrg W. Sage 1S91 //)^^^^ .• I ..._ ^y/^/fi... J.UL2 194? NtK ".ii^jT^d » > — J^ 2 2001 ■" B Cornell University M Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924082150180 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE VOL. III. THE HISTORY OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE BY EDWARD GIBBON EDITED IN SEVEN VOLUMES WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, APPENDICES, AND INDEX BY J. B. BURY, M.A. HON. LITT.D. or DURHAM FELLOW AND TUTOR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY IN DUBLIN UNIVERfllTY VOL. III. LONDON METHUEN & CO. NEW YORK: MACMILLAN & CO. 1897 3// /,3 A-l \ oirrov aUTOi' tiSai? Kai irapii)5tat5, KaX roU KaAou^eVois (^a^tio-CT-ots {/amosis Hbellis), Johan. Antiochen. in Excerpt. Valesian. p. 845 [Muller, F. G. H. iv. p. 607]. The libels of Antioch may be admitted on very slight evidence. OF THE EOMAK EMPIRE 5 the ambition of some competitor, who might occupy the vacant allegiance of Europe. But he soon received the grateful in- telligence that his authority was acknowledged from the Thracian Bosphorus to the Atlantic ocean. By the first letters which he dispatched from the camp of Mesopotamia he had delegated the military command of Gaul and Illyricum to Malarich, a brave and faithful officer of the nation of the Franks, and to his father-in-law. Count Lucillian, who had formerly distinguished his coiu-age and conduct in the defence of Nisibis. Malarich had declined an office to which he thought himself unequal ; and Lucillian was massacred at Rheims, in an accidental mutiny of the Batavian cohorts.i^ But the moderation of Jovinus, master-general of the cavalry, who forgave the intention of his disgrace, soon appeased the tumult and confirmed the uncertain minds of the soldiers. The oath of fidelity was administered and taken with loyal ac- clamations ; and the deputies of the Western armies i^ saluted their new sovereign as he descended from Mount Taurus to the city of Tyana, in Cappadocia. From Tyana he continued his hasty march to Ancyra, capital of the province of Galatia ; where Jovian assumed, with his infant son, the name and en- signs of the consulship.'^'* Dadastana,''' an obscure town, almost a.d. 364, at an equal distance between Ancyra and Nice, was marked "■""'"^ ^ for the fatal term of his journey and his life. After indulging himself with a plentiful, perhaps an intemperate, supper, he retired to rest ; and the next mOming the emperor Jovian was Death of found dead in his bed. The cause of this sudden death was Feb. it variously understood. By some it was ascribed to the con- sequences of an indigestion, occasioned either by the quantity of the wine, or the quality of the mushrooms, which he had swallowed in the evening. According to others, he was •2 Compare Ammianus (xxv. lo), who omits the name of the Batavians, with Zosimus (1. iii. p. 197 [c. 35]), who removes the scene of action from Rheims to Sirmium. iSQuos capita scholarum ordo castrensis appellat. Ammian. xxv. 10, and Vales, ad locum. " Cujus vagitus, pertinaciter reluctantis, ne in curuli seM veheretur ex more, id quod mox accidit protendebat. Augustus and his successors respectfully solicited a dispensation of age for the sons or nephews whom they raised to the consulship. But the curule chair of the first Brutus had never been dishonoured by an infant. I'The Itinerary of Antoninus fixes Dadastana 125 [/cf. 117] Roman miles from Nice; 117 [leg. 125] from Ancyra. Wesseling, Itinerar. p. 142. The pilgrim of Bordeaux, by omitting some stages, reduces the whole space from 242 to 181 miles. Wesseling, p. 574. [Dadastana, border town between Bithynia and Galatia, seems before Diocletian to have been in Bithynia, but at this time was in Galatia. See Ramsay, Hist. Geography of Asia Minor, p. 241.] 6 THE DECLINE AND FALL suffocated in his sleep by the vapour of charcoal ; which ex- tracted from the walls of the apartment the unwholesome moisture of the fresh plaister." But the want of a regular inquiry into the death of a prince, whose reign and person were soon forgotten, appears to have been the only circumstance which countenanced the malicious whispers of poison and domestic guilt.i^ The body of Jovian was sent to Constanti- nople, to be interred with his predecessors ; and the sad pro- cession was met on the road by his wife Charito, the daughter of Count Lucillian; who still wept the recent death of her father, and was hastening to dry her tears in the embraces of an Imperial husband. Her disappointment and grief were embittered by the anxiety of maternal tenderness. Six weeks before the death of Jovian, his infant son had been placed in the curule chair, adorned with the title of Nobilissimus, and the vain ensigns of the consulship. Unconscious of his fortune, the royal youth, who, from his grandfather, assumed the name of Varronian, was reminded only by the jealousy of the govern- ment that he was the son of an emperor. Sixteen years after- wards he was still alive, but he had already been deprived of an eye ; and his afflicted mother expected every hour that the innocent victim would be torn from her arms, to appease with his blood the suspicions of the reigning prince. ^^ After the death of Jovian, the throne of the Roman world remained ten days i" without a master. The ministers and generals still continued to meet in council ; to exercise their respective functions ; to maintain the public order ; and peace- ably to conduct the ai-my to the city of Nice in Bithynia, which i«See Ammianus (xxv. lo), Eutropius (x. i8), who might likewise be present; Jeroni (torn. i. p. 26, ad Heliodorum [ep. 60]), Orosius (vii. 31), Sozomen (1. vi. c. 6), Zosimus (1. iii, p. 197, 198 [c. 35]), and Zonaras (torn. ii. 1. xiii. p. 28, 29 [c. 14]). We cannot expect a perfect agreement, and we shall not discuss minute differences. I'' Ammianus, unmindful of his usual candour and good sense, compares the death of the harmless Jovian to that of the second Africanus, who had excited the fears and resentment of the popular faction, ischrysostom, tom. i. p. 336, 344, edit. Montfaucon. The Christian orator attempts to comfort a widow by the examples of illustrious misfortunes; and observes that, of nine emperors (including the Caesar Gallus) who had reigned in his time, only two (Constantine and Constantius) died a natural death? Such vague consolations have never wiped away a single tear. 19 Ten days appeared scarcely sufficient for the march and election. But it may be observed : i. That the generals might command the expeditious use of the public posts for themselves, their attendants, and messengers. 2. That the troops, for the e.ase of the cities, marched in many divisions ; and that the head of the column might arrive at Nice, when the rear halted at Ancyra OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 7 was chosen for the place of the election.^o In a solemn as- sembly of the civil and military powers of the empire, the diadem was again unanimously offered to the praefect Sallust. He enjoyed the glory of a second refusal ; and, when the virtues of the father were alleged in favour of his son, the praefect, with the firmness of a disinterested patriot, declared to the electors that the feeble age of the one and the unexperienced youth of the other were equally incapable of the laborious duties of government. Several candidates were proposed, and, after weighing the objections of character or situation, they were successively rejected ; but, as soon as the name of Valentinian was pronounced, the merit of that officer united the suffrages Election and of the whole assembly, and obtained the sincere approbation vaientMan of Sallust himself. Valentinian ^i was the son of count Gratian,22 a native of Cibalis, in Pannonia, who, from an tvinkovoe] obscure condition, had raised himself, by matchless strength and dexterity, to the military commands of Africa and Britain ; from which he retired with an ample fortune and suspicious integrity. The rank and services of Gratian contributed, how- ever, to smooth the first steps of the promotion of his son ; and afforded him an early opportunity of displaying those solid and useful qualifications which raised his character above the ordinary level of his fellow-soldiers. The person of Valen- tinian was tall, graceful, and majestic. His manly countenance, deeply marked with the impression of sense and spirit, "inspired his friends with awe, and his enemies with fear : and, to second the efforts of his undaunted courage, the son of Gratian had inherited the advantages of a strong and healthy constitution. By the habits of chastity and temperance, which restrain the appetites and invigorate the faculties, Valentinian preserved his own, and the public, esteem. The avocations of a military life had diverted his youth from the elegant pursuits of literature ; he was ignorant of the Greek language and the arts of rhetoric ; but, as the mind of the orator was never dis- '^'Ammianus, xxvi. i. Zosimus, 1. iii. p. 198 [c, 36]. Philostorgius, 1. viii. c. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 334. Philostorgius, who appears to have obtained some curious and authentic intelligence, ascribes the choice of Valentinian to the prcefect Sallust [Secundus ; not Sallust], the master-general Arintheus, Dagalaiphus count of the domestics, and the Patrician Datianus, whose pressing recommenda- tions from Ancyra had a weighty influence in the election. 21 Amraianus (xxx. 7, 9), and the younger Victor [Epit. 45], have furnished the portrait of Valentinian ; which naturally precedes and illustrates the history of his reign. [Additional material in Symmachus, Or. i. ; cp. Appendix i.] ^ [Inscription in memory of Gratian C. I. L. 8, 7014.] 8 THE DECLIJNE A^U ±A1^1. concerted by timid perplexity, he was able, as often as the occasion prompted hinif*o deliver his decided sentiments with bold and ready elocjglon. The laws of martial discipline were the only laws *^ he had studied ; and he was soon dis- tinguished by the laborious diligence and inflexible severity with which he discharged and enforced the duties of the camp. In the time of Julian he provoked the danger of disgrace by the contempt which he publicly expressed for the reigning rehgion;23 and it should seem from his subsequent conduct that the indiscreet and unseasonable freedom of Valentinian was the effect of military spirit rather than of Christian zeal. He was pardoned, however, and still employed by a prince who esteemed his merit : 2* and in the various events of the Persian war he improved the reputation which he had already acquired on the banks of the Rhine. The celerity and success with which he executed an important commission recommended him to the favour of Jovian, and to the honourable command of the second school, or company, of Targetteers, of the domestic guards. In the march from Antioch, he had reached his quarters at Ancyra, when he was unexpectedly summoned without guilt, and without intrigue, to assume, in the forty- third year of his age, the absolute government of the Roman empire. Hetaacknow- The invitation of the ministers and generals at Nice was of ™y, ^"'° little moment, unless it were confirmed by the voice of the army. ^tenary26 The aged Sallust, who had long observed the irregular fluctua- tions of popular assemblies, proposed, under pain of death, that none of those persons whose rank in the service might excite a party in their favour should appear in public, on the day of the inauguration. Yet such was the prevalence of ancient superstition that a whole day was voluntarily added to this dangerous interval, because it happened to be the intercalation of the Bissextile.25 At length, when the hour was supposed 23 At Antioch, where he was obliged to attend the emperor to the temple, he struck a priest, who had presumed to purify him with lustral water (Sozomen, 1. vi. c. 6. Theodoret, 1. iii. c. 15 [leg. 12]). Such public defiance might become Valen- tinian ; but it could leave no room for the unworthy delation of the philosopher Maximus, which supposes some more private offence (Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 200, 201 [c. 2]). ^ Socrates, 1. iv. A previous exile to Melitene, or Thebais (the first might be possible), is interposed by Sozomen (1. vi. c. 6) and Philostorgius (1. vii. c. 7, with Godefroy's Dissertations, p. 293). 25 Ammianus, in a long, because unseasonable, digression {xxvi. i and Valesius ad locum), rashly supposes that he understands an astronomical question of which his readers are ignorant. It is treated with more judgment and propriety by Censorinus (de Die Natali, t. 20) and Macrobius (Saturnal. 1. i. cap. 12-16). The OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 9 to be propitious, Valentinian showed himself from a lofty tribunal ; the judicious choice was applauded ; and the new prince was solemnly invested with the diadem and the purple, amidst the acclamations of the troops, who were disposed in martial order round the tribunal. But, when he stretched forth his hand to address the armed multitude, a busy whisper was accidentally started in the ranks, and insensibly swelled into a loud and imperious clamour, that he should name, without delay, a colleague in the empire. The intrepid calmness of Valentinian obtained silence and commanded respect, and he thus addressed the assembly : " A few minutes since it was in your power, fellow-soldiers, to have left me in the obscurity of a private station. Judging, from the testimony of my past life, that I deserved to reign, you have placed me on the throne. It is now my duty to consult the safety and interest of the re- public. The weight of the universe is undoubtedly too great for the hands of a feeble mortal. I am conscious of the limits of my abilities and the uncertainty of my life ; and far from declining, I am anxious to solicit, the assistance of a worthy colleague. But, where discord may be fatal, the choice of a faithful friend requires mature and serious deliberation. That deliberation shall be my care. Let your conduct be dutiful and consistent. Retire to your quarters ; refresh your minds and bodies ; and expect the accustomed donative on the accession of a new emperor." ^^ The astonished troops, with a mixture of pride, of satisfaction, and of terror, confessed the voice of their master. Their angry clamours subsided into silent reverence ; and Valentinian, encompassed with the eagles of the legions and the various banners of the cavalry and infantry, was conducted, in warlike pomp, to the palace of Nice. As he was sensible, however, of the importance of preventing some rash declaration of the soldiers, he consulted the assembly of the chiefs : and their real sentiments were concisely expressed by the generous freedom of Dagalaiphus. " Most excellent prince," said that officer, "if you consider only your family, you have a brother ; if you love the republic, look round for the most deserving of the Romans." ^^ The emperor, who suppressed his appellation of Bissextile, which marks the inauspicious year (Augustin. ad Januarium, Epist. 119), is derived from \h& repetition oiihe sixth lioy of [i.e. before] the calends of March. [Both 24th Feb. and 25th Feb. were called A.D. vi. Kal. Mart.] 26 Valentinian's first speech is full in Ammianus (xxvi. 2) ; concise and sententi- ous in Philostorgius (1. viii. c. 8). ^ Si tuos amas, Imperator optime, habes fratrem ; si Rempublicam, quEere quem vestias. Ammian. xxvi. 4. In the division of the empire, Valentinian retained that sincere counsellor for himself {c. 6). 10 THE DECLINE AND FALL displeasure, without altering his intention, slowly proceeded from Nice to Nicomedia and Constantinople. In one of the suburbs of that capital.^s thirty days after his own elevation, he bestowed the title of Augustus on his brother Valens ; and, as the boldest patriots were convinced that their opposition, without being serviceable to their country, would be fatal to themselves, the declaration of his absolute will was received with silent submission. Valens was now in the thirty-sixth year of his age ; but his abilities had never been exercised in any employment, military or civil ; and his character had not inspired the world with any sanguine expectations. He possessed, however, one quality, which recommended him to Valentinian, and preserved the domestic peace of the empire : a devout and grateful attachment to his benefactor, whose superiority of genius, as well as of authority, Valens humbly and cheerfully acknowledged in every action of his life.^^ Before Valentinian divided the provinces, he reformed the administration of the empire. All ranks of subjects, who had been injured or oppressed under the reign of Julian, were invited to support their public accusations. The silence of mankind attested the spotless integrity of the praefect Sallust ; ^^ and his own pressing solicitations that he might be permitted to retire from the business of the state were rejected by Valentinian with the most honourable expressions of friendship and esteem. But among the favourites of the late emperor there were many who had abused his credulity or superstition, and who could no longer hope to be protected either by favour or justice.^i The greater part of the ministers of the palace and the governors of the provinces were removed from their respective stations ; yet the eminent merit of some oiRcers was distinguished from the obnoxious crowd; and, notwith- standing the opposite clamours of zeal and resentment, the 28 In suburbano, Ammianus, xxvi. 4. The famous Hebdomon, or field of Mars, was distant from Constantinople either seven stadia or seven miles. See Valesius and his brother, ad loc. , and Ducange, Const. 1. ii. p. 140, 141, 17a, 173. [On the Propontis, not at Blachernae, where Ducange put it. See above, vol. ii. Appendix 9. P- 546-] . 29 Partioipem quidem legitimum potestatis ; sed in modum apparitoris morigerum, ut progrediens aperiet textus. Ammian. xxvi. 4. [Formally Valens was fully co- ordinate, cp. Symmachus, Orat. i, 11, Augustum pari iure confirmans.] 3" Notwithstanding the evidence of Zonaras, Suidas, and the Paschal Chronicle, M. de Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, tom, v. p. 671) wishes to disbelieve these stories, si avantageuses A un payen. 3iEunai3ius celebrates and exaggerates the sufferings of Maximus (p. 82, 83 [Commelin's ed. 1616 ; p. 102, ed. 1396]) ; yet he allows that this sophist or magi- cian, the guilty favourite of Julian and the personal enemy of Valentinian, was dismissed on the payment of a small fine. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 11 whole proceedings of this delicate inquiry appear to have been conducted with a reasonable share of wisdom and moderation. ^^ The festivity of a new reign received a short and suspicious interruption from the sudden illness of the two princes ; but, as soon as their health was restored, they left Constantinople in the beginning of the spring. In the castle or palace of Mediana, only three miles from Naissus, they executed the solemn and final division of the Roman empire.'^ Valentinian bestowed on his brother the rich prsefecture of the East, from the Lower Danube to the confines of Persia ; whilst he reserved for his immediate government the warlike prsefectures oi Illyricum, Italy and Gaul, from the extremity of Greece to the Caledonian rampart ; and from the rampart of Caledonia to the foot of Mount Atlas. The provincial administration remained on its former basis ; but a double supply of generals and magistrates was re- quired for two councils and two courts : the division was made with a just regard to their peculiar merit and situation, and seven master-generals were soon created, either of the cavalry or infantry. When this important business had been amicably transacted, Valentinian and Valens embraced for the last time. The emperor of the West established his temporary residence at Milan ; and the emperor of the East returned to Con- stantinople, to assume the dominion of fifty provinces, of whose language he was totally ignorant. 8* The tranquillity of the East was soon disturbed by rebellion ; |J™^' °^ and the throne of Valens was threatened by the daring attempts a^Dj^Js,^^ ^ of a rival, whose affinity to the Emperor Julian ^^ was his sole merit, and had been his only crime. Procopius had been hastily promoted from the obscure station of a tribune and a notary to the joint command of the army of Mesopotamia ; the public opinion already named him as the successor of a prince who was destitute of natural heirs ; and a vain rumour was propagated by his friends, or his enemies, that Julian, before the altar of the Moon, at Carrhae, had privately invested Procopius with the 32 The loose assertions of a general disgrace (Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 201 [c. 2]) are detected and refuted by Tillemont (torn, v. p. 21). '^Ammianus, xxvi. 5. 3-iAmmianus says, in general terms, subagrestis ingenii, nee bellicis nee liberalibus studiis eruditus. Aramian. xxxi. 14. The orator Themistius, with the genuine impertinence of a Greek, wished for the first time to speak the Latin language, the dialect of his sovereign, t'i\v ^liKtuTov Kparodirav. Oral. vi. p. 71. "'The uncertain degree of alliance, or consanguinity, is expressed by the words iveijiias, cognatus, consobrinus (see Valesius ad Ammian. xxiii. 3). The mother of Procopius might be a sister of Basihna and Count Julian, the mother and uncle of the apostate. Ducange, Farn. Byzantin. p. 49. 12 THE DECLINE AND FALL Imperial purple. ^^ He endeavoured, by his dutiful and sub- missive behaviour, to disarm the jealousy of Jovian ; resigned, without a contest, his militaiy command ; and retired, with his wife and family, to cultivate the ample patrimony which he possessed in the province of Cappadocia. These useful and innocent occupations were interrupted by the appearance of an officer, with a band of soldiers, who, in the name of his new sovereigns, Valentinian and Valens, was dispatched to conduct the unfortunate Procopius either to a perpetual prison or an ignominious death. His presence of mind procured him a longer respite and a more splendid fate. Without presuming to dis- pute the royal mandate, he requested the indulgence of a few moments to embrace his weeping family ; and, while the vigilance of his guards was relaxed by a plentiful entertain- ment, he dexterously escaped to the sea-coast of the Euxine, from whence he passed over to the country of Bosphorus. In that sequestered region he remained many months, exposed to the hardships of exile, of solitude, and of want : his melancholy temper brooding over his misfortunes, and his mind agitated by the just apprehension that, if any accident should discover his name, the faithless Barbarians would violate, without much scruple, the laws of hospitality. In a moment of impatience and despair, Procopius embarked in a merchant vessel, which made sail for Constantinople ; and boldly aspired to the rank of a sovereign, because he was not allowed to enjoy the security of a subject. At first he lurked in the villages of Bithynia, continually changing his habitation, and his disguise. ^^ By degrees he ventured into the capital, trusted his life and fortune to the fidelity of two friends, a senator and an eunuch, and conceived some hopes of success from the intelligence which he obtained of the actual state of public affairs. The body of the people was infected with a spirit of discontent : they regretted the justice and the abilities of Sallust, who had been imprudently dismissed from the praefecture of the East. They despised tlie character of Valens, which was rude without vigour and feeble without mildness. They dreaded the influence of his father-in- ™Ammian. xxiii. 3, xxvi. 6. He mentions the report with much hesitation : susurravit obscurior fama ; nemo enim dicti auctor exstitit verus. It serves, how- ever, to marlt that Procopius was a pagan. Yet his religion does not appear to have promoted, or obstructed, his pretensions. 37 One of his retreats was a country-house of Eunomius, the heretic. The master was absent, innocent, ignorant ; yet he narrowly escaped a sentence of death, and was banished into the remote parts of Mauritania (Philostorg. 1. ix. c. S, 8, and Godefroy's Dissert, p. 369-378). OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 13 law, the Patrician Petronius, a cruel and rapacious minister, who rigorously exacted all the arrears of tribute that might remain unpaid since the reign of the emperor Aurelian. The circum- stances were propitious to the designs of an usurper. The hostile measures of the Persians required the presence of Valens in Syria ; from the Danube to the Euphrates the troops were in motion ; and the capital was occasionally filled with the soldiers who passed, or repassed, the Thracian Bosphorus. Two cohorts of Gauls were persuaded to listen to the secret proposals of the conspirators ; which were recommended by the promise of a liberal donative ; and, as they still revered the memory of Julian, they easily consented to support the hereditary claim of his proscribed kinsman. At the dawn of day they were drawn up near the baths of Anastasia ; ^s and Procopius, clothed in a purple garment, more suitable to a player than to a monarch, appeared, as if he rose from the dead, in the midst of Constanti- nople. The soldiers, who were prepared for his reception, saluted their trembling prince with shouts of joy and vows of fidelity. Their numbers were soon increased by a sturdy band of peasants, collected from the adjacent country ; and Pro- copius, shielded by the arms of his adherents, was successively conducted to the tribunal, the senate, and the palace. During the first moments of his tumultuous reign, he was astonished and terrified by the gloomy silence of the people ; who were either ignorant of the cause or apprehensive of the event. But his military strength was superior to any actual resistance : the malcontents flocked to the standard of rebellion ; the poor were excited by the hopes, and the rich were intimidated by the fear, of a general pillage ; and the obstinate credulity of the multitude was once more deceived by the promised advantages of a revolution. The magistrates were seized ; the prisons and arsenals broke open ; the gates, and the entrance of the harbour, were diligently occupied ; and, in a few hours, Procopius became the absolute, though precarious, master of the Imperial city. The usurper improved this unexpected success with some degree of courage and dexterity. He artfully propagated the rumours and opinions the most favourable to his interest ; while he de- luded the populace by giving audience to the frequent, but imaginary, ambassadors of distant nations. The large bodies of troops stationed in the cities of Thrace and the fortresses of the Lower Danube were gradually involved in the guilt of rebellion : 38 [Sister of Constantius. The site seems not to have been determined.] 14 THE DECLINE AND FALL CJovU et vlctores] and the Gothic princes consented to supply the sovereign of Constantinople with the formidable strength of several thousand auxiliaries. His generals passed the Bosphorus, and subdued, [Nov., Dec] without an effort, the unai-med but wealthy provinces of Bithy- nia and Asia. After an honourable defence, the city and island of Cyzicus yielded to his power ; the renowned legions of the Jovians and Herculians embraced the cause of the usurper whom they were ordered to crush ; and, as the veterans were con- tinually augmented with new levies, he soon appeared at the head of an army whose valour, as well as numbers, were not un- equal to the greatness of the contest. The son of Hormisdas,^'' a youth of spirit and ability, condescended to draw his sword against the lawful emperor of the East ; and the Persian prince was immediately invested with the ancient and extraordinary powers of a Roman Proconsul. The alliance of Faustina, the widow of the emperor Constantius, who intrusted herself and her daughter to the hands of the usurper, added dignity and reputation to his cause. The princess Constantia, who was then about five years of age, accompanied in a litter the march of the army. She was shewn to the multitude in the arms of her adopted father ; and, as often as she passed through the ranks, the tenderness of the soldiers was inflamed into martial fury : *" they recollected the glories of the house of Constantine, and they declared, with loyal acclamation, that they would shed the last drop of their blood in the defence of the royal infant." In the meanwhile, Valentinian was alarmed and perplexed by the doubtful intelligence of the revolt of the East. The difficulties of a German war forced him to confine his immediate care to the safety of his own dominions ; and, as every channel of communication was stopt or corrupted, he listened, with doubtful anxiety, to the rumours which were industriously spread, that the defeat and death of Valens had left Procopius HlB defeat and death. A.D. 366, Hay 28 lie}. 27] 29 Hormisdae maturo juveni, Hormisdse regalis illius filio, potestatem I^ocon- sulis detulit; et civilia, more veterum, et bella recturo. Ammian. xxvi. 8. The Persian prince escaped with honour and safety, and was afterwards (a.d. 380) restored to the same extraordinary office of proconsul of Bithynia {Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, torn. ■!. p. 204). I am ignorant whether the race of Sassan was propagated. I find (a.d. 514) a pope Hormisdas ; but he was a native of Frusino, in Italy {Pagi, Brev. Pontific. torn. i. p. 247). ^1 The infant rebel was afterwards the wife of the Emperor Gratian ; but she died young and childless. See Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 48, 59. ^iSequimini culminis summi prosapiam was the language of Procopius, who affected to despise the obscure birth and fortuitous election of the upstart Pan- nonian. Ammian. xxvi. 7. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 15 sole master of the eastern provinces. Valens was not dead : but, on the news of the rebellion, which he received at Caesarea, he basely despaired of his life and fortune ; proposed to ne- gotiate with the usurper, and discovered his secret inclination to abdicate the Imperial purple. The timid monarch was saved from disgrace and ruin by the firmness of his ministers, and their abilities soon decided in his favour the event of the civil war. In a season of tranquillity, Sallust had resigned without a murmur ; but, as soon as the public safety was at-^ tacked, he ambitiously solicited the pre-eminence of toil and danger ; and the restoration of that virtuous minister to the praefecture of the East was the first step which indicated the repentance of Valens and satisfied the minds of the people. The reign of Procopius was apparently supported by powerful armies and obedient provinces. But many of the principal ofiicers, military as well as civil, had been urged, either by motives of duty or interest, to withdraw themselves from the guilty scene ; or to watch the moment of betraying and desert- ing the cause of the usurper. Lupicinus advanced, by hasty marches, to bring the legions of Syria to the aid of Valens. Arintheus, who, in strength, beauty, and valour, excelled all the heroes of the age, attacked with a small troop a superior body of the rebels. When he beheld the faces of the soldiers who had served under his banner, he commanded them, with a loud voice, to seize and deliver up their pretended leader ; and such was the ascendant of his genius that this extraordinary order was instantly obeyed. *2 Arbetio, a respectable veteran of the great Constantine, who had been distinguished by the honours of the consulship, was persuaded to leave his retire- ment, and once more to conduct an army into the field. In the heat of action, calmly taking off his helmet, he shewed his grey hairs, and venerable countenance ; saluted the soldiers of Procopius by the endearing names of children and companions, and exhorted them, no longer to support the desperate cause of a contemptible tyrant ; but to follow their old commander, who had so often led them to honour and victory. In the two ^2Et dedignatus hominem superare certamine despicabilem, auctoritatis et celsi fiducia corporis, ipsis hostibus jussit suum vincire rectorem : atque ita turmarura antesignanus umbratilis comprensus suorum manibus. The strength and beauty of Arintheus, the new Hercules, are celebrated by St. Basil, who supposes that God had created him as an inimitable model of the human species. The painters and sculptors could not express his figure : the historians appeared fabulous when they related his exploits (Ammian. xxvi. [8] and Vales, ad. loc). 16 THE DECLINE AND FALL engagements of Thyatira *3 and Nacolia, the unfortunate Pro- copius was deserted by his troops, who were seduced by the instructions and example of their perfidious officers. After wandering some time among the woods and mountains of Phrygia, he was betrayed by his desponding followers, conducted to the Imperial camp, and immediately beheaded. He suffered the ordinary fate of an unsuccessful usurper ; but the acts of cruelty which were exercised by the conqueror, under the forms of legal justice, excited the pity and indignation of mankind.^* Such indeed are the common and natural fruits of despotism and rebellion. But the inquisition into the crime of magic, which, under the reign of the two brothers, was so rigorously prosecuted both at Rome and Antioch, was interpreted as the fatal symptom either of the displeasure of heaven or of the de- pravity of mankind.** Let us not hesitate to indulge a liberal pride that in the present age the enlightened part of Europe has abolished*" a cruel and odious prejudice, which reigned in every climate of the globe and adhered to every system of religious opinions.*^ The nations and the sects of the Roman world admitted with equal credulity and similar abhorrence the reality of that infernal art *^ which was able to control the ^3 The same field of battle is placed by Ammianus in Lycia, and by Zosimus at Thyatira, which are at the distance of 150 miles from each other. But Thyatira alluitur Lyco (Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 31. Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. t. ii. p. 79); and the transcribers might easily convert an obscure river into a vcell-known province. [Ammianus does not mention the battle of Thyatira, and merely says : ire tendebat ad Lyciam. Nacolia is now Seidi Ghazi.] ^iThe adventures, usurpation, and fall of Procopius are related, in a regular series, by Ammianus (xxvi. 6, 7, 8, g, 10) and Zosimus (1. iv. p. 203-216 [c. 4-8]). They often illustrate, and seldom contradict, each other. Themistius (Orat. vii. p. 91, 95) adds some base panegyric ; and Eunapius (p. 83, 84 [Miiller iv. p. 26, 27]) some malicious satire. [For date of defeat see Idatius Fast, cons., ed. Mommsen, Chron. Min. i. p. 241. See also account in Ssonmachus, Or. i. 17 sff.] *■ Libanius de ulciscend. Julian, nece, c. ix. p. 158, 159. The sophist deplores the public frenzy, but he does not (after their deaths) impeach the justice of the emperors. [Milman observes, "The persecution against philosophers and their libraries was carried on with so much fury that from this time (A.D. 374) the names of the Gentile philosophers became almost extinct, and the Christian philo- sophy and religion, especially in the East, established their ascendancy".] 48 The French and English lawyers of the present age allow the iAeory, and deny ^& practice, of witchcraft. Denisart, Recueil des D&isions de Jurisprudence, au mot Sorciers, t. iv. p. 553. Blackstone's Commentaries, vol iv. p. 60. As private reason always prevents or outstrips public wisdom, the president Montes- quieu (Esprit des Loix, 1. xii. c. 5, 6) rejects the existence of magic. 4' See Oeuvres de Bayle, tom. iii. p. 567-589. The sceptic of Rotterdam ex- hibits, according to his custom, a strange medley of loose knowledge and lively wit. « The pagans distinguished between good and bad magic, the Theurgic and the Goetic (Hist, de I'Acad^mie, &c., t. vii. p. 25). But they could not have defended this obscure distinction against the acute logic of Bayle. In the Jewish and Christian system all demons are infernal spirits, and all commerce with them is idolatry, apostacy, &c., which deserves death and damnation. [For ancient magic, consult L. F. A. Maury, La magie et I'astrologie dans I'antiquitd, i860.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 17 eternal order of the planets and the voluntary operations of the human mind. They dreaded the mysterious power of spells and incantations, of potent herbs, and execrable rites ; which could extinguish or recall life, inflame the passions of the soul, blast the works of creation, and extort from the reluctant demons the secrets of futurity. They beheved, with the wildest inconsistency, that this preternatural dominion of the air, of earth, and of hell, was exercised, from the vilest motives of malice or gain, by some wrinkled hags and itinerant sorcerers, who passed their obscure lives in penury and contempt.*^ The arts of magic were equally condemned by the public opinion and by the laws of Rome ; but, as they tended to gratify the most imperious passions of the heart of man, they were con- tinually proscribed, and continually practised,^" An imaginary cause is capable of producing the most serious and mischievous effects. The dark predictions of the death of an emperor, or the success of a conspiracy, were calculated only to stimulate the hopes of ambition and to dissolve the ties of fidelity ; and the intentional guilt of magic was aggravated by the actual crimes of treason and sacrilege.*^ Such vain terrors disturbed the peace of society and the happiness of individuals ; and the harmless flame which insensibly melted a waxen image might derive a powerful and pernicious energy from the affrighted fancy of the person whom it was maliciously, designed to re- present.52 From the infusion of those herbs which were *> The Canidia of Horace (Carm. 1. v. od. 5 with Dacier's and Sanadon's illustra- tions) is a vulgar witch. The Erichtho of Lucan (Pharsal. vi. 430-830) is tedious, disgusting, but sometimes sublime. She chides the delay of the Furies, and threatens, with tremendous obscurity, to pronounce their real names, to reveal the true infernal countenance of Hecate, to involje the secret powers that lie ielow hell, &c. ™ Genus hominum potentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur^ semper at retinebitur. Tacit. Hist. i. 22. See Augustin. de Civitate Dei, 1. viii. c. 19, and the Theodosian Code, 1. ix. tit. xvi. with Godefroy's Commentary. 5' The persecution of Antioch was occasioned by a criminal consultation. The twenty-four letters of the alphabet were arranged round a magic tripod ; and a dancing ring, which had been placed in the centre, pointed to the first four letters in the name of the future emperor, 0. B. O. A. Theodoras (perhaps with many others who owned the fatal syllables) was executed. Theodosius succeeded. Lardner (Hea'hen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 353-372) has copiously and fairly e.x- amined this dark transaction of the reign of Valens. •■2 Limus ut hie durescit, et hasc ut cera hquescit Uno eodemque igni Virgil. Bucolic, viii. 80. Devovet absentes, simulacraque cerea figit. Ovid, in Epist. Hypsip. ad Jason. [Her. vi.] 91. Such vain incantations could affect the mind and increase the disease of Germani- cus. Tacit. Annal. ii. 69. VOL. III. 2 18 THE DECLINE AND FALL supposed to possess a supernatural influence it was an easy step to the use of more substantial poison ; and the folly of mankind sometimes became the instrument, and the mask, of the most atrocious crimes. As soon as the zeal of informers was en- couraged by the ministers of Valens and Valentinian, they could not refuse to listen to another charge, too frequently mingled in the scenes of domestic guilt ; a charge of a softer and less malignant nature, for which the pious, though excessive, rigour of Constantine had recently decreed the punishment of death.^s This deadly and incoherent mixture of treason and magic, of poison and adultery, afforded infinite gradations of guilt and innocence, of excuse and aggravation, which in these proceedings appear to have been confounded by the angry or corrupt passions of the judges. They easily discovered that the degree of their industiy and discernment was estimated, by the Im- perial court, according to the number of executions that were furnished from their respective tribunals. It was not without extreme reluctance that they pronounced a sentence of ac- quittal ; but they eagerly admitted such evidence as was stained with perjury, or procured by torture, to prove the most im- probable charges against the most respectable characters. The progress of the inquiry continually opened new subjects of crimi- nal prosecution ; the audacious informer, whose falsehood was detected, retired with impunity ; but the wretched victim, who discovered his real or pretended accomplices, was seldom per- mitted to receive the price of his infamy. From the extremity of Italy and Asia, the young and the aged were dragged in chains to the tribunals of Rome and Antioch. Senators, matrons, and philosophers expired in ignominious and cruel tortures. The soldiers, who were appointed to guard the prisons, declared, with a murmur of pity and indignation, that their numbers were insufficient to oppose the flight or resistance of the multitude of captives. The wealthiest families were ruined by fines and confiscations ; the most innocent citizens trembled for their safety ; and we may form some notion of the magnitude of the evil from the extravagant assertion of an ancient writer that, in the obnoxious provinces, the prisoners, the exiles, and the fugitives formed the greatest part of the inhabitants.^* "3 See Heineccius Antiquitat. Juris Roman, torn. ii. p. 353, &c. Cod. Theo- dosian. 1, ix. tit. 7 with Godefroy's Commentary. "The cruel persecution of Rome and Antioch is described, and most probably exaggerated, by Ammianus (xxviii. i, xxix. i, 2), and Zosimus (1. iv. p. 216-218 OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 19 When Tacitus describes the deaths of the innocent and ihB cruelty of illustrious Romans, who were sacrificed to the cruelty of the ami'vaieni, first Caesars, the art of the historian, or the merit of the ^■"' '°*''"' sufFererSj excite in our breasts the most lively sensations of terror, of admiration, and of pity. The coarse and undis- tinguishing pencil of Ammianus has delineated his bloody figures with tedious and disgusting accuracy. But, as our attention is no longer engaged by the contrast of freedom and servitude, of recent greatness and of actual misery, we should turn with horror from the frequent executions which disgraced, both at Rome and Antioch, the reign of the two brothers.^* Valens was of a timid, ''^ and Valentinian of a choleric, disposition.*'' An anxious regard to his personal safety was the ruling principle of the administration of Valens. In the condition of a subject, he had kissed, with trembling awe, the hand of the oppressor ; and, when he ascended the throne, he reasonably expected that the same fears which had subdued his own mind would secure the patient submission of his people. The favourites of Valens obtained, by the privilege of rapine and confiscation, the wealth which his economy would have refused.*^ They urged, with persuasive eloquence, that, in all cases of treason, suspicion is equivalent to proof; that the power, supposes the intention, of mischief; that the intention is not less criminal than the act ; and that a subject no longer deserves to live, if his life may threaten the safety, or disturb the repose, of his sovereign. The judgment of Valentinian was sometimes deceived and his confidence abused ; but he would have silenced the informers with a contemptuous smile, had they presumed to alarm his fortitude by the sound of danger. They [c. 13]). The philosopher Maximus, with some justice, was involved in the charge of magic (Eunapius in Vit. Sophist, p. 88, 89 [ed. Commelin, 1616]) ; and young Chrysostom, who had accidently found one of the proscribed books, gave himself for lost. Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 340. 5' Consult the six last books of Ammianus, and more particularly the portraits of the two royal brothers (xxx. 8, 9, xxxi. 14). Tillemont has collected (tom. v. p. 12-18, p. 127-133) from all antiquity their virtues and vices. ^ The younger Victor asserts [Epit. 46] that he was valde timidus : yet he behaved, as almost every man would do, with decent resolution at the head of an army. The same historian attempts to prove that his anger was harmless. Ammianus observes [31, 14] with more candour and judgment, incidentia crimina ad contemptam vel lassam principis amplitudinem trahens, in sanguinem sseviebat. '''Cum esset ad acerbitatem naturas calore propensior . . . pcenas per ignes augebat et gladios. Ammian. xxx. 8. See xxvii. 7. 58 1 have transferred the reproach of avarice from Valens to his servants. Avarice more properly belongs to ministers than to kings ; in whom that passion is commonly extinguished by absolute possession. 20 THE DECLINE AND FALL praised his inflexible love of justice ; and, in the pursuit of justice, the emperor was easily tempted to consider clemency as a weakness and passion as a virtue. As long as he wrestled with his equals, in the bold competition of an active and ambi- tious hfe, Valentinian was seldom injured, and never insulted, with impunity; if his prudence was arraigned, his spirit was applauded ; and the proudest and most powerful generals were apprehensive of provoking the resentment of a fearless soldier. After he became master of the world, he unfortunately forgot that, where no resistance can be made, no courage can be ex- erted ; and, instead of consulting the dictates of reason and magnanimity, he indulged the furious emotions of his temper at a time when they were disgraceful to himself and fatal to the defenceless objects of his displeasure. In the government of his household, or of his empire, sUght, or even imaginary, offences, a hasty word, a casual omission, an involuntary delay, were chastised by a sentence of immediate death. The ex- pressions which issued the most readily from the mouth of the emperor of the West were, " Strike off his head" ; "Bum him alive " ; " Let him be beaten with clubs till he expires " ; ^^ and his most favoured ministers soon understood that, by a rash attempt to dispute, or suspend, the execution of his sanguinary commands, they might involve themselves in the guilt and punishment of disobedience. The repeated gratification of this savage justice hardened the mind of Valentinian against pity and remorse ; and the sallies of passion were confirmed by the habits of cruelty.^" He could behold with calm satisfaction the convulsive agonies of torture and death : he reserved his friendship for those faithful servants whose temper was the most congenial to his own. The merit of Maximin, who had slaughtered the noblest families of Rome, was rewarded with the royal approbation and the prefecture of Gaul. Two fierce and enormous bears, distinguished by the appellations of In- nocence and Mica Anrea, could alone deserve to share the favour ™He sometimes expressed a sentence of death with a tone of pleasantry: " Abi, Comes, et muta ei caput, qui sibi mutari provinciam cupit ". A boy, who had slipped too hastily a Spartan hound ; an armourer, who had made a pohshed cuirass that wanted some grains of the legitimate weight, &c. , were the victims of his fury. «» The innocents of Milan were an agent and three apparitors, whom Valentinian condemned for signifying a legal summons. Ammianus (xxvii. 7) strangely supposes that all who had been unjustly executed were worshipped as martyrs by the Christians. His impartial silence does not allow us to believe that the great chamberlain Rhodanus was burnt alive for an act of oppression (Chron. Paschal, p. 302 [i. 558. ed. Bonn]). OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 21 of Maximin. The cages of those trusty guards were always placed near the bed-chamber of Valentinian, who frequently amused his eyes with the grateful spectacle of seeing them tear and devour the bleeding limbs of the malefactors who were abandoned to their rage. Their diet and exercises were carefully inspected by the Roman emperor ; andj when Innocence had earned her discharge by a long course of meritorious service, the faithful animal was again restored to the freedom of her native woods.^i But in the calmer moments of reflection, when the mind ofiiieiriaws Valens was not agitated by fear, or that of Valentinian by rage, mm^"""™' the tjn-ant resumed the sentiments, or at least the conduct, of the father of his country. The dispassionate judgment of the Western emperor could clearly perceive, and accurately pursue, his own and the piiblic interest ; and the sovereign of the East, who imitated with equal docility the various examples which he received from his elder brother, was sometimes guided by the wisdom and virtue of the prsefect Sallust. Both princes invariably retained, in the purple, the chaste and temperate simplicity which had adorned their private life ; and, under their reign, the pleasures of the court never cost the people a blush or a sigh. They gradually reformed many of the abuses of the times of Constantius ; judiciously adopted and improved the designs of Julian and his successor; and displayed a style and spirit of legislation which might inspire posterity with the most favourable opinion of their character and govern- ment. It is not from the master of Innocence that we should expect the tender regard for the welfare of his subjects which prompted Valentinian to condemn the exposition of new- born infants ; ^^ and to establish fourteen skilful physicians, with stipends and privileges, in the fourteen quarters of Rome. The good sense of an illiterate soldier founded an useful and liberal institution for the education of youth, and the support of de- clining science."^ It was his intention that the arts of rhetoric ^ Ut bene meritam in silvas jussit abiri Innoxiam. Ammian. xxix. 3, and Valesius ad locum, *2 See the Code of Justinian, 1. viii. tit. lii. leg. 2. Unusquisque sobolem suam nutriat. Quod si exponendam putaverit animadversioni quae constituta est subjacebit. For the present I shall not interfere in the dispute between Noodt and Binkershoek ; how far, or how long, this unnatural practice had been condemned or abolished by law, philosophy, and the more civilized state of society. [C. Theod. ix. 14, i.] ^^ These salutary institutions are explained in the Theodosian Code, 1. xiii. t. iii. De professoribus et Medicis, andl. xiv. tit. ix. De Studiis liheralibus Urbis RoincB. Besides our usual gtiide(Godefroy), we may consult Giannone (Istoria di Napoli. tom. i. p. 105-111), who has treated the interesting subject with the zeal and curiosity of a man of letters who studies his domestic history. 22 THE DECLINE AND FALL and grammar should be taught in the Greek and Latin languages in the metropolis of every province ; and as the size and dignity of the school was usually proportioned to the importance of the city, the academies of Rome and Constan- tinople claimed a just and singular pre-eminence. The frag- ments of the literaiy edicts of Valentinian imperfectly represent the school of Constantinople, virhich was gradually improved by subsequent regulations. That school consisted of thirty-one professors in different branches of learning. One philosopher, and two lawyers ; five sophists and ten grammarians for the Greek, and three orators and ten grammarians for the Latin, tongue ; besides seven scribes, or, as they were then styled, antiquarians, whose laborious pens supplied the public library with fair and correct copies of the classic writers. The rule of conduct, which was prescribed to the students, is the more curious, as it affords the first outlines of the form and discipline of a modem university. It was required that they should bring proper certificates from the magistrates of their native province. Their names, professions, and places of abode were regularly entered in a public register. The studious youth were severely prohibited from wasting their time in feasts or in the theatre ; and the term of their education was limited to the age of twenty. The prefect of the city was empowered to chastise the idle and refractory, by stripes or expulsion ; and he was directed to make an annual report to the master of the offices, that the knowledge and abilities of the scholars might be usefully applied to the public service. The institutions of Valentinian contributed to secure the benefits of peace and plenty ; and the cities were guarded by the establishment of the Dcfensors,'^^ freely elected as the tribunes and advocates of the people, to support their rights and to expose their grievances before the tribunals of the civil magistrates, or even at the foot of the Imperial throne. The finances were diligently administered by two princes, who had been so long accustomed to the rigid economy of a private fortune ; but in the receipt and application of the revenue a discerning eye might observe some difference between the government of the East and of the West. Valens was persuaded that royal liberality can be supplied only by public oppression, and his ambition never aspired to secure, by their actual distress, the future strengtk "^Cod. Theodos. 1. i. tit. xi. with Godefroy's Paratitlon^ which diligently gleans from the rest of the code. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 23 and prosperity of his people. Instead of increasing the weight of taxeSj which, in the space of forty years, had been gradually doubled, he reduced, in the first years of his reign, one-fourth of the tribute of the East.''^ Valentinian appears to have been less attentive and less anxious to relieve the burthens of his people. He might reform the abuses of the fiscal administra- tion ; but he exacted, without scruple, a very large share of the private property ; as he was convinced that the revenues, which supported the luxury of individuals, would be much more advantageously employed for the defence and improvement of the state. The subjects of the East, who enjoyed the present benefit, applauded the indulgence of their prince. The solid, but less splendid, merit of Valentinian was felt and acknowledged by the subsequent generation."^ But the most honourable circumstance of the character of valentinian Valentinian is the firm and temperate impartiality which heti>« uniformly preserved in an age of religious contention. His touratton. strong sense, unenlightened, but uncorrupted, by study, declined, with respectful indifference, the subtle questions of theological debate. The government of the Earth claimed his vigilance and satisfied his ambition ; and, while he remembered that he was the disciple of the church, he never forgot that he was the sovereign of the clergy. Under the reign of an apostate, he had signalised his zeal for the honour of Christianity: he allowed to his subjects the privilege which he had assumed for himself; and they might accept, with gratitude and con- fidence, the general toleration which was granted by a prince addicted to passion, but incapable of fear or of disguise.*^ The Pagans, the Jews, and all the various sects which acknow- ledged the divine authority of Christ were protected by the laws from arbitrary power or popular insult ; nor was any mode 85 Three lines from Ammianus (xxxi. 14) countenance a whole oration of Themistius (viii. p. 101-120), full of adulation, pedantry, and common-place morality. The eloquent M. Thomas (tom. i. p. 366-396) has amused himself with celebrating the virtues and genius of Themistius, who was not unworthy of the age in which he lived. ""Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 202 [c. 3]. Ammian. xxx. g. His reformation of costly abuses might entitle him to the praise of : in provinciales admodum parcus, tributorum ubique molliens sarcinas. By some, his frugality was styled avarice (Jerom. Chron. p. i86). ^ Testes sunt leges a me in exordio Imperii mei datae : quibus unicuique quod animo imbibisset colendi libera facultas tributa est. Cod. Theodos. 1. ix. tit. xvi. leg. g. To this declaration of Valentinian we may add the various testimonies of Ammianus {xxx. 9), Zosimus (1. iv. p. 204 [c. 3]), and Sozomen (1. vi. c. 7, 21). Baronius would naturally blame such rational toleration (Annal. Eccles. a.d, 370, No. 129-132, A.D. 376, No, 3, 4). 24 THE DECLINE AND FALL of worship prohibited by Valentinian, except those secret and criminal practices which abused the name of religion for the dark purposes of vice and disorder. The art of magic, as it was more cruelly punished, was more strictly proscribed ; but the emperor admitted a formal distinction to protect the ancient methods of divination, which were approved by the senate and exercised by the Tuscan haruspices. He had condemned, with the consent of the most rational Pagans, the licence of nocturnal sacrifices ; but he immediately admitted the petition of Prsetextatus, proconsul of Achaia, who repre- sented that the life of the Greeks would become dreaiy and comfortless, if they were deprived of the invaluable blessing of the Eleusinian mysteries. Philosophy alone can boast (and perhaps it is no more than the boast of philosophy), that her gentle hand is able to eradicate from the human mind the latent and deadly principle of fanaticism. But this truce of twelve years, which was enforced by the wise and vigorous government of Valentinian, by suspending the repetition of mutual injuries, contributed to soften the manners, and abate the prejudices, of the religious factions. The friend of toleration was unfortunately placed at a distance from the scene of the fiercest controversies. As soon as the Christians of the West had extricated themselves from the snares of the creed of Rimini, they happily relapsed into the slumber of orthodoxy ; and the small remains of the Arian party that still subsisted at Sirmium or Milan might be considered rather as objects of contempt than of resentment. But in the provinces of the East, from the Euxine to the extremity of Thebais, the strength and numbers of the hostile factions were more equally balanced ; and this equality, instead of recom- mending the counsels of peace, served only to perpetuate the horrors of religious war. The monks and bishops supported their arguments by invectives ; and their invectives were some- times followed by blows. Athanasius still reigned at Alexandria ; the thrones of Constantinople and Antioch were occupied by Arian prelates, and every episcopal vacancy was the occasion of a popular tumult. The Homoousians were fortified by the reconciliation of fifty-nine Macedonian, or Semi- Arian, bishops; but their secret reluctance to embrace the divinity of the Holy Ghost clouded the splendour of the triumph : and the declara- tion of Valens, who, in the first years of his reign, had imitated the impartial conduct of his brother, was an important victory on the side of Arianism. The two brothers had passed their OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 25 private life in the condition of catechumens ; but the piety of Valens prompted him to solicit the sacrament of baptism, before he exposed his person to the dangers of a Gothic war. He naturally addressed himself to Eudoxus/* bishop of the Imperial city ; and, if the ignorant monarch was instructed by that Arian pastor in the principles of heterodox theology, his misfortune, rather than his guilt, was the inevitable consequence of his erroneous choice. Whatever had been the determination of the emperor, he must have offended a numerous party of his Christian subjects ; as the leaders both of the Homoousians and of the Arians believed that, if they were not suffered to reign, they were most cruelly injured and oppressed. After he had taken this decisive step, it was extremely difficult for him to preserve either the virtue or the reputation of impartiality. He never aspired, like Constantius, to the fame of a profound theologian ; but, as he had received with simplicity and respect the tenets of Eudoxus, Valens resigned his conscience to the direction of his ecclesiastical guides, and promoted, by the influence of his authority, the re-union of the Athanasian heretics to the body of the catholic church. At first, he pitied their blindness ; by degrees he was provoked at their obstinacy ; and he insensibly hated those sectaries to whom he was an object of hatred.^" The feeble mind of Valens was always swayed by the persons with whom he familiarly conversed ; and the exile or imprison- ment of a private citizen are the favours the most readily granted in a despotic court. Such punishments were frequently inflicted on the leaders of the Homoousian party ; and the misfortune of fourscore ecclesiastics of Constantinople, who, perhaps accident- ally, were burnt on shipboard, was imputed to the cruel and premeditated malice of the emperor and his Arian ministers. In every contest, the catholics (if we may anticipate that name) were obliged to pay the penalty of their own faults, and of those of their adversaries. In every election, the claims of the Arian candidate obtained the preference ; and, if they were opposed by the majority of the people, he was usually supported by the authority of the civil magistrate, or even by the terrors of a military force. The enemies of Athanasius attempted to disturb 68 Eudoxus was of a mild and timid disposition. When he baptised Valens (a.d. 367), he must have been extremely old ; since he had studied theology fifty- five years before, under Lucian, a learned and pious martyr. Philostorg. 1, ii. c. 14-16, 1. iv. c. 4, with Godefroy, p. 82, 206, and Tillemont, M^m Eccl6s. torn. v. p. 474-480, &c. 89 Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xxv. [=33] p. 432 [ap. Migne, vol. 36, p. 217 sjq.']) in- sults the persecuting spirit of the Arians, as an infallible symptom of error and heresy. 26 THE DECLINE AND FALL the last years of his venerable age ; and his temporary retreat to his father's sepulchre has been celebrated as a fifth exile. But the zeal of a great people who instantly flew to arms, intimi- ' dated the praefect ; and the archbishop was permitted to end his life in peace and in glory, after a reign of forty-seven years. The death of Athanasius was the signal of the persecution of Egypt ; and the Pagan minister of Valens, who forcibly seated the worthless Lucius on the archiepiscopal throne, purchased the favour of the reigning party by the blood and sufferings of their Christian brethren. The free toleration of the heathen and Jewish worship was bitterly lamented, as a circumstance which aggravated the misery of the catholics and the guilt of the impious tyrant of the East.''" The triumph of the orthodox party has left a deep stain of persecution on the memory of Valens ; and the character of a prince who derived his virtues, as well as his vices, from a feeble understanding and a pusillanimous temper scarcely deserves the labour of an apology. Yet candour may discover some reasons to suspect that the ecclesiastical ministers of Valens often exceeded the orders, or even the intentions, of their master ; and that the real measure of facts has been very liberally magnified by the vehement declamation and easy credulity of his antagonists.'! 1. The silence of Valentinian may suggest a probable argu- ment, that the partial severities, which were exercised in the name and provinces of his colleague, amounted only to some obscure and inconsiderable deviations from the established system of religious toleration : and the judicious historian, who has praised the equal temper of the elder brother, has not thought himself obliged to contrast the tranquillity of the West with the cruel persecution of the East.'^ 2_ Whatever credit may be allowed to vague and distant reports, the character, or at least the behaviour, of Valens may be most distinctly seen in his personal transactions with the eloquent Basil, archbishop of Caesarea, who had succeeded Athanasius in the management of ™ This sketch of the ecclesiastical government of Valens is drawn from Socrates (1. IV.), Sozomen (1. VI.), Theodoret {1. iv.), and the immense compilations of lillemont (particularly tom. vi. viii. and ix.). " Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 78) has already conceived and intimated the same suspicion. ''- This reflection is so obvious and forcible that Orosius (1. vii c -iz i,-^) delays the persecution till after the death of Valentinian. Socrates, on the other hand suppos^ (1. 111. [leg. IV.] c. 32) that it was appeased by a philosophical oration. ??r»»iJ n""'^'"^ P™"°""«d in the year 374 (Orat. xii. p. 154, in Latin only [Greek in Dindorf s ed.]). Such contradictions diminish the evidence, and reduce the term, of the persecution of Valens. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 27 the Trinitarian cause.''^^ The circumstantial narrative has been composed by the friends and admirers of Basil ; and, as soon as we have stripped away a thick coat of rhetoric and miracle, we shall be astonished by the unexpected mildness of the Arian tyrant, who admired the firmness of his character, or was apprehensive, if he employed violence, of a general revolt in the province of Cappadocia. The archbishop, who asserted, with inflexible pride, ^* the truth of his opinions and the dignity of his rank, was left in the free possession of his conscience and his throne. The emperor devoutly assisted at the solemn service of the cathedral ; and, instead of a sentence of banishment, subscribed the donation of a valuable estate for the use of an hospital which 'Basil had lately founded in the neighbourhood of Caesarea.''' 3. I am not able to discover that any law (such as Theodosius afterwards enacted against the Arians) was pub- lished by Valens against the Athanasian sectaries ; and the edict which excited the most violent clamours may not appear so extremely reprehensible. The emperor had observed that several of his subjects, gratifying their lazy disposition under the pretence of religion, had associated themselves with the monks of Egypt ; and he directed the count of the East to drag them from their solitude ; and to compel those deserters of society to accept the fair alternative of renouncing their tem- poral possessions or of discharging the public duties of men and citizens.'" The ministers of Valens seem to have extended the sense of this penal statute, since they claimed a right of enlisting the young and able-bodied monks in the Imperial armies. A detachment of cavalry and infantry, consisting of three thousand men, marched from Alexandria into the adjacent desert of 'STillemont, whom I follow and abridge, has extracted (M^m. EccWs. torn, viii. p. 153-167) the most authentic circumstances from the Panegyrics of the two Gregories : the brother, and the friend, of Basil. The letters of Basil himself (Dupin, Bibliothfeque EccWsiastique, tom. ii. p. 155-180) do not present the image of a very lively persecution. "Basilius Csesariensis episcopus Cappadocise clarus habetur. . . qui multa continentise et ingenii bona uno superbise malo perdidit. This irreverent passage is perfectly in the style and char,^cter of St. Jerom. It does not appear in Scahger's edition of his Chronicle ; but Isaac Vossius found it in some old Mss. which had not been reformed by the monks [ad ann. 2392, cp. note in Migne's edition, 8, p. 699]. '" This noble and charitable foundation (almost a new city) surpassed in merit, if not in greatness, the pyramids, or the walls of Babylon. It was principally intended for the reception of lepers (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. xx. [=43] p. 439 [c. 63]). ^6 Cod. Theodos. 1. xii. tit. i. leg. 63. Godefroy (tom. iv. p. 409-413) performs the duty of a commentator and advocate. Tillemont (M^m. Ecclls. tom. viii. p. 808) mpfoses a second law to excuse his orthodox friends, who had misrepresented the edict of Valens and suppressed the liberty of choice. of the clersy. A.D. 370 28 THE DECLINE AND FALL Nitria/^ which was peopled by five thousand monks. The soldiers were conducted by Arian priests ; and it is reported that a considerable slaughter was made in the monasteries which disobeyed the commands of their sovereign.'® vaieitinian The Strict regulations which have been framed by the wisdom the'avSco of modcm legislators to restrain the wealth and avarice of the clergy may be originally deduced from the example of the emperor Valentinian. His edict ™ addressed to Damasus, bishop of Rome, was publicly read in the churches of the city. He admonished the ecclesiastics and monks not to frequent the houses of widows and virgins ; and menaced their disobedience with the animadversion of the civil judge. The director was no longer permitted to receive any gift, or legacy, or inheritance, from the liberality of his spiritual daughter ; every testament contrary to this edict was declared null and void ; and the illegal donation was confiscated for the use of the treasury. By a subsequent regulation it should seem that the same provisions were extended to nuns and bishops ; and that all persons of the ecclesiastical order were rendered incapable of receiving any testamentary gifts, and strictly confined to the natural and legal rights of inheritance. As the guardian of domestic happiness and virtue, Valentinian applied this severe remedy to the grow- ing evil. In the capital of the empire, the females of noble and opulent houses possessed a very ample share of independent property : and many of those devout females had embraced th^ doctrines of Christianity, not only with the cold assent of the understanding, but with the warmth of affection, and perhaps with the eagerness of fashion. They sacrificed the pleasures of dreSs and luxury ; and renounced, for the praise of chastity, the soft endearments of conjugal society. Some ecclesiastic, of real or apparent sanctity, was chosen to direct their timorous conscience and to amuse the vacant tenderness of their heart : and the unbounded confidence which they hastily bestowed was often abused by knaves and enthusiasts ; who hastened from the 77 See D'Anville, Description de I'Egypte, p. 74. Hereafter 1 shall consider the monastic institutions. ™ Socrates, 1. iv. c. 24, 25. Orosius, 1. vii. c. 33. Jerom in Chron. p. 189, and torn. ii. p. 212. The monks of Egypt performed many miracles, which prove the truth of their faith. Right, says Jortin (Remarlss, vol. iv. p. 79), but what proves the truth of those miracles ? ™ Cod. Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. ii. leg. 20, Godefroy (tom. vi. p. 49), after the e.xample of Baronius, impartially collects all that the fathers have said on the subject of this important law ; whose spirit was long afterwards revived by the emperor Frederic II,, Edward I. of England, and other Christian princes who reigned after the twelfth century. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 29 extremities of the East to enjoy, on a splendid theatre, the privileges of the monastic profession. By their contempt of the world, they insensibly acquired its most desirable advantages ; the lively attachment, perhaps, of a young and beautiful woman, the delicate plenty of an opulent household, and the respectful homage of the slaves, the freedmen, and the clients of a senatorial family. The immense fortunes of the Roman ladies were gradually consumed in lavish alms and expensive pilgrim- ages ; and the artful monk, who had assigned himself the first or possibly the sole place in the testament of his spiritual daughter, still presumed to declare, with the smooth face of hypocrisy, that he was only the instrument of charity and the steward of the poor. The lucrative, but disgraceful, trade ^^ which was exercised by the clergy to defraud the expectations of the natural heirs had provoked the indignation of a super- stitious age : and two of the most respectable of the Latin fathers very honestly confess that the ignominious edict of Valentinian was just and necessary ; and that the Christian priests had deserved to lose a privilege which was still enjoyed by comedians, charioteers, and the ministers of idols. But the wisdom and authority of the legislator are seldom victorious in a contest with the vigilant dexterity of private interest : and Jerom or Ambrose might patiently acquiesce in the justice of an ineffectual or salutary law. If the ecclesiastics were checked in the pursuit of personal emolument, they would exert a more laudable industry to increase the wealth of the church, and dignify their covetousness with the specious names of piety and patriotism.^! Damasus, bishop of Rome, who was constrained to stigijia- AmMtion tize the avarice of his clergy by the publication of the law ofof DamMM Valentinian, had the good sense or the good fortune to engage in roim' ° his service the zeal and abilities of the learned Jerom ; and the grateful saint has celebrated the merit and purity of a very 8" The expressions which I have used are temperate and feeble, if compared with the vehement invectives of Jerom (torn. i. p. 13, 45, 144, &c.). In his turn, he was reproached with the guilt which he imputed to his brother monks : and the Sceleratus, the Versifellis, was publicly accused as the lover of the widow Paula (torn. ii. p. 363). He undoubtedly possessed the affectioris both of the mother and the daughter ; but he declares that he never abused his influence to any selfish or sensual purpose. siPudet dicere, sacerdotes idolorum, raimi et aurigas, et scorta, haereditates capiunt ; solis clei-icis ac monachis hac [hoc] lege prohibetur. Et non prohibetur a persecutoribus, sed a principibus Christianis. Nee de lege queror ; sed doleo cur meruerimus banc legem. Jerom (torn. i. p. 13) discreetly insinuates the secret policy of his patron Damasus. 30 THE DECLINE AND FALL ambiguous character. ^^ But the splendid vices of the church of Rome, under the reign of Valentinian and Damasus, have been curiously observed by the historian Ammianus, who delivers his impartial sense in these expressive words : " The praefecture of Juventius '^'^ was accompanied with peace and plenty : but the tranquillity of his government was soon disturbed by a bloody sedition of the distracted people. The ardour of Damasus and Ursinus, to seize the episcopal seat, surpassed the ordinary measure of human ambition. They contended with the rage of party ; the quarrel was maintained by the wounds and death of their followers ; and the praefect, unable to resist or to appease the tumult, was constrained, by superior violence, to retire into the suburbs. Damasus prevailed : the well-disputed victory remained on the side of his faction ; one hundred and thirty- seven dead bodies ** were found in the BaMica of Sicininus,*^ where the Christians hold their religious assemblies ; and it was long before the angry minds of the people resumed their accus- tomed tranquillity. When I consider the splendour of the capital, I am not astonished that so valuable a prize should inflame the desires of ambitious men, and produce the fiercest and most obstinate contests. The successful candidate is secure that he will be em-iched by the oflPerings of matrons ; ^^ that, as soon as his dress is composed with becoming care and elegance^, he may proceed, in his chariot, through the streets of Rome ; ^^ and that the sumptuousness of the Imperial table will not equal the profuse and delicate entertainments provided by the taste, and at the expense, of the Roman pontiffs. How much more 83 Three words of Jerom, Sanctis meino?'icB Damasus (torn, ii, p. 109), wash away all his stains, and blind the devout eyes of Tillemont (M^m. Eccl^s. torn, viii. p. 386-424). [A collection of the epigrams of Damasus has been edited by Ihm.] 83 [Read Viventius with the Mss.] 8^ Jerom himself is forced to allow, crudelissimae interfectiones diversi sexus perpetratas (in Chron. p. 186). But an original libel or petition of two presbyters of the adverse party has unaccountably escaped. They affirm that the doors of the Basilica were burnt, and that the roof was untiled; that Damasus marched at the head of his own clergy, grave-diggers, charioteers, and hired gladiators ; that none of his party were killed, but that one hundred and si,\ty dead bodies were found. This petition is published by the P. Sirmond, in the first volume of his works. 1 85 The Basilica of Sicininus, or Liberius, is probably the church of Sancta Maria Maggiore, on the Esquiline hill. Baronius, A.D. 367, No. 3; and Donatus, Roma Antiqua et Nova, 1. iv. c. 3, p. 462. [It is disputed whether the Basilica Liberiana was a new building or a reconstruction of the Basilica Sicinina.] 88 The enemies of Damasus styled him Auriscalpius Matronarum, the ladies' ear-scratcher. 8' Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. xxxii. [= 42] p. 526 [c. 24]) describes the pride and luxury of the prelates who reigned in the imperial cities ; their gilt car, fiery steeds, numerous train, &c. The crowd gave way as to a wild beast. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 31 rationally (continues the honest Pagan) would those pontiffs consult their true happiness, if, instead of alleging the greatness of the city as an excuse for their manners, they would imitate the exemplary life of some provincial bishops, whose temperance and sobriety, whose mean apparel and downcast looks, recom- mended their pure and modest virtue to the Deity and his true worshippers." *^ The schism of Damasus and Ursinus was extinguished by the exile of the latter ; and the wisdom of the prsefect Prsetextatus ®' restored the tranquillity of the city. Praetextatus was a philosophic Pagan, a man of learning, of taste, and politeness ; who disguised a reproach in the form of a jest, when he assured Damasus that, if he could obtain the bishopric of Rome, he himself would immediately embrace the Christian religion.'"' This lively picture of the wealth and luxury of the popes in the fourth century becomes the more curious as it represents the intermediate degree between the humble poverty of the apostolic fisherman and the royal state of a temporal prince whose dominions extend from the confines of Naples to the banks of the Po. w When the suffrage of the generals and of the army com- roreign mitted the sceptre of the Roman empire to the hands of a^d^^ Valentinian, his reputation in arms, his military skill and experience, and his rigid attachment to the forms, as well as spirit, of ancient discipline, were the principal motives of their judicious choice. The eagerness of the troops who pressed him to nominate his colleague was justified by the dangerous situa- tion of public affairs ; and Valentinian himself was conscious that the abilities of the most active mind were unequal to the defence 88Ammian. xxvii. 3. Perpetuo Numini, verisque ejus cultoribus. The incom- parable pliancy of a Polytheist ! ^^Ammianus, who makes a fair report of his prcefecture {xxvii. o), styles him prseclarEe indolis gravitatisque senator (xxii. 7, and Vales, ad loc). A curious inscription (Gruter MCII. No. 2) records, in two columns, his religious and civil honours. In one line he was Pontiff of the Sun, and of Vesta, Augur, Quindecemvir, Hierophant, &c., &c. In the other, i. Quaestor candidatus, more probably titular. 2. Praetor. 3. Corrector of Tuscany and Umbria. 4. Consular of Lusitania. 5. Proconsul of Achaia. 6. Prasfect of Rome. 7. Praetorian praefect of Italy. 8. Of lUyricum. [This is incorrect : the writer states that he was Prset. Prasf. Ilaliaeet lllyrici, — which formed one prefecture. See above, vol. ii. Appendix 15.] g. Consul elect ; but he died before the beginning of the year 385. See Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 241, 736. [See C. I. L. 6, 1778. Cp. 1777 and 1779, °f which the latter contains a most remarkable iambic and pagan poem to his wife Paulina.] sn Facite me Romanse urbis episcopum ; et ero protinus Christianus (Jerom, tom. ii. p. 165). It is more than probable that Damasus would not have purchased his conversion at such a price. 32 THE DECLINE AND FALL of the distant frontiers of an invaded monarchy. As soon as the death of Julian had relieved the Barbarians from the terror of his name, the most sanguine hopes of rapine and conquest excited the nations of the East, and of the North, and of the A.D. 364-376 South. Their inroads were often vexatious, and sometimes formidable ; but, during the twelve years of the reign of Valentinian, his firmness and vigilance protected his own dominions ; and his powerful genius seemed to inspire and direct the feeble counsels of his brother. Perhaps the method of annals would more forcibly express the urgent and divided cares of the two emperors ; but the attention of the reader, likewise, would be distracted by a tedious and desultory narra- tive. A separate view of the five great theatres of war : I. Germany, II. Britain; III. Africa; IV. The East; aiidr^V. The Darjube ; will impress a more distinct image of the military state of the empire under the reigns of Valentinian and Valens. i|^0BSMANs; I. The ambassadors of the Alemanni had been offended by ta^^lgGaui. the harsh and haughty behaviour of Ursacius, master of the offices ; "1 who, by an act of unseasonable parsimony, had dimin- ished the value, as well as the quantity, of the presents to which they were entitled, either from custom or treaty, on the accession of a new emperor. They expressed, and they communicated to their Countrymen, their strong sense of the national affront. The irascible minds of the chiefs were exasperated by the sus- picion of contempt ; and the martial youth crowded to their standard. Before Valentinian could pass the Alps, the villages of j^ii^' ^^"^ ^^'^ ^° flames ; before his general Dagalaiphus could encounter the Alemanni, they had secured the captives and the spoil in the forests of Germany. In the beginning of the ensuing year, the military forc»;bfJ;he whole nation, in deep and solid columns, broke through'Wie barrier of the Rhine, during the severity of a northern winter. Two Roman counts were defeated and mortally wounded ; and the standard of the Heruli and Bata- vians fell into the hands of the conquerors, who displayed, with insulting shouts and menaces, the trophy of their victory. The standard was recovered ; but the Batavians had not redeemed the shame of their disgrace and flight in the eyes of their severe judge. It was the opinion of Valentinian that his soldiers must learn to fear their commander, before they could cease to fear the enemy. The troops were solemnly assembled; and the "lAmmian. xxvi. 5. Valesius adds a long and good note on the master of the offices. [For the chronology of these campaigns, see Reiche, Chronologie der sechs letzten Biicher des Amm. Marc, 1889,] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 33 trembling Batavians were inclosed within the circle of the Im- perial army. Valentinian then ascended his tribunal ; and, as if he disdained to punish cowardice with death, he inflicted a stain of indelible ignominy on the officers whose misconduct and pusillanimity were found to be the first occasion of the defeat. The Batavians were degraded from their rank, stripped of their arms, and condemned to be sold for slaves to the highest bidder. At this tremendous sentence the troops fell prostrate on the ground, deprecated the indignation of their sovereign, and pro- tested that, if he would indulge them in another trial, they would approve themselves not unworthy of the name of Romans, and of his soldiers. Valentinian, with affected reluctance, yielded to their entreaties : the Batavians resumed their arms, and, with their alrms, the invincible resolution of wiping away their disgrace in the blood of the Alemanni.'^ The principal command was declined by Dagalaiphus ; and that experienced general, who had represented, perhaps with too much prudence, the extreme difficulties of the undertaking, had the mortification, before the end of the campaign, of seeing his rival Jovinus con- vert those difficulties into a decisive advantage over the scattered Th»ird«f«at forces of the Barbarians. At the head of a well -disciplined army of cavalry, infantry, and light troops, Jovinus advanced, with cautious and rapid steps, to Scarponna,'^ in the territory of Metz, [oiwrp'igne] where he surprised a large division of the Alemanni, before they had time to run to their arms : and flushed his soldiers with the confidence of an easy and bloodless victory. Another division, or rather army, of the enemy, after the cruel and wanton de- vastation of the adjacent country, reposed themselves on the shady banks of the Moselle. Jovinus, who had viewed the ground with the eyes of a general,- fnade his silent approach through a deep and woody vale, till Ife could distinctly perceive the indolent security of the Germans. Some were bathing their huge limbs in the • river ; others were combing their long and flaxen hair ; others again were swallowing large draughts of rich and delicious wine. On a sudden they heard the sound of the Roman trumpet ; they saw the enemy in their camp. Astonish- ment produced disorder ; disorder was followed by flight and 92 Ammian. xxvii. i. Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 208 [c. 9] . The disgrace of the Batavians is suppressed by the contemporary soldier, from a regard for military honour, which could not affect a Greek rhetorician of the succeeding age. " See D'Anville, Notice de I'Ancienne Gaule, p. 587. The name of the Moselle, which is not specified by Ammianus, is clearly understood by Mascou (Hist, of the ancient' Germans, vii. 2). [Dagalaiphus did take the command, but was recalled to enter on the consulate as colleague of Gratian.] VOL. Ill, 3 34 THE DECLINE AND FALL tlarcli 33 7] dismay ; and the confused multitude of the bravest warriors was pierced by the swords and javelins of the legionaries and auxilia- ries. The fugitives escaped to the third and most considerable camp, in the Catalaunian plains, near Chalons in Champagne : the straggling detachments were hastily recalled to their sUndard ; and the Barbarian chiefs, alarmed and admonished by the fate of their companions, prepared to encounter, in a decisive battle, the victorious forces of the lieutenant of Valentinian. The bloody and obstinate conflict lasted a whole summer's day, with equal valour, and with alternate success. The Romans at length prevailed, with the loss of about twelve hundred men. Six thousand of the Alemanni were slain, four thousand were wounded ; and the brave Jovinus, after chasing the flying rem- nant of their host as far as the banks of the Rhine, returned to Paris, to receive the applause of his sovereign and the ensigns of the consulship for the ensuing year.^* The triumph of the Romans was indeed sullied by their treatment of the captive king, whom they hung on a gibbet without the knowledge of their indignant general. This disgraceful act of cruelty which might be imputed to the fury of the troops, was followed by the deliberate murder of Withicab, the son of Vadomair ; a German prince, of a weak and sickly constitution, but of a daring and formidable spirit. The domestic assassin was instigated and protected by the Romans ; ^^ and the violation of the laws of humanity and justice betrayed their secret apprehension of the weakness of the declining empire. The use of the dagger is seldom adopted in public councils, as long as they retain any confidence in the power of the sword. While the Alemanni appeared to be humbled by their recent calamities, the pride of Valentinian was mortified by the unex- pected surprisal of Moguntiacum, or Mentz, the principal city of the Upper Germany. In the unsuspicious moment of > a Christian festival, Rando, a bold and artful chieftain, who had long meditated his attempt, suddenly passed the Rhine ; entered the defenceless town, and retired with a multitude of captives of either sex. Valentinian resolved to execute severe ven- geance on the whole body of the nation. Count Sebastian, with 9* The battles are described by Ammianus (xxvii. 2), and by Zosiraus (1. iv. p. 209 [c. 9] ), who supposes Valentinian to have been present. *5 Studio solicitante nostrorum, occubuit. Ammian. xxvii. 10. [This murder did not happen in 366, as might be inferred from the text, but (i) beginnmg -of 368 (Sievers), or {2) summer 368 (Reiche), or (3) autumn 368 (Maurer). Tillemont put it at end of 367, and also the surprisal of Mainz, with which it was doubtless connected. But cp. Reiche, p. 23.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 35 the bands . of Italy and Illyricura, was ordered to invade their country, most probably on the side of Rhsetia. The emperor in person, accompanied > by his son Gratian, passed the Rhine at[368A.D.] the head of a formidable army, which was supported on both flanks by Jovinus and Severus, the two masters-general of the cavalry and infantry of the West. The Alemanni, unable to prevent the devastation of their villages, fixed their camp on a lofty, and almost inaccessible, mountain, in the modern duchy of Wirtemberg, and resolutely expected the approach of the Romans. The life of Valentinian was exposed to imminent danger by the intrepid curiosity with which he persisted to ex- plore some secret and unguarded path. A troop of Barbarians suddenly rose from their ambuscade : and the emperor, who vigorously spurred his horse down a steep and slippery descent, was obliged to, . leave behind him his armour-bearer, and his helmet, magnificently enriched with gold and precious stones. At the signal of the general assault, the Roman troops encom- passed and ascended the mountain of Solicinium on three riBiUoheii- different sides. Every step which they gained increased their birg] ardour and abated the resistance of the enemy : and, after their united forces had occupied the summit of the hill, they impetuously urged the Barbarians down the northern descent where Count Sebastian was posted to intercept their retreat. After this signal victory, Valentinian returned to his winter-quarters at Treves ; where he indulged the public joy by the exhibition of splendid and triumphal games.^^ But the wise monarch, instead of aspir- ing to the conquest of GenmEtoy, confined his attention to the important and laborious defence of the Gallic frontier, against an enemy whose strength was renewed by a stream of daring volunteers, which incessantly flowed from the most distant tribes of the North.*'^ The banks of the Rhine, from its source to the straits of the ocean, were closely planted with strong castles and convenient towers ; new works, and new arms, were invented by the ingenuity of a prince who was skilled in the mechanical 86 The expedition of Valentinian is related by Amniianus {xxvii. lo); and celebrated by Ausonius (Mosell. 421, &c.), who foolishly supposes that the Romans were ignorant of the sources of the Danube. [As Smith points out, Ausonius only says, "unknown to Roman annals," Latiis ignotum annalibus.] s'lmmanis enim natio, jam inde ab incunabulis primis varietate casuum imminuta; ita ssepius adolescit, ut fuisse longis saeculis testimetur intacta. Ammian. xxviii. 5. The Count de Buat (Hist, des Peuples de I'Europe, torn. vi. p. 370) as- cribes the fecundity of the Alemanni to their easy adoption of strangers. [For the activity of Valentinian in the defence of the frontiers cp. an inscription on the construction of the Castra of Salva (365-367 A.D.), in Ephem. Epig. 2, p. 389 ; also C. I. L. 3, 5670 a and 3771.] 36 THE DECLINE AND FALL arts ; and his numerous levies of Roman and Barbarian youth were severely trained in all the exercises of war. The progress of the work, which was sometimes opposed by modest representa- tions, and sometimes by hostile attempts, secured the tranquillity of Gaul during the nine subsequent years of the administration of Valentinian.88 That prudent emperor, who diligently practised the wise maxims of Diocletian, was studious to foment and excite the intestine divisions of the tribes of Germany. About the middle of the fourth century, the countries, perhaps of Lusace and Thuringia, on either side of the Elbe were occupied by the vague dominion of the Burgundians ; a warlike and numerous people of the Vandal race,^ whose obscure name insensibly swelled into a powerful kingdom, and has finally settled on a flourishing province. The most remarkable circumstance in the ancient manners of the Burgundians appears to have been the difference of their civil and ecclesiastical constitution. The appellation of Hetidinos was given to the king or general, and the title of Sinixtus to the high priest, of the nation. The person of the priest was sacred, and his dignity perpetual ; but the temporal government was held by a very precarious tenure. If the events of war accused the courage or conduct of the king, he was immediately deposed ; and the injustice of his subjects made him responsible for the fertility of the earth and the regularity of the seasons, which seemed to fall more properly within the sacerdotal department.^"" The disputed possession of some salt-pits 101 engaged the Alemanni and the Burgundians in frequent contests : the latter were easily tempted by the secret solicitations and liberal offers of the emperor ; and their fabulous descent from the Roman soldiers who had formerly been left to garrison the fortresses of Drusus was admitted with '^Ammian. xxviii. 2. Zosimus, I. iv. p. 214 [c. 16]. The younger Victor mentions the mechanical genius of Valentinian, nova arma meditari ; fingere terrS, seu limo simulacra [Epit. 45]. ** Bellicosos et pubis immensae viribus affluentes ; et ideo metuendos finitimis universis. Ammian. xxviii. 5. [Pliny represented them as a. subdivision of the Vandalic branch. They were closely allied to the Goths and Vandals.] 1™ I am always apt to suspect historians and travellers of improving extraordinary facts into general laws. Ammianus ascribes a similar custom to Egypt : and the Chinese have imputed it to the Tatsin, or Roman empire (de Guignes, Hist, des Huns, tom. ii. part i. p. 79). i™ Salinarum finiumque caus^ Alemannis saepe jurgabant. Ammian. xxviii. $• Possibly they disputed the possession of the Sala, a river which produced salt, and which had been the object of ancient contention. Tacit. Annal. xiii. 57, and Lipsius ad loc. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 37 mutual credulity, as it was conducive to mutual interest. ^"^ An army of fourscore thousand Burgundians soon appeared on the banks of the Rhine ; and impatiently required the support and subsidies which Valentinian had promised : but they were amused with excuses and delays, till at length, after a fruitless expectation, they were compelled to retire. The arms and fortifications of the Gallic frontier checked the fury of their just resentment ; and their massacre of the captives served to embitter the hereditary feud of the Burgundians and the Ale- manni. The inconstancy of a wise prince may, perhaps, be explained by some alteration of circumstances ; and perhaps it was the original design of Valentinian to intimidate rather than to destroy, as the balance of power would have been equally overturned by the extirpation of either of the German nations. Among the princes of the Alemanni, Macrianus, who, with a Roman name, had assumed the arts of a soldier and a statesman, deserved his hatred and esteem. The emperor him- [a.d. sn] self, with a light and unencumbered band, condescended to pass the Rhine, marched fifty miles into the country, and would infallibly have seized the object of his pursuit, if his judicious measures had not been defeated by the impatience of the troops. Macrianus was afterwards admitted to the honour of a personal conference with the emperor ; and the favours which he received fixed him, till the hour of his death, a steady and sincere friend of the republic.^"^ The land was covered by the fortifications of Valentinian ; ise bexoeb but the sea-coast of Gaul and Britain was exposed to the depre- dations of the Saxons. That celebrated name, in which we have a dear and domestic interest, escaped the notice of Tacitus ; and in the maps of Ptolemy it faintly marks the narrow neck of the Cimbric peninsula and three small islands towards the mouth of the Elbe.^''^ This contracted territory, the present iMjam inde temporibus priscis sobolem se esse Romanam Burgundii sciunt: and the vague tradition gradually assumed a more regular form. Ores. 1. vii. c. 32. It is annihilated by the decisive authority of Pliny, who composed the history of Drusus, and served in Germany (Plin. Seound. Epist. iii. 5) vvithin sixty years after the death of that hero. Germanorum genera quinque ; Vindili, quorum pars Burgundioaes, &c. Hist. Natur. iv. 28. i^^The wars and negotiations relative to the Burgundians and Alemanni are • distinctly related by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxviii. 5, xxix. 4, xxx. 3). Orosius (1. vii. c. 32) and thfc Chronicles of Jerom and Cassiodorius fix some dates and add some circumstances. ■"'Eir'i Tor «vx«i'a t^? Ki)»3pi«it ■n'9''<"^'">'"< Safonc. At the northern extremity of the peninsula (the Cimbric promontory of Pliny, iv. 27) Ptolemy fixes the remnant of the Cimbri. He fills the interval between the Saxons and the Cimbri with six obscure tribes, who were united, as early as the sixth century, under the national appellation of Danes. See Cluver. German. Antiq. 1. iii. c. 21, 22, 23. 38 THE DECLINE ANDs FALL Duchy of Sleswig, or perhaps of Holstein, was incapable of pouring forth the inexhaustible swarms of i Saxons who reigned over the ocean, who filled the British island with their language, their laws, and their colonies ; and who so long defended the liberty of the North against the arms of Charlemagne. "^ The solution of this difficulty is easily derived from the similar manners and loose constitution of the tribes of Germany ; which were blended with each other by the slightest accidents of war or friendship. The situation of the native Saxons disposed them to embrace the hazardous professions of fishermen and pirates ; and the success of their first adventures would naturally excite the emulation of their bravest countrymen, who were impatient of the gloomy solitude of their woods and mountains. Every tide might float down the Elbe whole fleets of canoes, filled with hardy and intrepid associates, who aspired to behold the unbounded pros- pect of the ocean and to taste the wealth and luxuiy of un- known worlds. It should seem probable, however, that the most numerous auxiliaries of the Saxons were furnished by the nations who dwelt along the shores of the Baltic. They possessed arms and ships, the art of navigation, and the habits of naval war ; but the difficulty of issuing thi-ough the northern columns of Hercules (which during several months of the year are obstructed with ice) confined their skill and courage within the limits of a spacious lake.^"" The rumour of the successful ai-maments which sailed from the mouth of the Elbe would soon provoke them to cross the nan-ow isthmus of Sleswig and to launch their vessels on the great sea. The various troops of pirates and adventurers who fought under the same standard were insensibly united in a permanent society, at first of rapine, and afterwards of government. A military confederation was gradually moulded into a national body, by the gentle operation of marriage and consanguinity ; and the adjacent tribes, who solicited the alliance, accepted the name and laws, of the Saxons. If the fact were not established by the most un- questionable evidence, we should appear to abuse the creduUty of our readers by the description of the vessels in which the Saxon pirates ventured to sport in the waves of the German 103 M. d'Anville (Etablissement des Etats de' I'Europe, &c. , p. 19-26) has marked the extensive Umits of the Saxony of Charlemagne. i(JG The fleet [sic] of Drusus had failed in their attempt to pass, or even to ap- proach, the Sound (styled, from an obvious resemblance, the columns of Hercules); and the naval enterprise was never resumed (Tacit, de Moribus German, c. 34). The knowledge which the Romans acquired of the naval powers of the Baltic (c. 44, 45) was obtained by their land journeys in search of amber. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 39 Ocean, the British Channel, and the Bay of Biscay. The keel of their large flat-bottomed boats was framed of light timber, but the sides and upper work consisted only of wicker, with a covering of strong hides. i"'' In the course of their slow and distant navigations, they must always have been exposed to the danger, and very frequently to the misfortune, of shipwreck ; and the naval annals of the Saxons were undoubtedly filled with the accounts of the losses which they sustained on the coasts of Britain and Gaul. But the daring spirit of the pirates braved the perils, both of the sea and of the shore ; their skill was confirmed by the habits of enterprise ; the meanest of their mariners was alike capable of handling an oar, of rearing a sail, or of conducting a vessel ; and the Saxons i-ejoiced in the ap- pearance of a tempest, which concealed their design, and dis- persed the fleets of the enemy.^"^ After they had acquired an accurate knowledge of the maritime provinces of the West, they extended the scene of their depredations, and the most se- questered places had no reason to presume on their security. The Saxon boats drew so little water that they could easily pro- ceed fourscore or an hundred miles up the great rivers ; their weight was so inconsiderable that they were transported on waggons from one river to another ; and the pirates who had entered the mouth of the Seine or of the Rhine, might descend, 4.D. sn with the rapid stream of the Rhone, into the Mediterranean. Under the reign of Valentinian, the maritime provinces of Gaul were afflicted by the Saxons : a military count was stationed for the defence of the sea-coast, or Armorican limit ; and that officer, who found his strength, or his abilities, unequal to the task, implored the assistance of Severus, master-general of the infantry. The Saxons, surrounded and out-numbered, were forced to relinquish their spoil, and to yield a select band of their tall and robust youth to serve in the Imperial armies. They stipulated only a safe and honourable retreat : and the ^o' Quin et Aremoricus piratam Saxona tractus Sperabat ; cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum Ludus et assuto glaucum mare findere lembo. Sidon. in Panegyr. Avit. 369. The genius of Caesar imitated, for a particular service, these rude, but light vessels, which were likewise used by the natives of Britain (Comment, de Bell. C^ivil. i. 51, and Guichardt, Nouveaux M^moires Militaires, torn. ii. p. 41, 42). The British vessels would now astonish the genius of Csesar. i»8 The best original account of the Saxon pirates may be found in Sidonius ApoUinaris (1. viii. epist. 6, p. 223, edit. Sirmond, ), and the best commentary in the Abb^ du Bos (Hist. Critique de la Monarchic Fran9oise, &c., torn. i. 1. i. c. 16, p. 148-155. See likewise p. 77, 76)1 [The Saxons seem to. have made a settlement La th£ north of Gaul.,1 40 THE DECLINE AND FALL condition was readily granted by the Roman general ; who meditated an act of perfidy,"® imprudent as it was inhuman, while a Saxon remained alive, and in arms, to revenge the fate of his countiymen. The premature eagerness of the infantry, who were secretly posted in a deep valley, betrayed the am- buscade ; and they would perhaps have fallen the victims of their own treachery, if a large body of cuirassiers, alarmed by the noise of the combat, had not hastily advanced to extricate their companions and to overwhelm the undaunted valour of the Saxons. Some of the prisoners were saved from the edge of the sword, to shed their blood in the amphitheatre ; and the orator Symmachus complains that twenty-nine of those desperate savagesy by strangling themselves with their own hands, had disappointed the amusement of the public. Yet the polite and philosophic citizens of Rome were impressed with the deepest horror, when they were informed that the Saxons consecrated to the gods the tythe of their human spoil ; and that they ascer- tained by lot the objects of the barbarous sacrifice. ^i" n. BRiTAni. II. The fabulous colonies of Egyptians and Trojans, of puti™ "" Scandinavians and Spaniards, which flattered the pride, and amused the credulity, of our rude ancestors, have insensibly vanished in the light of science and philosophy.^ The present ' age is satisfied with the simple and rational opinion that the islands of Great Britain and Ireland were gradually peopled from the adjacent continent of Gaul. From the coast of Kent to the extremity of Caithness and Ulster, the memory of a Celtic origin was distinctly preserved, in the perpetual resemblance of langu- age, of religion, and of manners : and the peculiar characters of the British tribes might be naturally ascribed to the influence of accidental and local circumstances-^^ The Roman province was i™ Ammian. (xxviii. 5) justifies this breach of faith to pirates and robbers ; and Orosius (I. vii. c. 32) more clearly expresses their real guilt ; virtute atque agilitate terribiles. 11° Symmachus (1. ii. epist. 46) still presumes to mention the sacred names of Socrates and philosophy. Sidonius, bishop of Clermont, might condemn (1. viii. epist. 6 [§ 15]) with less inconsistency the human sacrifices of the Saxons. m In the beginning of the last century the learned Cambden was obliged to undermine, with respectful scepticism, the romance of Brutus the Trojan, who is now buried in silent oblivion with Scoia, the daughter of Pharaoh, and her numer- ous progeny. Yet I am informed that some champions of the Milesian colony may still be found among the original natives of Ireland. A people dissatisfied with their present condition grasp at any visions of their past or future glory. 112 Tacitus, or rather his father-in-law Agricola, might remark the German or Spanish complexion of some British tribes. But it was their sober, deliberate opinion ; " In universum tamen sestimanti Gallos vicinum solum occup^sse credi- bile est, Eorum sacra deprehendas . , . scrmo baud multum diversus (in Vit. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 41 reduced to the state of civilized and peaceful servitude : the rights of savage freedom were contracted to the narrow limits of ' Caledonia. The inhabitants of that northern region were divid- 'ed, as early as the reign of Constantine, between the two great tribes of the Scots and of the PictSj^^^ who have since experi- enced a very different fortune. The power, and almost the memory, of the Picts have been extinguished by their successful rivals ; and the Scots, after maintaining for ages the dignity of an independent kingdom, have multiplied, by an equal and voluntaiy union, the honours of the English name. The hand of nature had contributed to mark the ancient distinction of the Scots and Picts. The former were the men of the hills, and the latter those of the plain. The eastern coast of Caledonia may be con- sidered as a level and fertile country, which, even in a rude state of tillage, was capable of producing a considerable quantity of corn ; and the epithet of cruitnich, or wheat-eaters, expressed the contempt, or envy, of the carnivorous highlander. The cultiva- tion of the earth might introduce a more accurate separation of property and the habits of a sedentary life ; but the love of arms and rapine was still the ruling passion of the Picts ; and their warriors, who stripped themselves for a day of battle, were dis- tinguished, in the eyes of the Romans, by the strange fashion of painting their naked bodies with gaudy colours and fantastic figures. The western part of Caledonia irregularly rises into wild and barren hills, which scarcely repay the toil of the husbandman and are most profitably used for the pasture of cattle. The highlanders were condemned to the occupations of shep- herds and huntei-s ; and, as they seldom were fixed to any permanent habitation,, they acquired the expressive name of Scots, which, in the Celtic tongue, is said to be equivalent to that of wanderers or vagrants. The inhabitants of a barren land were urged so seek a fresh supply of food in the waters. The Agricol. c. xi.)." Caesar had observed their common religion (Comment, de Bello GaUico, vi. 13) ; and in his time the emigration from the Belgic Gaul was a recent, or at least an, historical, event (v. 10). Cambden, the British Strabo, Has modestly ascertained our genuine antiquities (Britannia, vol. i. Introduction, p. ii-xxxi.). , ii» In the dark and doubtful paths of Caledonian antiquity, I have chosen for my guides two learned and ingenious Highlanders, whom their birth and education -had peculiarly qualified for that office. See Critical Dissertations on the Origin, Antiquities, &c., of the Caledonians, by Dr. John Macpherson, London, 1768, in '4to; and Introduction to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, by James Macpherson, Esq., London, 1773, in 4to, third edit. Dr. Macpherson was a minister in the Isle of Sky : and it is a circumstance honourable for the present age that a work, replete with erudition and criticism, should have been composed in the most remote of the. Hebrides. [See Appendix 2.] 42 THE DECLINE AND FALL deep lakes and bays which intersect their country are plentifully stored with fish ; and they gradually ventured to cast their nets in the waves of the ocean. The vicinity of the Hebrides, so profusely scattered along the western coast of Scotland, tempted their curiosity and improved their skill ; and they acquired by slow degrees, the art, or rather the habit, of managing their boats in a tempestuous sea and of steering their nocturnal course by the light of the well-known stars. The two bold headlands of Caledonia almost touch the shores of a spacious island, which obtained, from its luxuriant vegetation, the epithet of Green ; and has preserved, with a slight alteration, the name of Erin, or leme, or Ireland. It is probable that in some remote period of antiquity the fertile plains of Ulster received a colony of hungry Scots ; and that the strangers of the North, who had dared to encounter the arms of the legions, spread their conquests over the savage and unwarlike natives of a solitary island. It is certain, that, in the declining age of the Roman empire, Caledonia, Ireland, and the Isle of Man, were inhabited by the Scots, and that the kindred tribes, who were often associated in military enterprise, were deeply affected by the various accidents of their mutual fortunes. They long cherished the lively tradition of their common name and origin ; and the missionaries of the Isle of Saints, who diffused the light of Christianity over North Britain, established the vain opinion that their Irish countrymen were the natural as well as spiritual fathers of the Scottish race. The loose and obscure tradition has been preserved by the vener- able Bede, who scattered some rays of light over the darkness of the eighth century. On this slight foundation, a huge super- structure of fable was gradually reared, by the bards and the monks ; two orders of men who equally abused the privilege of fiction. The Scottish nation, with mistaken pride, adopted their Irish genealogy : and the annals of a long line of imaginary kings have been adorned by the fancy of Boethius and the classic elegance of Buchanan. i^* i"The Irish descent of the Scots has been revived, in the last moments of its decay, and strenuously supported, by the Rev. Mr. Whitaker (Hist, of Man- chester, vol. i. p. 430, 431 ; and Genuine History of the Britons asserted, &c., p. 154-293). Yet he acknowledges, i. TAai the Scots of Ammianus Marcellinus ( A. D. 340) were already settled in Caledonia ; and that the Roman authors do not afford any hints of their emigration from another country. 2. TAal all the accounts of such emigrations, which have been asserted, or received, by Irish bards, Scotch historians, or English antiquaries (Buchanan, Cambden, Usher, Stillingfleet, &c.), are totally fabulous. 3. That three of the Irish tribes which are mentioned by Ptolemy (A.D. 150) were of Caledonian extraction. 4. Thai a younger branch of Caledonian princes, of the house of Fingal. acquired and OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 43 Six years after the death of Constantine, the destructive TheirinTanion inroads of the Scots and Picts required the presence of his Xd^scSw youngest son, who reigned in the western empire. Constans visited his British dominions ; but we may form some estimate of the importance of his achievements by the language of pane- gyric, which celebrates only his triumph over the elements ; or, in other words, the good fortune of a safe and easy passage from the port of Boulogne to the harbour of Sandwich.n^ The calamities which the afflicted provincials continued to experience, from foreign war and domestic tyranny, were aggravated by the feeble and coiTupt administration of the eunuchs of Constantius ; and the transient relief which they might obtain from the virtues of Julian was soon lost by the absence and death of their bene- factor. The sums of gold and silver which had been painfully collected, or liberally transmitted, for the payment of the troops were intercepted by the avarice of the commanders ; discharges, or, at least, exemptions, from the military service were publicly sold ; the distress of the soldiers, who were injuriously deprived of their legal and scanty subsistence, provoked them to frequent desertion ; the nerves of discipline were relaxed, and the high- ways were infested with robbers.ii" The oppression of the good and the impunity of the wicked equally contributed to diffuse through the island a spirit of discontent and revolt ; and every ambitious subject, every desperate exile, might entertain a reasonable hope of subverting the weak and distracted govern- ment of Britain. The hostile tribes of the North, who detested the pride and power of the King of the World, suspended their domestic feuds ; and the Barbarians of the land and sea, the Scots, the Picts, and the Saxons, spread themselves, with rapid and irresistible fury, from the wall of Antoninus to the possessed the monarchy of Ireland. After these concessions, the remaining difference between Mr. Whital^er and his adversaries is minute and obscure. The genuine history which he produces of a Fergus, the cousin of Ossian, who was transplanted (a.D. 320) from Ireland to Caledonia, is built on a conjectural supplement to the Erse poetry, and the feeble evidence of Richard of Cirencester, a monk of the fourteenth century. The lively spirit of the learned and ingenious antiquarian has tempted him to forget the nature of a question, which he so vehemently debates, and so absolutely decides. [It is now generally admitted that the Scots of Scotland were immigrants from (the north-east of) Ireland. See Ap- pendix 2.] "' Hyeme tumentes ac saevientes undas calcElstis Oceani sub remis vestris ; . . . insperatam imperatoriS faciem Britannus expavit. Julius Firmicus Maternus de errore Profan. Relig. p. 464, edit. Gronov. ad calcem Minuc. Fel. See Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 336). lie Libaniiis, Orat. Parent, c. xxxix. p. 264. This curious passage has escaped the diligence of our British antiquaries. 44 THE DECLINE AND FALL EeBtora- tlon of Britain by Theodoiliu [Dux Brltan- nlanun] A.D. 3G6 370 shores of Kent. Every production of art and nature, every object of convenience or luxury, which they were incapable of creating by labour or procuring by trade, was accumulated in the rich and fruitful province of Britain.i" A philosopher may deplore the eternal discord of the human race, but he will confess that the desire of spoil is a more rational provocation than the vanity of conquest. From the age of Constantine to that of the Plantagenets, this rapacious spirit continued to in- stigate the poor and hardy Caledonians : but the same people, whose generous humanity seems to inspire the songs of Ossian, was disgraced by a savage ignorance of the virtues of peace and of the laws of war. Their southern neighbours have felt, and perhaps exaggerated, the cruel depredations of the Scots and Picts : 118 and a valiant tribe of Caledonia, the Attacotti,"^ the enemies, and afterwards the soldiers, of Valentinian, are accused, by an eye-witness, of delighting in the taste of human flesh. When they hunted the woods for prey, it is said that they attacked the shepherd rather than his flock ; and that they curiously selected the most delicate and brawny parts, both of males and females, which they prepared for their horrid repasts.i2<* jf^ iu the neighbourhood of the commercial and literary town of Glasgow, a race of cannibals has really existed, we may contemplate, in the period of the Scottish history, the opposite extremes of savage and civilized life. Such reflections tend to enlarge the circle of our ideas : and to encourage the pleasing hope that New Zealand may produce, in some future age, the Hume of the Southern Hemisphere. Every messenger who escaped across the British channel con- veyed the most melancholy and alarming tidings to the ears of Valentinian ; and the emperor was soon informed that the two i^'The Caledonians praised and coveted the gold, the steeds, the lights, &c., of the stranger. See Dr. Blair's Dissertation on Ossian, vol. ii. p. 343 ; and Mr. Mac- pherson's Introduction, p. 242-286. 118 Lord Lyttleton has circumstantially related (History of Henry II. vol. i. p. 182), and Sir David Dalrymple has slightly mentioned (Annals of Scotland, vol. i. p. 69), a barbarous inroad of the Scots, at a time (a.d. 1137) when law, religion, and society must have softened their primitive manners. 11" Attacotti bellicosa hominum natio. Ammian. xxvii. 8. Cambden (Intro- duct, p. clii. ) has restored their true name in the text of Jerom. The bands of Attacotti, which Jerom had seen in Gaul, were afterwards stationed in Italy and lUyricum (Notitia, S. viii. xxxix. xl). i™Cum ipse adolescentulus in Gallia viderim Attacottos (or Scotos) gentem Britannicam humanis vesci carnibus ; et cum per silvas procorum greges, et armentorum pecudumque reperiant, pastorum nates et feminarum papillas solera abscindere ; et has solas ciborum delicias arbitrari. Such is the evidence of Jerom (tom. ii. p. 75), whose veracity I find no reason to question. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 45 military commanders of the province had been surprised and cut off by the Barbarians. Severus, count of the domestics, was hastily dispatched, and as suddenly recalled, by the court of Treves. The representations of Jovinus served only to indicate the greatness of the evil ; and after a long and serious consulta- tion, the defence, or rather the recovery, of Britain was intrusted to the abilities of the brave Theodosius. The exploits of that general, the father of a line of emperors, have been celebrated, with peculiar complacency, by the writers of the age : but his real merit deserved their applause ; and his nomination was received, by the army and province, as a sure presage of ap- proaching victory. He seized the favourable moment of navi- gation, and securely landed the numerous and veteran bands of the Heruli and Batavians, the Jovians and the Victors. In his march from Sandwich to London, Theodosius defeated several parties of the barbarians, released a multitude of captives, and, after distributing to his soldiers a small portion of the spoil, established the fame of disinterested justice by the restitution of the remainder to the rightful proprietors. The citizens of London, who had almost despaired of their safety, threw open their gates ; and, as soon as Theodosius had obtained from the court of Treves the important aid of a military lieutenant and a civil governor, he executed, with wisdom and vigour, the labo- rious task of the deliverance of Britain. i^i The vagrant soldiers were recalled to their standard ; an edict of amnesty dispelled the public apprehensions ; and his cheerful example alleviated the rigour of martial discipline. The scattered and desultory warfare of the Barbarians, who infested the land and sea, de- prived him of the glory of a signal victory ; but the prudent spirit and consummate art of the Roman general were displayed ^JJgs- in the operations of two campaigns, which successively rescued every part of the province from the hands of a cruel and rapacious enemy. The splendour of the cities and the security of the fortifications were diligently restored by the paternal care of Theodosius : who with a strong hand confined the trembling Caledonians to the northern angle of the island ; and perpetu- ated, by the name and settlement of the new province of Falentia, the glories of the reign of Valentinian.i^^ The voice •21 [Theodosius had the task too of suppressing " tyrant, Valentinus ; Amni. xxxviii. 3.] i22Ammianus has concisely represented (xx. i, xxvi. 4, xxvii. 8, xxviii. 3) the whole series of the British war. [It is generally said that the name Valentia was in honour of Valentinian. But would it not, in that case, be Valentiniana ? It seems more likely that it was a compliment to Valens on the part of his brother.] 46 THE DECLINE AND FALL of poetry and panegyric may add, perhaps with some degree of truth, that the unknown regions of Thule were stained with the blood of the Picts ; that the oars of Theodosius dashed the waves of the Hyperborean ocean ; and that the distant Orkneys were the scene of his naval victory over the Saxon pirates.^^s He left the province with a fair, as well as splendid, reputation : and was immediately promoted to the rank of master-general of the cavalry, by a prince who could applaud without envy the merit of his servants. In the important station of the upper Danube, the conqueror of Britain checked and defeated the armies of the Alemanni before he was chosen to suppress the revolt of Africa. m^HOA. III. The prince who refuses to be the judge, instructs his R«m»nM. people to consider him as the accomplice, of his ministers. The *c. ' military command of Africa had been long exercised by Count RomanuSj and his abilities were not inadequate to his station : but, as sordid interest was the sole motive of his conduct, he acted, on most occasions, as if he had been the enemy of the province and the friend of the Barbarians of the desert. The three flourishing cities of Oea, Leptis, and Sabrata, which, under the name of Tripoli, had long constituted a federal union,!^* were obliged, for the first time, to shut their gates against a hostile invasion ; several of their most honourable citizens were surprised and massacred ; the villages, and even the subm-bs, were pillaged ; and the vines and fruit-trees of that rich territory were extirpated by the malicious savages of Getulia. The un- happy provincials implored the protection of Romanus ; but they soon found that their military governor was not less cruel and rapacious than the Barbarians. As they were incapable of fm-nishing the four thousand camels, and the exorbitant pre- 123 Horrescit . . . ratibus . . . impervia Thule. lUe . . . nee falso nomine Pictos Edomuit. Scotumque vago mucrone secutus. Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas. Claudian, in iii. Cons. Honorii, ver. 53, &c. Maduerunt Saxone fuse. Orcades : incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule. Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis lerne. In iv. Cons. Hon. ver. 31, &c. See likewise Pacatus (in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 5). But it is not easy. to appreciate the intrinsic value of flattery and metaphor. Compare the British victories of Bolanus (Statius. Silv. v. 2) with his real character (Tacit, in Vit. Agricol. c. 16). i24Amn)ianus frequently mentions their concilium annuum, legitimum, &o. Leptis and Sabrata are long since ruined ; but the city of Oea, the native country of Apuleius, still flourishes under the provincial denomination of Tripoli. See Cellarius (Geograph. Antiqua, torn. ii. part ii. p. 81), D'Anville (Gtographie Ancienne, torn. ui. p. 71, 72), and IVIarmol (Afrique, torn. ii. p. 562). OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 47 sent, which he required before he would march to the assistance of Tripoli, his demand was equivalent to a refusal, and he might justly be accused as the author of the public calamity. In the annual assembly of the three cities, they nominated two deputies, to lay at the feet of Valentinian the customary offering of a gold victory ; and to accompany this tribute of duty, rather than of gratitude, with their humble complaint that they were ruined by the enemy and betrayed by their governor. If the severity of Valentinian had been rightly directed, it would have fallen on the guilty head of Romanus. But the Count, long exercised in the arts of corruption, had dispatched a swift and trusty messen- ger to secure the venal friendship of Remigius, master of the offices. The wisdom of the Imperial council was deceived by artifice ; and their honest indignation was cooled by delay. At length, when the repetition of complaint had been justified by the repetition of public misfortunes, the notary Palladius was Sent from the court of Treves, to examine the state of Africa, and the conduct of Romanus. The rigid impartiality of Palladius was easily disarmed : he was tempted to reserve for himself a part of the public treasure which he brought with him for the payment of the troops ; and from the moment that he was conscious of his own guilt, he could no longer refuse to attest the innocence and merit of the Count. The charge of the Tripolitans was declared to be false and frivolous ; and Palladius himself was sent back from Treves to Africa, with a special commission to discover and prosecute the authors of this impious conspiracy against the representatives of the sovereign. His inquiries were managed with so much dexterity and success that he compelled the citizens of Leptis, who had sustained a recent siege of eight days, to contradict the truth of their own decrees and to censure the behaviour of their own deputies. A bloody sentence was pronounced, without hesitation, by the rash and headstrong cruelty of Valentinian. The president of Tripoli, who had presumed to pity the distress of the province, was pub- licly executed at Utica ; four distinguished citizens were put to death as the accomplices of the imaginary fraud ; and the tongues of two others were cut out by the express order of the emperor. Romanus, elated by impunity and irritated by resist- ance, was still continued in the military command ; till the Africans were provoked by his avarice to join the rebellious standard of Firmus, the ' Moor.i^^ 125 Ammian. xviii. 6. Tiliemont (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 25, 676) has discussed the chronological difficulties of the history of Count Romanus. [Attacks 48 THE DECLINE AND FALL Bevoitof His father Nabal was one of the richest and most powerful lt™T2 of the Moorish princes; who acknowledged the supremacy' of Rome. But, as he left, either by his wives or concubines, a very numerous posterity, the wealthy inheritance was eagerly disputed ; and Zamma, one of his sons, was slain in a domestic quarrel by his brother Firmus. The implacable zeal with which Romanus prosecuted the legal revenge of this murder could be ascribed only to a motive of avarice, or personal hatred : but, on this occasion, his claims were just ; his influence was weighty ; and Firmus clearly understood that he must either present his neck to the executioner or appeal from the sentence of the Imperial consistory to his sword and to the people. ^'^'^ He was received as the deliverer of his country ; and, as soon as it ap- peared that Romanus was formidable only to a submissive province, the tyrant of Africa became the object of universal contempt. The ruin of Csesarea, which was plundered and burnt by the licentious Barbarians, convinced the refractory cities of the danger of resistance ; the power of Firmus was established, at least in the provinces of Mauritania and Nuraidia ; and it seemed to be his only doubt, whether he should assume the diadem of a Moorish king or the purple of a Roman emperorj But the imprudent and unhappy Africans soon discovered thatj in this rash insurrection, they had not sufficiently consulted their own strength or the abilities of their leader. Before he could procure any certain intelligence that the emperor of the West had fixed the choice of a general, or that a fleet of transports was collected at the mouth of the Rhone, he was suddenly in-^ ThoodoBiM formed that the great Theodosius, with a small band of veterans; m^aS ' had landed near Igilgilis, or Gigeri, on the African coast ; and "* the timid usurper sunk under the ascendant of virtue and military genius. Though Firmus possessed arms and treasures, his despair of victory immediately reduced him to the use of of the barbarians on,fhe Tripolitan towns are fixed by Reiohe, op. cit., to winter 363 and summer 365 ; Valentinian dispatches Nestorius and others to protect Africa, winter 365 (Amm. xxvi. 5, 14) ; Tripolis again invaded, summer 366'; commission of Palladius, end of 366 ; embassy from Leptis, and return of Palladiusi winter 367 ; second visit of Palladius to Africa, spring 368 ; Firmus rebels, winter 371 ; Theodosius arrives, summer 372 (between May and June 372 and Feb.-373 : Sievers, Studien, f). 288).] ' 126 The chronology of Amniianus is loose and obscure : and Orosius (1. vii. c. 33' P' SSI' ^ti''' Havercamp.) seems to place the revolt of Firmus after tlje deaths of Valentinian and Valens. [Not so ; Gibbbn has misread Orosius'.] Tille- mont (Hist, des Emp. torn. v. p. 691) endeavours to pick his way. ' The patient and sure-footed mule of the Alps may be trusted in the most slippery paths. [Sievers and Reiche agree that the revolt was suppressed in 373 ; Cagnat prefers the date 374, L'arm^e romaine d'Afrique, p. 78.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 49 those arts which, in the same country and in a similar situation, had formerly been practised by the crafty Jugurtha. He at- tempted to deceive, by an apparent submission, the vigilance of the Roman general ; to seduce the fidelity of his troops ; and to protract the duration of the war, by successively engaging the independent tribes of Africa to espouse his quarrel or to protect his flight. Theodosius imitated the example, and obtained the success, of his predecessor Metellus. When Firmus, in the character of a suppliant, accused his own rashness and humbly solicited the clemency of the emperor, the lieutenant of Valen- tinian received and dismissed him with a friendly embrace ; but he diligently required the useful and substantial pledges of a sincere repentance ; nor could he be persuaded, by the assur- ances of peace, to suspend, for an instant, the operations of an active war. A dark conspiracy was detected by the penetration of Theodosius ; and he satisfied, without much reluctance, the public indignation, which he had secretly excited. Several of the guilty accomplices of Firmus were abandoned, according to ancient custom, to the tumult of a military execution ; many more, by the amputation of both their hands, continued to exhibit an instructive spectacle of horror ; the hatred of the rebels was accompanied with fear ; and the fear of the Roman soldiers was mingled with respectful admiration. Amidst the boundless plains of Getulia, and the innumerable valleys of Mount Atlas, it was impossible to prevent the escape of Firmus ; and, if the usurper could have tired the patience of his antagonist, he would have secured his person in the depth of some remote solitude, and expected the hopes of a future revolution. He was subdued by the perseverance of Theodosius ; who had formed an inflexible determination that the war should end only by the death of the tyrant, and that every nation of Africa which presumed to support his cause should be involved in his ruin. At the head of a small body of troops, which seldom exceeded three thousand five hundred men, the Roman general advanced with a steady prudence, devoid of rashness or of fear, into the heart of a country where he was sometimes attacked by armies of twenty thousand Moors. The boldness of his charge dismayed the irregular Barbarians ; they were disconcerted by his season- able and orderly retreats ; they were continually baffled by the unknown resources of the military art ; and they felt and con- fessed the just superiority which was assumed by the leader of a civilized nation. When Theodosius entered the extensive dominions of Igmazen, king of the Isaflenses, the haughty savage VOL. III. 4 50 THE DECLINE AND FALL required^ in words of defiance, his name and the object of his expedition. " I am," replied the stem and disdainful count, " I am the general of Valentinian, the lord of the world ; who has sent me hither to pursue and punish a desperate robber. Deliver him instantly into my hands ; and be assured that, if thou dost not obey the commands of my invincible sovereign, thou, and the people over whom thou reignest, shall be utterly extirpated." As soon as Igmazen was satisfied that his enemy had strength and resolution to execute the fatal menace, he consented to purchase a necessary peace by the sacrifice of a guilty fugitive. The guards that were placed to secure the person of Firmus deprived him of the hopes of escape ; and the Moorish tyrant, after wine had extinguished the sense of danger, disappointed the insulting triumph of the Romans by strangling himself in the night. His dead body, the only present which Igmazen could offer to the conqueror, was carelessly thrown upon a camel ; and Theodosius, leading back his victorious troops to Sitifi, was saluted by the warmest acclamations of joy and loyalty.127 Beuextciited Africa had been lost by the vices of Romanus ; it was restored I.D. 376*'°' by the virtues of Theodosius : and our curiosity may be usefully directed to the inquiry of the respective treatment which the two generals received from the Imperial court. The authority of Count Romanus had been suspended by the master-general of the cavalry ; and he was committed to safe and honourable custody till the end of the war. His crimes were proved by the most authentic evidence ; and the public expected, with some impatience, the decree of severe justice. But the partial ues- Hero- and powerful favour of Mellobaudes encouraged him to challenge his legal judges, to obtain repeated delays for the purpose of procuring a crowd of friendly witnesses, and, finally, to cover his guilty conduct by the additional guilt of fraud and forgery. About the same time, the restorer of Britain and Africa, on a vague suspicion that his name and services were superior to the rank of a subject, was ignominiously beheaded at Carthage. Valentinian no longer reigned ; and the death of Theodosius, as well as the impunity of Romanus, may justly be imputed to the arts of the ministers who abused the confidence, and deceived the inexperienced youth, of his sons.^^* 127 Ammian. xxix. 5. . The text of this long chapter (fifteen quarto pages) is broken and corrupted, and the narrative is perplexed by the want of chronological and geographical landmarks. [For the revolt, cp. also Pacatus, 5.] i^Ammianus, xxviii. 4. Orosius, 1. vii. c. 33, p. 551, 552. Jerom, in Chron, p. 187. [For confusion of Merobaudes and Mellobaudes, cp. p. 67 and App. 4.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 51 If the geographical accuracy of Ammianus had been fortun- state or ately bestowed on the British exploits of Theodosius, we should have traced, with eager curiosity, the distinct and domestic footsteps of his march. But the tedious enumeration of the unknown and uninteresting tribes of Africa may be reduced to the general remark that they were all of the swarthy race of the Moors ; that they inhabited the back settlements of the Mauritanian and Numidian provinces, the country, as they have since been termed by the Arabs, of dates and of locusts ; i^^ and that, as the Roman power declined in Africa, the boundary of civilized manners and cultivated land was insensibly contracted. Beyond the utmost limits of the Moors, the vast and inhospitable desert of the South extends above a thousand miles to the banks of the Niger. The ancients, who had a very faint and imperfect knowledge of the great peninsula of Africa, were sometimes tempted to believe that the torrid zone must ever remain destitute of inhabitants : i^" and they sometimes amused their fancy by filling the vacant space with headless men, or rather monsters ; i^i with horned and cloven-footed satyrs ; ^^^ with fabulous centaurs ; ^^^ and with human pygmies, who waged a bold and doubtful warfare against the cranes.^^* Carthage 129 Leo Africanus {in the Viaggi di Ramusio, torn. i. fol. 78-83) has traced a curious picture of the people and the country, which are more minutely described in the Afrique de Marraol, torn. iii. p. 1-54. ISO This uninhabitable zone was gradually reduced, by the improvements of ancient geography, from forty-five to twenty-four, or even sixteen, degrees of latitude. See a learned and judicious note of Dr. Robertson, Hist, of America, vol. i. p. 426. 1*1 Intra, si credere libet, vix jam homines et magis semiferi . . . Blemmyes, Satyri, &c. Pomponius Mela, i. 4, p. 26, edit. Voss. in 8vo. Pliny philosophically explains (vi. 35) the irregularities of nature, which he had credulously admitted (v. 8j. 132 If the satyr was the Orang-outang, the great human ape (Buffon, Hist. Nat. tom. xiv. p. 43, &c.), one of that species might actually be shown alive at Alexandria in the reign of Constantine. Yet some difiicultyi will still remain about the conversation which St. Aiithony held with one of these pious savages in the desert of Thebais (Jerom, in Vit. Paul. Eremit. tom. i. p. 238). 133 St. Anthony Ukewise met one of these monsters, whose existence was seriously asserted by the emperor Claudius. The public laughed; but his prsefect of Egypt had the address to send an artful preparation, the embalmed corpse of an Hippocintaur, which was preserved almost a century afterwards in the Imperial palace. See Pliny (Hist. Natur. vii. 3), and the judicious observations of Fr&et (M^moires de I'Acad. tom. vii. p. 321, &c.). is^The fable of the pygmies is as old as Homer (Iliad, iii. 6). The pygmies of India and Ethiopia were (trispithami) twenty-seven inches high. Every spring their cavalry (mounted on rams and goats) marched in battle array to destroy the cranes' eggs, aliter (says Pliny) futuris gregibus jion resisti. Their houses were built of mud, feathers, and egg-shells. See Pliny (vi. 35, vii. 2), and Strabo (I. ii. p. 121 [§ I, 9]). 52 THE DECLINE AND FALL would have trembled at the strange intelligence that the countries on either side of the equator were filled with in- numerable nations, who differed only in their colour from the ordinary appearance of the human species ; and the subjects of the Roman empire might have anxiously expected that the swarms of Barbarians which issued from the North would soon be encountered from the South by new swarms of Barbarians, equally fierce, and equally formidable. These gloomy terrors would indeed have been dispelled by a more intimate acquaintance with the character of their African enemies. The inaction of the negroes does not seem to be the effect either of their virtue or of their pusillanimity. They in- dulge, like the rest of mankind, their passions and appetites ; and the adjacent tribes are engaged in frequent acts of hos- tility.i^^ But their rude ignorance has never invented any effectual weapons of defence or of destruction ; they appear in- capable of forming any extensive plans of government or con- quest ; and the obvious inferiority of their mental faculties has been discovered and abused by the nations of the temperate zone. Sixty thousand blacks are annually embarked from the coast of Guinea, never to return to their native country ; but they are embarked in chains : ^^ and this constant emigra- tion, which, in the space of two centuries, might have furnished armies to overrun the globe, accuses the guilt of Europe and the weakness of Africa. IT. THE IV. The ignominious treaty which saved the army of Jovian Th« pir- had been faithfully executed on the side of the Romans : and, A.D. 385- as they had solemnly renounced the sovereignty and alliance of Armenia and Iberia, those tributary kingdoms were exposed, without protection, to the arms of the Persian monarch. ^^^ Sapor entered the Armenian territories at the head of a formidable host of cuirassiers, of archers, and of mercenary foot ; but it was the invariable practice of Sapor to mix war and IS" The third and fourth volumes of the valuable Histoire des Voyages describe the present state of the negroes. The nations of the sea-coast have been polished by European commerce, and those of the inland country have been improved by Moorish colonies, '3* Histoire Philosophique et Politique, &c. , tom. iv. p. 192. i*^The evidence of Ammianus is original and decisive (xxvii. 12). Moses of Chorene (1. iii. c. 17, p. 249, and c. 34 p. 269) and Procopius (de Bell. Persico, 1. i. c. 5, p. 17, edit. Louvre) have been consulted ; but those historians, who confound distinct facts, repeat the same events, and introduce strange stories, must be used with diffidence and caution. [The account in the text of the war about Armenia is vitiated by numerous confusions. The only good sources are Faustus and Ammian. See above, vol. ii. App. 18.] 373 OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 53 negotiation, and to consider falsehood and perjury as the most powerful instruments of regal policy. He affected to praise the prudent and moderate conduct of the king of Armenia ; and the unsuspicious Tiranus was persuaded, by the repeated assurances [Ar.hMi] of insidious friendship, to deliver his person into the hands of a faithless and cruel enemy. In the midst of a splendid enter- tainment, he was bound in chains of silver, as an honour due to the blood of the Arsacides ; and, after a short confinement in the Tower of Oblivion at Ecbatana,i38 he was released from the miseries of life, either by his own dagger or by that of an[367i.D.] assassin. The kingdom of Armenia was reduced to the state of a Persian province ; the administration was shared between a distinguished satrap and a favourite eunuch ; and Sapor marched, without delay, to subdue the martial spirit of the Iberians. Sauromaces, who reigned in that country by the per- mission of the emperors, was expelled by a superior force ; and, as an insult on the majesty of Rome, the King of kings placed a diadem on the head of his abject vassal Aspacuras. The city of Artogerassa i*^ was the only place of Armenia which presumed to resist the effort of his arms. The treasure deposited in that strong fortress tempted the avarice of Sapor ; but the danger of Olympias, the wife, or widow, of the Armenian king, excited [pharMdzem] the public compassion, and animated the desperate valour of her subjects and soldiers. The Persians were surprised and re- pulsed under the walls of Artogerassa, by a bold and well- concerted sally of the besieged. But the forces of Sapor were continually renewed and increased ; the hopeless courage of the garrison was exhausted ; the strength of the walls yielded to the assault ; and the proud conqueror, after wasting the rebellious city with fire and sword, led away captive an unfortunate queen, who, in a more auspicious hour, had been the destined bride of the son of Constantine.i*" Yet, if Sapor already triumphed in the easy conquest of two dependent kingdoms, he soon felt that a country is unsubdued, as long as the minds of the people are actuated by an hostile and contumacious spirit. The satraps, whom he was obliged to trust, embraced the first opportunity ^^ [Castle of Aniusli (Ammian calls it Agabana), in Susiana ; exact locality is uncertain. For the events (Gibbon makes Arshak into Tiran) see Faustus, iv. 54.] "S Perhaps Artagera, or Ardis [= Ardakers] ; under whose walls Gains, the grandson of Augustus, was wounded. This fortress was situate above Amida, near one of the sources of the Tigris. See d'Anville, G^bgraphie Ancienne, torn, ii. , p. 106. ""Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 701) proves from chronology that Olympias must have been the mother of Para. [The wife was Pharandzem, not Olympias ; Faustus, iv. 55.] 54 THE DECLINE AND FALL of regaining the affection of their countrymen and of signalizing their immortal hatred to the Persian name. Since the conver- sion of the Armenians and Iberians, those nations considered the Christians as the favourites, and the Magians as the adver- saries, of the Supreme Being ; the influence of the clergy over a superstitious people was uniformly exerted in the cause of Rome ; and, as long as the successors of Constantine disputed with those of Artaxerxes the sovereignty of the intermediate provinces, the religious connexion always threw a decisive ad- vantage into the scale of the empire. A numerous and active party acknowledged Para, the son of Tiranus, as the lawful sovereign of Armenia ; and his title to the throne was deeply rooted in the hereditary succession of five hundred years. By the unanimous consent of the Iberians, the countiy was equally divided between the rival princes ; and Aspacuras, who owed his diadem to the choice of Sapor, was obliged to declare that his regard for his children, who were detained as hostages by the tyrant, was the only consideration which prevented him from openly renouncing the alliance of Persia. The cmpevor Valens, who respected the obligations of the treaty, and who was apprehensive of involving the East in a dangerous war, ven- tured, with slow and cautious measures, to support the Roman party in the kingdoms of Iberia and Armenia. Twelve legions established the authority of Sauromaces on the banks of the Cyrus. The Euphrates was protected by the valour of Arin- theus. A powerful army, under the command of Count Trajan, and of Vadomair, king of the Alemanni, fixed their camp on the confines of Armenia. But they were strictly enjoined not to commit the first hostilities, which might be understood as a breach of the treaty : and such was the implicit obedience of the Roman general that they retreated, with exemplary patience, under a shower of Persian arrows, till they had clearly acquired a just title to an honourable and legitimate victory. Yet these appearances of war insensibly subsided in a vain and tedious negotiation. The contending parties supported their claims by mutual reproaches of perfidy and ambition ; and it should seem that the original treaty was expressed in very obscure terms, since they were reduced to the necessity of making their incon- clusive appeal to the partial testimony of the generals of the two nations who had assisted at the negotiations.^*'^ The in- 1**! Am mi an us (xxvii. 12, xxix. i, xxx. i, 2) has described the events, without the dates, of the Persian war. Moses of Chorene ^Hist. Armen. 1. iii. c. 28, p. 261,0. 31, p. 266, c. 35, p. 271) affords some additional facts; but it is extremely difBcult to separate truth from fable. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 55 vasion of the Goths and Huns, which soon afterwards shook the foundations of the Roman empire, exposed the provinces of Asia to the arms of Sapor. But the declining age, and perhaps the infirmities, of the monarch suggested new maxims of tranquiUity and moderation. His death, which happened in the full a.d. sso maturity of a reign of seventy years, changed in a moment the 5?^°'°'' court and councils of Persia ; and their attention was most pro- bably engaged by domestic troubles, and the distant efforts of a Carmanian war.i*^ The remembrance of ancient injuries was lost in the enjoyment of peace. The kingdoms of Armenia andTh«trt«tj- Iberia were permitted, by the mutual, though tacit, consent of a.6"mi both empires, to resume their doubtful neutrality. In the first years of the reign of Theodosius, a Persian embassy arrived at Constantinople, to excuse the unjustifiable measures of the former reign ; and to offer, as the tribute of friendship, or even of respect, a splendid present of gems, of silk, and of Indian elephants.i*^ . In the general picture of the affairs of the East under the Adventumr) reign of Valens, the adventures of Para form one of the mostSf jsmini*' striking and singular objects, The noble youth, by the per- suasion of his mother Olympias, had escaped through the Per- [Pharandrem] sian host that besieged Artogerassa, and implored the protection [ad. 367] of the emperor of the East. By his timid councils. Para was alternately supported, and recalled, and restored, and betrayed, [reitored The hopes of the Armenians were sometimes raised by the presence of their natural sovereign ; and the ministers of Valens were satisfied that they preserved the integrity of the public faith, if their vassal was not suffered to assume the diadem and title of King. But they soon repented of their own rashness. They were confounded by the reproaches and threats of the Persian monarch. They found reason to distrust the cruel and inconstant temper of Para himself, who sacrificed, to the slightest suspicions, the lives of his most faithful servants ; and [a.d. 371] held a secret and disgraceful con-espondence with the assassin of his father and the enemy of his country. Under the specious 1*!^ Artaxerxes was the successor and brother {the cousin-german) of the great Sapor; and the guardian of his son Sapor III. (Agathias, I. iv. p. 136, edit. Louvre [c. 26, p. 263, ed. Bonn] ). See the Universal History, vol, .\i. p. 86, 161. The authors of that unequal work have compiled the Sassanian dynasty with erudition and diligence : but it is a preposterous arrangement to divide the Roman and Oriental accounts into two distinct histories. [The first year of Ardeshir, successor of Sapor, was reckoned from ig Aug. 379, Noldeke, Gesch. der Perser und Araber, &c. , p. 4i'8. For dates of his successors see Appendix 5.] i^'Pacatus in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 22, and Orosius, 1. vii. c. 34. Ictumque turn foedus est, quo universus Oriens usque ad nunc (a.d. 416) tranquillissime fruitur. 56 THE DECLINE AND FALL pretence of consulting with the emperor on the subject of their common interest. Para was persuaded to descend from the mountains of Armenia, where his party was in arms, and to trust his independence and safety to the discretion of a perfidious court. The king of Armenia, for such he appeared in his own eyes and in those of his nation, was received with due honours by the governors of the provinces through which he passed ; but, when he arrived at Tarsus in CiHcia, his progress was stopped under various pretences ; his motions were watched with respectful vigilance ; and he gradually discovered that he was a prisoner in the hands of the Romans. Para suppressed his indignation, dissembled his fears, and, after secretly pre- paring his escape, mounted on horseback with three hundred of his faithful followers. The officer stationed at the door of his apartment immediately communicated his flight to the consular of Cilicia, who overtook him in the suburbs, and endeavoured," . without success, to dissuade him from prosecuting his rash and . dangerous design. A legion was ordered to pursue the royal fugitive ; but the pursuit of infantiy could not be very alarming to a body of light cavalry ; and upon the first cloud of arrows that was discharged into the air they retreated with precipi- tation to the gates of Tarsus. After an incessant march of two days and two nights. Para and his Armenians reached the banks of the Euphrates ; but the passage of the river, which they were obliged to swim, was attended with some delay and some loss. The country was alarmed ; and the two roads, which were only separated by an interval of three miles, had been occupied by a thousand archers on horseback, under the command of a count and a tribune. Para must have yielded to superior force, if the accidental arrival of a friendly traveller had not revealed the danger, and the means of escape. A dark and almost imper- vious path securely conveyed the Armenian troop through the thicket ; and Para had left behind him the count and the tribune, while they patiently expected his approach along the public highways. They returned to the Imperial court to excuse their want of diligence or success : and seriously alleged that the king of Armenia, who was a skilful magician, had trans- formed himself and his followers, and passed before their eyes under a borrowed shape. After his return to his native king- dom, Para still continued to profess himself the friend and ally of the Romans ; but the Romans had injured him too deeply ever to forgive, and the secret sentence of his death was signed in the council of Valens. The execution of the bloody deed OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 57 was committed to the subtle prudence of Count Trajan ; and he had the merit of insinuating himself into the confidence of the credulous prince, that he might find an opportunity of stabbing him to the heart. Para was invited to a Roman banquet, which had been prepared with all the pomp and sensuality of the East : the hall resounded with cheerful music, and the company was already heated with wine ; when the count retired for an instant, drew his sword, and gave the signal of the murder. A robust and desperate Barbarian instantly rushed on the king of Armenia ; and, though he bravely defended his life with the first weapon that chance offered to his hand, the table of the a.d. 374 Imperial general was stained with the royal blood of a guest, and an ally. Such were the weak and wicked maxims of the Roman administration, that, to attain a doubtful object of political interest, the laws of nations and the sacred rights of hospitality were inhumanly Violated in the face of the world. 1** V. During a peaceiiil interval of thirty years, the Romans v. the dan- secured their frontiers, and the Goths extended their dominions. onMt. o?"' The victories of the great Hermanric,!** king of the Ostrogoths, °"""^'' and the most noble of the race of the Amali, have been com- pared, by the enthusiasm of his countrymen, to the exploits of Alexander : with this singular, and almost incredible, difference, that the martial spirit of the Gothic hero, instead of being sup- ported by the vigour of youth, was displayed with glory and success in the extreme period of human life ; between the age of fourscore and one hundred and ten years. The independent tribes were persuaded, or compelled, to acknowledge the king of the Ostrogoths as the sovereign of the Gothic nation : the chiefs of the Visigoths, or Thervingi, renounced the royal title, and assumed the more humble appellation of Judges ; ^^ and, among those judges, Athanaric, Fritigern, and Alavivus were the most illustrious, by their personal merit," as well as by their vicinity to the Roman provinces. These domestic conquests, i<*See in Ammianus (xxx. i) the adventures of Para. [Pap is the true name, F'austus, B. H. passim.] Moses of Chorene calls him Tiridates ; and tells a long and not improbable story of his son Gnelus; who afterwards made himself popular in Armenia, and provoked the jealousy of the reigning king {1. iii. c. 21, &c., p. 253, &e.). [Knel was nephew of Arshak, who killed him and married his wife Pharandzem. Faustus, iy. 1:5.] w The concise account of the reign and conquests of Hermanric, seems to be one of the valuable fragments which Jornandes (c. z8)' borrowed from the Gothic histories of Ablavius, or Tassiodorus. 1^8 [Dahn agrees that the Visigoths belonged to a (loose) confederacy of which Hermanric was chief, Kbn. der Germanen, ii. 90. But he doubts the legitimacy of inferring from the case of Athanaric (called Judge by Themistius, Or. X. , and Ammian.) that the other chiefs were called Judges (v. 10).] 58 THE DECLINE AND FALL which increased the military power of Hermanric, enlarged his ambitious designs. He invaded the adjacent countries of the North ; and twelve considerable nationSj whose names and limits cannot be accurately defined, successively yielded to the supe- riority of the Gothic arms.i*" The Heruli, who inhabited the marshy lands near the lake Maeotis, were renowned for their strength and agility ; and the assistance of their light infantry was eagerly solicited, and highly esteemed, in all the wars of the Barbarians. But the active spirit of the Heruli was sub- dued by the slow and steady perseverance of the Goths ; and, after a bloody action, in which the king was slain, the remains of that warlike tribe became an useful accession to the camp of Hermanric. He then marched against the Venedi ; unskilled in the use of arms, and formidable only by their numbers, which filled the wide extent of the plains of modern Poland. The victorious Goths, who were not inferior in numbers, prevailed in the contest, by the decisive advantages of exercise and disci- pline. After the submission of the Venedi, the conqueror ad- vanced, without resistance, as far as the confines of the Msiii ; i*' an ancient people, whose name is still preserved in the province of Esthonia. Those distant inhabitants of the Baltic coast were supported by the labours of agriculture, enriched by the trade of amber, and consecrated by the peculiar worship of the Mother of the Gods. But the scarcity of iron obliged the jEstian waiTiors to content themselves with wooden clubs ; and the reduction of that wealthy country is ascribed to the prudence, rather than to the arms, of Hermanric. His dominions, which extended from the Danube to the Baltic, included the native seats, and the recent acquisitions, of the Goths ; and he reigned over the greatest part of Germany and Scythia with the authority of a conqueror, and sometimes with the cruelty of a tyrant. But he reigned over a part of the globe incapable of perpetuating and adorning the glory of its heroes. The name of Herman- ric is almost buried in oblivion ; his exploits are imperfectly known ; and the Romans themselves appeared unconscious of "'M. de Buat(Hist. des Peuples de I'Europe, t. vi. p. 311-329) investigates, with more industry than success, the nations subdued by the arms of Hermanric. He denies the existence of the Vasinobronca:, on account of the immoderate length of their name. Yet the French envoy to Ratisbon, or Dresden, must have traversed the countiy of the Mediomatrici. ^^The edition of Grotius (Jornandes, p. 642 [xxiii. § 120]) exhibits the name ot Astri. But reason and the Ambrosian Ms. have restored the ^stii whose manners and situation are expressed by the pencil of Tacitus (Germania c 45) OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 59 the progress of an aspiring power, which threatened the liberty of the North and the peace of the empire.i*'' The Goths had contracted an hereditary attachment for the tim cama ot Imperial house of Constantine, of whose power and liberality war. a.d. set they had received so many signal proofs. They respected the public peace ; and, if an hostile band sometimes presumed to pass the Roman limit, their iiTegular conduct was candidly ascribed to the ungovernable spirit of the Barbarian youth. Their contempt for two new and obscure princes, who had been raised to the throne by a popular election, inspired the Goths with bolder hopes ; and, while they agitated some design of marching their confederate force under the national standard,!^" they were easily tempted to embrace the party of Procopius, and to foment, by their dangerous aid, the civil discord of the Romans. The public treaty might stipulate no more than ten thousand auxiliaries ; but the design was so zealously adopted by the chiefs of the Visigoths that the army which passed the Danube amounted to the number of thirty thousand men.^^' They marched with the proud confidence that their invincible valour would decide the fate of the Roman empire ; and the provinces of Thrace groaned under the weight of the Barbarians, who displayed the insolence of masters and the licentiousness of enemies. But the intemperance which gratified their appetites retarded their progress ; and, before the Goths could receive any certain intelligence of the defeat and death of Procopius, they perceived, by the hostile state of the country, that the civil and military powers were resumed by his successful rival. A chain of posts and fortifications, skilfully disposed by Valens, or the generals of Valens, resisted their march, prevented their retreat, and intercepted their subsistence. The fierceness of the Barbarians was tamed and suspended by hunger ; they indig- nantly threw down their arms at the feet of the conqueror, who offered them food and chains ; the numerous captives were distributed in all the cities of the East ; and the provincials, who were soon familiarized with their savage appearance, ven- tured, by degrees, to measure their own strength with these "' Ammianus (xxxi. 3) observes, in general terms : Ermenrichi . . nobilissimi Regis, et, per multa variaque fortiter facta, vicinis gentibus formidati, &c. ifiOValens . . . docetur relationibus Ducum, gentem Gothorum, ei tempestate intactara ideoque s^vissimam conspiranteni in unum, ad pervadendam parari coUiraitia Thraciarum. Ammian. xxvi. 6. WiM. de Buat (Hist, des Peuples de I'Europe, torn. vi. p. 332) has curiously ascertained the real number of these auxiliaries. The 3000 of Ammianus, and the 10,000 of Zosimus, were only the first divisions of the Gothic army. 60 THE DECLINE AND FALL formidable adversaries, whose name had so long been the object of their terror. The king of Scythia (and Hermanric alone could deserve so lofty a title) was grieved and exasperated by this national calamity. His ambassadors loudly complained, at the court of Valens, of the infraction of the ancient and solemn alliance which had so long subsisted between the Romans and the Goths. They alleged that they had fulfilled the duty of allies by assisting the kinsman and successor of the emperor Julian ; they required the immediate restitution of the noble captives ; and they urged a very singular claim, that the Gothic generals, marching in arms and in hostile an-ay, were entitled to the sacred character and privileges of ambassadors. The decent but peremptory refusal of these extravagant demands was signified to the Barbarians by Victor, master-general of the cavalry ; who expressed, with force and dignity, the just com- plaints of the Emperor of the East.i^^ The negotiation was interrupted ; and the manly exhortations of Valentinian encouraged his timid brother to vindicate the insulted majesty of the empire. 1*^ Hoatuities The splcndour and magnitude of this Gothic war are cele- A.D.'sCT^'ses, brated by a contemporary historian ; '** but the events scarcely deserve the attention of posterity, except as the preliminary steps of the approaching decline and fall of the empire. In- stead of leading the nations of Germany and Scythia to the banks of the Danube, or even to the gates of Constantinople, the aged monarch of the Goths resigned to the brave Athanaric the danger and glory of a defensive war, against an enemy who wielded with a feeble hand the powers of a mighty state. A bridge of boats was established upon the Danube ; the presence of Valens animated his troops ; and his ignorance of the art of war was compensated by personal bravery and a wise deference to the advice of Victor and Arintheus, his masters-general of the cavalry and infantry. The operations of the campaign were 1^2 The march and subsequent negotiation are described in the Fragments of Eunapius (Excerpt. Legal, p. i8, edit. Louvre [fr. 37. F. H. G. iv.]). The provin- cials, who afterwards became familiar with the Barbarians, found that their strength was more apparent than real. They were tall of stature ; but their legs were clumsy, and their shoulders were narrow. iBSValens enim, ut consulto placuerat fratri, cujus regebatur arbitrio, arma concussit in Gothos ratione justS. permbtus. Ammianus (xxvii. 4) then proceeds to describe, not the country of the Goths, but the peaceful and obedient- province of Thrace, which was not affected by the war. 1"^ Eunapius, in Excerpt. Legal, p. 18, 19 [j'i.]. The Greek sophist must have considered as one and the same war the whole series of Gothic history till the victories and peace of Theodosius. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 61 conducted by their skill and experience ; but they found it impossible to drive the Visigoths from their strong posts in the mountains : and the devastation of the plains obliged the Romans themselves to repass the Danube on the approach of winter. The incessant rains, which swelled the waters of the river, produced a tacit suspension of arms, and confined the emperor Valens, during the whole course of the ensuing summer, to his camp of Marcianopolis. The third year of the war was more favourable to the Romans and more pernicious to the Goths. The interruption of trade deprived the Bar- barians of the objects of luxury which they already confounded with the necessaries of life ; and the desolation of a very extensive tract of country threatened them with the horrors of famine. Athanaric was provoked, or compelled, to risk a battle, which he lost, in the plains ; and the pursuit was rendered more bloody by the cruel precaution of the victorious generals, who had promised a large reward for the head of every Goth that was brought into the Imperial camp. The submission of the Barbarians appeased the resentment of Valens and his council ; the emperor listened with satisfaction to the flattering and eloquent remonstrance of the senate of Constantinople, which assumed, for the first time, a share in the public deliberations ; and the same generals, Victor and Arintheus, who had suc- cessfully directed the conduct of the war, were empowered to regulate the conditions of peace. The freedom of trade, wTiich the Goths had hitherto enjoyed, was restricted to two cities on the Danube ; the rashness of their leaders was severely punished by the suppression of their pensions and subsidies ; and the exception, which was stipulated in favour of Athanaric alone, was more advantageous than honourable to the Judge of the Visigoths. Athanaric, who, on this occasion, appears to have consulted his private interest, without expecting the orders of his sovereign, supported his own dignity, and that of his tribe, in the personal interview which was proposed by the ministers of Valens. He persisted in his declaration that it was impos- sible for him, without incurring the guilt of perjury, ever to set his foot on the territory of the empire ; and it is more than probable that his regard for the sanctity of an oath was con- firmed by the recent and fatal examples of Roman treachery. The Danube, which separated the dominions of the two in- dependent nations, was chosen for the scene of the conference. The Emperor of the East and the Judge of the Visigoths, ac- companied by an equal number of armed followers, advanced 62 THE DECLINE AND FALL in their respective barges to the middle of the stream. After the ratification of the treaty, and the dehvery of hostages, Valens returned in triumph to Constantinople ; and the Goths remained in a state of tranquillity about six years ; till they were violently impelled against the Roman empire by an in- numerable host of Scythians, who appeared to issue from the frozen regions of the North. 1=^ WMof^tte The Emperor of the West, who had resigned to his brother jS^Iri"* *^^ command of the Lower Danube, reserved for his im- mediate care the defence of the Rhaetian and Ill)Tian provinces, which spread so many hundred miles along the greatest of the European rivers. The active policy of Valentinian was con- tinually employed in adding new fortifications to the security of the frontier ; but the abuse of this policy provoked the just resentment of the Barbarians. The Quadi complained that the ground for an intended fortress had been marked out on their territories ; and their complaints were urged with so much reason and moderation that Equitius, master-general of lUyricum, consented to suspend the prosecution of the work, till he should be more clearly informed of the will of his sovereign. This fair occasion of injuring a rival, and of advanc- ing the fortune of his son, was eagerly embraced by the in- human Maximin, the prsefect, or rather tyrant, of Gaul. The passions of Valentinian were impatient of control ; and he credulously listened to the assurances of his favourite that, if the government of Valeria, and the direction of the work, were f^^^^' intrusted to the zeal of his son Marcellinus, the emperor should no longer be importuned with the audacious remon- strances of the Barbarians.is" The subjects of Rome, and the natives of Germany, were insulted by the arrogance of a young and worthless minister, who considered his rapid elevation as the proof and reward of his superior merit. He affected, how- ever, to receive the modest application of Gabinius, king of the Quadi, with some attention and regard ; but this artful civility ii>5The Gothic war is described by Ammianus (xxvii. 5), Zosimus (1. iv. p. 211- 214 [c. 10]), and Themistius (Oral. x. p. 129-141;. The orator Themistius was sent from the senate of Constantinople to congratulate the victorious emperor; and his servile eloquence compares Valens on the Danube to Achilles in the Scamander. Jornandes forgets a war peculiar to the l^isi-Goths, and inglorious to the Gothic name (Mascou's Hist, of the Germans, vii. 3). 136 [The measures taken for the security of Valeria are illustrated by an inscrip- tion found near Gran (C. I. L. 3, 3653), which records the construction of a iurffum named Conimercium. In 377 a.d. Frigeridus was dux of Valeria, and his name is preserved inscribed on several tiles, C. I. L. 3, 3761. Cp. also Mommsen, Hermes, 17, p. 523-] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 63 concealed a dark and bloody design, and the credulous prince was persuaded to accept the pressing invitation of Marcellinus. I am at a loss how to vary the narrative of similar crimes ; or how to relate that, in the course of the same year, but in remote parts of the empire, the inhospitable table of two Im- perial generals was stained with the royal blood of two guests and allies, inhumanly murdered by their order and in their presence. The fate of Gabinius and of Para was the same : but the cruel death of their sovereign was resented in a very different manner by the servile temper of the Armenians and the free and daring spirit of the Germans. The Quadi were much declined from that formidable power which, in the time of Marcus Antoninus, had spread terror to the gates of Rome. But they still possessed arms and courage ; their courage was animated by despair, and they obtained the usual reinforcement of the cavalry of their Sarmatian allies. So improvident was the assassin Marcellinus that he chose the moment when the bravest veterans had been drawn away to suppress the revolt of Firmus ; and the whole province was exposed, with a very feeble defence, to the rage of the exasperated Barbarians. They invaded Pannonia in the season of harvest ; unmercifully destroyed every object of plunder which they could not easily transport ; and either disregarded or demolished the empty fortifications. The princess Constantia, the daughter of the emperor Constantius and the grand-daughter of the great Constantine, very narrowly escaped. That royal maid, who had innocently supported the revolt of Procopius, was now the destined wife of the heir of the Western empire. She traversed the peaceful province with a splendid and unarmed train. Her person was saved from danger, and the republic from disgrace, by the active zeal of Messalla, governor of the provinces. As soon as he was informed that the village, where she stopped only to dine, was almost encompassed by the Bar- barians, he hastily placed her in his own chariot, and drove full speed till he reached the gates of Sirmium, which were at the distance of six and twenty miles. Even Sirmium might not have been secure, if the Quadi and Sarmatians had diligently advanced during the general consternation of the magistrates and people. Their delay allowed Probus, the Praetorian praefect, sufficient time to recover his own spirits and to revive the courage of the citizens. He skilfully directed their strenuous efforts to repair and strengthen the decayed fortifications; and procured the seasonable and effectual tlon 64 THE DECLINE AND FALL assistance of a company of archers, to protect the capital of the Illyrian provinces. Disappointed in their attempts against the walls of Sirmium, the indignant Barbarians turned their arms against the master-general of the frontier, to whom they unjustly attributed the murder of their king. Equitius could bring into the field no more than two legions ; but they contained the veteran strength of the Msesian and Pannonian bands. The obstinacy with which they disputed the vain honours of rank and precedency was the cause of their destruction ; and, while they acted with separate forces and divided councils, they were surprised and slaughtered by the active vigour of the Sarmatian horse. The success of this invasion provoked the emulation of the bordering tribes; and the province of Maesia would in- fallibly have been lost, if young Theodosius, the duke, or military commander, of the frontier, had not signalized, in the defeat of the public enemy, an intrepid genius, worthy of his illustrious father, and of his future greatness, i*^ Th« expedi- The mind of Valentinian, who then resided at Treves, was deeply affected by the calamities of Illyricum ; but the lateness of the season suspended the execution of his designs till the ensuing spring. He marched in person, with a considerable part of the forces of Gaul, from the banks of the Moselle : and to the suppliant ambassadors of the Sarmatians, who met him on the way, he returned a doubtful answer that, as soon as he reached the scene of action, he should examine and pronounce. When he arrived at Sirmium, he gave audience to the deputies of the Illjrrian provinces ; who loudly congratulated their own felicity under the auspicious government of Probus, his Prae- torian praefect.1^8 Valentinian, who was flattered Jjy these demonstrations of their loyalty and gratitude, imprudently asked "' Ammianus (xxix. 6) and Zosimus (1. iv. p. 219, 220 [c. 16]) carefully mark the origin and progress of the Quadic and Sarmatian war. [Cp. Ranke, Welt- geschichte, iv. i, 168. But the victory of Theodosius was probably won after his recall in 378 A.D. So Richter, Westrom. Reich, 691; Sievers, Stud., 294; Kauf- mann, Philologus, 31, 472, sqq. The authority is Theodoret, v. 5, 6, and perhaps Pacatus, Paneg. 9, 10.] 1™ Ammianus (xxx. 5), who acknowledges the merit, has censured, with be- coming asperity, the oppressive administration, of Petronius Probus. When Jerom translated and continued the Chronicle of Eusebius (A.D. 380. See Tillemont, M6m. Eccles. torn. xii. p. 53, 626), he expressed the truth, or at least the public opinion of his country, in the following words ; " Probus P. P. Illyrici iniquissimis tributorum exactionibus, ante'provincias quas regebat, quam a Barbaris vasta- rentur, erasit" (Chron. edit. Scaliger, p. 187. Animadvers. p. 259). The saint afterwards formed an intimate and tender friendship with the widow of Probus ; and the name of Count Equitius, with less propriety, but without much injustice, has been substituted in the text. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 65 the deputy of Epirus, a Cynic philosopher of intrepid sincerity^i^*' whether he was freely sent by the wishes of the province ? " With tears and groans am I sent (replied Iphicles) by a reluctant people." The emperor paused : but the im- , punity of his ministers established the pernicious maxim that they might oppress his subjects without injuring his service. A strict inquiry into their conduct would have relieved the public discontent. The severe condemnation of the murder of Gabinius was the only measure which could restore the confi- dence of the Germans and vindicate the honour of the Roman name. But the haughty monarch was incapable of the magna- nimity which dares to acknowledge a fault. He forgot the pro- vocation, remembered only the injury, and advanced into the country of the Quadi with an insatiate thirst of blood and revenge. The extreme devastation and promiscuous massacre of a savage war were justified, in the eyes of the emperor, and perhaps in those of the world, by the cruel equity of retalia- tion ; 1^" and such was the discipline of the Romans, and the consternation of the enemy, that Valentinian repassed the Danube without the loss of a single man. As he had resolved to complete the destruction of the Quadi by a second campaign, he fixed his winter-quarters at Bregetio, on the Danube, near the [o-szdny] Hungarian city of Presburg. While the operations of war were suspended by the severity of the weather, the Quadi made an humble attempt to deprecate the wrath of their conqueror ; and, at the earnest persuasion, of Equitius, their ambassadors were intro- duced into the Imperial council. They approached the throne with bended bodies and dejected countenances ; and, without daring to complain of the murder of their king, they affirmed, with solemn oaths, that the late invasion was the crime of some irregular robbers, which the public council of the nation con- demned and abhorred. The answer of the emperor left them but little to hope from his clemency or compassion. He re- viled, in the most intemperate language, their baseness, their ingratitude, their insolence. — His eyes, his voice, his colour, his gestures, expressed the violence of his ungovemed fury; and, while his whole frame was agitated with convulsive passion, a large 159 Julian (Orat. vi. p. 198) represents his friend Lphicles as a man of virtue and merit, , who had made himself ridiculous and unhapp^y adopting the extravagant dress and manners of the Cynics. i™Ammian. xxx. 5. Jerom, who exaggerates the misfortune of Valentinian, refuses him even this last consolation of revenge. Genitali vastato solo, et inultam patriam derelinquens (torn. i. p. 26 [ep. 60]). VOL. III. 5 n. 66 THE DECLINE AND FALL blood-vessel suddenly burst in his body; and Valentinian fell speechless into the arras of his attendants. Their pious care im- mediately concealed his situation from the crowd ; but, in a few and dBith, of minutes, the Emperor of the West expired in an agony of pain, " retaining his senses till the last, and struggling, without success, to declare his intentions to the generals and ministers who A.D. 37«, surrounded the royal couch. Valentinian was about fifty-four iioT.mberi7 y^^j.^ ^f ^ge ; and he wanted only one hundred days to accom- plish the twelve years of his reign.^"! The emparon The polygamy of Valentinian is seriously attested by an v3eiiuiiSi ecclesiastical historian. 1^2 "The empress Severa (I relate the " fable) admitted into her familiar society the lovely Justina, the daughter of an Italian governor ; her admiration of those naked charms which she had often seen in the bath was expressed with such lavish and imprudent praise that the emperor was tempted to introduce a second wife into his bed ; and his public edict extended to all the subjects of the empire the same domestic privilege which he had assumed for himself." But we may be assured, from the evidence of reason as well as history, that the two marriages of Valentinian, with Severa, and with Justina, were successively contracted ; and that he used the ancient per- mission of divorce, which was still allowed by the laws, though it was condemned by the church. Severa was the mother of Gratian, who seemed to unite every claim which could entitle him to the undoubted succession of the Western empire. He was the eldest son of a monarch, whose glorious reign had con- firmed the free and honourable choice of his fellow-soldiers. Before he had attained the ninth year of his age, the royal youth received from the hands of his indulgent father the purple robe and diadem, with the title of Augustus : the election was solemnly ratified by the consent and applause of the armies of Gaul ; ^^^ and the name of Gratian was added to 1*1 See, on the death of Valentinian, Ammianus (xxx. 6), Zosimus (1. iv. p. 221 [c. 17]), Victor (in Epitom. [45]), Socrates (1. iv. c. 31), and Jerom (in Chron. p. 187, and torn. i. p. 26, ad Heliodor.). Tliere is much variety of circumstances among them, and Ammianus is so eloquent that he writes nonsense. i"* Socrates (1. iv. c. 31) is the only original witness of this foolish story, so re- pugnant to the laws and manners of the Romans that it scarcely deserves the formal and elaborate dissertation of M. Bonamy (M6m. de I'Acaddmie, torn. xxx. p. 394-405). Yet I would preserve the natural circumstance of the bath, instead of following Zosimus, who represents Justina as an old woman, the widow of Magnentius. [For the divorce of Valeria Severa Marina, and marriage with Aviana Justina, cp. Richter, Das west-rijmische Reich, p. 278.] 183 Ammianus (xxvii. 6) describes the form of this military election and august investiture. Valentinian does not appear to have consulted, or even informed, the senate of Rome. [Date ; Idatius, Fast. Cons.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 67 the names of Valentinian and Valens, in all the legal transac- tions of the Roman government. By his marriage with the grand-daughter of Constantine, the son of Valentinian acquired roonBtantia, all the hereditary rights of the Flavian family; which, in aooStantiM series of three Imperial generations, were sanctified by time, "'^ religion, and the reverence of the people. At the death of his father, the royal youth was in the seventeenth year of his age ; and his virtues already justified the favourable opinion of the army and people. But Gratian resided, without apprehension, in the palace of Treves ; whilst, at the distance of many hundred miles, Valentinian suddenly expired in the camp of Bregetio. The passions, which had been so long suppressed by the presence of a master, immediately revived in the imperial council ; and the ambitious design of reigning in the name of an infant, was artfully executed by Mellobaudes and Equitius, p*? Mero- who commanded the attachment of the Illyrian and Italian bands. They contrived the most honourable pretences to remove the popular leaders and the troops of Gaul, who might have asserted the claims of the lawful successor ; they sug- gested the necessity of extinguishing the hopes of foreign and domestic enemies by a bold and decisive measure. The empress Justina, who had been left in a palace about one hundred miles from Bregetio, was respectfully invited to appear in the camp, with the son of the deceased emperor. On the sixth day after the death of Valentinian, the infant prince of the same name, who was only four years old, was shewn in the arms of his mother to the legions ; and solemnly invested by military acclamation with the titles and ensigns of supreme power. The impending dangers of a civil war were seasonably prevented by the wise and moderate conduct of the emperor Gratian. He cheerfully accepted the choice of the army ; declared that he should always consider the son of Justina as a brother, not as a rival ; and advised the empress, with her son Valentinian, to fix their residence at Milan, in the fair and peaceful province of Italy ; while he assumed the more arduous command of the countries beyond the Alps. Gratian dis- sembled his resentment till he could safely punish, or disgrace, the authors of the conspiracy ; and, though he uniformly behaved with tenderness and regard to his infant colleague, he gradually confounded, in the administration of the Western empire, the office of a guardian with the authority of a sovereign. The government of the Roman world was exercised in the united names of Valens and his two nephews ; but the 68 THE DECLINE AND FALL feeble emperor of the East, who succeeded to the rank of his elder brother, never obtained any weight or influence in the councils of the West.^'* ^^^Ammianus, xxx. lo. Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 222, 223, [c. 19]. Tillemont has proved {Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 707-709) that Gratian reigned in Italy, Africa, and Illyricum. I have endeavoured to express his authority over his brother's dominions, as he used it, in an ambiguous style. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 69 CHAPTER XXVI Mannas of the Pastoral Nations — Progress of the Huns, from China to Europe — Flight of the Goths — Thei/ pass the Danube — Gothic war — Defeat a.nd Death of Valeiis — Grutian invests Theodosius with the Eastern Empire — His Character and Success — Peace and Settleinent of the Got/is In the second year of the reign of Valentinian and Valens, on EnrthaMkei. the morning of the twenty-first day of July, the greatest part ofai?' '"'^ the Roman world was shaken by a violent and destructive earthquake. The impression was communicated to the waters ; the shores of the Mediterranean were left dry, by the sudden retireat of the sea ; great quantities of fish were caught with the hand ; large vessels were stranded on the mud ; and a curious spectator i amused his eye, or rather his fancy, by contemplating the various appearance of valleys and mountains, which had never, since the formation of the globe, been exposed to the sun. But the tide soon returned, with the weight of an im- mense and irresistible deluge, which was severely felt on the coast of Sicily, of Dalmatia, of Greece, and of Egypt ; large boats were transported, and lodged on the roofs of houses, or at the distance of two miles from the shore ; the people, with their habitations, were swept away by the waters ; and the city of Alexandria annually commemorated the fatal day on which fifty thousand persons had lost their lives in the inunda- tion. This Calamity, the report of which was magnified from one province to another, astonished and terrified the subjects of Rome ; and their affrighted imagination enlarged the real extent of a momentary evil. They recollected the preceding earth- quakes, which had subverted the cities of Palestine and Bithynia ; they considered these alarming strokes as the prelude only of still more dreadful calamities, and their fearful vanity was disposed to confound the symptoms of a declining empire and a iSuch is the bad taste of Amtnianus (xxvi. lo) that it is not easy to distinguish his facts from his metaphors. Yet he positively affirms that he saw the rotten carcase of a ship, ad secundum lapidem, at Methone, or Modon, in Peloponnesus. 70 THE DECLINE AND FALL sinking world.^ It was the fashion of the times to attribute every remarkable event to the particular will of the Deity ; the alterations of nature were connected, by an invisible chain, with the moral and metaphysical opinions of the human mind ; and the most sagacious divines could distinguish, according to the colour of their respective prejudices, that the establishment of heresy tended to produce an earthquake, or that a deluge was the inevitable consequence of the progress of sin and error. With- out presuming to discuss the truth or propriety of these lofty speculations, the historian may content himself with an observa- tion, which seems to be justified by experience, that man has much more to fear from the passions of his fellow-creatures than from the convulsions of the elements.^ The mischievous effects of an earthquake or deluge, a hurricane, or the eruption of a volcano, bear a very inconsiderable proportion to the ordinary calamities of war, as they are now moderated by the prudence or humanity of the princes of Europe, who amuse their own leisure, and exercise the courage of their subjects, in the practice of the military art. But the laws and manners of modem nations protect the safety and freedom of the van- quished soldier ; and the peaceful citizen has seldom reason to complain that his life, or even his fortune, is exposed to the rage of war. In the disastrous period of the fall of the Roman empire, which may justly be dated from the reign of Valens, the happiness and security of each individual were persoijally attacked ; and the arts and labours of ages were rudely defaced meHuM and by the Barbarians of Scythia and Germany. The invasion of 376 ■ ' ■ the Huns precipitated on the provinces of the West the Gothic nation, which advanced, in less than forty years, from the Danube to the Atlantic, and opened a way, by the success of their arms, to the inroads of so many hostile tribes, more savage than themselves. The original principle of motion was concealed in the remote countries of the North ; and the curious observa- 2 The earthquakes and inundations are variously described by Libanius (Oral, de ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. x. in Fabricius, Bibl. Grsec. torn. vii. p. 158, with a learned note of Olearius), Zosimus {1. iv. p. zzi [c. 18]), Sozomen (1. vi. c. 2), Ced- renus (p. 310, 314), and Jerom (in Chron. p. 186, and t. i. p. 250, in Vit. Hilarion). Epidaurus must have been overwhelmed, had not the prudent citizens placed St. Hilarion, an Egyptian monk, on the beach. He made the sign of the cross; the mountain wave stopped, bowed, and returned. [The earthquakes in Greece men- tioned by Zosimus belong to a.d. 375.] 3 Dicasarchus, the Peripatetic, composed a formal treatise, to prove this obvious truth ; ^yhich is not the most honourable to the human species. Cicero, de Officiis, ii. 5. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 71 tion of the pastoral life of the Scythians/ or Tartars/ will illustrate the latent cause of these destructive emigrations. The different characters that mark the civilized nations of the Tie pMtorai slobe may be ascribed to the use, and the abuse, of reason; of tho 1-1 .11 1 ./..n 1 Scytliiani, which so variously shapes, and so artificially composes, the or xarUM manners and opinions of an European or a Chinese. But the operation of instinct is more sure and simple than that of reason : it is much easier to ascertain the appetites of a quadruped than the speculations of a philosopher ; and the savage tribes of mankind, as they approach nearer to the condition of animals, preserve a stronger resemblance to themselves and to each other. The uniform stability of their manners is the natural consequence of the imperfection of their faculties. Reduced to a similar situation, their wants, their desires, their enjoyments, still continue the same ; and the influence of food or climate, which, in a more improved state of society, is suspended or subdued by so many moral causes, most powerfully contributes to form and to maintain the national character of Barbarians. In every age, the immense plains of Scythia or Tartary have been inhabited by vagrant tribes of hunters and shepherds, whose indolence refuses to cultivate the earth, and whose restless spirit disdains the confinement of a sedentary life. In every age, the Scythians and Tartars have been renowned for their invincible courage and rapid conquests. The thrones of Asia have been repeatedly overturned by the shepherds of the North ; and their arms have spread terror and devastation over the most fertile and warlike countries of Europe." On this occasion, as well as on many others, the sober historian is forcibly awakened from a pleasing vision ; and is compelled, *The original Scythians of Herodotus (1. iv. c. 47-57, 99-101) were confined by the Danube and the Palus Masotis, within a square of 4000 stadia (400 Roman miles). See d'Anville (M^m de I'Acad^mie, torn. xxxv. p. 573-591). Diodorus .Siculus (tom. i, 1. ii. p. 155, edit. Wesseling) has marked the gradual progress of the name and nation. s The Tatars, or Tartars, were a primitive tribe, the rivals, and at length the subjects, of the Moguls. In the victorious armies of Zingis Khan, and his successors, the Tartars formed the vanguard ; and the name, which first reached the ears of foreigners, was applied to the whole nation (Fr^ret, in the Hist, de I'Acad^mie, tom. xviii. p. 60). In speaking of all, or any, of the northern shepherds of Europe, or Asia, I indifferently use the appellations of Scythians or Tartars. '^ Impgrium Asiae ter quassivere : ipsi perpetuo ab alieno imperio aut intacti aut invicti mansere. Since the time of Justin (ii. 2), they have multiplied this account. Voltaire, in a few words (tom. x. p. 64, Hist. G&6rale, t. 156), has abridged the Tartar conquests. Oft o'er the trembling nations from afar Has Scythia breath'd the living cloud of war. 72 THE DECLmE AND EALL with some reluctance, to confess that the pastoral manners which have been adorned with the fairest attributes of peace and innocence are much better adapted to the fierce and cruel habits of a military life. To illustrate this observation, I shall now proceed to consider a nation of shepherds and of warriors, in the three important articles of, I. Their diet ; II. Their habita- tions ; and. III. Their exercises. The narratives of antiquity are justified by the experience of modem times ; '^ and the banks of the Borysthenes, of the Volga, or of the Selinga, will indif- ferently present the same uniform spectacle of similar and native manners.^ I. The corn, or even the rice, which constitutes the ordinary and wholesome food of a civilized people, can be obtained only by the patient toil of the husbandman. Some of the happy savages who dwell between the tropics are plentifully nourished by the liberality of nature ; but in the climates of the North a nation of shepherds is reduced to their flocks and herds. The skilful practitioners of the medical art will determine (if they are able to determine) how far the temper of the human mind may be affected by the use of animal or of vegetable food ; and whether the common association of carnivorous and cruel de- serves to be considered in any other light than that of an inno- cent, perhaps a salutary, prejudice of humanity.^ Yet, if it be true that the sentiment of compassion is imperceptibly weak- ened by the sight and practice of domestic cruelty, we may observe that the horrid objects which are disguised by the arts of European refinement are exhibited, in their naked and 'The fourth book of Herodotus affords a curious, though imperfect, portrait of the Scythians. Among the moderns, who describe the uniform scene, the Khan of Khowaresm, Abulghazi Bahadur, expresses his native feehngs; and his Genealogical History of the Tartars has been copiously illustrated by the French and English editors. Carpin, Ascelin, and Rubruquis (in the Hist, des Voyages, tom. vii. ) represent the Moguls of the fourteenth century. To these guides I have added Gerbillon, and the other Jesuits (Description de la Chine, par du Halde, tom. iv.), who accurately surveyed the Chinese Tartary; and that honest and intelligent traveller, Bell of Antermony (two volumes in 4to, Glasgow, 1763). 8 The Uzbecks are the most altered from their primitive manners; i, by the profession of the Mahometan religion ; and, 2, by the possession of the cities and harvests of the great Bucharia. 8 II est certain que les grands mangeurs de viande sont en g^n^ral cruels et f^roces plus que les autres hommes. Cette observation est de tous les lieux, et de tous les tems: la barbare Angloise est connue, &c. Emile de Rousseau, tom. i. p. 274. Whatever we may think of the general observation, we shall not easily allow the truth of his example. The good-natvured complaints of Plutarch, and the pathetic lamentations of Ovid, seduce our reason, by exciting our sensibility. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 73 most disgusting simplicityj in the tent of a Tartarian shep- herd. The ox or the sheep are slaughtered by the same hand from which they were accustomed to receive their daily food ; and the bleeding limbs are served, with very little preparation, on the table of their unfeeling murderer. In the military pro- fession, and especially in the conduct of a numerous army, the exclusive use of animal food appears to be productive of the most solid advantages. Corn is a bulky and perishable com- modity; and the large magazines, which are indispensably necessary for the subsistence of our troops, must be slowly trans- ported by the labour of men or horses. But the flocks and herds, which accompany the march of the Tartars, afford a sure and increasing supply of flesh and milk ; in the far greater part of the uncultivated waste, the vegetation of the grass is quick and luxuriant ; and there are few places so extremely barren that the hardy cattle of the North cannot find some tolerable pasture. The supply is multiplied and prolonged by the undistinguishing appetite aijd patient abstinence of the Tartars. They indiffer- ently feed on the flesh of those animals that have been killed for the table or have died of disease. Horse-flesh, which in every age and country has been proscribed by the civilized nations of Europe and Asia, they devour with peculiar greediness ; and this singular taste facilitates the success of their military opera- tions. The active cavalry of Scythia is always followed, in their most distant and rapid incursions, by an adequate number of spare horses, who may be occasionally used, either to redouble the speed, or to satisfy the hunger, of the Barbarians. Many are the resources of courage and poverty. When the forage round a camp of Tartars is almost consumed, they slaughter the greatest part of their cattle, and preserve the flesh either smoked or dried in the sun. On the sudden emergency of a hasty march, they provide themselves with a sufficient quantity of little balls of cheese, or rather of hard curd, which they occasionally dissolve in water ; and this unsubstantial diet will support, for many days, the life, and even the spirits, of the patient warrior. But this extraordinary abstinence, which the Stoic would approve and the hermit might envy, is commonly succeeded by the most voracious indulgence of appetite. The wines of a happier climate are the most grateful present, or the most valuable commodity, that can be offered to the Tartars ; and the only example of their industry seems to consist in the art of extracting from mares' milk a fermented liquor, which possesses a very strong power of intoxication. Like the animals of prey, the savages, both of the 74 THE DECLINE AND FALL old and new world, experience the alternate vicissitudes of famine and plenty ; and their stomach is enured to sustain, without much inconvenience, the opposite extremes of hunger and of intemperance. II. In the ages of rustic and martial simplicity, a people of soldiers and husbandmen are dispersed over the face of an ex- tensive and cultivated country, and some time must elapse before the warlike youth of Greece or Italy could be assembled under the same standard, either to defend their own confines or to invade the territories of the adjacent tribes. The progress of manufactures and commerce insensibly collects a large multi- tude within the walls of a city ; but these citizens are no longer soldiers ; and the arts which adorn and improve the state of " civil society corrupt the habits of a military life. The pastoral manners of the Scythians seem to unite the different advantages of simplicity and refinement. The individuals of the same tribe are constantly assembled, but they are assembled in a camp; and the native spirit of these dauntless shepherds is animated by mutual support and emulation. The houses of the Tartars are no more than small tents, of an oval form, which afford a cold and dirty habitation for the promiscuous youth of both sexes. The palaces of the rich consist of wooden huts, of such a size that they may be conveniently fixed on large waggons and drawn by a team perhaps of twenty or thirty oxen. The flocks and herds, after grazing all day in the adjacent pastures, retire, on the approach of night, within the protection of the camp. The necessity of preventing the most mischievous confusion, in such a perpetual concourse of men and animals, must gradually in- troduce, in the distribution, the order, and the guard of the en- campment, the rudiments of the military art. As soon as the forage of a certain district is consumed, the tribe, or rather army, of shepherds makes a regular march to some fresh pastures ; and thus acquires, in the ordinary occupations of the pastoral life, the practical knowledge of one of the most important and difficult operations of war. The choice of stations is regulated by the difference of the seasons : in the summer, the Tartars advance towards the North, and pitch their tents on the banks of a river, or, at least, in the neighbourhood of a running stream. But in the winter they return to the South, and shelter their camp behind some convenient eminence, against the winds which are chilled in their passage over the bleak and icy regions of Siberia. These manners are admirably adapted to diffuse, among the wandering tribes, the spirit of emigration and conquest. The OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 75 connexion between the people and their territory is of so frail a texture that it may be broken by the slightest accident. The camp, and not the soil, is the native country of the genuine Tartar. Within the precincts of that camp, his family, his com- panions, his property are always included ; and in the most dis- tant marches he is still surrounded by the objects which are dear, or valuable, or familiar in his eyes. The thirst of rapine, the fear or the resentment of injury, the impatience of servi- tude, have, in every age, been sufficient causes to urge the tribes of Scythia boldly to advance into some unknown countries, where they might hope to find a more plentiful subsistence or a less formidable enemy. The revolutions of the North have fre- quently determined the fate of the South ; and, in the conflict of hostile nations, the victor and the vanquished have alternately drove and been driven, from the confines of China to those of Germany. 1" These great emigrations, which have been some- times executed with almost incredible diligence, were rendered more easy by the peculiar nature of the climate. It is well known that the cold of Tartary is much more severe than in the midst of the temperate zone might reasonably be expected : this uncommon rigour is attributed to the height of the plains, which rise, especially towards the East, more than half a mile above the level of the sea ; and to the quantity of saltpetre with which the soil is deeply impregnated.^^ In the winter- season, the broad and rapid rivers, that discharge their waters into the Euxine, the Caspian, or the Icy Sea, are strongly frozen ; the fields are covered with a bed of snow ; and the fugitive or victorious tribes may securely traverse, with their families, their 1" These Tartar emigrations have been discovered by M. de Guignes (Histoire des Huns, torn. i. ii.), a skilful and laborious interpreter of the Chinese language ; who has thus laid open new and important scenes in the history of mankind. [The account of the Hiung-nu (= " Hiung slaves") and their relations to China, which Gibbon has derived from De Guignes, is on the whole accurate. I have compared it with the work of a living Chinese scholar, Mr. E. H. Parker, A Thou- sand Years of the Tartars, 1895. But this episode ceases to be relevant, when we recognize that there is no good ground for identifying the Hiung-nu with the Huns ; in fact, that identification rested entirely on the resemblance of name between the two nomad peoples. Sir H. Howorth decided against the theory, on the ground that the Hiung-nu are certainly 'I urks, while he regards the Huns as Ugrians. But see Appendix 6.] " A plain in the Chinese Tartary, only eighty leagues from the great wall, was found by the missionaries to be three thousand geometrical paces above the level of the sea. Montesquieu, who has used, and abused, the relations of travellers, deduces the revolutions of Asia from this important circumstance that heat and cold, weakness and strength, touch each other without any temperate zone (Esprit des Loix, 1. xvii. c. 3). 76 THE DECLINE AND FALL waggons, and their cattle, the smooth and hard surface of an immense plain. III. The pastoral life, compared with the labours of agri^ culture and manufactures, is undoubtedly a life of idleness ; and, as the most honourable shepherds of the Tartar race devolve on their captives the domestic management of the cattle, their ovm leisure is seldom disturbed by any servile and assiduous cares. But this leisure, instead of being devoted to the soft enjoyments of love and harmony, is usefully spent in the violent and sanguinary exercise of the chase. The plains of Tartary are filled with a strong and serviceable breed of horses, which are easily trained for the purposes of war and hunting. The Scythians of every age have been celebrated as bold and skilful riders ; and constant practice had seated them so firmly on horseback that they were supposed by strangers to perform the ordinary duties of civil life, to eat, to drink, and even to sleep, without dismounting from their steeds. They excel in the dexterous management of the lance ; the long Tartar bow is drawn with a nervous arm ; and the weighty arrow is directed to its object with unerring aim and irresistible force. These arrows are often pointed against the harmless animals of the desert, which increase and multiply in the absence of their most formidable enemy : the hare, the goat, the roebuck, the fallow-deer, the stag, the elk, and the ante- lope. The vigour and patience both of the men and horses are continually exercised by the fatigues of the chase ; and the plentiful supply of game contributes to the subsistence, and even luxuiy, of a Tartar camp. But the exploits of the hunters of Scythia are not confined to the destruction of timid or in- noxious beasts ; they boldly encounter the angry wild boar, when he turns against his pursuers, excite the sluggish courage of the bear, and provoke the fury of the tiger, as he slumbers in the thicket. Where there is danger, there may be glory ; and the mode of hunting which opens the fairest field to the exertions of valour may justly be considered as the image and as the school of war. The general hunting-matches, the pride and delight of the Tartar princes, compose an instructive exercise for their numerous cavalry. A circle is drawn, of many miles in circumference, to encompass the game of an extensive district ; and the troops that form the circle regularly advance towards a common centre ; where the captive animals, surrounded on every side, are abandoned to the darts of the hunters. In this march, which frequently continues many days, OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 77 the cavalry are obliged to climb the hills, to swim the rivers, and to wind through the valleys, without interrupting the prescribed order of their gradual progress. They acquire the habit of directing their eye, and their steps, to a remote object ; of preserving their intervals ; of suspending, or accelerating, their pace, according to the motions of the troops on their right and left ; and of watching and repeating the signals of their leaders. Their leaders study, in this practical school, the most important lesson of the military art : the prompt and accurate judgment of ground, of distance, and of time. To employ against a human enemy the same patience and valour, the same skill and discipline, is the only alteration which is required in real war ; and the amusements of the chase serve as a prelude to the conquest of an empire.^^ The political society of the ancient Germans has the appear- Qovomment ance of a voluntary alliance of independent warriors. The tribes of Scythia, distinguished by the modern appellation of Hords, assume the form of a numerous and increasing family ; which, in the course of successive generations, has been propa- gated from the same original stock. The meanest and most ignor- ant of the Tartars preserve, with conscious pride, the inestimable treasure of their genealogy ; and, whatever distinctions of rank may have been introduced by the unequal distribution of pastoral wealth, they mutually respect themselves, and each other, as the descendants of the first founder of the tribe. The custom, which still prevails, of adopting the bravest and most faithful of the captives may countenance the very probable suspicion that this extensive consanguinity is, in a great measure, legal and fictitious. But the useful prejudice, which has obtained the sanction of time and opinion, produces the effects of truth ; the haughty Barbarians yield a cheerful and voluntary obedience to the head of their blood ; and their chief or mursa, as the representative of their great father, exercises the authority of a judge, in peace, and of a leader, in war. In the original state of the pastoral world, each of the mursas (if we may continue to use a modern appellation) acted as the in- dependent chief of a large and separate family ; and the limits 12 Petit de la Croix (Vie de Gengiscan, 1. iii. c. 7) represents the full glory and extent of the Mogul chase. The Jesuits Gerbillon and Verbiest followed the emperor Kamhi when he hunted in Tartary (Duhalde, Description de la Chine, torn. iv. p. 81, 290, &c., folio edit.). His grandson, Kienlong, who unites the Tartar discipline with the laws and learning of China, describes (Eloge de Moukden, p. 273-285), as a poet, the pleasures which he had often enjoyed, as a sportsman. 78 THE DECLINE AND FALL of their peculiar territories were gradually fixed by superior force or mutual consent. But the constant operation of various and permanent causes contributed to unite the vagrant Hords into national communities, under the command of a supreme head. The weak were desirous of support, and the strong were ambitious of dominion ; the power, which is the result of union, oppressed and collected the divided forces of the adjacent tribes ; and, as the vanquished were freely admitted to share the advantages of victory, the most valiant chiefs hastened to range themselves and their followers under the formidable standard of a confederate nation. The most successful of the Tartar princes assumed the military command, to which he was entitled by the superiority either of merit or of power. He was raised to the throne by the acclamations of his equals ; and the title of Klian expresses, in the language of the North of Asia, the full extent of the regal dignity. The right of hereditary succession was long confined to the blood of the founder of the monarchy ; and at this moment all the Khans, who reign from Crimea to the wall of China, are the lineal descendants of the renowned Zingis.^' But, as it is the indis- pensable duty of a Tartar sovereign to lead his warlike subjects into the field, the claims of an infant are often disregarded ; and some royal kinsman, distinguished by his age and valour, is intrusted with the sword and sceptre of his predecessor. Two distinct and regular taxes are levied on the tribes, to support the dignity of their national monarch and of their peculiar chief; and each of those contributions amounts to the tythe both of their property and of their spoil. A Tartar sovereign enjoys the tenth part of the wealth of his people ; and, as his own domestic riches of flocks and herds increase in a much larger proportion, he is able plentifully to maintain the rustic splendour of his court, to reward the most deserving, or the most favoured, of his followers, and to obtain, from the gentle influence of corruption, the obedience which might be sometimes refused to the stern mandates of authority. The manners of his subjects, accustomed, like himself, to blood and rapine, might excuse, in their eyes, such partial acts of tyranny 13 See the second volume of the Genealogical History of the Tartars, and the list of the Khans, at the end of the life of Gengis, or Zingis. Under the reign of Timur, or Tamerlane, one of his subjects, a descendant of Zingis, still bore the regal appellation of Khan ; and the conqueror of Asia contented himself with the title of Emir, or Sultan. Abulghazi, p. v. c. 4. D'Herbelot, Bibliothfeque Orientale, p. 878. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 79 as would excite the horror of a civilized people ; but the power of a despot has never been acknowledged in the deserts of Scythia. The immediate jurisdiction of the Khan is con- fined within the limits of his own tribe ; and the exercise of his royal prerogative has been moderated by the ancient institution of a national council. The Coroultai, i* or Diet, of the Tartars was regularly held in the spring and autumn, in the midst of a plain ; where the princes of the reigning family and the mursas of the respective tribes may conveniently assemble on horseback, with their martial and numerous trains ; and the ambitious monarch, who reviewed the strength, must consult the inclination, of an armed people. The rudiments of a feudal government may be discovered in the constitution of the Scythian or Tartar nations ; but the perpetual conflict of these hostile nations has sometimes terminated in the establish- ment of a powerful and despotic empire. The victor, enriched by the tribute, and fortified by the arms, of dependent kings, has spread his conquests over Europe or Asia ; the successful shepherds of the North have submitted to the confinement of arts, of laws, and of cities ; and the introduction of luxury, after destroying the freedom of the people, has undermined the foundations of the throne.i" The memory of past events cannot long be preserved, in the sitoation and frequent and remote emigrations of illiterate Barbarians. The scytua, or modern Tartars are ignorant of the conquests of their an- cestors ; 1^ and our knowledge of the history of the Scythians is derived from their intercourse with the learned and civilized nations of the South, the Greeks, the Persians, and the Chinese. The Greeks, who navigated the Euxine, and planted their colonies along the sea-coast, made the gradual and imperfect discovery of Scythia ; from the Danube, and the confines of Thrace, as far as the frozen Maeotis, the seat of eternal winter, "See the Diets of the ancient Huns (de Guignes, torn. ii. p. 26), and a curious description of those of Zingis (Vie de Gengiscan, 1. i. c. 6, 1. iv. c. 11). Such assemblies are frequently mentioned in the Persian history of Timur ; though they served only to countenance the resolutions of their master. [" Every New Year the Zenghi (title of the king) held a great religious festival at what the Chinese call Dragon City : it was evidently much the same kind of affair as the Mongol couroultai of Marco Polo's time." Parker, p. 19.] i' Montesquieu labours to explain a difference which has not existed between the liberty of the Arabs and the ferpet-ual slavery of the Tartars (Esprit des Loix, 1. xvii. c. 5 ; 1. xviii. c. 19, &c.). i^Abulghazi Khan, in the two first parts of his Genealogical History, relates the miserable fables and traditions of the Uzbek Tartars concerning the times which preceded the reign of Zingis. 80 THE DECLINE AND FALL and Mount Caucasus, which, in the language of poetry, was described as the utmost boundary of the earth. They celebrated, with simple credulity, the virtues of the pastoral life.^^ They entertained a more rational apprehension of the strength and numbers of the warlike Barbarians,^* who contemptuously baffled the immense armament of Darius, the son of Hystaspes.^' The Persian monarchs had extended their western conquests to the banks of the Danube and the limits of European Scythia. The eastern provinces of their empire were exposed to the Scythians of Asia : the wild inhabitants of the plains beyond the Oxus and the Jaxartes, two mighty rivers, which direct their course towards the Caspian Sea. The long and memorable quarrel of Iran and Touran is still the theme of history or romance ; the famous, perhaps the &bulous, valour of the Persian heroes, Rustan and Asfendiar, was signalized in the de- fence of their country against the Afrasiabs of the North ; 2" and the invincible spirit of the same Barbarians resisted, on the same ground, the victorious arms of Cyrus and Alexander. ^i In the eyes of the Greeks and Persians, the real geography of Scythia was bounded, on the East, by the mountains of Imaus, or Caf ; and their distant prospect of the extreme and inaccessible parts of Asia was clouded by ignorance or pei-plexed by fiction. But those inaccessible regions are the ancient residence of a powerful and civihzed nation,^^ which ascends, by a probable tradition, above 1' In the thirteenth book of the Iliad Jupiter turns away his eyes from the bloody fields of Troy to the plains of Thrace and Scythia. He would not, by changing the prospect, behold a more peaceful or innocent scene. 18 Thucydides, 1. ii. u. 97. 19 See the fourth book of Herodotus. When Darius advanced into the Mol- davian desert, between the Danube and the Dniester, the king of the Scythians sent him a mouse, a frog, a bird, and five arrows ; a tremendous allegory ! 20 These wars and heroes may be found under their respective titles in the Bibhothfeque Orientals of d'Herbelot. They have been celebrated in an epic poem of sixty thousand rhymed couplets by Ferdusi, the Homer of Persia. See the History of Nadir Shah, p. 145, 165. The public must lament that Mr. Jones has suspended the pursuit of oriental learning. 21 The Caspian Sea, with its rivers and adjacent tribes, are laboriously illustrated in the Examen Critique des Historiens d'Alexandre, which compares the true geography and the errors produced by the vanity or ignorance of the Greeks. 33 The original seat of the nation appears to have been in the North-west of China, in the provinces of Chensi and Chansi. Under the two first dynasties, the principal town was still a moveable camp ; the villages were thinly scattered ; more land was employed in pasture than in tillage ; the exercise of hunting was ordained to clear the country from wild beasts; Petcheh (where Pekin stands) was a desert, and the southern provinces were peopled with Indian savages. The dynasty of the Han (before Christ 206) gave the empire its actual form and OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 81 forty centuries ; ^^ and which is able to verify a series of near two thousand years, by the perpetual testimony of accurate and contemporary historians. ^-^ The annals of China ^^ illustrate the state and revolutions of the pastoral tribes, which may still be distinguished by the vague appellation of Scythians, or Tartars ; the vassals, the enemies, and sometimes the conquerors, of a great empire ; whose policy has uniformly opposed the blind and impetuous valour of the Barbarians of the North. From the mouth of the Danube to the sea of Japan, the whole longitude of Scythia is about one hundred and ten degrees, which, in that parallel, are equal to more than five thousand miles. The latitude of these extensive deserts cannot be so easily or so accurately measured ; but, from the fortieth degree, which touches the wall of China, we may securely advance above a thousand miles to the northward, till our progress is stopped by the excessive cold of Siberia. In that dreary climate, instead of the animated picture of a Tartar camp, the smoke which issues from the earth, or rather from the snow, betrays the subterraneous dwellings of the Tongouses and the Samoiedes : the want of horses and oxen is imperfectly supplied by the use of reindeer and of large dogs ; and the conquerors ^ The sera of the Chinese monarchy has been variously fixed, from 2952 to 2132 years before Christ ; and the year 2637 has been chosen for the lawful epoch by the authority of the present emperor. The difference arises from the uncertain duration of the two first dynasties ; and the vacant space that lies beyond them as far as the real, or fabulous, times of Fohi, or Hoangti. Sematsien dates his authentic chronology from the year 841 : the thirty-six eclipses of Confucius (thirty-one of ■which have been verified) were observed between the years 722 and 480 before Christ. The hisforical period of China does not ascend above the Greek Olym- piads. 21 After several ages of anarchy and despotism, the dynasty of the Han (before Christ 206) was the aera of the revival of learning, The fragments of ancient literature were restored ; the characters were improved and fixed, and the future preservation of books was secured by the useful inventions of ink, paper, and the art of printing. Ninety-seven years before Christ Sematsien pubHshed the first history of China. His labours were illustrated and continued by a series of one hundred and eighty historians. The substance of their works is still e.ttant, and the most considerable of them are now deposited in the king of France's library. 3' China has been illustrated by the labours of the French; of the missionaries at Pekin, and Messrs. Freret and de Guignes at Paris. The substance of the three preceding notes is extracted from The Chou-king with the preface and notes of M. de Guignes, Paris, 1770 ; the Tong-Kien-Kan^-Moit translated by the P. de Mailla, under the name of Hist. G^n^rale de la thine, tom. i. p. xUx.-cc. ; the M^moires sur la Chine, Paris, 1776, &c. , tom. i. p. 1-323, tom. ii. p. 5-364 ; the Histoire des Huns, tom. i. p. 1-131, tom. v. p. 345-362; and the Mdmoires de I'Acad^mie des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 377-402, tom. xv. p. 495-564, tom. xviii. p. 178-295, tom. xxxvi. p. 164-238. VOL. III. 6 82 THE DECLINE AND FALL of the earth insensibly degenerate into a race of deformed and diminutive savages, who tremble at the sound of arms.^^ Original neat The Huns, who Under the reign of Valens threatened the oftloHuiu. gjjjpjjg j,f Rome, had been formidable, in a much earlier period, to the empire of China. ^^ Their ancient, perhaps their original, seat was an extensive, though dry and barren, tract of country, immediately on the north side of the great wall. Their place is at present occupied by the forty-nine Hords or Banners of the Mongous, a pastoral nation, which consists of about two hundred rnnderMegh. thousand families.28 But the valour of the Huns had extended zmi"'*"" the narrow limits of their dominions; and their rustic chiefs, tToMTi Kodu who assumed the appellation of Tanjou, gradually became the xbSr con- conquerors, and the sovereigns, of a formidable empire. To- Soytua wards the East, their victorious arms were stopped only by the ocean ; and the tribes, which are thinly scattered between the Amoor and the extreme peninsula of Corea, adhered with reluctance to the standard of the Huns. On the West, near the head of the Irtish and in the valleys of Imaus, they found a more ample space, and more numerous enemies. One of the [Zjngiii] lieutenants of the Tanjou subdued in a single expedition twenty- [KirgMz] six nations ; the Igours, ^^ distinguished above the Tartar race by the use of letters, were in the number of his vassals ; and by the strange connexion of human events, the flight of one of those vagrant tribes recalled the victorious Parthians from the invasion of Sjrria.so On the side of the North, the ocean was assigned as the limit of the power of the Huns. Without enemies to re- sist their progress or witnesses to contradict their vanity, they might securely achieve a real, or imaginary, conquest of the frozen regions of Siberia. The Nort/iern Sea was fixed as the remote boundary of their empire. But the name of that sea, on whose shores the patriot Sovou embraced the life of a shepherd ^See the Histoire Gfo^rale des Voyages, torn, xviii. and the Genealogical History, vol. ii. p. 620-664. ^ M. de Guignes (torn. ii. p. 1-124) has given the original history of the ancient Hiong-nou, or Huns. The Chinese geography of their country (torn. i. part ii. p. Iv.-lxiii. ) seems to comprise a part of their conquests. 28 See in Duhalde (tom. iv. p. 18-65) ^ circumstantial description with a correct map of the country of the Mongous. 29 The Igours, or Vigours [Ouigours], were divided into three branches : hunters, shepherds, and husbandmen; and the last class was despised by the two former. See Abulghazi, part ii. c. 7. soM^moires de I'Acad^mie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv. p. 17-33. The com- prehensive view of M. de Guignes has compared these distant events. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 83 and an exile/'^ may be transferred, with much more probability, to the Baikal, a capacious basin, above three hundred miles in length, which disdains the modest appellation of a lake,''^ and which actually communicates with the seas of the North, by the long course of the Angara, the Tonguska, and the Jenissea. The submission of so many distant nations might flatter the pride of the Tanjou ; but the valour of the Huns could be re- [zengw] warded only by the enjoyment of the wealth and luxury of the empire of the South. In the third century before the Christian ray nong- aera, a wall of fifteen hundred miles in length was constructed, b.c.]' to defend the frontiers of China against the inroads of the Huns ; ^8 l)ut this stupendous work, which holds a conspicuous place in the map of the world, has never contributed to the safety of an unwarlike people. The cavalry of the Tanjou frequently consisted of two or three hundred thousand men, formidable by the matchless dexterity with which they managed their bows and their horses ; by their hardy patience in supporting tb^ inclemency of the weather ; and by the incredible speed of their march, which was seldom checked by torrents or precipices, by the deepest rivers or by the most lofty mountains. They spread themselves at once over the face of ;a«ir wars the country ; and their rapid mipetuosity surprised, astonished, chtaeao^ant. and disconcerted the grave and elaborate tactics of a Chinese army. The emperor Kaqti,^* a soldier of fortune, whose per- K^^J''^^™ sonal merit had raised him to the throne, marched against the saj dynaa- Huns with those veteran troops which had been trained in the civil wars of China. But he was soon surrounded by the Bar- barians ; and after a siege of seven days, the monarch, hopeless [Hear t» of relief, was reduced to purchase his deliverance by an Shan si] ignominious capitulation. The successors of Kaoti, whose lives were dedicated to the arts of peace or the luxury of the palace, 31 The fame of Sovou, or So-ou, his merit, and his singular adventures are still celebrated in China. See the Eloge de Moukden, p. 20, and notes, p. 241- 247 ; and M^moires sur la Chine, torn. iii. p. 317-360. 32 See Isbrand Ives, in Harris's collection, vol. ii. p. 931 ; Bell's Travels, vol. i. p. 247-254; and Gmelin, in the Hist. G^n^rale des Voyages, torn, xviii. p. 283- 329. They all remark the vulgar opinion that the holy sea grows angry and tempestuous if any one presumes to call it a lake. This grammatical nicety often excites a dispute between the absurd superstition of the mariners and the absurd obstinacy of travellers. 33 The construction 0/ the wall of China is mentioned by Duhalde (tom. ii. p. 4S) and de Guignes (tom. ii. p. 59). 3* See the life of Lieoupang, or Kaoti, in the Hist, de la Chine, published at Paris, 1777, &c., tom. i. p. 442-522. This voluminous work is the translation (by the P. de Mailla) of the Tong-Kien Kang-Mou, the celebrated abridgment of the great History of Semakouang (a.d. 1084) and his continuators. 84 THE DECLINE AND FALL [Zeughlfl] Decline and fall of the Hnn3 submitted to a more permanent disgrace. They too hastily confessed the insufficiency of arms and fortifications. They were too easily convinced that, while the blazing signals announced on every side the approach of the Huns, the Chinese troops, who slept with the helmet on their head and the cuirass on their back, were destroyed by the incessant labour of ineffectual marches. ^5 A regular payment of money and silk was stipulated as the condition of a temporary and precarious peace ; and the wretched expedient of disguising a real tribute under the names of a gift or a subsidy was practised by the emperors of China, as well as by those of Rome. But there still remained a more disgraceful article of tribute, which violated the sacred feelings of humanity and nature. The hardships of the savage life, which destroy in their infancy the children who are bom with a less healthy and robust constitution, introduce a re- markable disproportion between the numbers of the two sexes. The Tartars are an ugly, and even deformed race ; and, while they consider their own women as the instruments of domestic labour, their desires, or rather their appetites, are directed to the enjoyment of more elegant beauty. A select band of the fairest maidens of China was annually devoted to the rude em- braces of the Huns ; ^^ and the alliance of the haughty Tanjous was secured by their marriage with the genuine, or adopted, daughters' of the Imperial family, which vainly attempted to escape the sacrilegious pollution. The situation of these un- happy victims is described in the verses of a Chinese princess, who laments that she had been condemned by her parents to a distant exile, under a Barbarian husband ; who complains that sour milk was her only drink, raw flesh her only food, a tent her only palace ; and who expresses, in a strain of pathetic simplicity, the natural wish that she were transformed into a bird, to fly back to her dear country ; the object of her tender and perpetual regret. ^'^ The conquest of China has been twice achieved by the pastoral tribes of the North : the forces of the Huns were not 35 See a free and ample memorial presented by a Mandarin to the emperor Venti [W6n Ti] (before Christ 180-157) in Duhalde (torn. ii. p. 412-426) ; from a collection of State papers marked with the red pencil by Kamhi himself (p. 384- 612). Another memorial from the minister of war (Kang Mou, t. ii. p. 555) supplies some curious circumstances of the manners of the Huns. s"* A supply of women is mentioned as a customary article of treaty and tribute (Hist, de la conqufite de la Chine par les Tartares Mantcheoux, tom. i. p. 186, 187, with the note of the editor). 37 De Guignes, Hist, des Huns, tom. ii. p. 62. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 85 inferior to those of the Moguls, or of the Mantcheoux ; and their ambition might entertain the most sanguine hopes of success. But their pride was humbled, and their progress was checked, by the arms and policy of Vouti,^^ the fifth emperor of [wuii] the powerful dynasty of the Han. In his long reign of fifty- Ant. ohri«t four years, the Barbarians of the southern provinces submitted to the laws and manners of China ; and the ancient limits of the monarchy were enlarged, from the great river of Kiang to the port of Canton. Instead of confining himself to the timid operations of a defensive war, his lieutenants penetrated many hundred miles into the country of the Huns. In those bound- less deserts, where it is impossible to form magazines and difficult to transport a sufficient supply of provisions, the armies of Vouti were repeatedly exposed to intolerable hardships . and, of one hundred and forty thousand soldiers, who marched against the Barbarians, thirty thousand only returned in safety to the feet of their master. These losses, however, were com- pensated by splendid and decisive success. The Chinese gene- rals improved the superiority which they derived from the temper of their arms, their chariots of war, and the service of their Tartar auxiliaries. The camp of the Tanjou was surprised [zengW] in the midst of sleep and intemperance ; and, though the monarch of the Huns bravely cut his way through the ranks of the enemy, he left above fifteen thousand of his subjects on the field of battle. Yet this signal victory, which was preceded and followed by many bloody engagements, contributed much less to the destruction of the power of the Huns than the effectual policy which was employed to detach the tributary nations from their obedience. Intimidated by the arms, or allured by the Ant. Christ promises, of Vouti and his successors, the most considerable '° tribes, both of the. East and of the West, disclaimed the [;E«peci»uj authority of the Tanjou. While some acknowledged them- J? KSfSi] ° selves the allies or vassals of the empire, they all became the implacable enemies of the Huns : and the numbers of that haughty people, as soon as they were reduced to their native strength, might, perhaps, have been contained within the walls of one of the great and populous cities of China. ^^ The deser- ^ See the reign of the emperor Vouti, in the Kang-Mou, t. iii. p. 1-98. His various and inconsistent character seems to be impartially drawn. 3* This expression is used in the memorial to the emperor Venti {Duhalde, torn. ii. p. 417). Without adopting the exaggerations of Marco-Polo and Isaac Vossius, we may rationally allow for Pekin two millions of inhabitants. The cities of the South, which contain the manufactures of China, are atill more populous. 86 THE DECLINE AND FALL Ant. Christ 51 [Sian Tl] tion of his subjects, and the perplexity of a civil war, at length [Khnganja] compelled the Tanjou himself to renounce the dignity of an independent sovereign and the freedom of a warlike and high- spirited nation. He was received at Sigan, the capital of the monarchy, by the troops, the Mandarins, and the emperor him- self, with all the honours that could adorn and disguise the triumph of Chinese vanity.*" A magnificent palace was pre- pared for his reception ; his place was assigned above all the princes of the royal family ; and the patience of the Barbarian king was exhausted by the ceremonies of a banquet, which con- sisted of eight courses of meat, and of nine solemn pieces of music. But he performed, on his knees, the duty of a respect- ful homage to the emperor of China ; pronounced, in his own name, and in the name of his successors, a perpetual oath of fidelity ; and gratefully accepted a seal, which was bestowed as the emblem of his regal dependence. After this humiliating submission, the Tanjous sometimes departed from their alle- giance, and seized the favourable moments of war and rapine ; but the monarchy of the Huns gradually declined, till it was broken, by civil dissension, into two hostile and separate king- doms. One of the princes of the nation was urged, by fear and ambition, to retire towards the South with eight hords, which composed between forty and fifty thousand families. He obtained with the title of Tanjou, a convenient territory on the verge of the Chinese provinces ; and his constant attachment to the service of the empire was secured by weakness and the desire of revenge. From the time of this fatal schism, the Huns of the North continued to languish about fifty years ; till they were oppressed on every side by their foreign and domestic enemies. The proud inscription*! of a column, erected on a lofty mountain, announced to posterity that a Chinese army had marched seven hundred miles into the heart of their country. The Sienpi,*^ a tribe of Oriental Tartars, retaliated the injuries which they had formerly sustained ; and the power of the Tanjous, after a reign of thirteen hundred years, was [A.D. 87] A.D. 93 [End of the kingdom of the northern Zenghla] '"' See the Kang-Mou, torn. iii. p. 150, and the subsequent events under the proper years. This memorable festival is celebrated in the Eloge de Moukden, and explained in a note by the P. Gaubll, p. 89, 90. ^iThis inscription was composed on the spot by Pankou, President of the Tribunal of History (Kang-Mou, torn. iii. p. 392). Similar monuments have been discovered in many parts of Tartary (Histoire des Huns, torn. ii. p. 122). [Parker, p. 100.] ■•2 M. de Guignes (torn. i. p. 189) has inserted a short account of the Sienpi. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 87 utterly destroyed before the end of the first century of the Christian SBra.*^ The fate of the vanquished Huns was diversified by the Their emura. various influence of character and situation.** Above oneiiSrsc.^' ' hundred thousand persons, the poorest, indeed, and the most pusillanimous of the people, were contented to remain in their native country, to renounce their peculiar name and origin, and to mingle with the victorious nation of the Sienpi. Fifty- eight hords, about two hundred thousand men, ambitious of a more honourable servitude, retired towards the South ; implored the protection of the emperors of China ; and were permitted to inhabit, and to guard, the extreme frontiers of the province of Chansi and the territory of Ortous. But the most warlike and powerful tribes of the Huns maintained, in their adverse fortune, the undaunted spirit of their ancestors. The western world was open to their valour ; and they resolved, under the conduct of their hereditary chieftains, to discover and sub- due some remote country, which was still inaccessible to the arms of the Sienpi and to the laws of China,** The course of their emigration soon carried them beyond the mountains of Imaus, and the limits of the Chinese geography ; but me are able to distinguish the two great divisions of these formidable exiles, which directed their march towards the Oxus, and towards the tii« wwto Volga. The first of these colonies established their dominion in cuS ° °'^' the fruitful and extensive plains of Sogdiana, on the eastern side of the Caspian : where they preserved the name of Huns, with the epithet of Euthalites or Nepthalites.*^ Their man- ners were softened, and even their features were insensibly improved, by the mildness of the climate and their long resi- dence in a flourishing province *'^ which might still retain a faint *'^ The sera of the Huns is placed, by the Chinese, 1210 years before Christ. But the series of their kings does not commence till the year 230 (Hist, des Huns, torn. ii. p. 21, 123). [The southern Zenghis continued till nearly the end of the second cent. a.d. ; Parker, p. 102.] ** The various accidents, the downfall, and flight of the Huns are related in the Khan-Mou, torn. iii. p. 88, 91, 95, 139, &c. The small numbers of each hord may be ascribed to their losses and divisions. ^5M. de Guignes has skilfully traced the footsteps of the Huns through the vast deserts of Tartary (tom. ii. p. 123, 277, &c. , 325, &c.). <6 [The Ephthalites were not part of the Hiung-nu, but seem to have been the Yiieh-chih, who possessed part of ' ' the long straggling province now known as Kan Suh" ; were conquered by Meghder, were driven westward by his successor before 162 B.C., and divided Bactria with the Parthians. See Parker, p. 29, 30.] ^7 Mohammed, Sultan of Carizme, reigned in Sogdiana, when it was invaded (A.D. 1218) by Zingis and his Moguls. The Oriental Historians (see d'Herbelot, Petit, de la. Croix,, &c.) celebrate the populous, cities which he ruined, and the. SB THE DECLINE AND FALL iijipression of the arts of Greece.** The rvhiie Huns, a name which they derived from the change of their complexions, soon rabandoned the pastoral life of Scythia. Gorgo, which, under the appellation of Carizme, has since enjoyed a temporary splendour, was the residence of the king, who exercised a legal authority over an obedient people. Their luxury was main- tained by the labour of the Sogdians ; and the only vestige of their ancient barbarism was the custom which obliged all the companions, perhaps to the number of twenty, who had shared the liberality of a wealthy lord, to be buried alive in the same grave.*^ The vicinity of the Huns to the provinces of Persia involved them in frequent and bloody contests with the power of that monarchy. But they respected, in peace, the faith of treaties ; in war, the dictates of humanity ; and their memor- able victory over Peroses, or Firuz, displayed the moderation, as well as the valour, of the Barbarians. The second division of their countrymen, 5° the Huns, who gradually advanced towards the North-west, were exercised by the hardships of a colder climate and a more laborious march. Necessity compelled them to exchange the silks of China for the furs of Siberia ; the im- perfect rudiments of civilized life were obliterated ; and the native fierceness of the Huns was exasperated by their inter- course with the savage tribes, who were compared, with some propriety, to the wild beasts of the desert. Their independent spirit soon rejected the hereditary succession of the Tanjous ; and, while each hord was governed by its peculiar mursa, their tumultuary council directed the public measures of the whole nation. As late as the thirteenth century, their transient residence on the Eastern banks of the Volga was attested by the name of Great Hungary.'^ In the winter, they descended with fruitful country which he desolated. In the next century, the same provinces of Chorasmia and Mawaralnahr were described by Abulfeda (Hudson, Geograph. Minor, torn. iii.). Their actual misery may be seen in the Genealogical History of the Tartars, p. 423-469. ^Justin (xli. 6) has left a short abridgment of the Greek kings of Bactriana. To their industry I should ascribe the new and extraordinary trade, which trans- ported the merchandises of India into Europe, by the Oxus, the Caspian, the Cyrus, the Ph.isis, and the Euxine. The other ways, both of the land and sea, were possessed by the Seleucides and the Ptolemies. See I'Esprit des Loix, 1. xxi. ^ Procopius de Bell. Persico, 1. i. c. 3, p. 9. fi" [There is no evidence that the Huns of the Volga had migrated from the borders of China.] 81 In the thirteenth century, the monk Rubruquis (who traversed the immense plain of Kipzak, in his journey to the court of the Great Khan) observed the remarkable name of Hungary, mth the traces of a common language and origin. Hist, des Voyages, torn. vii. p. 269. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 89 their flocks and herds towards the mouth of that mighty river ; and their summer excursions reached as high as the latitude of SaratofF, or perhaps the conflux of the Kama. Such at least were the recent limits of the black Calmucks/^ who remained about a century under the protection of Russia ; and who have since returned to their native seats on the frontiers of the Chinese empire. The march and the return of those wandering Tartars, whose united camp consists of fifty thousand tents or families, illustrate the distant emigrations of the ancient Huns.^^ It is impossible to fill the dark interval of time, which elapsed, neir con- after the Huns of the Volga were lost in the eyes of the Chinese, 35^5°'"" and before they shewed themselves to those of the Romans. There is some reason, however, to apprehend, that the same force which had driven them from their native seats, still con- tinued to impel their march towards the frontiers of Europe. The power of the Sienpi, their implacable enemies, which extended above three thousand miles from East to West,''* must have gradually oppressed them by the weight and terror of a formidable neighbourhood ; and the flight of the tribes of Scythia would inevitably tend to increase the strength, or to contract the territories, of the Huns. The harsh and obscure appellations of those tribes would oflend the ear, without inform- ing the understanding, of the reader ; but I cannot suppress the very natural suspicion, that the Huns of the North derived a considerable reinforcement from the ruin of the dynasty of the South, which, in the course of the third century, submitted to the dominion of China ; ' that the bravest warriors marched away in search of their free and adventurous countrymen ; and that, as they had been divided by prosperity, they were easily reunited by 52 Bell (vol. i. p. 29-34), ^^^ 'he editors of the Genealogical History (p. 539), have described the Calmucks of the Volga in the beginning of the present century. 53 This great transmigration of 300,000 Calmucks, or Torgouts, happened in the year 1771. The original narrative of Kien-long, the reigning emperor of China, which was intended for the inscription of a column, has been translated by the missionaries of Pekin (M^moire sur la Chine, torn. i. p. 401-418). The emperor affects the smooth and specious language of the Son of Heaven and the Father of his People. "^The Kang-Mou (torn. iii. p. 447) ascribes to their conquest a space of 14,000 lis. According to the present standard, 200 /« (or more accurately 193) are equal to one degree of latitude ; and one English mile consequently e.vceeds three miles of China. But there are strong reasons to believe that the ancient li scarcely equalled one-half of the modern. See the elaborate researches of M. d'Anville, a geographer who is not a stranger in any age, or climate of the globe. M^- moires de I'Acad. tom. ii. p. 125-502. Mesures Itin^raires, p. 154-167. 90 THE DECLINE AND FALL the common hardships of their adverse fortune. ^^ The Huns, with their flocks and herds, their wives and children, their dependents and allies, were transported to the West of the Volga, and they boldly advanced to invade the country of the Alani, a pastoral people who occupied, or wasted, an extensive tract of the deserts of Scythia. The plains between the Volga and the Tanais were covered with the tents of the Alani, but their name and manners were diffused over the wide extent of their conquests ; and the painted tribes of the Agathyrsi and Geloni were confounded among their vassals. Towards the North, they penetrated into the frozen regions of Siberia, among the savages who were accustomed, in their rage or hunger, to the taste of human flesh ; and their Southern inroads- were pushed as far as the confines of Persia and India. The mixture of Sarmatic and German blood had contributed to improve the features of the Alani, to whiten their swarthy complexions, and to tinge their hair with a yellowish cast, which is seldom found in the Tartar race. They were less deformed in their persons, less brutish in their manners, than the Huns ; but they did not yield to those formidable Barbarians in their martial and independent spirit ; in the love of freedom, which rejected even the use of domestic slaves ; and in the love of arms, which considered war and rapine as the pleasure and the glory of mankind. A naked scymetar, fixed in the ground, was the only object of their religious worship ; the scalps of their enemies formed the costly trappings of their horses ; and they viewed, with pity and contempt, the pusillanimous warriors, who patiently expected the infirmities of age and the tortures of lingering disease.^^ On the banks of the Tanais, the military power of the Huns and the Alani, encountered each other with equal valour, but with unequal success. The Huns prevailed in [A.D. 372-37] the bloody contest: the king of the Alani was slain; and the remains of the vanquished nation were dispersed by the ordinary alternative of flight or submission.^'' A colony of exiles found a 55 See the Histoire des Huns, torn. ii. p. 125-144. The subsequent history (p. 145-277) of three or four Hunnic dynasties evidently proves that their martial spirit was not impaired by a long residence in China. 56 Utque hominibus quietis et placidis otium est voluptabile, ita illos pericula juvant et bella. Judicatur ibi beatus qui in proeho profuderit animam : senescentes etiam et fortuitis mortibus mundo digressos, ut degeneres et ignavos conviciis atrocibus insectantur. We must think highly of the conquerors of stich men. 5' On the subject of the Alani, see Ammianus (xxxi. 2), Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 24), M. de Guignes (Hist, des Huns, torn.. i.i. p. 279), and the Genealogical History of the Tartars. (tcBn, ii. p. 617), OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 91 secure refuge in the mountains of Caucasus, between the Euxine and the Caspian ; where they still preserve their name and their independence. Another colony advanced, with more intrepid courage, towards the shores of the Baltic ; associated themselves with the Northern tribes of Germany ; and shared the spoil of the Roman provinces of Gaul and Spain. But the greatest part of the nation of the Alani embraced the offers of an honourable and advantageous union ; and the Huns, who esteemed the valour of their less fortunate enemies, proceeded, with an increase of numbers and confidence, to invade the limits of the Gothic empire. The great Hermanric, whose dominions extended from the meir vie Baltic to the Euxine, enjoyed, in the full maturity of age andtheS)«u' reputation, the fruit of his victories, when he was alarmed by the formidable approach of an host of unknown enemies,^^ on whom his barbarous subjects might, without injustice, bestow the epithet of Barbarians. The numbers, the strength, the rapid motions, and the implacable cruelty of the Huns were felt and dreaded and magnified by the astonished Goths ; who beheld their fields and villages consumed with flames and deluged with indiscriminate slaughter. To these real terrors they added the surprise and abhorrence which were excited by the shrill voice, the uncouth gestures, and the strange deformity, of the Huns. These savages of Scythia were compared (and the picture had some resemblance) to the animals who walk very awkwardly on two legs ; and to the misshapen figures, the Termini, which were often placed on the bridges of antiquity. They were distin- guished from the rest of the human species by their broad shoulders, flat noses, and small black eyes, deeply buried in the head ; and, as they were almost destitute of beards, they never enjoyed eithefr the manly graces of youth or the venerable as- pects of age.*9 A fabulous origin was assigned worthy of their form and manners ; that the witches of Scythia, who, for their foul and deadly practices, had been driven from society, had '8 As we are possessed of the authentic history of the Huns, it would be im- pertinent to repeat, or to refute, the fables, which misrepresent their origin and progress, their passage of the mud or water of the MiEOtis, in pursuit of an ox or stag, les Indes qu'ils avoient d^couvertes, &c. Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 224 [c. 20 ; after Eurapius], Sozomen, 1. vi. c. 37, Procopius [leg. Paulus], Hist. Miscell. 0. 5 \^leg. Bk. 12 (p. 933, ap. Migne, vol. 95)], Jornandes, c. 24, Grandeur et Decadence, &c. , des Romains, c. 17. 59 Prodigiosas formas, et pandi ; ut bipedes existimes bestias ; vel quales in commarginandis pontibus, effigiati stipites dolantur incompti. Ammian. xxxi. i. Jornandes (c. 24) draws a strong caricature of a Calmuckface. Species pavendS. nigredine . . . qusedam deformis offa, non facies ; habensque magis puncta quam lumina. See Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, torn. iii. p. 380. 92 THE DECLINE AND FALL copulated in the desert with infernal spirits ; and that the Huns were the offspring of this execrable conjunction.^" The tale, so full of horror and absurdity, was greedily embraced by the credulous hatred of the Goths ; but, while it gratified their hatred, it increased their fear ; since the posterity of demons and witches might be supposed to inherit some share of the preternatural powers, as well as of the malignant temper, of their parents. Against these enemies, Hermanric prepared to exert . the united forces of the Gothic state ; but he soon discovered that his vassal tribes, provoked by oppression, were much more inclined to second, than to repel, the invasion of the Huns. One of the chiefs of the Roxolani ^i had formerly deserted the standard of Hermanric, and the cruel tyrant had condemned the innocent wife of the traitor to be torn asunder by wild horses. The brother of that unfortunate woman seized the favourable moment of revenge. The aged king of the Goths languished some time after the dangerous wound which he received from their daggers ; but the conduct of the war was retarded by his infirmities, and the public councils of the nation were distracted by a spirit of jealousy and discord. His death, which has been imputed to his own despair, left the reins of government in the hands of Withimer, who, with the doubt- ful aid of some Scythian mercenaries, maintained the unequal contest against the arms of the Huns and the Alani, till he was :a.d. 371.67] defeated and slain in a decisive battle. The Ostrogoths sub- mitted to their fate ; and the royal race of the Amali will here- after be found among the subjects of the haughty Attila. But the person of Witheric, the infant king, was saved by the diligence of Alatheus and Saphrax : two warriors of approved valour and fidelity ; who, by cautious marches, conducted the independent remains of the nation of the Ostrogoths towards [DajiMtri.] the Danastus, or Dniester, a considerable river, which now separates the Turkish dominions from the empire of Russia. On the banks of the Dniester the prudent Athanaric, more attentive to his own than to the general safety, had fixed the camp of the Visigoths ; with the firm resolution of opposing the victorious ^0 This e.vecrable origin, which Jornandes (c. 24) describes with the rancour of a Goth, might be originally derived from a more pleasing fable of the Greeks. (Herodot. 1. iv. c. 9, &c.) *i The Roxolani may be the fathers of the 'Pios, the Sussians (d'Anville, Empire de Russie, p. i-io), whose residence (a.d. 862) about Novgorod Veliki cannot be very remote from that which the Geographer of Ravenna (i. 12, iv. 4, 46. v. 28, 30) assigns to the Roxolani (a.d. 886). [Rosomoni is the name in Jordanes, Get. 24. A connexion v^ith pas is utterly wild.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 93 Barbarians whom he thought it less advisable to provoke. The ordinary speed of the Huns was checked by the weight of bag- gage, and the encumbrance of captives ; but their military skill deceived, and almost destroyed, the army of Athanaric. While the judge of the Visigoths defended the banks of the Dniester, he was encompassed and attacked by a numerous detachment of cavalry, who, by the light of the moon, had passed the river in a fordable place ; and it was not without the utmost efforts of courage and conduct that he was able to effect his retreat towards the hilly country. The undaunted general had already formed a new and judicious plan of defensive war ; and the strong lines, which he was preparing to construct between the mountains, the Pruth, and the Danube, would have secured the extensive and fertile territory that bears the modern name of Walachia from the destructive inroads of the Huns.*^ But the hopes and measures of the judge of the Visigoths were soon disappointed by the trembling impatience of his dismayed countrymen ; who were persuaded by their fears that the inter- position of the Danube was the only barrier that could save them from the rapid pursuit and invincible valour of the Bar- barians of Scythia. Under the command of Fritigei'n and Alavivus,"^ the body of the nation hastily advanced to the banks of the great river, and implored the protection of the Roman emperor of the East. Athanaric himself, still anxious to avoid the guilt of perjury, retired with a band of faithful followers into the mountainous country of Caucaland ; which appears to have been guarded, and almost concealed, by the impenetrable forests of Transylvania.** After Valens had terminated the Gothic war with some appear- Tbeootiu nil IT 1 1 1 • implore the ance or glory and success, tie made a progress tiirougn his E™*^""™ °' dominions of Asia, and at length fixed his residence in the 376 '. ' capital of Syria. The five years ^5 which he spent at Antioch s^The text of Ammianus seems to be imperfect or corrupt; but the nature of the ground explains, and almost defines, the Gothic rampart. Me'moires de I'Aca d^mie, &c. torn, xxviii. p. 444-462. [The fortification, according to Wieters- heim and Hodgkin, was " between the mountains of Transylvania and the river Sereth ".] ^M. de Buat (Hist, des Peuples de 1' Europe, t. vi. p. 407) has conceived a strange idea that Alavivus was the same person as Ulphilas the Gothic bishop : and that Ulphilas, the grandson of a Cappadocian captive, became a temporal prince of the Goths. *^Anmiianus (xxxi. 3) and Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 24) describe the subversion of the Gothic empire by the Huns. [For Caucaland see below, p. 126.] ""The chronology of Ammianus is obscure and imperfect. Tillemont has laboured to clear and settle the Annals of Valens. [See Reiche, of, cit. p. 29 siq.\ 94 THE DECLINE AND FALL were employed to watch, fi-om a secure distance, the hostile designs of the Persian monarch ; to check the depredations of the Saracens and Isaurians;^^ to enforce, by arguments more prevalent than those of reason and eloquence, the belief of the Arian theology; and to satisfy his anxious suspicions by the promiscuous execution of the innocent and the guilty. But the attention of the emperor was most seriously engaged by the important intelligence which he received from the civil and military officers who were intrusted with the defence of the Danube. He was informed that the North was agitated by a furious tempest ; that the irruption of the Huns, an unknown and monstrous race of savages, had subverted the power of the Goths ; and that the suppliant multitudes of that warlike nation, whose pride was now humbled in the dust, covered a space of many miles along the banks of the river. With out- stretched arms and pathetic lamentations, they loudly deplored their past misfortunes and their present danger ; acknowledged that their only hope of safety was in the clemency of the Roman government ; and most solemnly protested that, if the gracious liberality of the emperor would permit them to cultivate the waste lands of Thrace, they should ever hold themselves bound, by the strongest obligations of duty and gratitude, to obey the laws, and to guard the limits, of the republic. These assurances were confirmed by the ambassadors of the Goths, who impatiently expected, from the mouth of Valens, an answer that must finally determine the fate of their unhappy countrymen. The emperor of the East was no longer guided by the wisdom and authority of his elder brother, whose death happened towards the end of the preceding year : and, as the distressful situation of the Goths required an instant and peremptory decision, he was deprived of the favourite resource of feeble and timid minds ; who consider the use of dilatory and ambiguous measures as the most admirable efibrts of consummate prudence. As long as the same passions and interests subsist among mankind, the questions of war and peace, of justice and policy, which were debated in the councils of antiquity, will frequently present themselves as the subject of modern deliberation. But the most experienced statesman of Europe has never been summoned to consider the propriety or the danger of admitting or rejecting an innumerable multitude 88 Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 223 [c. 20]. Sozomen, I. vi. c. 38. The Isaurians, each winter, infested the roads of Asia Minor, as far as the neighbourhood of Constantinople. Basil, Epist. ccl. apud Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 106. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 95 of BarbarianSj who are driven by despair and hunger to solicit a settlement on the territories of a civilized nation. When that important proposition, so essentially connected with the public safety, was referred to the ministers of Valens, they were per- plexed and divided ; but they soon acquiesced in the flattering sentiment which seemed the most favourable to the pride, the indolence, and the avarice of their sovereign. The slaves, who were decorated with the titles of prsefects and generals, dis- sembled or disregarded the terrors of this national emigration, so extremely different from the partial and accidental colonies which had been received on the extreme limits of the empire. But they applauded the liberality of fortune, which had conducted, from the most distant countries of the globe, a numerous and invincible army of strangers, to defend the throne of Valens ; who might now add to the royal treasures the immense sums of gold supplied by the provincials to compensate their annual proportion of recruits. The prayers of the Goths were granted, and their service was accepted by the Imperial court : and orders were immediately dispatched to, the civil and military governors of the Thracian diocese, to make the necessary preparations for the passage and subsistence of a great people, till a proper and sufficient territory could be allotted for their future residence. The liberality of the emperor was accompanied, however, with two harsh and rigor- ous conditions, which prudence might justify on the side of the Romans but which distress alone could extort from the indignant Goths. Before they passed the Danube, they were required to deliver their arms ; and it was insisted that their children should be taken from them and dispersed through the provinces of Asia, where they might be civilized by the arts of education and serve as hostages to secure the fidelity of their parents. During this suspense of a doubtful and distant negotiation, ihey are the impatient Goths made some rash attempts to pass the ov^fhe uan- Danube, without the permission of the government whose sJmmem' protection they had implored. Their motions were strictly' observed by the vigilance of the troops which were stationed along the river, and their foremost detachments were defeated with considerable slaughter ; yet such were the timid councils of the reign of Valens that the brave officers who had served their country in the execution of their duty were punished by the loss of their employments and narrowly escaped the loss of their heads. The Imperial mandate was at length received for transporting over the Danube the whole body of the Gothic 96 THE DECLINE AND FALL nation ; ^'' but the execution of this order was a task of labour and difficulty. The stream of the Danube, which in those parts is above a mile broad/* had been swelled by incessant rains ; andj in this tumultuous passage, many were swept away and drowned by the rapid violence of the current. A large fleet of vessels, of boats, and of canoes was provided ; many days and nights they passed and repassed with indefatigable toil ; and the most strenuous diligence was exerted by the officers of Valens that not a single Barbarian, of those who were reserved to subvert the foundations of Rome, should be left on the opposite shore. It was thought expedient that an accurate account should be taken of their numbers ; but the persons who were employed soon desisted, with amazement and dismay, fi"om the prosecution of the endless and impracticable task;*^ and the principal historian of the age most seriously affirms that the prodigious armies of Darius and Xerxes, which had so long been considered as the fables of vain and credulous antiquity, were now justified, in the eyes of mankind, by the evidence of fact and experience. A probable testimony has fixed the number of the Gothic warriors at two hundred thou- sand men ; and, if we can venture to add the just proportion of women, of children, and of slaves, the whole mass of people which composed this formidable emigration must have amounted to near a million of persons, of both sexes and of all ages. The children of the Goths, those at least of a distinguished rank, were separated from the multitude. They were conducted, without delay, to the distant seats assigned for their residence and education ; and, as the numerous train of hostages or captives passed through the cities, their gay and splendid apparel, their robust and martial figure, excited the surprise and envy of the Provincials. But the stipulation, the most offensive to the Goths and the most important to the Romans, was shamefully ^ The passage of the Danube is exposed by Ammianus (xxxi. 3, 4), Zosimus (1. iv. p. 223, 224), Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 19, 20), and Jornandes (c. 25, 26). Ammianus declares (c. 5) that he means only ipsas rerum digerere summitaies. But he often takes a false measure of their importance ; and his superfluous prolixity is disagreeably balanced by his unseasonable brevity. ^ ChishuU, a curious traveller, has remarked the breadth of the Danube, which he passed to the south of Bucharest, near the conHux of the Argish [Argtehe] (p. 77). He admires the beauty and spontaneous plenty of Maesia, or Bulgaria. ^'Quem si {kg. qui] scire velit, Libyci velit Dequoris idem. Scire [leg. discere] quam multa; Zephyro truduntur [leg. turbentur] harenae. Ammianus has inserted, in his prose, these lines of Virgil (Georgio. 1. ii. [105-6]), originally designed by the poet to express the impossibility of numbenng the different sorts of vines. See Plin. Hist. Natur. 1. xiv. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 97 eluded. The Barbarians, who considered their arms as the ensigns of honour and the pledges of safety, were disposed to offer a price which the lust or avarice of the Imperial officers was easily tempted to accept. To preserve their arms, the haughty warriors consented, with some reluctance, to prostitute their wives or their daughters ; the charms of a beauteous maid, or a comely boy, secured the connivance of the inspectors ; who sometimes cast an eye of covetousness on the fringed carpets and linen garments of their new allies,^" or who sacri- ficed their duty to the mean consideration of filling their farms with cattle and their houses with slaves. The Goths, with arms in their hands, were permitted to enter the boats ; and, when their strength was collected on the other side of the river, the immense camp which was spread over the plains and the hills of the Lower Msesia assumed a threatening and even hostile aspect. The leaders of the Ostrogoths, Alatheus and Saphrax, the guardians of their infant king, appeared soon afterwards on the Northern banks of the Danube ; and im- mediately dispatched their ambassadors to the court of Antioch, to solicit, with the same professions of allegiance and gratitude, the same favour which had been granted to the suppliant Visigoths. The absolute refusal of Valens suspended their progress, and discovered the reppntance, the suspicions, and the fears of the Imperial council. An undisciplined and unsettled nation of Barbarians required nioir lUitress the firmest temper and the most dexterous management. The tent daily subsistence of near a million of extraordinary subjects could be supplied only by constant and skilful diligence, and might continually be interrupted by mistake or accident. The insolence or the indignation of the Goths, if they conceived themselves to be the objects either of fear or of contempt, might urge them to the most desperate extremities ; and the fortune of the state seemed to depend on the prudence, as well as the integrity, of the generals of Valens. At this important crisis, the military government of Thrace was exercised by Lupicinus and Maximus, in whose venal minds the slightest hope of private emolument outweighed every consideration of public advantage ; and whose guilt was only alleviated by their incapacity of discerning the pernicious effects of their rash and ''" Eunapius and Zosimus curiously specify these articles of Gothic wealth and luxury. Yet it must be presumed that they were the manufactures of the provinces ; which the Barbarians had acquired as the spoils of war, or as the gifts or merchandise of peace. [Another frag, of Eunapius (55) describes a later crossing of Goths, in reign of Theodosius, c. 382 A.D.] VOL. III. 7 98 THE DECLINE AND FALL criminal administration. Instead of obeying the orders of their sovereign and satisfying with decent liberality the demands of the Goths, they levied an ungenerous and oppressive tax on the wants of the hungry Barbarians. The vilest food was sold at an extravagant price ; and, in the room of wholesome and substantial provisions, the markets were filled with the flesh of dogs, and of unclean animals, who had died of disease. To obtain the valuable acquisition of a pound of bread, the Goths resigned the possession of an expensive, though serviceable, slave ; and a small quantity of meat was greedily purchased with ten pounds of a precious, but useless, metal. ^1 When their property was exhausted, they continued this necessary traffic by the sale of their sons and daughters ; and notwithstanding the love of freedom, which animated every Gothic breast, they submitted to the humiliating maxim that it was better for their children to be maintained in a servile condition than to perish in a state of wretched and helpless in- dependence. The most lively resentment is excited by the tyranny of pretended benefactors, who sternly exact the debt of gratitude which they have cancelled by subsequent injuries : a spirit of discontent insensibly arose in the camp of the Barbarians, who pleaded, without success, the merit of their patient and dutiful behaviour ; and loudly complained of the inhospitable treatment which they had received from their new allies. They beheld around them the wealth and plenty of a fertile province, in the midst of which they suffered the intolerable hardships of artificial famine. But the means of relief, and even of revenge, were in their hands ; since the rapaciousness of their tjnrants had left, to an injured people, the possession and the use of arms. The clamours of a multitude, untaught to disguise their sentiments, announced the first symptoms of resistance, and alarmed the timid and guilty minds of Lupicinus and Maximus. Those crafty ministers, who substituted the cunning of temporary expediente to the wise and salutary counsels of general policy, attempted to remove the Goths from their dangerous station on the frontiers of the empire, and to disperse them in separate ^1 Decern libras ; the word silver must be understood. Jornandes betrays the passions and prejudices of a Goth. The servile Greeks, Eunapius and Zosimus, disguise the Roman oppression and execrate the perfidy of the Barbarians. Ammianus, a patriot historian, slightly, and reluctantly, touches on the odious subject. Jerom, who wrote almost on the spot, is fair, though concise. Per avaritiam Maximi ducis ad rebellionem fame coacH sunt (in Chron. ). OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 99 quarters of cantonment through the interior provinces. As they were conscious how ill they had deserved the respect, or confidence, of the Barbarians, they diligently collected, from every side, a military force, that might urge the tardy and reluctant march of a people who had not yet renounced the title, or the duties, of Roman subjects. But the generals of Valens, while their attention was solely directed to the discon- tented Visigoths, imprudently disarmed the ships and fortifi- cations which constituted the defence of the Danube. The fatal oversight was observed and improved by Alatheus and Saphrax, who anxiously watched the favourable moment of escaping from the pursuit of the Huns. By the help of such rafts and vessels as could be hastily procured, the leaders of the Ostrogoths transported, without opposition, their king and their army ; and boldly fixed an hostile and independent camp on the territories of the empire. '^ Under the name of judges, Alavivus and Fritigern were theEevoitoftin leaders of the Visigoths in peace and war ; and the authority nxiL wd which they derived from their birth was ratified by the free Ti'torie! consent of the nation. In a season of tranquillity, their power might have been equal, as well as their rank ; but, as soon as their countrymen were exasperated by hunger and oppression, the superior abilities of Fritigern assumed the military command, which he was qualified to exercise for the public welfare. He restrained the impatient spirit of the Visigoths, till the injuries and the insults of their tyrants should justify their resistance in the opinion of mankind ; but he was not disposed to sacrifice any solid advantages for the empty praise of justice and moderation. Sensible of the benefits which would result from the union of the Gothic powers under the same standard, he secretly cultivated the friendship of the Ostrogoths ; andj while he professed an implicit obedience to the orders of the Roman generals, he proceeded by slow marches towards Marcianopolis, the capital of the Lower Maesia, about seventy [simiiiu] miles from the banks of the Danube. On that fatal spot, the flames of discord and mutual hatred burst forth into a dreadful [a.d. 377] conflagration. Lupicinus had invited the Gothic chiefs to a splendid entertainment ; and their martial train remained under arms at the entrance of the palace. But the gates of the city were strictly guarded ; and the Barbarians were sternly excluded from the use of a plentiful market, to which they '2Ammian. xxxi. 4, j. 100 THE DECLINE AND FALL asserted their equal claim of subjects and allies. Their humble prayers were rejected with insolence and derision ; and, as their patience was now exhausted, the townsmen, the soldiers, and the Goths were soon involved in a conflict of passionate altercation and angry reproaches. A blow was imprudently given ; a sword was hastily drawn ; and the first blood that was spilt in this accidental quarrel became the signal of a long and destructive war. In the midst of noise and brutal intemper- ance, Lupicinus was informed, by a secret messenger, that many of his soldiers were slain and despoiled of their arms ; and, as he was already inflamed by wine and oppressed by sleep, he issued a rash command that their death should be revenged by the massacre of the guards of Fritigem and Alavivus. The clamorous shouts and dying groans apprised Fritigem of his extreme danger ; and, as he possessed the calm and intrepid spirit of a hero, he saw that he was lost if he allowed a moment of deliberation to the man who had so deeply injured him. "A trifling dispute," said the Gothic leader, with a firm but gentle tone of voice, " appears to have arisen between the two nations ; but it may be productive of the most dangerous consequences, unless the tumult is immediately pacified by the assurance of our safety and the authority of our presence." At these words, Fritigem and his companions drew their swords, opened their passage through the unresisting crowd which filled the palace, the streets, and the gates of Marcianopolis, and, mounting their horses, hastily vanished from the eyes of the astonished Romans. The generals of the Goths were saluted by the fierce and joyful acclamations of the camp ; war was instantly resolved, and the resolution was executed without delay ; the banners of the nation were displayed according to the custom of their ancestors ; and the air resounded with the harsh and mournful music of the Barbarian trumpet. '^^ The weak and guilty Lupicinus, who had dared to provoke, who had neglected to destroy, and who still presumed to despise, his formidable ''Vexillis de more sublatis, auditisque triste Sonantibus classicis. Ammian. xxxi. 5. These are the rauca eornua of Claudian (in Rufin. ii. 57), the large horns of the Uri, or wild bull ; such as have been more recently used by the Swiss Cantons of Uri and Underwald (Simler de Republica Helvet. 1. ii. p. 201, edit. Fuselin. Tigur. 1734). The military horn is finely, though perhaps casually, introduced in an original narrative of the battle of Nancy (a.d. 1477). "Attendant le combat le dit cor fut corn6 par trois fois, tant que le vent du souffleur pouvoit durer : ce qui esbahit fort Monsieur de Bourgoigne ; cardiji A Morat ravoit ouy.'' (See the Pieces Justificatives, in the 4to edition of Philippe de Comines, torn, iii p 493-) OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 101 enemy, marched against the Goths, at the head of such a military force as could be collected on this sudden emergency. The Barbarians expected his approach about nine miles from Marcianopolis ; and on this occasion the talents of the general were found to be of more prevailing efficacy than the weapons and discipline of the troops. The valour of the Goths was so ably directed by the genius of Fritigern that they broke, by a close and vigorous attack, the ranks of the Roman legions. Lupicinus left his arms and standards, his tribunes and his bravest soldiers, on the field of battle ; and their useless courage served only to protect the ignominious flight of tlieir leader. "That successful day put an end to the distress of the Barbarians and the security of the Romans : from that day, the Goths, renouncing the precarious condition of strangers and exiles, assumed the character of citizens and masters, claimed an absolute dominion over the possessors of land, and held, in their own right, the northern provinces of the empire, which are bounded by the Danube." Such are the words of the Gothic historian,'^* who celebrates, with rude eloquence, the glory of his countrymen. But the dominion of the Barbarians was exercised only for the purposes of rapine and destruction. As they had been deprived, by the ministers of the emperor, of the common benefits of nature and the fair intercourse of social life, they retaliated the injustice on the subjects of the empire ; and the crimes of Lupicinus were ex- piated by the ruin of the peaceful husbandmen of Thrace, the Th«y p«ne. conflagration of their villages, and the massacre, or captivity, Tiir»c» of their innocent families. The report of the Gothic victory was soon diffused over the adjacent country ; and, while it filled the minds of the Romans with terror and dismay, their own hasty prudence contributed to increase the forces of Fritigern and the calamities of the province. Some time before the great emigration, a numerous body of Goths, under the command of Suerid and Colias, had been received into the protection and service of the empire.^^ They were encamped under the walls of Hadrianople : but the ministers of Valens were anxious to remove them beyond the Hellespont, at a distance from the dangerous temptation which might so easily ^''Jomandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 26, p. 648, edit. Grot. These splendidi panni (they are comparatively such) are undoubtedly transcribed from the larger histories of Priscus, Ablavius, or Cassiodorius. 1' Cum populis suis longe ante suscepti. We are ignorant of the precise date and circumstances of their transmigration. 102 THE DECLINE AND FALL be communicated by the neighbourhood, and the success, of their countrymen. The respectful submission with which they yielded to the order of their march might be considered as a proof of their fidelity ; and their moderate request of a suificient allowance of provisions, and of a delay of only two days, was expressed in the most dutiful terms. But the first magistrate of Hadrianople, incensed by some disorders which had been committed at his country-house, refused this indulgence ; and arming against them the inhabitants and manufacturers of a populous city, he urged, with hostile tlireats, their instant departure. The Barbarians stood silent and amazed, till they were exasperated by the insulting clamoiu:s, and missile weapons, of the populace : but, when patience or contempt was fatigued, they crushed the undisciplined multitude, inflicted many a shameful wound on the backs of their flying enemies, and despoiled them of the splendid armour "" which they were unworthy to bear. The resemblance of their sufferings and their actions soon united this victorious detachment to the nation of the Visigoths ; the troops of Colias and Suerid ex- pected the approach of the great Fritigern, ranged themselves under his standard, and signalized their ardour in the siege of Hadrianople. But the resistance of the garrison kiformed the Barbarians that, in the attack of regular fortifications, the efforts of unskilful couraga are seldom effectual. Their general acknowledged his error, raised the siege, declared that " he was at peace with stone walls," ^'^ and revenged his dis- appointment on the adjacent country. He accepted, with pleasure, the useful reinforcement of hardy workmen, who laboured in the gold mines of Thrace ''^ for the emolument, and under the lash, of an unfeeling master : "^ and these new associates conducted the Barbarians, through the secret paths, to the most sequestered places, which had been chosen to '8 An Imperial manufacture of shields, &o., was established at Hadrianople; and the populace were headed by the Fabricensts, or workmen (Vales, ad Amraian. xxxi. 6). 77 Pacem sibi esse cum parietibus memorans. Amm. xxxi. 7. ™ These mines were in the country of the Bessi, in the ridge of mountains, the Rhodope, that runs between PhihjJpi and Philippopolis ; two Macedonian cities, which derived their name and origin from the father of Alexander. From the mines of Thrace he annually received the value, not the weight, of a thousand talents {200,000 1.); a revenue which paid the phalanx, and corrupted the orators of Greece. .See Diodor. Siculus, torn. ii. 1. xvi. p. 88, edit. Wesseling. Godefroy's Commentary on the Theodosian Code, torn. iii. p. 496. Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. tom. i. p. 676, 857. D'Anville, Geographic Ancienne, torn. i. p. 336. ™ As those unhappy workmen often ran away, Valens had enacted severe laws to drag them from their hiding-places. Cod. Theodosian. 1. .\. tit. xix. leg. s, 7. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 103 secure the inhabitants, the cattle, and the magazines of com. With the assistance of such guides, nothing could remain imper- vious or inaccessible ; resistance was fatal ; flight was impracticable ; and the patient submission of helpless innocence seldom found mercy from the Barbarian conqueror. In the course of these depredations, a great number of the children of the Goths, who had been sold into captivity, were restored to the embraces of their afflicted parents ; but these tender interviews, which might have revived and cherished in their minds some senti- ments of humanity, tended only to stimulate their native fierceness by the desire of revenge. They listened, with eager attention, to the complaints of their captive children, who had suffered the most cruel indignities from the lustful or angry passions of their masters ; and the same cruelties, the same indignities, were severely retaliated on the sons and daughters of the Romans.'" The imprudence of Valens and his ministers had introduced er»uoii« tt into the heart of the empire a nation of enemies ; but the w»r. a.d. m Visigoths might even yet have been reconciled, by the manly confession of past errors and the sincere performance of former engagements. These healing and temperate measures seemed to concur with the timorous disposition of the sovereign of the East ; but, on this occasion alone, Valens was brave ; and his unseasonable bravery was fatal to himself and to his subjects. His declared his intention of marching from Antioch to Con- stantinople, to subdue this dangerous rebellion ; and, as he was not ignorant of the difficulties of the enterprise, he solicited the assistance of his nephew, the emperor Gratian, who com- manded all the forces of the West. The veteran troops were hastily recalled from the defence of Armenia ; that important frontier was abandoned to the discretion of Sapor ; and the immediate conduct of the Gothic war was intrusted, during the absence of Valens, to his lieutenants Trajan and Profuturus, two generals who indulged themselves in a very false and favourable opinion of their own abilities. On their arrival in Thrace, they were joined by Richomer, count of the domestics ; and the auxiliaries of the West, that marched under his banner, were composed of the Gallic legions, reduced indeed by a spirit of desertion to the vain appearances of strength and numbers. In a council of war, which was influenced by pride rather than 80 See Ammianus, xxxi. 5, 6. The historian of the Gothic war loses time and space by an unseasonable recapitulation of the ancient inroads of the Barbarians. 104 THE DECLINE AND FALL by reason, it was resolved to seek and to encounter the Bar- barians, who lay encamped in the spacious and fertile meadows near the most southern of the six mouths of the Danube.^i Their camp was surrounded by the usual fortification of waggons ; ^^ and the Barbarians, secure within the vast circle of the inclosure, enjoyed the fruits of their valour and the spoils of the province. In the midst of riotous intemperance, the watchful Fritigern observed the motions, and penetrated the designs, of the Romans. He perceived that the numbers of the enemy were continually increasing ; and, as he under- stood their intention of attacking his rear as soon as the scarcity of forage should oblige him to remove his camp, he recalled to their standard his predatory detachments which covered the adjacent country. As soon as they descried the flaming beacons,^^ they obeyed, with incredible speed, the signal of their leader ; the camp was filled with the martial crowd of Barbarians ; their impatient clamours demanded the battle, and their tumultuous zeal was approved and animated by the spirit of their chiefs. The evening was already far advanced ; and the two armies prepared themselves for the approaching combat, which was deferred only till the dawn of day. While the trumpets sounded to arms, the undaunted [Battle of Ad courage of the Goths was confirmed by the mutual obligation 377] ■ ' ■ of a solemn oath ; and, as they advanced to meet the enemy, the rude songs, which celebrated the glory of their forefathers, were mingled with their fierce and dissonant outcries, and opposed to the artificial harmony of the Roman shout. Some military skill was displayed by Fritigern to gain the advantage of a commanding eminence ; but the bloody conflict, which began and ended witli the light, was maintained, on either side, by the personal and obstinate efforts of strength, valour, and agility. The legions of Armenia supported their fame in 81 The Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 226, 227, edit. Wesseling) marks the situation of this place about sixty miles north of Tomi, Ovid's exile : and the name of Salices (the willows) expresses the nature of the soil. [The Romans ' ' succeeded in clearing first the Rhodope country, and then the line of the Balkans, of the Gothic army " (Hodgkin, i. 261).] 82 This circle of waggons, the Carrago, was the usual fortification of the Barbarians (Vegetius de Re Militari, 1. iii. c. 10. Valesius ad Ammian. xxxi. 7). The practice and the name were preserved by their descendants, as late as the fifteenth century. The Charroy, which surrounded the Ost, is a word familiar to the readers of Froissard or Comines. 88 Statim ut accensi malleoli \ib.\ I have used the literal sense of real torches or beacons : but I almost suspect that it is only one of those turgid metaphors, those, false ornaments, that perpetually disfigure the style of Ammianus. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 105 arms ; but they were oppressed by the irresistible weight of the hostile multitude ; the left wing of the Romans was thrown into disorder, and the field was strewed with their mangled carcasses. This partial defeat was balanced, however, by partial success ; and when the two armies, at a late hour of the evening, retreated to their respective camps, neither of them could claim the honours, or the effects, of a decisive victory. The real loss was more severely felt by the Romans, in proportion to the smallness of their numbers ; but the Goths were so deeply confounded and dismayed by this vigorous, and perhaps unexpected, resistance that they remained seven days within the circle of their fortifications. Such funeral rites as the circumstances of time and place would admit were piously discharged to some officers of distinguished rank ; but the indiscriminate vulgar was left unburied on the plain. Their flesh was greedily devoured by the birds of prey, who, in that age, enjoyed very frequent and delicious feasts ; and several years afterwards the white and naked bones which covered the wide extent of the fields presented to the eyes of Ammianus a dreadful monument of the battle of Salices.^* The progress of the Goths had been checked by the doubt- union of the ful event of that bloody day ; and the Imperial generals, whose the Hmi», army would have been consumed by the repetition of such a contest, embraced the more rational plan of destroying the Barbarians by the wants and pressure of their own multitudes. They prepared to confine the Visigoths in the narrow angle of land between the Danube, the desert of Scythia, and the mountains of Haemus, till their strength and spirit should be insensibly wasted by the inevitable operation of famine. The design was prosecuted with some conduct and success ; the Barbarians had almost exhausted their own magazines, and the harvests of the country ; and the diligence of Saturninus, the master-general of the cavalry, was employed to improve the strength, and to contract the extent, of the Roman fortifica- tions. His labours were interrupted by the alarming in- telligence that new swarms of Barbarians had passed the unguarded Danube, either to support the cause, or to imitate 8< Indicant nunc usque albentes-^^sJbus campi. Ammian. xxxi. 7. The historian might have viewed these plaffs either as a soldier or as a traveller. But his modesty has suppressed the adventures of his own life subsequent to the Persian wars of Constantius and Julian. We are ignorant of the time when he quitted the service and retired to Rome, where he appears to have composed his History of bis own Times. 106 THE DECLINE AND FALL the example, of Fritigern. The just apprehension, that he himself might be surrounded, and overwhelmed, by the arms of hostile and unknown nations, compelled Satuminus to relinquish the siege of the Gothic camp : and the indignant Visigoths, breaking from their confinement, satiated their hunger and revenge, by the repeated devastation of the fruitful country, which extends above three hundred miles from the banks of the Danube to the straits of the Hellespont.^s The sagacious Fritigern had successfully appealed to the passions, as well as to the interest, of his Barbarian allies ; and the love of rapine and the hatred of Rome seconded, or even prevented, the eloquence of his ambassadors. He cemented a strict and useful alliance with the great body of his countrymen, who obeyed Alatheus and Saphrax as the guardians of their infant king ; the long animosity of rival tribes was suspended by the sense of their common interest ; the independent part of the nation was associated under one standard ; and the chiefs of the Ostrogoths appear to have yielded to the superior genius of the general of the Visigoths. He obtained the formidable [T»uui] aid of the Taifalae, whose military renown was disgraced and polluted by the public infamy of their domestic manners. Every youth, on his entrance into the world, was united by the ties of honourable friendship, and brutal love, to some warrior of the tribe ; nor could he hope to be released from this umiatural connexion, till he had approved his manhood by slaying, in single combat, a huge bear, or a wild boar of the forest.^'' But the most powerful auxiliaries of the Goths were drawn from the camp of those enemies who had expelled them from their native seats. The loose subordination, and extensive possessions, of the Huns and the Alani delayed the conquests, and distracted the councils, of that victorious people. Several of the hords were allured by the liberal promises of Fritigern ; and the rapid cavalry of Scythia added weight and energy to the steady and strenuous efforts of the Gothic in- fantry. The Sarmatians, who could never forgive the successor of Valentinian, enjoyed and increased the general confusion ; and a seasonable irruption of the Alemanni into the provinces Sf'Ammianus, xxxi. 8. 86 Hanc Taifalorum gentem turpem, et obscenas vitae flagitiis ita accipimus mersam ; ut apud eos nefandi concubitus foedere copulentur mares puberes, eetatis viriditatem in eonim poUutis usibus consumpturi. Porro, si qui jam adultus aprum exceperit solus, vel interemit ursum immanem, colluvione liberatur incesti. Ammian. xxxi. g. Among the Greeks likewise, more especially among the Cretans, the holy bands of friendship were confirmed, and sullied, by unnatural love. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 107 of Gaul engaged the attention, and diverted the forces, of the emperor of the West.*'' One of the most dangerous inconveniences of the introduction victory of of the Barbarians into the array and the palace, was sensibly feltthoAiemaimL in their correspondence with their hostile countrymen, to whom they imprudently, or maliciously, revealed the weakness of the Roman empire. A soldier, of the life-guards of Gratian, was of the nation of the Alemanni, and of the tribe of the Lentienses, who dwelt beyond the lake of Constance. Some domestic business obliged him to request a leave of absence. In a short visit to his family and friends, he was exposed to their curious mquiries ; and the vanity of the loquacious soldier tempted him to display his intimate acquaintance with the secrets of the state and the designs of his master. The intelligence that Gratian was preparing to lead the military force of Gaul and of the West to the assistance of his uncle Valens pointed out to the restless spirit of the Alemanni the moment, and the mode, of a successful invasion. The enterprise of some light detach- ments, who, in the month of February, passed the Rhine upon the ice, was the prelude of a more important war. The boldest hopes of rapine, perhaps of conquest, outweighed the considera- tion of timid prudence or national faith. Every forest and every village poured forth a band of hardy adventurers ; and the great army of the Alemanni, which, on their approach, was estimated at forty thousand men by the fears of the people, was afterwards magnified to the number of seventy thousand by the vain and credulous flattery of the Imperial court. The legions which had been ordered to march into Pannonia were immediately recalled or detained for the defence of Gaul ; the military command was divided between Nanienus and Mello- baudes ; and the youthful emperor, though he respected the long experience and sober wisdom of the former, was much more inclined to admire and to follow the martial ardour of his colleague ; who was allowed to unite the incompatible characters of count of the domestics and of king of the Franks. His rival Priarius, king of the Alemanni, was guided, or rather impelled, by the same headstrong valour ; and, as their troops were animated by the spirit of their leaders, they met, they saw, they encountered, each other, near the town of Argentaria, or 8' Ammian. xxxi. 8, g. Jerom (torn. i. p. 26) enumerates the nations, and marks a calamitous period of twenty years. This epistle to Heliodorus was composed in the year 397 (Tillemont, IVl^m. EccWs. torn. .\ii. p. 645). [Ep. 60, ap. Migne, i. p. 600.] 108 THE DECLINE AND FALL [Horbm^ Colmar,88 in the plains of Alsace. The glory of the day was justly ascribed to the missile weapons and well-practised evolutions of the Roman soldiers ; the Alemanni, who long maintained their ground^ were slaughtered with unrelenting fury ; five thousand only of the Barbarians escaped to the woods and mountains ; and the glorious death of their king on the field of battle saved him from the reproaches of the peoplcj who are always disposed to accuse the justiccj or policy, of an un- successful war. After this signal victory, which secured the peace of Gaul and asserted the honour of the Roman arms, the emperor Gratian appeared to proceed without delay on his Eastern expedition ; but, as he approached the confines of the Alemanni, he suddenly inclined to the left, surprised them by his unexpected passage of the Rhine, and boldly advanced into the heart of their country. The Barbarians opposed to his pro- gress the obstacles of nature and of courage ; and still continued to retreat from one hill to another, till they were satisfied, by repeated trials, of the power and perseverance of their enemies. Their submission was accepted as a proof, not indeed of their sincere repentance, but of their actual distress ; and a select number of their brave and robust youth was exacted from the faithless nation, as the most substantial pledge of their future moderation. The subjects of the empire, who had so often experienced that the Alemanni could neither be subdued by arms nor restrained by treaties, might not promise themselves any solid or lasting tranquillity : but they discovered, in the virtues of their young sovereign, the prospect of a long and auspicious reign. When the legions climbed the mountains, and scaled the fortifications, of the Barbarians, the valour of Gratian was distinguished in the foremost ranks ; and the gilt and variegated armour of his guards was pierced and shattered by the blows which they had received in their constant attachment to the person of their sovereign. At the age of nineteen, the son of Valentinian seemed to possess the talents of peace and war ; and his personal success against the Alemanni was inter- preted as a sure presage of his Gothic triumphs. ^^ 88 The field of battle, Argentaria or Argenlovaria, is accurately fixed by M. d'Anville (Notice de I'Ancienne Gaul, p. 96-99) at twenty-three Gallic leagues, or thirty-four and a half Roman miles, to the south of Strasburg. From its ruins the adjacent town of Colmar has arisen. 80 The full and impartial narrative of Ammianus (xxxi. 10) may derive some additional light from the Epitome of Victor, the Chronicle of Jerora, and the History of Orosius (1. vii. c. 33, p. 352, edit. Havercaiiip). OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 109 While Gratian deserved and enjoyed the applause of his sub- vaiom jeets, the emperor Valens, who, at length, had removed his SiSLt'tue court and army from Antioch, was received by the people of 378, May so^ Constantinople as the author of the public calamity. Before he ™° had reposed himself ten days in the capital, he was urged, by the licentious clamours of the Hippodrome, to march against the Barbarians whom he had invited into his dominions : and the citizens, who are always brave at a distance from any real danger, declared, with confidence, that, if they were supplied with arms, they alone would undertake to deliver the province from the ravages of an insulting foe."" The vain reproaches of an ignorant multitude hastened the downfall of the Roman empire ; they provoked the desperate rashness of Valens, who did not find, either in his reputation or in his mind, any motives to support with firmness the public contempt. He was soon persuaded, by the successful achievements of his lieutenants, to despise the power of the Goths, who, by the diligence of Friti- gem, were now collected in the neighbourhood of Hadrianople. The march of the Taifalse had been intercepted by the valiant Frigerid ; the king of those licentious Barbarians was slain in [a.d. stt] battle ; and the suppliant captives were sent into distant exile to cultivate the lands of Italy which were assigned for their settlement in the vacant territories of Modena and Parma.^i The exploits of Sebastian, '^ who was recently engaged in the service of Valens and promoted to the rank of master-general of the infantry, were still more honourable to himself and useful to the republic. He obtained the permission of selecting three hundred soldiers from each of the legions ; and this separate detachment soon acquired the spirit of discipline and the exercise of arms, which were almost forgotten under the reign of Valens. By the vigour and conduct of Sebastian, a large body of the soMoratus paucissimos dies, seditione popularium leviura pulsus. Ammian. xxxi. II. Socrates (1. iv. c. 38) supplies the dates and some circumstances. [And cp. Eunapius, p. 46, ed. Mtiller.] siVivosque omnes circa Mutinam, Regiumque, et Parmam, Italica oppida, rura cultures exterminavit. Ammianus, xxxi. 9. Those cities and districts, about ten years after the colony of the Taifalaa [Taifali] , appear in a very desolate state. See Muratori, Dissertazioni sopra le Antichiti Italiana, torn. i. Dissertat. xxi. p. 354. [Frigeridus fortified the pass of Succi (between Sofia and Philippopolis), but his incompetent successor Maurus sustained a defeat there, Amm. xx. 4, 18, Hodgkin, i. 266 ; see below, p. 115.] »2 Ammian. xxxi. 11. Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 228-230 [23]. The latter expatiates on the desultory exploits of Sebastian, and dispatches, in a few lines, the important battle of Hadrianople. According to the ecclesiastical critics, who hate Sebastian, the praise of Zosimus is disgrace (Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 121). His prejudice and ignorance undoubtedly render him a very questionable judge of merit, no THE DECLINE AND FALL Goths was surprised in their camp : and the immense spoil which was recovered from their hands filled the city of Hadria- nople and the adjacent plain. The splendid narratives which the general transmitted of his own exploits alarmed the Imperial court by the appearance of superior merit ; and, though he cautiously insisted on the difficulties of the Gothic war, his valour was praised, his advice was rejected ; and Valens, who listened with pride and pleasure to the flattering suggestions of the eunuchs of the palace, was impatient to seize the glory of an easy and assured conquest. His army was strengthened by a numerous reinforcement of veterans ; and his march from Constantinople to Hadrianople was conducted with so much military skill that he prevented the activity of the Barbarians^ who designed to occupy the intermediate defiles and to intercept either the troops themselves or their convoys of provisions. The camp of Valens, which he pitched under the walls of Hadria- nople, was fortified, according to the practice of the Romans, with a ditch and rampart ; and a most important council was summoned, to decide the fate of the emperor and of the empire. The party of reason and of delay was strenuously maintained by Victor, who had corrected, by the lessons of experience, the native fierceness of the Sarmatian character ; while Sebastian, with the flexible and obsequious eloquence of a courtier, re- presented every precaution and every measure that implied a doubt of immediate victory as unworthy of the courage and majesty of their invincible monarch. The ruin of Valens was precipitated by the deceitful arts of Fritigern and the prudent admonitions of the emperor of the West. The advantages of negotiating in the midst of war were perfectly understood by the general of the Barbarians ; and a Christian ecclesiastic was dispatched, as the holy minister of peace, to penetrate, and to perplex, the councils of the enemy. The misfortunes, as well as the provocations, of the Gothic nation were forcibly and truly described by their ambassador ; who protested, in the name of Fritigern, that he was still disposed to lay down his arms, or to employ them only in the defence of the empire if he could secure, for his wandering countrymen, a tranquil settle- tile f.ro»ingB The Romans, who so coolly and so concisely mention the acts SS^'Sr oijuMke which were exercised by the legions/"^ reserve their D. 378, 379 jjgj^pjjggjjjjj ^^ J j-j^gji. eloqucncc for their own sufferings, when the provinces were invaded and desolated by the arms of the successfiil Barbarians. The simple circumstantial narrative (did such a narrative exist) of the ruin of a single town, of the mis- fortunes of a single familyji^^ might exhibit an interesting and instructive picture of human manners ; but the tedious repetition of vague and declamatory complaints would fatigue the atten- tion of the most patient reader. The same censure may be applied, though not perhaps in an equal degree, to the profane and the ecclesiastical writers of this unhappy period ; that their minds were inflamed by popular and religious animosity ; and that the true size and colour of every object is falsified by the exaggerations of their coiTupt eloquence. The vehement Jerom i°3 might justly deplore the calamities inflicted by the Goths and their barbarous allies on his native country of Pannonia and the wide extent of the provinces, from the walls of Constantinople to the foot of the Julian Alps ; the rapes, the massacres, the conflagrations ; and, above all, the profanation of the churches, that were turned into stables, and the con- temptuous treatment of the relics of holy martyrs. But the Saint is surely transported beyond the limits of nature and history, when heaifirms "that, in those desert countries, nothing was left except the sky and the earth ; that, after the destruc- tion of the cities and the extirpation of the human race, the land was overgrown with thick forests and inextricable brambles ; 100 The series of events may still be traced in the last pages of Animianus (xxxi. 15, 16). Zosimus (1. iv. p. 227, 231 [22, 24]), whom we are now reduced to cherish, misplaces the sally of the Arabs before the death of Valens. Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 20 [fr. 42, F. H. G. iv. p. 32]) praises the fertility of Thrace, Macedonia, &c. 101 Observe with how much indifference Cassar relates, in the Commentaries of the Gallic war : that he put to death the whole senate of the Veneti, who had yielded to his mercy (iii. 16) ; that he laboured to extirpate the whole nation of the Eburones (vi. 31 sqq.) ; that forty thousand persons were massacred at Bourges by the just revenge of his soldiers, who spared neither age nor sex (vii. 27), &c. 102 Such are the accounts of the sack of Magdeburg, by the ecclesiastic and the fisherman, which JVIr. Harte has transcribed (Hist, of Gustavus Adolphus, vol, i. p. 313-320), with some apprehension of violating the dignity of history. 103 Et viistatis urbibus, horainibusque interfectis, solitudinem et raritatem bestiarum quoque fieri, ct volatilium, pisciunique : testis Illyricum est, testis Thracia, testis in quo ortus sum solum (Pannonia); ubi prceter cselum et terram, et cres- centes vepres, et condensa sylvarum cuncta perierunt. Tom. vii. p. 250 ad i. Cap. Kophonias; and tom. i. p. 26. [Ep. 60, 16.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 117 and that the universal desolation, announced by the prophet Zephaniah, was accomplished, in the scarcity of the beasts, the birds, and even of the fish ". These complaints were pronounced about twenty years after the death of Valens ; and the Ill)Tian provinces, which were constantly exposed to the invasion and passage of the Barbarians, still continued, after a calamitous period of ten centuries, to supply new materials for rapine and destruction. Could it even be supposed that a large tract of country had been left without cultivation and without inhabi- tants, the consequences might not have been so fatal to the inferior productions of animated nature. The useful and feeble animals, which are nourished by the hand of man, might suffer and perish, if they were deprived of his protection ; but the beasts of the forest, his enemies, or his victims, would multiply in the free and undisturbed possession of their solitary domain. The various tribes that people the air, or the waters, are still less connected with the fate of the human species ; and it is highly probable that the fish of the Danube would have felt more terror and distress from the approach of a voracious pike than from the hostile inroad of a Gothic army. Whatever may have been the just measure of the calamities Mamacre of of Europe, there was reason to fear that the same calamities youth in Asia, would soon extend to the peaceful countries of Asia. The sons of the Goths had been judiciously distributed through the cities of the East ; and the arts of education were employed to polish and subdue the native fierceness of their temper. In the space of about twelve years, their numbers had continually in- creased ; and the children, who, in the first emigration, were sent over the Hellespont, had attained, with rapid growth, the strength and spirit of perfect manhood.^"* It was impossible to conceal from their knowledge the events of the Gothic war ; and, as those daring youths had not studied the language of dissimulation, they betrayed their wish, their desire, perhaps their intention, to emulate the glorious example of their fathers. The danger of the times seemed to justify the jealous suspicions of the provincials ; and these suspicions were admitted as unquestionable evidence that the Goths of Asia had formed a secret and dangerous conspiracy against the public safety. The death of Valens had left the East without a sovereign ; iM Eunapius (in Excerpt. Legal, p. 20 [F. H. G. iv. p. 32]) foolishly supposes a preternatural growth of the young Goths ; that he may introduce Cadmus's armed men, who sprung from the dragon's teeth, &c. Such was the Greek eloquence of the times. 118 THE DECLINE AND FALL and Julius, who filled the important station of master-general of the troops, with a high reputation of diligence and ability, thought it his duty to consult the senate of Constantinople ; which he considered, during the vacancy of the throne, as the representative council of the nation. As soon as he had obtained the discretionary power of acting as he should judge most expedient for the good of the republic, he assembled the principal officers ; and privately concerted effectual measures for the execution of his bloody design. An order was immediately promulgated that, on a stated day, the Gothic youth should assemble in the capital cities of their respective provinces ; and, as a report was industriously circulated that they were summoned to receive a liberal gift of lands and money, the pleasing hope allayed the fury of their resentment and perhaps suspended the motions of the conspiracy. On the appointed day, the unarmed crowd of the Gothic youth was carefully collected in the square, or Forum; the streets and avenues were occupied by the Roman troops ; and the roofs of the houses were covered with archers and slingers. At the same hour, in all the cities of the East, the signal was given of indis- criminate slaughter ; and the provinces of Asia were delivered, by the cruel prudence of Julius, from a domestic enemy, who, in a few months, might have carried fire and sword from the Hellespont to the Euphrates.^"^ The urgent consideration of the public safety may undoubtedly authorise the violation of every positive law. How far that, or any other, consideration rnay operate to dissolve the natural obligations of humanity and justice is a doctrine of which I still desire to remain ignorant. The emperor The emperor Gratian was far advanced on his march towards ratiTheo" the plains of Hadrianople when he was informed, at first by the the mpire of confuscd voice of fame, and afterwards by the more accurate 379, Jan 19' reports of Victor and Richomer, that his impatient colleague had been slain in battle, and that two-thirds of the Roman army were exterminated by the sword of the victorious Goths. What- ever resentment the rash and jealous vanity of his uncle might deserve, the resentment of a generous mind is easily subdued by the softer emotions of grief and compassion : and even the sense of pity was soon lost in the serious and alarming considera- tion of the state of the republic. Gratian was too late to assist, i"' Ammianus evidently approves this execution, efiicacia velox et salutaris, which concludes his work (xxxi. i6). Zosimus, who is curious and copious (1. iv. p. 233-236 [26]), mistakes the date, and labours to find the reason why Julius did not consult the emperor Theodosius, who had not yet ascended the throne of the East. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 119 he was too weak to revenge his unfortunate colleague : and the valiant and modest youth felt himself unequal to the support of a sinking world. A formidable tempest of the Barbarians of Germany seemed ready to burst over the provinces of Gaul ; and the mind of Gratian was oppressed and distracted by the administration of the Western Empire. In this important crisis, the government of the East and the conduct of the Gothic war required the undivided attention of a hero and a statesman. A subject invested with such ample command would not long have preserved his fidelity to a distant benefactor ; and the Imperial council embraced the wise and manly resolution of conferring an obligation rather than of yielding to an insult. It was the wish of Gratian to bestow the purple as the reward of virtue ; but, at the age of nineteen, it is not easy for a prince, educated in tlje supreme rank, to understand the true characters of his ministers and generals. He attempted to weigh, with an im- partial hand, their various merits and defects ; and, whilst he checked the rash confidence of ambition, he distrusted the cautious wisdom which despaired of the republic. As each moment of delay diminished something of the power and resources of the future sovereign of the East, the situation of the times would not allow a tedious debate. The choice of Gratian was soon declared in favour of an exile, whose father, only three years before, had suilered, under the sanction of his authority, an unjust and ignominious death. The great Theo- dosius, a name celebrated iri history and dear to the Catholic church,!*"' was summoned to the Imperial court, which had gradually retreated from the confines of Thrace to the more secure station of Sirmium. Five months after the death of Valens, the emperor Gratian produced before the assembled troops his colleague and their master ; who, after a modest, perhaps a sincere, resistance, was compelled to accept, amidst the general acclamations, the diadem, the purple, and the equal title of Augustus.!"'' The provinces of Thrace, Asia, and IKS A life of Theodosius the Great was composed in the last century (Paris, 1679, in 4to; 1680, in i2mo), to inflame the mind of the young Dauphin with CathoHc zeal. The author, F16chier, afterwards bishop of Nismes, was a cele- brated preacher ; and his history is adorned, or tainted, with pulpit-eloquence ; but he takes his learning from Baronius, and his principles from St. Ambrose and St. Augustin. [For recent works cp. Appendix i.] lo^The birth, character, and elevation of Theodosius, are marked in Picatus (in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 10, 11, 12), Themistius (Orat. xiv. p. 182), Zosimus (1. iv. p. 231 [24')), Angustin (de Civitat. Dei, v. 25), Orosius (1. vii. c. 34), Sozomen (1. vii. c. 2), Socrates (1. v. c. 2), Theodoret (1. v. c. $), Philostorgius (1. ix. c. 17, with Godefroy, p. 393), the Epitome of Victor [48] , and the Chronicles of Prosper, IdatiuSjandMarc.ellinus,,in thRThesau!:us,;Temponim.of ScaJiger. [_Eunag. fr. 48.1^ 120 THE DECLINE AND FALL Egypt, over which Valens had reigned, were resigned to the administration of the new emperor ; but, as he was specially intrusted with the conduct of the Gothic war, the Illyrian prefecture was dismembered ; and the two great dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia were added to the dominions of the Eastern empire.!"^ Birth and The same province, and, perhaps, the same city,'"^ which had SfaeodMiM given to the throne the virtues of Trajan and the talents of Hadrian, was the original seat of another family of Spaniards, who, in a less fortunate age, possessed, near fourscore years, the dechning empire of Rome."" They emerged from the obscurity of municipal honours by the active spirit of the elder Theo- dosius, a general whose exploits in Britain and Africa have formed one of the most splendid parts of the annals of Valen- [i)orn c. 3«] tinian. The son of that general, who likewise bore the name of Theodosius, was educated, by skilful preceptors, in the liberal studies of youth ; but he was instructed in the art of war by the tender care and severe discipline of his father.^" Under the standard of such a leader, young Theodosius sought glory and knowledge, in the most distant scenes of military action ; enured his constitution to the difference of seasons and climates ; distinguished his valour bj"^ sea and land ; and observed the various warfare of the Scots, the Saxons, and the Moors. His own merit, and the recommendation of the conqueror of Africa, [A.D. 371] soon raised him to a separate command ; and in the station of Duke of Msesia, he vanquished an army of Sarmatians ; saved the province ; deserved the love of the soldiers ; and provoked the envy of the court. ^^^ His rising fortunes were soon blasted CJL.D. 37«] by the disgrace and execution of his illustrious father ; and lOBXillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 716, &c. [Soz. vii. 4.] '^"^llalica, founded by Scipio Africanus for his wounded veterans of Italy. The ruins still appear, about a league above Seville, on the opposite bank of the river. See the Hispania lUustrata of Nonius, a short, though valuable treatise. C. xvii. p. 64-67. "" I agree with Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 726) in suspecting the royal pedigree, which remained a secret till the promotion of Theodosius. Even after that event the silence of Pacatus outweighs the venal evidence of Theniistius, Victor, and Clnudian, who connect the family of Theodosius with the blood of Trajan and Hadrian. m Pacatus compares, and consequently prefers, the youth of Theodosius to the military education of Alexander, Hannibal, and the second Africanus, who, like him, had served under their fathers (xii. 8). 11- Ammianus (xxix. 6) mentions this victory of Theodosius Junior Dux Mxsice, prima, etiam tum lanugine juvenis, princeps postea perspectissimus. The same fact is attested by Theniistius and Zosimus ; but Theodoret (1. v. c. 5), who adds some curious circumstances, strangely applies it to. the time of the interregnum, [Theodoret refers to anpthef campaign in A. p. 378 ; see Appendix 7.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 121 Theodosius obtained, as a favour, the permission of retiring to a private life in his native province of Spain. He displayed a firm and temperate character in the ease with which he adapted himself to this new situation. His time was almost equally divided between the town and country : the spirit which had animated his public conduct was shewn in the active and affec- tionate performance of every social duty; and the diligence of the soldier was profitably converted to the improvement of his ample patrimony;!^^ which lay between Valladolid and Segovia, in the midst of a fraitful district still famous for a most exquisite breed of sheep. ^i* From the innocent but humble labours of his farm Theodosius was transported, in less than four months, to the throne of the Eastern empire ; ^'^ and the whole period of the history of the world will not perhaps afford a similar example of an elevation, at the same time, so pure and so honourable. The princes who peaceably inherit the sceptre of their fathers claim and enjoy a legal right, the more secure as it is absolutely distinct from the merits of their personal characters. The subjects, who, in a monarchy or a popular estate, acquire the possession of supreme power, may have raised themselves, by the superiority either of genius or virtue, above the heads of their equals ; but their virtue is seldom exempt from ambition ; and the cause of the successful candidate is frequently stained by the guilt of conspiracy or civil war. Even in those govern- ments which allow the reigning monarch to declare a colleague or a successor, his partial choice, which may be influenced by the blindest passions, is often directed to an unworthy object. But the most suspicious malignity cannot ascribe to Theodosius, in his obscure solitude of Caucha, the arts, the desires, or even the hopes, of an ambitious statesman ; and the name of the Exile would long since have been forgotten, if his genuine and distinguished virtues had not left a deep impression in the Im- perial court. During the season of prosperity, he had been neg- lected ; but, in the public distress, his superior merit was universally felt and acknowledged. What confidence must have been reposed in his integrity, since Gratian could trust that a pious son would forgive, for the sake of the republic, the iispacatus (in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 9) prefers the rustic life of Theodosius to that of Cincinnatus ; the one was the effect of choice, the other of poverty. 11^ M. d'Anville (Gtographie Ancienne, torn. i. p. 25) has fixed the situation of Caucha, or Coca, in the old province of Galhcia, where Zosinius [iv. 24] and Idatius [in Cont. Chron. Hieron.] have placed the birth, or patrimony, of Theodosius. 11' [Recalled from exile some months before his investiture he won a victory over the Sarmatians ; see above, c, xxv, note 157. Cp. Ifland, p. 59.] 122 THE DECLINE AND FALL murder of his father ! What expectations must have been formed of his abihties to encourage the hope that a single man could save, and restore, the empire of the East ! Theodosius rA.D. 379, Jan was invested with the purple in the thirty- third year of his age. The vulgar gazed with admiration on the manly beauty of his face, and the graceful, majesty of his person, which they were pleased to compare with the pictures and medals of the emperor Trajan ; whilst intelligent observers discovered, in the qualities of his heart and understanding, a more important resemblance to the best and greatest of the Roman princes. Hu prudent It is not without the most sincere regret that I must now take J^dnrt of toJ leave of an accurate and faithful guide, who has composed the 2?tt'li?^ history of his own times without indulging the prejudices and passions which usually affect the mind of a contemporary. Ammianus Marcellinus, who terminates his useful work with the defeat and death of Valens, recommends the more glorious subject of the ensuing reign to the youthful vigour and eloquence of the rising generation.^i^ The rising generation was not dis- posed to accept his advice or to imitate his example ; ^^^ and, in the study of the reign of Theodosius, we are reduced to illustrate the partial narrative of Zosimus by the obscure hints of fragments and chronicles, by the figurative style of poetry or panegyric, and by the precarious assistance of the ecclesiastical writers who, in the heat of religious faction, are apt to despise the profane virtues of sincerity and moderation. Conscious of these disadvantages, which will continue to involve a consider- able portion of the decline and fall of the Roman empire, I shall proceed with doubtful and timorous steps. Yet I may boldly pronounce that the battle of Hadrianople was never revenged by any signal or decisive victory of Theodosius over the Bar- barians ; and the expressive silence of his venal orators may be confirmed by the observation of the condition and circumstances of the times. The fabric of a mighty state, which has been 118 Let us hear Ammianus himself. Hsec, ut miles quondam et Grsecus, a principatu Csesaris Nervse exorsus, adusqu^ Valentis interitum, pro virium explicavi mensurl : nunquam, ut arbitror, sciens, silentio ausus corrumpere vel mendacio. Scribant reliqua potiores setate doctrinlsque florentes. Quos id, si libuerit, ag- gressuros, procudere linguas ad majores moneo stilos. Ammian. xxxi. i6. The first thirteen books, a superficial epitome of two hundred and fifty-seven years, are now lost ; the last eighteen, which contain no more than twenty-five years, still preserve the copious and authentic history of his own times. [Cp. vol. 2. Appendix i.] ii? Ammianus was the last subject of Rome who composed a profane history in the Latin language. The East, in the next century, produced some rhetorical historians, Zosimus, Olympiodorus, Malchus, Candidus, &c. See Vossius de Historicis Graecis^ L iu c. iS,, de Histonicis Latinis^ 1. ii., o. lo^ &c. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 123 reared by the labours of successive ages, could not be over- turned by the misfortune of a single day, if the fatal power of the imagination did not exaggerate the real measure of the calamity. The loss of forty thousand Romans, who fell in the plains of Hadrianople, might have been soon recruited in the populous provinces of the East, which contained so many millions of inhabitants. The courage of a soldier is found to be the cheapest, and most common, quality of human nature ; and sufficient skill to encounter an undisciplined foe might have been speedily taught by the care of the surviving cen- turions. If the Barbarians were mounted on the horses, and equipped with the armour, of their vanquished enemies, the numerous studs of Cappadocia and Spain would have supplied new squadrons of cavali-y ; the thirty-four arsenals of the empire were plentifully stored with magazines of offensive and defensive arms ; and the wealth of Asia might still have yielded an ample fund for the expenses of the war. But the effects which were produced by the battle of Hadrianople on the minds of the Barbarians, and of the Romans, extended the victory of the former, and the defeat of the latter, far beyond the limits of a single day. A Gothic chief was heard to declare, with insolent moderation, that, for his own part, he was fatigued with slaughter ; but that he was astonished how a people who fled before him like a flock of sheep could still presume to dispute the possession of their treasures and provinces.^i^ The same terrors which the name of the Huns had spread among the Gothic tribes were inspired, by the formidable name of the Goths, among the subjects and soldiers of the Roman empire. i^*" If Theodosius, hastily collecting his scattered forces, had led them into the field to encounter a victorious enemy, his army would have been vanquished by their own fears ; and his rash- ness could not have been excused by the chance of success. But the great Theodosius, an epithet which he honourably deserved on this momentous occasion, conducted himself as the firm and faithful guardian of the republic. He fixed his headquarters at Thessalonica, the capital of the Macedonian [spring aj). diocese ; i^" from whence he could watch the irregular motions "8 Chrysostom, torn. i. p. 344, edit. Moijtfaucon. I have verified and examined this passage ; but 1 should never, without the aid of Tillemont (Hist, des Emp. torn. V. p. 152), have detected an historical anecdote, in a strange medley of moral and mystic exhortations, addressed by the preacher of Antioch to a young widow. 11^ Eunapius, in Excerpt. Legation, p. 21 [F. H. G. iv. p. 32]. 1™ See Godefroy's Chronology of the Laws. Codex Theodos. torn. i. Prole- gomen. p. xcix.-civ. [Cp. Cod. Theod. x. i. 12.] 124 THE DECLINE AND FALL of the Barbarians, and direct the operations of his lieutenants, from the gates of Constantinople to the shores of the Hadriatic. The fortifications and garrisons of the cities were strengthened ; and the troops, among whom a sense of order and discipline was revived, were insensibly emboldened by the confidence of their own safety. From these secure stations, they were encouraged to make frequent sallies on the Barbarians, who infested the adjacent country; and, as they were seldom allowed to engage without some decisive superiority either of ground or of numbers, their enterprises were, for the most part, successful ; and they were soon convinced, by their own experience, of the possibility of vanquishing their invincible enemies. '2' The detachments of these separate garrisons were gradually united into small armies ; the same cautious measures were pursued, according to an extensive and well-concerted plan of operations ; the events of each day added strength and spirit to the Roman arms ; and the artful diligence of the emperor, who circulated the most favour- able reports of the success of the war, contributed to subdue the pride of the Barbarians and to animate the hopes and courage of his subjects. If, instead of this faint and imperfect outline, we could accurately represent the counsels and actions of Theo- dosius, in four successive campaigns, there is reason to believe that his consummate skill would deserve the applause of every military reader. The republic had formerly been saved by the delays of Fabius : and, while the splendid trophies of Scipio in the field of Zama attract the eyes of posterity, the camps and marches of the Dictator among the hills of Campania may claim a juster proportion of the solid and independent fame which the general is not compelled to share either with fortune or with his troops. Such was likewise the merit of Theodosius ; and the infirmities of his body, which most unseasonably [A.D.38I)] languished under a long and dangerous disease, could not oppress the vigour of his mind or divert his attention from the public service. ^22 dJfelt°'Mid The deliverance and peace of the Roman provinces i'^^ yfg^^ SS'o^" °' the work of prudence rather than of valour : the prudence of 121 [They were assisted by a pestilence. Cp. Ambrose, Epist. 15, ap. Migne, 16. ?■ 955-] 122 Most writers insist on the illness and long repose of Theodosius at Thes- salonica : Zosimus, to diminish his glory ; Jornandes, to favour the Goths ; and the ecclesiastical writers, to introduce his baptism. 123 Compare Themistius (Orat, xiv. p. 181) with Zosimus (1. iv. p. 232 [25]), Jornandes (c. xxvii. p. 649), and the prolix Commentary of iVI. de Buat (Hist, des Peuples, &c., tom. vi. p. 477-552). The Chronicles of Idatius and Marcel- linus allude, in general terms, to magna certamina, magna muliaque prselia. The two epithets are not easily reconciled. [For chronology, cp. Appendix 8.] A.D. 378-382 OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 125 Theodosius was seconded by fortune ; and the emperor never failed to seize, and to improve, every favourable circumstance. As long as the superior genius of Fritigern preserved the union, and directed the motions, of the Barbarians, tlieir power was not inadequate to the conquest of a great empire. The death of that hero, the predecessor and master of the renowned Alaric, relieved an impatient multitude from the intolerable yoke of discipline and discretion. The Barbarians, who had been re- strained by his authority, abandoned themselves to the dictates of their passions ; and their passions were seldom uniform or consistent. An army of conquerors was broken into many disorderly bands of savage robbers ; and their blind and irregular fury was not less pernicious to themselves than to their enemies.i^* Their mischievous disposition was shewn in the destruction of every object which they wanted strength to remove or taste to enjoy ; and they often consumed, with im- provident rage, the harvests or the granaries, which soon after- wards became necessary for their own subsistence. A spirit of discord arose among the independent tribes and nations, which had been united only by the bands of a loose and voluntary alliance. The troops of the Huns and the Alani would naturally upbraid the flight of the Goths who were not disposed to use with moderation the advantages of their fortune ; the ancient jealousy of the Ostrogoths and the Visigoths could not long be suspended ; and the haughty chiefs still remembered the insults and injuries which they had reciprocally offered, or sustained, while the nation was seated in the countries beyond the Danube. The progress of domestic faction abated the more diffusive sentiment of national animosity ; and the officers of Theodosius were instructed to purchase with liberal gifts and promises the retreat, or service, of the discontented party. The acquisition of Modar, a prince of the royal blood of the Amali, gave a bold and faithful champion to the cause of Rome. The illustrious deserter soon obtained the rank of master-general, with an im- portant command; surprised an army of his countrymen who tta Thrace] were immersed in wine and sleep ; and, after a cruel slaughter of the astonished Goths, returned with an immense spoil, and four thousand waggons, to the Imperial camp.^^^ In the hands 1'^ [Some bands made raids into Epirus (Nicopolis capitulated to them ; Euna- pius, fr. 50), and Greece (which was defended by one Theodore, C. I. A. iii. 636).] i^'Zosimus (1. iv. p. 232 [25]) styles him a Scythian, a name which the more recent Greeks seem to have appropriated to the Goths. [See Gregory Naz. Ep. 135 J Ifland, Kaiser Theodosios der Grosse, p. 70. There is no authority for the statement that he was ' ' of the royal blood of the Amali ".] Death and funeral of 126 THE DECLINE AND PALL of a skilful politician, the most different means may be success- fully applied to the same ends : and the peace of the empire, which had been forwarded by the divisions, was accomplished by the re-union of the Gothic nation. Athanaric, who had been Athmaric. a patient spectator of these extraordinary events, was at length Jan." 26 ' driven, by the chance of arms, from the dark recesses of the woods of Caucaland.'^" He no longer hesitated to pass the Danube ; and a very considerable part of the subjects of Friti- gern, who already felt the inconveniences of anarchy, were easily persuaded to acknowledge for their king a Gothic Judge, whose birth they respected and whose abilities they had frequently experienced. But age had chilled the daring spirit of Athanaric ; and, instead of leading his people to the field of battle and victory, he wisely listened to the fair proposal of an honourable and advantageous treaty. Theodosius, who was acquainted with the merit and power of his new ally, con- descended to meet him at the distance of several miles from [Jan. u] Constantinople ; and entertained him in the Imperial city, with the confidence of a friend and the magnificence of a monarch. "The Barbarian prince observed, with curious attention, the variety of objects which attracted his notice, and at last broke out into a sincere and passionate exclamation of wonder. I now behold (said he) what I never could believe, the glories of this stupendous capital ! and, as he cast his eyes around, he viewed, and he admired, the commanding situation of the city, the strength and beauty of the walls and public edifices, the capacious harbour, crowded with innumerable vessels, the perpetual concourse of distant nations, and the arms and disci- pline of the troops. Indeed (continued Athanaric), the emperor of the Romans is a god upon earth ; and the presumptuous man, who dares to lift his hand against him, is guilty of his own blood." 127 The Gothic king did not long enjoy this splendid and honourable reception ; and, as temperance was not the virtue of his nation, it may justly be suspected that his mortal disease was contracted amidst the pleasures of the Imperial 1-8 [Hauha-land (= Highland) aco. to Zeuss. Somewhere in Siebenbiirgen ?] . I'^The reader will not be displeased to see the original words of Jornandes or the author whom he transcribed. Regiam urbem ingressus est, miransque, En, inquit, cerno quod SEepe incredulus audiebam, faman videlicet tantae urbis. Et hue iliuc oculos volvens, nunc situm urbis commeatumque navium, nunc moenia clara prospectans, miratur ; populosque diversarum gentium, quasi fonte in uno e diversis partibus scaturriente undd, sic quoque militem ordinatum aspiciens. Deus, inquit, est sine dubio terrenus [leg. sine dub. terr. est] imperator, et quisquis adversus eum manum moverit, ipse sui sanguinis reus existit. Jornandes (c. xxviii. p. 650) proceeds to mention his death and funeral. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 127 banquets. But the policy of Theodosius derived more solid benefit from the death, than he could have expected from the most faithful services, of his ally. The funeral of Athanaric was performed with solemn rites in the capital of the East ; a stately monument was erected to his memory ; and his whole army, won by the liberal courtesy and decent grief of Theo- dosius, enlisted under the standard of the Roman empire.^^^ The submission of so great a body of the Visigoths was produc- tive of the most salutary consequences ; and the mixed influence of force, of reason, and of corruption became every day more powerful and more extensive. Each independent chieftain hastened to obtain a separate treaty, from the apprehension that an obstinate delay might expose him, alone and unprotected, to the revenge, or justice, of the conqueror. The general, or rather the final, capitulation of the Goths may be dated four years, one month, and twenty-five days, after the defeat and ^■'^■^' death of the emperor Valens.i^" The provinces of the Danube had been already relieved from inya,i„n »nd the oppressive weight of the Gruthungi, or Ostrogoths, by the anfttaSy?" voluntary retreat of Alatheus and Saphrax ; whose restless spirit a.S'^*£"' had prompted them to seek new scenes of rapine and glory. '"'^' <"=*»'■" Their destructive course was pointed towards the West ; but we must be satisfied with a very obscure and imperfect knowledge of their various adventures. The Ostrogoths impelled several of the German tribes on the provinces of Gaul ; concluded, and soon violated, a treaty with the eimperor Gratian ; advanced gjjjj^ *' into the unknown countries of the North ; and, after an interval |^'-. *i>- of more than four years, returned, with accumulated force, to the banks of the Lower Danube. Their troops were recruited with the fiercest warriors of Germany and Scythia ; and the soldiers, or at least the historians, of the empire no longer recognized the name and countenances of their former enemies. 13" The general, who commanded the military and naval powers of the Thracian frontier, soon perceived that his superiority would be disadvantageous to the public service ; and that the Barbarians, awed by the presence of his fleet and 128 Jornandes, c. xxviii. p. 650. Even Zosimus (1. iv. p. 246 [34]) is compelled to approve the generosity of Theodosius, so honourable to himself, and so bene- ficial to the public. 129 The short, but authentic, hints in the Fasti of Idatius (Chron. Scaliger, p. 52) are stained with contemporary passion. The fourteenth oration of Themistius is a compliment to Peace, and the consul Saturninus (A. D. 383). [Cp. Seeck, Hermes, xi. p. 67.] ""'E81/0S TO [leg. Ti] 2(cu«ucbi/ iranv iyvtuTTov. Zosimus,!. iv. p. 252 [38]. 128 THE DECLINE AND FALL legionSj would probably defer the passage of the river till the approaching winter. The dexterity of the spies whom he sent into the Gothic camp allured the Barbarians into a fatal snare. They were persuaded that, by a bold attempt, they might surprise, in the silence and darkness of the night, the sleeping army of the Romans ; and the whole multitude was hastily embarked in a fleet of three thousand canoes.i'i The bravest of the Ostrogoths led the van ; the main body consisted of the remainder of their subjects and soldiers ; and the women and children securely followed in the rear. One of the nights with- out a moon had been selected for the execution of their designi; and they had almost reached the southern bank of the Danube, in the firm confidence that they should find an easy landing and an unguarded camp. But the progress of the Barbarians was suddenly stopped by an unexpected obstacle : a triple line of vessels, strongly connected with each other, and which formed an impenetrable chain of two miles and a half along the river. While they struggled to force their way in the unequal conflict, their right rank was overwhelmed by the irresistible attack of a fleet of gallies, which were urged down the stream by the united impulse of oars and of the tide. The weight and velocity of those ships of war broke, and sank, and dispersed, the rude and feeble canoes of the Barbarians; their valour was ineffectual ; and Alatheus, the king, or general, of the Ostrogoths, perished with his bravest troops either by the sword of the Romans or in the waves of the Danube. The last division of this unfortunate fleet might regain the opposite shore ; but the distress and disorder of the multitude rendered them alike incapable either of action or counsel ; and they soon implored the clemency of the victorious enemy. On this occasion, as well as on many others, it is a difficult task to reconcile the passions and prejudices of the writers of the age of Theodosius. The partial and malignant historian who mis- represents every action of his reign affirms that the emperor did not appear in the field of battle till the Barbarians had been vanquished by the valour and conduct of his lieutenant i»i I am justified, by reason and example, in applying this Indian name to the (loi/oju^a of the Barbarians, the single trees hollowed into the shape, of * boat, lr,V^9c!i liOfo^vKav ilt.^i^6.ij.ivoT)s [id. Ausonius describes Maximus as armigeri sub nomine lixa, Ord. urb. nob, 1. 70]. 1" Helena the daughter of Eudda. Her chapel may still be seen at Caer- segont, now Caer-narvon (Carte's Hist, of England, vol. i. p. 168, from Rowland's Britain OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 137 sidered as a state of exile and obscurity ; and, if Maximus had obtained any civil or military office, he was not invested with the authority either of governor or general.^i His abilities, and even his integrityj are acknowledged by the partial writers of the age ; and the merit must indeed have been conspicuous, that could extort such a confession in favour of the vanquished enemy of Theodosius. The discontent of Maximus might in- cline him to censure the conduct of his sovereign, and to en- courage, perhaps without any views of ambition, the murmurs of the troops. But in the midst of the tumult he artfully, or modestly, refused to ascend the throne ; and some credit appears to have been given to his own positive declaration that he was compelled to accept the dangerous present of the Imperial purple.i^ But there was a danger likewise in refusing the empire ; and night ami from the moment that Maximus had violated his allegiance to oratim his lawful sovereign, he could not hope to reign, or even to live, if he confined his moderate ambition within the narrow limits of Britain. He boldly and wisely resolved to prevent the designs of Gratian ; the youth of the island crowded to his standard, and he invaded Gaul with a fleet and army, which were long afterwards remembered as the emigration of a considerable part of the British nation.i^ The emperor, in his peaceful residence of Paris, was alarmed by their hostile approach ; and the darts which he idly wasted on lions and bears might have been employed more honourably against the rebels. But his feeble efforts announced his degenerate spirit Mona Antiqua). The prudent reader may not perhaps be satisfied with such Welsh evidence. iiCambden (vol. i. introduct. p. ci.) appoints him governor of Britain ; and the father of our antiquities is followed, as usual, by his blind progeny. Pacatus and Zosimus had taken some pains to prevent this error, or fable ; and I shall protect myself by their decisive testimonies. Regali habitu exulem suum illi exules orbes induerunt (in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 23), and the Greek historian, still less equivocally, aiiTO! (Maximus) 8i oiSe ti.% opxiji' ei'Ti^ov Itux« irpoeAWl' (1. iv. p. 248 [c. 35]). 12 Sulpicius Severus, Dialog, ii. 7, Orosius, 1. vii. c. 34, p. 556. They both acknowledge (Sulpicius had been his subject) his innocence and merit. It is singular enough that Maximus should be less favourably treated by Zosimus, the partial adversary of his rival. 13 Archbishop Usher (Antiquitat. Britan. Eccles. p. 107, 108) has dihgently collected the legends of the island and the continent. The whole emigration consisted of 30,000 soldiers, and 100,000 plebeians, who settled in Bretagne. Their destined brides, St. Ursula with 11,000 noble, and 60,000 plebeian, virgins, mistook their way ; landed at Cologne, and were all most cruelly murdered by the Huns. But the plebeian sisters have been defrauded of their equal honours ; and, what is still harder, John Trithemius presumes to mention the children of these British virgins. 138 THE DECLINE AND FALL and desperate situation, and deprived him of the resources which he still might have found in the support of his subjects and allies. The armies of Gaul, instead of opposing the march of Maximus, received him with joyful and loyal acclamations ; and the shame of the desertion was transferred from the people to the prince. The troops whose station more immediately attached them to the service of the palace abandoned the standard of Gratian the first time that it was displayed in the neighbourhood of Paris. The emperor of the West fled towards Lyons, with a train of only three hundred horse ; and in the cities along the road, where he hoped to find a refuge, or at least a passage, he was taught, by cruel experience, that every gate is shut against the unfortunate. Yet he might still have reached in safety the dominions of his brother, and soon have returned with the forces of Italy and the East, if he had not suffered himself to be fatally deceived by the perfidious governor of the Lyonese province. Gratian was amused by protestations of doubtful fidelity and the hopes of a support which could not be effectual, till the arrival of Andragathius, the general of the cavalry of Maximus, put an end to his suspense. That resolute officer executed without remorse the orders, or the intentions, of the usurper. Gratian, as he rose from supper, was delivered ^D. 383, Aug. into the hands of the assassin ; and his body was denied to the pious and pressing entreaties of his brother Valentinian.i* The death of the emperor was followed by that of his powerful [fej. Mero- general Mellobaudes, the king of the Franks ; who maintained, to the last moment of his life, the ambiguous reputation which is the just recompense of obscure and subtle policy. ^^ These executions might be necessary to the public safety ; but the successful usurper, whose power was acknowledged by all the provinces of the West, had the merit and the satisfaction of boasting that, except those who had perished by the chance of war, his triumph was not stained by the blood of the Romans. i" "Zosimus (1. iv. p. 248, 249 [c. 35]) has transported the death of Gratian from Lugdunum in Gaul (Lyons) to Singidunum in Msesia. Some hints may be extracted from the Chronicles ; some hes may be detected in Sozomen (1. vii. c. 13) and Socrates (1. \. c. 11). Ambrose is our most authentic evidence (torn. i. Enarrat. in Psalm Ixi. p. 961 [ed. Migne, i. p. 1173!, torn. ii. epist. xxiv. p. 888 \ib. ii. 1035], &c., and de Obitu Valentinian. Consolat. No. 28, p. 1182 \ib. ii. 1368]). 1* Pacatus (xii. 28) celebrates his fidelity ; while his treachery is marked in Prosper's Chronicle, as the cause of the ruin of Gratian. Ambrose, who has occasion to exculpate himself, only condemns the death of Vallio, a faithful servant of Gratian (torn. ii. epist. xxiv. p. 891, edit. Benedict [Migne, ii. p. 1039]). 1" He protested, nullum ex adversariis nisi in acie occubuisse. Sulp. Severus, in Vit. B. Martin, c. 23. The orator of Theodosius bestows reluctant, and there- fore weighty, praise on his clemency. Si cui ille, pro ceteris sceleribus suis, minus crudelis fuisse videtur (Panegyr. Vet. xii. 28). OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 139 The events of this revolution had passed in such rapid Treaty of succession that it would have been impossible for Theodosius toKniLti- march to the relief of his benefactor, before he received the SS1im°*"'°°' intelligence of his defeat and death. During the season ofsrais? sincere grief, or ostentatious mourning, the Eastern emperor was interrupted by the arrival of the principal chamberlain of Maximus ; and the choice of a venerable old man, for an office which was usually exercised by eunuchs, announced to the court of Constantinople the gravity and temperance of the British usurper. The ambassador condescended to justify, or excuse, the conduct of his master, and to protest in specious language that the murder of Gratian had been perpetrated, without his knowledge or consent, by the precipitate zeal of the soldiers. But he proceeded, in a firm and equal tone, to offer Theodosius the alternative of peace or war. The speech of the ambassador concluded with a spirited declaration that, although Maximus, as a Roman and as the father of his people, would choose rather to employ his forces in the common defence of the republic, he was armed and prepared, if his friendship should be rejected, to dispute in a field of battle the empire of the world. An immediate and peremptory answer was required ; but it was extremely difficult for Theodosius to satisfy, on this important occasion, either the feelings of his own mind or the expectations of the public. The imperious voice of honour and gratitude called aloud for revenge. From the liberality of Gratian he had received the Imperial diadem : his patience would encourage the odious suspicion that he was more deeply sensible of former injuries than of recent obligations ; and, if he accepted the friendship, he must seem to share the guilt, of the assassin. Even the principles of justice and the interest of society would receive a fatal blow from the impunity of Maxi- mus ; and the example of successful usurpation would tend to dissolve the artificial fabric of government, and once more to replunge the empire in the crimes and calamities of the preced- ing age. But, as the sentiments of gratitude and honour should invariably regulate the conduct of an individual, they may be overbalanced in the mind of a sovereign by the sense of superior duties ; and the maxims both of justice and humanity must permit the escape of an atrocious criminal, if an innocent people would be involved in the consequences of his punishment. The assassin of Gratian had usurped, but he actually possessed, the most warlike provinces of the empire ; the East was exhausted by the misfortunes, and even by the success, of the 140 THE DECLINE AND FALL Gothic war ; and it was seriously to be apprehended that, after the vital strength of the republic had been wasted in a doubtful and destructive contest, the feeble conqueror would remain an easy prey to the Barbarians of the North. These weighty considerations engaged Theodosius to dissemble his resentment and to accept the alliance of the tyrant. But he stipulated that Maximus should content himself with the possession of the countries beyond the Alps. The brother of Gratian was confirmed and secured in the sovereignty of Italyj Africa, and the Western lUyricum ; and some honourable conditions were inserted in the treaty, to protect the memory and the laws of the deceased emperor. ^^ According to the custom of the age, the images of the three Imperial colleagues were exhibited to the veneration of the people : nor should it be lightly supposed that, in the moment of a solemn reconcilia- tion, Theodosius secretly cherished the intention of perfidy and revenge. ^8 BaptiMn and The Contempt of Gratian for the Roman soldiers had exposed orthodox -^ ■*■ ite'So'i ^^"^ *" ^^^ fatal effects of their resentment. His profound lib'm'' veneration for the Christian clergy was rewarded by the applause and gratitude of a powerful order, which has claimed, in every age, the privilege of dispensing honours both on earth and in heaven. 1^ The orthodox bishops bewailed his death and their own irreparable loss ; but they were soon comforted by the discovery that Gratian had committed the sceptre of the East to the hands of a prince whose humble faith and fervent zeal were supported by the spirit and abilities of a more vigorous character. Among the benefactors of the church, the fame of Constantine has been rivalled by the glory of Theodosius. If Constantine had the advantage of erecting the standard of the cross, the emulation of his successor assumed the merit of subduing the Arian heresy and of abolishing the worship of idols in the Roman world. Theo- dosius was the first of the emperors baptized in the true faith of the Trinity. Although he was born of a Christian family, the maxims, or at least the practice, of the age encouraged him to 1' Ambrose mentions the laws of Gratian, quas non abrogavit hostis (torn. ii. epist. xvii. p. 827). iszosimus, I. iv. p. 251, 252 [0. 37]. We may disclaim his odious suspicions ; but we cannot reject the treaty of peace which the friends of Theodosius have absolutely forgotten, or slightly mentioned. [His name, afterwards erased, can be discovered along with Valent. ii. and Theodosius on an inscription, t'. I. L. 8, 27.] 19 Their oracle, the archbishop of Milan, assigns to his pupil Gratian an high and respectable place in heaven (torn, ii! de Obit. Val. Consol. p. 1193). OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 141 delay the ceremony of his initiation ; till he was admonished of the danger of delay by the serious illness which threatened his life towards the end of the first year of his reign. Before he again took the field against the Goths, he received the sacra- ment of baptism 2" from Acholius, the orthodox bishop of Thessalonica ; ^i and, as the emperor ascended from the holy font, still glowing with the warm feelings of regeneration, he dictated a solemn edict,' which proclaimed his own faith and prescribed the religion of his subjects. " It is our pleasure (such is the Imperial style) that all the nations which are governed [Feb. as] by our clemency and moderation should steadfastly adhere to the religion which was taught by St. Peter to the Romans ; which faithful tradition has preserved ; and which is now pro- fessed by the pontifiF Damasus, and by Peter, bishop of Alexandria, a man of apostolic holiness. According to the discipline of the apostles and the doctrine of the gospel, let us believe the sole deity of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost ; under an equal majesty and a pious Trinity. We authorize the followers of this doctrine to assume the title of Catholic Christians ; and, as we judge that all others are extravagant madmen, we brand them with the infamous name of Heretics ; and declare that their conventicles shall no longer usurp the respectable appellation of churches. Besides the condemnation of Divine justice, they must expect to suffer the severe penalties which our authority, guided by heavenly wisdom, shall think proper to inflict upon them." ^^ The faith of a soldier is commonly the fruit of instruction rather than of inquiry ; but, as the emperor always fixed his eyes on the visible land-marks of orthodoxy, which he had so prudently constituted, his religious opinions were never affected by the specious texts, the subtle arguments, and the ambiguous creeds of the Arian doctors. Once indeed he expressed a faint inclination to converse with the eloquent and learned Eunomius, who lived in retirement at a small distance from Constantinople. ^2* But the dangerous interview was prevented by the prayers of the 20 For the baptism of Theodosius, see Sozomen (1. vii. t. 4), Socrates (1. v. c. 6) and Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 728). 21 Ascolius, or Acholms [so Ambrose ; Ascholius in Socr. and Sozomen], was honoured by the friendship and the praises of Ambrose ; who styles him, murus fidei atque sanctitatis (torn. ii. epist. xv. p. 820), and afterwards celebrates his speed and diligence in running to Constantinople, Italy, &c. (epist. xvi. p. 822) ; a virtue which does not appertain either to a wall, or a tishop. 22 Codex Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. i. leg. 2, with Godefroy's Commentary, torn. vi. p. 5-9. Such an edict deserved the warmest praises of Baronius, auream sanctionem edictum pium et salutare. — Sic itur ad astra. 22" [See above, p. 12, n. 37.] 142 THE DECLINE AND FALL empress Flaccilla, who trembled for the salvation of her husband ; and the mind of Theodosius was confirmed by a theological argument, adapted to the rudest capacity. He had lately bestowed on his eldest son Arcadius the name and honours of Augustus ; and the two princes were seated on a stately throne to receive the homage of their subjects. A bishop, Amphilochius of Iconium, approached the throne, and, after saluting with due reverence the person of his sovereign, he accosted the royal youth with the same familiar tenderness which he might have used towards a plebeian child. Provoked by this insolent behaviour, the monarch gave orders that the rustic priest should be instantly driven from his presence. But, while the guards were forcing him to the door, the dexterous polemic had time to execute his design, by exclaiming with a loud voice, " Such is the treatment, O emperor ! which the King of heaven has prepared for those impious men who affect to worship the Father but refuse to acknowledge the equal majesty of his divine Son ". Theodosius immediately embraced the bishop of Iconium, and never forgot the important lesson which he had received from this dramatic parable. ^^ o^SSino. Constantinople was the principal seat and fortress of Arian- jjjjjj""- ism ; and, in a long interval of forty years, 2* the faith of the princes and prelates who reigned in the capital of the East was rejected in the purer schools of Rome and Alexandria. The archiepiscopal throne of Macedonius, which had been polluted with so much Christian blood, was successively filled [DemopMiM] by Eudoxus and Damophilus. Their diocese enjoyed a free importation of vice and error from every province of the empire ; the eager pursuit of religious controversy afforded a new occupation to the busy idleness of the metropolis ; and we HyBMn7 may credit the assertion of an intelligent observer, who de- scribes, with some pleasantry, the effects of their loquacious zeal. "This city," says he, "is full of mechanics and slaves, who are all of them profound theologians, and preach in the shops and in the streets. If you desire a man to change a piece of silver, he informs you wherein the Son differs from the Father ; if you ask the price of a loaf, you are told by way of 2S Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 6. Theodoret, 1. v. c. 16. Tillemont is displeased (M^m. EccWs. torn. vi. p, 627, 628) with the terms of " rustic bishop," "obscure city". Yet 1 must take leave to think that both Amphilochius and Iconium were objects of inconsiderable magnitude in the Roman empire. 24 Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 5. Socrates, 1. v, c. 7. Marcellin. in Chron. The account of forty years must be dated from the election or intrusion of Eusebius, who wisely exchanged the bishopric of Nicomedia for the throne of Constantinople. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 143 reply that the Son is inferior to the Father ; and, if you enquire whether the bath is ready, the answer is that the Son was made out of nothing." ^^ The heretics of various denomina- tions subsisted in peace under the protection of the Arians of Constantinople ; who endeavoured to secure the attachment of those obscure sectaries ; while they abused, with unrelenting severity, the victory which they had obtained over the followers of the council of Nice. During the partial reigns of Con- stantius and Valens, the feeble remnant of the Homoousians was deprived of the public and private exercise of their religion ; and it has been observed, in pathetic language, that the scattered flock was left without a shepherd, to wander on the mountains, or to be devoured by rapacious wolves. ^^ But, as their zeal, instead of being subdued, derived strength and vigour from oppression, they seized the first moments of im- perfect freedom, which they acquired by the death of Valens, to form themselves into a regular congregation under the conduct of an episcopal pastor. Two natives of Cappadocia, orogory Naz- Basil and Gregory Nazianzen,^' were distinguished above all '^"' their contemporaries ^^ by the rare union of profane eloquence and of orthodox piety. These orators, who might sometimes be compared, by themselves and by the public, to the most celebrated of the ancient Greeks, were united by the ties of the strictest friendship. They had cultivated, with equal ardour, the same liberal studies in the schools of Athens ; they had retired, with equal devotion, to the same solitude in the deserts of Pontus ; and every spark of emulation, or envy, appeared to be totally extinguished in the holy and ingenuous breasts of Gregory and Basil. But the exaltation of Basil, from a private life to the archi episcopal throne of Csesarea, dis- 25 See Jortin's Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 71. The thirty- third [27th ap. Migne] Oration of Gregory Nazianzen affords indeed some similar ideas, even some still more ridiculous ; but I have not yet found the words of this remarkable passage, which I allege on the faith of a correct and liberal scholar. [But see Appendix 9.] 28 See the thirty-second [42nd ap. Migne] Oration of Gregory Nazianzen, and the account of his own life, whidh he has composed in 1800 iambics. Yet every phy- sician is prone to exaggerate the inveterate nature of the disease which he has cured. 27 1 confess myself deeply indebted to the two lives of Gregory Nazianzen, composed, with very different views, by Tillemont (M^m. Eccl^s. torn. ix. p. 305- £60, 692-731) and Le Clerc (BibUothique Universelle, tom. xviii. p. 1-128). [Ullmann, Gregor von Nazianz, 1825 ; B^noit, S. Gr^goire de Nazianze, 1884.] 28 Unless Gregory Nazianzen mistook thirty years in his own age ; he was born, as well as his friend Basil, about the year 329. The preposterous chronology of Suidas has been graciously received ; because it removes the scandal of Gregory's father, a saint likewise, begetting children, after he became a bishop (Tillem. M^m. Ecclfe. tom. ix. p. 693-697). 144 THE DECLINE AND FALL covered to the world, and perhaps to himself, the pride of his character ; and the first favour which he condescended to bestow on his friend was received, and perhaps was intended, as a cruel insult.^' Instead of employing the superior talents of Gregory in some useful and conspicuous station, the haughty prelate selected, among the fifty bishoprics of his extensive province, the wretched village of Sasima,^" without water, without verdure, without society, situate at the junction of [HMaaKeni7]three highways, and frequented only by the incessant passage of rude and clamorous waggoners. Gregory submitted with reluctance to this humiliating exile ; he was ordained bishop of Sasima; but he solemnly protests that he never consum- mated his spiritual marriage with this disgusting bride. He [Nenizi] afterwards consented to undertake the government of his native church of Nazianzus,^! of which his father had been bishop above five-and-forty years. But, as he was still conscious that he deserved another audience and another theatre, he Acceptatiie accepted, with no unworthy ambition, the honourable invitation ooMtoitW which was addressed to him from the orthodox party of Con- Rovember [orstantinople. On his arrival in the capital, Gregory was enter- ""' tained in the house of a pious and charitable kinsman ; the most spacious room was consecrated to the uses of religious worship ; and the name of Anastasia was chosen to express the resurrection of the Nicene faith. This private conventicle was 29 Gregory's Poem on his own Life contains some beautiful lines (torn. ii. p. 8), which burst from the heart, and speak the pangs of injured and lost friendship : irovoL KOL^ot Aoyuf, '0jU.6(r7eYds re Ka\ {rvvearto^ P^os, Nouc eU if aiKJiolv . . . Ateo-Ke'fiaffTai TravTa, epptiTTOi x^^f^al, AJpai 4>€pov(Tat Ta? 7raAaia9 ekjriSaq [477-483]. In the Midsummer Night's Dream, Helena addresses the same pathetic complaint to her friend Hermia : Is all the counsel that we two have shared, The sister's vows, &c. Shakespeare had never read the poems of Gregory Nazianzen, he was ignorant of the Greek language ; but his mother-tongue, the language of Nature, is the same in Cappadocia and in Britain. 3" This unfavourable portrait of Sasima is drawn by Gregory Nazianzen (torn. ii. de Vita sua, p. 7, 8 [Migne, 3, p. 1059]). Its precise situation, forty-nine miles from Archelais [Ak Serai], and thirty-two from Tyana, is fixed in the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 144, edit. Wesseling). 81 The name of Nazianzus has been immortalized by Gregory ; but his native town, under the Greek or Roman title of Diocaesarea (Tillemont, M6m. EccMs. torn. ix. p. 692), is mentioned by Pliny (vi. 3), Ptolemy, and Hierocles (Itinerar. Wesseling, p. 709). It appears to have been situate on the edge of Isauria. [rj AioKoKTope'ii)!' oAfyij ttoAii, as Gregory calls Nazianzus, is more northerly than Gibbon supposed, lying on the road from Iconium to Tyana ; about six hoiu-s due east of Archelais; Ramsay, Asia Minor, 285.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 145 afterwards converted into a magnificent church ; and the credulity of the succeeding age was prepared to believe the miracles and visions, which attested the presence, or at least the protection, of the Mother of God.^^ xhe pulpit of the Anastasia was the scene of the labours and triumphs of Gregory Nazianzen ; and, in the space of two years, he experienced all the spiritual adventures which constitute the prosperous or adverse fortunes of a missionary. ^^ The Arians, who were provoked by the boldness of his enterprise, represented his doctrine as if he had preached three distinct and equal Deities ; and the devout populace was excited to suppress, by violence and tumult, the irregular assemblies of the Athanasian heretics. From the cathedral of St. Sophia there issued a motley crowd " of common beggars, who had forfeited their claim to pity ; of monks, who had the appearance of goats or satyrs ; and of women, more terrible than so many Jezebels ". The doors of the Anastasia were broke open ; much mischief was per- petrated, or attempted, with sticks, stones, and firebrands ; and, as a man lost his life in the affray, Gregory, who was summoned the next morning before the magistrate, had the satisfaction of supposing that he publicly confessed the name of Christ. After he was delivered from the fear and danger of a foreign enemy, his infant church was disgraced and distracted by intes- tine faction. A stranger who assumed the name of Maximus '■* and the cloak of a Cynic philosopher, insinuated himself into the confidence of Gregoiy ; deceived and abused his favourable opinion ; and, forming a secret connexion with some bishops of Egypt, attempted by a clandestine ordination to supplant his patron in the episcopal seat of Constantinople. These mortifi- cations might sometimes tempt the Cappadocian missionary to regret his obscure solitude. But his fatigues were rewarded by the daily increase of his fame and his congregation ; and he enjoyed the pleasure of observing that the greater part of his 32 See Ducange, Constant. Christiana, 1. iv. p. 141, 142. The 8cia W?'a(iis of Sozomen (1. vii. c. 5) is interpreted to mean the Virgin Mary. [The site of the Church of Anastasia, S.W. ofthe Hippodrome, is marked now by the mosque of Mehmed Pasha Djemi; see Paspat^s, Bv^t^vTival Me\eToi, 369.] 33TiUemont(M^m. EccMs. torn. ix. p. 432, &c.) diligently collects, enlarges and explains the oratorical and poetical hints of Gregory himself. '^ He pronounced an oration (tom. i. Orat. xxiii. p. 409 [ == xxv. Migne, p. 1197 sgf.]] in his praise ; but after their quarrel the'name of Maximus was changed into that of Heron (see Jerom, torn. i. in Catalog. Script. Eccles, p. 301). I touch slightly on these obscure and personal squabbles. [For an account of Maximus, see Hodgkin, i. 346 sjj. Cp. also J. Draseke, Z. f. Wiss. Theologie, 36 (1893), p. zgos^g.'] VOL. III. 10 146 THE DECLINE AND FALL numerous audience retired from his sermons satisfied with the eloquence of the preacher ^^ or dissatisfied with the manifold imperfections of their faith and practice. ^^ EuinofArian- The Catholics of Constantinople were animated with joyful rtinttaopie. Confidence by the baptism and edict of Theodosius ; and they M ' ' impatiently waited the effects of his gracious promise. Their hopes were speedily accomplished ; and the emperor, as soon as he had finished the operations of the campaign, made his [ifoT. 34) public entry into the capital at the head of a victorious army. The next day after his arrival, he summoned Damophilus to his presence, and offered that Arian prelate the hard alternative of subscribing the Nicene creed, or of instantly resigning, to the orthodox believers, the use and possession of the episcopal palace, the cathedral of St. Sophia, and all the churches of Constantinople. The zeal of Damophilus, which in a Catholic saint would have been justly applauded, embraced, without hesitation, a life of poverty and exile,^^ and his removal was immediately followed by the purification of the Imperial City. The Arians might complain, with some appearance of justice, that an inconsiderable congregation of sectaries should usurp the hundred churches, which they were insufficient to fill ; whilst the far greater part of the people was cruelly excluded from every place of religious worship. Theodosius was still inexorable : but, as the angels who protected the Catholic cause were only visible to the eyes of faith, he prudently rein- forced those heavenly legions with the more effectual aid of temporal and carnal weapons ; and the church of St. Sophia ^^ was occupied by a large body of the Imperial guards. If the mind of Gregory was susceptible of pride, he must have felt a very lively satisfaction, when the emperor conducted him through the streets in solemn triumph ; and, with his own hand, respectfully placed him on the archiepiscopal throne of 3' Under the modest emblem of a dream, Gregory (tom. ii. carmen ix. p. 78 [ed. Migne, 3, p. 1254]) describes his own success with some human complacency. Yet it should seem, from his familiar conversation with his auditor St. Jerom (tom. i. Epist. ad Nepotian, p. 14 [ep. 52 ; Migne, i. p. 534]), that the preacher understood the true value of popular applause. ^ Lachrymas auditorum, laudes tuEe sint, is the lively and judicious advice of St. Jerom [id.]. p' Socrates (1. v. c. 7) and Sozomen (1. vii. c. 5) relate the evangelical words and actions of Damophilus without a word of approbation. He considered, says Socrates, that it is difficult to resist the powerful ; but it was easy, and would have been profitable, to submit. [Date of entry of Theodosius, 14th Nov., Idacius, Fast. C. ; but 24th Nov., ace. to Pasch. Chron. and Socrates, v. 6, which Clinton accepts and Hodgkin supports.] 38 [Not St. Sophia, which was not yet the chief church, but the Church of the Twelve Apostles; see Plan in vol. ii. p. 149.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 147 Constantinople. But the saint (who had not subdued the imperfections of human virtue) was deeply affected by the mortifying consideration that his entrance into the fold was that of a wolf, rather than of a shepherd ; that the glittering arms, which surrounded his person, were necessary for his safety ; and that he alone was the object of the imprecations of a great party, whom, as men and citizens, it was impossible for him to despise. He beheld the innumerable multitude, of either sex and of every age, who crowded the streets, the windows, and the roofs of the houses ; he heard the tumultuous voice of rage, grief, astonishment, and despair ; and Gregory fairly confesses that, on the memorable day of his installation, the capital of the East wore the appearance of a city taken by storm, and in the hands of a Barbarian conqueror. s" About six weeks afterwards, Theodosius declared his resolution of expelling, from all the churches of his dominions, the bishops and their clergy who should obstinately refuse to believe, or in the eu at least to profess, the doctrine of the council of Nice. Hisj^aaiyu lieutenant Sapor was armed with the ample powers of a general law, a special commission, and a military force ; ^^ and this ecclesiastical revolution was conducted with so much discretion and vigour that the religion of the emperor was established, without tumult or bloodshed, in all the provinces of the East. The writings of the Arians, if they had been permitted to exist,*i would perhaps contain the lamentable story of the persecution which afflicted the church under the reign of the impious Theodosius ; and the sufferings of tJieir holy confessors might claim the pity of the disinterested reader. Yet there is reason to imagine that the violence of zeal and revenge was, in some measure, eluded by the want of resistance ; and that, in their adversity, the Arians displayed much less firmness than had been exerted by the orthodox party under the reigns of Constantius and Valens. The moral character and conduct of the hostile sects appear to have been governed 39 See Gregory Nazianzen, torn. ii. de Viti sui, p. 21, 22 [1. 1331 sgq.\ For the sake of posterity, the bishop of Constantinople records a stupendous prodigy. In the month of November, it was a cloudy morning, but the sun broke forth when the procession entered the church. *" Of the three ecclesiastical historians, Theodoret alone {1. v. c. 2) has mentioned this important commission of Sapor, which Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, tom. V. p. 728) judiciously removes from the reign of Gratian to that of Theodosius. ■•1 1 do not reckon Philostorgius, though he mentions (1. ix. c. 19) the expulsion of Damophilus. The Eunomian historian has been carefully strained through an orthodox sieve. 148 THE DECLINE AND FALL by the same common principles of nature and religion ; but a very material circumstance may be discovered, which tended to distinguish the degrees of their theological faith. Both parties in the schools, as well as in the temples, acknowledged and worshipped the divine majesty of Christ ; and, as we are ■ always prone to impute our own sentiments and passions to the Deity, it would be deemed more prudent and respectful to exaggerate, than to circumscribe, the adorable perfections of the Son of God. The disciple of Athanasius exulted in the proud confidence that he had entitled himself to the divine favour ; while the follower of Arius must have been tormented by the secret apprehension that he was guilty, perhaps, of an unpardonable offence, by the scanty praise, and parsimonious honours, which he bestowed on the Judge of the World. The opinions of Arianism might satisfy a cold and speculative mind ; but the doctrine of the Nicene Creed, most powerfully recom- mended by the merits of faith and devotion, was much better adapted to become popular and successful in a believing age. Tie council The hope that truth and wisdom would be found in the unopie. A.D. assemblies of the orthodox clergy induced the emperor to tuimiyii convene, at Constantinople, a synod of one hundred and fifty bishops, who proceeded, without much difficulty or delay, to complete the theological system, which had been established in the council of Nice. The vehement disputes of the fourth century had been chiefly employed on the nature of the Son of God ; and the various opinions, which were embraced concern- ing the Second, were extended and transferred, by a natural analogy, to the Third, person of the Trinity.*^ Yet it was found, or it was thought, necessary, by the victorious adversaries of Arianism, to explain the ambiguous language of some respect- able doctors ; to confirm the faith of the Catholics ; and to condemn an unpopular and inconsistent sect of Macedonians, who freely admitted that the Son was consubstantial to the Father, while they were fearful of seeming to acknowledge the existence of Three Gods. A final and unanimous sentence was pronounced to ratify the equal Deity of the Holy Ghost ; the mysterious doctrine has been received by all the nations and *- Le Clerc has given a curious extract (Bibliothique Universelle, torn, xviii. p. 91-105) of the theological sermons which Gregory NazianEen pronounced at Constantinople against the Arians, Eunomians, Macedonians, &c. He tells the Macedonians, who deified the Father and the Son, without the Holy Ghost, that they might as well be styled Tritheists as Dithelsis. Gregory himself was almost a Tritheist ; and 'lis monarchy of heaven resembles a well-regulated aristocracy. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 149 all the churches of the Christian world ; and their grateful reverence has assigned to the bishops of Theodosius the second rank among the general councils. *8 Their knowledge of religious truth may have been preserved by tradition, or it may have been communicated by inspiration ; but the sober evidence of history will not allow much weight to the personal authority of the fathers of Constantinople. In an age when the ecclesiastics had scandalously degenerated from the model of apostolical purity, the most worthless and corrupt were always the most eager to frequent, and disturb, the episcopal assemblies. The conflict and fermentation of so many opposite interests and tempers inflamed the passions of the bishops ; and their ruling passions were the love of gold and the love of dispute. Many of the same prelates who now applauded the orthodox piety of Theodosius had repeatedly changed, with prudent flexibility, their creeds and opinions ; and in the various revolutions of the church and state, the religion of their sovereign was the rule of their obsequious faith. When the emperor suspended his prevailing influence, the turbulent synod was blindly impelled by the absurd or selfish motives of pride, hatred, and resentment. The death of Meletius, which happened at the council of Constantinople, presented the most favourable opportunity of terminating the schism of Antioch, by suffering his aged rival, Paulinus, peaceably to end his days in the episcopal chair. The faith and virtues of Paulinus were unblemished. But his cause was supported by the Western churches ; and the bishops of the synod resolved to perpetuate the mischiefs of discord by the hasty ordination of a perjured candidate,^* rather than to betray the imagined dignity of the East, which had been illustrated by the birth and death of the Son of God. Such unjust and disorderly proceedings forced the gravest members of the assembly to dissent and to secede ; and the clamorous majority, which remained masters of the field of ^* The first general council of Constantinople now triumphs in the Vatican : but the popes had long hesitated, and their hesitation perplexes, and almost staggers, the humble Tillemont (M6m Eccle's. torn. ix. p. 499, 500). [It had no good claim to be ecumenical, for the 150 bishops present were entirely from the eastern provinces of the Empire. It put forward no new doctrines, but simply reasserted the Nicene Creed. See Gwalkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 262.] ** Before the death of Meletius, six or eight of his most popular ecclesiastics, among whom was Flavian, had abjured, for the sake of peace, the bishopric of Antioch (Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 3, 11. Socrates, 1. v. c. 5). Tillemont thinks it his duty to disbelieve the story ; but he owns that there are many circumstances in the life of Flavian which seem inconsistent with the praises of Chrysostom and the character of a saint (M^m. Ecclfe. torn. x. p. 541). [Gregory of Nyssa pronounced the funeral oration on Meletius.] 150 THE DECLINE AND FALL battle, could be oompared only to wasps or magpies, to a flight of cranes, or to a flock of geese.''^ A suspicion may possibly arise that so unfavourable a picture satraa,t of of ecclesiastical s)mods has been drawn by the partial hand of A Dm'"' ^"""^^ obstinate heretic or some malicious infidel. But the name of the sincere historian who has conveyed this instructive lesson to the knowledge of posterity must silence the impotent mur- murs of superstition and bigotry. He was one of the most pious and eloquent bishops of the age ; a saint and a doctor of the church ; the scourge of Arianism, and the pillar of the ortho- dox faith ; a distinguished member of the council of Constan- tinople, in" which, after the death of Meletius, he exercised the functions of president : in a word — Gregory Nazianzen himself The harsh and ungenerous treatment which he experienced,^^ instead of derogating from the truth of his evidence, affords an additional proof of the spirit which actuated the deliberations of the synod. Their unanimous suffrage had confirmed the pretensions which the bishop of Constantinople derived from the choice of the people and the approbation of the emperor. But Gregory soon became the victim of malice and envy. The bishops of the East, his strenuous adherents, provoked by his moderation in the affairs of Antioch, abandoned him, without support, to the adverse faction of the Egyptians ; who^disputed the validity of his election, and rigorously asserted the obso- ^*Jj'j"'™»'lete canon that prohibited the licentious practice of episcopal translations. The pride, or the humility, of Gregory prompted him to decline a contest which might have been imputed to ambition and avarice ; and he publicly offered, not without some mixture of indignation, to renounce the government of a church which had been restored, and almost created, by his labours. His resignation was accepted by the synod, and by the emperor, with more readiness than he seems to have expected. At the time, when he might have hoped to enjoy the fruits of his vic- tory, his episcopal throne was filled by the senator Nectarius ; '" Consult Gregory Nazianzen, de Vita sua, torn. ii. p. 25-28 [1509^^17.]. His general and particular opinion of the clergy and their assemblies may be seen in verse and prose (torn. i. orat. i. p. 33 [ = or. ii. Migne], epist. Iv. [ = ep. cxxx. Migne, iii. p. 225] p. 814, torn. ii. carmen x. {leg. xi.] p. 81 [Migne, U. p. 1227]). Such passages are faintly marked by Tillemont, and fairly produced by Le Clerc. ^See Gregory, torn. ii. de Vita sua, p. 28-31 [1680 sqq.]. The fourteenth [22nd], twenty-seventh [36th], and thirty-second [42nd] orations were pronounced in the several stages of this business. The peroration of the last (tom. i. p. saS) in which he takes a solemn leave of men and angels, the city and the emperor, the East and the West. &c., is pathetic, and almost sublime. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 151 and the new archbishop, accidentally recommended by his easy temper and venerable aspect, was obliged to delay the ceremony of his consecration, till he had previously dispatched the rites of his baptism.*^ After this remarkable experience of the ingratitude of princes and prelates, Gregory retired once more to his obscure solitude of Cappadocia ; where he employed the remainder of his life, about eight years, in the exercises of ^'«**i>. poetry and devotion. The title of Saint has been added to his name ; but the tenderness of his heart ^^ and the elegance of his genius reflect a more pleasing lustre on the memory of Gregory Nazianzen. It was not enough that Theodosius had suppressed the Edicts of insolent reign of Arianism, or that he had abundantly revenged agfSist' the the injuries which the Catholics sustained from the zeal of a.d. 380-394 Constantius and Valens. The orthodox emperor considered every heretic as a rebel against the supreme powers of heaven, and of earth ; and each of those powers might exercise their peculiar jurisdiction over the soul- and body of the guilty. The decrees of the council of Constantinople had ascertained the true standard of the faith ; and the ecclesiastics who governed the conscience of Theodosius suggested the most effectual methods of persecution. In the space of fifteen years, he promulgated at least fifteen severe edicts against the heretics ; *' more especially against those who rejected the doctrine of the Trinity ; and to deprive them of every hope of escape, he sternly enacted that, if any laws or rescripts should be alleged in their favour, the judges should consider them as the illegal produc- tions either of fraud or forgery. The penal statutes were directed against the ministers, the assemblies, and the persons, of the heretics ; and the passions of the legislator were ex- pressed in the language of declamation and invective. I. The heretical teachers, who usurped the sacred titles of Bishops *^ The whimsical ordination of Nectarius is attested by Sozomen (1. vii, c. 8) ; but Tillemont observes (M^m. Eccl^s. torn. ix. p. 719), Apr^s tout, ce narr^ de Sozom^ne est si honteux pour tous ceux qu'il y m61e, et surtout pour Th^odose, qu'il vaut mieux travailler k le d^truire, qu'i le soutenir ; an admirable canon of criticism. ^ I can only be understood to mean that such was his natural temper ; when it was not hardened, or inflamed, by religious zeal. From his retirement [at Arianzus, a farm close to the village of Karbala (now KaA/Sap^, Turk. Gelvere), aj hours south of Nazianzus, containing "a church full of relics of S. Gregory". Ramsay, Asia iVIinor, 285], he exhorts Nectarius to prosecute the heretics of Constantinople. 49 See the Theodosian Code, 1. xvi. tit. v. leg. 6-23, with Godefroy's commentary on each law, .and his general sunmiary, or Par.atition, torn. vi. p. 104-110. . 152 THE DECLINE AND FALL or Presbyters, were not only excluded from the privileges and emoluments so liberally granted to the orthodox clergy, but they were exposed to the heavy penalties of exile and confiscation, if they presumed to preach the doctrine, or to practise the rites, of their accurned sects. A fine of ten pounds of gold (above four hundred pounds sterling) was imposed on eveiy person who should dare to confer, or receive, or promote, an heretical ordination : and it was reasonably expected that, if the race of pastors could be extinguished, their helpless flocks would be compelled by ignorance and hunger to return within the pale of the Catholic church. II. The rigorous prohibition of conventicles was carefully extended to every possible circum- stance in which the heretics could assemble with the intention of worshipping God and Christ according to the dictates of their conscience. Their religious meetings, whether public or secret, by day or by night, in cities or in the country, were equally proscribed by the edicts of Theodosius ; and the building or ground which had been used for that illegal purpose was forfeited to the Imperial domain. III. It was supposed that the error of the heretics could proceed only from the obstinate temper of their minds ; and that such a temper was a fit object of censure and punishment. The anathemas of the church were fortified by a sort of civil excommunication, which sepai-- ated them from their fellow-citizens by a peculiar brand of infamy ; and this declaration of the supreme magistrate tended to justify, or at least to excuse, the insults of a fanatic populace. The sectaries were gradually disqualified for the possession of honourable or lucrative employments ; and Theodosius was satisfied with his own justice, when he decreed that, as the Eunomians distinguished the nature of the Son from that of the Father, they should be incapable of making their wills or of receiving any advantage from testamentary donations. The fiSc^iSSr guilt of the Manichaean heresy was esteemed of such magnitude dedmS^" ^'^^^ ^^ could be expiated only by the death of the offender ; M^S] ^"^"^ ^^'^ same capital punishment was inflicted on the Audians, or Quartodccimaiis,^^ who should dare to perpetrate the atrocious crime of celebrating, on an improper day, the festival of Easter. Every Roman might exercise the right of public accusation; but the office of hcjuuilors of the Faith, a name so deservedly ™The)' always kept their Easter,, like the Jewish Passover, on the fourteenth day of the first jnoon after the vernal equinox ; and thus pertinaciously opposed to the Roman church and Nicene synod, which hadyf^vrf Easter to a Sundav. Bingham's Antiquities, 1. xx. c. 5, vol. ii. p. 309, fol. edit. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 153 abhorred, was first instituted under the reign of Theodosius. Yet we are assured that the execution of his penal edicts was seldom enforced ; and that the pious emperor appeared less desirous to punish than to reclaim, or terrify, his refractory subjects.^i The theory of persecution was established by Theodosius, ^»™tiM> whose justice and piety have been applauded by the saints ; uan »nd iis but the practice of it, in the fullest extent, was reserved for his ad. sk rival and colleague Maximus, the first, among the Christian princes, who shed the blood of his Christian subjects on account of their religious opinions. The cause of the Priscillianists,*^ a recent sect of heretics, who disturbed the provinces of Spain, was transferred, by appeal, from the synod of Bourdeaux to the Imperial consistory of Treves ; and, by the sentence of the Praetorian prsefect, seven persons were tortured, condemned, and executed. The first of these was Priscillian ^^ himself, bishop of Avila,'* in Spain ; who adorned the advantages of birth and fortune by the accomplishments of eloquence and learning. Two presbyters and two deacons accompanied their beloved master in his death, which they esteemed as a glorious martyr- dom ; and the number of religious victims was completed by the execution of Latronian, a poet, who rivalled the fame of the ancients ; and of Euchrocia, a noble matron of Bourdeaux, the 81 Sozomen, 1, vii. c. 12. '■•^See the Sacred History of Sulpicius Severus (1. ii. p. 437-452, edit. Ludg. Bat. 1647 [c. 46-51]), a correct and original writer. Dr. Lardner iCredibility, &c. part ii. vol. ix. p. 256-350) has laboured this article, with pure learning, good sense, and moderation. Tillembnt (M^m. Ecclfe. torn. viii. p. 491-527) has raked together all the dirt of the fathers ; an useful scavenger ! [It has been debated how far Priscillian is to be regarded as a heretic. J. H. Ltibkert, De haeresi Priscillia- nistanim, 1840, followed by Bernays, held that he was condemned, not as a heretic, but as a lawbreaker. Since then some remains of his own writings (eleven Tractates) were discovered (1885) in a Wijrzburg Ms. of f cent., and edited (1889) by G. Schepss. His religious position has been investigated by F. Paret, Priscillianus ein Reformator des vicrten Jahrhunderts, 1891. It seems clear that Priscillian's point of view was undogmatic ; and he was certainly heretical in so far as he made use of apocryphal books. See too Schepss, Priscillian, 1886. Cp. Jerome's notice, de vir. ill. c. 21, and Orosius, Commonitorium de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, published by Schepss at end of his ed. of Priscillian.] "3 Sulpicius Severus mentions the arch-heretic with esteem and pity. Felix profecto, si non pravo studio corrupisset optimum ingenium ; prorsus inulta in eo animi et corporis bona cerneres (Hist. Sacra, 1. ii. p. 439 [c. 46]). Even Jerom (tom. i. in Script. Eccles. p. 302) speaks with temper of Priscillian and Latronian. [They suffered in 385, Prosper, Epit. Chron. ; but Idatius gives 387.] 5* The bishopric (in Old Castile) is now worth 20,000 ducats a year (Busching's Geography, vol. ii. p. 308) and is therefore much less likely to produce the author of a new heresy. 154 THE DECLINE AND FALL widow of the orator Delphidius,^* Two bishops, who had em- braced the sentiments of Priscillian, were condemned to a distant and dreary exile ; ''^ and some indulgence was shown to the meaner criminals who assumed the merit of an early repent- ance. If any credit could be allowed to confessions extorted by fear or pain, and to vague reports, the offspring of malice and credulity, the heresy of the Priscillianists would be found to include the various abominations of magic, of impiety, and of lewdness.*^ Priscillian, who wandered about the world in the company of his spiritual sisters, was accused of praying stark- naked in the midst of the congregation ; and it was confidently asserted that the effects of his criminal intercourse with the daughter of Euchrocia had been suppressed by means still more odious and criminal. But an accurate, or rather a candid, inquiry will discover that, if the Priscillianists violated the laws of nature, it was not by the licentiousness, but by the austerity, of their lives. They absolutely condemned the use of the marriage-bed ; and the peace of families was often dis- turbed by indiscreet separations. They enjoined, or recom- mended, a total abstinence from all animal food ; and their continual prayers, fasts, and vigils inculcated a rule of strict and perfect devotion. The speculative tenets of the sect, con- cerning the person of Christ and the nature of the human soul, were derived from the Gnostic and Manichsean system ; and this vain philosophy, which had been transported from Egypt to Spain, was ill adapted to the grosser spirits of the West. The obscure disciples of Priscillian suffered, languished, and gradually disappeared : his tenets were rejected by the clergy and people, but his death was the subject of a long and vehement controversy ; while some arraigned, and others ap- plauded, the justice of his sentence. It is with pleasure that we can observe the humane inconsistency of the most illustrious saints and bishops, Ambrose of Milan,^* and Martin of Tours ; "" '" Exprobabatur mulieri vidua; nimia religio, ct diligentiusculta divinitas (Pacat. in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 29). Such was the idea of a humane, though ignorant, polytheist. 08 One of them was sent in Syllinam insulam quEe ultra Britanniam est. What must have been tlie ancient condition of the roclis of Scilly (Cambden's Britannia, vol. ii. p. 1519)? i^'The scandalous calumnies of Augustin, Pope Leo, &c., which Tillemont swallows like a child, and Lardner refutes like a man, may suggest some candid suspicions in favour of the older Gnostics. "8 Ambros. torn. ii. epist. xxiv. p. 891. '" In the Sacred History, and the Life of St. Martin, Sulpicius Severus uses some caution ; but he declares himself more freely in the Dialogues (iii. 15). Martin was reproved, however, by his own conscience, and by an angel ; nor could, he afterwards perform miracles with so much ease- OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 165 who, on this occasion, asserted the cause of toleration. They pitied the unhappy men, who had been executed at Treves ; they refused to hold communication with their episcopal murderers ; and, if Martin deviated from that generous resolu- tion, his motives were laudable, and his repentance was ex- emplary. The bishops of Tours and Milan pronounced, without hesitation, the eternal damnation of heretics ; but they were surprised, and shocked, by the bloody image of their temporal death, and the honest feelings of nature resisted the artificial prejudices of theology. The humanity of Ambrose and Martin was confirmed by the scandalous irregularity of the proceedings against Priscillian and his adherents. The civil and ecclesiastical ministers had transgressed the limits of their respective pro- vinces. The secular judge had presumed to receive an appeal, and to pronounce a definitive sentence, in a matter of faith and episcopal jurisdiction. The bishops had disgraced themselves by exercising the function of accusers in a criminal prosecution. The cruelty of Ithacius,^'' w ho beheld the tortures, and solicited the death, of the heretics, provoked the just indignation of mankind ; and the vices of that profligate bishop were admitted as a proof that his zeal was instigated by the sordid motives of interest. Since the death of Priscillian, the rude attempts of persecution have been refined and methodized in the holy office, which assigns their distinct parts to the ecclesiastical and secular powers. The devoted victim is regularly delivered by the priest to the magistrate, and by the magistrate to the executioner ; and the inexorable sentence of the church, which declares the spiritual guilt of the offender, is expressed in the mild language of pity and intercession. Among the ecclesiastics, who illustrated the reign of Theo- ■4™''™". dosius, Gregory Nazianzen was distinguished by the talents ofofMitan. an eloquent preapher ; the reputation of miraculous gifts added weight and dignity to the monastic virtues of Martin of Tours ; ^i but the palm of Cipiscopal vigour and ability was justly claimed by the intrepid Ambrose.^^ He was descended from a noble soThe Catholic Presbyter (Sulp. Sever. 1. ii. p. 448 [c. 50]) and the Pagan Orator (Pacat. in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 29) reprbbate, with equal indignation, the character and conduct of.Ithaciusw ^The liffiof St. Martin, and the Dialogues concerning his miracles, contain facts adapted to the grossest barbarism, in a style not unworthy of the Atigustan age. So natural is the alliance between good ' taste and good sense that I am always astonished by this contrast. S2The short and superficial life of St. Ambrose by his deacon Paulinus (Appendix ad edit. Benedict, p. i-xv. ) has the merit of original evidence. Tillemont (M^m. Ecclfe. tom. x. p. 78-306) and the Benedictine editors (p. xxxi-lxiii. ) have laboured with their usual diligence. 156 THE DECLINE AND FALL family of Romans ; his father had exercised the important office of Praetorian praefect of Gaul ; and the son, after passing through [tome. 340] tjjg studies of a liberal education, attained, in the regular grada- tion of civil honours, the station of consular of Liguria, a pro- vince which included the Imperial residence of Milan. At the age of thirty-four, and before he had received the sacrament of baptism, Ambrose, to his own surprise, and to that of the world, [A.D. 3M] was suddenly transformed from a governor to an archbishop. Without the least mixture, as it is said, of art or intrigue, the whole body of the people unanimously saluted him with the episcopal title ; the concord and perseverance of their ac- clamations were ascribed to a prsetematural impulse ; and the reluctant magistrate was compelled to undertake a spiritual office, for which he was not prepared by the habits and occupa- tions of his former life. But the active force of his genius soon qualified him to exercise, with zeal and prudence, the duties of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; and, while he cheerfully renounced the vain and splendid trappings of temporal greatness, he con- descended, for the good of the church, to direct the conscience of the emperors and to control the administration of the empire. Gratian loved and revered him as a father ; and the rpe Fide. elaborate treatise on the faith of the Trinity was designed for the instruction of the young prince. After his tragic death, at a time when the empress Justina trembled for her own safety and for that of her son Valentinian, the archbishop of Milan was dispatched, on two different embassies, to the court of Treves. He exercised, with equal firmness and dexterity, the powers of his spiritual and political characters ; and perhaps contributed, by his authority and eloquence, to check the ambition of Maxi- mus and to protect the peace of Italy. "^ Ambrose had devoted his life and his abilities to the service of the church. Wealth was the object of his contempt ; he had renounced his private patrimony ; and he sold, without hesitation, the consecrated plate for the redemption of captives. The clergy and people of Milan were attached to their archbishop ; and he deserved the esteem, without soliciting the favour or apprehending the dis- pleasure, of his feeble sovereigns. Hii iTicceBsfai The government of Italy, and of the young emperor, naturally t£e°"empre*BB devolved to his mother Justina, a woman of beauty and spirit, but who, in the midst of an orthodox people, had the misfortune 63 Ambrose himself (torn. ii. epist. xxiv. p. 888-891) gives the emperor a very spirited account of his own embassy. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 157 of professing the Arian heresy, which she endeavoured to instil into the mind of her son. Justina was persuaded that a Roman emperor might claim, in his own dominions, the public exercise of his religion ; and she proposed to the archbishop, as a moderate and reasonable concession, that he should resign the use of a single church, either in the city or suburbs of Milan. But the conduct of Ambrose was governed by very different principles.** The palaces of the earth might indeed belong to Csesar ; but the churches were the houses of God ; and, within the limits of his diocese, he himself, as the lawful successor of the apostles, was the only minister of God. The privileges of Christianity, temporal as well as spiritual, were confined to the true believers ; and the mind of Ambrose was satisfied that his own theological opinions were the standard of truth and ortho- doxy. The archbishop, who refused to hold any conference or negotiation with the instruments of Satan, declared, with modest firmness, his resolution to die a martyr rather than to yield to the impious sacrilege ; and Justina, who resented the refusal as an act of insolence and rebelhon, hastily determined to exert the Imperial prerogative of her son. As she desired to perform her public devotions on the approaching festival of Easter, Ambrose was ordered to appear before the council. He obeyed the summons with the respect of a faithful subject, but he was followed, without his consent, by an innumerable people : they pressed, with impetuous zeal, against the gates of the palace ; and the affrighted ministers of Valentinian, instead of pronouncing a sentence of exile on the archbishop of Milan, humbly requested that he would interpose his authority, to pro- tect the person of the emperor and to restore the tranquillity of the capital. But the promises which Ambrose received and communicated were soon violated by a perfidious court, and during six of the most solemn days which Christian piety has set apart for the exercise of religion the city was agitated by the irregular convulsions of tumult and fanaticism. The officers of the household were directed to prepare, first the Porcian, and afterwards, the new Basilica, for the immediate reception of the emperor and his mother. The splendid canopy and hangings of ' the royal seat were arranged in the customary manner ; but it was found necessaiy to defend them, by a strong guard, from ^ His own representation of his principles and conduct (torn. ii. epist. xx. xxi. xxii. p. 852-880) is one of the curious monuments of ecclesiastical antiquity. It contains two letters to his sister Marcellina, with a petition of Valentinian, and the sermon de Basilicis non tradendis. 158 THE DECLINE AND FALL the insults of the populace. The Arian ecclesiastics who ventured to shew themselves in the streets were exposed to the most imminent danger of their lives ; and Ambrose enjoyed the merit and reputation of rescuing his personal enemies from the hands of the enraged multitude. But, while he laboured to restrain the effects of their zeal, the pathetic vehemence of his sermons continually inflamed the angry and seditious temper of the people of Milan. The characters of Eve, of the wife of Job, of Jezebel, of Herodias, were indecently applied to the mother of the emperor ; and her desire to obtain a church for the Arians was compared to the most cruel persecutions which Christianity had endured under the reign of Paganism. The measures of the court served only to expose the magnitude of the evil. A fine of two hundred pounds of gold was imposed on the corporate body of merchants and manufacturers : an order was signified, in the name of the emperor, to all the officers, and inferior servants, of the courts of justice, that, during the continuance of the public disorders, they should strictly confine themselves to their houses : and the ministers of Valentinian imprudently confessed that the most respectable part of the citizens of Milan was attached to the cause of their archbishop. He was again solicited to restore peace to his country, by a timely compliance with the will of his sovereign. The reply of Ambrose was couched in the most humble and respectful terms, which might, however, be interpreted as a serious declaration of civil war. " His life and fortune were in the hands of the emperor ; but he would never betray the church of Christ or degrade the dignity of the episcopal character. In such a cause, he was prepared to suffer whatever the malice of the daemon could inflict ; and he only wished to die in the presence of his faithful flock, and at the foot of the altar ; he had not contributed to excite, but it was in the power of God alone to appease, the rage of the people : he deprecated the scenes of blood and confusion which were likely to ensue ; and it was his fervent prayer that he might not survive to behold the ruin of a flourishing city and perhaps the desolation of all Italy."^' The obstinate bigotry of Justina would have endangered the *5 Retz had a similar message from the queen, to request that he would appease the tumult of Paris. It was no longer in his power, &c. A quoi j'ajoutai tout ce que vous pouvez vous imaginer de respect, de douleur, de regret, et de soumission, &c. (M^moires, tom. i. p. 140). Certainly I do not compare either the causes or the men ; yet the coadjutor himself had some idea (p. 84) of imitating St. Ambrose. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 159 empire of her son, if, in this contest with the church and people of Milan, she could have depended on the active obedience of the troops of the palace. A large body of Goths had marched to occupy the Basilica which was the object of the dispute : and it might be expected from the Arian principles and barbarous manners of these foreign mercenaries that they would not entertain any scruples in the execution of the most sanguinary orders. They were encountered, on the sacred threshold, by the archbishop, who, thundering against them a sentence of excommunication, asked them, in the tone of a father and a master, Whether it was to invade the house of God that they had implored the hospitable pro- tection of the republic ? The suspense of the Barbarians allowed some hours for a more effectual negotiation ; and the empress was persuaded, by the advice of her wisest counsellors, to leave the Catholics in possession of all the churches of Milan ; and to dissemble, till a more convenient season, her intentions of revenge. The mother of Valentinian could never forgive the triumph of Ambrose ; and the royal youth uttered a passionate exclamation that his own servants were ready to betray him into the hands of an insolent priest. The laws of the empire, some of which were inscribed with a.d. the name of Valentinian, still condemned the Arian heresy, and seemed to excuse the resistance of the Catholics. By the , influence of Justina an edict of toleration was promulgated in all the provinces which were subject to the court of Milan ; the free exercise of their religion was granted to those who professed the faith of Rimini ; and the emperor declared that all persons who should infringe this sacred and salutary con- stitution should be capitally punished as the enemies of the public peace. 8^ The character and language of the archbishop of Milan may justify the suspicion that his conduct soon afforded a reasonable ground, or at least a specious pretence, to the Arian ministers, who watched the opportunity of surprising him in some act of disobedience to a law which he strangely represents as a law of blood and tyranny. A sentence of easy and honourable banishment was pronounced, which en- joined Ambrose to depart from Milan without delay ; whilst it permitted him to choose the place of his exile and the number of his companions. But the authority of the saints who have 66Sozomen alone (1. vii. c. 13) throws this luminous fact into a dark and perplexed narrative. 160 THE DECLINE AND FALL preached and practised the maxims of passive loyalty appeared to Ambrose of less moment than the extreme and pressing danger of the church. He boldly refused to obey ; and his refusal was supported by the unanimous consent of his faithful people.'"' They guarded by turns the person of their arch- bishop ; the gates of the cathedral and the episcopal palace were strongly secured ; and the Imperial troops, who had formed the blockade, were unwilling to risk the attack, of that impregnable fortress. The numerous poor, who had been relieved by the liberality of Ambrose, embraced the fair occasion of signalizing their zeal and gratitude ; and, as the patience of the multitude might have been exhausted by the length and uniformity of nocturnal vigils, he prudently in- troduced into the church of Milan the useful institution of a loud and regular psalmody. While he maintained this arduous contest, he was instructed by a dream to open the earth in a place where the remains of two martyrs, Gervasius and Protasius,^* had been deposited above three hundred years. Immediately under the pavement of the church two perfect skeletons were found,"^ with the heads separated from their bodies, and a plentiful effusion of blood. The holy relics were presented, in solemn pomp, to the veneration of the people ; and every circumstance of this fortunate discovery was admirably adapted to promote the designs of Ambrose. The bones of the martyrs, their blood, their garments, were supposed to contain a healing power ; and their praetematural influence was communicated to the most distant objects, without losing any part of its original virtue. The extraordinary cure of a blind man,'^" and the 8' Excubabat pia plebs in eoclesiS. mori parata cum episcopo suo. . . Nos adhuc frigidi excitabamur tamen civitate attonit4 atque turbatft. Angustin. Confession. 1. ix. c. 7. 88 TiUemont, M^m. EccWs. torn. ii. p. 78. 498. Many churches in Italy, Gaul, &c. , were dedicated to these unknown martyrs, of whom St. Gervase seems to have been more fortunate than his companion. s" Invenimus mirae magnitudinis viros duos, ut prisca astas ferebat. Tom. ii. epist. xxii. p. 875. [Mr. Hodgkin, who discusses the discovery, seems disposed to entertain the idea that Ambrose may have practised a pious fraud ; i. 440.] The size of these skeletons was fortunately, or skilfully, suited to the popular prejudice of the gradual increase of the human stature ; which has prevailed in every age since the time of Homer. Grandiaque effossis mirabitur ossa sepulchris. ™Ambros. torn. ii. epist. xxii. p. 875. Augustin. Confes. 1. ix. c. 7, de Civitat. Dei, 1. x.xii. c. 8. Paulin. in Vitl St. Ambros. c. 14, in Append. Benedict, p. 4, The blind man's name was Severus ; he touched the holy garment, recovered his sight, and devoted the rest of his life (at least twenty-five years) to the service of the church. I should recommend this miracle to our divines, if it did not prove the worship of relics, as well as the Nicene creed. Invades Ital7. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 161 reluctant confessions of several daemoniacs, appeared to justify the faith and sanctity of Ambrose ; and the truth of those miracles is attested by Ambrose himself, by his secretary Paulinus, and by his proselyte^ the celebrated Augustinj who, at that time, professed the art of rhetoric in Milan. The reason of the present age may possibly approve the incredulity of Justina and her Arian court ; who derided the theatrical representations which were exhibited by the contrivance, and at the expense, of the archbishop.'i Their effect, however, on the minds of the people was rapid and irresistible ; and the feeble sovereign of Italy found himself unable to contend with the favourite of heaven. The powers likewise of the earth interposed in the defence of Ambrose ; the disinterested advice of Theodosius was the general result of piety and friendship ; and the mask of religious zeal concealed the hostile and ambitious designs of the tyrant of Gaul.''^ The reign of Maximus might have ended in peace andMaiimM prosperity, could he have contented himself with the possession a.d. sst, of three ample countries, which now constitute the three most flourishing kingdoms of modern Europe. But the aspiring usurper, whose sordid ambition was not dignified by the love of glory and of arms, considered his actual forces as the in- struments only of his future greatness, and his success was the immediate cause of his destruction. The wealth which he extorted ''^ from the oppressed provinces of Gaul, Spain, and Britain was employed in levying and maintaining a formidable army of Barbarians, collected, for the most part, from the fiercest nations of Germany. The conquest of Italy was the object of his hopes and preparations; and he secretly meditated the ruin of an innocent youth, whose government was abhorred and despised by his Catholic subjects. But, as Maximus vashed to occupy, without resistance, the passes of the Alps, he received, with perfidious smiles, Domninus of Syria, the ambas- sador of Valentinian, and pressed him to accept the aid of a considerable body of troops for the service of a Pannonian war. The penetration of Ambrose had discovered the snares 71 Paulin. in Vit. St. Ambros. c. 5 [15] , in Append. Benedict, p. 5. '^Tillemont, M^m. Eccl^s. torn. x. p. 190, 750. He partially allows the mediation of Theodosius ; and capriciously rejects that of Maximus, though it is attested by Prosper [not the true Prosper ; but Chron. Gall. ap. Mommsen, Chron. Min. i. p. 648 ; op. Rufin, 11. 16], Sozomen, and Theodoret. 73 The modest censure of Sulpicius (Dialog, iii. 15) inflicts a much de«per wound than the feeble declamation of Pacatus {xii. 25, a6). VOL. III. 11 162 THE DECLINE AND FALL lUghtof ValBntlnia [Lalbach] of an enemy under the professions of friendship ; '^* but the Syrian Domninus was corrupted, or deceived, by the liberal favour of the court of Treves ; and the council of Milan obstinately rejected the suspicion of danger, with a blind con- fidence which was the effect, not of courage, but of fear. The march of the auxiliaries was guided by the ambassador ; and they were admitted, without distrust, into the fortresses of the Alps. But the crafty tyrant followed, with hasty and silent footsteps, in the rear ; and, as he diligently intercepted all in- telligence of his motions, the gleam of armour and the dust excited by the troops of cavalry first announced the hostile approach of a stranger to the gates of Milan. In this extremity, Justina and her son might accuse their own imprudence and the perfidious arts of Maximus ; but they wanted time, and force and resolution to stand against the Gauls and Germans, either in the field or within the walls of a large and disaffected city. Flight was their only hope, Aquileia their only refuge ; and, as Maximus now displayed his genuine character, the brother of Gratian might expect the same fate from the hands of the same assassin. Maximus entered Milan in triumph ; and, if the wise archbishop refused a dangerous and criminal connexion with the usurper, he might indirectly contribute to the success of his arms by inculcating, from the pulpit, the duty of resignation rather than that of resistance. '^^ The un- fortunate Justina reached Aquileia in safety ; but she distrusted the strength of the fortifications ; she dreaded the event of a siege ; and she resolved to implore the protection of the great Theodosius, whose power and virtue were celebrated in all the countries of the West. A vessel was secretly provided to transport the Imperial family ; they embarked with precipita- tion in one of the obscure harbours of Venetia or Istria ; traversed the whole extent of the Hadriatic and Ionian seas ; turned the extreme promontory of Peloponnesus ; and, after a long but successful navigation, reposed themselves in the port of Thessalonica. All the subjects of Valentinian deserted the cause of a prince who, by his abdication, had absolved them from the duty of allegiance ; and, if the little city of iEmona, on the verge of Italy, had not presumed to stop the career of '<> Esto tutior adversus hominem, pacis involucre tegentem, was the wise caution of Ambrose (torn. ii. p. 891) after his return from his second embassy [a.d. 386-7]. " Baronius (A.D. 387, No. 63) applies to this season of public distress some of the penitential sermons of the archbishop. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 163 his inglorious victory, Maximus would have obtained, without a struggle, the sole possession of the western empire. Instead of inviting his royal guests to the palace of Con- stantinople, Theodosius had some unknown reasons to fix their iheodoiiM residence at Thessalonica ; but these reasons did not proceed «i»i™of from contempt or indifference, as he speedily made a visit to a.d™387 ""' that city, accompanied by the greatest part of his court and senate. After the first tender expressions of friendship and sympathy, the pious emperor of the East gently admonished Justina that the guilt of heresy was sometimes punished in this world as well as in the next ; and that the public profession of the Nicene faith would be the most efficacious step to promote the restoration of her son, by the satisfaction which it must occasion both on earth and in heaven. The momentous question of peace or war was referred, by Theodosius, to the deliberation of his council ; and the arguments which might be alleged on the side of honour and justice had acquired, since the death of Gratian, a considerable degree of additional weight. The per- secution of the Imperial family, to which Theodosius himself had been indebted for his fortune, was now aggravated by recent and repeated injuries. Neither oaths nor treaties could restrain the boundless ambition of Maximus ; and the delay of vigorous and decisive measures, instead of prolonging the bless- ings of peace, would expose the eastern empire to the danger of an hostile invasion. The Barbarians, who had passed the Danube, had lately assumed the character of soldiers and subjects, but their native fierceness was yet untamed ; and the operations of a war which would exercise their valour and diminish their numbers might tend to relieve the provinces from an intolerable oppression. Notwithstanding these specious and solid reasons, which were approved by a majority of the council, Theodosius still hesitated whether he should draw the sword in a contest which could no longer admit any terms of reconciliation ; and his magnanimous character .was not dis- graced by the apprehensions which he felt for the safety of his infant sons and the welfare of his exhausted people. In this moment of anxious doubt, while the fate of the Roman world depended on the resolution of a single man, the charms of the princess Galla most powerfully pleaded the cause of her brother Valentinian.'^'' The heart of Theodosius was softened '8 The flight of Valentinian and the love of Theodosius for his sister are related by Zosimus (1. iv. p. 263, 264 [c. 43]). Tillemont produces some weak and 164 THE DECLINE AND FALL by the tears of beauty ; his affections were insensibly engaged by the graces of youth and innocence ; the art of Justina managed and directed the impulse of passion ; and the celebra- tion of the royal nuptials was the assurance and signal of the civil war. The unfeeling critics, who consider every amorous weakness as an indelible stain on the memory of a great and orthodox emperor, are inclined, on this occasion, to dispute the suspicious evidence of the historian Zosimus. For my own part, I shall frankly confess that I am willing to find, or even to seek, in the revolutions of the world some traces of the mild and tender sentiments of domestic life ; and, amidst the crowd of fierce and ambitious conquerors, I can distinguish, with peculiar complacency, a gentle hero, who may be supposed to receive his armour from the hands of love. The alliance of the Persian king was secured by the faith of treaties ; the martial Barbarians were persuaded to follow the standard, or to respect the frontiers, of an active and liberal monarch ; and the dominions of Theodosius, from the Euphrates to the Hadriatic, resounded with the preparations of war both by land and sea. The skilful disposition of the forces of the East seemed to mul- tiply their numbers, and distracted the attention of Maximus. He had reason to fear that a chosen body of troops, under the command of the intrepid Arbogastes, would direct their march along the banks of the Danube and boldly penetrate through the Rhsetian provinces into the centre of Gaul. A powerful fleet was equipped in the harbours of Greece and Epirus, with an apparent design that, as soon as a passage had been opened by a naval victory, Valentinian and his mother should land in Italy, proceed, without delay, to Rome, and occupy the majestic seat of religion and empire. In the meanwhile, Theodosius himself advanced at the head of a brave and disciplined army, to encounter his unworthy rival, who, after the siege of .Smona, had fixed his camp in the neighbourhood of Siscia, a city of Pannonia, strongly fortified by the broad and rapid stream of the Save, sefaatuid The veterans, who still remembered the long resistance and Muimiu. successive resources of the tyrant Magnentius, might prepare jme-Aagiut themselves for the labours of three bloody campaigns. But the contest with his successor, who, like him, had usurped the throne of the West, was easily decided in the term of two ambiguous evidence to antedate the second marriage of Theodosius (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 740), and consequently to refute ces contes de Zosime, qui seroient trop contraires k la piftd de Thtolose. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 165 months '^'i^ and within the space of two hundred miles. The superior genius of the emperor of the East might prevail over the feeble Maximus ; who, in this important crisis, shewed him- self destitute of military skill or personal courage ; but the abilities of Theodosius were seconded by the advantage which he possessed of a numerous and active cavalry. The Huns, the Alani, and, after their example, the Goths themselves, were formed into squadrons of archers ; who fought on horseback and confounded the steady valour of the Gauls and Germans by the rapid motions of a Tartar war. After the fatigue of a long march, in the heat of summer, they spurred their foaming horses into the waters of the Save, swam the river in the presence of the enemy, and instantly charged and routed the troops who guarded the high ground on the opposite side. Marcellinus, the tyrant's brother, advanced to support them with the select cohorts which were considered as the hope and strength of the army. The action, which had been interrupted by the approach of night, was renewed in the morning ; and, after a sharp conflict, the surviving remnant of the bravest soldiers of Maximus threw down their arms at the feet of the conqueror. Without suspending his march to receive the loyal acclamations of the citizens of JJmona, Theodosius pressed forwards, to terminate the war by the death or captivity of his rival, who fled before him with the diligence of fear. From the summit of the Julian Alps, he descended with such incredible speed into the plain of Italy that he reached Aquileia on the evening of the first day ; and Maximus, who found himself encompassed on all sides, had scarcely time to shut the gates of the city. But the gates could not long resist the effort of a victorious enemy ; and the despair, the disaffection, the indiffer- ence of the soldiers and people, hastened the downfall of the wretched Maximus. He was dragged from his throne, rudely stripped of the Imperial ornaments, the robe, the diadem, and the purple slippers ; and conducted, like a malefactor, to the camp and presence of Theodosius, at a place about three miles from Aquileia. The behaviour of the emperor was not intended to insult, and he shewed some disposition to pity and forgive, the tyrant of the West, who had never been his personal enemy and was now become the object of his contempt. Our sympathy is the most forcibly excited by the misfortunes to which we are exposed ; and the spectacle of a proud competitor, now prostrate ^ See Godefroy's Chronology of the Laws, Cod. Theodos. torn. i. p. iig. Theodosliu 166 THE DECLINE AND FALL at his feet, could not fail of producing very serious and solemn thoughts in the mind of the victorious emperor. But the feeble emotion of involuntary pity was checked by his regard for [July a or public justicc and the memory of Gratian ; and he abandoned "*■ "^ the victim to the pious zeal of the soldiers, who drew him out of the Imperial presence and instantly separated his head from his body. The intelligence of his defeat and death was received with sincere, or well-dissembled, joy : his son Victor, on whom he had conferred the title of Augustus, died by the order, perhaps by the hand, of the bold Arbogastes ; and all the mili- tary plans of Theodosius were successfully executed. When he had thus terminated the civil war with less difficulty and bloodshed than he might naturally expect, he employed the winter months of his residence at Milan to restore the state of [AjD.sss, the afflicted provinces ; and early in the spring he made, after """^ the example of Constantine and Constantius, his triumphal entry into the ancient capital of the Roman empire.™ TirtMB of The orator, who may be silent without danger, may praise without difficulty and without reluctance ; ''^ and posterity will confess that the character of Theodosius *" might furnish the subject of a sincere and ample panegyric. The wisdom of his laws, and the success of his arms, rendered his administration respectable in the eyes both of his subjects and of his enemies. He loved and practised the virtues of domestic life, which seldom hold their residence in the palaces of kings. Theodosius was chaste and temperate ; he enjoyed, without excess, the sensual and social pleasures of the table ; and the warmth of his amorous passions was never diverted from their lawful objects. The proud titles of Imperial greatness were adorned by the tender names of a faithful husband, an indulgent father ; his '8 Besides the hints which may be gathered from chronicles and ecclesiastical history, Zos. (1. iv. p. 259-267 [c. 44-47]), Oros, (1. vii. c. 35) and Pacatus (in Pan. Vet. xii. 30-47) supply the loose and scanty materials of this civil war. Ambrose!(tom. ii. epist. xl. p. 952, 953) darkly alludes to the well-known events of a magazine surprised, an action at Poetovio, a Sicilian, perhaps a naval, victory, &c. Ausonius (p. 256, edit. Toll. [Ord. Urb. Nob. 66 sqq.'^ applauds the peculiar merit, and good fortune, of Aquileia. [For the son of Maximus, Flavins Victor, see C. I. L. s, 8032 and Eckhel, 8, 66. The victory in Sicilia must have been on sea, over the fleet of Andragathius ; cp. Oros. loc. cii.'] ™Quam promptum laudare principem, tarn tutum siluisse de principe (Pacat. in Pan. Vet. xii. 2). Latinus Pacatus Drepanius, a native of Gaul, pronounced this oration at Rome (a.d. 388). He was afterwards proconsul of Africa ; and his friend Ausonius praises him as a poet, second only to Virgil. See Tille- mont, Hist, des Emper. torn. v. p. 303. ™ See the fair portrait of Theodosius by the younger Victor ; the strokes are distinct, and the colours are mixed. The praise of Pacatus is too vague : and Claudian always seems afraid of exalting the father above the son. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 167 uncle was raised, by his afFectionate esteem, to the rank of a second parent ; Theodosius embraced, as his own, the children of his brother and sister ; and the expressions of his regard were extended to the most distant and obscure branches of his numerous kindred. His familiar ffiends were judiciously selected from among those persons who, in the equal intercourse of private life, had appeared before his eyes without a mask ; the consciousness of personal and superior merit enabled him to despise the accidental distinction of the purple ; and he proved by his conduct that he had forgotten all the injuries, while he most gratefully remembered all the favours and services, which he had received before he ascended the throne of the Roman empire. The serious, or lively, tone of his conversation was adapted to the age, the rank, or the character, of his sub- jects whom he admitted into his society ; and the affability of his manners displayed the image of his mind. Theodosius re- spected the simplicity of the good and virtuous ; every art, every talent, of an useful, or even of an innocent, nature was rewarded by his judicious liberality ; and, except the heretics whom he persecuted with implacable hatred, the diffusive circle of his benevolence was circumscribed only by the limits of the human race. The government of a mighty empire may assur- edly suffice to occupy the time and the abilities of a mortal ; yet the diligent prince, without aspiring to the unsuitable reputation of profound learning, always reserved some moments of his leisure for the instructive amusement of reading. His- tory, which enlarged his experience, was his favourite study. The annals of Rome, in the long period of eleven hundred years, presented him with a various and splendid picture of human life ; and it has been particularly observed that, when- ever he perused the cruel acts of Cinna, of Marius, or of Sylla, he warmly expressed his generous detestation of those enemies of humanity and freedom. His disinterested opinion of past events was usefully applied as the rule of his own actions ; and Theodosius has deserved the singular commendation that his virtues always seemed to expand with his fortune ; the season of his prosperity was that of his moderation ; and his clemency appeared the most conspicuous after the danger and success of the civil war. The Moorish guards of the tyrant had been raassacred in the first heat of the victory ; and a small number of the most obnoxious criminals suffered the punishment of the law. But the emperor shewed himself much more attentive to relieve the innocent than to chastise the guilty. The op- TheodoBlna 168 THE DECLINE AND FALL pressed subjects of the West, who would have deemed themselves happy in the restoration of their lands, were astonished to receive a sum of money equivalent to their losses ; and the liberality of the conqueror supported the aged mother, and educated the orphan daughters, of Maximus.^i A character thus accomplished might almost excuse the extravagant sup- position of the orator Pacatus, that, if the elder Brutus could be permitted to revisit the earth, the stern republican would abjure, at the feet of Theodosius, his hatred of kings ; and in- genuously confess that such a monarch was the most faithful guardian of the happiness and dignity of the Roman people.*^ Faiitoof Yet the piercing eye of the founder of the republic must have m...j„,.. ^jgggj.jjg^ j.^Q essential imperfections, which might, perhaps, have abated his recent love of despotism. The virtuous mind of Theodosius was often relaxed by indolence,^^ and it was sometimes inflamed by passion.^* In the pursuit of an important object, his active courage was capable of the most vigorous exertions ; but, as soon as the design was accomplished or the danger was surmounted, the hero sunk into inglorious repose ; and, forgetful that the time of a prince is the property of his people, resigned himself to the enjoyment of the innocent, but trifling, pleasures of a luxurious court. The natural disposition of Theodosius was hasty and choleric ; and, in a station where none could resist and few would dissuade the fatal consequence of his resentment, the humane monarch was justly alarmed by the consciousness of his infirmity, and of his power. It was the constant study of his life to suppress or regulate the intemperate sallies of passion ; and the success of his efforts enhanced the merit of his clemency. But the painful virtue which claims the merit of victory is exposed to the danger of defeat ; and the reign of a wise and merciful prince was polluted by an act of cruelty which would stain the annals of Nero or Domitian. Within the space of three years, the inconsistent historian of Theodosius must relate the generous pardon of the citizens of 81 Ambros. torn. ii. epist. xl. p. 955. [The interpretation of this passage is not certain. The daughters of an iniimcus and the mother of a hosHs are mentioned. Are the hostis and inhnicus the same, viz., Maximus ?] Pacatus, from the want of skill, or of courage, omits this glorious circumstance. S^Pacat. in Panegyr. Vet. xii. 20. 83Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 271, 272 [c. 50]. His partial evidence is marked by an air of candour and truth. He observes these vicissitudes of sloth and activity, not as a vice, but as a singularity, in the character of Theodosius. ^ This choleric temper is acknowledged, and excused, by Victor [Epit. 48]. Sed habes (says Ambrose, in decent and manly language, to his sovereign) natura2 impetum, quem si quis lenire velit, cito vertes ad misericordiam : si quis stimulet, in magis exsuscitas, ut eum revocare vix possis (tom. ii. epist. ii. p. 998). Theod. (Claud, in iv. Cons. Hon. 266, &c. ) exhorts his son to moderate his anger. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 169 Antioch and the inhuman massacre of the people of Thes- saloniea. The lively impatience of the inhabitants of Antioch was never The ien. Zosim. 1. IV. p. 277 [j*.]. He afterwards says (p. 280 [c. 57]) that Galla died in childbed ; and mtimates that the affliction of her husband was extreme, but short. OF THE KOMAN EMPIEE 181 arms the violated majesty of the throne. But, as the second conquest of the West was a task of difficulty and danger, he dismissed, with splendid presents and an ambiguous answer, the ambassadors of Eugenius ; and almost two years were con- sumed in the preparations of the civil war. Before he formed iheoioiiiu any decisive resolution, the pious emperor was anxious to dis-war cover the will of Heaven ; and, as the progress of Christianity had silenced the oracles of Delphi and Dodona, he consulted an Egyptian monk, who possessed, in the opinion of the age, the gift of miracles and the knowledge of futurity. Eutropius, one of the favourite eunuchs of the palace of Constantinople, embarked for Alexandria, from whence he sailed up the Nile as far as the city of Lycopolis, or of Wolves, in the remote pro- vince of Thebais.ii' In the neighbourhood of that city, and on the summit of a lofty mountain, the holy John i^^ had con- structed, with his own hands, an humble cell, in which he had dwelt above fifty years, without opening his door, without seeing the face of a woman, and without tasting any food that had been prepared by fire or any human art. Five days of the week he spent in prayer and meditation ; but on Saturdays and Sundays he regularly opened a small window, and gave audience to the crowd of suppliants who successively flowed from every part of the Christian world. The eunuch of Theo- dosius approached the window with respectful steps, proposed his questions concerning the event of the civil war, and soon returned with a favourable oracle, which animated the courage of the emperor by the assurance of a bloody but infallible victory.ii^ The accomplishment of the prediction was for- warded by all the means that human prudence could supply. The industry of the two master-generals, Stilicho and Timasius, was directed to recruit the numbers, and to revive the discipline, of the Roman legions. The formidable troops of Barbarians warta May marched under the ensigns of their national chieftains. The ™° "5 Lycopolis is the modern Siut, or Osiot, a town of Said, about the size of St. Denys, which drives a profitable trade with the kingdom of Sennaar, and has a very convenient fountain, " cujus potu signa virginitatis eripiuntur " See D'Anville, Description de I'Egypte, p. i8i. Abulfeda, Descript. .(Egypt, p. 14, and the curious annotations, p. 25, 92, of his editor Michaelis. 118 The life of John of Lycopolis is described by his two friends, Rufinus (1. ii. c. i. p. 449) and Palladius (Hist. Lausiac. c. 43, p. 738) in Rosweyde's great Collec- tion of the Vitas Patrum. [See Acta Sctorura, 27 Mart. iii. 693 sjf/\ Tillemont (M^m. Ecclfe. torn. x. p. 718, 720) has settled the Chronology. U7 Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 22. Claudian (in Eutrop. 1. i. 312) mentions the eunuch's journey : but he most contemptuously derides the Egyptian dreams and the oracles of the Nile. 182 THE DECLINE AND FALL HIb victory over Enge- nliu. A.D. 394, September 6 Wlpbacb] Iberilsin, the Arab, and the Goth, who gazed on each other with mutual astonishment, were enlisted in the service of the same prince ; and the renowned Alaric acquired, in the school of Theodosius, the knowledge of the art of war which he after- wards so fatally exerted for the destruction of Rome.^^* The emperor of the West, or, to speak more properly, his general Arbogastes, was instructed by the misconduct and misfortune of Maximus, how dangerous it might prove to ex- tend the line of defence against a skilful antagonist, who was free to press or to suspend, to contract or to multiply, his various methods of attack.^^' Arbogastes fixed his station on the confines of Italy : the troops of Theodosius were permitted to occupy without resistance the provinces of Pannonia as far as the foot of the Julian Alps ; and even the passages of the mountains were negligently, or perhaps artfully, abandoned to the bold invader. He descended from the hills, and beheld, with some astonishment, the formidable camp of the Gauls and Gemians that covered with arms and tents the open country which extends to the walls of Aquileia and the banks of the Frigidus,i20 or Cold River.i^^ This narrow theatre of the war, circumscribed by the Alps and the Hadriatic, did not allow much room for the operations of militaiy skill ; the spirit of Arbogastes would have disdained a pardon ; his guilt extinguished the hope of a negotiation ; and Theodosius was impatient to satisfy his glory and revenge by the chastise- ment of the assassins of Valentinian. Without weighing the lis Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 280 [c. s?]. Socrates, 1. vii. 10. Alaric himself (de Bell. Getico, 524) dwells with more complacency on his early exploits agamst the Romans. . . . Tot Augustos Hebro qui teste fugavi. Yet his vanity could scarcely have proved this plurality of flying emperors. "' Claudian (in iv. Cons. Honor. 77, &c.) contrasts the military plans of the two usurpers : . . . Novitas audere priorem Suadebat ; cautumque dabant exempla sequentem. Hie nova moliri prseceps : hie quserere tutus Providus. Hie fusis ; coUectis viribus ille. Hie vagus excurrens ; hie intra claustra reductus; Dissimiles, sed morte pares. . . . I'i'' The Frigidus, a small though memorable stream in the country of Goretz, now called the Vipao [Wipbach], falls into the Sontius, or ,Lisonzo, above Aquileia, some miles from the Hadriatic. See D'Anville's Ancient and Modern Maps, and the Italia Antiqua of Cluverius ^tom. i. p. 188). [Mr. Hodgkin thinks the battle was fought near HeidenschaCft, 1. p. 578.] 121 Claudian's wit is intolerable ; the snow was dyed red ; the cold river smoked ; and the channel must have been choked with carcases, if the current had not been swelled with blood. OF THE HOMAN EMPIRE 183 natural and artificial obstacles that opposed his efforts, the emperor of the East immediately attacked the fortifications [sept. 6] of his rivals, assigned the post of honom-able danger to the Goths, and cherished a secret wish that the bloody conflict might diminish the pride and numbers of the conquerors. Ten thousand of those auxiliaries, and Bacurius, general of the Iberians, died bravely on the field of battle. But the victory was not purchased by their blood ; the Gauls maintained their advantage ; and the approach of night protected the disorderly flight, or retreat, of the troops of Theodosius. The emperor retired to the adjacent hills ; where he passed a disconsolate night, without sleep, without provisions, and without hopes ; i^^ except that strong assurance which, under the most desperate circumstances, the independent mind may derive from the contempt of fortune and of life. The triumph of Eugenius was celebrated by the insolent and dissolute joy of his camp ; whilst the active and vigilant Arbogastes secretly detached a considerable body of troops, to occupy the passes of the moun- tains, and to encompass the rear of the Eastern army. The dawn of day discovered to the eyes of Theodosius the ex- tent and the extremity of his danger: but his apprehensions '■''•''■'^ were soon dispelled by a friendly message from the leaders of those troops, who expressed their inclination to desert the standard of the tyrant. The honourable and lucrative rewards, which they stipulated as the price of their perfidy, were granted without hesitation ; and, as ink and paper could not easily be procured, the emperor subscribed, on his own tablets, the ratification of the treaty. The spirit of his soldiers was revived by this seasonable reinforcement; and they again marched with confidence, to surprise the camp of a tyrant whose principal officers appeared to distrust either the justice or the success of his arms. In the heat of the battle, a violent tempest, i^s 122 Theodoret affirms that St. John and St. Philip appeared to the waking, or sleeping, emperor, on horseback, &c. This is the first instance of apostolic chivalry, which afterwards became so popular in Spain and in the Crusades. 123 Te propter, gelidis Aquilo de monte procellis Obruit adversas acies ; revolutaque tela Vertit in auctores, et turbine reppulit hastas. O nimium dilecte Ueo, cui fundit ab antris .lEolus armatas hyemes ; cui militat ^ther, Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti. These famous lines of Claudian (in iii. Cons. Honor. 93, &c. A.D. 396) are alleged by his contemporaries, Augustin and Orosius ; who suppress the Pagan deity of ^olus ; and add some circumstances from the information of eye-witnesses. With- in four months after the victory, it was compared by Ambrose to the miraculous victories of Itlpses and, Joshji^., ■ ' 184 THE DECLINE AND FALL such as is often felt among the Alps, suddenly arose from the East. The army of Theodosius was sheltered by their position from the impetuosity of the wind, which blew a cloud of dust in the faces of the enemy, disordered their ranks, wrested their weapons from their hands, and diverted or re- pelled their ineifectual javelins. This accidental advantage was skilfully improved ; the violence of the storm was magnified by the superstitious terrors of the Gauls ; and they yielded without shame to the invisible powers of heaven, who seemed to militate on the side of the pious emperor. His victory was decisive ; and the deaths of his two rivals were distinguished only by the difference of their characters. The rhetorician Eugenius, who had almost acquired the dominion of the world, was reduced to implore the mercy of the con- queror ; and the unrelenting soldiers separated his head from his body, as he lay prostrate at the feet of Theodosius. Arbogastes, after the loss of a battle in which he had discharged the duties of a soldier and a general, wandered several days among the mountains. But, when he was convinced that his cause was desperate, and his escape impracticable, the in- trepid Barbarian imitated the example of the ancient Romans, and turned his sword against his own breast. The fate of the empire was determined in a narrow corner of Italy , and the legitimate successor of the house of Valentinian embraced the archbishop of Milan, and graciously received the submission of the provinces of the West. Those provinces were involved in the guilt of rebellion ; while the inflexible courage of Ambrose alone had resisted the claims of successful usurpation. With a manly freedom, which might have been fatal to any other subject, the archbishop rejected the gifts of Eugenius, declined ttoHorenco] ^is Correspondence, and withdrew himself from Milan, to avoid the odious presence of a tyrant, whose downfall he predicted in discreet and ambiguous language. The merit of Ambrose was applauded by the conqueror, who secured the attachment of the people by his alliance with the church ; and the clemency of Theodosius is ascribed to the humane intercession of the arch- bishop of Milan.i2* i^The events of this civil war are gathered from Ambrose (tom. ii. epist. Ixii. p. 1022 [cp. Ep. 57]), Paulinus (in Vit. Ambros. c. 26-34), Augustin (de Civitat. Dei, V. 26), Orosius {1. vii. c. 35), Sozomen (1. vii. c. 24), Theodoret (1. v. c. 24), Zosimus (1. iv. p. 281, 282 [c. 58]), Claudian (in iii. Cons. Hon. 63-105, in iv. Cons. Hon. 70-117), and the Chronicles published by Scaliger. [See also Philo- storg. xi. 2 ; Socrates, v. 25 ; Victor, Epit. ; and cp. Sievers, Studien, p. 326 sqq. Cp. Appendix lo.J OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 185 After the defeat of Eugenius, the merit, as well as the authority, Death of of Theodosius was cheerfully acknowledged by all the inhabi- a.d. 395, tants of the Roman world. The experience of his past conduct encouraged the most pleasing expectations of his future reign ; and the age of the emperor, which did not exceed fifty years, seemed to extend the prospect of the public felicity. His death, only four months after his' victory, was considered by the people as an unforeseen and fatal event, which destroyed in a moment the hopes of the rising generation. But the indulgence of ease and luxury had secretly nourished the principles of dis- ease. '^^ The strength of Theodosius was unable to support the sudden and violent transition from the palace to the camp ; and the increasing symptoms of a dropsy announced the speedy dissolution of the emperor. The opinion, and perhaps the interest, of the public had confirmed the division of the Eastei'n and Western empires ; and the two royal youths, Arcadius and ^"j^"^, Honorius, who had already obtained, from the tenderness of g™"^""- ^ their father, the title of Augustus, were destined to fill the thrones of Constantinople and of Rome. Those princes were not permitted to share the danger and glory of the civil war ; 1^^ but, as soon as Theodosius had triumphed over his unworthy rivals, he called his younger son Honorius to enjoy the fruits of the victory and to receive the sceptre of the West from the hands of his dying father. The arrival of Honorius at Milan was welcomed by a splendid exhibition of the games of the Circus; and the emperor, though he was oppressed by the weight of his disorder, contributed by his presence to the public joy. But the remains of his strength were exhausted by the painful effort which he made to assist at the spectacles of the morning. Hono- rius supplied, during the rest of the day, the place of his father ; and the great Theodosius expired in the ensuing night. Notwithstanding the recent animosities of a civil war, his death was universally lamented. The Barbarians, whom he had van- quished, and the churchmen, by whom he had been subdued, celebrated with loud and sincere applause, the qualities of the deceased emperor which appeared the most valuable in their eyes. The Romans were terrified by the impending dangers of a 125 This disease, ascribed by Socrates (1. v. c. 26) to the fatigues of war, is re- presented by Philostorgius (1. xi. c. 2) as the effect of sloth and intemperance : for which Photius calls him an impudent liar (Godefroy, Dissert, p. 438). 126 Zosimus supposes that the boy Honorius accompanied his father (1. jv. p. 280 [c. 58]). Yet the quanto flagrabant pectora vote, is all that flattery would allow to a contemporary poet ; who clearly describes the emperor's refusal and the journey of Honorius, after the victory (Claudian in iii. Cons. 78-125). 186 THE DECLINE AND FALL feeble and divided administration ; and every disgraceful moment of the unfortunate reigns of Arcadius and Honorius revived the memory of their irreparable loss. Corruption of In the faithful picture of the virtues of Theodosius, his imperfections have not been dissembled ; the act of cruelty, and the habits of indolence, which tarnished the glory of one of the greatest of the Roman princes. An historian, perpetually adverse to the fame of Theodosius, has exaggerated his vices and their pernicious effects ; he boldly asserts that every rank of subjects imitated the effeminate manners of their sovereign ; that every species of corruption polluted the course of public and private life ; and that the feeble restraints of order and decency were insufficient to resist the progress of that degener- ate spirit which sacrifices, without a blush, the consideration of duty and interest to the base indulgence of sloth and appetite.^^^ The complaints of contemporary writers, who deplore the increase of luxury and depravation of manners, are commonly expressive of their peculiar temper and situation. There are few observers who possess a clear and comprehensive view of the revolutions of society ; and who are capable of discovering the nice and secret springs of action which impel, in the same uniform direction, the blind and capricious passions of a multi- tude of individuals. If it can be affirmed, with any degree of truth, that the luxury of the Romans was more shameless and dissolute in the reign of Theodosius than in the age of Constan- tine, perhaps, or of Augustus, the alteration cannot be ascribed to any beneficial improvements, which had gradually increased the stock of national riches. A long period of calamity or decay must have checked the industry, and diminished the wealth, of the people ; and their profuse luxury must have been the result of that indolent despair which enjoys the present hour and declines the thoughts of futurity. The uncertain condition of their property discouraged the subjects of Theodosius from en- gaging in those useful and laborious undertakings which require an immediate expense and promise a slow and distant advant- age. The frequent examples of ruin and desolation tempted them not to spare the remains of a patrimony which might, every hour, become the prey of the rapacious Goth. And the mad prodigality which prevails in the confusion of a shipwreck or a siege may serve to explain the progress of luxury amidst the misfortunes and terrors of a sinking nation. 127 Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 244 [c. 33]. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 187 The effeminate luxmy which infected the manners of courts Thoinfan- and cities had instilled a secret and destructive poison into the aMdelheir camps of the legions ; and their degeneracy has been marked by the pen of a military writer who had accurately studied the genuine and ancient principles of Roman discipline. It is the just and important observation of Vegetius that the infantry was invariably covered with defensive armour, from the founda- tion of the city to the reign of the emperor Gratian. The relaxation of discipline and the disuse of exercise rendered the soldiers less able, and less willing, to suppoi't the fatigues of the service ; they complained of the weight of the armour, which they seldom wore ; and they successfully obtained the permission of laying aside both their cuirasses and their helmets. The heavy weapons of their ancestors, the short sword and the formidable pilum, which had subdued the world, insensibly dropped from their feeble hands. As the use of the shield is incompatible with that of the bow, they reluctantly marched into the field ; condemned to suffer either the pain of wounds or the ignominy of flight, and always disposed to prefer the more shameful alternative. The cavalry of the Goths, the Huns and the Alani had felt the benefits, and adopted the use, of defensive armour ; and, as they excelled in the manage- ment of missile weapons, they easily overwhelmed the naked and trembling legions, whose heads and breasts were exposed, without defence, to the arrows of the Barbarians. The loss of armies, the destruction of cities, and the dishonour of the Roman name ineffectually solicited the successors of Gratian to restore the helmets and cuirasses of the infantry. The enervated soldiers abandoned their own and the public defence ; and their pusillanimous indolence may be considered as the immediate cause of the downfall of the empire. ^^^ 128 Vegetius, de Re Militari, 1. i. c. lo. The series of calamities which he marks compel us to believe that the Hero to whom he dedicates his book is the last and most inglorious of the Valentinians. [This view is maintained by O. Seeck (Hermes, ri, 6i sg^.), who contests the usual identification with Theodosius i. Theo- dosius ii, has also been conjectured. The minor limit for the date of the Epitome rei Militaris is A.D. 450 (determined, by the entry in some Mss. : Fl. Eutropius emendavi sine exemplario Constantinopolim Valentiniano Aug vii et Abieni). The work is by no means critical or trustworthy. Cp. Forster, de fide Vegetii, 1879.] 188 THE DECLINE AND FALL CHAPTEE XXVIII The deatrac tlon of the Pagan reuglon. A.D.37S-39S Final Destruction of Paganism — Introduction of the Worship of Saints, and Relics, among the Christians. The ruin of Paganism,^ in the age of Theodosius, is perhaps the only example of the total extirpation of any ancient and popular superstition ; and may therefore deserve to be considered as a singular event in the history of the human mind. The Christians, more especially the clergy, had impatiently sup- ported the prudent delays of Constantine and the equal toleration of the elder Valentinian ; nor could they deem their conquest perfect or secure, as long as their adversaries were permitted to exist. The influence which Ambrose and his brethren had acquired over the youth of Gratian and the piety of Theodosius was employed to infuse the maxims of per- secution into the breasts of their Imperial proselytes. Two specious principles of religious jurisprudence were established, from whence they deduced a direct and rigorous conclusion against the subjects of the empire who still adhered to the ceremonies of their ancestors : that the magistrate is, in some measure, guilty of the crimes which he neglects to prohibit or to punish ; and, tJiat the idolatrous worship of fabulous deities and real daemons is the most abominable crime against the supreme majesty of the Creator. The laws of Moses and the examples of Jewish history ^ were hastily, perhaps erroneously, applied by the clergy to the mild and universal reign of Christianity.* The zeal of the emperors was excited to 1 [Beugnot, Histoire de la destruction du paganisme, 1835 ; Chastel, Hist, de la d&tr. du pag. dans I'empire d'orient, 1850 ; Lasaulx, Der Untergang des Hellenis- mus, 1854 ; G. Boissier, La fin du paganisme (2 vols.), 1891.] 2 St. Ambrose (torn. ii. de Obit. Theodos. p. 1208) expressly praises and re- commends the zeal of Josiah in the destruction of idolatry. The language of Julius Firmicus Maternus on the same subject (de Errore Profan. Relig. p. 467, edit. Gronov.) is piously inhuman. Nee filio jubet (the Mosaic Law) parci, nee fratri, et per amatam conjugem gladium vindicem ducit, &c. 3 Bayle (torn. ii. p. 406, in his Commentaire Philosophique) justifies and limits these intolerant laws by the temporal reign of Jehovah over the Jews. The attempt is laudable. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 189 vindicate their own honour, and that of the Deity ; and the temples of the Roman world were subverted, about sixty years after the conversion of Constantine. From the age of Numa to the reign of Gratian the Romans state of preserved the regular succession of the several colleges of the Rome sacerdotal order.* Fifteen Pontiffs exercised their supreme juris- diction over all things and persons that were consecrated to the service of the gods ; and the various questions which perpetually arose in a loose and traditionary system were submitted to the judgment of their holy tribunal. Fifteen grave and learned Augurs observed the face of the heavens, and prescribed the actions of heroes, according to the flight of birds. Fifteen keepers of the Sybilline books (their name of Quindecemvirs was derived from their number) occasionally consulted the history of future, and as it should seem, of contingent, events. Six Vestals devoted their virginity to the guard of the sacred fire and of the unknown pledges of the duration of Rome ; which no mortal had been suffered to behold with impunity.'' Seven Epulos^ prepared the table of the gods, conducted the solemn procession, and regulated the ceremonies of the annual festival. The three Flamens'' of Jupiter, of Mars, and of Quirinus, were considered as the peculiar ministers of the three most powerful deities who watched over the fate of Rome and of the universe. The King of the Sacrifices represented the person of Numa, and of his successors, in the religious functions which could be performed only by royal hands. The confraternities of the Salians, the Lupercals, &c., practised such rites as might extort a smile of contempt from every reasonable man, with a lively confidence of recommending themselves to the favour of the immortal gods. The authority * See the outlines of the Roman hierarchy in Cicero (de Legibus, ii. 7, 8), Livy (i. 20), Dionysius Halicarnassensis (1. ii. p. 119-129, edit Hudson), Beaufort (Rd- publique Romaine, torn. i. p. 1-90), and Moyle (vol. i. p. 10-55). The last is the work of an English Whig, as well as of a Roman antiquary. [The number of Pontiffs and Augurs first reached fifteen in the time of Sulla. A sixteenth Augur was added by Julius Caesar. The emperor (after a. d. 29) had power to create additional Augurs.] ° These mystic and perhaps imaginary symbols have given birth to various fables and conjectures. It seems probable that the Palladium was a small statue (three cubits and a half high) of Minerva, with a lance and distaff; that it was usually inclosed in a seria, or barrel ; and that a similar barrel was placed by its side to dis- concert curiosity or sacrilege. See Mezeriac (Comment, sur les Epitres d'Ovide, tom. i. p. 60-66) and Lipsius (torn. iii. p. 610, de Vest!, &c. c. 10). *[Cp. Lucan, i. 602. The Epulo was called Septemvir epulonum.] ' [In the later Republic there were also a number of minor Flamens ; in all fifteen. For some of the names, see Varro, L. L. vii. 44. ] 190 THE DECLINE AND FALL which the Roman priests had formerly obtained in the counsels of the republic was gradually abolished by the establishment of monarchy and the removal of the seat of empire. But the dignity of their sacred character was still protected by the laws and manners of their country ; and they still continued, more especially the college of pontiffs, to exercise in the capital, and sometimes in the provinces, the rights of their ecclesiastical and civil jurisdiction. Their robes of purple, chariots of state, and sumptuous entertainments attracted the admiration of the people ; and they received, from the consecrated lands and the public revenue, an ample stipend, which liberally supported the splendour of the priesthood and all the expenses of the religious worship of the state. As the service of the altar was not incompatible with the command of armies, the Romans, after their consulships and triumphs, aspired to the place of pontiff or of augur ; the seats of Cicero * and Pompey were filled, in the fourth century, by the most illustrious members of the senate ; and the dignity of their birth reflected ad- ditional splendour on their sacerdotal character. The fifteen priests who composed the college of pontiffs enjoyed a more distinguished rank as the companions of their sovereign ; and the Christian emperors condescended to accept the robe and en- signs which were appropriated to the office of supreme pontiff. But, when Gratian ascended the throne, more scrupulous, or more enlightened, he sternly rejected those profane symbols ; " [e.A,D.376?] applied to the service of the state, or of the church, the revenues of the priests and vestals ; abolished their honours and immunities ; and dissolved the ancient fabric of Roman superstition, which was supported by the opinions and habits of eleven hundred years.i" Paganism was still the constitutional religion of the senate. The hall, or temple, in which they assembled, was adorned by the statue and altar of Victory ; i^ a majestic female standing on a globe, with flowing garments, expanded wings, and a crown of laurel in her outstretched 8 Cicero frankly (ad Atticum, 1. ii. epist. s) or indirectly (ad Familiar. 1. xv. epist. 4) confesses, that the Augurate is the supreme object of his wishes. Pliny is proud to tread in the footsteps of Cicero (1. iv. epist. 8), and the chain of tradition might be continued from history and marbles. 9 Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 249, 250 [c. 36]. I have suppressed the foolish pun about Pontifex and Maximus. [Cp. Hodgkin, i. 400. For probable date (375 a.d.) see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii^. p. 1108. In an inscr. of 370 a.d. Gratian is Pont. Max.; C. I. L. vi. 1175.] 1" [Compare C. I. L. 6, 749 : antra facit sumptusque tuos nee Roma requirit.] 11 This statue was transported from Tarentum to Rome, placed in the Curia. Julia by Caesar, and decorated by Augustus with the spoils of Egypt. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 191 hand.12 The senators were swom on the altar of the goddess to observe the laws of the emperor and of the empire ; and a solemn offering of wine and incense was the ordinary prelude of their public deliberations.i^ The removal of this ancient monument was the only injury which Constantius had offered [a.d. sct] to the superstition of the Romans. The altar of Victory was again restored by Julian^ tolerated by Valentinian, and once [ad. seo-s] more banished from the senate by the zeal of Gratian.i* But[A.D. 382] the emperor yet spared the statues of the gods, which were exposed to the public veneration ; four hundred and twenty-four temples, or chapels, still remained to satisfy the devotion of the people ; and in every quarter of Rome the delicacy of the Christians was offended by the fumes of idolatrous sacrifice. i^ But the Christians formed the least numerous party in thePfUtirapt TCI 111 111 *^® senata for senate of Rome ; i° and it was only by their absence that they S^jJ"" °' could express their dissent from the legal, though profane, a.d. m acts of a Pagan majority. In that assembly, the dying embers of freedom were, for a moment, revived and inflamed by the breath of fanaticism. Four respectable deputations were suc- cessively voted to the Imperial court i' to represent the grievances of the priesthood and the senate ; and to solicit the restoration of the altar of Victory. The conduct of this important business was entrusted to the eloquent Symmachus,!^ a wealthy and noble senator, who united the sacred characters of pontiff and augur with the civil dignities of proconsul of Africa and prtefect of the city. The breast of Symmachus was animated 12 Prudentius {[in Symm.] 1. ii. in initio) has drawn a very awkward portrait of Victory ; but the curious reader will obtain more satisfaction from Montfaucon's Antiquities (torn. i. p. 341). 1* See Suetonius {in August, c. 35) and the Exordium of Pliny's Panegyric. 1* These facts are mutually allowed by the two advocates, Symmachus and Ambrose. 15 The Notitia Urbis, more recent than Constantine, does not find one Christian church worthy to be named among the edifices of the city. Ambrose (tom. ii. epist. xvii. p. 82s) deplores the public scandals of Rome, which continually offended the eyes, the ears, and the nostrils of the faithful. 16 Ambrose repeatedly affirms, in contradiction to common sense (Moyle's Works, vol. ii. p. 147), that the Christians had a majority in the senate. I'The Tf-f^ (a.d. 382) to Gratian, who refused them audience. The second (a. D. 384) to Valentinian, when the field was disputed by Symmachus and Ambrose. The third (A.D. 388 [so Giildenpenning, p. 172 (a.d. 388-9); but Seeck puts it in 391, Chronol. Symmach. in M. G. H. Auct. Ant. vi. p. Iviii. See Prosper, de Prom. Dei, iii. 38]) to Theodosius; and the fourth (A.D. 392 [Ambrose, ep. 57]) to Valentinian. Lardner (Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 372-399) fairly represents the whole transaction. 18 Symmachus, who was invested with all the civil and sacerdotal honours, re- presented the emperor under the two characters of Pontifex Maximus and Princeps Senatus. See the proud inscription at the head of his works. 192 THE DECLINE AND FALL by the warmest zeal for the cause of expiring Paganism ; and his religious antagonists lamented the abuse of his genius, and the inefficacy of his moral virtues. ^^ The orator, whose petition is extant to the emperor Valentinian, was conscious of the difficulty and danger of the office which he had assumed. He cautiously avoids every topic which might appear to reflect on the religion of his sovereign ; humbly declares that prayers and entreaties are his only armis ; and artfully draws his argu- ments from the schools of rhetoric rather than from those of philosophy. Symmachus endeavours to seduce the imagination of a young prince, by displaying the attributes of the goddess of victory ; he insinuates that the confiscation of the revenues, which were consecrated to the service of the gods, was a measure unworthy of his liberal and disinterested character ; and he maintains that the Roman sacrifices would be deprived of their force and energy, if they were no longer celebrated at the expense, as well as in the name, of the republic. Even scepticism is made to supply an apology for superstition. The great and incomprehensible secret of the universe eludes the enquiry of man. Where reason cannot instruct, custom may be permitted to guide ; and every nation seems to consult the dictates of prudence by a faithful attachment to those rites and opinions which have received the sanction of ages. If those ages have been crowned with glory and prosperity, if the devout people has frequently obtained the blessings which they have solicited at the altars of the gods, it must appear still more advisable to persist in the same salutary practice ; and not to risk the unknown perils that may attend any rash innovations. The test of antiquity and success was applied with singular advantage to the religion of Numa ; and Rome herself, the celestial genius that presided over the fates of the city, is introduced by the orator to plead her own cause before the tribunal of the emperors. " Most excellent princes," says the venerable matron, " fathers of your country ! pity and respect my age, which has hitherto flowed in an uninterrupted course of piety. Since I do not repent, permit me to continue in the practice of my ancient rites. Since I am bom free, allow me to enjoy my domestic institutions. This religion 19 As if any one, says Prudentius (in S)™imach. i. 639), should dig in the mud with an instrument of gold and ivory. Even saints, and polemic saints, treat this adversary with respect and civility. [One of the chief pagan Senators was Flavianus, Praet. Praef. of Italy. There is extant a virulent attack on him of unknown authorship printed in the Revue Archfelogique, 1868, June. Cp. Mommsen, in Hermes, vol. 4, 1870, p. 350 sqq.'] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 193 has reduced the world under my laws. These rites have re- pelled Hannibal from the city, and the Gauls from the capitol. Were my grey hairs reserved for such intolerable disgrace ? I am ignorant ^P of the new system that I am required to adopt ; but I am well assured that the correction of old age is always an ungrateful and ignominious office." ^i The fears of the people supplied what the discretion of the orator had suppressed ; and the calamities which afflicted, or threatened, the declining empire were unanimously imputed, by the Pagans, to the new religion of Christ and of Constantine. But the hopes of Symmachus were repeatedly baffled by the firm and dexterous opposition of the archbishop of Milan ; who fortified the emperors against the fallacious eloquence of the convorsiono* advocate of Rome. In this controversy, Ambrose condescends A.S388, 4c to speak the language of a philosopher, and to ask, with some contempt, why it should be thought necessary to introduce an imaginary and invisible power, as the cause of those victories which were sufficiently explained by the valour and discipline of the legions ? He justly derides the absurd reverence for antiquity which could only tend to discourage the improve- ments of art and to replunge the human race into their original barbarism. From thence gradually rising to a more lofty and theological tone, he pronounces that Christianity alone is the doctrine of truth and salvation, and that every mode , of Polytheism conducts its deluded votaries, through the paths of error, to the abyss of eternal perdition. ^^ Arguments like these, when they were suggested by a favourite bishop, had power to prevent the restoration of the altar of Victory ; but the same arguments fell, with much more energy and effect, from the mouth of a conqueror ; and the gods of antiquity 21 See the fifty-fourth epistle of the tenth book of Symmachus [=x. iii. ed. Seeck]. In the form and disposition of his ten books of epistles, he imitated the younger Phny; whose rich and florid style he was supposed, by his friends, to equal or excel (Macrob. Saturnal. 1. v. c. i). But the lu.xuriancy of Symmachus consists of barren leaves, without fruits, and even without flowers. Few facts, and few sentiments, can be extracted from his verbose correspondence. 22 See Ambrose (torn. ii. epist. xvii. xviii. p. 825-833). The former of these epistles is a short caution ; the latter is a formal reply to the petition or libel of Symmachus. The same ideas are more copiously expressed in the poetry, if it may deserve that name, of Prudentius ; who composed his two books against Symmachus (A.D. 404) while that Senator was still alive. It is whimsical enough that Montesquieu (Considerations, &c. c. xix. tom. iii. p. 487) should overlook the two professed antagonists of Symmachus ; and amuse himself with descanting on the more remote and indirect confutations of Orosius, St. Augustin, and Salvian. VOL. III. 13 194 THE DECLINE AND FALL were dragged in triumph at the chariot-wheels of Theodosius.^s [A.D. 394] In a full meeting of the senate, the emperor proposed, according to the forms of the republic, the important question, Whether the worship of Jupiter or that of Christ should be the religion of the Romans ? ^^ The liberty of suffrages, which he affected to allow, was destroyed by the hopes and fears that his presence inspired ; and the arbitrary exile of Symmachus was a recent admonition that it might be dangerous to oppose the wishes of the monarch. On a regular division of the senate, Jupiter was condemned and degraded by the sense of a very large majority ; and it is rather surprising that any members should be found bold enough to declare by their speeches and votes that they were still attached to the interest of an abdicated deity. 25 The hasty conversion of the senate must be attributed either to supernatural or to sordid motives ; and many of these reluctant proselytes betrayed, on every favourable occasion, their secret disposition to throw aside the mask of odious dissimulation. But they were gradually fixed in the new religion, as the cause of the ancient became more hopeless ; they yielded to the authority of the emperor, to the fashion of the times, and to the entreaties of their wives and children,^^ who were instigated and governed by the clergy of Rome and the monks of the East. The edifying example of the Anician family was soon imitated by the rest of the nobility : the Bassi, the Paullini, the Gracchi, embraced the Christian religion ; and " the luminaries of the world, the venerable assembly of Catos (such are the high-flown expressions of Prudentius), were im- patient to strip themselves of their pontifical garment ; to cast 23 See Prudentius (in Symmach. 1. i. 545, &c. ). The Christian agrees with the Pagan Zosimus (1. iv. p. 283 [c. 59]) in placing this visit of Theodosius after the second civil war, gemini bis victor csede Tyranni (1. i. 410). But the time and circumstances are better suited to his first triumph. ^[This can hardly be inferred from the lines of Prudentius.] ^ Prudentius, after proving that the sense of the senate is declared by a legal majority, proceeds to say (609, &c.) : Adspice quam pleno subsellia nostra Senatu Decernant infame Jovis pulvinar, et omne Idolium longe purgat4 ex urbe fugandum. Qua vocat egregii sententia Principis, illuc Libera, cum pedibus, turn corde, frequentia transit. Zosimus ascribes to the conscript fathers an heathenish courage, which few of them are found to possess. 26 Jerom specifies the pontiff Albinus, who was surrounded with such a believing family of children and grand-children as would have been sufficient to convert even Jupiter himself ; an extraordinary proselyte I (torn. i. ad Lsetam, p. 54 \iuvsnem is the reading of the Mss. ; and the correction lovem is unwarranted. Ep. 107, Migne, Hieron. i. p. 868]). OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 195 the skin of the old serpent ; to assume the snowy robes of baptismal innocence ; and to humble the pride of the consular fasces before the tombs of the martyrs ".2'' The citizens, who subsisted by their own industry, and the populace, who were supported by the public liberality, filled the churches of the Lateran and Vatican with an incessant throng of devout pro- selytes. The decrees of the senate, which proscribed the worship of idols, were ratified by the general consent of the Romans ; ^s the splendour of the capitol was defaced, and the solitary temples were abandoned to ruin and contempt. 29 Rome submitted to the yoke of the Gospel ; and the vanquished provinces had not yet lost their reverence for the name and authority of Rome. The filial piety of the emperors themselves engaged them to D«Btniction proceed, with some caution and tenderness, in the reformation Si tiiS*°"""' of the eternal city. Those absolute monarchs acted with less Sd. 38i°'ii!. regard to the prejudices of the provincials. The pious labour, which had been suspended near twenty years since the death of Constantius,^" was vigorously resumed, and finally accomplished, by the zeal of Theodosius. Whilst that warlike prince yet struggled with the Goths, not for the; glory, but for the safety, of the republic, he ventured to offend a considerable party of his subjects, by some acts which might perhaps secure the protection of Heaven, but which must seem rash and unseason- able in the eye of human prudence. The success of his first experiments against the Pagans encouraged the pious emperor to reiterate and enforce his edicts of proscription ; the same laws which had been originally published in the provinces of the East were applied, after the defeat of Maximus, to the whole extent of the Western empire ; and every victory of the 27 Exsultare Patres videas, pulcherrima mundi Lumina; conciliumque senum gestire Catonum Candidiore togsl niveum pietatis amictum Sumere, et exuvias deponere pontiiicales. The fancy of Prudentius is warmed and elevated by victory. 28 Prudentius, after he has described the conversion of the senate and people, asks, with some truth and confidence, Et dubitamus adhuc Romam, tibi, Christe, dicatam In leges transisse tuas ? 29 Jerom exults in the desolation of the capitol, and the other temples of Rome (torn. i. p. 54 [ep. 107], tom. ii. p. 95). 30 Libanius (Orat. pro Templis, p. 10, Genev. 1634, published by James Gode- froy, and now extremely scarce) accuses Valentinian and Valens of prohibiting sacrifices. Some partial order may have been issued by the Eastern emperor ; but the idea of any general law is contradicted by the silence of the Code and the evidence of ecclesiastical history. 196 THE DECLINE AND FALL orthodox Theodosius contributed to the triumph of the Christian and Catholic faith.^i He attacked superstition in her most vital part by prohibiting the use of sacrifices, which he declared to be criminal as well as infamous ; and, if the terms of his edicts more strictly condemned the impious curiosity which ex- amined the entrails of the victims, ^2 every subsequent ex- planation tended to involve,, in the same guilt, the general practice of immolation, which essentially constituted the religion of the Pagans. As the temples had been erected for the purpose of sacrifice, it was the duty of a benevolent prince to remove from his subjects the dangerous temptation of offending against the laws which he had enacted. A special commission was granted to Cynegius, the Praetorian praefect of the East, and afterwards to the counts Jovius and Gaudentius, two officers of distinguished rank in the West ; by which they were directed to shut the temples, to seize or destroy the instruments of idolatry, to abolish the privileges of the priests, and to con- fiscate the consecrated property for the benefit of the emperor, of the church, or of the army.^^ Here the desolation might have stopped, and the naked edifices, which were no longer employed in the service of idolatry, might have been protected from the destructive rage of fanaticism. Many of those temples were the most splendid and beautiful monuments of Grecian architecture : and the emperor himself was interested not to deface the splendour of his own cities or to diminish the value of his own possessions. Those stately edifices might be suiFered to remain as so many lasting trophies of the victory of Christ. In the decline of the arts, they might be usefully converted into magazines, manufactures, or places of public assembly ; and perhaps, when the walls of the temple had been sufficiently purified by holy rites, the worship of the true Deity might be allowed to expiate the ancient guilt of idolatry. But, as long as they subsisted, the Pagans fondly cherished the secret hope that an auspicious revolution, a second Julian, might again restore the altars of the gods ; and the earnestness with which 31 See his laws in the Theodosian Code, 1. xvi. tit. x. leg. 7-11. ^ Homer's sacrifices are not accompanied with any inquisition of entrails (see Feithius, Antiquitat. Homer. 1. i. c. lo, 16). The Tuscans, who produced the first Haruspices, subdued both the Greeks and the Romans (Cicero de Divinatione, »• 23). s^Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 245, 249 [c. 37]. Theodoret, 1. v. c. 21. Idatius in Chron. Prosper Aquitan. [De promissionibus et praedictionibus Dei] 1. iii. c. 38, apud Baronium, Annal. Eccles. a.d. 389, No. 52. Libanius (pro Templis, p. 10) labours to prove that the commands of Theodosius were not direct and positive. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 197 they addressed their unavailing prayers to the throne ^* increased the zeal of the Christian reformers to extirpate, without mercy, the root of superstition. The laws of the emperors exhibit some symptoms of a milder disposition ; '^ but their cold and languid efforts were insufficient to stem the torrent of enthusiasm and rapine, which was conducted, or rather impelled, by the spiritual rulers of the church. In Gaul, the holy Martin, bishop of Tours,'' marched at the head of his faithful monks, to destroy the idols, the temples, and the consecrated trees of his extensive diocese ; and in the execution of this arduous task, the prudent reader will judge whether Martin was supported by the aid of miraculous powers or of carnal weapons. In Syria, the divine and excellent Marcellus,'' as he is styled by Theodoret, a bishop animated with apostolic fervour, resolved to level with the ground the stately temples within the diocese of Apamea. His attack was resisted by the skill and solidity with which the temple of Jupiter had been constructed. The building was seated on an eminence ; on each of the four sides, the lofty roof was supported by fifteen massy columns, sixteen feet in circumference ; and the large stones, of which they were composed, were firmly cemented with lead and iron. The force of the strongest and sharpest tools had been tried without effect. It was found necessary to undermine the foundations of the columns, which fell down as soon as the temporary wooden props had been consumed with fire ; and the difficulties of the enterprise are described under the allegory of a black daemon, who retarded, though he could not defeat, the operations of the Christian engineers. Elated with victory, Marcellus took the field in person against the powers of darkness ; a numerous troop of soldiers and gladiators marched under the episcopal banner, and he successively attacked the villages and 3* Cod. Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. x. leg. 8, i8. There is room to believe that this temple of Edessa, which Theodosius wished to save for civil uses, was soon after- wards a heap of ruins (Libanius pro Templis, p. 26, 27, and Godefroy's notes, p. 59)- 35-See this curious oration of Libanius pro Templis, pronounced, or rather composed, about the year 390. I have consulted, with advantage. Dr. Lardner's version and remarks (Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 135-163). [irepi rav lepSiv, or. xxviii. , Reiske, ii. 155 si/f., composed between 385 (Cod. Th. xvi. 10, 9, cp. Lib. 163, &c. ) and 391 (Cod. Th. xvi. 10, 10, cp. Lib. 180, 182). But 388 may be the prior limit, cp. Sievers, Das Leben des Libanius, p. 192.] 36 See the life of Martin, by Sulpicius Severus, c. 9-14. The saint once mistook (as Don Quixote might have done) an harmless funeral for an idolatrous procession, and imprudently committed a miracle. ''Compare Sozomen (1. vii. c. 15) with Theodoret (I. v. c. 21). Between them, they relate the crusade and death of Marcellus. 198 THE DECLINE AND FALL country temples of the diocese of Apamea. Whenever any resistance or danger was apprehended, the champion of the faith, whose lameness would not allow him either to fight or fly, placed himself at a convenient distance, beyond the reach of darts. But this prudence was the occasion of his death ; he was surprised and slain by a body of exasperated rustics ; and the synod of the province pronounced, without hesitation, that the holy Marcellus had sacrificed his life in the cause of God. In the support of this cause, the monks, who rushed with tumult- uous fury from the desert, distinguished themselves by their zeal and diligence. They deserved the enmity of the Pagans ; and some of them might deserve the reproaches of avarice and intemperance : of avarice, which they gratified with holy plunder, and of intemperance, which they indulged at the expense of the people, who foolishly admired their tattered garments, loud psalmody, and artificial paleness.^^ A small number of temples was protected by the fears, the venality, the taste, or the prudence, of the civil and ecclesiastical governors. The temple of the celestial Venus at Carthage, whose sacred precincts formed a circumference of two miles, was judiciously converted into a Christian church ; ^' and a similar consecration has pre- served inviolate the majestic dome of the Pantheon at Rome.*" But, in almost every province of the Roman world, an army of fanatics, without authority and without discipline, invaded the peaceful inhabitants ; and the ruin of the fairest structures of antiquity still displays the ravages of those Barbarians, who alone had time and inclination to execute such laborious destruction. The temple of In tliis wide and various prospect of devastation, the spectator AiSandria may distinguish the ruins of the temple of Serapis, at Alex- andria.*! Serapis does not appear to have been one of the native gods, or monsters, who sprung from the fruitful soil of super- 38Libanius pro Templis, p. 10-13. ^^ rails at these black-garbed men, the Christian monks, who eat more than elephants. Poor elephants ! they are temperate animals, 3" Prosper Aquitan. 1. iii. c. 38, apud Baronium ; Annal. Eccles. A.D. 389, No. 58, &c. The temple had been shut some time, and the access to it was overgrown with brambles. *" Donatus, Roma Antiqua et Nova, 1. iv. c. 4, p. 468. This consecration was performed by Pope Boniface IV. I am ignorant of the favourable circumstances which had preserved the Pantheon above two hundred years after the reign of Theodosius. ■•1 Sophronius composed a recent and separate history (Jerom, in Script. Eccles. tom. i. p. 303), which had furnished materials to Socrates (1. v. c. 16), Theodoret (1. V. c. 22), and Rufinus (1. ii. o. 22). Yet the last, who had been at Alexandria before and after the event, may deserve the credit of an original witness. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 199 stitious Egypt.*2 The first of the Ptolemies had been com- manded, by a dream, to import the mysterious stranger from the coast of Pontus, where he had been long adored by the inhabitants of Sinope ; but his attributes and his reign were so imperfectly understood that it became a subject of dispute, whether he represented the bright orb of day or the gloomy monarch of the subterraneous regions.*^ The Egyptians, who were obstinately devoted to the religion of their fathers, refused to admit this foreign deity within the walls of their cities.** But the obsequious priests, who were seduced by the liberality of the Ptolemies, submitted, without resistance, to the power of the god of Pontus ; an honourable and domestic genealogy was provided ; and this fortunate usurper was introduced into the throne and bed of Osiris,*^ the husband of Isis, and the celestial monarch of Egypt. Alexandria, which claimed his peculiar protection, gloried in the name of the city of Serapis. His temple,*^ which rivalled the pride and magni- ficence of the capitol, was erected on the spacious summit of an artificial mount, raised one hundred steps above the level of the adjacent parts of the city ; and the interior cavity was strongly supported by arches, and distributed into vaults and subterran- eous apartments. The consecrated buildings were surrounded by a quadrangular portico ; the stately halls, and exquisite statues, displayed the triumph of the arts ; and the treasures of ancient learning were preserved in the famous Alexandrian library, which had arisen with new splendour from its ashes. *^ ••2 Gerard Vossius (Opera, torn. v. p. 80, and de Idololatri^., 1. i. c. 29) strives to support the strange notion of the Fathers ; that the patriarch Joseph was adored in Egypt as the bull Apis and the god Serapis. * Origo dei nondum nostris celebrata. ^gyptiorum antistites sic memorant, &c. Tacit. Hist. iv. 83. The Greeks, who had travelled into Egypt, were alike ignorant of this new deity. [Cp. Mahaffy, Empire of the Ptolemies, p. 72-74.] ^^Macrobius, Saturnal. 1. i. c. 7. Such a living fact decisively proves his foreign extraction. ■••' At Rome Isis and Serapis were united in the same temple. The precedency which the queen assumed may seem to betray her unequal alliance with the stranger of Pontus. But the superiority of the female sex was established in Egypt as a civil and religious institution (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. 1. i, p. 31, edit. Wesseling), and the same order is observed in Plutarch's Treatise of Isis and Osiris; whom he identifies with Serapis. ■l^Ammianus (xxii. 16). The Expositio totius Mundi (p. 8, in Hudson's Geograph. Minor, tom. iii.) and Rufinus (1. ii. c. 2z) celebrate the Serapeum, as one of the wonders of the world. ■"See M^moires de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. ix. p. 397-416. The old library of the Ptolemies was totally consumed in Caesar's Alexandrian war. Marc Antony gave the whole collection of Pergamus (200,000 volumes) to Cleopatra, as the foundation of the new library of Alexandria. [See Appendix 11.] 200 THE DECLINE AND FALL After the edicts of Theodosius had severely prohibited the sacrifices of the Pagans, they were still tolerated in the city and temple of Serapis ; and this singular indulgence was impru- dently ascribed to the superstitious terrors of the Christians themselves : as if they had feared to abolish those ancient rites which could alone secure the inundations of the Nile, the harvests of Egypt, and the subsistence of Constantinople.*^ to toj^e- At that time *^ the archiepiscopal throne of Alexandria was A.D.sffltssi] filled by Theophilus,*" the perpetual enemy of peace and virtue ; a bold, bad man, whose hands were alternately polluted with gold and with blood. His pious indignation was excited by the honours of Serapis ; and the insults which he offered to an ancient chapel of Bacchus ^^ convinced the Pagans that he meditated a more important and dangerous enterprise. In the tumultuous capital of Egypt, the slightest provocation was sufficient to inflame a civil war. The votaries of Serapis, whose strength and numbers were much inferior to those of their antagonists, rose in arms at the instigation of the philosopher Olympius,^^ who exhorted them to die in the defence of the altars of the gods. These Pagan fanatics fortified themselves in the temple, or rather fortress, of Serapis ; repelled the besiegers by daring sallies and a resolute defence ; and, by the inhuman cruelties which they exercised on their Christian prisoners, obtained the last consolation of despair. The efforts of the prudent magistrate were usefully exerted for the establishment of a truce till the answer of Theodosius should determine the fate of Serapis. The two parties assembled, without arms, in the principal square ; and the Imperial rescript was publicly read. But, when a sentence of destruction against the idols of Alexandria was pronounced, the Christians set up a shout of joy and exultation, whilst the unfortunate Pagans, whose fury had given way to consternation, retired with hasty ^ Libanius (pro Templis, p. 21) indiscreetly provokes his Christian masters by this insulting remark. ^9 We may choose between the date of Marcellinus (a.d. 389) or that of Prosper (A.D.,391). Tillemont (Hist, des Emp. torn. v. p. 310, 756) prefers the former, and Pagi the latter [which is probably right; so Gothofredus, ad Cod. Th. xvi. 10, II ; Guldenpenning, p. 189. Clinton decides for end of 390 a.d.]. '" Tillemont, M^m. EccWs. torn. xi. p. 441-500. The ambiguous situation of Theophilus, — a.sai?il,3s the friend of Jerom ; a devil, as the enemy of Chrysos- tom— produces a sort of impartiality ; yet, upon the whole, the balance is justly inclined against him. " [A Mithreum : cp. Socrates, 1. c] s^Lardner (Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 411) has alleged a beautiful passage from Suidas, or rather from Damascius, which shews the devout and virtuous Olyrapius, not in the light of a warrior, but. of a prophet. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 201 and silent steps, and eluded, by their flight or obscurity, the resentment of their enemies. Theophilus proceeded to demolish the temple of Serapis, without any other difficulties than those which he found in the weight and solidity of the materials ; but these obstacles proved so insuperable that he was obliged to leave the foundations and to content himself with reducing the edifice itself to a heap of rubbish ; a part of which was soon afterwards cleared away, to make room for a church erected in honour of the Christian martyrs. The valuable library of Alex- andria was pillaged or destroyed ; and, near twenty years afterwards, the appearance of the empty shelves excited the regret and indignation of every spectator whose mind was not totally darkened by religious prejudice.^^ The compositions of ancient genius, so many of which have irretrievably perished, might surely have been excepted from the wreck of idolatry, for the amusement and instruction of succeeding ages ; and either the zeal or the avarice of the archbishop ^* might have been satiated with the rich spoils which were the reward of his victory. While the images and vases of gold and silver were carefully melted, and those of a less valuable metal were con- temptuously broken and cast into the streets, Theophilus laboured to expose the frauds and vices of the ministers of the idols ; their dexterity in the management of the loadstone ; their secret methods of introducing an human actor into a hollow statue ; and their scandalous abuse of the confidence of devout husbands and unsuspecting females. ^^ Charges like these may seem to deserve some degree of credit, as they are not repugnant to the crafty and interested spirit of superstition. But the same spirit is equally prone to the base practice of insulting and calumniating a fallen enemy ; and our belief is 53 [Unde quamlibet hodieque in templis extent, quae et] nos vidimus, armaria librorum, quibus direptis exinanita ea a nostris hominibus nostris temporibus memorant [memprent]. Orosius, 1. vi. c. 15, p. 421, edit. Havercamp [p. zi6, ed. Zangemeister]. Though a bigot, and a controversial writer, Orosius seems to blush. [See Appendix 11.] ^ Eunapius, in the lives of Antonius [^leg. Antoninus] and ^desius, execrates the sacrilegious rapine of Theophilus. Tillemont (M^m. Eccl^s. torn. xiii. p. 453) quotes an epistle of Isidore of Pelusium, which reproaches the primate with the idolatrous worship of gold, the auri sacra fames. 55 Rufinus names the priest of Saturn, who, in the character of the god, familiarly conversed with many pious ladies of quality ; till he betrayed himself, in a moment of transport, when he could not disguise the tone of his voice. The authentic and impartial narrative of ^schines (see Bayle, Dictionnaire Critique, Scamandre) and the adventure of Mundus (Joseph. Antiquitat. Judaic. 1. xviii. c. 3, p. 877, edit. Havercamp) may prove that such amorous frauds have been practised with success. 202 THE DECLINE AND FALL naturally checked by the reflection that it is much less difficult to invent a fictitious story than to support a practical fraud. The colossal statue of Serapis *" was involved in the ruin of his temple and religion. A great number of plates of different metals, artificially joined together, composed the majestic figure of the Deity, who touched on either side the walls of the sanctuary. The aspect of Serapis, his sitting posture, and the sceptre which he bore in his left hand, were extremely similar to the ordinary representations of Jupiter. He was distinguished from Jupiter by the basket, or bushel, which was placed on his head ; and by the emblematic monster, which he held in his right hand : the head and body of a serpent branching into three tails, which were again terminated by the triple heads of a dog, a lion, and a wolf. It was confidently affirmed that, if any impious hand should dare to violate the majesty of the god, the heavens and the earth would instantly return to their original chaos. An intrepid soldier, animated by zeal and armed with a weighty battle-axe, ascended the ladder ; and even the Christian multitude expected, with some anxiety, the event of the combat.^'' He aimed a vigorous stroke against the cheek of Serapis ; the cheek fell to the ground ; the thunder was still silent, and both the heavens and the earth continued to preserve their accustomed order and tranquillity. The victorious soldier repeated his blows ; the huge idol was overthrown, and broken in pieces ; and the limbs of Serapis were ignominiously dragged through the streets of Alexandria. His mangled carcase was burnt in the Amphitheatre, amidst the shouts of the populace ; and many persons attributed their conversion to this discovery of the impotence of their tutelar deity. The popular modes of religion that propose any visible and material objects of worship have the advantage of adapting and familiarising themselves to the senses of mankind ; but this advantage is counterbalanced by the various and inevitable accidents to which the faith of the idolater is exposed. It is scarcely possible that, in every dis- ^ See the images of Serapis, in Montfaucon (torn. ii. p. 297), but the description of Macrobius (Saturnal. 1. i. c. 20) is much more picturesque and satisfactory. "7 Sed fortes tremuere manus, motique verend^ Majestate loci, si robora sacra ferirent In sua credebant redituras membra secures. (Lucan. iii. 429.) " Is it true (said Augustus to a veteran of Italy, at whose house he supped) that the man who gave the first blow to the golden statue of Anaitis was instantly deprived of his eyes, and of his life? " " / was that man (replied the clear-sighted veteran), and you now sup on one of the legs of the goddess. (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 24.) OF THE JROMAN EMPIRE 203 position of mind, he should preserve his implicit reverence for the idols or the relics which the naked eye and the profane hand are unable to distinguish from the most common pro- ductions of art or nature ; and, if, in the hour of danger, their secret and miraculous virtue does not operate for their own preservation, he scorns the vain apologies of his priest, and justly derides the object, and the folly, of his superstitious attachment. '8 After the fall of Serapis, some hopes were still entertained by the Pagans that the Nile would refuse his annual supply to the impious masters of Egypt ; and the extra- ordinary delay of the inundation seemed to announce the displeasure of the river-god. But this delay was soon com- pensated by the rapid swell of the waters. They suddenly rose to such an unusual height as to comfort the discontented party with the pleasing expectation of a deluge ; till the peaceful river again subsided to the well-known and fertilising level of sixteen cubits, or about thirty English feet.^^ The temples of the Roman empire were deserted, or destroyed ; The pagan but the ingenious superstition of the Pagans still attempted to proSSftod, elude the laws of Theodosius, by which all sacrifices had been severely prohibited. The inhabitants of the country, whose conduct was less exposed to the eye of malicious curiosity, disguised their religious, under the appearance of convivial, meetings. On the days of solemn festivals, they assembled in great numbers under the spreading shade of some consecrated trees ; sheep and oxen were slaughtered and roasted ; and this rural entertainment was sanctified by the use of incense, and by the hymns which were sung in honour of the gods. But it was alleged that, as no part of the animal was made a burnt-offering, as no altar was provided to receive the blood, and as the previous oblation of salt cakes and the concluding ceremony of libations were carefully omitted, these festal meetings did not involve the guests in the guilt, or penalty, of an illegal sacrifice.^" What- ever might be the truth of the facts or the merit of the dis- •^The history of the Reformation affords frequent examples of the sudden change from superstition to contempt. ^^ Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 20. I have supplied the measure. The same standard of the inundation, and consequently of the cubit, has uniformly subsisted since the time of Herodotus. See Fr^ret, in the M^m. de I'Acad^mie des Inscriptions, torn. xvi. p. 344-353. Greaves's Miscellaneous Works, vol. i, p. 233. The Egyptian cubit is about twenty-two inches of the English measure. *"0 Libanius (pro Templis, p. 15, 16, 17) pleads their cause with gentle and in- sinuating rhetoric. From the earliest age, such feasts had enlivened the country ; and those of Bacchus (Georgic ii. 380) had produced the theatre of Athens. See Godefroy, ad loc. Liban. and Codex Theodos. tom. vi. p. 284. 204 THE DECLINE AND FALL tinction,^! these vain pretences were swept away by the last edict of Theodosius ; which inflicted a deadly wound on the superstition of the Pagans.^^ This prohibitory law is expressed in the most absolute and comprehensive terms. " It is our will and pleasure/' says the emperor, "that none of our subjects, whether magistrates or private citizens, however exalted or however humble may be their rank and condition, shall presume, in any city or in any place, to worship an inanimate idol by the sacrifice of a guiltless victim." The act of sacrificing and the practice of divination by the entrails of the victim are declared (without any regard to the object of the enquiry) a crime of high-treason against the state ; which can be expiated only by the death of the guilty. The rites of Pagan superstition, which might seem less bloody and atrocious, are abolished, as highly injurious to the truth and honour of religion ; luminaries, garlands, frankincense, and libations of wine, are specially enumerated and condemned ; and the harmless claims of the domestic genius, of the household gods, are included in this rigorous proscription. The use of any of these profane and illegal ceremonies subjects the offender to the forfeiture of the house or estate where they have been performed ; and, if he has artfully chosen the property of another for the scene of his impiety, he is compelled to discharge, without delay, a heavy fine of twenty-five pounds of gold, or more than one thousand pounds sterling. A fine, not less considerable, is imposed on the connivance of the secret enemies of religion, who shall neglect the duty of their respective stations, either to reveal or to punish the guilt of idolatry. Such was the persecuting spirit of the laws of Theodosius, which were repeatedly enforced by his sons and grandsons, with the loud and unanimous applause of the Christian world ."^ 81 Honorius tolerated these rustic festivals (A.D. 399). " Absque ullo sacrificio, atque uWk superstitione damnabili." But nine years afterwards he found it neces- sary to reiterate arid enforce the same proviso (Codex Theodos. , 1. xvi. tit. x. leg. 17, 19). [The ordinance of certain heathen feasts in Campania, published by Imperial sanction in 387 A.D., is very instructive, proving that Paganism of a kind was tolerated by Theodosius. See Schiller, ii. p. 435.] 62 Cod. Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. x. leg. 12. Jortin (Remarks on Eccles. History, vol. iv. p. 134) censures, with becoming asperity, the style and sentiments of this intolerant law. 63 Such a charge should not be lightly made ; but it may surely be justified by the authority of St. Augustin, who thus addresses the Donatists ; " Quis nostrum, quis vestriim non laudat leges ab Imperatoribus datas adversus sacrificia Pagan- orum ? Et certe longe ibi poena severior constitute est ; illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est." Epist. xciii. No, 10, quoted by Le Clerc (BibliothJque Choisie, torn. viii. p. 277), who adds some judicious reflections on the intolerance of the victorious Christians. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 205 In the cruel reigns of Decius and Diocletian, Christianity had oppresBod been proscribed, as a revolt from the ancient and hereditary religion of the empire ; and the unjust suspicions which were entertained of a dark and dangerous faction were, in some measure, countenanced by the inseparable union and rapid conquests of the Catholic church. But the same excuses of fear and ignorance cannot be applied to the Christian emperors, who violated the precepts of humanity and of the gospel. The experience of ages had betrayed the weakness, as well as folly, of Paganism ; the light of reason and of faith had already ex- posed, to the greatest part of mankind, the vanity of idols ; and the declining sect, which still adhered to their worship, might have been permitted to enjoy, in peace and obscurity, the religious customs of their ancestors. Had the Pagans been animated by the undaunted zeal which possessed the minds of the primitive believers, the triumph of the church must have been stained with blood ; and the mart)rrs of Jupiter and Apollo might have embraced the glorious opportunity of devoting their lives and fortunes at the foot of their altars. But such obstinate zeal was not congenial to the loose and careless temper of polytheism. The violent and repeated strokes of the orthodox princes were broken by the soft and yielding substance against which they were directed ; and the ready obedience of the Pagans protected them from the pains and penalties of the Theodosian Code.^* Instead of asserting that the authority of the gods was superior to that of the emperor, they desisted, with a plaintive murmur, from the use of those sacred rites which their sovereign had condemned. If they were sometimes tempted, by a sally of passion or by the hopes of concealment, to indulge their favourite superstition, their humble repentance disarmed the severity of the Christian magistrate; and they seldom refused to atone for their rashness by submitting, with some secret reluctance, to the yoke of the Gospel. The churches were filled with the increasing multitude of these unworthy proselytes, who had conformed, from temporal motives, to the reigning religion ; and, whilst they devoutly imitated the postures, and recited the prayers, of the faithful, they satisfied their conscience by the silent and sincere invocation of the gods of antiquity. ^5 If the Pagans wanted patience to suffer, they 8* Orosius, 1. vii. c. 28, p. 537. Augustin (Enarrat. in Psal. cxl. apud Lardner, Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 458) insults their cowardice. " Quis eorum comprehensns est in sacrificio (cum his legibus ista prohiberentur) et non negavit ? " 85 Libanius (pro Templis, p. 17, 18) mentions, without censure, the occasional conformity, and as it were theatrical play, of these hypocrites. 206 THE DECLINE AND FALL wanted spirit to resist ; and the scattered myriads, who deplored the ruin of the temples, yielded, without a contest, to the fortune of their adversaries. The disorderly opposition ^ of the peasants of Syria, and the populace of Alexandria, to the rage of private fanaticism was silenced by the name and authority of the emperor. The Pagans of the West, without contributing to the elevation of Eugenius, disgraced, by their partial attach- ment, the cause and character of the usurper. The clergy vehemently exclaimed that he aggravated the crime of rebellion by the guilt of apostacy ; that, by his permission, the altar of Victory was again restored ; and that the idolatrous symbols of Jupiter and Hercules were displayed in the field against the invincible standard of the cross. But the vain hopes of the Pagans were soon annihilated by the defeat of Eugenius ; and they were left exposed to the resentment of the conqueror, who laboured to deserve the favour of heaven by the extirpation of idolatry.8^ and tott^ A nation of slaves is always prepared to applaud the clemency A.D. W420,' of their master, who, in the abuse of absolute power, does not proceed to the last extremes of injustice and oppression. Theo- dosius might undoubtedly have proposed to his Pagan subjects the alternative of baptism or of death ; and the eloquent Li- banius has praised the moderation of a prince, who never enacted, by any positive law, that all his subjects should immediately embrace and practise the religion of their sovereign.*^ The profession of Christianity was not made an essential qualification for the enjoyment of the civil rights of society, nor were any peculiar hardships imposed on the sectaries who credulously received the fables of Ovid and obstinately rejected the miracles of the Gospel. The palace, the schools, the army, and the senate were filled with declared and devout Pagans ; they ob- tained, without distinction, the civil and military honours of the empire. Theodosius distinguished his liberal regard for virtue and genius, by the consular dignity which he bestowed on Sym- 06 Libanius concludes his apology (p. 32) by declaring to the emperor that, unless he expressly warrants the destruction of the temples, io-Bi roiis riv iypHv Sea- TTOTtt?, Ktti aiiToZc, KoX T^i vo^w ^oTj^TjoToi'Tas, thc proprictors will defend themselves and the laws. S' Paulinus, in Vit. Ambros. c. 26. Augustin de Civitat. Dei, 1. v. ^. 26. Theodoret, 1. v. c. 24. *8 Libanius suggests the form of a persecuting edict, which Theodosius might enact (pro Templis, p. 32) : a rash joke, and a dangerous experiment. Some princes would have taken his advice. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 207 machus/* and by the personal friendship which he expressed to Libanius ; ""^ and the two eloquent apologists of Paganism were never required either to change or to dissemble their religious opinions. The Pagans were indulged in the most licentious freedom of speech and writing ; the historical and philosophical remains of Eunapius, Zosimus/i and the fanatic teachers of the school of Plato, betray the most furious ani- mosity, and contain the sharpest invectives, against the senti- ments and conduct of their victorious adversaries. If these audacious libels were publicly known, we must applaud the good sense of the Christian princes who viewed, with a smile of con- tempt, the last struggles of superstition and despair. ^^ gut tjje Imperial laws which prohibited the sacrifices and ceremonies of Paganism were rigidly executed ; and every hour contributed to destroy the influence of a religion which was supported by custom rather than by argument. The devotion of the poet or the philosopher may be secretly nourished by prayer, medita- tion, and study ; but the exercise of public worship appears to be the only solid foundation of the religious sentiments of the people, which derive their force from imitation and habit. The interruption of that public exercise may consummate, in the period of a few years, the important work of a national revolu- tion. The memory of theological opinions cannot long be pre- served without the artificial helps of priests, of temples, and of books.^^ The ignorant vulgar, whose minds are still agitated by the blind hopes and terrors of superstition, will be soon per- 88 Denique pro meritis terrestribus aequa rependens Munera, sacrioolis summos impertit honores. Ipse magistratum tibi consulis, ipse tribunal Contulit. Prudent, in Symmach. i. 617, &c. '"> Libanius (pro Templis, p. 32) is proud that Theodosius should thus distinguish a man, who even in his presence would swear by Jupiter. Yet this presence seems to be no more than a figure of rhetoric. 1 Zosimus, who styles himself Count and Ex-advocate of the Treasury, reviles, with partial and indecent bigotry, the Christian' princes, and even the father of his sovereign. His work must have been privately circulated, since it escaped the in- vectives of the ecclesiastical historians prior to Evagrius (1. iii. c. 40-42), who lived towards the end to the sixth century. [For date of Zosimus, see above, vol. ii. App. I.] '2 Yet the Pagans of Africa complained that the times would not allow them to answer with freedom the City of God ; nor does St. Augustin (v. 26) deny the charge. '3 The Moors of Spain, who secretly preserved the Mahometan religion above a century, under the tyranny of the Inquisition, possessed the Koran, with the peculiar use of the Arabic tongue. See the curious and honest story of their ex- pulsion in Geddes (Miscellanies, vol. i. p. 1-198). 208 THE DECLINE AND FALL suaded by their superiors to direct their vows to the reigning deities of the age ; and will insensibly imbibe an ardent zeal for the support and propagation of the new doctrine, which spiritual hunger at first compelled them to accept. The generation that arose in the world after the promulgation of the Imperial laws was attracted within the pale of the Catholic church : and so rapid, yet so gentle, was the fall of Paganism that only twenty- eight years after the death of Theodosius the faint and minute vestiges were no longer visible to the eye of the legislator.'^* mie woMhip The ruin of the Pagan religion is described by the sophists as girtatian a dreadful and amazing prodigy which covered the earth with darkness and restored the ancient dominion of chaos and of night. They relate, in solemn and pathetic strains, that the temples were converted into sepulchres, and that the holy places, which had been adorned by the statues of the gods, were basely polluted by the relics of Christian martyrs. " The monks " (a race of filthy animals, to whom Eunapius is tempted to refuse the name of men) " are the authors of the new worship, which, in the place of one of those deities, who are conceived by the understanding, has substituted the meanest and most contemptible slaves. The heads, salted and pickled, of those infamous malefactors, who for the multitude of their crimes have suffered a just and ignominious death ; their bodies, still marked by the impression of the lash, and the scars of those tortures which were inflicted by the sentence of the magistrate ; such " (continues Eunapius) " are the gods which the earth produces in our days ; such are the martyrs, the supreme arbitrators of our prayers and petitions to the Deity, whose tombs are now conse- crated as the objects of the veneration of the people." ^^ With- out approving the malice, it is natural enough to share the surprise, of the Sophist, the spectator of a revolution which raised those obscure victims of the laws of Rome to the rank of celestial and invisible protectors of the Roman empire. The grateful respect of the Christians for the martyrs of the faith was exalted, by time and victory, into religious adoration ; and the most illustrious of the saints and prophets were deservedly associated to the honours of the martyrs. One hundred and fifty years after the glorious deaths of St. Peter and St. Paul, '■•Paganos qui supersunt, quanquam jam nullos esse credamus, &c. Cod. Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. x. leg. 22, a.d. 423. The younger Theodosius was afterwards satisfied that his judgment had been somewhat premature. '^ See Eunapius, in the life of the sophist iEdesius [p. 65. ed. Commelin] ; in that of Eustathius he foretells the ruin of Paganism, Kai rt juvduSes, koI aeiSe^ o-koto? TvpavvT^iTEL Ta eiri y^j KaKKtara, OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 209 the Vatican and the Ostian road were distinguished by the tombs, or rather by the trophies, of those spiritual heroes J^ In the age which followed the conversion of Constantine, the emperors, the consuls, and the generals of armies devoutly visited the sepulchres of a tent-maker and a fisherman ; '^'' and their venerable bones were deposited under the altars of Christ, on which the bishops of the royal city continually offered the unbloody sacrifice,^* The new capital of the eastern world, unable to produce any ancient and domestic trophies, was en- riched by the spoils of dependent provinces. The bodies of St. Andrew, St. Luke, and St. Timothy, had reposed, near three hun- dred years, in the obscure graves from whence they were sent, in solemn pomp, to the church of the Apostles, which the magnifi- cence of Constantine had founded on the banks of the Thracian Bosphorus.''*' About fifty years afterwards, the same banks were honoured by the presence of Samuel, the judge and prophet of the people of Israel. His ashes, deposited in a golden vase and covered with a silken veil, were delivered by the bishops into each other's hands. The relics of Samuel were received by the people with the same joy and reverence which they would have shown to the living prophet ; the highways, from Palestine to the gates of Constantinople, were filled with an uninterrupted procession ; and the emperor Arcadius himself, at the head of the most illustrious members of the clergy and senate, advanced to meet his extraordinary guest, who had always deserved and claimed the homage of kings.'" The example of Rome and Constantinople confirmed the faith and discipline of the Catholic world. The honours of the saints and martyrs, after a feeble and ineffectual murmur of profane ™ Caius (apud Euseb. Hist. Eccles. 1. ii. c. 25), a Roman presbyter, who lived in the time of Zephyrinus (a.d. 202-219), '= an early witness of this superstitious practice. " Chrysostom. Quod Christus sit Deus. Tom. 1. nov. edit. No 9. I am in- debted for this quotation to Benedict the XlV.th's pastoral letter on the jubilee of the year 1750. See the curious and entertaining letters of M. Chais, tom. iii. ™ Male facit ergo Romanus episcopus? qui, super mortuorum hominum, Petri et Pauli, secundum nos, ossa veneranda . . . offert Domino sacrificia, et tumulos eorum Christi arbitratur altaria. Jerom. tom. ii. advers. Vigilant, p. 153 [c. 8, ed. Migne, ii. p. 346]. ™ Jerom (tom. ii. p. 122 [c. Vigil, c.s]) bears witness to these translations, which are neglected by the ecclesiastical historians. The passion of St. Andrew, at Patras is described in an epistle from the clergy of Achaia, which Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 60, No. 3S) wishes to beheve and Tillemont is forced to reject. St. Andrew was adopted as the spiritual founder of Constantinople (M^m. Ecclfe. tom. i. p, 317-323, 588-594). ™ Jerom (torn. ii. p. 122) pompously describes the translation of Samuel, which is noticed in the chronicles of the times. VOL. III. 14 210 THE DECLINE AND FALL General re* flections 1. Fabnlons martyrs and relics n. Miracles reason,*! were universally established ; and in the age of Am- brose and Jerom, something was still deemed wanting to the sanctity of a Christian church, till it had been consecrated by some portion of holy relics, which fixed and inflamed the de- votion of the faithful. In the long period of twelve hundred years which elapsed between the reign of Constantine and the reformation of Luther the worship of saints and relics corrupted the pure and perfect simplicity of the Christian model ; and some symptoms of de- generacy may be observed even in the first generations which adopted and cherished this pernicious innovation. I. The satisfactory experience that the relics of saints were more valuable than gold or precious stones ^^ stimulated the clergy to multiply the treasures of the church. Without much regard for truth or probability, they invented names for skele- tons and actions for names. The fame of the apostles, and of the holy men who had imitated their virtues, was darkened by religious fiction. To the invincible band of genuine and primi- tive martyrs, they added myriads of imaginary heroes, who had never existed except in the fancy of crafty or credulous legend- aries ; and there is reason to suspect that Tours might not be the only diocese in which the bones of a malefactor were adored instead of those of a saint. S3 A superstitious practice, which tended to increase the temptations of fraud and credulity, insensibly extinguished the light of history and of reason in the Christian world. II. But the progress of superstition would have been much less rapid and victorious, if the faith of the people had not been assisted by the seasonable aid of visions and miracles, to ascertain the authenticity and virtue of the most suspicious relics. In the reign of the younger Theodosius, Lucian,** a presbyter of 81 The presbyter Vigilantius, the protestant of his age, firmly, though ineffectually, withstood the superstition of monks, relics, saints, fasts, &c., for which Jerom compares him to the Hydra, Cerberus, the Centaurs, &c., and considers him only as the organ of the daemon (tom. ii. p. izo-126). Whoever will peruse the con- troversy of St. Jerom and Vigilantius, and St. Augustin's account of the miracles of St. Stephen, mayspeedily gain some idea of the spirit of the Fathers. [Cp. App. 12.] 82 M. de Beausobre {Hist, du Manich^isme, tom. ii. p. 648) has applied a worldly sense to the pious observation of the clergy of Smyrna who carefully preserved the relics of St. Polycarp the martyr. 83 Martin of Tours (see his Life, c. 8, by Sulpicius Severus) extorted this con- fession from the mouth of the dead man. The error is allowed to be natural ; the discovery is supposed to be miraculous. Which of the two was likely to happen most frequently ? ^ Lucian composed in Greek his original narrative, which has been translated by Avitus, and published by Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 415, No. 7-16). The OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 211 Jerusalem, and the ecclesiastical minister of the village of Caphargamala, about twenty miles from the city, related a very singular dream, which, to remove his doubts, had been repeated on three successive Saturdays. A venerable figure stood before him, in the silence of the night, with a long beard, a white robe, and a gold rod ; announced himself by the name of Gama- liel, and revealed to the astonished presbyter that his own corpse, with the bodies of his son Abibas, his friend Nicodemus, and the illustrious Stephen, the first martyr of the Christian faith, were secretly buried in the adjacent field. He added, with some impatience, that it was time to release himself and his companions from their obscure prison ; that their appearance would be salutary to a distressed world ; and that they had made choice of Lucian to inform the bishop of Jerusalem of their situation and their wishes. The doubts and difficulties which still retarded this important discovery were successively removed by new visions ; and the ground was opened by the bishop, in the presence of an innumerable multitude. The coffins of Gamaliel, of his son, and of his friend were found in regular order ; but when the fourth coffin, which contained the remains of Stephen, was shown to the light, the earth trembled, and an odour, such as that of paradise, was smelt, which instantly cured the various diseases of seventy-three of the assistants. The companions of Stephen were left in their peaceful residence of Caphargamala ; but the relics of the first martyr were trans- ported in solemn procession to a church constructed in their honour on Mount Sion ; and the minute particles of those relics, a drop of blood,*^ or the scrapings of a bone, were acknowledged in almost every province of the Roman world to possess a divine and miraculous virtue. The grave and learned Augustin,*'' whose understanding scarcely admits the excuse of credulity, has attested the innumerable prodigies which were performed in Africa by the relics of St Stephen; and this marvellous narrative is inserted in the elaborate work of the City of God, which the Benedictine editors of St. Augustin have given (at the end of the work de Civitate Dei) two several copies, with many various readings. It is the character of falsehood to be loose and inconsistent. The most incredible parts of the legend are smoothed and softened by Tillemont (M^m. Eccl^s. torn. ii. p. 9, &c.). 85 A phial of St. Stephen's blood was annually liquefied at Naples, till he was superseded by St. Januarias (Ruinart. Hist. Persecut. Vandal, p. 529). 86 Augustin composed the two and twenty books de Civitate Dei in the space of thirteen years, A.D. 413-426 (Tillemont, M^m. Ecclfe. torn. xiv. p. 608, &c.). His learning is too often borrowed, and his arguments are too often his own ; but the whole work claims the merit of a magnificent design, vigorously, and not unskil- fully, e.xecuted. 212 THE DECLINE AND FALL bishop of Hippo designed as a solid and immortal proof of the truth of Christianity. Augustin solemnly declares that he has selected those miracles only which were publicly certified by the persons who were either the objects, or the spectators, of the power of the martyr. Many prodigies were omitted or forgotten ; and Hippo had been less favourably treated than the other cities of the province. And yet the bishop enumerates above seventy miracles, of which three were resurrections from the dead, in the space of two years and within the limits of his own diocese.*^ If we enlarge our view to all the dioceses and all the saints of the Christian world, it will not be easy to calculate the fables and the errors which issued from this inexhaustible source. But we may surely be allowed to observe that a miracle, in that age of superstition and credulity, lost its name and its merit, since it could scarcely be considered as a deviation from the ordinary and established laws of nature, m. Revival III. The innumerable miracles of which the tombs of the poiytheiBm jjjgy(.y.j,g w4^e the perpetual theatre revealed to the pious believer the actual state and constitution of the invisible world ; and his religious speculations appeared to be founded on the firm basis of fact and experience. Whatever might be the condition of vulgar souls, in the long interval between the dissolution and the resurrection of their bodies, it was evident that the superior spirits of the saints and martyrs did not consume that portion of their existence in silent and inglorious sleep.** It was evident (without presuming to determine the place of their habitation or the nature of their felicity) that they enjoyed the lively and active consciousness of their happiness, their virtue, and their powers ; and that they had already secured the possession of their eternal reward. The enlargement of their intellectual faculties surpassed the measure of the human imagination ; since it was proved by experience that they were capable of hearing and understanding the various petitions of their numerous votaries ; who, in the same moment of time, but in the most distant parts of the world, invoked the name and assistance of 8' See Augustin, de Civitat. Dei, 1. xxii. c. 22, and the Appendi.x, which contains two boolcs of St. Stephen's miracles, by Evodius, bishop of Uzalis. Freculphus (apud Basnage, Hist, des Juifs, torn. viii. p. 249) has preserved a Gallic or Spanish proverb, "Whoever pretends to have read all the miracles of St. Stephen, he lies ". 88 Burnet (de Statu Mortuorum, p. 56-84) collects the opinions of the fathers, as far as they assert the sleep, or repose, of human souls till the day of judgment. He afterwards e.xposes (p. 91, &c.) the inconveniencies which must arise, if they possessed a more active and sensible e.tistence. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 213 Stephen or of Martin. ^^ The confidence of their petitioners was founded on the persuasion that the saints, who reigned with Christ, cast an eye of pity upon earth ; that they were warmly interested in the prosperity of the Catholic church ; and that the individuals, who imitated the example of their faith and piety, were the peculiar and favourite objects of their most tender regard. Sometimes, nideed, their friendship might be influenced by considerations of a less exalted kind: they viewed, with partial affection, the places which had been consecrated by their birth, their residence, their death, their burial, or the possession of their relics. The meaner passions of pride, avarice, and revenge may be deemed unworthy of a celestial breast ; yet the saints themselves condescended to testify their grateful approbation of the liberality of their votaries ; and the sharpest bolts of punishment were hurled against those impious wretches who violated their magnificent shrines or disbelieved their supernatural power. ^^ Atrocious, indeed, must have been the guilt, and strange would have been the scepticism, of those men, if they had obstinately resisted the proofs of a divine agency which the elements, the whole range of the animal creation, and even the subtle and invisible operations of the human mind were compelled to obey.^^ The immediate, and almost instantaneous, effects, that were supposed to follow the prayer or the offence, satisfied the Christians of the ample measure of favour and authority which the saints enjoyed in the presence of the Supreme God ; and it seemed almost superfluous to inquire whether they were continually obliged to intercede before the throne of grace, or whether they might not be per- mitted to exercise, according to the dictates of their benevolence and justice, the delegated powers of their subordinate ministry. The imagination, which had been raised by a painful effort to the contemplation and worship of the Universal Cause, eagerly 89 Vigilantius placed the souls of the prophets and martyrs either in the bosom of Abraham (in loco refrigerii) or else under the altar of God. Nee posse suis tumulis et ubi voluerunt adesse prsesentes. But Jerom (torn. ii. p. 122) sternly refutes this blasphemy. Tu Deo leges pones? Tu apostolis vincula injicies, ut usque ad diem judicii teneantur custodii, nee sint cum Domino suo; de quibus scriptum est, Sequuntur Agnum quocunque vadit. Si Agnus ubique, ergo, et hi, qui cum Agno sunt, ubique esse credendi sunt- Et cum diabolus et dasmones toto vagentur in orbe, &c. 5° Fleury, Discours sur I'Hist. Eccl^siastique, iii. p. 80. 91 At Minorca, the relics of St. Stephen converted, in eight days, 540 Jews, with the help, indeed, of some severities, such as burning the synagogue, driving the obstinate infidels to starve among the rocks, &c. See the original letter of Severus, bishop of Minorca (ad calcem St. Augustin. de Civ. Dei), and the judicious remarks of Basnage (tom. viii. p. 245-251). 214 THE DECLINE AND FALL embraced such inferior objects of adoration as were more pro- portioned to its gross conceptions and imperfect faculties. The sublime and simple theology of the primitive Christians was gradually corrupted; and the monarchy of heaven, already clouded by metaphysical subtleties, was degraded by the intro- duction of a popular mythology, which tended to restore the reign of polytheism.^^ IV. As the objects of religion were gradually reduced to the standard of the imagination, the rites and ceremonies were introduced that seemed most powerfully to affect the senses of the vulgar. If, in the beginning of the fifth century,^^ Ter- tullian or Lactantius ^* had been suddenly raised from the dead, to assist at the festival of some popular saint or martyr, ^^ they would have gazed with astonishment and indignation on the profane spectacle, which had succeeded to the pure and spiritual worship of a Christian congregation. As soon as the doors of the church were thrown open, they must have been offended by the smoke of incense, the perfume of flowers, and the glare of lamps and tapers, which diffused, at noon-day, a gaudy, super- fluous, and, in their opinion, a sacrilegious light. If they approached the balustrade of the altar, they made their way through the prostrate crowd, consisting, for the most part, of strangers and pilgrims, who resorted to the city on the vigil of the feast ; and who already felt the strong intoxication of fanaticism, and, perhaps, of wine. Their devout kisses were im- printed on the walls and pavement of the sacred edifice ; and their fervent prayers were directed, whatever might be the language of their church, to the bones, the blood, or the ashes of the saints, which were usually concealed by a linen or silken veil from the eyes of the vulgar. The Christians frequented the tombs of the martyrs, in the hope of obtaining, from their powerful intercession, every sort of spiritual, but more especially **Mr. Hume (Essays, vol. ii. p. 434) observes, like a philosopher, the natural flux and reflux of polytheism and theism. 03 D'Aubign^ {see his own M^moires, p. 156-160) frankly offered, with the consent of the Huguenot ministers, to allow the first 400 years as the rule of faith. The Cardinal du Perron haggled for forty years more, which were indiscreetly given. Yet neither party would have found their account in this foolish bargain. o-iThe worship practised and inculcated by Tertullian, Lactantius, Arnobius, &c. , is so extremely pure and spiritual that their declamations against the Pagan, sometimes glance against the Jewish, ceremonies. * Faustus the Manichsean accuses the Catholics of idolatry. Vertitis idola in martyres . . . quos votis similibus colitis. M. de Beausobre (Hist. Critique du Manich6isme, torn. ii. p. 629-700), a protestant, but a philosopher, has represented, with candour and learning, the introduction of Christian idolatry in the fourth and fifth centuries. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 215 of temporal, blessings. They implored the preservation of their health or the cure of their infirmities ; the fruitfulness of their barren wives or the safety and happiness of their children. Whenever they undertook any distant or dangerous journey, they requested that the holy martyrs would be their guides and protectors on the road ; and, if they returned without having experienced any misfortune, they again hastened to the tombs of the martyrs, to celebrate, with grateful thanksgivings, their obligations to the memory and relics of those heavenly patrons. The walls were hung round with symbols of the favours which they had received ; eyes, and hands, and feet, of gold and silver ; and edifying pictures, which could not long escape the abuse of indiscreet or idolatrous devotion, represented the image, the attributes, and the miracles of the tutelar saint. The same uniform original spirit of superstition might suggest, in the most distant ages and countries, the same methods of deceiving the credulity, and of affecting the senses, of mankind ; ^^ but it must ingenuously be confessed that the ministers of the Catholic church imitated the profane model which they were impatient to destroy. The most respectable bishops had persuaded themselves that the ignorant rustics would more cheerfully renounce the superstitions of Paganism, if they found some resemblance, some compensation, in the bosom of Christianity. The religion of Constantine achieved, in less than a century, the final conquest of the Roman empire : but the victors themselves were insensibly subdued by the arts of their vanquished rivals. ^'^ 98 The resemblance of superstition, which could not be imitated, might be traced from Japan to Mexico. Warburton had seized this idea, which he distorts, by rendering it too general and absolute (Divine Legation, vol. iv. p. 126, &c.). ^ The imitation of Paganism is the subject of Dr. Middleton's agreeable letter from Rome. Warburton's animadversions obliged him to connect (vol. iii. p. 120- 132) the history of the two religions, and to prove the antiquity of the Christian copy. [Compare transformation of birthday of Mithra into that of Christ ; Mommsen, C. I. L. i. p. 409.] 216 THE DECLINE AND FALL CHAPTEE XXIX Final Division of the Boman Empire between the So?is of Theodo- sius — Reign of Arcadius and Honorius — Administration of Rufintcs and Stilicho — Revolt and Defeat of Gildo in Africa Divirion of The genius of Rome expired with Theodosius ; the last of the StwM?'"' successors of Augustus and Constantine, who appeared in the ^o»un«an4 g^j^ ^^ ^j^^ head of their armies, and whose authority was jiSii^'iT universally acknowledged throughout the whole extent of the empire. The memory of his virtues still continued, however, to protect the feeble and inexperienced youth of his two sons. After the death of their father, Arcadius and Honorius were saluted, by the unanimous consent of mankind, as the lawful emperors of the East, and of the West ; and the oath of fidelity was eagerly taken by every order of the state ; the senates of old and new Rome, the clergy, the magistrates, the soldiers, and the people. Arcadius, who then was about eighteen years of age, was born in Spain, in the humble habitation of a private family. But he received a princely education in the palace of Constantinople : and his inglorious life was spent in that peace- ful and splendid seat of royalty, from whence he appeared to reign over the provinces of Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, from the Lower Danube toVthe confines of Persia and gj?™^"''*' ^Ethiopia. His younger brother, Honorius, assumed, in the eleventh year of his age, the nominal government of Italy, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and Britain ; and the troops which guarded the frontiers of his kingdom were opposed, on one side, to the Caledonians, and on the other, to the Moors. The great and martial prsefecture of Illyricum was divided between the two princes ; the defence and possession of the provinces of Noricum, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, still belonged to the western empire ; but the two large dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia, which Gratian had intrusted to the valour of Theodosius, were for ever united to the empire of the East. The boundary in Europe was not very different from the line which now separates the Germans and the Turks ; and the respective OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 217 advantages of territory, riches, populousness, and military strength, were fairly balanced and compensated in this final and permanent division of the Roman empire. The hereditary sceptre of the sons of Theodosius appeared to be the gift of nature, and of their father ; the generals and ministers had been accustomed to adore the majesty of the royal infants ; and the army and people were not admonished of their rights and of their power by the dangerous example of a recent election. The gradual discovery of the weakness of Arcadius and Honorius, and the repeated calamities of their reign, were not sufficient to obliterate the deep and early impressions of loyalty. The subjects of Rome, who still reverenced the persons or rather the names of their sovereigns, beheld, with equal abhorrence, the rebels who opposed, and the ministers who abused, the authority of the throne. Theodosius had tarnished the glory of his reign by the character elevation of Rufinus : an odious favourite, who, in an age of faaum"^?''" civil and religious faction, has deserved, from every party, the a,d. 386-395 imputation of every crime. The strong impulse of ambition and avarice 1 had urged Rufinus to abandon his native country, an obscure corner of Gaul,^ to advance his fortune in the capital of the East ; the talent of bold and ready elocution ^ qualified him to succeed in the lucrative profession of the law ; and his success in that profession was a regular step to the most honourable and important employments of the state. He was raised, by just degrees, to the station of master of the offices. In the exercise of his various functions, so essentially connected with the whole system of civil government, he acquired the confidence of a monarch, who soon discovered his diligence and capacity in business, and who long remained ignorant of the pride, the malice, and the covetousness of his disposition. These vices were concealed beneath the mask of profound dissimulation ; * his passions were subservient only to the passions of his master ; yet, in the horrid massacre of Thes- ^Alecto, envious ot the public felicity, convenes an infernal synod. Megsera recommends her pupil Rufinus, and excites him to deeds of mischief, &c. But there is as much difference between Claudian's fury and that of Virgil, as between the characters of Turnus and Rufinus. 2 It is evident (Tillemont, Hist, des Emp. tom. v. p. 770), though de Marca is ashamed of his countryman, that Rufinus was born at Elusa, the metropolis of Novempopulania, now a small village of Gascony (d'Anville, Notice de I'Ancienne Gaule, p. 219). s Philostorgius, 1. xi. c. 3, with Godefroy's Dissert, p. 440. ^ A passage of Suidas is expressive of his profound dissimulation : fiaSiiyi'iitioiv avOpbiTros koI Kpvi/ftVov?. [F. H, G. iv. p. 42.] 218 THE DECLINE AND FALL salonica^ the cruel Rufinus inflamed the fury, without imitating the repentance, of Theodosius. The minister, who viewed with proud indifference the rest of mankind, never forgave the appearance of an injury ; and his personal enemies had forfeited in his opinion the merit of all public services. Promotus, the master-general of the infantry, had saved the empire from the invasion of the Ostrogoths ; but he indignantly supported the pre-eminence of a rival whose character and profession he despised ; and, in the midst of a public council, the impatient soldier was provoked to chastise with a blow the indecent pride of the favourite. This act of violence was represented to the emperor as an insult which it was incumbent on his dignity to resent. The disgrace and exile of Promotus were signified by a peremptory order to repair, without delay, to a military station on the banks of the Danube ; and the death of that general (though he was slain in a skirmish with the Barbarians) was imputed to the perfidious arts of Rufinus.^ The sacrifice of an hero gratified his revenge ; the honours of the consulship elated his vanity ; but his power was still imperfect and precarious, as long as the important posts of praefect of the East and of praefect of Constantinople were filled by Tatian ^ and his son Proculus ; whose united authority balanced, for some time, the ambition and favour of the master of the offices. The two praefects were accused of rapine and corruption in the administration of the laws and finances. For the trial of these illustrious offenders, the emperor constituted a special commission ; several judges were named to share the guilt and reproach of injustice ; but the right of pronouncing sentence was reserved to the president alone, and that president was Rufinus himself. The father, stripped of the praefecture of the East, was thrown into a dungeon ; but the son, conscious that few ministers can be found innocent where an enemy is their judge, had secretly escaped ; and Rufinus must have been satisfied with the least obnoxious victim, if despotism had not condescended to employ the basest and most ungenerous artifice. The prosecution was conducted with an appearance of equity and moderation, which flattered "Zosimus, 1. iv. p. 272, 273 [c. 51]. ^ Zosimus, who describes the fall of Tatian and his son {1. iv. p. 273, 274 [c. 52]), asserts their innocence ; and even his testimony may outweigh the charges of their enemies (Cod. Theodos. torn. iv. p. 489) who accuse them of oppressing the Curiee, The connexion of Tatian with the Arians, while he was praefect of Egypt (A.D. 373)1 inclines Tillemont to believe that he was guilty of every crime (Hist, des Emp. torn. V. p. 360. M6m. EccWs. torn. vi. p. 589). [Rufinus was probably not guilty of the death of Promotus. The silence of Claudian outweighs the charge of Zosimus,] OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 219 Tatian with the hope of a favourable event ; his confidence was fortified by the solemn assurances and perfidious oaths of the president, who presumed to interpose the sacred name of Theodosius himself; and the unhappy father was at las tper- suaded to recall, by a private letter, the fugitive Proculus. He was instantly seized, examined, condemned, and beheaded, in one of the suburbs of Constantinople, with a precipitation which disappointed the clemency of the emperor. Without respecting the misfortunes of a consular senator, the cruel judges of Tatian compelled him to behold the execution of his son ; the fatal cord was fastened round his own neck ; but, in the moment when he expected, and perhaps desired, the relief of a speedy death, he was permitted to consume the miserable remnant of his old age in poverty and exile." The punishment of the two prsefects might perhaps be excused by the exceptionable parts of their own conduct ; the enmity of Rufinus might be palliated by the jealous and unsociable nature of ambition. But he indulged a spirit of revenge, equally repugnant to prudence and to justice, when he degraded their native country of Lycia from the rank of Roman provinces ; stigmatized a guiltless people with a mark of ignominy ; and declared that the countrymen of Tatian and Proculus should ever remain incapable of holding any employ- ment of honour or advantage under the Imperial government.* The new prsefect of the East (for Rufinus instantly succeeded to the vacant honours of his adversary) was not diverted, however, by the most criminal pursuits, from the performance of the religious duties which in that age were considered as the most essential to salvation. In the suburb of Chalcedon, surnamed the Oak, he had built a magnificent villa ; to which he devoutly added a stately church, consecrated to the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and continually sanctified by the prayers and 7 . . . Juvenum rorantia coUa Ante patrum vultus strictS. cecidere seouri ; Ibat grandaevus nato moriente superstes Post trabeas e.\ul. in Rutin, i. 248 [246-9]. Ths facts of Zosimus explain the allusions of. Claudian ; but his classic interpreters were ignorant of the fourth century. The fatal cord I found, with the help of Tillemont, in a sermon of St. Asterius of Amasea. 8 This odious law is recited, and repealed, by Arcadius (a.d. 396), in the Theodosian Code, 1. ix.,,tit. xxxviii. leg. 9. The sense, as it is explained by Claudian (in Rutin, i. 234 [232]) and Godefroy (torn. iii. p. 279), is perfectly clear. . . . Exscindere cives Funditus et nomen gentis delere laborat. The scruples of Pagi and Tillemont can arise only from their zeal for the glory of Theodosius. 220 THE DECLINE AND FALL penance of a regular society of monks. A numerous, and almost general, synod of the bishops of the eastern empire was sum- moned to celebrate, at the same time, the dedication of the church and the baptism of the founder. This double ceremony was performed with extraordinary pomp ; and, when Rufinus was purified, in the holy font, from all the sins that he had hitherto committed, a venerable hermit of Egypt rashly proposed him- self as the sponsor of a proud and ambitious statesman.^ S'e^Mt'""" The character of Theodosius imposed on his minister the task A.D.S95' of hypocrisy, which disguised, and sometimes restrained, the abuse of power ; and Rufinus was apprehensive of disturbing the indolent slumber of a prince, still capable of exerting the abilities and the virtue which had raised him to the throne.i" But the absence, and soon afterwards the death, of the emperor con- firmed the absolute authority of Rufinus over the person and dominions of Arcadius : a feeble youth, whom the imperious praefect considered as his pupil rather than his sovereign. Re- gardless of the public opinion, he indulged his passions without remorse and without resistance ; and his malignant and rapacious spirit rejected every passion that might have contributed to his own glory or the happiness of the people. His avarice, *i which seems to have prevailed in his corrupt mind over every other sentiment, attracted the wealth of the East by the various arts of partial, and general, extortion : oppressive taxes, scandalous bribery, immoderate fines, unjust confiscations, forced or fictitious testaments, by which the t3Tant despoiled of their lawful in- heritance the children of strangers, or enemies ; and the public sale of justice, as well as of favour, which he instituted in the 9 Ammonius . . . Rufinum propriis manibus suscepit sacro fonte mundatum. See Rosweyde's Vitse Patrum, p. 947 [ed. 2, a.d. 1628]. Sozomen (1. viii. c. 17) mentions the church and monastery ; and Tillemont (M^m. Eccl^. torn. ix. p. 593) records this synod, in which St. Gregory of Nyssa performed a conspicuous part. 1" Montesquieu (Esprit des Loix, 1. xii. c. 12) praises one of the laws of Theo- dosius, addressed to the prsefect Rufinus (1. ix. tit. iv. leg. unic), to discourage the prosecution of treasonable, or sacrilegious, words. A tyrannical statute always proves the existence of tyranny ; but a laudable edict may only contain the specious professions, or ineffectual wishes, of the prince, or his ministers. This, I am afraid, is a just though mortifying canon of criticism. 11 . . . fluctibus auri Expleri ille calor nequit . . . Congestse cumulantur opes ; orbisque rapinas [ruinas] Accipit una domus . . . This character (Claudian in Rufin. i. i84[i83]-22o) is confirmed by Jerom, a disinterested witness (dedecus insatiabilis avaritise, torn. i. ad Heliodor. p. 26 [Ep. 60]), by Zosimus (1. v. p. 286 [c. i]), and by Suidas, who copied the history of Eunapius [fr. 63, F. H. G. iv. p. 42]. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 221 palace of Constantinople. The ambitious candidate eagerly solicited, at the expense of the fairest part of his patrimonyj the honours and emoluments of some provincial government ; the lives and fortunes of the unhappy people were abandoned to the most liberal purchaser ; and the public discontent was sometimes appeased by the sacrifice of an unpopular criminal, whose punish- ment was profitable only to the prsefect of the East, his accom- plice and his judge. If avarice were not the blindest of the human passions, the motives of Rufinus might excite our curi- osity ; and we might be tempted to inquire, with what view he violated every principle of humanity and justice, to accumulate those immense treasures which he could not spend without folly nor possess without danger. Perhaps he vainly imagined that he laboured for the interest of an only daughter, on whom he intended to bestow his royal pupil and the august rank of Empress of the East. Perhaps he deceived himself by the opinion that his avarice was the instrument of his ambition. He aspired to place his fortune on a secure and independent basis, which should no longer depend on the caprice of the young emperor ; yet he neglected to conciliate the hearts of the soldiers and people, by the liberal distribution of those riches which he had acquired with so much toil, and with so much guilt. The extreme parsimony of Rufinus left him only the reproach and envy of ill-gotten wealth ; his dependents served him without attachment ; the universal hatred of mankind was repressed only by the influence of servile fear. The fate of Lucian pro- claimed to the East that the prsefect whose industry was much abated in the desps^tch of ordinary business was active and in- defatigable in the pursuit of revenge. Lucian, the son of the prsefect Florentius, the oppressor of Gaul, and the enemy of Julian, had employed a considerable part of his inheritance, the fruit of rapine and corruption, to purchase the friendship of Rufinus and the high office of Count of the East. But the new magistrate imprudently departed from the maxims of the court and of the times ; disgraced his benefactor, by the contrast of a virtuous and temperate administration ; and presumed to refuse an act of injustice, which might have tended to the profit of the emperor's uncle. Arcadius was easily persuaded to resent the supposed insult ; and the prsefect of the East resolved to execute in person the cruel vengeance which he meditated against this ungrateful delegate of his power. He performed with incessant speed the journey of seven or eight hundred miles from Con- stantinople to Antioch, entered the capital of Syria at the dead 222 THE DECLINE AND FALL of night, and spread universal consternation among a people ignorant of his design but not ignorant of his character. The count of the fifteen provinces of the East was dragged, like the vilest malefactor, before the arbitrary tribunal of Rufinus. Not- withstanding the clearest evidence of his integrity, which was not impeached even by the voice of an accuser, Lucian was con- demned, almost without a trial, to suffer a cruel and ignominious punishment. The ministers of the tyrant, by the order, and in the presence, of their master, beat him on the neck with leather thongs, armed at the extremities with lead ; and, when he fainted under the violence of the pain, he was removed in a close litter, to conceal his dying agonies from the eyes of the indignant city. No sooner had Rufinus perpetrated this inhuman act, the sole object of his expedition, than he returned, amidst the deep and silent curses of a trembling people, from Antioch to Constanti- nople ; and his diligence was accelerated by the hope of accom- plishing, without delay, the nuptials of his daughter with the emperor of the East.i^ "oiited°by ^^^ Rufinus soon experienced that a prudent minister should ^aiSm^° constantly secure his royal captive by the strong, though in- A rti'n' visible, chain of habit ; and that the merit, and much more easily the favour, of the absent are obliterated in a short time from the mind of a weak and capricious sovereign. While the praefect satiated his revenge at Antioch, a secret conspiracy of the favourite eunuchs, directed by the great chamberlain Eu- tropius, undermined his power in the palace of Constantinople. They discovered that Arcadius was not inclined to love the daughter of Rufinus, who had been chosen, without his consent, for his bride ; and they contrived to substitute in her place the fair Eudoxia, the daughter of Bauto,i^ a general of the Franks in the service of Rome ; and who was educated, since the death of her father, in the family of the sons of Promotus. The young emperor, whose chastity had been strictly guarded by the pious care of his tutor Arsenius,!* eagerly listened 12 . . . Cetera segnis ; Ad facinus velox ; penitus regione remotas Impiger ire vias. This allusion of Claudian (in Rufin. i. [239-]24i) is again explained by the circum- '■ stantial narrative of Zosimus (1. v. p. 288, 289 [c. 2]). ! 1' Zosimus (1. iv. p. 243 [c. 33]) praises the valour, prudence and integi'ity of Bauto the Frank. See Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 771. "Arsenius escaped from the palace of Constantinople, and passed fifty-five years in rigid penance in the monasteries of Egypt. See Tillemont, M^m. Ecclfe. torn. xiv. p. 676-702; and Fleury, Hist. Ecolfa. tom. v. p. i, &c., but the latter, for want of authentic materials, has given too much credit to the legend of Metaphrastes. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 223 to the artful and flattering descriptions of the charms of Eudoxia ; he gazed with impatient ardour on her picture, and he understood the necessity of concealing his amorous designs from the knowledge of a minister who was so deeply interested to oppose the consummation of his happiness. Soon after the return of Rufinus, the approaching ceremony of the royal nuptials was announced to the people of Constantinople, who prepared to celebrate, with false and hollow acclamations, the fortune of his daughter. A splendid train of eunuchs and officers issued, in hymeneal pomp, from the gates of the palace ; bearing aloft the diadem, the robes and the inestimable ornaments of the future empress. The solemn procession passed through the streets of the city, which were adorned with gar- lands and filled with spectators ; but, when it reached the house of the sons of Promotus, the principal eunuch respectfully entered the mansion, invested the fair Eudoxia with the Im- perial robes, and conducted her in triumph to the palace and bed of Arcadius.i' The secrecy and success with which this conspiracy against Rufinus had been conducted imprinted a mark of indelible ridicule on the character of a minister who had suffered himself to be deceived in a post where the arts of deceit and dissimulation constitute the most distinguished merit. He considered, with a mixture of indignation and fear, the victory of an aspiring eunuch, who had secretly captivated the favour of his sovereign ; and the disgrace of his daughter, whose interest was inseparably connected with his own, wounded the tenderness, or, at least, the pride, of Rufinus. At the moment when he flattered himself that he should become the father of a line of kings, a foreign maid, who had been educated in the house of his implacable enemies, was introduced into the Imperial bed; and Eudoxia soon displayed a superiority of sense and spirit, to improve the ascendant which her beauty must acquire over the mind of a fond and youthful husband. The emperor would soon be instructed to hate, to fear, and to destroy the powerful subject whom he had injured ; and the consciousness of guilt deprived Rufinus of every hope, either of safety or comfort, in the retirement of a private life. But he still possessed the most effectual means of defending his 15 This story (Zosimus, 1. v. p. 290 [c. 3]) proves that the hymeneal rites of antiquity were still practised, without idolatry, by the Christians of the East ; and the bride was forcibly conducted from the house of her parents to that of her husband. Our form of marriage requires, with less delicacy, the express and public consent of a virgin. 224 THE DECLINE AND FALL dignity, and perhaps of oppressing his enemies. The praefect still exercised an uncontrolled authority over the civil and military government of the East ; and his treasures, if he could resolve to use them, might be employed to procure proper instruments for the execution of the blackest designs that pride, ambition, and revenge could suggest to a desperate statesman. The character of Rufinus seemed to justify the accusations that he conspired against the person of his sovereign to seat himself on the vacant throne ; and that he had secretly invited the Huns and the Goths to invade the provinces of the empire and to increase the public confusion. The subtle praefect, whose life had been spent in the intrigues of the palace, op- posed, with equal arms, the artful measures of the eunuch Eutropius ; but the timid soul of Rufinus was astonished by the hostile approach of a more formidable rival, of the great Stilicho, the general, or rather the msister, of the empire of the West.i^ oharactBr of The Celestial gift which Achilles obtained, and Alexander ^SjSer,*md cnvicd, of a poet worthy to celebrate the actions of heroes has S? weitera been enjoyed by Stilicho in a much higher degree than might empira have been expected from the declining state of genius and of art. The muse of Claudian,^"^ devoted to his service, was always pre- pared to stigmatize his adversaries, Rufinus or Eutropius, with eternal infamy ; or to paint, in the most splendid colours, the victories and virtues of a powerful benefactor. In the review of a period indifferently supplied with authentic materials, we cannot refuse to illustrate the annals of Honorius from the in- vectives or the panegyrics of a contemporary writer ; but, as Claudian appears to have indulged the most ample privilege of a poet and a courtier, some criticism will be requisite to trans- late the language of fiction or exaggeration into the truth and simplicity of historic prose. His silence concerning the family of Stilicho may be admitted as a proof that his patron was neither able nor desirous to boast a long series of illustrious progenitors ; and the slight mention of his father, an officer of Barbarian cavalry in the service of Valens, seems to countenance the assertion that the general who so long commanded the armies of Rome was descended from the savage and perfidious i^Zosimus (I. V. p. ago [c. 4]), Orosius (1. vii. c. 37), and the Chronicle of Marcellinus. [MarceUinus used Orosius; but adds the words in Gmciam, and missis clam pecuniis, from some other source.] Claudian (in Rufin. ii. 7-100) paints, in lively colours, the distress and guilt of the praefect. 1' Stilicho, directly or indirectly, is the perpetual theme of Claudian. The youth and private life of the hero are vaguely expressed in the poem on his first consul- ship, 35-140- OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 225 race of the Vandals.i^ If Stilieho had not possessed the exter- nal advantages of strength and stature, the most flattering bard, in the presence of so many thousand spectators, would have hesitated to affirm that he surpassed the measure of the demi- gods of antiquity ; and that, whenever he moved, with lofty steps, through the streets of the capital, the astonished crowd made room for the stranger, who displayed, in a private condition, the awful majesty of a hero. From his earliest youth he em- braced the profession of arms ; his prudence and valour were soon distinguished in the field ; the horsemen and archers of the East admired his superior dexterity ; and in each degree of his military promotions the public judgment always prevented and approved the choice of the sovereign. He was named by Theodosius to ratify a solemn treaty with the monarch of Persia ; [a.d. 383] he supported, during that important embassy, the dignity of the Roman name ; and, after his return to Constantinople, his merit was rewarded by an intimate and honourable alliance with the Imperial family. Theodosius had been prompted by a pious motive of fraternal affection to adopt for his own the daughter of his brother Honorius ; the beauty and accomplishments of Serena i^ were universally admired by the obsequious court ; and Stilieho obtained the preference over a crowd of rivals, who am-[A.D. 334] bitiously disputed the hand of the princess and the favour of her adoptive father.^" The assurance that the husband of Serena would be faithful to the throne, which he was permitted to approach, engaged the emperor to exalt the fortunes and to employ the abilities of the sagacious and intrepid Stilieho. He rose, through the successive steps of master of the horse and count of the domestics, to the supreme rank of master-general ms muuapy of all the cavalry and infantry of the Roman, or at least of the Western, empire ; ^^ and his enemies confessed that he invariably disdained to barter for gold the rewards of merit, or to defraud a.d. 335-408 18 Vandalorum, imbellis, avarae, perfidas, et dolosas, gentis, genere editus. Orosius, 1. vii. c. 38. Jerom (torn. i. ad Gerontiam, p. 93) calls him a Semi- Barbarian. I'Claudian, in an imperfect poem, has drawn a fair, perhaps a flattering, portrait of Serena: That favourite niece of Theodosius was born, as well as her sister Thermantia, in Spaiij; from whence, in their earliest youth, they were honourably conducted to the palace of Constantinople. 2° Some doubt may be entertained whether this adoption was legal or only metaphorical (see Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 75). An old inscription gives Stilieho the singular title of Pro-gener Divi Theodosii. [See Appendix 13.] 21 Claudian (Laus Serenas, 190, 193) expresses, in poetic language, the " dilectus equorum," and the " gemino mox idem culmine [inde e germine] duxit agmina ". The inscription adds, "count of the domestics," an important command, which Stilieho, in the height of his grandeur, might prudently retain. VOL. III. 15 226 THE DECLINE AND FALL the soldiers of the pay and gratifications which they deserved or claimed from the liberality of the state.^^ fhe valour and conduct which he afterwards displayed in the defence of Italy against the arms of Alaric and Radagaisus may justify the fame of his early achievements ; and, in an age less attentive to the laws of honour or of pride, the Roman generals might yield the pre-eminence of rank to the ascendant of superior genius.^s He lamented and revenged the murder of Promotus, his rival and his friend ; and the massacre of many thousands of the flying Bastamae is represented by the poet as a bloody sacrifice which the Roman Achilles offered to the manes of another Patroclus. The virtues and victories of Stilicho deserved the hatred of Rufinus ; and the arts of calumny might have been successful, if the tender and vigilant Serena had not protected her husband against his domestic foes, whilst he vanquished in the field the enemies of the empire.^* Theodosius continued to support an unworthy minister, to whose diUgence he delegated the govern- ment of the palace and of the East ; but, when he marched against the tyrant Eugenius, he associated his faithful general to the labours and glories of the civil war ; and, in the last moments of his life, the dying monarch recommended to Stilicho the care of his sons, and of the republic. ^^ The ambition and the abili- ties of Stilicho were not unequal to the important trust ; and he claimed the guardianship of the two empires during the minority of Arcadius and Honorius.^^ The first measure of his adminis- 22 The beautiful lines of Claudian (in i. Cons. Stilich. ii. 113) display his genius ; but the integrity of Stilicho (in the military administration) is much more firmly established by the unwilling evidence of Zosimus (1. v. p. 345 [c. 34]). J3I 23 . . . Si beUica moles [nubes] i— ;.^ Ingrueret, quamvis annis et jure minori, iv] I M Cedere grandsevos equitum peditumque magistros iniivi Adspiceres. Claudian, Laus Seren. p. 196, &c. A modern general would deem their submission either heroic patriotism or abject servility. 2* Compare the poem on the first consulship (i. 9S[94]-ii5) with the Laus Serena (227-237 [236], where it unfortunately breaks off). We may perceive the deep inveterate malice of Rufinus. 25. . . Quem/ra^W^^j ipse Discedens clipeumque {leg. clipeum] defensoremque dedisti. Yet the nomination (iv. Cons. Hon. 443) was private (iii. Cons. Hon. 142), cunctos discedere . . . jubet ; and may therefore be suspected. Zosimus and Suidas apply to Stilicho and Rufinus the same equal title of 'ETriVpoirot, guardians, or procm-ators. 25 The Roman law distinguishes two sorts of minority, which expired at the age ' of fourteen and of twenty-five. The one was subject to the tutor, or guardian, of the person ; the other to the curator, or trustee, of the estate (Heineccius, Antiquitat. Rom. ad Jurisprudent, pertinent. 1. i. tit. xxii. xxiii. p. 218-232). But these legal ideas were never accurately transferred into the constitution of an elective monarchy. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 227 tration, or rather of his reign^ displayed to the nations the vigour and activity of a spirit worthy to command. He passed the Alps in the depth of winter ; descended the stream of the Rhine from the fortress of Basel to the marshes of Batavia ; re- viewed the state of the garrisons ; repressed the enterprises of the Germans ; and, after establishing along the banks a firm and honourable peace, returned with incredible speed to the palace of Milan. 2^ The person and court of Honorius were subject to the master-general of the West ; and the armies and provinces of Europe obeyed, without hesitation, a regular authority, which was exercised in the name of their young sovereign. Two rivals only remained to dispute the claims, and to provoke the ven- geance, of Stilicho. Within the limits of Africa, Gildo, the Moor, maintained a proud and dangerous independence ; and the minister of Constantinople asserted his equal reign over the emperor and the empire of the East. The impartiality which Stilicho aifected, as the common The fau ana guardian of the royal brothers, engaged him to regulate the finua. a.d. equal division of the arms, the jewels, and the magnificent ward- ' robe and furniture of the deceased emperor. ^^ But the most important object of the inheritance consisted of the numerous legions, cohorts and squadrons of Romans or Barbarians, whom the event of the civil war had united under the standard of Theodosius. The various multitudes of Europe and Asia, ex- asperated by recent animosities, were overawed by the authority of a single man ; and the rigid discipline of Stilicho protected the lands of the citizen from the rapine of the licentious soldier.23 Anxious, however, and impatient to relieve Italy from the presence of this formidable host, which could be use- ful only on the frontiers of the empire, he listened to the just requisition of the minister of Arcadius, declared his intention of re-conducting in person the troops of the East, and dex- terously employed the rumour of a Gothic tumult to conceal his private designs of ambition and revenge .5" The guilty soul of 2? See Claudian (i. Cons. Stilich. i. 188-242), but he must allow more than fifteen days for the journey and return between Milan and Leyden. 28 1. Cons. Stilich. ii. 88-94. Not only the robes and diadems of the deceased emperor, but even the helmets, sword-hilts, belts, cuirasses, &c., were enriched with pearls, emeralds, and diamonds. 29 . . . Tantoque remoto Principe, mutatas orbis non sensit habenas. This high commendation (i. Cons. Stil. i. 149) may be justified by the fears of the dying emperor (de Bell. Gildon. 292-301), and the peace and good order which were enjoyed after his death (i. Cons. Stil. i. 150-168). s" Stilicho's roarcb, and the death of Rufinus, are described by Claudian (in 228 THE DECLINE AND FALL Rufinus was alarmed by the approach of a warrior and a rival, whose enmity he deserved ; he computed with increasing terror the narrow space of his life and greatness : and, as the last hope of safety, he interposed the authority of the emperor Arcadius. Stilicho, who appears to have directed his march along the sea coast of the Hadriatic, was not far distant from the city of Thessalonica, when he received a peremptory mes- sage to recall the troops of the East and to declare that his nearer approach would be considered by the Byzantine court as an act of hostility. The prompt and unexpected obedience of the general of the West convinced the vulgar of his loyalty and moderation ; and, as he had already engaged the affection of the Eastern troops, he recommended to their zeal the execution of his bloody design, which might be accomplished in his absence with less danger, perhaps, and with less reproach. Stilicho left the command of the troops of the East to Gainas the Goth, on whose fidelity he firmly relied ; with an assurance, at least, that the hardy Barbarian would never be diverted from his purpose by any consideration of fear or remorse. The soldiers were easily persuaded to punish the enemy of Stilicho and of Rome ; and such was the general hatred which Rufinus had excited that the fatal secret, communicated to thousands, was faithfully preserved during the long march from Thessalonica to the gates of Constantinople. As soon as they had resolved his death, they condescended to flatter his pride ; the ambitious praefect was seduced to believe that those powerful auxiliaries might be tempted to place the diadem on his head ; and the treasures which he distributed with a tardy and reluctant hand were ac- cepted by the indignant multitude as an insult rather than as a gift. At the distance of a mile from the capital, in the field of Mars, before the palace of Hebdomon,^! the troops halted ; and the emperor, as well as his minister, advanced according to ancient custom respectfully to salute the power which supported their throne. As Rufinus passed along the ranks and disguised with studied courtesy his innate haughtiness, the wings insensibly wheeled from the right and left and inclosed the devoted victim within the circle of their arms. Before he could reflect on the danger of his situation Gainas gave the signal of death ; a daring and forward soldier plunged his sword into the breast of the Rufin. I. ii. 101-453), Zosimus (1. v. p. 296, 297 [c. 7]), Sozomen (1. viii. c. i), Socrates (1. vi. c. i), Philostorgius (1. xi. c. 3, with Godefroy, p. 441), and the iChronide of Marcellinus. [See Appendix 14.] 3^ [See above p. 10, n. 28, and vol. ii. App. 9.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 229 guilty praefectj and Rufinus fell, groaned and expired at the feet of the affrighted emperor. If the agonies of a moment could expiate the crimes of a whole life, or if the outrages inflicted on a breathless corpse could be the object of pity, our humanity might perhaps be affected by the horrid circumstances which ^accompanied the murder of Rufinus. His mangled body was abandoned to the brutal fury of the populace of either sex, who hastened in crowds from every quarter of the city to trample on the remains of the haughty minister at whose frown they had so lately trembled. His right hand was cut off and carried through the streets of Constantinople in cruel mockery to ex- tort contributions for the avaricious tyrant, whose head was publicly exposed, borne aloft on the point of a long lance. ^^ According to the savage maxims of the Greek republics his in- nocent family would have shared the punishment of his crimes. The wife and daughter of Rufinus were indebted for their safety to the influence of religion. Her sanctuary protected them from the raging madness of the people ; and they were per- mitted to spend the remainder of their lives in the exercises of Christian devotion in the peaceful retirement of Jerusalem. ^^ The servile poet of Stilicho applauds, with ferocious joy, this Discord of horrid deed, which, in the execution, perhaps, of justice, empires. violated every law of nature and society, profaned the majesty of the prince, and renewed the dangerous examples of military licence. The contemplation of the universal order and harmony had satisfied Claudian of the existence of the Deity ; but the prosperous impunity of vice appeared to contradict his moral attributes ; and the fate of Rufinus was the only event which could dispel the religious doubts of the poet.^* Such an act might vindicate the honour of Providence ; but it did not much contribute to the happiness of the people. In less than three months they were informed of the maxims of the new adminis- 32 The dissection of Rufinus, which Claudian performs with the savage coolness of an anatomist (in Rufin. li. 405-415), is likewise specified by Zosimus [ib.l and Jerom (torn. i. p. 26). 33 The Pagan Zosimus mentions their sanctuary and pilgrimage. The sister of Rufinus, Sylvania, who passed her life at Jerusalem, is famous in monastic history. 1. The studious virgin had diligently, and even repeatedly, perused the commen- tators on the Bible, Origen, Gregory, Basil, &c., to the amount of five millions of lines. 2. At the age of threescore, she could boast that she had never washed her hands, face, or any part of her whole body, except the tips of her fingers to receive communion. See the Vitas Patrum, p. 779, 977. [For the confiscation of the property of Rufinus, cp. Symmachus, ep. vi. 14.] 3* See the beautiful exordium of his invective against Rufinus, which is curiously discussed by the sceptic Bayle, Dictionnaire Critique, Rufin. Not. E. 230 THE DECLINE AND FALL tration by a singular edict, which established the exclusive right of the treasury over the spoils of Rufinus ; and silenced, under heavy penalties, the presumptuous claims of the subjects of the Eastern empire, who had been injured by his rapacious tyranny.35 Even Stilicho did not derive from the murder of his rival the fruit which he had proposed ; and, though he gratified his revenge, his ambition was disappointed. Under the name of a favourite, the weakness of Arcadius required a master ; but he naturally preferred the obsequious arts of the eunuch Eutro- pius, who had obtained his domestic confidence ; and the emperor contemplated, with terror and aversion, the stem genius of a foreign warrior. Till they were divided by the jealousy of power, the sword of Gainas and the charms of Eudoxia supported the favour of the great chamberlain of the palace ; the perfidious Goth, who was appointed master-general of the East, betrayed, without scruple, the interest of his bene- factor ; and the same troops who had so lately massacred the enemy of Stilicho were engaged to support, against him, the independence of the throne of Constantinople. The favourites of Arcadius fomented a secret and irreconcileable war against a formidable hero who aspired to govern and to defend the two empires of Rome and the two sons of Theodosius. They in- cessantly laboured, by dark and treacherous machinations, to deprive him of the esteem of the prince, the respect of the people, and the friendship of the Barbarians. The life of Stilicho was repeatedly attempted by the dagger of hired assassins ; and a decree was obtained, from the senate of Con- stantinople, to declare him an enemy of the republic and to confiscate his , ample possessions in the provinces of the East. At a time when the only hope of delaying the ruin of the Roman name depended on the firm union, and reciprocal aid, of all the nations to whom it had been gradually communicated, the subjects of Arcadius and Honorius were instructed, by their respective masters, to view each other in a foreign, and even hostile, light ; to rejoice in their mutual calamities, and to em- brace, as their faithful allies, the Barbarians whom they excited to invade the territories of their countrymen.'*^ xhe natives of Italy affected to despise the servile and effeminate Greeks of '^See the Theodosian Code, 1. ix. tit. xlii. leg. 14, 15. The new ministers attempted, with inconsistent avarice, to seize the spoils of their predecessor and to provide for their own future security. S6 See Claudian (i. Cons. Stilich. 1. i. 275, 292, 296, 1. ii. 83) and Zosimus (1. r. p. 302 [c. 11]). OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 231 Byzantium, who presumed to imitate the dress, and to usurp the dignity, of Roman senators ; ^^ and the Greeks had not yet forgot the sentiments of hatred and contempt which their polished ancestors had so long entertained for the rude inhabi- tants of the West. The distinction of two governments, which soon produced the separation of two nations, will justify my design of suspending the series of the Byzantine history, to prosecute, without interruption, the disgraceful, but memorable, reign of Honorius. The prudent Stilicho, instead of persisting to force the Kevoit of gu. inclinations of a prince and people who rejected his government, a'd^ssb-ss?' wisely abandoned Arcadius to his unworthy favourites ; and his reluctance to involve the two empires in a civil war displayed the moderation of a minister who had so often signalized his military spirit and abilities. But, if Stilicho had any longer endured the revolt of Africa, he would have betrayed the security of the capital and the majesty of the Western emperor to the capricious insolence of a Moorish rebel. Gildo,^^ the brother of the tyrant Firmus, had preserved and obtained, as the reward of his apparent fidelity, the immense patrimony which was forfeited by treason ; long and meritorious service, in the armies of Rome, raised him to the dignity of a military count ; the narrow policy of the court of Theodosius had adopted the mischievous expedient of supporting a legal govern- ment by the interest of a powerful family ; and the brother of Firmus was invested with the command of Africa. His ambition soon usurped the administration of justice and of the finances, without account and without control ; and he main- tained, during a reign of twelve years, the possession of an office from which it was impossible to remove him without the danger of a civil war. During those twelve years, the province of Africa groaned under the dominion of a tjrrant who seemed to unite the unfeeling temper of a stranger with the partial resentments of domestic faction. The forms of law were often 37 Claudian turns the consulship of the eunuch Eutropius into a national reflec- tion (1, ii. 134 [i3S]) ■■ . , . Plaudentem cerne senatum Et Byzantinos proceres Graiosque Quirites : O patribus plebes, O digni consule patres. It is curious to observe the first symptoms of jealousy and schism between old and new Rome, between the Greeks and Latins. 38 Claudian may have exaggerated the vices of Gildo ; but his Moorish extraction, his notorious actions, and the complaints of St. Augustin may justify the poet's invectives. Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 398, No. 35-56) has treated the African rebellion with skill and learning. 232 THE DECLINE AND FALL superseded by the use of poison ; and, if the trembling guests, who were invited to the table of Gildo, presumed to express their fears, the insolent suspicion served only to excite his fury, and he loudly summoned the ministers of death. Gildo alter- nately indulged the passions of avarice and lust ; ^^ and, if his days were terrible to the rich, his nights were not less dreadful to husbands and parents. The fairest of their wives and daughters were prostituted to the embraces of the t3T:ant ; and afterwards abandoned to a ferocious troop of Barbarians and assassins, the black, or swarthy, natives of the desert, whom Gildo considered as the only guardians of his throne. In the civil war between Theodosius and Eugenius, the count, or rather the sovereign, of Africa maintained a haughty and suspicious neutrality ; refused to assist either of the contending parties with troops or vessels, expected the declaration of fortune, and reserved for the con- queror the vain professions of his allegiance. Such professions would not have satisfied the master of the Roman world ; but the death of Theodosius, and the weakness and discord of his sons, confirmed the power of the Moor ; who condescended, as a proof of his moderation, to abstain from the use of the diadem and to supply Rome with the customary tribute, or rather subsidy, of corn. In every division of the empire, the five provinces of Africa were invariably assigned to the West ; and Gildo had consented to govern that extensive country in the name of Honorius ; but his knowledge of the character and designs of Stilicho soon engaged him to address his homage to a more distant and feeble sovereign. The ministers of Arcadius embraced the cause of a perfidious rebel ; and the delusive hope of adding the numerous cities of Afi-ica to the empire of the East|tempted them to assert a claim which they were incapable of supporting either by reason or by arms.*" HeiBcon- . When Stilicho had given a firm and decisive answer to the demned by e i t» thoRomim pretcnsions of the Byzantine court, he solemnly accused the 397 39 Instat terribilis vivis, morientibus hseres, Virginibus raptor, thalamis obscaenus adulter. NuUa quies : oritur praeda, cessante libido, Divitibusque dies et nox metuenda maritis. . . . Mauris clarissima quasque Fastidita datur. . . . [De B. G. 165 sqq. and 189.] Baronius condemns, still more severely, the licentiousness of Gildo ; as his wife, his daughter, and his sister were examples of perfect chastity. The adulteries of the African soldiers are checked by one of the Imperial laws. *> Inque tuam sortem numerosas transtulit urbes. Claudian (de Bell. Gildonico, 220-324) has touched, with political delicacy, the intrigues of the Byzantine court which are likewise mentioned by Zosimus (1. v. p. 302 [c. 11}). OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 233 tyrant of Africa before the tribunal which had formerly judged the kings and nations of the earth ; and the image of the republic was revived, after a long interval, under the reign of Honorius. The emperor transmitted an accurate and ample detail of the complaints of the provincials and the crimes of Gildo to the Roman senate ; and the members of that venerable assembly were required to pronounce the condemnation of the rebel. Their unanimous suffrage declared him the enemy of the republic ; and the decree of the senate added a sacred and legitimate sanction to the Roman arms.*i A people who still remembered that their ancestors had been the masters of the world would have applauded, with conscious pride, the represen- tation of ancient freedom ; if they had not long since been accustomed to prefer the solid assurance of bread to the un- substantial visions of liberty and greatness. The subsistence of Rome depended on the harvests of Africa ; and it was evident that a declaration of war would be the signal of famine. The praefect Symmachus, who presided in the deliberations of the senate, admonished the ministers of his just apprehension that, as soon as the revengeful Moor should prohibit the exportation of corn, the tranquillity, and perhaps the safety, of the capital would be threatened by the hungry rage of a turbulent multi- tude. *2 The prudence of Stilicho conceived and executed with- out delay the most effectual measure for the relief of the Roman people. A large and seasonable supply of com, collected in the inland provinces of Gaul, was embarked on the rapid stream of the Rhone, and transported, by an easy navigation, from the Rhone to the Tiber. During the whole term of the African war, the granaries of Rome were continually filled, her dignity was vindicated from the humiliating dependence, and the minds of an immense people were quieted by the calm confidence of peace and plenty. *8 The cause of Rome and the conduct of the African war were ise amcs entrusted, by Stilicho, to a general active and ardent to avenge his private injuries on the head of the tyrant. The spirit of discord which prevailed in the house of Nabal had excited a *i Symmachus (1. iv. epist. 4. [j, Seeck]) expresses the judicial forms of the senate ; and Claudian (i. Cons. Stilich. 1. i. 325, &c.) seems to feel the spirit of a Roman. [Cp. Seeck, in his ed. of Symmachus, p. Ixvii. sgg.J ^ Claudian finely displays these complaints of Symmachus in a speech of the goddess of Rome before the throne of Jupiter (de Bell. Gildon. 28-128). *' See Claudian (in Eutrop. 1. i. 401, &c. i. Cons. Stil. 1. i. 306, &c. ii. Cons. Stilich. 91, &c.). 234 THE DECLINE AND FALL deadly quarrel between two of his sons, Gildo and Mascezel.** The usurper pursued, with implacable rage, the life of his younger brother, whose courage and abilities he feared ; and Mascezel, oppressed by superior power, took refuge in the court of Milan ; where he soon received the cruel intelligence that his two innocent and helpless children had been murdered by their inhuman uncle. The affliction of the father was sus- pended only by the desire of revenge. The vigilant Stilicho already prepared to collect the naval and military forces of the Western empire ; and he had resolved, if the tyrant should be able to wage an equal and 4oubtful war, to march against him in person. But, as Italy required his presence, and as it might be dangerous to weaken the defence of the frontier, he judged it more advisable that Mascezel should attempt this arduous adventure, at the head of a chosen body of Gallic veterans, who had lately served under the standard of Eugenius. These troops, who were exhorted to convince the world that they could subvert, as well as defend, the throne of an usurper, consisted of the Jovian, the Herculian, and the Augustan legions ; of the Neman auxiliaries ; of the soldiers who displayed in their banners the symbol of a lion, and of the troops which were distinguished by the auspicious names of Fortunate and In- vincible. Yet such was the smallness of their establishments, or the difficulty of recruiting, that these seven bands,** of high dignity and reputation in the service of Rome, amounted to no more than five thousand effective men.*^ The fleet of gallies and transports sailed in tempestuous weather from the port of Pisa, in Tuscany, and steered their course to the little island of [Caprera] Capraria ; which had borrowed that name from the wild goats, its original inhabitants, whose place was now occupied by a new colony of a strange and savage appearance. " The whole island (says an ingenious traveller of those times) is filled, or rather defiled, by men who fly from the light. They call themselves ** He was of a mature age ; since he had formerly (a.d. 373) served against his brother Firmus (Ammian. xxix. 5). Claudian, who understood the court of Milan, dwells on the injuries, rather than the merits, of Mascezel (de Bell. Gild. 389-414). The Moorish war was not worthy of Honorius or Stilicho, &c. <6 Claudian, Bell. Gild. 415-423. The change of discipline allowed him to use indifferently the names of Legio, Cohors, Manipulus. See the Notitia Imperii, S. 38. 40' ^ Orosius (1. vii. c. 36, p. 565) qualifies this account with an expression of doubt (ut aiunt), and it scarcely coincides with the Svxoifiets iSp<«! of Zosimus (1. v. p. 303 [c. 11]). Yet Claudian, after some declamation about Cadmus's soldiers, frankly owns that Stilicho sent a small army ; lest the rebel should fly, ne timeare times (i. Cons. Stilich. 1. i. 314, &c.). OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 235 Monks, or solitaries, because they choose to live alone, without any witnesses of their actions. They fear the gifts of fortune, from the apprehension of losing them ; and, lest they should be miserable, they embrace a life of voluntary wretchedness. How absurd is their choice ! how perverse their understanding ! to dread the evils, without being able to support the blessings, of the human condition. Either this melancholy madness is the effect of disease, or else the consciousness of guilt urges these unhappy men to exercise on their own bodies the tortures which are inflicted on fugitive slaves by the hand of justice." *^ Such was the contempt of a profane magistrate for the monks of Capraria, who were revered, by the pious Mascezel, as the chosen servants of God.*^ Some of them were persuaded, by his entreaties, to embark on board the fleet ; and it is observed, to the praise of the Roman general, that his days and nights were employed in prayer, fasting, and the occupation of singing psalms. The devout leader, who, with such a reinforcement, appeared confident of victory, avoided the dangerous rocks of Corsica, coasted along the eastern side of Sardinia, and secured his ships against the violence of the south wind, by casting anchor in the safe and capacious harbour of Cagliari, at the distance of one hundred and forty miles from the African shores.*^ Gildo was prepared to resist the invasion with all the forces Defeat and of Africa. By the liberality of his gifts and promises, he en- do. a.d. sss deavoured to secure the doubtful allegiance of the Roman soldiers, whilst he attracted to his standard the distant tribes of Gaetulia and jEthiopia. He proudly reviewed an army of seventy thousand men, and boasted, with the rash presumption which is the forerunner of disgrace, that his numerous cavalry would trample under their horses' feet the troops of Mascezel and in- volve, in a cloud of burning sand, the natives of the cold regions of Gaul and Germany.*" But the Moor who commanded the *' Claud. Rutil. Nuraatian. Itinerar. i. 439-448. He afterwards (515-526) mentions a religious madman on the Isle of Gorgona. For such profane remarks, Rutilius and his accomplices are styled by his commentator Barthius, rabiosi canes diaboli. Tillemont (M^m. Eccl^s. torn. xii. p. 471) more calmly observes that the unbelieving poet praises where he means to censure. ^ Orosius, 1. vii. c. 36, p. 564. Augustin commends two of these savage saints of the Isle of Goats (epist. Ixxxi. apud, Tillemont, M^m. Ecclfe. tom. xiii. p. 317, and Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 398, No. 51). 49 Here the first book of the Gildonic war is terminated. The rest of Claudian's poem has been lost ; and we are ignorant /umi or where the army made good their landing in Africa. 00 Orosius must be responsible for the account. The presumption of Gildo and his various train of Barljarians is celebrated by Claudian (i. Cons. Stil. i. 345-355). 236 THE DECLINE AND FALL legions of Honorius was too well acquainted with the manners of his countrymen to entertain any serious apprehension of a naked and disorderly host of Barbarians ; whose left arm, in- stead of a shield, was protected only by a mantle ; who were totally disarmed as soon as they had darted their javelin from their right hand ; and whose horses had never been taught to bear the control, or to obey the guidance, of the bridle. He fixed his camp of five thousand veterans in the face of a superior enemy, and, after the delay of three days, gave the signal of a [Battle of At- general engagement.^i As Mascezel advanced before the front with fair offers of peace and pardon, he encountered one of the foremost standard-bearers of the Africans, and, on his refusal to yield, struck him on the arm with his sword. The arm, and the standard, sunk under the weight of the blow ; and the imaginary act of submission was hastily repeated by all the standards of the line. At this signal, the disaffected cohorts proclaimed the name of their lawftil sovereign ; the Barbarians, astonished by the defection of their Roman allies, dispersed, according to their custom, in tumultuary flight ; and Mascezel obtained the honours of an easy, and almost bloodless, victory. ^^ The tyrant escaped from the field of battle to the seashore, and threw himself into a small vessel, with the hope of reaching in safety some friendly port of the empire of the East; but the obstinacy of the wind drove him back into the harbour of [Taiaica] Tabraca,^^ which had acknowledged, with the rest of the province, the dominion of Honorius and the authority of his lieutenant. The inhabitants, as a proof of their repentance and loyalty, seized and confined the person of Gildo in a dungeon ; and his own despair saved him from the intolerable torture of support- ing the presence of an injiu-ed and victorious brother.^* The captives and the spoils of Africa were laid at the feet of the emperor ; but Stilicho, whose moderation appeared more con- spicuous and more sincere in the midst of prosperity, still affected to consult the laws of the republic, and referred to the "St. Ambrose, who had been dead about a year, revealed, in a vision, the time and place of the victory. Mascezel afterwards related his dream to Paulinus, the original biographer of the saint, from whom it might easily pass to Orosius. "^Zosimus (1. V. p. 303 [c. ii]) supposes an obstinate combat ; but the narrative of Orosius appears to conceal a real fact, under the disguise of a miracle. ^^^Tabraca lay between the two Hippos (Cellarius, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 112; d'Anville, tom. iii. p. 84). Orosius has distinctly named the field of battle, but our ignorance cannot define the precise situation. " The death of Gildo is expressed by Claudian (i. Cons. Stil. 1. 357) and his best interpreters, Zosimus and Orosius. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 237 senate and people of Rome the judgment of the most illustrious criminals.*^ Their trial was public and solemn ; but the judges^ in the exercise of this obsolete and precarious jurisdiction^ were impatient to punish the African magistrates, who had inter- cepted the subsistence of the Roman people. The rich and guilty province was impressed by the Imperial ministers, who had a visible interest to multiply the number of the accomplices of Gildo ; and, if an edict of Honorius seems to check the mali- cious industry of informers, a subsequent edict, at the distance of ten years, continues and renews the prosecution of the offences which had been committed in the time of the general rebellion.^s The adherents of the tjrrant who escaped the first fury of the soldiers and the judges might derive some consola- tion from the tragic fate of his brother, who could never obtain his pardon for the extraordinary services which he had performed. After he had finished an important war in the space of a single winter, Mascezel was received at the court of Milan with loud applause, affected gratitude, and secret jealousy ; ^^ and his death, which, perhaps, was the effect of accident, has been con- sidered as the crime of Stilicho. In the passage of a bridge, the Moorish prince, who accompanied the master-general of the West, was suddenly thrown from his horse into the river ; the officious haste of the attendants was restrained by a cruel and perfidious smile which they observed on the countenance of Stilicho ; and, while they delayed the necessary assistance, the unfortunate Mascezel was irrecoverably drowned.^^ The joy of the African triumph was happily connected with Marriage the nuptials of the emperor Honorius and of his cousin Maria, ot Honono». the daughter of Stilicho : and this equal and honourable alliance seemed to invest the powerful minister with the authority of a parent over his submissive pupil. The muse of Claudian was 5S Claudian (ii. Cons. Stilich. 99-119) describes their trial (tremuit quos Africa nuper, cernunt rostra reos) and applauds the restoration of the ancient constitution. It is here that he introduces the famous sentence, so familiar to the friends of despotism : . . . Nunquam libertas gratior exstat Quam sub rege pio . . . But the freedom which depends on royal piety scarcely deserves that appellation. 58 See the Theodosian Code, 1. ix. tit. xxxix. leg. 3, tit. xl. leg. 19. 5' Stilicho, who claimed an equal share in all the victories of Theodosius and his son, particularly asserts that Africa was recovered by the wisdom of his counsels (see an inscription produced by Baronius). [Gruter, p. 412. See Appendix 13.] ,S8lhave softened the narrative of Zosimus, which, in its crude simplicity, is almost incredible (1. v. p. 303 [c. 11]). Orosius damns the victorious general (p. S38 [7, 33]) for violating the right of sanctuary. 238 THE DECLINE AND FALL not silent on this propitious day : °' he sung, in various and lively strains, the happiness of the royal pair, and the glory of the hero, who confirmed their union and supported their throne. The ancient fables of Greece, which had almost ceased to be the object of religious faith, were saved from oblivion by the genius of poetry. The picture of the Cyprian grove, the seat of harmony and love ; the triumphant progress of Venus over her native seas, and the mild influence which her presence diifused in the palace of Milan ; express to every age the natural sentiments of the heart, in the just and pleasing language of allegorical fiction. But the amorous impatience which Claudian attributes to the young prince *" must excite the smiles of the court ; and his beauteous spouse (if she deserved the praise of beauty) had not much to fear or to hope from the passions of her lover. Honorius was only in the fourteenth year of his age ; Serena, the mother of his bride, deferred, by art or persuasion, the consummation of the royal nuptials ; Maria died a virgin, after she had been ten years a wife ; and the chastity of the emperor was secured by the coldness, or perhaps the debility, of his constitution.^! His subjects, who attentively studied the character of their young sovereign, discovered that Honorius was without passions, and consequently without talents ; and that his feeble and languid disposition was alike incapable of dis- charging the duties of his rank or of enjoying the pleasures of his age. In his early youth he made some progress in the exercises of riding and drawing the bow : but he soon relin- quished these fatiguing occupations, and the amusement of feeding poultry became the serious and daily care of the monarch of the West,62 who resigned the reins of empire to the firm and ^' Claudian, as the poet laureate, composed a serious and elaborate epithalamium of 340 lines : besides some gay Fescennines, which were sung in a more licentious tone on the wedding-night. ™ . . . Calet obvius ire Jam princeps, tardumque cupit discedere solem. Nobilis baud aliter sonifes. (de Nuptiis Honor, et Marias, 587) and more freely in the Fescennines (112-126 [iv. 14-29, ed. Koch]). Dices " O" quoiiens, " hoc mihi dulcius Quam flavos decies vincere Sarmatas ". Turn victor madido prosilias toro Nocturni referens vulnera proelii. '1 See Zosimus, 1. v. p. 333 [c. 28] . 62 Procopius de Bell. Gothico, 1. i. c. 2. I have borrowed the general practice of Honorius, without adopting the singular and, indeed, improbable tale which is related by the Greek historian. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 239 skilful hand of his guardian Stilicho. The experience of history will countenance the suspicion that a prince who was born in the purple received a worse education than the meanest peasant of his dominions ; and that the ambitious minister suffered him to attain the age of manhood without attempting to excite his courage or to enlighten his understanding. ^^ The predecessors of Honorius were accustomed to animate by their example, or at least by their presence, the valour of the legions ; and the dates of their laws attest the perpetual activity of their motions through the provinces of the Roman world. But the son of Theodosius passed the slumber of his life, a captive in his palace, a stranger in his country, and the patient, almost the indifferent, spectator of the ruin of the Western empire, which was repeatedly attacked, and finally subverted, by the arms of the Barbarians. In the eventful history of a reign of twenty-eight years, it will seldom be necessary to mention the name of the emperor Honorius. ^3 The lessons of Theodosius, or rather Claudian {iv. Cons. Honor. 214-418), might compose a fine institution for the future prince of a great and free nation. It was far above Honorius and his degenerate subjects. 240 THE DECLINE AND FALL CHAPTEB XXX Revolt of the Goths — They plunder Greece — Two great Invasions oj Italy by Alaric and Radagaisus — They are repulsed hy Stilicko — The Germans overrun Gaul — Usurpation qfConstantine in the West — Disgrace and Death of Stilicho Revolt of the If the subjccts of Romc could be ignorant of their obligations A°R395 to the great TheodosiuSj they were too soon convinced how painfully the spirit and abilities of their deceased emperor had supported the frail and mouldering edifice of the repubKc. He died in the month of January ; and before the end of the winter of the same year the Gothic nation was in arms.^ The Barbarian auxiliaries erected their independent standard ; and boldly avowed the hostile designs which they had long cherished in their ferocious minds. Their countrymen, who had been con- demned by the conditions of the last treaty to a life of tran- quillity and labour, deserted their farms at the first sound of the trumpet, and eagerly resumed the weapons which they had reluctantly laid down. The barriers of the Danube were thrown open ; the savage warriors of Scythia issued from their forests ; and the uncommon severity of the winter allowed the poet to remark " that they rolled their ponderous waggons over the broad and icy back of the indignant river ".^ The unhappy natives of the provinces to the south of the Danube submitted to the calamities which, in the course of twenty years, were almost grown familiar to their imagination ; and the various troops of Barbarians who gloried in the Gothic name were irregularly spread from the woody shores of Dalmatia to the 1 The revolt of the Goths and the blockade of Constantinople are distinctly mentioned by Claudian (in Rufin. 1. ii. 7-100), Zosimus (1. v. p. 292 [c. 5]), and Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 29). [Alaric approached Constantinople, but did not blockade it, Cp. Keller, Stilicho, p. 31.] » AHi per terga ferocis Danubii solidata ruunt expertaque remis Frangunt stagna rotis \ib. 26]. Claudian and Ovid often amuse their fancy by interchanging the metaphors and properties of liquid water and solid ice. Much false wit has been expended in this easy exercise. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 241 walls of Constantinople.^ The interruptioHj or at least the diminution, of the subsidy which the Goths had received from the prudent liberality of Theodosius was the specious pretence of their revolt ; the affront was embittered by their contempt for the unwarlike sons of Theodosius ; and their resentment was inflamed by the weakness or treachery of the minister of Arcadius. The frequent visits of Rufinus to the camp of the Barbarians, whose arms and apparel he affected to imitate, were considered as a sufficient evidence of his guilty correspondence : and the public enemy, from a motive either of gratitude or of policy, was attentive, amidst the general devastation, to spare the private estates of the unpopular praefect. The Goths, instead of being impelled by the blind and headstrong passions of their chiefs, were now directed by the bold and artful genius of Alaric. [Born be- That renowned leader was descended from the noble race of the ml'mi Balti ; * which yielded only to the royal dignity of the Amali : he had solicited the command of the Roman armies ; and the Imperial court provoked him to demonstrate the folly of their [Probawy refusal and the importance of their loss. Whatever hopes might a.d. 395] be entertained of the conquest of Constantinople, the judicious general soon abandoned an impracticable enterprise. In the midst of a divided court and a discontented people, the Emperor Arcadius was terrified by the aspect of the Gothic arms ; but the want of wisdom and valour was suppUed by the strength of the city ; and the fortifications, both of the sea and land, might securely brave the impotent and random darts of the Barbarians. Alaric disdained to trample any longer on the prostrate and ruined countries of Thrace and Dacia, and he resolved to seek a plentiful harvest of fame and riches in a province which had hitherto escaped the ravages of war.^ The character of the civil and military officers, on whomAiaiic ' marches In- to Greece. ' Jerora, torn. i. p. 26 [ep. 60]. He endeavours to comfort his friend Helio- dorus, bishop of Altinum, for the loss of his nephew Nepotian, by a curious recapitulation of all the public and private misfortunes of the times. See Tillemont, M^m. Eccl6s. tom. xii. p. zoo, &c. ^ Baltha or bold: origo mirifica, says Jornandes (c. 29). [The meaning of the passage of Jordanes may be, as Kopke thinks, that owing to his bravery Alaric was described inter suos, as a true Baltha (opSiivui^os).] This illustrious race long , continued to flourish in France, in the Gothic province of Septimania or Languedoc ; under the corrupted appellation of Baux : and a branch of that family afterwards settled in the kingdom of Naples (Grotius in Prolegom. ad Hist. Gothic, p. 53). The lords of Baux, near Aries, and of seventy-nine subordinate places, were in- dependent of the counts of Provence (Longuerue, Description de la France, tom. i- P- 3S7)- ' Zosimus (1. V. p. 293-295 [0. 5]) is our best guide for the conquest of Greece ; but the hints and allusion of Claudian are so many rays of historic light. VOL. III. 16 242 THE DECLINE AND FALL Rufinus had devolved the government of Greece, confirmed the public suspicion that he had betrayed the ancient seat of freedom and learning to the Gothic invader. The proconsul Antiochus was the unworthy son of a respectable father ; and Gerontius, who commanded the provincial troops, was much better qualified to execute the oppressive orders of a tyrant than to defend, with courage and ability, a country most remarkably fortified by the gMi»' hand of nature. Alaric had traversed, without resistance, the plains of Macedonia and Thessaly, as far as the foot of Mount Oeta, a steep and woody range of hills, almost impervious to his cavalry. They stretched from East to West, to the edge of the seashore ; and left, between the precipice and the Malian Gulf, an interval of three hundred feet, which, in some places, was contracted to a road capable of admitting only a single carriage.^ In this narrow pass of Thermopylae, where Leonidas and the three hundred Spartans had gloriously devoted their lives, the Goths might have been stopped, or destroyed, by a skilful general ; and perhaps the view of that sacred spot might have kindled some sparks of military ardour in the breasts of the degenerate Greeks. The troops which had been posted to defend the streights of Thermopylae retired, as they were directed, without attempting to disturb the secure and rapid passage of Alaric ; '' and the fertile fields of Phocis and Boeotia were instantly covered by a deluge of barbarians, who massacred the males of an age to bear arms, and drove away the beautiful females, with the spoil and cattle, of the flaming villages. The travellers who visited Greece several years afterwards could easily discover the deep and bloody traces of the march of the Goths ; and Thebes was less indebted for her preservation to the strength of her seven gates than to the eager haste of Alaric, who advanced to occupy the city of Athens and the important harbour of the Piraeus. The same impatience urged him to prevent the delay and danger of a siege, by the offer of a capitulation : and, as soon as the Athenians heard the voice of the Gothic herald, they were easily persuaded to deliver the greatest part of their wealth, as the ransom of the city of Minerva and its inhabitants. The treaty was ratified by solemn oaths, and observed with mutual fidelity. The Gothic prince, with a small * Compare Herodotus (1. vii. c. 176) and Livy (xxxvi. 15). The narrow entrance of Greece was probably enlarged by each successive ravisher. [The sea has re- treated far from the pass.] ' He passed, says Eunapius (in Vit. Philosoph. p. 93, edit. Commelin, 1596), through the streights, 5ta Vwy ttvAwv (of Thermopylse) irapri\9evj Stimep Sid. iTTaSiov Koi iiTiroKpoTov irt&iov rpexuv' [On Alaric in Greece, cp. App. 15.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 243 and select trainj was admitted within the walls ; he indulged himself in the refreshment of the bath, accepted a splendid banquet which was provided by the magistrate, and aifected to show that he was not ignorant of the manners of civilised nations.^ But the whole territoiy of Attica, from the promontory of Sunium to the town of Megara, was blasted by his baleful presence ; and, if we may use the comparison of a contemporary philsopher, Athens itself resembled the bleeding and empty skin of a slaughtered victim. The distance between Megara and Corinth could not much exceed thirty miles ; but the bad road, an expressive name, which it still bears among the Greeks, was, or might easily have been made, impassable for the march of an enemy. The thick and gloomy woods of Mount Cithaeron covered the inland country ; the Scironian rocks approached the water's edge, and hung over the narrow and winding path, which was confined above six miles along the seashore.^ The passage of those rocks, so infamous in every age, was terminated by the isthmus of Corinth; and a small body of firm and intrepid soldiers might have successfully defended a temporary intrench- ment of five or six miles from the Ionian to the JEgean sea. The confidence of the cities of Peloponnesus in their natural rampart had tempted them to neglect the care of their antique walls ; and the avarice of the Roman governors had exhausted and betrayed the unhappy province. i" Corinth, Argos, Sparta, yielded without resistance to the ai'ms of the Goths ; and the most fortunate of the inhabitants were saved by death from beholding the slavery of their families and the conflagration of their cities.^i The vases and statues were distributed among the 8 In obedience to Jerom and Claudian (in Rufin. 1. ii. 191), I have mixed some darker colours in the mild representation of Zosiraus, who wished to soften the calamities of Athens. Nee fera Cecropias traxissent vincula matres. Synesius (Kpist. clvi. [leg. 135], p. 272, edit. Petav. ) observes that Athens, whose sufferings he imputes to the proconsul's avarice, was at that time less famous for her schools of philosophy than for her trade of honey. ^ Vallata mari Scironia rupes Et duo continuo connectens aequora muro Isthmos Claudian de Bell. Getico, 188. The Scironian rocks are described by Pausanias (1. i. c. 44, p. 107, edit. Kuhn, [§ 10]), and our modern travellers, Wheeler (p. 436), and Chandler (p. 298). Hadrian made the road passable for two carriages. 1" Claudian (in Rufin. 1. ii. 186, and de Bello Getico, 611, &c.) vaguely, though forcibly, delineates the scene of rapine and destruction. 11 Tpis (loKapc! Aavaol koX Terpaicis, &c. These generous lines of Homer (Odyss. 1. V. 306) were transcribed by one of the captive youthf of Corinth ; and the tears of Mummius may prove that the rude conqueror, though he was ignorant of the value of an original picture, possessed the purest source of good taste, a benevolent heart (Plutarch, Symposiac. 1. ix. tom. ii. p. 737, edit. Wechel). 244 THE DECLINE AND FALLi Barbarians, with more regard to the value of the materials than to the elegance of the workmanship ; the female captives sub- mitted to the laws of war ; the enjoyment of beauty was the reward of valour ; and the Greeks could not reasonably complain of an abuse, which was justified by the example of the heroic times. 12 The descendants of that extraordinary people, who had considered valour and discipline as the walls of Sparta, no longer remembered the generous reply of their ancestors to an invader more formidable than Alaric : " If thou art a god, thou wilt not hurt those who have never injured thee ; if thou art a man, advance : — and thou wilt find men equal to thyself".!^ From Thermopylae to Sparta, the leader of the Goths pursued his victorious march without encountering any mortal antagonists ; but one of the advocates of expiring Paganism has confidently asserted that the walls of Athens were guarded by the goddess Minerva, with her formidable jEgis, and by the angry phantom of Achilles ; i* and that the conqueror was dismayed by the presence of the hostile deities of Greece. In an age of miracles, it would perhaps be unjust to dispute the claim of the historian Zosimus to the common benefit ; yet it cannot be dissembled that the mind of Alaric was ill prepared to receive, either in sleeping or waking visions, the impressions of Greek superstition. The songs of Homer and the fame of Achilles had probably never reached the ear of the illiterate Barbarian ; and the Christian faith, which he had devoutly embraced, taught him to despise the imaginary deities of Rome and Athens. The invasion of the Goths, instead of vindicating the honour, contributed, at least accidentally, to extirpate the last remains, of Paganism ; and the mysteries of Ceres, which had subsisted eighteen hundred years, did not survive the destruction of Eleusis and the calamities of Greece.^* He la at- The last hope of a people who could no longer depend on sfiucho.^ their arms, their gods, or their sovereign, was placed in the [396] powerful assistance of the general of the West ; and Stihcho, '' Homer perpetually describes the exemplary patience of those female captives, who gave their charms, and even their hearts, to the murderers of their fathers, brothers, &c. Such a passion (of Eriphile for Achilles) is touched with admirable delicacy by Racine. 1' Plutarch (in Pyrrho, tom. ii. p. 471, edit. Brian [c. 26, ad fin^ gives the genuine answer in the Laconic dialect. Pyrrhus attacked Sparta, with 25,000 foot, 2000 horse, and 24 elephants : and the defence of that open town is a fine comment on the laws of Lycurgus, even in the last stage of decay. " Such, perhaps, as Homer (Iliad, xx. 164) has so nobly painted him. " Eunapius (in Vit. Philosoph. p. 90-93) intimates that a troop of Monks be- trayed Greece and followed the Gothic camp. [Cp. Appendix 15.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 245 who had not been permitted to repulse, advanced to chastise the invaders of Greece.!^ A numerous fleet was equipped in the ports of Italy ; and the troops, after a short and prosperous navigation over the Ionian sea, were safely disembarked on the isthmus, near the ruins of Corinth. The woody and mountain- reariy in ous country of Arcadia, the fabulous residence of Pan and the Dryads, became the scene of a long and doubtful conflict between two generals not unworthy of each other. The skill and perseverance of the Roman at length prevailed ; and the Goths, after sustaining a considerable loss from disease and desertion, gradually retreated to the lofty mountain of Pholoe, near the sources of the Peneus, and on the frontiers of Elis : a sacred country, which had formerly been exempted from the calamities of war.i' The camp of the Barbarians was immedi- ately besieged ; the waters of the river i* were diverted into another channel ; and, while they laboured under the intolerable pressure of thirst and hunger, a strong line of circumvallation was formed to prevent their escape. After these precautions, Stilicho, too confident of victory, retired to enjoy his triumph in the theatrical games and lascivious dances of the Greeks ; his soldiers, deserting their standards, spread themselves over the country of their allies, which they stripped of all that had been saved from the rapacious hands of the enemy. Alaric appears to have seized the favourable moment to execute one of those hardy enterprises, in which the abilities of a general are displayed with more genuine lustre than in the tumult of a day of battle. To extricate himself from the prison of Pelopon- nesus, it was necessary that he should pierce the intrenchments which surrounded his camp ; that he should perform a difficult i« For Stilicho's Greek war, compare the honest narrative of Zosimus (1. v. p. 295, 296 [c. 7]) with the curious circumstantial flattery of Claudian (i. Cons. Stilich. 1. 172-186 ; iv. Cons. Hon. 459-487). As the event was not glorious, it is artfully thrown into the shade. [See Appendix 14.] 1' The troops who marched through Elis delivered up their arms. This security enriched the Eleans, who were lovers of a rural life. Riches begat pride ; they disdained their privilege, and they suffered. Polybius advises them to retire once more within their magic circle. See a learned and judicious discourse on the Olympic games, which Mr. West has prefixed to his translation of Pindar. 18 Claudian (in iv. Cons. Hon. 480) alludes to the fact, without naming the river : perhaps the Alpheus (i. Cons. Stil. 1. i. 185). Et Alpheus Geticis angustus acervis Tardior ad Siculos etiamnum pergit amores. Yet I should prefer the Peneus, a shallow stream in a wide and deep bed, which runs through Elis, and-falls into the sea below Cyllene. It had been joined with the Alpheus, to cleanse the Augean stable (Cellarius, tom. i. p. 760; Chandler's Travels, p. 286). 246 THE DECLINE AND FALL and dangerous march of thirty miles as far as the Gulf of Corinth ; and that he should transport his troops, his captives, and his spoil, over an arm of the sea which, in the narrow interval between Rhium and the opposite shore, is at least half a mile in breadth. ^^ The operations of Alaric must have been secret, prudent, and rapid ; since the Roman general was confounded by the intelligence that the Goths, who had eluded his efforts, were in full possession of the important province of Epirus. This unfortunate delay allowed Alaric sufficient time to conclude the treaty, which he secretly negotiated with the ministers of Constantinople. The apprehension of a civil war compelled Stilicho to retire, at the haughty mandate of his rivals, from the dominions of Arcadius ; and he respected in the enemy of Rome the honourable character of the ally and servant of the emperor of the East. A Grecian philosopher,^'' who visited Constantinople soon after the death of Theodosius, published his liberal opinions concern- ing the duties of kings and the state of the Roman republic. Synesius observes and deplores the fatal abuse which the impru- dent bounty of the late emperor had introduced into the military service. The citizens and subjects had purchased an exemption from the indispensable duty of defending their country ; which was supported by the arms of Barbarian mercenaries. The fugitives of Scythia were permitted to disgrace the illustrious dignities of the empire ; their ferocious youth, who disdained the salutary restraint of laws, were more anxious to acquire the riches than to imitate the arts of a people, the object of their con- tempt and hatred ; and the power of the Goths was the stone of Tantalus, perpetually suspended over the peace and safety of the devoted state. The measures which Synesius recommends are the dictates of a bold and generous patriot. He exhorts the emperor to revive the courage of his subjects by the example of manly virtue ; to banish luxury from the court and from the camp ; to substitute in the place of the Barbarian mercenaries, an army of men interested in the defence of their laws and of their property ; to force, in such a moment of public danger, the 18 Strabo, 1. viii. p. 517 ; Plin. Hist. Natur. iv. 3 ; Wheeler, p. 308 ; Chandler, p. 275. They measured from different points the distance between the two lands. 20 Synesius passed three years (A.D. 397-400) at Constantinople, as deputy from Cyrene to the emperor Arcadius. He presented him with a crown of gold, and pronounced before him the instructive oration de Regno (p. 1-32, edit. Petav. Paris, 1612) [A.D, 399]. The philosopher was made bishop of Ptolemais, A.D. 410, and died about 430. See Tillemont, M^m. Ecsl^. torn, xii, p. 499, 554, 683-685. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 247 mechanic from his shop and the philosopher from his school ; to rouse the indolent citizen from his dream of pleasure, and to arm, for the protection of agriculture, the hands of the laborious husbandman. At the head of such troops, who might deserve the name, and would display the spirit, of Romans, he animates the son of Theodosius to encounter a race of Barbarians who were destitute of any real courage ; and never to lay down his arms, till he had chased them far away into the solitudes of Scythia ; or had reduced them to the state of ignominious servi- tude which the Lacedaemonians formerly imposed on the captive Helots.^i The court of Arcadius indulged the zeal, applauded the eloquence, and neglected the advice of Synesius. Perhaps the philosopher, who addresses the emperor of the East in the language of reason and virtue which he might have used to a Spartan king, had not condescended to form a practicable scheme, consistent with the temper and circumstances of a degenerate age. Perhaps the pride of the ministers, whose business was seldom interrupted by reflection, might reject as wild and visionary every proposal which exceeded the measure of their capacity and deviated from the forms and precedents of office. While the oration of S}Tiesius and the downfall of the Barbarians were the topics of popular conversation, an edict was published at Constantinople, which declared the promotion of Alaric to the rank of master-general of the Eastern Ill)Ti- cum. The Roman provincials and the allies, who had respected the faith of treaties, were justly indignant that the ruin of Greece and Epirus should be so liberally rewarded. The Gothic conqueror was received as a lawful magistrate, in the cities which he had so lately besieged. The fathers whose sons he had massacred, the husbands whose wives he had violated, were subject to his authority ; and the success of his rebellion encouraged the ambition of every leader of the foreign mer- cenaries. The use to which Alaric applied his new command distinguishes the firm and judicious character of his policy. He issued his orders to the four magazines and manufactures of offensive and defensive arms, Margus, Ratiaria, Naissus, and Thessalonica, to provide his troops with an extraordinary supply of shields, helmets, swords, and spears; the unhappy provincials were compelled to forge the instruments of their own destruc- tion ; and the Barbarians removed the only defect which had 21 Synesius de Regno, p. 21-26. 248 THE DECLINE AND FALL sometimes disappointed the efforts of their courage.'^ The birth of Alaric, the glory of his past exploits, and the confidence in his future designs^ insensibly united the body of the nation under his victorious standard ; and with the unanimous consent of the Barbarian chieftains, the master-general of Illyricum was elevated, according to ancient custom, on a shield, and solemnly andunjof proclaimed king of the Visigoths.^' Armed with this double gotiu power, seated on the verge of the two empires, he alternately sold his deceitful promises to the courts of Arcadius and Honorius ; ^4 till he declared and executed his resolution of invading the dominions of the West. The provinces of Europe which belonged to the Eastern emperor were already exhausted ; those of Asia were inaccessible ; and the strength of Constanti- nople had resisted his attack. But he was tempted by the fame, the beauty, the wealth of Italy, which he had twice visited ; and he secretly aspired to plant the Gothic standard on the walls of Rome, and to enrich his army with the accumulated spoils of three hundred triumphs.^^ Ho Invades The Scarcity of facts ^^ and the uncertainty of dates ^'^ oppose 400-403 22 qui foedera rumpit Ditatur : qui servat, eget : vastator Achivae Gentis, et Epirum nuper populatus inultam Praesidet lUyrico ; jam, quos obsedit, amicos Ingreditur muros ; illis responsa daturus Quorum conjugibus potitur natosque peremit. Claudian in Eutrop. 1. ii. 212. Alaric applauds his own policy (de Bell. Getic. 533-543) in the use which he had made of this Illyrian jurisdiction. [The precise title is uncertain ; but Master-General is probable. From de B. G., 534, ducem, Mr.'Hodgkin suggests Dux Daciae ripensis et Moesiae primse.] ^Jornandes, c. 29, p. 651. The Gothic historian adds, with unusual spirit, Cum suis deliberans suasit suo labore quserere regna, quam alienis per otium subjacere. [It is much more probable that he was proclaimed king {ihiudans) in 395 A.D. , after the death of Theodosius; see Hodgkin, i. 653. Isidore gives the date 382, which Clinton accepts.] 24 Discors odiisque anceps civibus orbis Non sua vis tutata diu, dum foedera fallax Ludit, et alternas perjuria venditat aulse. Claudian de Bell. Get. , 565. 25Alpibus Italias ruptis penetrabis ad Uriem. This authentic prediction was announced by Alaric, or at least by Claudian (de Bell. Getico, 547), seven years before the event. But, as it was not accomplished within the term which has been rashly fixed, the interpreters escaped through an ambiguous meaning. [For Claudian's acrostich in this passage, see Appendix 16.] 26 Our best materials are 970 verses of Claudian, in the poem on the Getic war, and the beginning of that which celebrates the sixth consulship of Honorius. Zosimus is totally silent ; and we are reduced to such scraps, or rather crumbs, as we can pick from Orosius and the Chronicles. 2^ Notwithstanding the gross errors of Jornandes, who confounds the Italian wars of Alaric (c. 29), his date of the consulship of Stilicho and Aurelian (A.D. 400) is firm and respectable. It is certain from Claudian (TiUemont, Hist, des Emp. torn. V. p. 804) that the battle of Pollentia was fought a.d. 403; but we cannot easily fill the interval. [The right date is 402 ; see Appendix 17.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 249 our attempts to describe the circumstances of the first invasion of Italy by the arms of Alaric. His marchj perhaps from Thessa- lonica, through the warlike and hostile country of Pannonia, as far as the foot of the Julian Alps ; his passage of those mountains, which were strongly guarded by troops and intrench- ments ; the siege of Aquileia, and the conquest of the provinces of Istria and Venetia, appear to have employed a considerable time. Unless his operations were extremely cautious and slow, the length of the interval would suggest a probable suspicion that the Gothic king retreated towards the banks of the Danube and reinforced his army with fresh swarms of Barbarians, before he again attempted to penetrate into the heart of Italy. Since the public and important events escape the diligence of the historian, he may amuse himself with contemplating, for a moment, the influence of the arms of Alaric on the fortunes of two obscure individuals, a presbyter of Aquileia and an husband- man of Verona. The learned Rufinus, who was summoned by his enemies to appear before a Roman synod,^^ wisely preferred the dangers of a besieged city ; and the Barbarians, who furiously shook the walls of Aquileia, might save him from the cruel sentence of another heretic, who, at the request of the same bishops, was severely whipped and condemned to per- petual exile on a desert island.^^ The old man,^" who had passed his simple and innocent life in the neighbourhood of Verona, was a stranger to the quarrels both of kings and of bishops ; his pleasures, his desires, his knowledge, were confined within the little circle of his paternal farm ; and a staff sup- ported his aged steps, on the same ground where he had sported in his infancy. Yet even this humble and rustic felicity (which Claudian describes with so much truth and feeling) was still exposed to the undistinguishing rage of war. His trees, his old contemporary trees,^! must blaze in the conflagration of the whole ^Tantum Romanse urbis judicium fugis, ut magis obsidionem barbaricam, quam facaiis urbis judicium velis sustinere. Jerom, torn. ii. p. 239. Rufinus understood his danger : the peaceful city was inflamed by the beldam Marcella and the rest of Jerom's faction. [Cp. Appendix i.] 29 Jovinian, the enemy of fasts and celibacy, who was persecuted and insulted by the furious Jerom (Jortin's Remarks, vol. iv. p. 104, &c. ). See the original edict of banishment in the Theodosian Code, 1. xvi. tit. v. leg. 43. 3" This epigram (de Sene Veronensi qui suburbium nusquam egressus est) is one of the earliest and most pleasing compositions of Claudian. Cowley's imitation (Htu-d's edition, vol. ii. p. 241) has some natural and happy strokes : but it is much inferior to the original portrait, which is evidently drawn from the life. '1 Ingentem raeminit parvo qui germine quercum iEqusevumque videt consenuisse neraus. 250 THE DECLINE AND FALL country ; a detachment of Gothic cavalry might sweep away his cottage and his family ; and the power of Alaric could destroy this happiness which he was not able either to taste or to bestow. " Fame/' says the poet, " encircling with terror her gloomy wings, proclaimed the march of the Barbarian army, and filled Italy with consternation ; " the apprehensions of each individual were increased in just proportion to the measure of his fortune; and the most timid, who had already embarked their valuable effects, meditated their escape to the island of Sicily or the African coast. The public distress was aggravated by the fears and reproaches of superstition. ^^ Every hour pro- duced some horrid tale of strange and portentous accidents ; the Pagans deplored the neglect of omens and the interruption of sacrifices ; but the Christians still derived some comfort from the powerful intercession of the saints and martyrs. ^^ The emperor Honorius was distinguished, above his subjects, by the pre-eminence of fear, as well as of rank. The pride and luxury in which he was educated had not allowed him to suspect that there existed on the earth any power presump- tuous enough to invade the repose of the successor of Augustus. The arts of flattery concealed the impending danger, till Alaric approached the palace of Milan. But, when the sound of war had awakened the young emperor, instead of flying to arms with the spirit, or even the rashness, of his age, he eagerly listened to those timid counsellors who proposed to convey his sacred person and his faithful attendants to some secure and distant station in the provinces of Gaul. Stilicho alone 5* had courage and authority to resist this disgraceful measure, which would have abandoned Rome and Italy to the Barbarians ; but, as the troops of the palace had been lately detached to the Rhaetian frontier, and as the resource of new levies was slow and precarious, the general of the West could only promise that, if the court of Milan would maintain their ground during his A neighbouring wood born with himself he sees, And loves his old contemporary trees. In this passage, Cowley is perhaps superior to his original ; and the English poet, who was a good botanist, has concealed the oaks under a more general expression. 32 Claudian de Bell. Get. 192-266. He may seem prolix : but fear and super- stition occupied as large a space in the minds of the Italians. 38 From the passages of Paulinus, which Baronius has produced (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 403, No. 51) it is manifest that the general alarm had pervaded all Italy, as far as Nola in Campania, where that famous penitent had fixed his abode. *• Solus erat Stilicho, &c. , is the exclusive commendation which Claudian bestows (de Bell. Get. 267) without condescending to except the emperor. How insignificant must Honorius have appeared in his own court ! OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 251 absence^ he would soon return with an army equal to the encounter of the Gothic king. Without losing a moment (while each moment was so important to the public safety) Stilicho hastily embarked on the Larian lake, ascended the mountains of ice and snow, amidst the severity of an Alpine [winter on winter, and suddenly repressed, by his unexpected presence, the enemy who had disturbed the tranquillity of Rhaetia.^^ The Barbarians, perhaps some tribes of the Alemanni, respected the firmness of a chief who still assumed the language of command ; and the choice which he condescended to make of a select number of their bravest youths was considered as a mark of his esteem and favour. The cohorts, who were delivered from the neighbouring foe, diligently repaired to the Imperial stand- ard ; and Stilicho issued his orders to the most remote troops of the West to advance, by rapid marches, to the defence of Honorius and of Italy. The fortresses of the Rhine were abandoned ; and the safety of Gaul was protected only by the faith of the Germans and the ancient terror of the Roman name. Even the legion which had been stationed to guard the wall rrwentieth of Britain against the Caledonians of the north was hastily recalled ; 36 and a numerous body of the cavalry of the Alani was persuaded to engage in the service of the emperor, who anxiously expected the return of his general. The prudence and vigour of Stilicho were conspicuous on this occasion, which revealed, at the same time, the weakness of the falling empire. The legions of Rome, which had long since languished in the gradual decay of discipline and courage, were exterminated by the Gothic and civil wars ; and it was found impossible, with- out exhausting and exposing the provinces, to assemble an army for the defence of Italy. When Stilicho seemed to abandon his sovereign in the He is pmned unguarded palace of Milan, he had probably calculated the ty the ootM term of his absence, the distance of the enemy, and the obstacles that might retard their march. He principally de- 35 The face of the country, and the hardiness of Stihcho, are finely described (de Bell. Get. 340-363). [The danger which Stilicho had to meet in Rastia and Vindelicia was an attack of the Goth Radagaisus, who was in league with Alaric ; see Prosper, sub anno 400, a notice which has been improperly confounded with that under 505, and cp. Appendix 17,] 36 Venit et extremis legio praetenta Britannis Quae Scoto dat frena truci. De Bell. Get. 416. Yet the most rapid march from Edinburgh, or Newcastle, to Milan must have required a longer space of time than Claudian seems willing to allow for the duration of the Gothic war. 252 THE DECLINE AND FALL pended on the rivers of Italy, the Adige, the Mincius, the Ogho, and the Addua ; which, in the winter or spring, by the fall of rains, or by the melting of the snows, are commonly swelled into broad and impetuous torrents. ^'^ But the season happened to be remarkably dry ; and the Goths could traverse, without impediment, the wide and stony beds, whose centre was faintly marked by the course of a shallow stream. The bridge and passage of the Addua were secured by a strong detachment of the Gothic army ; and, as Alaric approached the walls, or rather the suburbs, of Milan, he enjoyed the proud satisfaction of seeing the emperor of the Romans fly before him. Honorius, accompanied by a feeble train of states- men and eunuchs, hastily retreated towards the Alps, with a design of securing his person in the city of Aries, which had often been the royal residence of his predecessors. But Honorius ^^ had scarcely passed the Po, before he was over- taken by the speed of the Gothic cavalry ; '^ since the urgency of the danger compelled him to seek a temporary shelter within lisMTo] the fortification of Asta, a town of Liguria or Piemont, situate on the banks of the Tanarus. *" The siege of an obscure place, which contained so rich a prize and seemed incapable of a long resistance, was instantly formed and indefatigably pressed by the king of the Goths ; and the bold declaration, which the emperor might afterwards make, that his breast had never been susceptible of fear, did not probably obtain much credit, even in his own court." In the last and almost hopeless extremity, after the Barbarians had already proposed the indignity of a capitulation, the Imperial captive was suddenly relieved by the fame, the approach, and at length the presence of the hero " Every traveller must recollect the face of Lombardy (see Fontenelle, torn. v. p. 279), which is often tormented by the capricious and irregular abundance of waters. The Austrians, before Genoa, were incaraped in the dry bed of the Polcevera. " Ne sarebbe " (says Muratori) " raai passato per mente a que' buoni Alemanni, che quel picciolo torrente potesse, per cosi dire, in un instante cangiarsi in un terribil gigante " (Annal. d'ltalia, torn. xvi. p. 443. Milan, 1753, 8vo edit.). 'sCIaudian does not clearly answer our question. Where was Honorius himself? Yet the flight is marked by the pursuit ; and my idea of the Gothic war is justified by the Italian critics, Sigonius (tom. i. P. ii. p. 369, de Imp. Occident, 1. x.) and Muratori (Annali d'ltalia, tom. iv. p. 45). 39 One of the roads may be traced in the Itineraries (p. 98, 388, 294, with Wesseling's notes). Asta lay some miles on the right hand. *" Asta, or Asti, a Roman colony, is now the capital of a pleasant country, which, in the sixteenth century, devolved to the dukes of Savoy (Leandro Alberti, Descrizzione d'ltalia, p. 382). [The town meant by Claudian is Milan, see App. 17.] r6»d, bMon, Till ^ ii- P/-1 . lOll, Wine, 4c. Qulged with impunity ; and the successors or Constantine, instead of crushing the last remains of the democracy by the strong arm of military power, embraced the mild policy of Augustus, and studied to relieve the poverty, and to amuse the idleness, of an innumerable people.** I. For the convenience of the lazy plebeians the monthly distributions of corn were converted into a daily allowance of bread ; a great number of ovens was construct and maintained at the public expense ; and at the appointed hour each citizen who was furnished with a ticket as- cended the flight of steps which had been assigned to his peculiar quarter or division, and received, either as a gift or at a very low price, a loaf of bread of the weight of three pounds for the use of his family, II. The forests of Lucania, whose acorns fattened large droves of wild hogs,** afforded, as a species of tribute, a plentiful supply of cheap and wholesome meat. During five months of the year a regular allowance of bacon was distributed to the poorer citizens ; and the annual consumption of the capi- tal, at a time when it was much declined from its former lustre, was ascertained by an edict of Valentinian the Third, at three '^ See the third Satire (60-125) °f Juvenal, who indignantly complains, '— Quamvis quota portio fsecis Achsei ! Jampriedem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes ; Et linguam et mores, &c. Seneca, when he proposes to comfort his mother (Consolat. ad. Helv. c. 6) by the reflection) that a great part of mankind were in a state of exile, reminds her how few of the inhabitants of Rome were born in the city. =■' Almost all that is said of the bread, bacon, oil, wine, &c. , may be found in the fourteenth book of the Theodosian Code, which expressly treats of the folice of the great cities. See particularly the titles iii. iv. xv. xvi. xvii. xxiv. The colla- teral testimonies are produced in Godefroy's Commentary, and it is needless to transcribe them. According to a law of Theodosius, which appreciates in money the military allowance, a piece of gold (eleven shillings) was equivalent to eighty pounds of bacon, or to eighty pounds of oil, or to twelve modii (or pecks) of salt (Cod. Theod. 1. viii. tit. iv. leg. 17). This equation, compared with another, of seventy pounds of bacon for an amphora (Cod. Theod. 1. xiv. tit. iv. leg. 4), fixes the price of wine at about sixteen pence the gallon. 55 The anonymous author of the Description of the World (p. 14 in tom. iii. Geograph. Minor. Hudson) observes of Lucania, in his barbarous Latin, Regio obtima, et ipsa omnibus habundans, et lardum multura foras emittit. Propter quod est in montibus, cujus sescam animalium variam, &c. 304 THE DECLINE AND FALL millions six hundred and twenty-eight thousand pounds.'* III. In the manners of antiquity the use of oil was indispensable for the lamp as well as for the bath ; and the annual tax, which was imposed on Africa for the benefit of Rome, amounted to the weight of three millions of pounds, to the measure, perhaps, of three hundred thousand English gallons. IV. The anxiety of Augustus to provide the metropolis with sufficient plenty of com was not extended beyond that necessary article of human subsistence ; and, when the popular clamour accused the dear- ness and scarcity of wine, a proclamation was issued by the grave reformer to remind his subjects that no man could reason- ably complain of thirst since the aqueducts of Agrippa had introduced into the city so many copious streams of pure and salubrious water. '^ This rigid sobriety was insensibly relaxed ; and, although the generous design of Aurelian ^ does not appear to have been executed in its full extent, the use of wine was allowed on very easy and liberal terms. The administration of the public cellars was delegated to a magistrate of honourable rank ; and a considerable part of the vintage of Campania was reserved for the fortunate inhabitants of Rome. um of the The stupendous aqueducts, so iustly celebrated by the praises nnhlic hatha r. .1. ^ p- i .1 t t rr^t ^ -, ^ ■, ■, ot Augustus himself, replenished the Thermce, or baths, which had been constructed in every part of the city, with Imperial magnificence. The baths of Antoninus Caracalla, which were open, at stated hours, for the indiscriminate service of the senators and the people, contained about sixteen hundred seats of marble ; and more than three thousand were reckoned in the baths of Diocletian.'^ The walls of the lofty apartments were covered with curious mosaics, that imitated the art of the pencil in the elegance of design and the variety of colours. The Egyptian granite was beautifully incrusted with the precious green marble of Numidia ; the perpetual stream of hot water was poured into the capacious basons, through so many wide mouths of bright and massy silver ; and the meanest Roman could purchase, with a small copper coin, the daily enjoyment of 66 See Novell, ad calcem Cod. Theod. D. Valent. 1. i. tit. xv. This law was published at Rome, 29th June, A. D. 452. 5' Sueton. in August, c. 42. The utmost debauch of the emperor himself, in his favourite wine of Rhaetia, never exceeded a sextarius (an EngUsh pint). Id. c. 77. Torrentius ad loc. and Arbuthnot's Tables, p. 86. 58 His design was to plant vineyards along the sea-coast of Etruria (Vopiscus, in Hist. August, p. 225 [xxvi. 48, 2]), the dreary, unwholesome, uncultivated Maremme of modern Tuscany. ^ Olympiodor. apud Phot. p. 197 [fr. 43]. public haths OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 305 a scene of pomp and luxury, which might excite the envy of the kings of Asia.^" From these stately palaces issued a swarm of dirty and ragged plebeians, without shoes, and with- out a mantle ; who loitered away whole days in the street or Forum, to hear news, and to hold disputes ; who dissipated, in extravagant gaming, the miserable pittance of their wives and children ; and spent the hours of the night in obscure taverns and brothels in the indulgence of gross and vulgar sensuality.fii But the most lively and splendid amusement of the idle Games and multitude depended on the frequent exhibition of public games "^'° " °° and spectacles. The piety of Christian princes had suppressed the inhuman combats of gladiators ; but the Roman people still considered the Circus as their home, their temple, and the seat of the republic. The impatient crowd rushed at the dawn of day to secure their places, and there were many who passed a sleepless and anxious night in the adjacent porticos. From the morning to the evening, careless of the sun or of the rain, the spectators, who sometimes amounted to the number of four hundred thousand, remained in eager attention ; their eyes fixed on the horses and charioteers, their minds agitated with hope and fear, for the success of the colours which they espoused : and the happiness of Rome appeared to hang on the event of a race.^^ The same immoderate ardour inspired their clamours and their applause, as often as they were enter- tained with the hunting of wild beasts and the various modes of theatrical representation. These representations in modem capitals may deserve to be considered as a pure and elegant school of taste, and perhaps of virtue. But the Tragic and Comic Muse of the Romans, who seldom aspired beyond the 60 Seneca (epistol. Ixxxvi.) compares the baths of Scipio Africanus, at his villa of Liternum, with the magnificence (which was continually increasing) of the public baths of Rome, long before the stately Thermse of Antoninus and Diocletian were erected. The qziadrans paid for admission was the quarter of the as, about one eighth of an English penny. 61 Ammianus (1. xiv. c. 6, and 1. xxviii. c. 4), after describing the luxury and pride of the nobles of Rome, exposes, with equal indignation, the vices and follies of the common people. 62 Juvenal. Satir. xi. 191, &c. The expressions of the historian Ammianus are not less strong and animated than those of the satirist ; and both the one and the other painted from the life. The numbers which the great Circus was capable of receiving are taken from the original Notitice of the city. The differences between them prove that they did not transcribe each other ; but the sum may appear incredible, though the country on these occasions flocked to the city. VOL. III. 20 of Kome 306 THE DECLINE AND FALL imitation of Attic genius/^ had been almost totally silent since the fall of the republic ; ^ and their place was unworthily occupied by licentious farce, effeminate music, and splendid pageantry. The pantomimes/^ who maintained their reputa- tion from the age of Augustus to the sixth century, expressed, without the use of words, the various fables of the gods and heroes of antiquity ; and the perfection of their art, which sometimes disarmed the gravity of the philosopher, always excited the applause and wonder of the people. The vast and magnificent theatres of Rome were filled by three thousand female dancers, and by three thousand singers, with the masters of the respective choruses. Such was the popular favour which they enjoyed that, in a time of scarcity, when all strangers were banished from the city, the merit of contributing to the public pleasures exempted them from a law which was strictly executed against the professors of the liberal arts.*^ popnionsneBs It is Said that the foolish curiosity of Elaeabalus attempted to discover, from the quantity of spiders webs, the number ot the inhabitants of Rome. A more rational method of inquiry might not have been undeserving of the attention of the wisest princes, who could easily have resolved a question so important for the Roman government and so interesting to succeeding ages. The births and deaths of the citizens were duly registered ; and, if any writer of antiquity had condescended to mention the annual amoimt, or the common average, we might now produce some ^3 Sometimes indeed they composed original pieces. Vestigia Grseca Ausi deserere et celebrare domestica facta. Horat. Epistol. ad Pisones, 285, and the learned, though perplexed, note of Dacier, who might have allowed the name of tragedies to the Brutus and the Decius of Pacuvius, or to the Cato of Maternus. The Octavia, ascribed to one of the Senecas, still remains a very unfavourable specimen of Roman tragedy. [This play was not the worlc of one of the Senecas, as it contains a reference to the death of 5fero, but it was probably written soon after that event.] *• In the time of Quintilian and Pliny, a tragic poet was reduced to the im- perfect method of hiring a great room, and reading his play to the company whom he invited for that purpose (see Dialog, de Oratoribus, c. 9, 11, and Plin. Epistol. vii. 17). "^ See the Dialogue of Lucian, intitled, De Saltatione, torn. ii. p. 265-317, edit. Reitz. The pantomimes obtained the honourable name of ;(eipoij'a(f>oi ; and it was required that they should be conversant with almost every art and science. Burette (in the M^m. de I'Acad. des Inscrip. torn. i. p. 127, &c. ) has given a short history of the art of pantomimes. ^ Ammianus, 1. xiv. c. 6. He complains, with decent indignation, that the streets of Rome were filled with crowds of females, who might have given children to the state, but whose only occupation was to curl and dress their hair, and jactari volubilibus gyris, dum exprimunt innumera simulacra, quas finxere fabulae theatrales. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 307 satisfactory calculation, which would destroy the extravagant assertions of criticSj and perhaps confirm the modest and probable conjectures of philosophers.^'' The most diligent researches have collected only the following circumstances ; which, slight and imperfect as they are, may tend, in some degree, to illustrate the question of the populousness of ancient Rome. I. When the capital of the empire was besieged by the Goths, the circuit of the walls was accurately measured by Ammonius, the mathematician, who found it equal to twenty- [Ammon] one miles.^^ It should not be forgotten that the form of the city was almost that of a circle, the geometrical figure which is known to contain the largest space within any given circum- ference. II. The architect Vitruvius, who flourished in the Augustan age, and whose evidence on this occasion has peculiar weight and authority, observes that the innumerable habitations of the Roman people would have spread themselves far beyond the narrow limits of the city ; and that the want of ground, which was probably contracted on every side by gardens and villas, suggested the common, though inconvenient, practice of raising the houses to a considerable height in the air.*" But the loftiness of these buildings, which often consisted of hasty work and insufficient materials, was the cause of frequent and fatal accidents ; and it was repeatedly enacted by Augustus, as well as by Nero, that the height of private edifices within the walls of Rome should not exceed the measure of seventy feet from the ground.''" III. Juvenal '^^ laments, as it should seem from s' Lipsius (torn. iii. p. 423, de Magnitud. Roman4, 1. iii. c. 3) and Isaac Vossius (Observat. Var. p. 26-34) have indulged strange dreams of four, eight, or fourteen millions in Rome. Mr. Hume (Essays, vol. i. p. 450-457), with admirable good sense and scepticism, betrays some secret disposition to extenuate the populous- ness of ancient times. 68 Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 197 [fr. 43]. See Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. torn. ix. p. 400. '^ In e4 autem majestate urbis et civium infinite frequentisL innumerabiles habitationes opus fuit explicare. Ergo, cum reoipere non posset area plana tantam multitudinem [ad habitandum] in urbe, ad auxilium altitudinis sedificiorum res ipsa coegit devenire. Vitruv. ii. 8. This passage, which I owe to Vossius, is clear, strong, and comprehensive. '"> The successive testimonies of Pliny, Aristides, Claudian, Rutilius, &c. prove the insufficiency of these restrictive edicts. See Lipsius, de Magnitud. Romani, 1. iii. c. 4. Tabulata tibi jam tertia fumant ; Tu nescis ; nam si gradibus trepidatur ab imis, Ultimus ardebit quem tegula sola tuetur A pluvia. Juvenal. Satir. iii. 199. '1 Read the whole third satire, but particularly 166, 223, &c. The description of a crowded insula or lodging-house in Petronius (c. 95, 97) perfectly tallies with the complaints of Juvenal; and we learn from legal authority that in the time of 308 THE DECLINE AND FALL his own experience, the hardships of the poorer citizens, to whom he addresses the salutary advice of emigrating, without delay, from the smoke of Rome, since they might purchase, in the little towns of Italy, a cheerful, commodious dwelling, at the same price which they annually paid for a dark and miserable lodging. House-rent was therefore immoderately dear ; the rich acquired, at an enormous expense, the ground, which they covered with palaces and gardens ; but the body of the Roman people was crowded into a narrow space ; and the different floors and apartments of the same house were divided, as it is still the custom of Paris and other cities, among several families of plebeians. IV. The total number of houses in the fourteen regions of the city is accurately stated in the description of Rome composed under the reign of Theodosius, and they amount to forty-eight thousand three hundred and eighty-two.'^ The two classes of domus and of insulce, into which they are divided, include all the habitations of the capital, of every rank and condition, from the marble palace of the Anicii, with a numerous establishment of freedmen and slaves, to the lofty and narrow lodging-house, where the poet Codrus and his wife were permitted to hire a wretched garret immediately under the tiles. If we adopt the same average which, under similar circumstances, has been found applicable to Paris,'^ and indifferently allow about twenty-five persons for each house of every degree, we may fairly estimate the inhabitants of Rome at twelve hundred thousand : a number which cannot be thought excessive for the capital of a mighty empire, though it exceeds the populousness of the greatest cities of modem Europe.''* Augustus (Heineccius, Hist. Juris Roman, c. iv. p. i8i) the ordinary rent of the several cenacula, or apartments of an insulUt annually produced forty thousand sesterces, between three and four hundred pounds sterling (Pandect. 1. xix. tit. ii. No. 30), a sura which proves at once the large extent and high value of those common buildings. '2 This sum total is composed of 1780 [1790] domus, or great houses, of 46,602 insula, or plebeian habitations (see Nardini, Roma Antica, 1. iii. p. 88), and these numbers are ascertained by the agreement of the texts of the different Notitia. Nardini, 1. viii. p. 498, 500. " See that accurate writer M. de Messance, Recherches sur la Population, p. 175-187. From probable or certain grounds, he assigns to Paris 23,565 houses, 71,114 families, and 576,630 inhabitants. '1 This computation is not very different from that which M. Brotier, the last editor of Tacitus (torn. ii. p. 380), has assumed from similar principles ; though he seems to aim at a degree of precision which it is neither possible nor important to obtain. [This computation does not differ much from that of Bunsen, for the age of Augustus : 1,300,000, and that of von Wietersheim (1,350,000). Gregorovius puts the population of Rome at the beginning of fifth century as low as 300,000, Mr, JHodgkiij ,^t about 1,000,000, cp. Italy and her Invaders, i. p. 814.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIKE 309 Such was the state of Rome under the reign of Honorius ; at Hr»t siwe the time when the Gothic army formed the siege, or rather the the cSouJ blockade, of the cityj^ By a skilful disposition of his numerous forces, who impatiently watched the moment of an assault, Alaric encompassed the walls, commanded the twelve principal gates, intercepted all communication with the adjacent country, and vigilantly guarded the navigation of the Tiber, from which the Romans derived the surest and most plentiful supply of provisions. The first emotions of the nobles and of the people were those of surprise and indignation, that a vile Barbarian should dare to insult the capital of the world ; but their arro- gance was soon humbled by misfortune ; and their unmanly rage, instead of being directed against an enemy in arms, was meanly- exercised on a defenceless and innocent victim. Perhaps in the person of Serena the Romans might have respected the niece of Theodosius, the aunt, nay even the adopted mother, of the reigning emperor : but they abhorred the widow of Stilicho ; and they listened with credulous passion to the tale of calumny which accused her of maintaining a secret and criminal corre- spondence with the Gothic invader. Actuated, or ovei-awed, by the same popular frenzy, the senate, without requiring any evidence of her guilt, pronounced the sentence of her death. Serena was ignominiously strangled ; and the infatuated multi- tude were astonished to find that this cruel act of injustice did not immediately produce the retreat of the Barbarians and the deliverance of the city. That unfortunate city gradually ex- Famine perienced the distress of scarcity, and at length the horrid calamities of famine. The daily allowance of three pounds of bread was reduced to one-half, to one-third, to nothing; and the price of corn still continued to rise in a rapid and extravagant proportion. The poorer citizens, who were unable to purchase the necessaries of life, solicited the precarious charity of the rich ; and for a while the public misery was alleviated by the humanity of Laeta, the widow of the emperor Gratian, who had fixed her residence at Rome, and consecrated to the use of the indigent the princely revenue which she annually received from the grateful successors of her husband.'^^ But these private and temporary donatives were insufficient to appease the hunger of " For the events of the first siege of Rome, which are often confounded with those of the second and third, see Zosimus, 1. v. p. 350-354 [c. 38 sq^."] ; Sozomen, 1. ix. c. 6; Olympiodorus, ap. Phot. p. 180 [fr. 3, F. H. G. iv.] ; Philostorgius, 1. xii. c. 3 ; and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 467-745. ™ The mother of Lseta was named Pissumena. Her father, family, and country are unknown. Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 59. 310 THE DECLINE AND FALL a numerous people ; and the progress of famine invaded the marble palaces of the senators themselves. The persons of both sexes, who had been educated in the enjoyment of ease and luxury, discovered how little is requisite to supply the demands of nature ; and lavished their unavailing treasures of gold and silver, to obtain the coarse and scanty sustenance which they would formerly have rejected with disdain. The food the most repugnant to sense or imagination, the aliments the most un- wholesome and pernicious to the constitution, were eagerly devoured and fiercely disputed by the rage of hunger. A dark suspicion was entertained that some desperate wretches fed on the bodies of their fellow-creatures, whom they had secretly murdered ; and even mothers (such was the horrid conflict of the two most powerful instincts implanted by nature in the human breast) — even mothers are said to have tasted the flesh of their slaughtered infants ! ''"' Many thousands of the inhabi- tants of Rome expired in their houses, or in the streets, for want of sustenance ; and, as the public sepulchres without the walls were in the power of the enemy, the stench which arose from so many putrid and unburied carcases infected the air, and the miseries of famine were succeeded and aggravated by the Plague contagion of pestilential disease. The assurances of speedy and eifectual relief, which were repeatedly transmitted from the court of Ravenna, supported for some time the fainting resolu- tion of the Romans, till at length the despair of any human aid Superstition tempted them to accept the oiFers of a praetematural deliverance. Pompeianus, praefect of the city, had been persuaded, by the art or fanaticism of some Tuscan diviners, that, by the mysterious force of spells and sacrifices, they could extract the lightning from the clouds, and point those celestial fires against the camp of the Barbarians.^8 The important secret was communicated "Ad nefandos ciboserupit esurientium rabies, et sua invicem membra laniarunt, dum mater non parcit lactenti infantise; et recipit utero, quem paullo ante effuderat. Jerom ad Principiam, torn. i. p. 221 [ep. 127 ; Migne, i. p. 1094]. The same horrid circumstance is likewise told of the sieges of Jerusalem and Paris. For the latter, compare the tenth book of the Henriade, and the Journal de Henri IV. tom. i. p. 47-83 ; and observe that a plain narrative of facts is much more pathetic than the most laboured descriptions of epic poetry. ™ Zosimus (1. V. p. 3S5, 356 [c. 41]) speaks of these ceremonies like a Greek unacquainted with the national superstition of Rome and Tuscany. I suspect that they consisted of two parts, the secret and the public ; the former were pro- bably an imitation of the arts and spells by which Nuraa had drawn down Jupiter and his thunder on Mount Aventine. Quid agant laqueis, quEe carmina dicant, Quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Jovem, Scire nefas homini. The ancilia, or shields of Mars, the pignora Imferii, which were carried in solemn OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 311 to Innocent, the bishop of Rome ; and the successor of St. Peter is accused, perhaps without foundation, of preferring the safety of the repubhc to the rigid severity of the Christian worship. But, when the question was agitated in the senate ; when it was proposed, as an essential condition, that those sacrifices should be performed in the Capitol, by the authority, and in the presence of the magistrates ; the majority of that respectable assembly, apprehensive either of the Divine or of the Imperial displeasure, refused to join in an act which appeared almost equivalent to the public restoration of Paganism.^9 The last resource of the Romans was in the clemency, or at Aiaiie accepts least in the moderation, of the king of the Goths. The senate, Ja'it'l^the *"* who in this emergency assumed the supreme powers of govern- [SeASr^ ment, appointed two ambassadors to negotiate with the enemy. This important trust was delegated to BasUius, a senator, of Spanish extraction, and already conspicuous in the administra- tion of provinces : and to John, the first tribune of the notaries, pimiceriM who was peculiarly qualified by his dexterity in business as well "°'^°'™'] as by his former intimacy with the Gothic prince. When they were introduced into his presence, they declared, perhaps in a more lofty style than became their abject condition, that the Romans were resolved to maintain their dignity, either in peace or war ; and that, if Alaric refused them a fair and honourable capitulation, he might sound his trumpets, and prepare to give battle to an innumerable people, exercised in arms and animated by despair. "The thicker the hay, the easier it is moved," was the concise reply of the Barbarian ; and this rustic metaphor was accompanied by a loud and insulting laugh, expressive of his contempt for the menaces of an unwarlike populace, enervated by luxmy before they were emaciated by famine. He then condescended to fix the ransom, which he would accept as the price of his retreat from the walls of Rome : all the gold and silver in the city, whether it were the property of the state or of individuals ; all the rich and precious moveables ; and all the procession on the calends of March, derived their origin from this mysterious event (Ovid. Fast. iii. 259-398). It was probably designed to revive this ancient festival, which had been suppressed by Theodosius. In that case, we recover a chrono- logical date (March the ist, a.d. 409) which has not hitherto been observed. [An improbable guess. The siege of Rome was certainly raised in a.d. 408.] ™ Sozomen (1. ix. c. 6) insinuates that the experiment was actually, though un" successfully, made ; but he does not mention the name of Innocent : and Tillemont (M6m. Eccles. torn. x. p. 645) is determined not to believe that a pope could be guilty of such impious condescension. [The episode of Pompeianus seems to have taken place after the embassy of Basilius and John.] 312 THE DECLINE AND FALL slaves who could prove their title to the name of Barbarians. The ministers of the senate presumed to ask, in a modest and suppliant tone, " If such, O king ! are your demands, what do you intend to leave us?" "Your lives," replied the haughty conqueror : they trembled and retired. Yet, before they retired, a short suspension of arms was granted, which allowed some time for a more temperate negotiation. The stem features of Alaric were insensibly relaxed ; he abated much of the rigour of his terms ; and at length consented to raise the siege, on the r£225j0oo] immediate payment of five thousand pounds of gold, of thirty ■" thousand pounds of silver, of four thousand robes of silk, of three thousand pieces of fine scarlet clothj^" and of three thousand pounds weight of pepper.^i But the public treasury was ex- jiausted ; the annual rents of the great estates in Italy and the provinces were intercepted by the calamities of war ; the gold and gems had been exchanged during the famine for the vilest sustenance ; the hoards of secret wealth were still concealed by the obstinacy of avarice ; and some remains of consecrated spoils afforded the only resource that could avert the impending ruin of the city. As soon as the Romans had satisfied the rapacious demands of Alaric, they were restored, in some measure, to the enjoyment of peace and plenty. Several of the gates were cautiously opened ; the importation of provisions from the river and the adjacent country was no longer obstructed by the Goths; the citizens resorted in crowds to the free market, which was held during three days in the suburbs ; and, while the merchants who undertook this gainful trade made a considerable profit, the future subsistence of the city was secured by the ample magazines which were deposited in the public and private granaries. A more regular discipline than could have been expected was maintained in the camp of Alaric ; and the wise Barbarian [A.D. 409] justified his regard for the faith of treaties by the just severity with which he chastised a party of licentious Goths, who had insulted some Roman citizens on the road to Ostia. His army, enriched by the contributions of the capital, slowly advanced into the fair and fruitful province of Tuscany, where he proposed to establish his winter-quarters ; and the Gothic standard became '" [Rather, hides dyed scarlet.] 81 Pepper was a favourite ingredient of the most expensive Roman cookery, and the best sort commonly sold for fifteen denarii, or ten shillings, the pound. See Pliny, Hist. Natur. xii. 14. It was brought from India; and the same country, the coast of Malabar, still affords the greatest plenty : but the improvement of trade and navigation has multiplied the quantity and reduced the price. See Histoire Politique et Philosophique, &c. , torn. i. p. 457. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 313 the refuge of forty thousand Barbarian slaves, who had broke their chains, and aspired, under the command of their great deliverer, to revenge the injuries and the disgrace of their cruel servitude. About the same time, he received a more honourable reinforcement of Goths and Huns, whom Adolphus,^^ tjjg brother of his wife, had conducted, at his pressing invitation, from the banks of the Danube to those of the Tiber, and who had cut their way, with some difficulty and loss, through the superior numbers of the Imperial troops. A victorious leader, who united the daring spirit of a Barbarian with the art and discipline of a Roman general, was at the head of an hundred thousand fighting men ; and Italy pronounced, with terror and respect, the formidable name of Alaric.^^ At the distance of fourteen centuries, we may be satisfied fthWobs with relating the military exploits of the conquerors of Rome tioM'for without presuming to investigate the motives of their political i'K'ira conduct. In the midst of his apparent prosperity, Alaric was conscious, perhaps, of some secret weakness, some internal defect ; or perhaps the moderation which he displayed was intended only to deceive and disarm the easy credulity of the ministers of Honorius. The king of the Goths repeatedly declared that it was his desire to be considered as the friend of peace and of the Romans. Three senators, at his earnest request, were sent ambassadors to the court of Ravenna, to solicit the exchange of hostages and the conclusion of the treaty ; and the proposals, which he more clearly expressed during the course of the negotiations, could only inspire a doubt of his sincerity, as they might seem inadequate to the state of his fortune. The Barbarian still aspired to the rank of master-general of the armies of the West ; he stipulated an annual subsidy of corn and money ; and he chose the provinces of Dalmatia, Noricum, and Venetia, for the seat of his new kingdom, which would have commanded the important com- munication between Italy and the Danube. If these modest terms should be rejected, Alaric shewed a disposition to re- linquish his pecuniary demands, and even to content himself 82 This Gothic chieftain is called, by Jornandes and Isidore, Athaulphus ; by Zosimus and Orosius, Ataulphus, and by Olyrapiodorus, Adaulfhus. I have used the celebrated name qS. Adolphus, which seems to be authorized by the practice of the Swedes, the sons or brothers of the ancient Goths. ^ The treaty between Alaric and the Romans, &c., is taken from Zosimus, 1. v. P- 354» 35S> 358, 359, 362, 363 [41, 42]. The additional circumstances are too few and trifling to require any other quotation. [Mr. Hodgkin conjectures that Alaric's army at this time " ranged between 50,000 and 100,000 men," i. p. 812.] 314 THE DECLINE AND FALL with the possession of Noricum : an exhausted and impoverished country, perpetually exposed to the inroads of the Barbarians of Germany.8* But the hopes of peace were disappointed by the weak obstinacy, or interested views, of the minister Olympius. Without listening to the salutary remonstrances of the senate, he dismissed their ambassadors under the conduct of a military escort, too numerous for a retinue of honour and too feeble for an army of defence. Six thousand Dalmatians, the flower of the Imperial legions, were ordered to march from Ravenna to Rome, through an open country, which was occu- pied by the formidable myriads of the Barbarians. These brave legionaries, encompassed and betrayed, fell a sacrifice to ministerial folly ; their general, Valens, with an hundred soldiers, escaped from the field of battle ; and one of the ambassadors, who could no longer claim the protection of the law of nations, was obliged to purchase his freedom with a ransom of thirty thousand pieces of gold. Yet Alaric, instead of resenting this act of impotent hostility, immediately renewed his proposals of peace ; and the second embassy of the Roman senate, which derived weight and dignity from the presence of Innocent, bishop of the city, was guarded from the dangers of the road by a detachment of Gothic soldiers.*^ ohango and Olympius ^^ might have continued to insult the just resent- Sste™ °' ment of a people who loudly accused him as the author of the public calamities ; but his power was undermined by the secret intrigues of the palace. The favourite eunuchs transferred the government of Honorius and the empire to Jovius, the Praetorian praefect : an unworthy servant, who did not atone by the merit of personal attachment for the errors and misfortunes of his administration. The exile or escape of the guilty Olympius reserved him for more vicissitudes of fortune : he experienced the adventures of an obscure and wandering life ; he again rose to power ; he fell a second time into disgrace ; his ears were cutoff; he expired under the lash; and his ignominious death afforded a grateful spectacle to the friends of Stilicho. After the removal of Olympius, whose character was deeply tainted with religious fanaticism, the Pagans and heretics were delivered 84Zosimus, 1. V. p. 367, 368, 369 [c. 48. See below, note 90]. 86 Zosimus, 1. V. p. 360, 361, 392 [45]. The bishop, by remaining at Ravenna, escaped the impending calamities of the city. Orosius, 1. vii. c. 39, p. 573. ^ For the adventures of Olympius and his successors in the ministry, see Zosimus, 1. V. p. 363, 365, 365 [4s sqq.'] and Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 180, i8i [fr. 8, 13]. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 315 from the impolitic proscription which excluded them from the dignities of the state. The brave Gennerid/'' a soldier of Bar- barian origin who still adhered to the worship of his ancestors, had been obliged to lay aside the military belt ; and, though he was repeatedly assured by the emperor himself that laws were not made for persons of his rank or merit, he refused to accept any partial dispensation, and persevered in honourable disgrace till he had extorted a general act of justice from the distress of the Roman government. The conduct of Gennerid in the im- portant station, to which he was promoted or restored, of master- general of Dalmatia, Pannonia, Noricum and Rhsetia^^ seemed to^otMag. revive the discipline and spirit of the republic. From a life of of iuynmn] idleness and want his troops were soon habituated to severe exercise and plentiful subsistence ; and his private generosity often supplied the rewards which were denied by the avarice or poverty of the court of Ravenna. The valour of Gennerid, formidable to the adjacent Barbarians, was the firmest bulwark of the lUyrian frontier ; and his vigilant care assisted the empire with a reinforcement of ten thousand Huns, who arrived on the confines of Italy, attended by such a convoy of provisions and such a numerous train of sheep and oxen as might have been sufficient not only for the march of an army but for the settlement of a colony. But the court and councils of Honorius still remained a scene of weakness and distraction, of corruption and anarchy. Instigated by the praefect Jovius the guards rose in furious mutiny, and demanded the heads of two [At oimsIs] generals, and of the two principal eunuchs. The generals, under a perfidious promise of safety, were sent on shipboard, and privately executed ; while the favour of the eunuchs pro- cured them a mild and secure exile at Milan and Constantinople. Eusebius the eunuch and the Barbarian Allobich succeeded to the command of the bedchamber and of the guards ; and the mutual jealousy of these subordinate ministers was the cause of their mutual destruction. By the insolent order of the count of 87 Zosimus (1. V. p. 364 [46]) relates this circumstance with visible complacency, and celebrates the character of Gennerid as the last glory of expiring paganism. Very different were the sentiments of the council of Carthage, who deputed four bishops to the court of Ravenna to complain of the law which had just been enacted that all conversions to Christianity should be free and voluntary. See Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 409, No. 12, A.D. 410, No. 47, 48. 88 [The opportunity may be seized to correct the text of Zosimus, v. 46, where the Vatican codex gives : ovra aTparriyov koL t5iv aKkiMf ocral Uaiovias re Tas avu} Kal NwptKov? KoX 'PoitTous e4^vKarTov. Mendelssohn well suggests tAtov for aAAwi/, but we should keep a.K\tav and read l kqi tui/ aAAuf iKiav btrai Tlatovds Te TOvs avoi Kal jc.t.A.] 316 THE DECLINE AND FALL the domestics the great chamberlain was shamefully beaten to death with sticks before the eyes of the astonished emperor ; and the subsequent assassination of AUobich in the midst of a public procession is the only circumstance of his life in which Honorius discovered the faintest symptom of courage or resent- ment. Yet, before they fell, Eusebius and AUobich had con- tributed their part to the ruin of the empire by opposing the conclusion of a treaty which Jovius, from a selfish and perhaps a criminal motive, had negotiated with Alaric in a personal inter- view under the walls of Rimini. During the absence of Jovius the emperor was persuaded to assume a lofty tone of inflexible dignity, such as neither his situation nor his character could enable him to support : and a letter signed with the name of Honorius was immediately dispatched to the Praetorian praefect, granting him a free permission to dispose of the public money, but sternly refusing to prostitute the military honours of Rome to the proud demands of a Barbarian. This letter was im- prudently communicated to Alaric himself; and the Goth, who in the whole transaction had behaved with temper and decency, expressed in the most outrageous language his lively sense of the insult so wantonly offered to his person and to his nation. The conference of Rimini was hastily interrupted ; and the praefect Jovius on his return to Ravenna was compelled to adopt, and even to encourage, the fashionable opinions of the court. By his advice and example the principal officers of the state and army were obliged to swear that, without listening, in any cir- cumstances, to any condition of peace, they would still persevere in perpetual and implacable war against the enemy of the re- public. This rash engagement opposed an insuperable bar to all future negotiation. The ministers of Honorius were heard to declare that, if they had only invoked the name of the Deity, they would consult the public safety and trust their souls to the mercy of Heaven ; but they had sworn by the sacred head of the emperor himself ; they had touched in solemn ceremony that august seat of majesty and wisdom ; and the violation of their oath would expose them to the temporal penalties of sacrilege and rebellion.s^ 89 Zos. 1. V. p. 367, 368, 369 [48, 49]. This custom of swearing by the head, or life, or safety, or genius of the sovereign was of the highest antiquity, both in Egypt {Genesis, xlii. 15) and Scythia. It was soon transferred by flattery to the Caesars ; and TertuUian complains that it was the only oath which the Romans of his time affected to reverence. See an elegant Dissertation of the Abb6 Massieu on the Oaths of the Ancients, in the M^m. de I'Acad^mie des Inscriptions, tom. i. p. 208, 209. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 317 While the emperor and his court enjoyed, with sullen pride, seoonii aiege the security of the marshes and fortifications of Ravenna, they the ootm. abandoned Rome almost without defence to the resentment of Alaric. Yet such was the moderation which he still preserved or affected that, as he moved with his army along the Flaminian way, he successively dispatched the bishops of the towns of ItaJy to reiterate his offers of peace and to conjure the emperor that he would save the city and its inhabitants from hostile fire and the sword of the Barbarians.'" These impending calamities were however averted, not indeed by the wisdom of Honorius, but by the prudence or humanity of the Gothic king ; who employed a milder, though not less effectual, method of conquest. Instead of assaulting the capital, he successfully directed his efforts against the Port of Ostia, one of the boldest and most stupen- dous works of Roman magnificence.'^ The accidents to which the precarious subsistence of the city was continually exposed in a winter-navigation and an open road had suggested to the genius of the first Caesar the useful design which was executed under the reign of Claudius. The artificial moles which formed the narrow entrance advanced far into the sea and firmly repelled the fury of the waves, while the largest vessels securely rode at anchor within three deep and capacious basons, which received the northern branch of the Tiber, about two miles from the ancient colony of Ostia.'^ The Roman Port insensibly swelled 80 Zosimus, 1. V. p. 368, 369 [50]. I have softened the expressions of Alaric, who expatiates in too florid a manner on the history of Rome. [It was now that Alaric offered to be content with Noricum, see above, note 84.] 91 See Sueton. in Claud, c. 20, Dion Cassius, 1. Ix. p. 949, edit. Reimar [c. 11], and the lively description of Juvenal, Satir. xii. 75, &c. In the sixteenth century when the remains of this Augustan port were still visible, the antiquarians sketched the plan (see d'Anville, M^m. de I'Acad^mie des Inscriptions, tom. xxx. p. 198) and de- clared with enthusiasm that all the monarchs of Europe would be unable to execute so great a work (Bergier, Hist, des grands Chemins des Remains, tom. ii: p. 356). 93 The Ostia Tiberina (see Cluver. Italia Antiq. 1. iii. p. 870-879) in the plural number, the two mouths of the Tiber, were separated by the Holy Island, an equi- lateral triangle, whose sides were each of them computed at about two miles. The colony of Ostia was founded immediately beyond the left or southern, and the Port immediately beyond the right or northern, branch of the river ; and the dis- tance between their remains measures something more than two mUes on Cin- golani's map. In the time of Strabo, the sand and mud deposited by the Tiber had choked the harbour of Ostia ; the progress of the same cause has added much to the size of the Holy Island, and gradually left both Ostia and the Port at a con- siderable distance from the shore. The dry channels (fiumi morti) and the large estuaries (stagno di Ponente, di Levante) mark the changes of the river and the efforts of the sea. Consult, for the present state of this dreary and desolate tract, the excellent map of the ecclesiastical state by the mathematicians of Benedict XIV. ; an actual survey of the Agro Romano, in six sheets, by Cingolani, which contains 113,819 rubbia (about 570,000 acres) ; and the large topographical map of Araeti in eight sheets. [Cp. Procopius, B. G. i. 26 ; Cassidorius, vii. 9 ; and the description of Gregorovius, Rome in the Middle Ages, Eng. tr., i. p. 400.] Lttalns] 318 THE DECLINE AND FALL to the size of an episcopal city,'^ where the com of Africa was deposited in spacious granaries for the use of the capital. As soon as Alaric was in possession of that important place, he summoned the city to surrender at discretion, and his demands were enforced by the positive declaration that a refusal or even a delay should be instantly followed by the destruction of the magazines, on which the life of the Roman people depended. The clamours of that people and the terror of famine subdued the pride of the senate ; they listened without reluctance to the proposal of placing a new emperor on the throne of the un- worthy Honorius ; and the su&age of the Gothic conqueror bestowed the purple on Attalus, praefect of the city. The grate- ful monarch immediately acknowledged his protector as master- general of the armies of the West ; Adolphus, with the rank of count of the domestics, obtained the custody of the person of Attalus ; and the two hostile nations seemed to be united in the closest bands of friendship and alliance.^* The gates of the city were thrown open, and the new emperor of the Romans, encompassed on every side by the Gothic arms, was conducted in tumultuous procession, to the palace of Augustus and Trajan. After he had distributed the civil and military dignities among his favourites and followers, Attalus convened an assembly of the senate ; before whom, in a formal and florid speech, he asserted his resolution of restoring the majesty of the republic, and of uniting to the empire the provinces of Egypt and the East, which had once acknowledged the sovereignty of Rome. Such extravagant promises inspired every reasonable citizen with a just contempt for the character of an unwarlike usurper ; whose elevation was the deepest and most ignominious wound which the republic had yet sustained from the insolence of the Barbarians. But the populace, with their usual levity, applauded the change of masters. The public discontent was favourable to the rival of Honorius ; and the sectaries, oppressed by his persecuting edicts, expected some 93 As early as the third (Lardner's Credibility of the Gospel, part ii. vol. iii. p. 89-92), or at least the fourth, century (Carol, a Sancto Paulo, Notit. Eccles. p. 47), the Port of Rome was an episcopal city, which was demolished, as it should seem, in the ninth centur)r, by Pope Gregory IV. during the incursions of the Arabs. It is now reduced to an inn, a church and the house or palace of the bishop, who ranks as one of six cardinal bishops of the Romish church. See Eschinard, Des- crizione di Roma et dell' Agro Romano, p. 328. ^ For the elevation of Attalus consult Zosimus, 1. vi. p. 377-380 [7 j??.] ; Sozo- raen, 1. ix. c. 8,9; Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 180, 181 [fr. 13] ; Philostorg. 1. xii. c. 3, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 470. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 319 degree of countenance, or at least of toleration, from a prince who, in his native country of Ionia, had been educated in the Pagan superstition, and who had since received the sacrament of baptism from the hands of an Arian bishop.'^ The first days of the reign of Attains were fair and prosperous. An officer of confidence was sent with an inconsiderable body of troops to secure the obedience of Africa ; the greatest part of Italy sub- mitted to the terror of the Gothic powers ; and, though the city of Bologna made a vigorous and effectual resistance, the people of Milan, dissatisfied perhaps with the absence of Honorius, accepted, with loud acclamations, the choice of the Roman senate. At the head of a formidable army Alaric con- ducted his royal captive almost to the gates of Ravenna ; and a solemn embassy of the principal ministers, of Jovius, the Prae- [a.d. 410] torian praefect, of Valens, master of the cavalry and infantry, of the quaestor Potaraius, and of Julian, the first of the notaries, was introduced with martial pomp into the Gothic camp. In the name of their sovereign they consented to acknowledge the lawfiil election of his competitor, and to divide the provinces of Italy and the West between the two emperors. Their proposals were rejected with disdain ; and the refusal was aggravated bj' the insulting clemency of Attalus, who condescended to promise that, if Honorius would instantly resign the purple, he should be permitted to pass the remainder of his life in the peaceful exile of some remote island.^^ So desperate indeed did the situation of the son of Theodosius appear to those who were the best acquainted with his strength and resources^ that Jovius and Valens, his minister and his general, betrayed their trust, in- famously deserted the sinking cause of their benefactor, and devoted their treacherous allegiance to the service of his more fortunate rival. Astonished by such examples of domestic treason, Honorius trembled at the approach of every servant, at the arrival of every messenger. He dreaded the secret enemies, who might liu-k in his capital, his palace, his bed-chamber ; and some ships lay ready in the harbour of Ravenna to transport the 95 We may admit the evidence of Sozomen for the Arian baptism, and that of Philostorgius for the Pagan education, of Attalus. The visible joy of Zosimus, and the discontent which he imputes to the Anician family, are very unfavourable to the Christianity of the new emperor. 98 He carried his insolence so far as to declare that he should mutilate Honorius before he sent him into exile. But this assertion of Zosimus is destroyed by the more impartial testimony of Olympiodorus, who attributes the ungenerous pro- posal (which was absolutely rejected by Attalus) to the baseness, and perhaps the treachery, of Jovius. 320 THE DECLINE AND FALL abdicated monarch to the dominions of his infant nephew, the emperor of the East. HBUdegrmied But there is a Providence (such at least was the opinion of /d. 410°' the historian Procopius ''') that watches over innocence and folly; and the pretensions of Honorius to its peculiar care cannot reasonably be disputed. At the moment when his despair, incapable of any wise or manly resolution, meditated a shameful flight,'^ a seasonable reinforcement of four thousand veterans unexpectedly landed in the port of Ravenna. To these valiant strangers, whose fidelity had not been corrupted by the factions of the court, he committed the walls and gates of the city ; and the slumbers of the emperor were no longer disturbed by the apprehension of imminent and internal danger. The favourable intelligence which was received from Africa suddenly changed the opinions of men, and the state of public affairs. The troops and officers whom Attains had sent into that province were defeated and slain ; and the active zeal of Heraclian maintained his own allegiance and that of his people. The faithful count of Africa transmitted a large sum of money, which fixed the attachment of the Imperial guards ; and his vigilance, in preventing the exportation of com and oil, introduced famine, tumult, and discontent into the walls of Rome. The failure of the African expedition was the source of mutual complaint and recrimination in the party of Attains ; and the mind of his protector was insensibly alienated from the interest of a prince who wanted spirit to command or docility to obey. The most imprudent measures were adopted, without the knowledge, or against the advice, of Alaric ; and the obstinate refusal of the senate to allow, in the embarkation, the mixture even of five hundred Goths betrayed a suspicious and distrustful temper, which, in their situation, was neither generous nor prudent. The resentment of the Gothic king was exasperated by the malicious arts of Jovius, who had been raised to the rank of patrician, and who afterwards excused his double perfidy by declaring, without a blush, that he had only seemed to abandon the service of Honorius, more effectually to ruin the cause of the usurper. In a large plain near Rimini, and in the presence of an innumerable multitude of Romans and Barbarians, the wretched Attalus was publicly despoiled of the diadem and purple ; and those ensigns of royalty were sent by Alaric, as the 9' Procop. de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. z. 88 [So Sozomen ; but the text of Zosimus gives ' ' 6 divisions amounting to 40,000," a number accepted by Mr. Hodgkin, i. 78871 OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 321 pledge of peace and friendship, to the son of Theodosius.*' The officers who returned to their duty were reinstated in their employments, and even the merit of a tardy repentance was graciously allowed ; but the degraded emperor of the Romans, desirous of life and insensible of disgrace, implored the per- mission of following the Gothic camp in the train of a haughty and capricious Barbarian.!"" The degradation of Attalus removed the only real obstacle to TUrd ■!<(• the conclusion of the peace ; and Alaric advanced within three £SiI*bT "' miles of Ravenna, to press the irresolution of the Imperial aId.^JioI'' ministers, whose insolence soon returned with the return of*"*' " fortune. His indignation was kindled by the report that a rival chieftain, that Sarus, the personal enemy of Adolphus and the hereditary foe of the house of Balti, had been received into the palace. At the head of three hundred followers, that fear- less Barbarian immediately sallied from the gates of Ravenna; surprised, and cut in pieces, a considerable body of Goths ; re- entered the city in triumph ; and was permitted to insult his adversary by the voice of a herald, who publicly declared that the guilt of Alaric had for ever excluded him from the friend- ship and alliance of the emperor. i"! The crime and folly of the court of Ravenna was expiated a third time by the calamities of Rome. The king of the Goths, who no longer dissembled his appetite for plunder and revenge, appeared in arms under the walls of the capital ; and the trembling senate, without any hopes of relief, prepared, by a desperate resistance, to delay the ruin of their country. But they were unable to guard against the secret conspiracy of their slaves and domestics ; who, either from birth or interest, were attached to the cause of the enemy. At the hour of midnight, the Salarian gate was silently opened, and the inhabitants were awakened by the tremendous sound of the Gothic trumpet. Eleven hundred and sixty-three years after the foundation of Rome, the Imperial city, which had subdued and civilized so considerable a part of mankind, was 99 See the cause and circumstances of the fall of Attalus in Zosimus, 1. vi. p. 380-383 [12] ; Sozomen, 1. ix. c. 8 ; Philostorg. 1. xii. c. 3. The two acts of indemnity in the Theodosian Code, 1. ix. tit. xxxviii. leg. 11, 12, which were pub- lished the I2th of February and the 8th of August, A.D. 410, evidently relate to this usurper. 1™ In hoc, Alaricus, imperatore facto, infecto, refecto, ac defecto. . . . Mimum risit, et ludum spectavit imperii. Orosius, 1. vii, c. 42, p. 582. wi Zosimus, 1. vi. p. 384 [13] ; Sozomen, 1. ix. c. 9 ; Philostorgius, 1. xii. c, 3. In this place the text of Zosimus is mutilated, and we have lost the remainder of his sixth and last book, which ended with the sack of Rome. Credulous aiul partial as he is, we must take our leave of that historian with some regret. VOL. III. 21 322 THE DECLINE AND FALL deliverefi to the licentious fury of the tribes of Germany and Scythia.ios; Respect of The proclamation of Alaric, when he forced his entrance into toe otowim a vanquished city, discovered, however, some regard for the laws reUgion ^£ humanity and religion. He encouraged his troops boldly to seize the rewards of valour, and to enrich themselves with the spoils of a wealthy and effeminate people ; but he exhoi-ted thpm at the same time to spare the lives of the unresisting citizens, and to respect the churches of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, as holy and inviolable sanctuaries. Amidst the horrors of a nocturnal tumult, several of the Christian Goths displayed the fervour of a recent conversion ; and some instances of their uncommon piety and moderation are related, and perhaps adorned, by the zeal of ecclesiastical writers. i"^ While the Barbarians roamed through the city in quest of prey, the humble dwelling of an aged virgin, who had devoted her life to the service of the altar, was forced open by one of the powerful Goths. He immediately demanded, though in civil language, all the , gold and silver in her possession ; and was astonished at the readiness with which she conduqted him. to a splendid hoard of massy plate, of the richest materials and the most curious workmanship: , The Barbarian viewed with wonder and delight this valuable acquisition, till he was interrupted by a serious admonition, addressed to him in the following words : " These," said she, " are the consecrated vessels belonging to St. Peter ; if you presume to touch them, the sacrilegious deed will remaip on your conscience. For my part, I dare not keep what I am unahle to defend." The Gothic captain, struck with reverential awe, dispatched a messenger to inform the king of the treasure which lo^Adest Alaricus, trtpidam Romarti obsidet, turbat, irrumpit. Orosius, I. vii. c. 39,' p. 573. He dispatches this great event in seven words ; but he employs whole pages in celebriting the devption of the Goths. I have extracted from an improbable story of Procopius the circumstances which had an air of probability. Procop. de Bell. VariiJal. 1. i. c. 2. ' He supposes that the city was surprised while the senators slept in the afternoon; but Jerom, with more authority and more reason, affirms that it was in the night, nocte Moab capta est ; nocte cecidit murus ejus, tom. i. p. 121, ad Principiam [ep. 16J. [The date, Aug. 24, is derived from Theophanes (a.m. 5903; Cedrenus gives A,ug. 26). Mr. Hodgkin, laying stress on the word irrumpit. in Orosius, rejects the suggestion of treachery, i. 794. J Ills Orosius (1. vii. c. 39, p. 573-576) applauds the piety of the Christian Goths, without seeming to perceive that the greatest part of them were Arian heretics. Jornandes {c. 30, p. 653) and Isidore of Seville (Chron. p. 714, edit. Grot.), who were both attached to the Gothic cause, have repeated, and embellished these edifying tales. According to Isidore, Alaric himself was heard to say that he waged war with the Romans and not with the Apostles. Such was the style of the seventh century ; two hundred years before, the fame and merit had been ascribed not to the apostles, but to Christ. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 323 he had discovered ; and received a peremptoi-y order from Alaric that all the consecrated plate and ornaments should be trans- ported, without damage or delay, to the church of the apostle. From the extremity, perhaps, of the Quirinal hill to the distant quarter of the Vatican, a numerous detachment of Goths, march- ing in order of battle through the principal streets, protected, with glittering arms, the long train of their devout companions, who bore aloft, on their heads, the sacred vessels of gold and silver ; and the martial shouts of the Barbarians were mingled with the sound of religious psalmody. From all the adjacent houses, a crowd of Christians hastened to join this edifying pro- cession ; and a multitude of fugitives, without distinction of age, or rank, or even of sect, had the good fortune to escape to the secure and hospitable sanctuary of the Vatican. The learned work, concerning the City of God, was professedly composed by St. Augustin, to justify the ways of Providence in the destruction of the Roman greatness. He celebrates with peculiar satisfaction this memorable triumph of Christ ; and insults his adversaries by challenging them to produce some similar example of a town taken by storm in which the fabulous gods of antiquity had been able to protect cither themselves or their deluded votaries.^"* In the sack of Rome, some rare and extraordinary examples of fuiw m* Barbarian virtue have been deservedly applauded. But the lioly precincts of the Vatican and the apostolic churches could receive a very small proportion of the Roman people : many thousand warriors, more especially of the Huns, who served under the standard of Alaric, were strangers to the name, or at least to the faith, of Christ ; and we may suspect, without any breach of charity or candour, that in the hour of savage licence, when every passion was inflamed and every restraint was removed, the precepts of the gospel seldom influenced the behaviour of the Gothic Christians. The writers, the best disposed to exaggerate their clemency, have freely confessed that a cruel slaughter was made of the Romans ; i"'' and that the streets of the city were 10^ See Augustin, de Civitat. Dei, 1. i. c. i-6. He particularly appeals to the example of Troy, Syracuse and Tarentum. lis Jerora (torn. i. p. 121, ad Principiam [ep. 16]) has applied to the sack of Rome all the strong expressions of Virgil : Quis cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando, Explicet, &c. Procopius (1. i. c. 2) positively affirms that great numbers were slain by the, Goths. Augustin (de Civ. Dei, 1. i. c. 12, 13) offers Christian comfort for the death of those whose bodies [mnlia corpora) had remained [in tanta strage) unburied. Baronius, from the different writings of the Fathers, has thrown some light on the sack of Rome. Annal. Eccles. a.d. 410, No. 16-44. 324 THE DECLINE AND FALL filled with dead bodies, which remained without burial during the general consternation. The despair of the citizens was sometimes converted into fury ; and, whenever the Barbarians were provoked by opposition, they extended the promiscuous massacre to the feeble, the innocent, and the helpless. The private revenge of forty thousand slaves was exercised without pity or remorse ; and the ignominious lashes, which they had formerly received, were washed away in the blood of the guilty, or obnoxious, families. The matrons and virgins of Rome were exposed to injuries more dreadful in the apprehension of chastity than death itself; and the ecclesiastical historian has selected an example of female virtue, for the admiration of future ages.^"' A Roman lady of singular beauty and orthodox faith had excited the impatient desires of a young Goth, who, according to the sagacious remark of Sozomen, was attached to the Arian heresy. Exasperated by her obstinate resistance, he drew his sword, and, with the anger of a lover, slightly wounded her neck. The bleeding heroine still continued to brave his resentment and to repel his love, till the ravisher desisted from his unavailing efforts, respectfully conducted her to the sanctuary of the Vatican, and gave six pieces of gold to the guards of the church, on condition that they should restore her inviolate to the arms of her husband. Such instances of courage and generosity were not extremely common. The brutal soldiers satisfied their sensual appetites, without consulting either the inclination or the duties of their female captives ; and a nice question of casuistry was seriously agitated. Whether those tender victims who had inflexibly refused their consent to the violation which they sustained had lost, by their misfortune, the glorious crown of virginity.^"^ There were other losses indeed of a more sub- in* Sozomen, I. ix. c. lo. Augustin (de Civitat. Dei, 1. i. c. 17) intimates that some virgins or matrons actually killed themselves to escape violation ; and, though he admires their spirit, he is obliged by his theology to condemn their rash presump- tion. Perhaps the good bishop of Hippo was too easy in the belief, as well as too rigid in the censure, of this act of female heroism. The twenty maidens (if they ever existed) who threw themselves into the Elbe, when Magdeburg was taken by storm, have been multiplied to the number of twelve hundred. See Harte's History of Gustavus Adolphus, vol. i. p. 308. ii" See August, de Civitat. Dei, 1. i. c. 16, 18. He treats the subject with re- markable accuracy ; and, after admitting that there cannot be any crime where there is no consent, he adds, Sed quia non solum quod ad dolorem, verum etiam quod ad libidinem, pertinet in corpore alieno perpetrari potest; quicquid tale factum fuerit, etsi, retentam constantissimo animo pudicitiam non exoutit, pudorem tamen incutit, ne credatur factum cum mentis etiam voluntate, quod fieri fortasse sine carnis aliqu^ voluptate non potuit. In c. 18 he makes some ciu-ious distinc- tions between moral and physical virginity. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 325 stantial kind and more general concern. It cannot be presumed that all the Barbarians were at all times capable of perpetrating such amorous outrages ; and the want of youth or beauty or chastity protected the greatest part of the Roman women from the danger of a rape. But avarice is an insatiate and universal passion ; since the enjo)nment of almost every object that can afford pleasure to the different tastes and tempers of mankind may be procured by the possession of wealth. In the pillage of Rome, a just preference was given to gold and jewels, which contain the greatest value in the smallest compass and weight ; but, after these portable riches had been removed by the more diligent robbers, the palaces of Rome were rudely stripped of their splendid and costly furniture. The sideboards of massy plate, and the variegated wardrobes of silk and purple, were irregularly piled in the waggons that always followed the march of a Gothic army. The most exquisite works of art were roughly handled or wantonly destroyed : many a statue was melted for the sake of the precious materials ; and many a vase, in the division of the spoil, was shivered into fragments by the stroke of a battle-axe. The acquisition of riches served only to stimulate the avarice of the rapacious Barbarians, who proceeded by threats, by blows, and by tortures, to force from their prisoners the confession of hidden treasure.i"^ Visible splendour and expense were alleged as the proof of a plentiful fortune ; the appearance of poverty was imputed to a parsimonious disposition ; and the obstinacy of some misers, who endured the most cruel torments before they would discover the secret object of their affection, was fatal to many unhappy wretches, who expired under the lash for refusing to reveal their imaginary treasures. The edifices of Rome, though the damage has been much exaggerated, received some injury from the violence of the Goths. At their entrance through the Salarian gate, they fired the adjacent houses, to guide their march and to distract the attention of the citizens ; the flames, which encountered no obstacle in the disorder of the night, consumed many private and public buildings ; and the rains of the palace of Sallust i"" 108 Marcella, a Roman lady, equally respectable for her rank, her age, and her piety, was thrown on the ground, and cruelly beaten and whipped, cassam fustibus flagellisque, &c. Jerom, torn. i. p. izi, ad Principiam [ep. i6]. See Augustin, de Civ. Dei, 1. i. c. lo. The modem Sacco di Roma, p. 208, gives an idea ot the various methods of torturing prisoners for gold. 1™ The historian Sallust, who usefully practised the vices which he has so eloquently censured, employed the plunder of Numidia to adorn his palace and gardens on the Quirinal hill. The spot where the house stood is now marked by 326 THE DECLINE AND FALL remained in the age of Justinian, a stately monument of the Gothic conflagration.!^" Yet a contemporary historian has ob- served that fire could scarcely consume the enormous beams of solid brass, and that the strength of man was insufficient to subvert the foundations of ancient structures. Some truth may possibly be concealed in his devout assertion that the wrath of Heaven supplied the imperfections of hostile rage, and that the proud Forum of Rome, decorated with the statues of so many gods and heroes, was levelled in the dust by the stroke of lightning.^ ' Whatever might be the numbers, of equestrian or plebeian rank, who perished in the massacre of Rome, it is confidently affirmed that only one senator lost his life by the sword of the enemy. 112 But it was not easy to compute the multitudes, who, from an honourable station and a prosperous fortune, were suddenly reduced to the miserable condition of captives and exiles. As the Barbarians had more occasion for money than for slaves, they fixed at a moderate price the redemption of their indigent prisoners ; and the ransom was often paid by the benevolence of their friends or the charity of strangers.^' The captives, who were regularly sold, either in open market or by private contract, would have legally regained their native freedom, which it was impossible for a citizen to lose or to the church of St. Susanna, separated only by a street from the baths of Diocletian, and not far distant from the Salarian gate. See Nardini, Roma Antica, p. 192, 193, and the great Plan of Modern Rome, by NoUi. 11" The expressions of Procopius are distinct and moderate (de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 2). The Chronicle of Marcellinus speaks too strongly, partem urbis Romse cremavit ; and the words of Philostorgius [iy ipeiirCot^ 8e ttjs irdAew? k«i/i€wjs, 1. xii. c. 3) convey a false and exaggerated idea. Bargseus has composed a particular dissertation (see torn. iv. Antiquit. Rom. Grjev. ) to prove that the edifices of Rome were not subverted by the Goths and Vandals. [On the forbearance of the Goths to Rome, see Gregorovius, Rome in the Middle Ages, i. p. 158 sgf. (Eng. tr.).] "1 Orosius, 1. ii. c. 19, p. 143. He speaks as if he disapproved all statues ; vel Deum vel hominem mentiuntur. They consisted of the kings of Alba and Rome from ^neas, the Romans, illustrious either in arms or arts, and the deified Caesars. The expression which he uses of Forum is somewhat ambiguous, since there existed Jive principal Fora ; but, as they were all contiguous and adjacent, in the plain which is surrounded by the Capitollne; the Quirinal, the Esquiline, and the Palatine hills, they might fairly be considered as one. See the Roma Antiqua of Donatus, p. 162-201, and the Roma Antica of Nardini, p. 212-273. The former is more useful for the ancient descriptions, the latter for the actual topography. 1" Orosius (1. ii. c. 19, p. 142) compares the cruelty of the Gauls and the clemency of the Goths. Ibi vix quemquam inventum senatorem, qui vel absens evaserit ; hie vix quemquam requiri, qui forte ut latens perierit. But there is an air of rhetoric, and perhaps of falsehood, in this antithesis ; and Socrates (1. vii. c. 10) affirms, perhaps by an opposite exaggeration, that many senators were put to death with various and exquisite tortures. "' Multi . . . Christiani in captivitatem ducli sunt, Augustin, de Civ. Dei, 1. i. t. 14 ; and the Christians experienced no peculiar hardships. OF THE EOMAliJ EMPIRE 327 alienate.ii* But, as it was soon discovered that the vindication of their liberty would endanger their lives, and that the Goths, unless they were tempted to sell, might be provoked to murder, their useless prisoners, the civil jurisprudence had been already qualified by a wise regulation that they should be obliged to serve the moderate term of fiVe years, till they had discharged by their labour the price of their redemption.^i^ The nations who invaded the Roman empire had driven before them, into Italy, whole troops of hungry and affrighted provincials, less apprehensive of servitude than 'of famine. The calamities of Rome and Italy dispersed the inhabitants to the most lonely, the most secure, the most distant places of refuge. While the Gothic cavalry spread terror and desolation along the sea-coast of Campania and Tuscany, the little Island of Igilium, separated by a narrow channel from the Argentarian promontory, repulsed, or eluded, their hostile attempts; and, at so sm:all a distance from Rome, great numbers of citizens were securely concealed in the thick woods of that sequestered spot.n^ The ample patrimonies, which many senatorian families possessed in Africa, invited them, if they had time and prudence, to escape from the ruin of their country, to embrace the shelter of that hospitable province. The most illustrious of these fugitives was the noble and pious Proba,ii7 the widbw of the praefect Petronius. After 1" See Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman, torn. i. p. 96. 115 Appendix Cod. Theodos. xvi. iii Sirmond. Opera, torn. i. p. 735. This edict was published the nth December, a.d. 408, and is more reasonable than properly belonged to the ministers of Honorius. 11^ Eminus Igilii silvosa cacumina miror ; Quern fraiidare nefas laudis honore suae. Hasc proprios nuper tutata est insula saltus ; Sive loci ingenio seu Domini genio. Gurgite cum modico victricibus obstitit armis Tanquam longinquo dissociata mari. Haec multos lacer^ suscepit ab urbe fugatos, , Hie fessis posito certa timore salus. Plurima terreiio populaverat asquora bello. Contra naturam classe timendus eques Unum,, mira fides, variq discrimine portum ! Tam prope Romanis, tam procul esse Getis, RutiliUs, in Itinerar.l. i. 325. The island is now called Giglio. • See Cluver. Ital. Antiq. 1. ii. p.' 502. 11' As the adventures of Proba and her family are connected with the life of St. Augustin, they are diligently illustrated by Tillemont, M6m. EccWs. torn. xiii. p. 620-635. Some time after their arrival in Africa, Demetrias took the veil, and made a vow of virginity ; an event which was considered as of the highest impor- tance to Roptie and to the world. All the Saints wrote congratulatory letters to her ; that of Jerom is still extant (tom. i. p. 62-73, ^ Demetriad. de servanda, Virginitat. ) and contains a mixture of absurd reasoning, spirited declamation, and curious facts, some of which relate- to the siege and sack of Rome [ep. 130 ; Migne, i. 1107]. 328 THE DECLINE AND FALL the death of her husband, the most powerful subject of Rome, she had remained at the head of the Anician family, and successively supplied, from her private fortune, the expense of the consulships of her three sons. When the city was besieged and taken by the Goths, Proba supported, with Christian resignation, the loss of immense riches ; embarked in a small vessel, from whence she beheld, at sea, the flames of her burning palace ; and fled with her daughter Laeta, and her grand- daughter, the celebrated virgin Demetrias, to the coast of Africa. The benevolent profusion with which the matron distributed the fruits, or the price, of her estates contributed to alleviate the misfortunes of exile and captivity. But even the family of Proba herself was not exempt from the rapacious oppression of Count Heraclian, who basely sold, in matrimonial prostitution, the noblest maidens of Rome to the lust or avarice of the Syrian merchants. The Italian fugitives were dispersed through the provinces, along the coast of Egypt and Asia, as far as Constanti- nople and Jerusalem ; and the village of Bethlem, the solitary residence of St. Jerom and his female converts, was crowded with illustrious beggars of either sex and every age, who excited the public compassion by the remembrance of their past fortune. *i* This awful catastrophe of Rome filled the astonished empire with grief and terror. So interesting a contrast of greatness and ruin disposed the fond credulity of the people to deplore, and even to exaggerate, the afllictions of the queen of cities. The clergy, who applied to recent events the lofty metaphors of Oriental prophecy, were sometimes tempted to confound the destruction of the capital and the dissolution of the globe, ■uk of noma There exists in human nature a strong propensity to depreciate oFoiu. T. '' the advantages, and to magnify the evils, of the present times. Yet, when the first emotions had subsided, and a fair estimate was made of the real damage, the more learned and judicious contemporaries were forced to confess that infant Rome had formerly received more essential injury from the Gauls than she had now sustained from the Goths in her declining age.ii^ The experience of eleven centuries has enabled posterity to produce 118 See the pathetic complaint of Jerom (torn. v. p. 400), in his preface to the second book of his Commentaries on the prophet Ezekiel. 11' Orosius, though with some theological partiality, states this comparison, 1. ii. c. 19, p. 142, 1. vii. c. 39, p. 575. But in the history of the taking of Rome by the Gauls everything is uncertain, and perhaps fabulous. See Beaufort sur llncerti- tude, &c., del'Histoire Romaine, p. 356; and Melot, in the M^m. de I'Acad^mie des Inscript. tom. xv. p. i-ai. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 329 a much more singular parallel ; and to affirm with confidence that the ravages of the Barbarians, whom Alaric had led from the banks of the Danube, were less destructive than the hostilities exercised by the troops of Charles the Fifth, a Catholic prince, who styled himself Emperor of the Romans.^^" The Goths evacuated the city at the end of six days, but Rome remained above nine months in the possession of the Imperialists ; and every hour was stained by some atrocious act of cruelty, lust, and rapine. The authority of Alaric preserved some order and moderation among the ferocious multitude, which acknowledged him for their leader and king ; but the constable of Bourbon had gloriously fallen in the attack of the walls ; and the death of the general removed every restraint of discipline from an army which consisted of three independent nations, the Italians, the Spaniards, and the Germans. In the beginning of the sixteenth century, the manners of Italy exhibited a remarkable scene of the depravity of mankind. They united the sanguinary crimes that prevail in an unsettled state of society, with the polished vices that spring from the abuse of art and luxury ; and the loose adventurers, who had violated every prejudice of patriotism and superstition to assault the palace of the Roman pontiff, must deserve to be considered as the most profligate of the Italians. At the same sera, the Spaniards were the terror both of the Old and New World ; but their high-spirited valour was disgraced by gloomy pride, rapacious avarice, and unrelenting cruelty. Indefatigable in the pursuit of fame and riches, they had improved, by repeated practice, the most exquisite and effectual methods of torturing their prisoners ; many of the Castillans, who pillaged Rome, were familiars of the holy inquisition ; and some volunteers, perhaps, were lately returned from the conquest of Mexico. The Germans were less corrupt than the Italians, less cruel than the Spaniards ; and the rustic, or even savage, aspect of those Tramontane warriors often disguised a simple and merciful disposition. But they had imbibed, in the first fervour of the reformation, the spirit, as well 120 The reader who wishes to inform himself of the circumstances of this famous event may peruse an admirable narrative in Dr. Robertson's History of Charles V. vol. ii. p. 283 ; or consult the Annali d'ltalia of the learned Muratori, torn. xiv. p. 230-244, octavo edition. If he is desirous of examining the originals, he may have recourse to the eighteenth book of the great but unfinished history of Guicciardini. But the account which most truly deserves the name of authentic and original is a little book, intitled, // Sacco di Rojna, composed, within less than a month after the assault of the city, by the brother of the historian Guicciardini, who appears to have been an able magistrate and a dispassionate writer. 330 THE DECLINE AND FALL Alarlc evacuates Borne and ravageB Italy. A.D. 410, AMgtat 29 as the principles, of Luther. It was their favourite amusement to insult or destroy the consecrated objects of Catholic super- stition ; they indulged, without pity or remorse, a devout hatred against the clergy of every denomination and degree, who form so considerable a part of the inhabitants of modern Rome ; and their fanatic zeal might aspire to subvert the throne of Anti- christ, to purify, with blood and fire, the abominations of the spiritual Babylon.i^i The retreat of the victorious Goths, who evacuated Rome on the sixth day,i22 might be the result of prudence, but it was not surely the effect of fear.i^s At the head of an army, encumbered with rich and weighty spoils, their intrepid leader advanced along the Appian way into the southern provinces of Italy, destroying whatever dared to oppose his passage, and contenting himself with the plunder of the unresisting country. The fate of Capua, the proud and luxurious metropolis of Campania, and which was respected, even in its decay, as the eighth city of the empire,^^* is buried in oblivion ; whilst the adjacent town of Nola 1^5 has been illustrated, on this occasion, by the sanctity of Paulinus,!^^ who was successively a consul, a monk, and a bishop. At the age of forty, he renounced the enjoyment of wealth and honour, of society and literature, to embrace a life of solitude and penance ; and the loud applause of the clergy encom-aged him to despise the reproaches of his worldly friends, who as- cribed this desperate act to some disorder of the mind or body.^^'^ 121 The furious spirit of Luther, the effect of temper and enthusiasm, has been forcibly attacked (Bossuet, Hist, des Variations des Eglises Protestantes, livre i. p. 20-36), and feebly defended (Seckendorf, Comment, de Lutheranismo, especially 1. i. No. 78, p. 120, and 1. iii. No. 122, p. 556). 1^ Marcellinus in Chron. Orosius {1. vii. c. 39, p. 575) asserts that he left Rome on the ihird day ; but this difference is easily reconciled by the successive motions of great bodies of troops. 123 Socrates (1. vii. c. 10) pretends, without any colour of truth or reason, that Alaric fled on the report that the armies of the Eastern empire were in full march to attack him. 1" Ausonius de Claris Urbibus, p. 233, edit. Toll. The luxury of Capua had formerly surpassed that of Sybaris itself. See Athenseus, Deipnosophist. 1. xii. p. 528, edit. Casaubon. 125 Forty-eight years before the foundation of Rome {about 800 before the Christian sera), the Tuscans built Capua and Nola, at the distance of twenty-three miles from each other ; but the latter of the two cities never emerged from a state of mediocrity. 126 Tillemont (M6m. Eccl6s. tom. xiv. p. 1-146) has compiled, with his usual diligence, all that relates to the life and writings of Paulinus, whose retreat is celebrated by his own pen, and by the praises of St. Ambrose, St. Jerom, St. Augustin, Sulpicius Severus, &c. , his Christian friends and contemporaries. 12' See the affectionate letters of Ausonius (epist. xix.-xxv. p. 650-698, edit. Toll. ) to his colleague, his friend, and his disciple Paulinus. The religion of Ausonius is or THE EOMAN EMPIRE 331 An early and passionate attachment determined him to fix his humble dwelling in one of the suburbs of Nola^ near the miraculous tomb of St. Felix, which the public devotion had already surrounded with five lai-ge and populous churches. The remains of his fortune, and of his understanding, were dedicated to the service of the glorious martyr ; whose praise, on the day of his festival, Paulinus never failed to celebrate by a solemn hymn ; and in whose name he erected a sixth church, of superior elegance and beauty, which was decorated with many curious pictures, from the history of the Old and New Testa- ment. Such assiduous zeal secured the favour of the saint,i^^ or at least of the people ; and, after fifteen years' retirement, the Roman consul was compelled to accept the bishopric of Nola, a few months before the city was invested by the Goths. During the siege, some religious persons were satisfied that they had seen, either in dreams or visions, the divine form of their tutelar patron ; yet it soon appeared by the event that Felix wanted power, or inclination, to preserve the flock of which he had formerly been the shepherd. Nola was not saved from the general devastation ; ^^^ and the captive bishop was protected only by the general opinion of his innocence and poverty. Above four years elapsed from the successful invasion of Italy by the arms of Alaric to the voluntaiy retreat of the Goths. under the conduct of his successor Adolphus ; and, during the whole time, they reigned without control over a country which, in the If'l^'^ opinion of the ancients, had united all the various excellencies ^|,°^^2 of nature and art. The prosperity, indeed, which Italy had attained in the auspicious age of the Antonines, had gradually declined with the decline of the empire. The fruits of a long peace perished under the rude grasp of the Barbarians ; and they themselves were incapable of tasting the more elegant refinements of luxury which had been prepared for the use of the soft and polished Italians. Each soldier, however, claimed an ample portion of the substantial plenty, the com and cattle, oil and wine, that was daily collected and consumed in the Gothic camp ; and the principal warriors insulted the villas and still a problem (see M6m. de TAcad^mie des Inscriptions, torn. xv. p. 123-138). I believe that it was such in his own time, and, consequently, that in his heart he was a Pagan. [Cp. Appendix i.] 128 The humble Paulinus once presumed to say that he believed St. Felix did love him ; at least, as a master loves his little dog. 129 See Jornandes, de Reb. Get. c. 30, p. 653. Philostorgius, 1. xii. c. 3. Augustin, de Civ. Dei, 1. i. c. 10. Baronius, Annal. &cles. a.d. 410, No. 45, 46. 332 THE DECLINE AND FALL gardens, one inhabited by LucuUus and Cicero, along the beauteous coast of Campania. Their trembling captives, the sons and daughters of Roman senators, presented in goblets of gold and gems large draughts of Falemian wine to the haughty victors ; who stretched their huge limbs under the shade of plane-trees,!'" artificially disposed to exclude the scorching rays, and to admit the genial warmth, of the sun. These delights were enhanced by the memory of past hardships ; the compari- son of their native soil, the bleak and barren hills of Scythia, and the frozen banks of the Elbe and Danube, added new charms to the felicity of the Italian climate.^^^ Whether fame or conquest or riches were the object of Alaric, he pursued that object with an indefatigable ardour, which could neither be quelled by adversity nor satiated by success. No sooner had he reached the extreme land of Italy than he was attacked by the neighbom-ing prospect of a fertile and peaceful island. Yet even the possession of Sicily he considered only as an intermediate step to the important expedition which he already meditated against the continent of Africa. The streights of Rhegium and Messina ^^^ are twelve miles in length, and in the narrowest passage about one mile and a half broad ; and the fabulous monsters of the deep, the rocks of Scylla and the whirlpool of Charybdis, could terrify none but the most timid and unskilful mariners. Yet, as soon as the first division of the Goths had embarked, a sudden tempest arose, which sunk or scattered many of the transports ; their courage was daunted by 1'" The platanus, or plane-tree, was a favourite of the ancients, by whom it was propagated, for the sake of shade, from the East to Gaul, Pliny, Hist. Natur. xiii. 3, 4, 5. He mentions several of an enormous size ; one in the Imperial villa at Velitrse, which Caligula called his nest, as the branches were capable of holding a large table, the proper attendants, and the emperor himself, whom Pliny quaintly styles pars umbrae ; an expression which might with equal reason be applied to Alaric. "1 The prostrate South to the destroyer yields Her boasted titles, and her golden fields : With grim delight the brood of winter view A brighter day, and skies of azure hue ; Scent the new fragrance of the opening rose. And quaff the pendent vintage as it grows. See Gray's Poems, published by Mr. Mason, p. 197. Instead of compiling tables of chronology and natural history, why did not Mr. Gray apply the powers of his genius to finish the philosophic poem of which he has left such an exquisite specimen ? 132 For the perfect description of the Streights of Messina, Scylla, Charybdis, &c., see Cluverius (Ital. Antiq. 1. iv. p. 1293, and Sicilia Antiq. 1. i. p. 60-76), who had diligently studied the ancients and surveyed with a curious eye the actual face of the country. or THE EOMAN EMPIRE 333 the terrors of a new element; and the whole design was defeated by the premature death of Alaric, which fixed, after a short ill- ness, the fatal term of his conquests. The ferocious character of the Barbarians was displayed in the funeral of a hero, whose valour and fortune they celebrated with mournful applause. By the labour of a captive multitude they forcibly diverted the course of the Busentinus, a small river that washes the walls of [Smento] Consentia. The royal sepulchre, adorned with the splendid spoils and trophies of Rome, was constructed in the vacant bed ; the waters were then restored to their natural channel, and the secret spot, where the remains of Alaric had been deposited, was for ever concealed by the inhuman massacre of the prisoners who had been employed to execute the work.^^^ The personal animosities and hereditary feuds of the Barba- Adoipbiu, rians were Suspended by the strong necessity of their aifairs ; S^° con? and the brave Adolphus, the brother-in-law of the deceased peace wits monarch, was unanimously elected to succeed to his throne, and marchei The character and political system of the new king of the Goths a.d. 02 ' may be best understood from his own conversation with an illus- trious citizen of Narbonne, who afterwards, in a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, related it to St. Jerom, in the presence of the historian Orosius. " In the full confidence of valour and victory I once aspired " (said Adolphus) " to change the face of the universe ; to obliterate the name of Rome ; to erect on its ruins the dominion of the Goths ; and to acquire, like Augustus, the immortal fame of the founder of a new empire. By repeated experiments I was gradually convinced that laws are essentially necessary to maintain and regulate a well-constituted state, and that the fierce untractable humour of the Goths was incapable of bearing the salutary yoke of laws and civil government. From that moment I proposed to myself a different object of glory and ambition ; and it is now my sincere wish that the gratitude of future ages should acknowledge the merit of a stranger who employed the sword of the Goths, not to subvert, but to restore and maintain, the prosperity of the Roman empire." 1^* With these pacific views the successor of Alaric suspended the operations of war, and seriously negotiated with the Imperial court a treaty of friendship and alliance. It was the interest of the ministers of Honorius, who were now released 133 Jornandes, de Reb. Get. c. 30, p. 654. 134 Orosius, 1. vii. c. 43, p. 584, 585. He was sent by St. Augustin, in the year 415, from Africa to Palestine, to visit St. Jerom, and to consult with him on the subject of the Pelagian controversy. 334 THE DECLINE AND FALL from the obligation of thejr extravagant oath, to deliver Italy from the intolerable weight of the Gothic powers ; and they readily accepted their service against the tyrants and barlbarians who infested the provinces beyond the Alps. Adolphus,!^^ assuming the character of a Roman general, directed his march from the extremity of Campania to the southern provinces of Gaul. His troops, either by force or agreement, immediately occupied the cities of Narbonne, Toulouse, and Bourdeaux; and though they were repulsed by Count Boniface from the walls of Marseilles, they soon extended their quarters from the Medi- terranean to the Ocean. The oppressed provincials might ex- claim that the miserable remnant which the enemy had spared was cruelly ravished by their pretended allies ; yet some specious colours were not wanting to palliate, or justify, the violence of the Goths. The cities of Gaul which they attacked jnight perhaps be considered as in a state of rebellion against the government of Honorius ; the articles of the treaty, or the secret instructions of the court, might sometimes be alleged in favour of the seeming usurpations of Adolphus ; and the guilt of any irregular, unsuccessful act of hostility might always be imputed, with an appearance of truth, to the ungovernable spirit of a Barbarian host, impatient of peace or discipline. The luxury of Italy had been less effectual to soften the temper than to relax the cour- age of the Goths ; and they had imbibed the vices, without imi- tating the arts and institutions, of civilised society.^'^ !e The professions of Adolphus were probably sincere, and his ■ attachment to the cause of the republic was secured by the ascendant which a Roman princess had acquired over the heart and understanding of the Barbarian king. Placidia,'^^ the daughter of the great Theodosius and of Galla, his second wife, had received a royal education in the palace of Constantinople ; but the eventful story of her life is connected with the revolu- tions which agitated the Western empire under the reign of her brother Honorius. When Rome was first invested by the arms 13° Jornandes supposes, without much probability, that Adolphus visited and plundered Rome a second, time (more locustarum erasit). Yet he agrees with Orosius in supposing that a treaty of peace was concluded between the Gothic prince and Honorius. See Oros. 1. vii. c. 43, p. 584, 585. Jornandes, de Reb. Geticis. c. 31, p. 654, 655. 138 The retreat of the Goths from Italy, and their first transactions in Gaul, are darlc and doubtful. I have derived much assistance from Mascou (Hist, of the ancient Germans, I. viii. c. 29, 35, 36, 37), who has illustrated and connected the broken chronicles and fragments of the times. ^S' See an account of Placidia in Ducange, Fara. Byzant. p. 72 ; and Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, tom. i. p. 260, 386, &c. torn. vi. p. 240. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 335 of Alaric,. Placidia, who was then about twenty years of age, re- sided in the city ; and her ready consent to the death of her cousin Serena has a cruel and ungrateful appearance, which, according to the circumstances of the action, may be aggravated or excused by the consideration of her tender age.^'^ The victo- rious Barbarians detained, either as a hostage or a captive,''^ the sister of Honorius ; but, while she was exposed to the disgrace of following round Italy the motions of a Gothic camp, she ex- perienced, however, a decent and respectful treatment. The authority of Jomandes, who praises the beauty of Placidia, may perhaps be counterbalanced by the silence, the expressive silence, of her flatterers ; yet the splendour of her birth, the bloom of youth, the elegance of manners, and the dexterous insinuation which she condescended to employ, made a deep impression on the mind of Adolphus ; and the Gothic king aspired to call him- self the brother of the emperor. The ministers of Honorius re- jected with disdain the proposal of an alliance so injurious to every sentiment of Roman pride, and repeatedly urged the restitution of Placidia as an indispensable condition of the treaty of peace. But the daughter of Theodosius submitted, without reluctance, to the desires of the conqueror, a young and valiant prince, who yielded to Alaric in loftiness of stature, but who excelled in the more attractive qualities of grace and beauty. The marriage of Adolphus and Placidia i*" was consummated be- fore the Goths retired from Italy ; and the solemn, perhaps the anniversary, day of their nuptials was afterwards celebrated in the house of Ingenuus, one of the most illustrious citizens of Narbonne in Gaul. The bride, attired and adorned like a Roman empress, was placed on a throne of state ; and the king of the Goths, who assumed on this occasion the Roman habit, contented himself with a less honourable seat by her side. The nuptial gift, which according to the custom of his nation ^^^ was li* Zosim. 1. V. p. 350 [38]. 139 Zosim. 1. vi. p. 383 [12], Orosius (1. vii. c. 40, p. 576) and the Chronicles of MarceUinus and Idatius seem to suppose that the Goths did not carry away Placidia until after the last siege of Rome. 1*1 See the pictures of Adolphus and Placidia, and the account of their marriage, in Jomandes, de Reb. Geticis, c. 31, p, 654, 655. With regard to the place where the nuptials were stipulated or consummated or celebrated, the Mss. of Jomandes vary between two neighbouring cities, Forli and Imola (Forum Livii and Forum Cornelii). It is fair and easy to reconcile the Gothic historian with Olympiodorus (see Mascou, 1. viii. c. 46), but Tillemont grows peevish, and swears that it is not worth while to try to conciliate Jornandes with any good authors. [All the Mss. of Jordanes have luH, which the ed. Basil, corrects to Livii. Idatius and Olympiodorus place the marriage at Narbo.] 1^ The Visigoths (tl^e subjects of Adolphus) irestrained by subsequent laws the prodigality of conjugallove. It was illegal for a husband to make any gift or treainrei 336 THE DECLINE AND FALL offered to Placidia, consisted of the rare and magnificent spoils of her country. Fifty beautiful youths, in silken robes, carried a basin in each hand ; and one of these basins was filled with pieces of gold, the other with precious stones of an inestimable value. Attalus, so long the sport of fortune and of the Goths, was appointed to lead the chorus of the Hymenaeal song, and the degi-aded emperor might aspire to the praise of a skilful musician. The Barbarians enjoyed the insolence of their triumph ; and the provincials rejoiced in this alliance, which tempered by the mild influence of love and reason the fierce spirit of their Gothic lord.i*^ The oothic The hundred basins of gold and gems, presented to Placidia """'" at her nuptial feast, formed an inconsiderable portion of the Gothic treasures ; of which some extraordinary specimens may be selected from the history of the successors of Adolphus. Many curious and costly ornaments of pure gold, enriched with jewels, were found in their palace of Narbonne when it was pillaged in the sixth century by the Fi-anks : sixty cups or chalices ; fifteen patens, or plates, for the use of the communion ; twenty boxes, or cases, to hold the books of the gospel ; this consecrated wealth i*' was distributed by the son of Clovis among the churches of his dominions, and his pious liberality seems to upbraid some former sacrilege of the Goths. They possessed, with more security of conscience, the famous missoritim, or great dish for the service of the table, of massy gold of the weight of five hundred pounds, and of far superior value from the precious stones, the exquisite workmanship, and the tradition that it had been presented by Aetius the patrician to Torismond king of the Goths. One of the successors of Torismond purchased the aid of the French monarch by the promise of this magnificent gift. When he was seated on the throne of Spain, he delivered it with reluct- settlement for the benefit of his wife during the first year of their marriage, and his liberality could not exceed the tenth part of his property. The Lombards were somewhat more indulgent ; they allowed the morgingcap immediately after the wedding-night ; and this famous gift, the reward of virginity, might equal the fourth part of the husband's substance. Some cautious maidens, indeed, were wise enough to stipulate beforehand a present, which they were too sure of not deserving. See Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, 1. xix. c. 25. Muratori, delle Antichita Italiane, torn. i. Dissertazione xx. p. 243. 142 We owe the curious detail of this nuptial feast to the historian Olympiodorus, ap. Photium, p. 185, 188 [fr. 24]. 14s See in the great collection of the historians of France by Dom. Bouquet, torn. ii. , Greg. Turonens, 1. iii. c. 10, p. 191 ; Gesta Regum Franc, c. 23, p. 557. The anonymous writer, with an ignorance worthy of his times, supposes that these instruments of Christian worship had belonged to the temple of Solomon. If he has any meaning, it must be that they were found in the sack of Rome. [Procopius, B. G. i. 12, states that they were taken from Jerusalem by the Romans.} OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 337 ance to the ambassadors of Dagobert ; despoiled them on the road ; stipulated, after a long negotiation, the inadequate ran- som of two hundred thousand pieces of gold ; and preserved the missorium as the pride of the Gothic treasury .1** When that treasury, after the conquest of Spain, was plundered by the Arabs, they admired, and they have celebrated, another object still more reniarkable : a table of considerable size, of one single piece of solid emerald, '^^^ encircled with three rows of iine pearls, supported by three hundred and sixty-five feet of gems and massy gold, and estimated at the price of five hundred thousand pieces of gold.^** Some portion of the Gothic trea- sures might be the gift of friendship or the tribute of obedience ; but the far greater part had been the fruits of war and rapine, the spoils of the empire, and perhaps of Rome. After' the deliverance of Italy from the oppression of the Laws tor the Goths some secret counsellor was permitted, amidst the and Rome, factions of the palace, to heal the wounds of that afflicted coun- try, i*^ By a wise and humane regulation the eight provinces which had been the most deeply injured, Campania, Tuscany, Picenum, Samnium, Apulia, Calabria, Bruttium, and Lucania, obtained an indulgence of five years : the ordinaiy tribute was reduced to one-fifth, and even that fifth was destined to restore and support the useful institution of the public posts. By another law the lands which had been left without inhabitants or cultivation were granted, with some diminution of taxes, to the neighbours who should occupy, or the strangers who should Solicit, them ; and the new possessors were secured against the future claims of the fugitive proprietors. About the same time a general amnesty was published in the name of Honorius, to abolish the guilt and memory of all the involuntary offences !*• Consult the following original testimonies in the Historians of France, torn, ii. Fredegarii Scholastici Chron. c. 73, p. 441. Fredegar. Fragment, iii. p. 463. Gesta Regis pagobert. c. 29, p. 587. The accession of Sisenand to the throne of Spain happened A.D. 631. The 200,000 pieces of gold were appropriated by Dagobert to the foundation of the church of St. Denys. "5The president Goguet (Origine des Loix, &c. torn. ii. p. 239) is of opinion that the stupendous pieces of emerald, the statues and columns which antiquity has placed in Egypt, at Gades, at Constantinople, were in reality artificial com- positions of coloured glass. The famous emerald dish which is shown at Genoa is supposed to countenance the suspicion. i^Elmacin, Hist. Saracenica, 1. i. p. 85. Roderic. Tolet. Hist. Arab. c. 9. Cardonne, Hist, de i'Afrique et de I'Espagne sous les Arabes, torn. i. p. 83. It was called the Table of Solomon according to the custom of the Orientals, who ascribe to that prince every ancient work of knowledge or magnificence. 1*' His three laws are inserted in the Theodosian Code, 1. .xi. tit. xxviii. leg. 7. L. xiii. tit. xi. leg. 12. L. xv. tit. xiv. leg., 14. The expressions of the last are very remarkable, since they contain not only a pardon but an apology. VOL. III. 22 338 THE DECLINE AND FALL Revolt and def«&t of HeracUan, connt of Africa. A.O. 413 which had been committed by his unhappy subjects during the term of the public disorder and calamity. A decent and respectful attention was paid to the restoration of the capital ; the citizens were encouraged to rebuild the edifices which had been destroyed or damaged by hostile fire ; and extraordinary supplies of corn were imported from the coast of Africa. The crowds that so lately fled before the sword of the Barbarians were soon recalled by the hopes of plenty and pleasure ; and Albinus, praefect of Rome, informed the court, with some anxiety and surprise, that in a single day he had taken an account of the arrival of fourteen thousand strangers, i*^ In less than seven years the vestiges of the Gothic invasion were almost obliterated, and the city appeared to resume its former splendour and tran- quillity. The venerable matron replaced her crown of laurel which had been ruflled by the storms of war ; and was still amused, in the last moment of her decay, with the prophecies of revenge, of victory, and of eternal dominion.i^' This apparent tranquillity was soon disturbed by the approach of an hostile armament from the country which afforded the daily subsistence of the Roman people. Heraclian, count of Africa, who, under the most difficult and distressful circum- stances, had supported, with active loyalty, the cause of Honorius, was tempted, in the year of his consulship, to assume the charac- ter of a rebel and the title of emperor. The ports of Africa were immediately filled with the naval forces, at the head of which he prepared to invade Italy ; and his fleet, when it cast anchor at the mouth of the Tiber, indeed surpassed the fleets of Xerxes and Alexander, if all the vessels, including the royal galley and the smallest boat, did actually amount to the in- credible number of three thousand two hundred.^*" Yet with I'ls Olympiodorus ap. Phot. p. i88 [fr. 25]. Philostorgius (I. xii. c. s) observes that, when Honorivis made his triumphal entry, he encouraged the Romans with his hand and voice [x^tpl xai yKmrrr]) to rebuild their city ; and the Chronicle of Prosper commends Heraclian, qui in Romanee urbis reparationem strenuum ex- hibuerat ministerium. "9 xhe date of the voyage of Claudius Rutilius Numatianus [Namatianus] is clogged with some difficulties, but Scaliger has deduced from astronomical char- acters that he left Rome the 24th of September and embarked at Porto the gth of October, a.d. 416. See Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 820. In this political Itinerary Rutilius (1. i. 115, &c.) addresses Rome in a high strain of congratulation : — Erige crinales lauros, seniumque sacrati Verticis in virides Roma recinge comas, &c. [Rutilius had been magister officiorum and praef. urbi of Rome. 1™ Orosius composed his history in Africa only two years after the event ; yet bis authority seems to be overbalanced by the improbability of the fact. The OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 339 such an armament, which might have subverted or restored the greatest empires of the earth, the African usurper made a very faint and feeble impression on the provinces of his rival. As he marched from the port along the road which leads to the gates of Rome, he was encoimtered, terrified, and routed by one of the Imperial captains ; and the lord of this mighty host, deserting his fortune and his friends, ignominiously fled with a single ship.i"'^ When Heraclian landed in the harbour of Carthage, he found that the whole province, disdaining such an unworthy ruler, had returned to their allegiance. The rebel was be- headed in the ancient temple of Memory ; his consulship was abolished ; ^^^ and the remains of his private fortune, not ex- ceeding the moderate sum of four thousand pounds of gold, were granted to the brave Constantius, who had already defended the throne which he afterwards shared with his feeble sovereign. Honorius viewed with supine indifference the calamities of Rome and Italy ; i^' but the rebellious attempts of Attains and Herac- lian against his personal safety awakened, for a moment, the torpid instinct of his nature. He was probably ignorant of the causes and events which preserved him from these impending dangers ; and, as Italy was no longer invaded by any foreign or domestic enemies, he peaceably existed in the palace of Ravenna, while the tyrants beyond the Alps were repeatedly vanquished in the name, and by the lieutenants, of the son of Theodosius.^^* In the course of a busy and interesting narrative, I might pos- sibly forget to mention the death of such a prince, and I shall Chronicle of Marcellinus gives Heraclian 700 ships and 3000 men : the latter of these numbers is ridiculously corrupt, but the former would please me very much. 151 The Chronicle of Idatius affirms, without the least appearance of truth, that he advanced as far as Otriculum, in Umbria, where he was overthrown in a great battle, with the loss of fifty thousand men. 152 See Cod. Theod. 1. xv. tit. iv. leg. 13. The legal acts performed in his name, even the manumission of slaves, were declared invalid till they had been formally repealed. iw 1 have disdained to mention a very foolish, and probably a false, report (Procop. de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 2) that Honorius was alarmed by the loss of Rome, till he understood that it was not a favourite chicken of that name, but only the capital of the world, which had been lost. Yet even this story is some evidence of the public opinion. 1" The materials for the lives of all these tyrants are taken from six contempo- rary historians, two Latins and four Greeks : Orosius, 1. vii. c. 42, p. 581, 582, 583 ; Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus, apud Gregor. Turon. 1. ii. c. 9, in the historians of France, tom. ii. p. 165, 166; Zosimus, 1. vi. p. 370, 371 [2 sqq/]; Olympiodorus, apud Phot. p. 180, 181, 184, 185 [fr. 12-19]; Sozomen, 1. ix. c. 12, 13, 14, 15 ; and Philostorgius, 1. xii. c. 5, 6, with Godefroy's Dissertations, p. 477-481 ; besides the four Chronicles of Prosper Tiro, Prosper of Aquitain, Idatius, and Marcellinus. 340 THE DECLINE AND FALL therefore take the precaution of Observing, in this place, that he survived the last siege of Rome about thirteen years. 3i«Toiuuon» The usurpation of Constantine, who received the purple from Bmiiii. A.D. the legions of Britain, had been successful ; and seemed to be secure. His title was acknowledged, from the wall of Antoninus to the columns of Hercules ; and, in the midst of the public disorder, he shared the dominion, and the plunder,- of Gaul and Spain with the tribes of Barbarians, whose destructive progress was no longer checked by the Rhine or Pyrenees. Stained with the blood of the kinsmen of Honorius, he extorted from the court of Ravenna, with which he secretly corresponded, the ratification of his rebellious claims. Constantine engaged him- self by a solemn promise to deliver Italy from the Goths ; ad- vanced as far as the banks of the Po ; and, after alarming rather than assisting his pusillanimous ally, hastily returned to the palace of Aries, to celebrate, with intemperate luxury, his vain and ostentatious triumph. But this transient prosperity was soon interrupted and destroyed by the revolt of count Gerontius, the bravest of his generals ; who, during the absence of his son Constans, a prince already invested with the Imperial purple, had been left to command in the provinces of Spain. For some reason of which we are ignorant, Gerontius, instead of assuming the diadem, placed it on the head of his friend Maximus,!^'' who fixed his residence at Tarragona, while the active count pressed forwards, through the Pyrenees, to surprise the two emperors, Constantine and Constans, before they could prepare for their [vienno] dcfcnce. The son was made prisoner at Vienna and immediately put to death ; and the unfortunate youth had scarcely leisure to deplore the elevation of his family, which had tempted or com- pelled him sacrilegiously to desert the peaceful obscurity of the monastic life. The father maintained a siege within the walls of Aries ; but those walls must have yielded to the assailants had not the city been unexpectedly relieved by the approach of an Italian army. The name of Honorius, the proclamation of a lawful emperor, astonished the contending parties of the rebels. Gerontius, abandoned by his own troops, escaped to the con- fines of Spain ; and rescued his name from oblivion by the Roman courage which appeared to animate the last moments of his life. In the middle of the night, a great body of his per- fidious soldiers surrounded and attacked his house, which he 1" [A dependent friend. Olympiodorus, fr. i6, has rw iavToi iroiJa, which doubt- less means his "servant," not his "son ".] OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 341 had strongly barricaded. His wife, a valiant friend of the nation of the Alani, and some faithful slaves were still attached to his person ; and he used with so much skill and resolution a large magazine of darts and arrows that above three hundred of the assailants lost their lives in the attempt. His slaves, when all the missile weapons were spent, fled at the dawn of day ; , and Gerontius, if he had not been restrained by conjugal tender- ness, might have imitated their example ; till the soldiers, pro- voked by such obstinate resistance, applied fire on all sides to the house. In this fatal extremity, he complied with the request of his Barbarian friend, and cut off his head. The wife of Gerontius, who conjured him not to abandon her to a life of misery and disgrace, eagerly presented her neck to his sword ; and the tragic scene was terminated by the death of the count himself, who, after three ineifectual strokes, drew a short dagger, and sheathed it in his heart.i*^ The unprotected Maximus, whom he had invested with the purple, was indebted for his life to the contempt that was entertained of his power and abilities. The caprice of the Barbarians, who ravaged Spain, once more seated this Imperial phantom on the throne ; but they soon resigned him to the justice of Honorius ; and the tyrant Maximus, after he had been shown to the people of Ravenna and Rome, was publicly executed. [AD.mj The general, Constantius was his name, who raised by hisra>»rMteri approach the siege of Aries, and dissipated the troops of Geron- tii«generai tius, was born a Roman; and this remarkable .distinction is strongly expressive of the decay of military spirit among the subjects of the. empire. The strength and majesty which were conspicuous in the person of that general i^^ marked him, in the popular opiniop, as a candidate worthy of the throne which he afterwards ascended. In the familiar intercourse of private life his manners were cheerful and engaging; nor would he sometimes disdain, in the licence of convivial mirth, to vie with the pantomimes themselves in the exercises of their ridiculous profession. But, when the trumpet summoned him to arms ; when he mounted his horse, and, bending down (for such was 156 The praises which ' Sozomen has bestowed on ' this ' act of despair appear strange and scandalous in the mouth of an ecclesiastical historian. He observes' (p. 379) that the wife of Gerontius was a Christian ; and that her death was Worthy of her religion and of jmmortal fame. [For death of Maximus, cp. App. 22.] 157 ElSorafio*' TypoiTtcoSj is the expression of Olympiodorus, which he' seems to have borrowed from Mollis, a tragedy of Euripides, of which some fragments only are now extant (Euripid. Barnes, torn. ii. p. 443, ver. 38). This allusion may prove that the ancient tragic poets were still familiar to the Greeks of the fifth century. 342 THE DECLINE AND FALL his singular practice) almost upon the neck, fiercely rolled his large animated eyes round the fields Constantius then struck terror into his foes, and inspired his soldiers with the assurance of victory. He had received from the court of Ravenna the important commission of extirpating rebellion in the provinces of the West ; and the pretended emperor Constantine, after enjoying a short and anxious respite, was again besieged in his capital by the arms of a more formidable enemy. Yet this interval allowed time for a successful negotiation with the Franks and Alemanni ; and his ambassador, Edobic, soon re- turned, at the head of an army, to disturb the operations of the siege of Aries. The Roman general, instead of expecting the attack in his lines, boldly, and perhaps wisely, resolved to pass the Rhone, and to meet the Barbarians. His measures were conducted with so much skill and secrecy that, while they en- gaged the infantry of Constantius in the front, they were suddenly attacked, surrounded, and destroyed by the cavalry of his lieutenant Ulphilas, who had silently gained an advantageous post in their rear. The remains of the army of Edobic were preserved by flight or submission, and their leader escaped from the field of battle to the house of a faithless friend ; who too clearly understood that the head of his obnoxious guest would be an acceptable and lucrative present for the Imperial general. On this occasion, Constantius behaved with the magnanimity of a genuine Roman. Subduing or suppressing eveiy sentiment of jealousy, he publicly acknowledged the merit and services of Ulphilas ; but he turned with horror from the assassin of Edobic ; and sternly intimated his commands that the camp should no longer be polluted by the presence of an ungrateful wretch, who had violated the laws of friendship and hospitality. The usurper, who beheld from the walls of Aries the ruin of his last hopes, was tempted to place some confidence in so generous a conqueror. He required a solemn promise for his security ; and after receiving, by the imposition of hands, the sacred character of a Christian Presbyter, he ventured to open the gates of the city. But he soon experienced that the principles of honour and integrity, which might regulate the ordinary conduct of Constantius, were superseded by the loose doctrines of political morality. The Roman general, indeed, refused to sully his laurels with the blood of Constantine ; but the abdicated empei-or and his son Julian were sent under a strong guard into Italy ; and before they reached the palace of Ravenna they met the ministers of death. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 343 At a time when it was universally confessed that almost every p»u of «« man m the empire was superior m personal merit to the princes Jovinm, whom the accident of their birth had seated on the throne, amdAttmiiu rapid succession of usurpers, regardless of the fate of their pre- decessors, still continued to arise. This mischief was peculiarly felt in the provinces of Spain and Gaul, where the principles of order and obedience had been extinguished by war and rebellion. Be- fore Constantine resigned the purple, and in the fourth month of the siege of Aries, intelligence was received in the Imperial camp that Jovinus had assumed the diadem at Mentz in the Upper Germany, at the instigation of Goar, king of the Alani, and of Guntiarius, king of the Burgundians ; and that the candidate on whom they had bestowed the empire advanced with a formidable host of Barbarians from the banks of the Rhine to those of the Rhone. Every circumstance is dark and extraordinary in the short history of the reign of Jovinus. It was natural to expect that a brave and skilful general, at the head of a victorious army, would have asserted in a field of battle the justice of the cause of Honorius. The hasty retreat of Constantius might be justi- fied by weighty reasons ; but he resigned, without a struggle, the possession of Gaul : and Dardanus, the Praetorian praefect, is recorded as the only magistrate who refused to yield obedience to the usurper. 1^8 When the Goths, two years after the siege of Rome, established their quarters in Gaul, it was natural to sup- pose that their inclinations could be divided only between the emperor Honorius, with whom they had formed a recent alliance, and the degraded Attains, whom they reserved in their camp for the occasional purpose of acting the part of a musician or a monarch. Yet in a moment of disgust (for which it is not easy to assign a cause or a date) Adolphus connected himself with the usurper of Gaul, and imposed on Attains the igno- minious task of negotiating the treaty which ratified his own disgrace. We are again surprised to read that, instead of considering the Gothic alliance as the firmest support of his throne, Jovinus upbraided, in dark and ambiguous language, the officious importunity of Attains ; that, scorning the advice of 158 Sidonius ApoUinaris (1. v. epist. 9, p. 139, and Not. Sirmond, p. 58), after stigmatizing the inconstancy of Constantine, i>. Rome, if Wallia, before he repassed the Pyreneesi had extirpated A^uto. the seeds of the Spanish war. His victorious Goths, forty-three years after they had passed the Danube, were established, ac- cording to the faith of treaties, in the possession of the second Aquitain : a maritime province between the Garonne and the 1™ Orosius inserts a copy of these pretended letters. Tu cum omnibus pacem habe, omniumque obsides accipe; nos nobis confligimus, nobis perimus, tibi vin- cimus ; immortalis vero quasstus erat Reipublicse tuas, si utrique pereamus. The idea is just ; but I cannot persuade myself that it was entertained, or expressed, by the Barbarians. 1" Romam triumphans ingreditur, is the formal expression of Prosper's Chronicle. The facts which relate to the death of Adolphus, and the exploits of Wallia, are related from Olympiodorus (apud Phot. p. i88 [26]), Orosius (1. vii. c. 43, p. 584- 587), Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 31, 32), and the Chronicles of Idatius and Isidore. 350 THE DECLINE AND FALL Loire, under the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Bourdeaux. That metropolis, advantageously situated for the trade of the ocean, was built in a regular and elegant form ; and its numerous inhabitants were distinguished among the Gauls by their wealth, their learning, and the politeness of their manners. The adjacent province, which has been fondly compared to the garden of Eden, is blessed with a fruitful soil and a temperate climate : the face of the country displayed the arts and the rewards of industry ; and the Goths, after their martial toils, luxuriously exhausted the rich vineyards of Aquitain.i'^ fhe Gothic limits were enlarged by the additional gift of some neighbouring dioceses ; and the successors of Alaric fixed their royal residence at Toulouse, which included five populous quarters, or cities, within the spacious circuit of its walls. About the same time, in the last years of aeBnrgiin. the reign of Honorius, the Goths, the Burgundians, and the Franks obtained a permanent seat and dominion in the pro- vinces of Gaul. The liberal grant of the usurper Jovinus to his Burgundian allies was confirmed by the lawful emperor ; the lands of the First, or Upper, Germany were ceded to those formidable Barbarians ; and they gradually occupied, either by conquest or treaty, the two provinces which still retain, with the titles of Duchy and of County, the national appellation of Burgundy. 1'^^ The Franks, the valiant and faithful allies of the Roman republic, were soon tempted to imitate the invaders, "trmror- whom they had so bravely resisted. Treves, the capital of ™=™"= Gaul, was pillaged by their lawless bands; and the humble colony, which they so long maintained in the district of Tox- andria, in Brabant, insensibly multiplied along the banks of the Meuse and Scheld, till their independent power filled the whole extent of the Second or Lower Germany. These facts may be sufficiently justified by historic evidence ; but the foundation of the French monarchy by Pharamond, the conquests, the laws, and even the existence, of that hero, have been justly arraigned by the impartial severity of modem criticism, i''* "2 Ausonius (de Claris Urbibus, p. 257-262) celebrates Bourdeaux with the partial affection of a native. See in Salvian ^de Gubern. Dei, p. 228. Paris, 1608) a florid description of the provinces of Aquitain and Novempopulania. 173 Orosius (1. vii. c. 32, p. 550) commends the mildness and modesty of these Burgundians who treated their subjects of Gaul as their Christian brethren. Mas- cou has illustrated the origin of their kingdom in the four first annotations at the end of his laborious History of the ancient Germans, vol. ii. p. 555-572, of the English translation. [For the ten Burgundies see Appendix i of Mr. Bryce's Holy Roman Empire.] "* See Mascou, 1. viii. c. 43, 44, 45. Except in a short and suspicious line of the Chronicle of Prosper (in torn. i. p. 638 [pseudo-Prosper | see Mommsen, Chron. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 351 The ruin of the opulent provinces of Gaul may be dated from state of the the establishment of these Barbarians, whose alliance was dan- oani. a.d. gerous and oppressive, and who were capriciously impelled, by interest or passion, to violate the public peace. A heavy and partial ransom was imposed on the surviving provincials, who had escaped the calamities of war ; the fairest and most fertile lands were assigned to the rapacious strangers, for the use of their families, their slaves, and their cattle ; and the trembling natives relinquished with a sigh the inheritance of their fathers. Yet these domestic misfortunes, which are seldom the lot of a vanquished people, had been felt and inflicted by the Romans themselves, not only in the insolence of foreign conquest, but in the madness of civil discord^ The Triumvirs proscribed eighteen of the most flourishing colonies of Italy ; and distributed their lands and houses to the veterans who revenged the death of Caesar and oppressed the liberty of their country. Two poets, of unequal fame, have deplored, in similar circumstances, the loss of their patrimony : but the legionaries of Augustus appeared to have surpassed, in violence and injustice, the Barbarians who invaded Gaul under the reign of Honorius. It was not without the utmost difficulty that Virgil escaped from the sword of the centurion who had usurped his farm in the neighbourhood of Mantua; ''^ but Paulinus of Bourdeaux received a sum of money from his Gothic purchaser, which he accepted with pleasure and surprise ; and, though it was much inferior to the real value of his estate, this act of rapine was disguised by some colours of moderation and equity. i^^ The odious namie of conquerors, was softened into the mild and friendly appellation of the guests, of the Romans ; and the Barbarians of Gaul, more especially the Goths, repeatedly declared that they were bound to the people by the ties of hospitality and to the emperor by the duty of Min. i. p. 656]) the name of Pharamond is never mentioned before the seventh [8th] century. The author of the Gesta Francorum (in tom. ii. p. 543) suggests, probably enough, that the choice of Pharamond, or at least of a king, was recom- mended to the Franks by his father Marcomir, who was an exile in Tuscany. 1?' O Lycida, vivi pervenimus : advena nostri (Quod nunquam veriti sumus) ut possessor agelli Diceret : Hasc mea sunt ; veteres migrate coloni. Nunc victi tristes, &c. See the whole of the ninth Eclogue, with the useful Commentary of Servius. Fifteen miles of the Mantuan territory were assigned to the veterans, with a reservation, in favour of th6 inhabitants, of three miles round the city. Even in this favour they were cheated by Alfenus Varus, a famous lawyer, and one of the commissioners, who measured eight hundred paces of water and morass. i'6 See the remarkable passage of the Eucharisticon of Paulinus, 575, apud Mascou, 1. viii. c. 42. [See Appendix i.] 352 THE DECLINE AND FALL allegiance and military service. The title of Honorius and his successors, their laws, and their civil magistrates, were still re- spected in the pi-ovinces of Gaul of which they had resigned the possession to the Barbarian allies ; and the kings, who exercised a supreme and independent authority over their native subjects, ambitiously solicited the more honourable rank of master- generals of the Imperial armies.^^" Such was the involuntary reverence which the Roman name still impressed on the minds of those wan-iors who had borne away in triumph the spoils of the Capitol. ^Toit of Whilst Italy was ravaged by the Goths and a succession of AMorica. feeble tyrants oppressed the provinces beyond the Alps, the British island separated itself from the body of the Roman em- pire. The regular forces, which guarded that remote province, had been gvadually withdrawn ; and Britain was abandoned, without defence, to the Saxon pirates and the savages of Ireland and Caledonia. The Britons, reduced to this extremity^ no longer relied on the tardy and doubtful aid of a declining monarch. They assembled in arms, repelled the invaders, and rejoiced ^n the important discovery of their own strength. ^'^^ Afflicted by similar calamities and actuated by the same spirit, the Arraorican provinces (a name which comprehended the maritime countries of Gaul between the Seine and the Loire i^°) resolved to imitate the example of the neighbouring island. They expelled the Roman magistrates who acted under the authority of the usurper Constantine ; and a free government was established among a people who had so long been subject to the arbitrary will of a master. The independence of Britain and Armorica was soon confirmed by Honorius himself, the law- ful emperor of the West; and the letters, by which he committed to the new states the care of their own safety, might be inter- preted as an absolute and perpetual abdication of the exercise and rights of sovereignty. This interpretation was, in some measure, justified by the event. After the usurpers of Gaul had 1" This important truth is estabUshed by the accuracy of Tillemont (Hist, des Emp. torn. V. p. 641) and by the Ingenuity of the Abb6 Dubos (Hist, de I'Etab- lissement de la Monarchic Franfoise dans les Gaules, torn. i. p. 259). 1™ Zosimus (1. vi. p. 376, 383 [5 and 10]) relates in a few words the revolt of Britain and Armorica. Our antiquarians, even the great Cambden himself, have been betrayed into many gross errors by their imperfect knowledge of the history of the continent. "8 The limits of Armorica are defined by two national geographers, Messieui-s de Valois and d'Anville, in their Notitias of Ancient Gaul. The word had been used in a more extensive, and was afterwards contracted to a much narrower, signification. or THE EOMAN EMPIEE 353 successively fallen, the maritime provinces were restored to the empire. Yet their obedience was imperfect and precarious: the vain, inconstant, rebellious disposition of the people was incom- patible either with freedom or servitude,!*" and Armorica, though it could not long maintain the form of a republic,^*! was agitated by frequent and destructive revolts. Britain was irrecoverably lost.i^^ But, as the emperors wisely acquiesced in the independ- ence of a remote province, the separation was not embittered by the reproach of tyranny or rebellion ; and the claims of alle- giance and protection were succeeded by the mutual and volun- tary offices of national friendship.!*^ This revolution dissolved the artificial fabric of civil and military state of government ; and the independent country, during a period of 409-419 forty years, till the descent of the Saxons, was ruled by the authority of the clergy, the nobles, and the municipal towns.!** I. Zosimus, who alone has preserved the memoiy of this singular transaction, very accurately observes that the letters of Honorius were addressed to the cities of Britain. i*^ Under the protection of the Romans, ninety-two considerable towns had arisen in the several parts of that great province ; and, among these, thirty- three cities were distinguished above the rest by their superior 180 Gens inter gerainos notissima clauditur amnes, Armoricana prius veteri cognomine dicta. Torva, ferox, ventosa, procax, incauta, rebellis ; Inconstans, disparque .sibi novitatis amore ; Prodiga verboram, sed non et prodiga facti. Erricus Monach. in Vit. St. Germani, 1. v. apud Vales. Notit. Galliarum, p. 43. Valesius alleges several testimonies to confirm this character ; to which I shall add the evidence of the presbyter Constantine (a.d. 488), who, in the life of St. Ger- main, calls the Armorican rebels mobilem et indisciplinatum populum. See the Historians of France, torn. i. p. 643. 181 1 thought it necessary to enter my protest against this part of the system of the Abb6 Dubos, which Montesquieu has so vigorously opposed. See Esprit des Loix, 1. XXX. c, 24. 182 5p€TavtfLaif jiteVrot "Piaflaloc avatriatracrOai ov«eTt elxov are the WOrds of PrO- copius (de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 2, p. 181, Louvre edition) in a very important pas- sage which has been too much neglected. Even Bede (Hist. Gent. Anglican. 1. i. c. 12, p. 50, edit. Smith) acknowledges that the Romans finally left Britain in the reign of Honorius. Yet our modern historians and antiquaries extend the term of their dominion ; and there are some who allow only the interval of a few months between their departure and the arrival of the Saxons. 183 Bede has not forgot the occasional aid of the legions against the Scots and Picts ; and more authentic proof will hereafter be produced that the independent Britains raised 12,000 men for the service of the emperor Anthemius in Gaul. 18* I owe it to myself, and to historic truth, to declare that some circumstances in the paragraph are founded only on conjecture and analogy. The stubbornness of our language has sometimes forced me to deviate from the conditional into the indicative mood. 185 npbs ro.'s Iv Bperai'X'i^ jroAeis. ZosimUS, 1. vi. p. 383 [lo]. VOL. III. 23 354 THE DECLINE AND FALL privileges and importance.!*^ Each of these cities, as in all the other provinces of the empire, formed a legal corporation, for the purpose of regulating their domestic policy ; and the powers of municipal government were distributed among annual magis- trates, a select senate, and the assembly of the people, accord- ing to the original model of the Roman constitution. ^^^ The management ot a common revenue, the exercise of civil and criminal jurisdiction, and the habits of public counsel and com- mand were inherent to these petty republics ; and, when they asserted their independence, the youth of the city and of the adjacent districts would naturally range themselves under the standard of the magistrate. But the desire of obtaining the advantages, and of escaping the burdens, of political society is a perpetual and inexhaustible soui'ce of discord ; nor can it reasonably be presumed that the restoration of British freedom was exempt from tumult and faction. The pre-eminence of birth and fortune must have been frequently violated by bold and popular citizens ; and the haughty nobles, who complained that they were become the subjects of their own servants,^** would sometimes regret the reign of an arbitrary monarch. II. The jurisdiction of each city over the adjacent country was > sup- ported by the patrimonial influence of the principal senators ; and the smaller towns, the villages, and the proprietors of land con- sulted their own safety by adhering to the shelter of these rising republics. The sphere of their attraction was proportioned to the respective degrees of their wealth and populousness ; but the hereditary lords of ample possessions, who were not oppressed by the neighbourhood of any powerful city, aspired to the rank of independent princes, and boldly exercised the rights of peace and war. The gardens and villas, which exhibited some faint imitation of Italian elegance, would soon be converted into strong castles, the refuge, in time of danger, of the adjacent country ; i^a the produce of the land was applied to purchase 186 Two cities of Britain were municipia, nine colonies, ten Latii jure donatae, twelve sHpendiaricB of eminent note. This detail is taken from Richard of Ciren- cester, de Situ Britannias, p. 36 ; and, though it may not seem probable that he wrote from the Mss. of a Roman general, he shews a genuine knowledge of antiquity, very extraordinary for a monk of the fourteenth century. [The treatise is a forgery of the i8th century, by one Bertram ; cp. vol. i. Appendix 2.] 187 See Maffei, Verona lUustrata, part i. 1. v. p. 83-106. 188 Leges restituit, libertatemque reducit, Et servos famulis non sinit esse suis. Itinerar. Rutil. 1. i. 215. 189 An inscription (apud Sirmond., Not. ad Sidon. ApoUinar. p. 59) describes a castle, cum muris et portis, tuitioni omnium, erected by Dardanus [Praet. Praef. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 355 arms and horses, to maintain a military force of slaves, of peasants, and of licentious followers ; and the chieftain might assume, within his own domain, the powers of a civil magistrate. Several of these British chiefs might be the genuine posterity of ancient kings ; and many more would be tempted to adopt this honourable genealogy, and to vindicate their hereditary claims, which had been suspended by the usurpation of the Caesars.!"" Their situation and their hopes would dispose them to affect the dress, the language, and the customs of their ancestors. If the princes of Britain relapsed into barbarism, while the cities studiously preserved the laws and manners of Rome, the whole island must have been gradually divided by the distinction of two national parties ; again broken into a thousand subdivisions of war and faction, by the various provocations of interest and resentment. The public strength, instead of being united against a foreign enemy, was consumed in obscure and intestine quarrels ; and the personal merit which had placed a successful leader at the head of his equals might enable him to subdue the freedom of some neighbouring cities, and to claim a rank among the tyrants ^^^ who infested Britain after the dissolution of the Roman government. III. The British church might be composed of thirty or forty bishops,!'^ with an adequate proportion of the inferior clergy ; and the want of riches (for they seem to have been poor ^^^) would compel them to deserve the public esteem by a decent and exemplary behaviour. The interest, as well as the temper, of the clergy was favoui-able to the peace and union of their distracted country ; those salutary lessons might be of Gaul in 409 and 411-13] on his own estate near Sisteron, in the second Narbon- nese, and named by him Theopohs. [See C. I. L. xii. 1524 ; the stone is on the road from Sister on to St. Genies in Provence. Dardanus is not stated to have given its name to the village or castle of Theopolis (now hamlet of Th^on), but to have given it walls and gates. ] I'o The establishment of their power would have been easy indeed, if we could adopt the impracticable scheme of a lively and learned antiquarian ; who supposes that the British monarchs of the several tribes continued to reign, though with subordinate jurisdiction, from the time of Claudius to that of 'Honorius. See Whitaker's History of Manchester, vol. i. p. 247-257. 191 'A\A' oivtL vTTo 7vpoLvvot.i oltt' «utou l/iecf. Procopius, de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 2, p. 181. Britannia fertilis provincia tyrannorura, was the expression of Jerom, in the year 415 (tom. ii. p. 255, ad Ctesiphont. ). By the pilgrims, who resorted every year to the Holy Land, the Monk of Bethlem received the earliest and most accurate intelligence. 192 See Bingham's Eccles. Antiquities, vol. i.,1. ix. c. 6, p. 394. [A discreet and important paper on Early British Christianity by Mr. F. Haverfield appeared in Eng. Hist. Review, July, i8g6. The archaeological evidence is mustered.] 193 It is reported of iAree British bishops who assisted at the council of Rimini, A.D. 359, tam pauperes fuisse ut nihil [proprlum] haberent. Sulpicius Severus, Hist. Sacra, 1. ii. p. 420 [c. 41]. Some of their brethren, however, were in better circumstances. 356 THE DECLINE AND FALL frequently inculcated in their popular discourses ; and the episcopal synods were the only councils that could pretend to the weight and authority of a national assembly. In such councils, where the princes and magistrates sat promiscuously with the bishops, the important affairs of the state, as well as of the church, might be freely debated ; differences reconciled, alliances formed, contributions imposed, wise resolutions often concerted, and sometimes executed ; and there is reason to believe that, in moments of extreme danger, a Pendragon, or Dictator, was elected by the general consent of the Britons. These pastoral cares, so woi-thy of the episcopal character, were interrupted, however, by zeal and superstition ; and the British clergy incessantly laboured to eradicate the Pelagian heresy, which they abhorred as the peculiar disgrace of their native country, i*'' Araambiyof It is somcwhat remarkable, or rather it is extremely natural, provincM of that the revolt of Britain and Armorica should have introduced an appearance of liberty into the obedient provinces of Gaul. In a solemn edict,!'^ filled with the strongest assurances of that paternal affection which princes so often express and so seldom feel, the emperor Honorius promulgated his intention of con- vening an annual assembly of the seven provinces : a name peculiarly appropriated to Aquitain, and the ancient Narbonnese, which had long since exchanged their Celtic rudeness for the useful and elegant arts of Italy.i''' Aries, the seat of government and commerce, was appointed for the place of the assembly ; which regularly continued twenty*eight days, from the fifteenth of August to the thirteenth of September, of every year. It consisted of the Praetorian praefect of the Gauls ; of seven provincial govei-nors, one consular and six presidents; of the magistrates, and perhaps the bishops, of about sixty cities ; and of a competent, though indefinite, number of the most honour- able and opulent possessors of land, who might justly be con- sidered as the representatives of their country. They were empowered to interpret and communicate the laws of their ■ i** Consult Usher, de Antiq. Eccles. Britannicar. c. 8-i2. !<" See the correct text of this edict, as published by Sirmond (Not. ad Sidon. ApoUin. p. 147). Hincmar of Rheims, who assigns a place to the bishops, had probably seen (in the ninth century) a more perfect copy. Dubos, Hist. Critique de la Monarchic Frangoise, torn. i. p. 241-255. 198 It is evident Irom the Notitia that the seven provinces were the Viennensis, the maritime Alps, the first and second Narbonnese, Novempopulania, and the first and second Aquitain. In the room of the first Aquitain, the Abb^ Dubos, on the authority of Hincmar, desires to introduce the first Lugdunensis, or Lyonnese. , [The Seven Provinces are not to be confused with Septimania ; cp. Appendi.\ 23.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 357 sovereign ; to expose the grievances and wishes of their con- stituents; to moderate the excessive or unequal weight of taxes; and to deliberate on every subject of local or national importance, that could tend to the restoration of the peace and prosperity of the seven provinces. If such an institution, which gave the people an interest in their own government, had been universally established by Trajan or the Antonines, the seeds of public wisdom and virtue might have been cherished and propagated in the empire of Rome. The privileges of the subject would have secured the throne of the monarch ; the abuses of an arbitrary administration might have been prevented, in some degree, or corrected, by the intetposition of these representative assemblies ; and the country would have been defended against a foreign enemy by the arms of natives and freemen. Under the mild and generous influence of liberty, the Roman empire might have remained invincible and immortal ; or, if its excessive magnitude and the instability of human affairs had opposed such perpetual continuance, its vital and constituent members might have separately preserved their vigour and independence. But in the decline of the empire, when every principle of health and life had been exhausted, the tardy application of this partial remedy was incapable of producing any important or salutary effects. The Emperor Honorius expresses his surprise that he must compel the reluctant provinces to accept a privilege which they should ardently have solicited. A fine of three or even five pounds of gold was imposed on the absent representa- tives ; who seem to have declined this imaginary gift of a free constitution, as the last and most cruel insult of their op- pressors, i"" 1*' [Guizot, in his Histoire de la Civilisation en Europe (e. 2), translates this edict. It interests him as an unsuccessful attempt at representative govern- ment and centralisation, which were contrary to the nature of a society in which the municipal spirit was predominant. Chateaubriand had already described the institution of the assembly as " un trte grand fait historique qui annonce le passage k une nouvelle esptee de liberty". These and other writers have exaggerated the importance of the edict and ascribed to Honorius and his ministers ideas which were foreign to them. There was certainly no question of anything like a national representation. For recent discussions of the document, see Guiraud, Les assemblfes provinciales dans I'Empire romain, and Carette, Les assembles provinciales de la Gaule romaine. The main objects of Honorius were probably, as M. Carette says, p. 249, to multiply the points of contact between the chief of his Gallic subjects and his governors ; and to facilitate the administrative business of the provinces by centralisation. For diocesan, as distinct from provincial, concilia, see C. Th. 12, 12, g.] 358 THE DECLINE AND FALL CHAPTER XXXII Arcadius Emperor of the East — Administration and Disgrace of Entropius — Revolt of Gainas — Persecution of St. John Chryso- stom — Theodosius II. Emperor of the East — His Sitter Pulcheria — His Wife Eudocia — The Persian War, and Division of Armenia Th« empire of The division of the Roman world between the sons of Theodosius 395-1U3 ■ ' ■ marks the final establishment of the empire of the East, which, Stu^u. fr""" *^li^ reign of Arcadius to the taking of Constantinople by A.D. 395-4)8 tjjg Turks, subsistcd one thousand and fifty-eight years, in a state of premature and pei-petual decay. The sovereign of that empire assumed, and obstinately retained, the vain, and at length fictitious, title of Emperor of the Romans ; and the hereditary appellations of Caesar and Augustus continued to declare that he was the legitimate successor of the first of men, who had reigned over the first of nations. The palace of Constantinople rivalled, and perhaps excelled, the magnificence of Persia ; and the eloquent sermons of St. Chrysostom ^ celebrate, while they condemn, the pompous luxury of the reign of Arcadius. " The emperor," says he, " wears on his head either a diadem or a crown of gold, decorated with precious stones of inestimable value. These ornaments and his purple garments are reserved for his sacred person alone ; and his robes of silk are embroidered with the figures of golden dragons. His throne is of massy gold. Whenever he appears in public, he is surrounded by his courtiers, his guards, and his attendants. Their spears, their shields, their cuirasses, the bridles and trappings of their horses, have either the substance or the appearance of gold ; and the large splendid boss in the midst of their shield is encircled with smaller bosses, 1 Father Montfaucon, who, by the command of his Benedictine superiors, was compelled (see Longueruana, tom. i. p. 205) to execute the laborious edition of St. Chrysostom, in thirteen volumes in folio (Paris, 1738), amused himself with extracting, from that immense collection of morals, some curious antiquities, which illustrate the manners of the Theodosian age (see Chrysostom. Opera, tom. xiii. p. 192-196, and his French Dissertation, in the M^moires de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. xiii. p. 474-490). [A. Puech has recently devoted a whole book to the same subject ; St. Jean Chrysostome et les moeurs de son temps, 1891.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 369 which represent the shape of the human eye. The two mules that draw the chariot of the monarch are perfectly white, and shining all over with gold. The chariot itself, of pure and solid gold, attracts the admiration of the spectators, who contemplate the purple curtains, the snowy carpet, the size of the precious stones, and the resplendent plates of gold, that glitter as they are agitated by the motion of the carriage. The Imperial pictures are white on a blue ground ; the emperor appears seated on his throne, with his arms, his horses, and his guards beside him ; and his vanquished enemies in chains at his feet." The successors of Constantine established their perpetual resi- dence in the royal city which he had erected on the verge of Europe and Asia. Inaccessible to the menaces of their enemies, and perhaps to the complaints of their people, they received, with each wind, the tributary productions of eveiy climate ; while the impregnable strength of their capital continued for ages to defy the hostile attempts of the Barbarians. Their dominions were bounded by the Hadriatic and Tigris ; and the whole interval of twenty-five days' navigation, which separated the extreme cold of Scythia from the torrid zone of Ethiopia,^ was comprehended within the limits of the empire of the East. The populous countries of that empire were the seat of art and learning, of luxury and wealth ; and the inhabitants, who had assumed the language and manners of Greeks, styled themselves, with some appearance of truth, the most enlightened and civilized portion of the human species. The form of govern- ment was a pure and simple monarchy ; the name of the Roman Republic, which so long preserved a faint tradition of freedom, was confined to the Latin provinces ; and the princes of Con- stantinople measured their greatness by the servile obedience of their people. They were ignorant how much this passive dis- position enervates and degrades every faculty of the mind. The subjects, who had resigned their will to the absolute commands of a master, were equally incapable of guarding their lives and fortunes against the assaults of the Barbarians or of defending their reason from the terrors of superstition. 2 According to the loose reckoning that a ship could sail, with a fair wind, looo stadia, or 125 miles, in the revolution of a day and night ; Diodorus Siculus computes ten days from the Palus Mseotis to Rhodes, and four days from Rhodes to Alexandria. The navigation of the Nile, from Alexandria to Syene, imder the tropic of Cancer, required, as it was against the stream, ten days more. Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. 1. iii. p. 200, edit. Wesseling. He might, without much impro- priety, measure the extreme heat from the verge of the torrid zone ; but he speaks of the Mseotis in the 47th degree of northern latitude, as if it lay within the polar circle. [On rates of sea travelling see Appendix 24.] 360 THE DECLINE AND FALL Adminiiitra, The first cvcnts of the reign of Arcadius and Honorius are so ctorMterof intimately connected that the rebellion of the Goths and the A?D.°£sjs9 fall of Rufinus have already claimed a place in the history of the West. It has already been observed that Eutropius,^ one of the principal eunuchs of the palace of Constantinople, succeeded the haughty minister whose ruin he had accomplished, and whose vices he soon imitated. Every order of the state bowed to the new favourite ; and their tame and obsequious submission en- couraged him to insult the laws, and, what is still more difficult and dangerous, the manners, of his country. Under the weakest of the predecessors of Arcadius, the reign of the eunuchs had been secret and almost invisible. They insinuated themselves into the confidence of the prince ; but their ostensible functions were confined to the menial service of the wardrobe and Im- perial bed-chamber. They might direct, in a whisper, the public counsels, and blast, by their malicious suggestions, the fame and fortunes of the most illustrious citizens ; but they never presumed to stand forward in the front of empire,* or to profane the public honours of the state. Eutropius was the first of his artificial sex, who dared to assume the character of a Roman magistrate and general. ^ Sometimes in the presence of the blush- ing senate he ascended the tribunal, to pronounce judgment or to repeat elaborate harangues ; and sometimes appeared on horseback, at the head of his troops, in the dress and armour of a hero. The disregard of custom and decency always betrays a weak and ill-regulated mind ; nor does Eutropius seem to have * Barthius, who adored his author with the Wind superstition of a commentator, gives the preference to the two books which Claudian composed against Eutropius, above all his other productions (Baillet, Jugemens des Savans, torn. iv. p. 227). They are indeed a very elegant and spirited satire ; and would be more valuable in an historical light, if the invective were less vague and more temperate. ■* After lamenting the progress of the eunuchs in the Roman palace and defining their proper functions, Claudian adds, A fronte recedant Imperii. In Eutrop. i, 422. Yet it does not appear that the eunuch had assumed any of the efficient offices of the empire, and he is styled only Praspositus sacri cubiculi, in the edict of his banishment. See Cod. Theod. 1. ix. tit. xl. leg. 17. 5 Jamque oblita sui, nee sobria divitiis mens In miseras leges hominumque negotia ludit : Judicat eunuchus Arma etiam violare parat Claudian (i. 229-270), with .that mixture of indignation and humour which always pleases in a satiric poet, describes the insolent folly of the eunuch, the disgrace of the empire, and the joy of the Goths. — ■ Gaudet, cum viderit hostis,. Et sentit jam deesse viros. OF THE KOMAN EMPIRE 361 compensated for the folly of the design by any superior merit or ability in the execution. His former habits of life had not introduced him to the study of the laws or the exercises of the field ; his awkward and unsuccessful attempts provoked the secret contempt of the spectators ; the Goths expressed their wish that such a general might always command the armies of Rome ; and the name of the minister was branded with ridi- cule^ more pernicious perhaps than hatred to a public character. The subjects of Arcadius were exasperated by the recollection that this deformed and decrepid eunuch,^ who so perversely mimicked the actions of a man, was born in the most abject condition of servitude ; that, before he entered the Imperial palace, he had been successively sold and purchased by an hundred masters, who had exhausted his youthful strength in every mean and infamous office, and at length dismissed him, in his old age, to freedom and poverty.^ While these disgraceful stories were circulated, and perhaps exaggerated, in private con- versations, the vanity of the favourite was flattered with the most extraordinary honours. In the senate, in the capital, in the provinces, the statues of Eutropius were erected in brass or marble, decorated with the symbols of his civil and military virtues, and inscribed with the pompous title of the third founder of Constantinople. He was promoted to the rank of patrician, which began to signify, in a popular and even legal acceptation, the father of the emperor ; and the last year of the fourth century was polluted by the consulship of an eunuch and a slave. This strange and inexpiable prodigy * awakened, however, the prejudices of the Romans. The effeminate consul was rejected *The poet's lively description of his deformity (i. no 125) is confirmed by the authentic testimony of Chrysostom (torn. iii. p. 384, edit. Montfaucon), who observes that, when the paint was washed away, the face of Eutropius appeared more ugly and wrinkled than that of an old woman. Claudian remarks (i. 469), and the remark must have been founded on experience, that there was scarcely any interval between the youth and the decrepid age of an eunuch. ' Eutropius appears to have been a native of Armenia or Assyria. His three services, which Claudian more particularly describes, were these : i. He spent many years as the catamite of Ptolemy, a groom or soldier of the Imperial stables. 2. Ptolemy gave him to the old general Arintheus, for whom he very skilfully exer- cised the profession of a pimp. 3. He was given, on her marriage, to the daughter of Arintheus ; and the future consul was employed to comb her hair, to present the silver ewer, to wash and to fan his mistress in hot weather. See 1. i. 31-137. * Claudian (1. i. in Eutrop. 1-22), after enumerating the various prodigies of monstrous birds, speaking animals, showers of blood or stones, double suns, &c., adds, with some exaggeration,— Omnia cesserunt eunucho consule monstra. The first book concludes with a noble speech of the goddess of Rome to her favourite Honorius, deprecating the new ignominy to which she was exposed. 362 THE DECLINE AND FALL by the West, as an indelible stain to the annals of the republic ; and, without invoking the shades of Brutus and Camillus, the colleague of Eutropius, a learned and respectable magistrate,^ sufficiently represented the different maxims of the two adminis- trations. Hi«vemjity The bold and vigoi'ous mind of Rufinus seems to have been ce j^g^.ya^^-g(j jjy a^ more sanguinaiy and revengeful st)irit ; but the avarice of the eunuch was not less insatiate than that of the praefect.i" As long as he despoiled the oppressors who had enriched themselves with the plunder of the people, Eutropius might gratify his covetous disposition without much envy or injustice ; but the progress of his rapine soon invaded the wealth which had been acquired by lawful inheritance or laudable industry. The usual methods of extortion were practised and improved ; and Claudian has sketched a lively and original picture Q£jjie..public auction of the state. "The impotence of the eunuch " (says that agreeable satirist) " has served only to stimulate his avarice : the same hand which, in his servile con- dition, was exercised in petty thefts, to unlock the coffers of his master, now gi-asps the riches of the world ; and this infamous broker of the empire appreciates and divides the Roman pro- vinces, from Mount Hsemus to the Tigris. One man, at the expense of his villa, is made proconsul of Asia ; a second pur- chases Syria with his wife's jewels ; and a third laments that he has exchanged his paternal estate for the government of Bithynia. In the anti-chamber of Eutropius, a large tablet is exposed to public view, which marks the respective prices of the provinces. The different value of Pontus, of Galatia, of Lydia, is accurately distinguished. Lycia may be obtained for so many thousand pieces of gold ; but the opulence of Phrygia will require a more considerable sum. The eunuch wishes to obliterate, by the general disgrace, his personal ignominy ; and, as he has been sold himself, he is desirous of selling the rest of mankind. In the eager contention, the balance, which contains the fate and fortunes of the province, often trembles on the beam ; and, till one of the scales is inclined, by a superior weight, 9 Fl. Mallius Theodorus, whose civil honours, and philosophical works, have been celebrated by Claudian [who by the change of one letter has transformed Mallius into a member of the ancient Manlian family]. 10 MeSu'iui' St fiSr) tu -TrXoiiTCfi, drunk with riches, is the forcible expression of Zosimus (1. V. p. 301 [10]) ; and the avarice of Eutropius is equally execrated in the Lexicon of Suidas and the Chronicle of Marcellinus. Chrysostom had often admonished the favourite, of the vanity and danger of immoderate wealth, torn, iii. p. 381. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 363 the mind of the impartial judge remains in anxious suspense. ^^ Such " (continues the indignant poet) " are the fruits of Roman valour, of the defeat of Antiochus, and of the triumph of Pom- pey." This venal prostitution of public honours secured the impunity of future crimes ; but the riches which Eutropius derived from confiscation were already stained with injustice ; since it was decent to accuse, and to condemn, the proprietors of the wealth which he was impatient to confiscate. Some noble blood was shed by the hand of the executioner ; and the most inhospitable extremities of the empire were filled with innocent and illustrious exiles. Among the generals and consuls of theBuinofAbuii- East, Abundantius ^^ had reason to dread the first effects of the resentment of Eutropius. He had been guilty of the unpardon- able crime of introducing that abject slave to the palace of Constantinople ; and some degree of praise must be allowed to a powerful and ungrateful favourite, who was satisfied with the disgrace of his benefactor. Abundantius was stripped of his ample fortunes by an Imperial rescript, and banished to Pityus on the Euxine, the last frontier of the Roman world ; where he subsisted by the precarious mercy of the Barbarians, till he could obtain, after the fall of Eutropius, a milder exile at Sidon in Phoenicia. The destruction of Timasius^' required a moreofTimMim serious and regular mode of attack. That great officer, the master-general of the armies of Theodosius, had signalized his valour by a decisive victory, which he obtained over the Goths of Thessaly ; but he was too prone, after the example of his sovereign, to enjoy the luxury of peace, and to abandon his confidence to wicked and designing flatterers. Timasius had despised the public clamour, by promoting an infamous depend- 11 certantum ssepe duorutn Diversum suspendit onus : cum pondere Judex Vergit, et in geminas nutat provincia lances. Claudian (i. 192-209) so curiously distinguishes the circumstances of the sale that they all seem to allude to particular anecdotes. 12 Claudian {i. 154-170) mentions the guilt and exile of Abundantius, nor could he fail to quote the example of the artist who made the first trial of the brazen bull which he presented to Phalaris. See Zosimus, 1. v. p. 302 [lo]. Jerom, tom. i. p. 26 [ep. 60; Migne, i. 600]. The difference of place is easily reconciled ; but the decisive authority of Asterius of Amasia (Orat. iv. p. 76 apud Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 435) must turn the scale in favour of Pityus. 13 Suidas (most probably, from the history of Eunapius) has given a very un- favourable picture of Timasius. The account of his accuser, the judges, trial, &c. is perfectly agreeable to the practice of ancient and modern courts. (See Zosimus, 1. v. p. 298, 299, 300 [9 sqg.'].) I am almost tempted to quote the romance of a great master (Fielding's Works, vol. iv. p. 49, &c. 8vo edit.), which may be con- sidered as the history of human nature. 364 THE DECLINE AND FALL ent to the command of a cohort ; and he deserved to feel the ingratitude of Bargus, who was secretly instigated by the favour- ite to accuse his patron of a treasonable conspiracy. The general was arraigned before the tribunal of Arcadius himself; and the principal eunuch stood by the side of the throne, to suggest the questions and answers of his sovereign. But, as this form of trial might be deemed partial and arbitrary, the farther inquiry into the crimes of Timasius was delegated to Satuminus and Procopius : the fonmer of consular rank, the latter still respected as the father-in-law of the emperor Valens. The appearances of a fair and legal proceeding were maintained by the blunt honesty of Procopius ; and he yielded with reluctance to the obsequious dexterity of his colleague, who pronounced a sentence of condemnation against the unfortunate Timasius. His immense riches were confiscated, in the name of the em- peror, and for the benefit of the favourite ; and he was doomed to pei-petual exile at Oasis, a solitary spot in the midst of the sandy deserts of Libya. i* Secluded from all human converse, the master-general of the Roman armies was lost for ever to the world ; but the circumstances of his fate have been related in a various and contradictoiy manner. It is insinuated that Eutro- pius dispatched a private order for his secret execution.^* It was reported that, in attempting to escape from Oasis, he perished in the desert, of thirst and hunger ; and that his dead body was found on the sands of Libya. i^ It has been asserted with more confidence that his son Syagrius, after successfully eluding the pursuit of the agents and emissaries of the court, collected a band of African robbers ; that he rescued Timasius from the place of his exile ; and that both the father and son disappeared from the knowledge of mankind. ^^ But the ungrateful Bargus, instead of being suffered to possess the reward of guilt, was soon afteiTvards circumvented and destroyed by the more power- " The great Oasis was one of the spots in the sands of Libya watered with springs, and capable of producing wheat, barley, and palm-trees. It was about three days' journey from north to south, about half a day in breadth, and at the distance of about five days' march to the west of Abydus on the Nile. See d'Anville, Description de I'Egypte, p. i86, 187, 188. The barren desert which encompasses Oasis (Zosimus, 1. v. p. 300) has suggested the idea of comparative fertility, and even the epithet of the happy island (Herodot. iii. 26). 15 The line of Claudian, in Eutrop. 1. i. 180 : Marmaricus Claris violatur caedibus Hammon, evidently alludes to his persuasion of the death of Timasius. 18 Sozomen, 1. viii. c. 7. He speaks from report ws tii^ov eTrufldjurji', " Zosimus, 1. v. {). 300 [9 adfin.\ Yet he seems to suspect that this rumour was spread by the friends of Eutropius. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 365 fill villany of the minister himself ; who retained sense and spirit enough to abhor the instrument of his own crimes. The public hatred and the despair of individuals continually a cmei and threatened, or seemed to threaten, the personal safety oi^Moii^\%. Eutropius ; as well as of the numerous adherents who wei'e ' °^ ' attached to his fortune and had been promoted by his venal favour. For their mutual defence, he contrived the safeguard of a law, which violated every principle of humanity and justice.!^ I. It is enacted, in the name and by the authority of Arcadius, that all those who shall conspire, either with subjects or with strangers, against the lives of any of the persons whom the emperor considers as the members of his own body, shall be punished with death and confiscation. This species of fictitious and metaphorical treason is extended to protect, not only the illustrious officers of the state and army, who are admitted into the sacred consistory, but likewise the principal domestics of the palace, the senators of Constantinople, the military com- manders, and the civil magistrates of the provinces : a vague and indefinite list, which, under the successors of Constantine, included an obscure and numerous train of subordinate minis- ters. II. This extreme severity might perhaps be justified, had it been only directed to secure the representatives of the sove- reign from any actual violence in the execution of their office. But the whole body of Imperial dependents claimed a privilege, or rather impunity, which screened them, in the loosest moments of their lives, from the hasty, perhaps the justifiable, resentment of their fellow-citizens ; and, by a strange perversion of the laws, the same degree of guilt and punishment was applied to a private quarrel and to a deliberate conspiracy against the em- peror and the empire. The edict of Arcadius most positively and most absurdly declares that in such cases of treason thoughts and actions ought to be punished with equal severity ; that the knowledge of a mischievous intention, unless it be instantly revealed, becomes equally criminal with the intention itself j^^ 18 See the Theodosian Code, 1. ix. tit. 14, ad legem Corneliam de Sicariis, leg. 3, and the Code of Justinian, 1. ix. tit. viii. ad legem Juliam de Majestate, leg. 5. The alteration of the iWe, from murder to treason, was an improvement of the subtle Tribonian. Godefroy, in a formal dissertation which he has inserted in his Commentary, illustrates this law of Arcadius, and explains all the difficult pas- sages which had been perverted by the jurisconsults of the darker ages. See torn, jii. p. 88-111. 19 Bartolus understands a simple and naked consciousness, without any sign of approbation or concurrence. For this opinion, says Baldus, he is now roasting in hell. For my own part, continues the discreet Heineccius (Element. Jur. Civil. , 1. iv. p. 411), I must approve the theory of Bartolus ; but m practice I should 366 THE DECLINE AND FALL and that those rash men who shall presume to solicit the pardon of traitors shall themselves be branded with public and perpetual infamy. III. "With regard to the sons of the traitors" (con- tinues the emperor), " although they ought to share the punish- ment, since they will probably imitate the guilt, of their parents, yet, by the special effect of our Imperial lenity, we grant them their lives ; but, at the same time, we declare them incapable of inheriting, either on the father's or on the mother's side, or of receiving any gift or legacy from the testament either of kinsmen or of strangers. Stigmatized with hereditary infamy, excluded from the hopes of honours or fortune, let them endure the pangs of poverty and contempt, till they shall consider life as a calamity, and death as a comfort and relief." In such words, so well adapted to insult the feelings of mankind, did the emperor, or rather his favourite eunuch, applaud the moderation of a law which transferred the same unjust and inhuman penalties to the children of all those who had seconded, or who had not disclosed, these fictitious conspiracies. Some of the noblest regulations of Roman jurisprudence have been suffered to expire; but this edict, a convenient and forcible engine of ministerial tp-anny, was carefully inserted in the codes of Theodosius and Justinian ; and the same maxims have been revived in modem ages, to protect the electors of Germany and the cardinals of the church of Rome.^" Bebo^nof Yet these sanguinary laws, which spread terror among a A.D Sb ■ disarmed and dispirited people, were of too weak a texture to restrain the bold enterprise of Tribigild ^i the Ostrogoth. The colony of that warlike nation, which had been planted by Theodosius in one of the most fertile districts of Phrygia,^? impatiently compared the slow returns of laborious husbandry incline to the sentiments of Baldus. Yet Bartolus was gravely quoted by the lawyers of Cardinal Richelieu ; and Eutropius was indirectly guilty of the murder of the virtuous de Thou. 3 20 Godefroy, torn. iii. p. 89. It is, however, suspected that this law, so re- pugnant to the maxims of Germanic freedom, has been surreptitiously added to the golden bull. '21 A copious and circumstantial narrative (which he might have reserved for more important events) is bestowed by Zosimus (1. v. p. 304-312 [13 sgg.J} on the revolt of Tribigild and Gainas. See likewise Socrates, 1. vi. c. 6, and Sozomen, 1. viii. c. 4. The second book of Claudian against Eutropius is a fine, though imperfect, piece of history. 22 Claudian (in Eutrop. 1. ii. 237-250) very accurately observes that the ancient name and nation of the Phrygians extended very far on every side, till their limits were contracted by the colonies of the Bithynians of Thrace, of the Greeks, and at last of the Gauls. His description (ii. 257-272) of the fertility of Phrygia, and of the four rivers that produce gold, is just and picturesque. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 367 with the successful rapine and liberal rewards of Alaric ; and their leader resented, as a personal affront, his own ungracious reception in the palace of Constantinople. A soft and wealthy province, in the heart of the empire, was astonished by the sound of war ; and the faithful vassal, who had been disre- garded or oppressed, was again respected, as soon as he resumed the hostile character of a Barbarian. The vineyards and fruit- ful fields, between the rapid Marsyas and the winding MsBander,^^ were consumed with fire ; the decayed walls of the city crumbled into dust, at the first stroke of an enemy ; the trembling in- habitants escaped from a bloody massacre to the shores of the Hellespont ; and a considerable part of Asia Minor was deso- lated by the rebellion of Tribigild. His rapid progress was checked by the resistance of the peasants of Pamphylia ; and the Ostrogoths, attacked in a narrow pass, between the city of Selgae,^* a deep morass, and the craggy cliffs of Mount Taurus, were defeated with the loss of their bravest troops. But the spirit of their chief was not daunted by misfortune ; and his army was continually recruited by swarms of Barbarians and out- laws, who were desirous of exercising the profession of robbery, under the more honourable names of war and conquest. The rumours of the success of Tribigild might for some time be sup- pressed by fear or disguised by flatteiy ; yet they gradually alarmed both the court and the capital. Every misfortune was exaggerated in dark and doubtful hints ; and the future designs of the rebels became the subject of anxious conjecture. Whenever Tribigild advanced into the inland country, the Romans were inclined to suppose that he meditated the passage of Mount Taurus and the invasion of Syria. If he descended towards the sea, they imputed, and perhaps sug- gested, to the Gothic chief the more dangerous project of arming a fleet in the harbours of Ionia, and of extending his depi'edations along the maritime coast, from the mouth of the Nile to the port of Constantinople. The approach of danger, and the obstinacy of Tribigild, who refused all terms of accommodation, compelled Eutropius to summon a council of 23 Xenophon, Anabasis, 1. i. p. ii, 12, edit. Hutchinson; Strabo, 1. xii. p. 865, edit. Amstel. [8, 15] ; Q; Curt. 1. iii. c. i. Claudian compares the junction of the Marsyas and Maeander to that of the SaSne and the Rhone ; with this difference, however, that the smaller of the Phrygian rivers is not accelerated, but retarded, by the larger. 2*Selgse, a colony of the Lacedaemonians, had formerly numbered twenty thousand citizens ; but in the age of Zosimus it was reduced to a n-oAixi"!, or small town. See Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. torn. ii. p. 117. 368 THE DECLINE AND FALL war.25 After claiming for himself the privilege of a veteran soldier, the emiuch entrusted the guard of Thrace and the Hellespont to Gainas the Goth ; and the command of the Asiatic army to his favourite Leo : two generals who differently, but effectually, promoted the cause of the rebels. Leo,^^ who, from the bulk of his body and the dulness of his mind, was surnamed the Ajax of the East, had deserted his original trade of a wool comber, to exercise, with much less skill and success, the military profession ; and his uncertain operations were capriciously framed and executed, with an ignorance of real difficulties and a timorous neglect of every favourable opportunity. The rashness of the Ostrogoths had drawn them into a disadvanta- geous position between the rivers Melas and Eurymedon, where they were almost besieged by the peasants of Pamphylia ; but the arrival of an Imperial army, instead of completing their destruction, afforded the means of safety and victory. Tribigild surprised the unguarded camp of the Romans, in the darkness of the night; seduced the faith of the greater part of the Barbarian auxiliaries ; and dissipated, without much effort, the troops which had been corrupted by the relaxation of discipline and the luxury of the capital. The discontent of Gainas, who had so boldly contrived and executed the death of Rufinus, was irritated by the fortune of his unworthy successor ; he accused his own dishonourable patience under the servile reign of an eunuch ; and the ambitious Goth was convicted, at least in the public opinion, of secretly fomenting the revolt of Tribigild, with whom he was connected by a domestic, as well as by a national, alUance.^^ When Gainas passed the Hellespont, to unite under his standard the remains of the Asiatic troops, he skilfully adapted his motions to the wishes of the Ostrogoths ; abandoning, by his retreat, the country which they desired to invade ; or facilitating, by his approach, the desertion of the Barbarian auxiliaries. To the Imperial court he repeatedly magnified the valour, the genius, the inexhaustible resources 25 The council of Eutropius, in Claudian, may be compared to that of Domitian in the fourth satire of Juvenal. The principal members of the former were : juvenes protervi lascivique senes ; one of them had been a cook, a second a woolcomber. The language of their original profession exposes their assumed dignity; and their trifling conversation about tragedies, dancers, &c. is made still more ridiculous by the importance of the debate. 28 Claudian (1. ii. 376-461) has branded him with infamy; and Zosimus, in more temperate language, confirms his reproaches. L. v. p. 305 [14]. 27 The conspiracy of Gainas and Tribigild, which is attested by the Greek historian, had not reached the ears of Claudian, who attributes the revolt of the Ostrogoth to his own martial spirit and the advice of his wife. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 369 of Tribigild ; confessed his own inability to prosecute the war ; and extorted the permission of negotiating with his in- vincible adversary. The conditions of peace were dictated by the haughty rebel ; and the peremptory demand of the head of Eutropius revealed the author and the design of this hostile conspiracy. The bold satirist, who has indulged his discontent by the Fan of Entro- partial and passionate censure of the Christian emperors, ' "' violates the dignity rather than the truth of history, by com- paring the son of Theodosius to one of those harmless and simple animals who scarcely feel that they are the property of their shepherd. Two passions, however, fear and conjugal affection, awakened the languid soul of Arcadius : he was teiTified by the threats of a victorious Barbarian ; and he yielded to the tender eloquence of his wife Eudoxia, who, with a flood of artificial tears, presenting her infant children to their father, implored his justice for some real or imaginary insult which she imputed to the audacious eunuch.^* The emperor's hand was directed to sign the condemnation of Eutropius ; the magic spell, which during four years had bound the prince and the people, was instantly dissolved ; and the acclamations that so lately hailed the merit and fortune of the favourite were converted into the clamours of the soldiers and the people, who reproached his crimes and pressed his immediate execution. In this hour of distress and despair his only refuge was in the sanctuary of the church, whose privileges he had wisely, or profanely, attempted to circumscribe ; and the most eloquent of the saints, John Chrysostom, enjoyed the triumph of pro- tecting a prostrate minister, whose choice had raised him to the ecclesiastical throne of Constantinople. The archbishop, ascending the pulpit of the cathedral, that he might be dis- tinctly seen and heard by an innumerable crowd of either sex and of every age, pronounced a seasonable and pathetic discourse on the forgiveness of injuries and the instability of human greatness. The agonies of the pale and affrighted wretch, who lay grovelling under the table of the altar, exhibited a solemn and instructive spectacle ; and the orator, who was after- wards accused of insulting the misfortunes of Eutropius, laboured to excite the contempt, that he might assuage the fiiry, of the 28 This anecdote, which Philostorgius alone has preserved (1. xi. c. 6, and Gothofred. Dissertat. p. 451-456), is curious and important ; since it connects the revolt of the Goths with the secret intrigues of the palace. VOL. III. 24 370 THE DECLINE AND FALL people.29 The powers of humanity^ of superstition^ and of eloquence, prevailed. The empress Eudoxia was restrained, by her own prejudices, or by those of her subjects, from violat- ing the sanctuary of the church ; and Eutropius was tempted to capitulate, by the milder arts of persuasion, and by an oath that his life should be spared. =" Careless of the dignity of their sovereign, the new ministers of the palace immediately pub- lished an edict, to declare that his late favourite had disgraced the names of consul and patrician, to abolish his statues, to confiscate his wealth, and to inflict a perpetual exile in the island of Cyprus. ^i A despicable and decrepid eunuch could no longer alarm the fears of his enemies ; nor was he capable of enjoying what yet remained, the comforts of peace, of solitude, and of a happy climate. But their implacable revenge still envied him the last moments of a miserable life, and Eutropius had no sooner touched the shores of Cyprus than he was hastily recalled. The vain hope of eluding, by a change of place, the obligation of an oath engaged the empress to transfer the scene of his trial and execution from Constantinople to the adjacent suburb of Chalcedon. The consul Aurelian pronounced the sentence ; and the motives of that sentence expose the juris- prudence of a despotic government. The crimes which Eutropius had committed against the people might have justi- fied his death ; but he was found guilty of harnessing to his chariot the sacred animals, who, from their breed or colour, were reserved for the use of the emperor alone.^^ 28 See the Homily of Chrysostom, torn. iii. p. 381-386, of which the exordium is particularly beautiful. Socrates, 1. vi. c. 5 ; Sozomen, 1. viii. c. 7. Montfaucon (in his Life of Chrysostom, tom. xiii. p. 135) too hastily supposes that Tribigild was actually in Constantinople ; and that he commanded the soldiers who were ordered to seize Eutropius. Even Claudian, a Pagan poet (Praefat. ad 1. ii. in Eutrop. p. 27), has mentioned the flight of the eunuch to the sanctuary. Suppliciterque pias humilis prostratus ad aras Mitigat iratas voce tremente nurus. 3' Chrysostom, in another homily (tom. iii. p. 386), affects to declare that Eutropius would not have been taken, had he not deserted the church. Zosimus (1. V. p. 313 [18]), on the contrary, pretends that his enemies forced him i^apwiuavrvs nvToi- from the Sanctuary. Yet the promise is an evidence of some treaty; and the strong assurance of Claudian (Prsefat. ad 1. ii. 46), Sed tamen exemplo non feriere tuo, may be considered as an evidence of some promise. 31 Cod. Theod. 1. ix. tit. xi. leg. 14 [leg. tit. xl.. leg. 17]. The date of that law (Jan. 17, A. D. 399) is erroneous and corrupt ; since the fall of Eutropius could not happen till the autumn of the same year. See Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 780. 32 Zosimus, 1. V. p. 313 [18]. Philostorgius, 1. xi. c. 6. [Not using imperial animals (/Soo-icii/iao-iK), but imperial decorations (noirfi^nao-ii/). See note of Valesius, on the passage of Philostorgius (Migne, vol. 65, p. 600).] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 371 While this domestic revolution was transacted, Gainas '' ooMDiracr openly revolted from his allegiance ; united his forces, at Thyatira bLU^ °a.d. in Lydia, with those of Tribigild ; and still maintained his superior ascendant over the rebellious leader of the Ostrogoths. The confederate armies advanced, without resistance, to the streights of the Hellespont and the Bosphorus ; and Arcadius was instructed to prevent the loss of his Asiatic dominions by resigning his authority and his person to the faith of the Bar- barians. The church of the holy martyr Euphemia, situate on a lofty eminence near Chalcedon,^* was chosen for the place of the interview. Gainas bowed, with reverence, at the feet of the emperor, whilst he required the sacrifice of Aurelian and Satuminus, two ministers of consular rank ; and their naked necks were exposed, by the haughty rebel, to the edge of the sword, till he condescended to grant them a precarious and disgraceful respite. The Goths, according to the terms of the agreement, were immediately transported from Asia into Europe ; and their victorious chief, who accepted the title of master-general of the Roman ai-mies, soon filled Constantinople with his troops, and distributed among his dependents the honours and rewards of the empire. In his early youth, Gainas had passed the Danube as a suppliant and a fugitive ; his elevation had been the work of valour and fortune ; and his indiscreet, or perfidious, conduct was the cause of his rapid downfall. Notwithstanding the vigorous opposition of the archbishop, he importunately claimed, for his Arian sectaries, the possession of a peculiar church ; and the pride of the Catholics was offended by the public toleration of heresy. ^^ Every quarter of Constantinople was filled with tumult and disorder ; and the Barbarians gazed with such ardour on the rich shops of the jewellers, and the tables of the bankers, which were covered with gold and silver, that it was judged prudent to remove those dangerous tempta- ^ Zosimus (1. V. p. 313-323 [18 sgg.]), Socrates (1. vi. c. 4), Sozomen (1. viii. c. 4), and Theodoret (1. v. c. 32, 33) represent, though withsome various circumstances, the conspiracy, defeat, and death of Gainas. [Tribigild's death is only mentioned by Philostorgius (xi. 8) : " having crossed over to Thrace he perishes soon after ".] ^ 'Ocria; £iri^>)uia; fiaprvpiox, is the expression of Zosimus himself (1. v. p. 314 [18]), who inadvertently uses the fashionable language of the Christians. Evagrius describes (1. ii. c. 3) the situation, architecture, relics, and miracles of that celebrated church, in which the general council of Chalcedon was afterwards held. [See Appendix 27.] ^ The pious remonstrances of Chrysostom, which do not appear m his own writings, are strongly urged by Theodoret ; but his insinuation that they were successful is disproved by facts. Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. 383) has discovered that the emperor, to satisfy the rapacious demands of Gainas, melted the plate of the church of the Apostles. 372 THE DECLINE AND FALL tions from their sight. They resented the injurious precaution ; and some alai-ming attempts were made, during the night, to July so attack and destroy with fire the Imperial palace.^^ ' In this state of mutual and suspicious hostility, the guards and the people of Constantinople shut the gates, and rose in arms to prevent, of to punish, the conspiracy of the Goths. During the absence of Gainas, his troops were surprised and oppressed ; seven thousand Barbarians perished in this bloody massacre. In the fiiry of the pursuit, the catholics uncovered thfe roof, and continued to throw down flaming logs of wood, till they overwhelmed their adver- saries, who had retreated to the church or conventicle of the Arians. Gainas was either innocent of the design or too confident of his success ; he was astonished by the intelligence that the flower of his army had been ingloriously destroyed ; that he himself was declared a public enemy ; and that his countr3n(nan, Fravitta, a brave and loyal confederate, had assumed the management of the war by sea and land. The enterprises of the rebel against the cities of Thrace were encountered by a firm and well-ordered defence ; his hungry soldiers were soon reduced to the grass that grew on the margin of the fortifications ; and Gainas, who vainly regretted the wealth and luxury of Asia, embraced a desperate resolution of forcing the passage of the Hellespont. He was destitute of vessels ; but the woods of the Chersonesus afforded materials for rafts, and his intrepid Barbarians did not refuse to trust themselves to the Dec. 23 waves. But Fravitta attentively watched the progress of their undertaking. As soon as they had gained the middle of the stream, the Roman galleys,^^ impelled by the full force of oars, of the current, and of the favourable wind, rushed forwards in compact order and with irresistible weight ; and the Helles- pont was covered with the fragments of the Gothic shipwreck. After the destruction of his hopes, and the loss of many thousands of his bravest soldiers, Gainas, who could no longer aspire to govern, or to subdue, the Romans, determined to resume the 38 The ecclesiastical historians, who sometimes guide, and sometimes follow, the public opinion, most confidently assert that the palace of Constantinople was guarded by legions of angels. 37 Zosimus (1. V. p. 319 [20, cp. Eunap. fr. 8i]) mentions these galleys by the name of Libumians, and observes that they were as swift (without explaining the difference between them) as the vessels with fifty oars ; but that they were far inferior in speed to the triremes, which had been long disused. Yet he reasonably concludes, from the testimony of Polybius, that galleys of a still larger size had been constructed in the Punic wars. Since the establishment of the Roman empire over the Mediterranean, the useless art of building large ships of war had probably been neglected and at length forgotten. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 373 independence of a savage life. A light and active body of Barbarian horse, disengaged from their infantry and baggage, might perform, in eight or ten days, a march of three hundred miles from the Hellespont to the Danube ; ^^ the garrisons of that important frontier had been gradually annihilated ; the river, in the month of December, would be deeply frozen ; and the unbounded prospect of Scythia was opened to the ambition of Gainas. This design was secretly communicated to the national troops, who devoted themselves to the fortunes of their leader ; and, before the signal of departure was given, a great number' of provincial auxiliaries, whom he suspected of an attachment to their native country, were perfidiously massacred. The Goths advanced, by rapid marches, through the plains of Thrace ; and they were soon delivered from the fear of a pursuit by the vanity of Fravitta, who, instead of extinguishing the war, hastened to enjoy the popular applause and to assume the peaceful honours of the consulship. But a formidable ally appeared in arms to vindicate the majesty of the empire and to guard the peace and liberty of Scythia.^ The superior forces of Uldin, king of the Huns, opposed the progress of Gainas ; an hostile and ruined country prohibited his retreat ; he disdained to capitulate ; and, after repeatedly attempting to cut his way through the ranks of the enemy, he was slain, with his desperate followers, in the field of battle. Eleven days after the naval a.d. 401, victory of the Hellespont, the head of Gainas, the inestimable'""'*''^' gift of the conqueror, was received at Constantinople with the most liberal expressions of gratitude, and the public deliverance was celebrated by festivals and illuminations. The triumphs of Arcadius became the subject of epic poems ; *" and the monarch, no longer oppressed by any hostile terrors, resigned himself to the mild and absolute dominion of his wife, the fair and artful 38 Chishul (Travels, p. 61-63, 72-76) proceeded from Gallipoli, through Hadria- npple, to the Danube, in about fifteen days. He was in the train of an English ambassador, whose baggage ^consisted of seventy-one waggons. That learned traveller has the merit of tracing a curious and unfrequented route. ^ The narrative of Zosimus, who actually leads Gainas beyond the Danube, must be corrected by the testimony of Socrates and Sozomen, that he was killed in Thrace ; and, by the precise and authentic dates of the Alexandrian, or Paschal, Chronicle, p. 307. The naval victory of the Hellespont is fixed to the month Apellaeus, the tenth of the calends of January (December 23) ; the head of Gainas was brought to Constantinople the third of the nones of January (January 3), in the month Audynasus. [These dates imply too short an interval ; the second is probably wrong ; and we may accept from MarcellinuS the notice that Gainas was killed, early in February.] *o Eusebius Scholasticus acquired much fame by his poem on the Gothic war, in which he had served. Near foriy years afterwards. Ammonias recited another poem on the same subject, in the presence of Theodosius. See Socrates, 1. vi. c. 6. 374 THE DECLINE AND FALL Eudoxia ; who has sullied her &me by the persecution of St. John Chrysostom. Eiocuonand After the death of the indolent Nectarius, the successor of Sitom. a5' Gregory Nazianzen, the church of Constantinople was distracted [39V] ° ■ by the ambition of rival candidates, who were not ashamed to solicit, with gold or flattery, the suffrage of the people, or of the favourite. On this occasion, Eutropius seems to have deviated from his ordinary maxims; and his uncorrupted judgment was determined only by the superior merit of a stranger. In a late journey into the East, he had admired the sermons of John, a native and presbyter of Antioch, whose name has been dis- tinguished by the epithet of Chrysostom, or the Golden Mouth.*i A private order was dispatched to the governor of Syria ; and, as the people might be unwilling to resign their favourite preacher, he was transported with speed and secrecy, in a post- chariot, from Antioch to Constantinople. The unanimous and unsolicited consent of the court, the clergy, and the people, ratified the choice of the minister ; and, both as a saint and as an orator, the new archbishop surpassed the sanguine expecta- tions of the public. Born of a noble and opulent family, in the capital of Syria, Chrysostom had been educated by the care of a tender mother, under the tuition of the most skilful masters. He studied the art of rhetoric in the school of Libanius ; and that celebrated sophist, who soon discovered the talents of his disciple, ingenuously confessed that John would have deserved to succeed him, had he not been stolen away by the Christians. His piety soon disposed him to receive the sacrament of baptism ; to renounce the lucrative and honourable profession of the law ; and to bury himself in the adjacent desert, where he subdued the lusts of the flesh by an austere penance of six years. His " The sixth book of Socrates, the eighth of Sozomen, and the fifth of Theodoret, afford curious and authentic materials for the life of John Chrysostom. Besides those general historians, I have taken for my guides the four principal biographers of the saint. i. The author of a partial and passionate Vindication of the Archbishop of Constantinople, composed in the form of a dialogue, and under the name of his zealous partizan Palladius, bishop of Helenopolis (Tillemont, M^m. EccWs. torn. xi. p. 500-533). It is inserted among the works of Chrysostom, tom. xiii. p. i-go, edit. Montfaucon. 2. The moderate Erasmus (tom. lii. epist. MCL. p. 1331-1347, edit. Ludg. Bat.). His vivacity and good sense were his own ; his errors, in the uncultivated state of ecclesiastical antiquity, were almost inevitable. 3. The learned Tillemont (M^m. Eccl^siastiques, tom, xi. p. 1-405, 547-626, Ike. &c. ) ; who compiles the lives of the saints with incredible patience and religious accuracy. He has minutely searched the voluminous works of Chrysostom himself 4. Father Montfaucon, who has perused those works with the curious diligence of an editor, discovered several new homilies, and again reviewed and composed the life of Chrysostom (Opera Chrysostom, tom. xiii. p. 91-177), [For modern works see Appendix i, ] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 375 infirmities compelled him to return to the society of mankind ; and the authority of Meletius devoted his talents to the service of the church ; but in the midst of his family, and afterwards on the archiepiscopal throne, Chrysostom still persevered in the practice of the monastic virtues. The ample revenues, which his predecessors had consumed in pomp and luxury, he diligently applied to the establishment of hospitals ; and the multitudes, who were supported by his charity, preferred the eloquent and edifying discourses of their archbishop to the amusements of the theatre or the circus. The monuments of that eloquence, which was admired near twenty years at Antioch and Constanti- nople, have been carefully preserved, and the possession of near one thousand sermons, or homilies, has authorized the critics ^^ of succeeding times to appreciate the genuine merit of Chryso- stom. They unanimously attribute to the Christian orator the free command of an elegant and copious language ; the judg- ment to conceal the advantages which he derived from the knowledge of rhetoric and philosophy ; an inexhaustible fund of metaphors and similitudes, of ideas and images, to vary and illustrate the most familiar topics ; the happy art of engaging the passions in the service of virtue ; and of exposing the folly as well as the turpitude of vice, almost with the truth and spirit of a dramatic representation. The pastoral labours of the archbishop of Constantinople pro- hh adminii- voked, and gradually united against him, two sorts of enemies : defeon. the aspiring clergy, who envied his success, and the obstinate sinners, who were offended by his reproofs. When Chrysostom thundered, from the pulpit of St. Sophia, against the degeneracy of the Christians, his shafts were spent among the crowd, without wounding, or even marking, the character of any individual. When he declaimed against the peculiar vices of the rich, poverty might obtain a transient consolation from his invectives ; but the guUty were still sheltered by their numbers, and the re- proach itself was dignified by some ideas of superiority and enjoyment. But, as the pyramid rose towards the summit, it in- sensibly diminished to a point ; and the magistrates, the ministers, the favourite eunuchs, the ladies of the court,*^ the empress ^ As I am almost a stranger to the voluminous sermons of Chrysostom, I have given my confidence to the two most judicious and moderate of the ecclesiastical critics, Erasmus (tom. iii. p. 1344) and Dupin (Biblioth^que EccWsiastique, torn, iii. p. 38) ; yet the good taste of the former is sometimes vitiated by an excessive love of antiquity ; and the good sense of the latter is alvf ays restrained by prudential considerations. *3 The females of Constantinople distinguished themselves by their enmity or 376 THE DECLINE AND FALL Eudoxia herself, had a much larger share of guilt to divide among a smaller proportion of criminals. The personal applications of the audience were anticipated, or confirmed, by the testimony of their own conscience ; and the intrepid preacher assumed the dangerous right of exposing both the offence and the offender to the public abhorrence. The secret resentment of the court encouraged the discontent of the clergy and monks of Constanti- nople, who were too hastily reformed by the fervent zeal of their archbishop. He had condemned, from the pulpit, the domestic females of the clergy of Constantinople, who, under the name of servants or sisters, afforded a perpetual occasion either of sin or of scandal. The silent and solitary ascetics who had secluded themselves from the world were intitled to the warmest approbation of Chrysostom ; but he despised and stig- matized, as the disgrace of their holy profession, the crowd of degenerate monks, who, from some unworthy motives of pleasure or profit, so frequently infested the streets of the capital. To the voice of persuasion the archbishop was obliged to add the terrors of authority ; and his ardour, in the exercise of ecclesias- tical jurisdiction, was not always exempt from passion ; nor was it always guided by prudence. Chrysostom was naturally of a choleric disposition.** Although he struggled, according to the precepts of the gospel, to love his private enemies, he indulged himself in the privilege of hating the enemies of God and of the church ; and his sentiments were sometimes delivered with too much energy of countenance and expression. He still maintained, from some considerations of health or abstinence, his former habits of taking his repasts alone ; and this inhospi- table custom,** which his enemies imputed to pride, contributed,. their attachment to Chrysostom. Three noble and opulent widows, Marsa, Castricia, and Eugraphia, were the leaders of the persecution (Pallad. Dialog, torn. xiii. p. 14). It was impossible that they should forgive a preacher who re- proached their affectation to conceal, by the ornaments of dress, their age and ugli- ness (Pallad. p. 27). Olympias, by equal zeal, displayed in a more pious cause, has obtained the title of saint. See Tillemont, M^m. Eccl^s. tom. xi. 416-440. ^Sozomen, and more especially Socrates, have defined the real character of Chrysostom with a temperate and impartial freedom, very offensive to his blind admirers. Those historians lived in the next generation, when party violence was abated, and had conversed with many persons intimately acquainted with the virtues and imperfections of the saint. ■" Palladius (tom. xiii. p. 40, &c.) very seriously defends the archbishop: i. He never tasted wine. 2. The weakness of his stomach required a peculiar diet. 3. Business, or study, or devotion, often kept him fasting till sunset. 4. He de- tested the noise and levity of great dinners. 5. He saved the expense for the use of the poor. 6. He was apprehensive, in a capital like Constantinople, of the envy and reproach of partial invitations. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 377 at leastj to nourish the infinnity of a morose and unsocial humour. Separated from that familiar intercourse which facili- tates the knowledge and the dispatch of business, he reposed an unsuspecting confidence in his deacon Serapion ; and seldom applied his speculative knowledge of human nature to the par- ticular characters either of his dependents or of his equals. Conscious of the purity of his intentions, and perhaps of the supe- riority of his genius, the archbishop of Constantinople extended the jurisdiction of the Imperial city that he might enlarge the sphere of his pastoral labours ; and the conduct which the pro- fane imputed to an ambitious motive appeared to Chrysostom himself in the light of a sacred and indispensable duty. In his visitation through the Asiatic provinces, he deposed thirteen bishops of Lydia and Phrygia ; and indiscreetly declared that a deep corruption of simony and licentiousness had infected the whole episcopal order.*^ If those bishops were innocent, such a rash and unjust condemnation must excite a well-grounded dis- content. If they were guilty, the numerous associates of their guilt would soon discover that their own safety depended on the ruin of the archbishop ; whom they studied to represent as the tyrant of the Eastern church. This ecclesiastical conspiracy was managed by Theophilus,*' osryiortom is archbishop of Alexandria, an active and ambitious prelate, who ISromii" displayed the fruits of rapine in monuments of ostentation. His a.d. ms national dislike to the rising greatness of a city which degraded him from the second to the third rank in the Christian world was exasperated by some personal disputes with Chrysostom himself. *8 By the private invitation of the empress, Theophilus landed at Constantinople, with a stout body of Egyptian mari- ners, to encounter the populace; and a train of attendant bishops, to secure, by their voices, the majority of a sjmod. The synod *' was convened in the suburb of Chalcedon, surnamed the Oak, ^ Chrysostom declares his free opinion (torn. ix. horn. iii. in Act. Apostol. p. 29) that the number of bishops who might be saved bore a very small proportion to those who would be damned. * See Tilleniont, M^m. Ecclfe. tom. xi. p. 441-500. ^ I have purposely omitted the controversy which arose among the monks of Egypt concerning Origeriism and Anthropomorphism ; the dissimulation and vio- lence of Theophilus ; his artful management of the simplicity of Epiphanius ; the persecution and flight of the long, or tall, brothers ; the ambiguous support which they received at Constantinople from Chrysostom, &c. &c. ^ Photius (p. 53-60) has preserved the original acts of the synod of the Oak [Mansi, Concil. iii. p. 1148] ; which destroy the false assertion [of Palladius ; see Mansi, Concil. iii. 1153] that Chrysostom was condemned by no more than thirty-six bishops, of whom twenty-nine were Egyptians. Forty-five bishops subscribed his sentence. See TiUeraont, M6m. Eccl^s. tom. xi. p. 595. ersecuted by iresa 378 THE DECLINE AND FALL where Rufinus had erected a stately church and monastery, and their proceedings were continued during fourteen days, or sessions. A bishop and a deacon accused the archbishop of Constanti- nople ; but the frivolous or improbable nature of the forty-seven articles which they presented against him may justly be con- sidered as a fair and unexceptionable panegyric. Four successive summons were signified to Chrysostom, but he still refused to trust either his person or his reputation in the hands of his im- placable enemies, who, prudently declining the examination of any particular charges, condemned his contumacious disobedience, and hastily pronounced a sentence of deposition. • The synod of the Oak immediately addressed the emperor to ratify and execute their judgment, and charitably insinuated that the penalties of treason might be inflicted on the audacious preacher who had reviled, under the name of Jezebel, the empress Eudoxia herself. The archbishop was rudely arrested, and con- ducted through the city, by one of the Imperial messengers, who landed him, after a short navigation, near the entrance of the Euxine ; from whence, before the expiration of two days, he was gloriously recalled, popniar The first astonishment of his faithful people had been mute oonrtanti- and passive ; they suddenly rose with unanimous and irresistible ''°'' " fury. Theophilus escaped ; but the promiscuous crowd of monks and Egyptian mariners were slaughtered without pity in the streets of Constantinople.^" A seasonable earthquake justified the interposition of heaven ; the torrent of sedition rolled for- wards to the gates of the palace ; and the empress, agitated by fear or remorse, threw herself at the feet of Arcadius, and con- fessed that the public safety could be purchased only by the restoration of Chrysostom. The Bosphorus was covered with innumerable vessels ; the shores of Europe and Asia were pro- fusely illuminated ; and the acclamations of a victorious people accompanied, from the port to the cathedral, the triumph of the archbishop ; who, too easily, consented to resume the exercise of his functions, before his sentence had been legally reversed by the authority of an ecclesiastical synod. Ignorant or careless of the impending danger, Chiysostom indulged his zeal, or per- ™ Palladius owns (p. 30) that, if the people of Constantinople had found Theo- philus, they would certainly have thrown him into the sea. Socrates mentions (1. vi. c. 17) a battle between the mob and the sailors of Alexandria in which many wounds were given and- some lives were lost. The massacre of the monks is ob- served only by the Pagan Zosimus (1. v. p. 324 [23]), who acknowledges that Chrysostom had a singular talent to lead the iUiterate multitude V y«p * arflpcoro! aAoyof ax\ov virayayeaHaL Seivo^- OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 379 haps his resentment ; declaimed with peculiar asperity against female vices ; and condemned the profane honours which were addressed almost in the precincts of St. Sophia, to the statue of the empress. His imprudence tempted his enemies to inflame the haughty spirit of Eudoxia by reporting, or perhaps inventing, the famous exordium of a sermon : " Herodias is again furious ; Herodias again dances ; she once more requires the head of John : " an insolent allusion, which, as a woman and a sovereign, it was impossible tor her to forgive.^i The short interval of a perfidious truce was employed to concert more effectual mea- sures for the disgrace and ruin of the archbishop. A numerous council of the Eastern prelates, who were guided fi'om a distance by the advice of Theophilus, confirmed the validity, without examining the justice, of the former sentence ; and a detach- ment of Barbarian troops was introduced into the city, to sup- press the emotions of the people. On the vigil of Easter, the solenm administration of baptism was rudely interrupted by the soldiers, who alarmed the modesty of the naked catechumens, and violated, by their presence, the awful mysteries of the Christian worship. Arsacius occupied the church of St. Sophia and the archiepiscopal throne. The catholics retreated to the baths of Constantine, and afterwards to the fields ; where they were still pursued and insulted by the guards, the bishops, and the magistrates. The fatal day of the second and final exile of Chrysostom was marked by the conflagration of the cathedral, of the senate house, and of the adjacent buildings ; and this calamity was imputed, without proof but not without probability, to the despair of a persecuted faction. ^^ Cicero might claim some merit, if his voluntaiy banishment eiub of otre- preserved the peace of the republic ; ^^ but the submission of4M,jimo!o' Chrysostom was the indispensable duty of a Christian and a sub- ject. Instead of listening to his humble prayer that he might be permitted to reside at Cyzicus or Nicomedia, the inflexible empress assigned for his exile the remote and desolate town of Cucusus, among the ridges of Mount Taurus, in the Lesser Armenia. 51 See Socrates, 1. vi. c. i8. Sozomen, 1. viii. c. 20. Zosimus (1. v. p. 324, 327 [23, 24]) mentions, in general terms, his invectives against Eudoxia. The homily, which begins with those famous words, is rejected as spurious. Montfaucon, tom. xiii. p. 151. Tillemont, M^m. EccWs. tom. xi. p. 603. 52 We might naturally expect such a charge from Zosimus {1. v. p. 327 [24]), but it is remarkable enough that it should be confirmed by Socrates, 1. vi. c. 18, and the Paschal Chronicle, p. 307. [Cp. Cod. Th. 16, 2, 37.] 63 He displays those specious motives (Post Reditum, u. 13, 14) in the language of an orator and a politician. 380 THE DECLINE AND FALL A secret hope was entertained that the archbishop might perish in a difficult and dangerous march of seventy days in the heat of summer through the provinces of Asia Minorj where he was continually threatened by the hostile attacks of the Isaurians and the more implacable fury of the monks. Yet Chiysostom anived in safety at the place of his confinement ; and the three years which he spent at Cucusus and the neighbouring town of Arabissus were the last and most glorious of his life. His char- acter was consecrated by absence and persecution ; the faults of his administration were no longer remembered ; but every tongue repeated the praises of his genius and virtue, and the respectful attention of the Christian world was fixed on a desert spot among the mountains of Taurus. From that solitude the archbishop, whose active mind was invigorated by misfortunes, maintained a strict and frequent correspondence** with the most distant provinces ; exhorted the separate congregation of his faithful adherents to persevere in their allegiance ; urged the destruction of the temples of Phoenicia, and the extirpation of heresy in the isle of Cyprus ; extended his pastoral care to the missions of Persia and Scythia ; negotiated, by his ambassadors; with the Roman pontiff and the emperor Honorius ; and boldly appealed, from a partial synod, to the supreme tribunal of a free and general council. The mind of the illustrious exile was still independent ; but his captive body was exposed to the revenge of the oppressors, who continued to abuse the name and authority of Arcadius.** ^n order was dispatched for the in- stant removal of Chrysostom to the extreme desert of Pityus : and his guards so faithfully obeyed their cruel instructions that, Hiideath, before he reached the sea-coast of the Euxine, he expired at BeptemiorM Comana, in Pontus, in the sixtieth year of his age. The succeed- ing generation acknowledged his innocence and merit. The arch- bishops of the East, who might blush that their predecessors M Two hundred and forty-two of the epistles of Chrysostom are still extant (Opera, torn. iii. p. 528-736). They are addressed to a great variety of persons, and show a firmness of mind much superior to that of Cicero in his exile. The fourteenth epistle contains a curious narrative of the dangers of his journey. 56 After the exile of Chrysostom, Theophilus ! published an enormous and Aor- rible volume against him, in which he perpetually repeats the polite expressions of hostem humanitatis, sacrilegorum principem, immundum daemonem ; he affirms that John Chrysostom had delivered his soul to be adulterated by the devil; and wishes that some farther punishment, adequate (if possible) to the magnitude of his crimes, may be inflicted on him. St. Jerom, at the report of his friend Theophilus, translated this edifying performance from Greek into Latin. See Facundus Hermian. Defens. pro iii. Capitur. 1. vi. c. 5, published by Sirmond, Opera, torn. ii. p. 595, 596, S97- OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 381 had been the enemies of Chrysostom, were gradually disposed, by the firmness of the Roman pontiff, to restore the honours of that venerable name. 5" At the pious solicitation of the clergy sUid people of Constantinople, his relics, thirty years after his hi> leuo death, were transported from their obscure sepulchre to the royal to'cSStaiti- city.^'' The emperor Theodosius advanced to receive them as ^ jiamiry far as Chalcedon ; and, falling prostrate on the coffin, implored, in the name of his guilty parents, Arcadius and Eudoxia, the forgiveness of the injured saint.^* Yet a reasonable doubt may be entertained, whether anyj^^»*''»' stain of hereditary guilt could be derived from Arcadius to his^.D.ios,' successor. Eudoxia was a young and beautiful woman, who in- dulged her passions and despised her husband ; count John enjoyed, at least, the familiar confidence of the empress ; and the public named him as the real father of Theodosius the younger.^^ The birth of a son was accepted, however, by the pious husband, as an event the most fortunate and honourable to himself, to his family, and to the eastern world ; and the royal infant, by an unprecedented favour, was invested with the titles of Caesar and Augustus. In less than four years aiterwards, Eudoxia, in the bloom of youth, was destroyed by the consequences of a miscarriage ; and this untimely death confounded the prophecy of a holy bishop,^" who, amidst the universal joy, had ventured 5« His name was inserted by his successor Atticus in the Diptychs of the church of Constantinople, a.d. 418. Ten years afterwards he was revered as a saint. Cyril, who inherited the place, and the passions, of his uncle, Theophilus, yielded with much reluctance. See Facund. Hermian. 1. iv. c. i. Tillemont, M^m. Eccl^s. torn. xiv. p. 277-283. o' Socrates, 1. yii. c. 45. Theodoret, 1. v. c. 36. This event reconciled the Joannites, who had hitherto refused to acknowledge his successors. During his lifetime the Joannites were respected by the catholics as the true and orthodox communion of Constantinople. Their obstinacy gradually drove them to the brink of schism. 58 According to some accounts (Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 438, No. 9, 10) the emperor was forced to send a letter of invitation and excuses before the body of the ceremonious saint could be moved from Comana. 58 Zosimus, 1. V. p. 315 [18]. The chastity of an empress should not be im- peached without producing a witness ; but it is astonishing that the witness should write and live under a prince whose legitimacy he dared to attack. We must suppose that his history was a party libel, privately read and circulated by the Pagans. [For date of Zosimus see above, vol. ii. p. 538.] Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. v. p. 782) is not averse to brand the reputation of Eudoxia. 60 Porphyry of Gaza. His zeal was transported by the order which he had ob- tained for the destruction of eight Pagan temples of that city. See the curious details of his life (Baronius, A.D. 401, No. 17-51), originally written in Greek, or perhaps in Syriac, by a monk, one of his favourite deacons. [The Greek text was first published by Haupt in the Abhandlungen of the Berlin Academy, 1874 ; and it has been re-edited by the Soc. Philol. Bonnensis Sodales, 1895. For an account of the visit of Porphyry to Constantinople, see Bury, Later Roman Empire, i. p. 200 sgg.} teatament 382 THE DECLINE AND FALL to foretell that she should behold the long and auspicious reign of her glorious son. The catholics applauded the justice of heaven, which avenged the persecution of St. Chiysostom ; and perhaps the emperor was the only person who sincerely bewailed the loss of the. haughty and rapacious Eudoxia. Such a domestic misfortune afflicted him more deeply than the public calamities of the East ; *i the licentious excursions, from Pontus to Pales- tine, of the Isaurian robbers, whose impunity accused the weak- ness of the government ; and the earthquakes, the conflagrations, the famine, and the flights of locusts,*^ which the popular dis- content was equally disposed to attribute to the incapacity of the monarch. At length, in the thirty-first year of his age, after a reign (if we may abuse that word) of thirteen years, three months, and fifteen days, Arcadius expired in the palace of Constantinople. It is impossible to delineate his character ; since, in a period very copiously furnished with historical materials, it has not been possible to remark one action that properly belongs to the son of the great Theodosius. Hi« lupposed The historian Procopius "^ has indeed illuminated the mind of the dying emperor with a ray of human piiidence or celestial wisdom. Arcadius considered, with anxious foresight, the helpless condi- tion of his son Theodosius, who was no more than seven years of age, the dangerous factions of a minority, and the aspiring spirit of Jezdegerd, the Persian monarch. Instead of tempting the allegiance of an ambitious subject by the participation of supreme power, he boldly appealed to the magnanimity of a king ; and placed, by a solemn testament, the sceptre of the East in the hands of Jezdegerd himself. The royal guardian accepted and discharged this honourable trust with unexampled fidelity ; and the infancy of Theodosius was protected by the arms and councils of Persia. Such is the singular narrative of Procopius ; and his veracity is not disputed by Agathias,** while he presumes to dissent from his judgment and to aiTaign the wisdom of a Christian emperor, who so rashly, though so fortu- "1 Philostorg. 1. xi. c. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 457. 82 Jerom (torn. vi. p. 73, 76) describes, in lively colours, the regular and destruc- tive march of the locusts, which spread a dark cloud, between heaven and earth, over the land of Palestine. Seasonable winds scattered them, partly into the Dead Sea, and partly into the Mediterranean. 83 Procopius, de Bell. Persic. 1. i. c. 2, p. 8, edit. Louvre. »* Agathias, 1. iv. p. 136, I37[c. 26]. Although he confesses the prevalence of the tradition, he asserts that Procopius was the first who had committed it to writing. Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. vi. p. 597) argues very sensibly on the merits of this fable. His criticism was not warped by any ecclesiastical authority : both Procopius and Agathias are half Pagans. [The whole tone of Agathias in regard to the story is sceptical.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 383 nately, committed his son and his dominions to the unknown faith of a stranger, a rival, and a heathen. At the distance of one hundred and fifty years, this pohtical question might be debated in the court of Justinian ; but a prudent historian will refuse to examine the propriety, till he has ascertained the truth, of the testament of Arcadius. As it stands without a parallel in the history of the world, we may justly require that it should be attested by the positive and unanimous evidence of contem- poraries. The strange novelty of the event, which excites our distrust, must have attracted their notice ; and their universal silence annihilates the vain tradition of the succeeding age. The maxims of Roman jurisprudence, if they could fairly be Adnuniatri^ transferred from private property to public dominion, would j^m. a.d. have adjudged to the emperor Honorius the guardianship of his nephew, till he had attained, at least, the fourteenth year of his age. But the weakness of Honorius and the calamities of his reign disqualified him from prosecuting this natural claim ; and such was the absolute separation of the two monarchies, both in interest and affection, that Constantinople would have obeyed with less reluctance the orders of the Persian, than those of the Italian, court. Under a prince whose weakness is disguised by the external signs of manhood and discretion the most worthless favourites may secretly dispute the empire of the palace, and dictate to submissive provinces the commands of a master whom they direct and despise. But the ministers of a child who is incapable of arming them with the sanction of the royal name must acquire and exercise an independent authority. The great officers of the state and amiy, who had been appointed before the death of Arcadius, formed an aristocracy, which might have inspired them with the idea of a free republic ; and the govern- ment of the eastern empire was fortunately assumed by the praefect Anthemius,^^ who obtained, by his superior abilities, a lasting ascendant over the minds of his equals. The safety of the young emperor proved the merit and integrity of Anthemius ; and his prudent firmness sustained the force and reputation of an infant reign. Uldin, with a formidable host of Barbarians, was encamped in the heart of Thrace : he proudly rejected all terms of accommodation ; and, pointing to , the rising sun, 85 Socr. 1. vii; c. i. Anthemius was the grandson of Philip, one of the minis- ters of Constantius, and the grandfather of the emperor Anthemius. After his return from the Persian embassy, he was appointed consul and Praetorian praefect of the East, in the year 405 ; and held the prsefecture about ten years. See his honours and praises in Godefroy, Cod. Theod. torn. vi. p. 350. Tillemont, Hist. des Emp. torn. vi. p. i, &c. 384 THE DECLINE AND FALL declared to the Roman ambassadors that the course of that planet should alone terminate the conquests of the Huns. But the desertion of his confederates, who were privately convinced of the justice and liberality of the Imperial ministers, obliged Uldin to repass the Danube ; the tribe of the Scyrri, which composed his rear-guard, was almost extirpated ; and many thousand captives were dispersed to cultivate, with servile labour, the fields of Asia.^^ In the midst of the public triumph, Con- stantinople was protected by a strong enclosure of new and more extensive walls ; the same vigilant care was applied to restore the fortifications of the Ill)rrian cities ; and a plan was judiciously conceived, which, in the space of seven years, would have secured the command of the Danube, by establishing on that river a perpetual fleet of two hundred and fifty armed vessels.*^ ohMMterand But the Romans had so long been accustomed to the authority tionotpS' of a monarch, that the first, even among the females, of the 414.B3' ' Imperial family who displayed any courage or capacity was per- mitted to ascend the vacant throne of Theodosius. His sister Pulcheria,88 who was only two years older than himself, received at the age of sixteen the title of Augusta ; and, though her favour might be sometimes clouded by caprice or intrigue, she continued to govern the Eastern empire near forty years ; during the long minority of her brother, and, after his death, in her own name, and in the name of Marcian, her nominal husband. From a motive, either of prudence or religion, she embraced a life of celibacy ; and, notwithstanding some aspersions on the chastity of Pulcheria,*" this i-esolution, which she communicated to her sisters Arcadia and Marina, was celebrated by the Chris- tian world, as the sublime effort of heroic piety. In the presence of the clergy and people, the three daughters of Arcadius '"^ dedicated their virginity to God ; and the obligation of their solemn vow was inscribed on a tablet of gold and gems ; which ™ Sozomen, 1. ix. c. 5. He saw some Scyrri at work near Mount Olympus, in Bithynia, and cherished the vain hope that those captives were the last of the nation. " Cod. Theod. 1. vii. tit. xvii. 1. xv. tit. i. leg. 49. *8 Sozomen has filled three chaptbrs with a magnificent panegyric of Pulcheria (1. ix. c. I, 2, 3) ; and Tillemont (M^moires Ecclfes. torn. xv. p. 171-184) has dedi- cated a separate article to the honour of St. Pulcheria, virgin and empress. s^Suidas (Excerpta, p. 68 in Script. Byzant.) pretends, on the credit of the Nestorians, that Pulcheria was exasperated against their founder, because he censured her connexion with the beautiful Paulinus and her incest with her brother Theodosius. "• See Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. p. 70. Flaccilla, the eldest daughter, either died before Arcadius, or, if she lived to the year 431 (Marcellin. Chron.), some defect of mind or body must have excluded her from the honours of her rank. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 385 they publicly oflPered in the great church of Constantinople. Their palace was converted into a monastery ; and all maleSj except the guides of their conscienccj the saints who had for- gotten the distinction of sexes, were scrupulously excluded from the holy threshold. Pulcheria, her two sisters, and a chosen train of favourite damsels formed a religious community : they re- nounced the vanity of dress ; interrupted, by frequent fasts, their simple and frugal diet ; allotted a portion of their time to works of embroidery ; and devoted several hom-s of the day and night to the exercises of prayer and psalmody. The piety of a Christian virgin was adorned by the zeal and liberality of an empress. Ecclesiastical history describes the splendid churches which were built at the expense of Pulcheria, in all the provinces of the East ; her charitable foundations for the benefit of strangers and the poor ; the ample donations which she assigned for the perpetual maintenance of monastic societies ; and the active severity with which she laboured to suppress the opposite heresies of Nestorius and Eutyches. Such virtues were supposed to deserve the peculiar favour of the Deity ; and the relics of martyrs, as well as the knowledge of future events, were com- municated in visions and revelations to the Imperial saint. ^^ Yet the devotion of Pulcheria never diverted her indefatigable attention from temporal affairs ; and she alone, among all the descendants of the great Theodosius, appears to have inherited any share of his manly spirit and abilities. The elegant and familiar use which she had acquired both of the Greek and Latin languages was readily applied to the various occasions of speaking or writing on public business ; her deliberations were maturely weighed ; her actions were prompt and decisive ; and, while she moved, without noise or ostentation, the wheel of government, she discreetly attributed to the genius of the emperor the long tranquillity of his reign. In the last years of his peaceful Ufe Europe was indeed aiflicted by the arms of Attila ; but the more extensive provinces of Asia still continued to enjoy a profound and permanent repose. Theodosius the younger was never reduced to the disgraceful necessity of '1 She was admonished, by repeated dreams, of the place where the relics of the forty martyrs had been buried. The ground had successively belonged to the house and garden of a woman of Constantinople, to a monastery of Macedonian monlis, and to a church of St. Thyrsus, erected by Caesarius, who was consul, a.d. 397 ; and the memory of the relics was almost obliterated. Notwithstanding thie charitable wishes of Dr. Jortin (Remarks, tom. iv. p. 234) it is not easy to acquit Pulcheria of some share in the pious fraud ; which must have been transacted when she has more than five and thirty years of age. VOL. III. 25 386 THE DECLINE AND FALL encountering and punishing a rebellious subject ; and, since we cannot applaud the vigour, some praise may be due to the mild- ness and prosperity, of the administration of Pulcheria. Eiucationaud The Roman world was deeply interested in the education of character of « i /» i i • • i. . i mieodoBiuB its master. A regular course oi study and exercise was ludiciously instituted ; of the military exercises of riding and shooting with the bow ; of the liberal studies of grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy ; the most skilful masters of the East ambitiously solicited the attention of their royal pupil ; and several noble youths were introduced into the palace, to animate his diligence by the emulation of friendship. Pulcheria alone discharged the important task of instructing her brother in the arts of govern- ment ; but, her precepts may countenance some suspicion of the extent of her capacity or of the purity of her intentions. She taught him to maintain a grave and majestic deportment ; to walk, to hold his robes, to seat himself on his throne, in a manner worthy of a great prince ; to abstain from laughter ; to listen with condescension ; to return suitable answers ; to assume, by turns, a serious or a placid countenance ; in a word, to represent with grace and dignity the external figure of a Roman emperor. But Theodosius ^^ vsras never excited to support the weight and glory of an illustrious name ; and, instead of aspiring to imitate his ancestors, he degenerated (if we may presume to measure the degrees of incapacity) below the weakness of his father and his uncle. Arcadius and Honorius had been assisted by the guardian care of a parent whose lessons were enforced by his authority and example. But the unfortunate prince who is bom in the purple must remain a stranger to the voice of truth ; and the son of Arcadius was condemned to pass his perpetual infancy, encompassed only by a servile train of women and eunuchs. The ample leisure, which he acquired by neglecting the essential duties of his high office, was filled by idle amusements and un- profitable studies. Hunting was the only active pursuit that could tempt him beyond the limits of the palace ; but he most assiduously laboured, sometimes by the light of a midnight lamp, '2 There is a remarkable difference between the two ecclesiastical historians, who in general bear so close a resemblance. Sozomen (1. ix. c. i) ascribes to Pulcheria the government of the empire and the education of her brother ; whom he scarcely condescends to praise. Socrates, though he affectedly disclaims all hopes of favour or fame, composes an elaborate panegyric on the emperor, and cautiously suppresses the merits of his sister (1. vii. c. 22, 42). Philostorgius (1. xii. c. 7) expresses the influence of Pulcheria in gentle and courtly language, ^as /Sao-LAiKas ayifieiuireii V7njpeTOUfjie'i/7) icai Sievdvvovtra, SuidaS (ExCerpt. p. 53) giveS a true character of Theodosius ; and I have followed the example of Tillemont (tom. vi. p. 25) in borrowing some strokes from the modern Greel^. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 387 in the mechanic occupations of painting and carving ; and the elegance with which he transcribed rehgious books entitled the Roman emperor to the singular epithet of Calligraphes, or a fair writer. Separated from the world by an impenetrable veil, Theodosius trusted the persons whom he loved ; he loved those who were accustomed to amuse and flatter his indolence ; and, as he never perused the papers that were presented for the royal signature, the acts of injustice the most repugnant to his character were frequently perpetrated in his name. The emperor himself was chaste, temperate, liberal, and merciful ; but these qualities, which can only deserve the name of virtues when they are supported by courage and regulated by discretion, were seldom beneficial, and they sometimes proved mischievous, to mankind. His mind, enervated by a royal education, was oppressed and degraded by abject superstition ; he fasted, he sung psalms, he blindly accepted the miracles and doctrines with which his faith was continually nourished. Theodosius devoutly worshipped the dead and living saints of the Catholic church ; and he once refused to eat, till an insolent monk, who had cast an excommunication on his sovereign, condescended to heal the spiritual wound which he had inflicted. ^^ The story of a fair and virtuous maiden, exalted from acjaj-actorand •L ^ adventures of private condition to the Imperial throne, might be deemed an |''°j'"ff'S?'j, incredible romance, if such a romance had not been verified in 42i-«o the marriage of Theodosius. The celebrated Athenais '^^ was educated by her father Leontius in the religion and sciences of the Greeks ; and so advantageous was the opinion which the Athenian philosopher entertained of his contemporaries, that he divided his patrimony between his two sons, bequeathing to his daughter a small legacy of one hundred pieces of gold, in the lively confidence that her beauty and merit would be a sufficient portion. The jealousy and avarice of her brothers '3 Theodoret, 1. v. c. 37. The bishop of Cyrrhus, one of the first men of his age for his learning and piety, applauds the obedience of Theodosius to the divine laws. '^Socrates (1. vii. c. zi) mentions her name (Athenais, the daughter of Leontius, an Athenian sophist), her baptism, marriage, and poetical genius. The most ancient account of her history is in John Malala (part ii. p. 20, zi, edit. Venet. 1743), and in the Paschal Chronicle (p. 311, 312). Those authors had probably seen original pictures of the empress Eudocia. The modern Greeks, Zonaras, Cedrenus, &c. have displayed the love, rather than the talent, of fiction. From Nicephorus, indeed, I have ventured to assume her age. The writer of a romance would not have imagined that Athenais was near twenty-eight years old when she inflamed the heart of a young emperor. [Her story has been told agreeably by Gregorovius in his Athenais (ed. 3, 1892). The same empress is the subject of monograph by W. Wiegand : Eudocia, 1871.] 388 THE DECLINE AND FALL soon compelled Athenais to seek a refuge at Constantinople ; and with some hopes, either of justice or favour, to throw her- self at the feet of Pulcheria. That sagacious princess listened to her eloquent complaint ; and secretly destined the daughter of the philosopher Leontius for the future wife of the emperor of the East, who had now attained the twentieth year of his age. She easily excited the curiosity of her brother by an interesting picture of the charms of Athenais ; large eyes, a well-proportioned nose, a fair complexion, golden locks, a slender person, a gracefiil demeanour, an understanding improved by study, and a virtue tried by distress. Theodosius, concealed behind a curtain in the apartment of his sister, was permitted to behold the Athenian virgin ; the modest youth immediately declared his pure and honourable love ; and the royal nuptials were celebrated amidst the acclamations of the capital and the provinces. Athenais, who was easily persuaded to renounce the errors of Paganism, received at her baptism the Christian name of Eudocia ; but the cautious Pulcheria withheld the title of Augusta, till the wife of Theodosius had approved her fruitful- ness by the birth of a daughter, who espoused, fifteen years afterwards, the emperor of the West. The brothers of Eudocia obeyed, with some anxiety, her Imperial summons ; but, as she could easily forgive their fortunate unkindness, she indulged the tenderness, or perhaps the vanity, of a sister by promoting them to the rank of consuls and praefects. In the luxury of the palace, she still cultivated those ingenuous arts which had contributed to her greatness ; and wisely dedicated her talents to the honour of religion and of her husband. Eudocia com- posed a poetical paraphrase of the first eight books of the old Testament, and of the prophecies of Daniel and Zachariah ; a cento of the verses of Homer, applied to the life and miracles of Christ ; the legend of St. Cjrprian, and a panegyric on the Persian victories of Theodosius ; and her writings, which were applauded by a servile and superstitious age, have not been disdained by the candour of impartial criticism.'^* The fondness of the emperor was not abated by time and possession ; and Eudocia, after the "> Socrates, 1. vii. c. 21 ; Photius, p. 413-420. The Homeric cento is still extant, and has been repeatedly printed, but the claim of Eudocia to that insipid per- formance is disputed by the critics. See Fabricius, Biblioth. Graec. torn. i. p. 357. The Ionia, a miscellaneous dictionary of history and fable, was compiled by another empress of the name of Eudocia, who lived in the eleventh century ; and the work is still extant in manuscript. [The Ionia has been edited by H. Flach. The works of the earlier Eudocia have been recently published by A. Lud- wich, 1893.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 389 marriage of her daughter^ was permitted to discharge her grateful vows by a solemn progress to Jerusalem. Her ostentatious progress through the East may seem inconsistent with the spirit of Christian humility ; she pronounced, from a throne of gold and gems, an eloquent oration to the senate of Antioch, declared her royal intention of enlarging the walls of the city, bestowed a donative of two hundred pounds of gold to restore the public baths, and accepted the statues which were decreed by the gratitude of Antioch. In the Holy Land, her alms and pious foundations exceeded the munificence of the great Helena ; and, though the public treasure might be im- poverished by this excessive liberality, she enjoyed the con- scious satisfaction of returning to Constantinople with the chains of St. Peter, the right arm of St. Stephen, and an un- doubted picture of the Virgin, painted by St. Luke.'^ But this pilgrimage was the fatal term of the glories of Eudocia. Satiated with empty pomp, and unmindful, perhaps, of her obligations to Pulcheria, she ambitiously aspired to the govern- ment of the Eastern empire ; the palace was distracted by female discord ; but the victory was at last decided by the superior ascendant of the sister of Theodosius. The execution of Paulinus, master of the offices, and the disgrace of Cyrus, Praetorian praefect of the East, convinced the public that the favour of Eudocia was insufficient to protect her most faithful friends ; and the uncommon beauty of Paulinus encouraged the secret rumour that his guilt was that of a successful lover.''''' As soon as the empress perceived that the affection of Theodo- sius was irretrievably lost, she requested the permission of re- tiring to the distant solitude of Jerusalem. She obtained her request ; but the jealousy of Theodosius, or the vindictive spirit of Pulcheria, pursued her in her last retreat ; and Satuminus, count of the domestics, was directed to punish with death two ecclesiastics, her most favoured servants. Eudocia instantly revenged them by the assassination of the count ; the furious passions, which she indulged on this suspicious occasion, seemed to justify the severity of Theodosius ; and the empress, '^Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 438, 439) is 'copious and florid; but he is accused of placing the lies of different ages on the same level of authenticity. 7' In this short view of the disgrace of Eudocia, I have imitated the caution of Evagrius (1. i. c. 21) and [count Marcellinus (in Chron. A. D. 440 and 444). The two authentic dates assigned by the latter overturn a great part of the Greek fictions ; and the celebrated story of the apple, &c. is fit only for the Arabian Nights, where something not very unlike it may be found. 390 THE DECLINE AND FALL ignominiously stript of the honours of her rank/^ was disgraced, perhaps unjustly, in the eyes of the world. The remainder of the life of Eudocia, about sixteen years, was spent in exile and devotion ; and the approach of age, the death of Theodosius, the misfortunes of her only daughter, who was led a captive from Rome to Carthage, and the society of the Holy Monks of Palestine, insensibly confirmed the religious temper of her mind. After a full experience of the vicissitudes of human life, the daughter of the philosopher Leontius expired at Jerusalem, in the sixty-seventh year of her age ; protesting, with her dying breath, that she had never transgressed the bounds of innocence and friendship.'^' Tha Pmfan The gentle mind of Theodosius was never inflamed by the ambition of conquest or military renown ; and the slight alarm of a Persian war scarcely interrupted the tranquillity of the East. The motives of this war were just and honourable. In the last year of the reign of Jezdegerd, the supposed guardian of Theodosius, a bishop, who aspired to the crown of martyr- dom, destroyed one of the fire temples of Susa.^o His zeal and obstinacy were revenged on his brethren ; the Magi excited a cruel persecution ; and the intolerant zeal of Jezdegerd was imitated by his son Vararanes, or Bahram, who soon afterwards ascended the throne. Some Christian fugitives, who escaped to the Roman frontier, were sternly demanded and generously refused ; and the refusal, aggravated by commercial disputes, soon kindled a war between the rival monarchies. The moun- tains of Armenia and the plains of Mesopotamia were filled with hostile armies ; but the operations of two successive cam- paigns were not productive of any decisive or memorable events. Some engagements were fought, some towns were besieged, with various and doubtful success ; and, if the Romans failed 78 Priscus (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 69 [Miiller, F. H. G. iv. p. 94]), a con- temporary, and a courtier, dryly mentions her Pagan and Christian names, with- out adding any title of honour or respect. ™ For the two pilgrimages of Eudocia, and her long residence at Jerusalem, her devotion, alms, &c. , see Socrates (1. vii. c. 47), and Evagrius (1. i. c. 20, 21, 22). The Paschal Chronicle may sometimes deserve regard; and, in the domestic history of Antioch, John Malala becomes a writer of good authority. The Ahbi Guenfe, in a Memoir on the fertility of Palestine, of which I have only seen an extract, calculates the gifts of Eudocia at 20,488 pounds of gold, above 800,000 pounds sterling. ^''Theodoret, 1. v. c. 39. Tillemont, M6m. Eccl^s. torn. xii. p. 356-364. Assemanni, Bibliot. Oriental, torn. iii. p. 396, torn. iv. p. 61. Theodoret blames the rashness of Abdas, but extols thejconstancy of his martyrdom. Yet I do not clearly understand the casuistry which prohibits our repairing the damage which we have unlawfully committed. OF THE KOMAN EMPIEE 391 in their attempt to recover the long lost possession of Nisibis, the Persians were repulsed from the walls of a Mesopotamian city by the valour of a martial bishop, who pointed his thunder- ing engine in the name of St. Thomas the Apostle. Yet the splendid victories, which the incredible speed of the messenger Palladius repeatedly announced to the palace of Constantinople, were celebrated with festivals and panegyrics. From these panegyrics the historians ^^ of the age might borrow their ex- traordinary and, perhaps, fabulous tales ; of the proud challenge of a Persian hero, who was entangled by the net, and dis- patched by the sword, of Areobindus the Goth ; of the ten thousand Immortals, who were slain in the attack of the Roman camp ; and of the hundred thousand Arabs, or Saracens, who were impelled by a panic of terror to throw themselves head- long into the Euphrates. Such events may be disbelieved or disregarded ; but the charity of a bishop, Acacius of Amida, whose name might have dignified the saintly calendar, shall not be lost in oblivion. Boldly declaring that vases of gold and silver are useless to a God who neither eats nor drinks, the generous prelate sold the plate of the church of Amida ; em- ployed the price in the redemption of seven thousand Persian captives ; supplied their wants with affectionate liberality ; and dismissed them to their native country, to inform the king of the true spirit of the religion which he persecuted. The practice of benevolence in the midst of war must always tend to assuage the animosity of contending nations ; and I wish to persuade myself that Acacius contributed to the restoration of peace. In the conference which was held on the limits of the two empires, the Roman ambassadors degraded the personal character of their sovereign by a vain attempt to magnify the extent of his power ; when they seriously advised the Persians to prevent, by a timely accommodation, the wrath of a monarch who was yet ignorant of this distant war. A truce of one hundred years was solemnly ratified ; and, although the revolutions of Armenia might threaten the public tranquillity, the essential conditions of this treaty were respected near fourscore years by the successors of Constantine and Artaxerxes. Since the Roman and Parthian standards first encountered on Armania the banks of the Euphrates, the kingdom of Armenia ^^ was ti^m tho°' FerslanB and the Komoiui ^ Socrates (1. vii. c. i8, 19, 20, 21) is the best author for the Persian war. We may likewise consult the three Chronicles, the Paschal, and those of Marcellinus and Malala. [For the succession of the Persian kings, see Appendix 5.] 82 This account of the ruin and division of the kingdom of Armenia is taken from the third book of the Armenian history of Moses of Chorene. Deficient as 392 THE DECLINE AND FALL alternately oppressed by its formidable protectors ; and, in the course of this History, several events, which inclined the balance of peace and war, have been already related. A disgraceful treaty had resigned Armenia to the ambition of Sapor ; and the scale of Persia appeared to preponderate. But the royal race of Arsaces impatiently submitted to the house of Sassan ; the tur- bulent nobles asserted or betrayed their hereditary independ- ence ; and the nation was still attached to the Christian princes of Constantinople. In the beginning of the fifth century, Ar- menia was divided by the progress of war and faction ; ^^ and the unnatural division precipitated the downfall of that ancient monarchy. Chosroes, the Persian vassal, reigned over the Eastern and most extensive portion of the country ; while the [Bonof Pap] Western province acknowledged the jurisdiction of Arsaces and the supremacy of the emperor Arcadius. After the death of Arsaces, the Romans suppressed the regal government and im- posed on their allies the condition of subjects. The military command was delegated to the count of the Armenian frontier ; the city of Theodosiopolis ^* was built and fortified in a strong situation, on a fertile and lofty ground near the sources of the Euphrates ; and the dependent territories were ruled by five satrap.s, whose dignity was marked by a peculiar habit of gold and purple. The less fortunate nobles, who lamented the loss of their king and envied the honours of their equals, were pro- voked to negotiate their peace and pardon at the Persian court ; and, returning, with their followers, to the palace of Artaxata, acknowledged Chosroes for their lawful sovereign. About thirty years afterwards, Artasires, the nephew and successor of Chos- roes, fell under the displeasure of the haughty and capricious nobles of Armenia ; and they unanimously desired a Persian governor in the room of an unworthy king. The answer of the he is of every qualification of a good historian, his local information, his passions, and his prejudices are strongly expressive of a native and contemporary. Procopius (de Edificiis, 1. xiii, c. i. 5) relates the same facts in a very different manner ; but I have extracted the circumstances the most probable in themselves and the least inconsistent with Moses of Chorene. [For the division of Armenia see Appendix 25.] 83 The western Armenians used the Greek language and characters in their religious offices ; but the use of that hostile tongue was prohibited by the Persians in the eastern provinces, which were obliged to use the Syriac, till the invention of the Armenian letters by Mesrobes in the beginning of the fifth century and the subsequent version of the Bible into the Armenian language, an event which re- laxed the connexion of the church and nation with Constantinople. 84 Moses Choren. 1. iii. c, 59, p. 309, and p. 358. Procopius, de Aedificiis, 1. iii. c. 5. Theodosiopolis stands, or rather stood, about thirty-five miles to the east of Arzeroum, the modern capital of Turkish Armenia. See d'Anville, G^ographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 99, 100. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 393 archbishop Isaac, whose sanction they earnestly solicited, is ex- [Sahag] pressive of the character of a superstitious people. He deplored the manifest and inexcusable vices of Artasires ; and declared that he should not hesitate to accuse him before the tribunal of a Christian emperor who would punish, without destroying, the sinner. "Our king," continued Isaac, "is too much addicted to licentious pleasures, but he has been purified in the holy waters of baptism. He is a lover of women, but he does not adore the fire or the elements. He may deserve the reproach of lewdness, but he is an undoubted Catholic ; and his faith is pure, though his manners are flagitious. I will never consent to abandon my sheep to the rage of devouring wolves ; and you would soon re- pent your rash exchange of the infirmities of a believer for the specious virtues of an heathen." ^^ Exasperated by the firmness of Isaac, the factious nobles accused both the king and the arch- bishop as the secret adherents of the emperor ; and absurdly rejoiced in the sentence of condemnation, which, after a partial hearing, was solemnly pronounced by Bahram himself The descendants of Arsaces were degraded fi-om the royal dignity, *8 which they had possessed above five hundred and sixty years, *^ [sso: and the dominions of the unfortunate Artasires, under the new and significant appellation of Persarmenia, were reduced • into the form of a province. This usurpation excited the jealousy of re. a.d. 428] the Roman government ; but the rising disputes were soon ter- minated by an amicable, though unequal, partition of the ancient kingdom of Armenia ; and a territorial acquisition, which Augustus' might have despised, reflected some lustre on the de- clining empire of the younger Theodosius. 85 Moses Choren. I. iii. c. 63, p. 316. According to the institution of St. Gregory the apostle of Armenia, the archbishop was always of the royal family ; a circumstance which, in some degree, corrected the influence of the sacerdotal character, and united the mitre with the crown. 88 A branch of the royal house of Arsaces still subsisted with the rank and possessions (as it should seem) of Armenian satraps. See Moses Choren. i. iii. c. 65, p. 321. 87 Valarsaces was appointed king of Armenia by his brother the Parthian monarch, immediately after the defeat of Antiochus Sidetes (Moses Choren. 1. ii. c. ii. p. 85), one hundred and thirty years before Christ. Without depending on the various and contradictory periods of the reigns of the last kings, we may be assured that the ruin of the Armenian kingdom happened after the council of Chalcedon, A.D. 431 (I. iii. c. 61, p. 312), and under Veramus or Bahram, king of Persia (1. iii. c. 64, p. 317), who reigned from a.d. 420 to 440 [see Appendix 25]. See Assemanni, Bibliot. Oriental, tom. iii. p. 396. 394 THE DECLINE AND FALL CHAPTEE XXXIII Death of Honorius — Valentinian III. Emperor of the West— ^ Ad- ministration of his Mother Placidia — Aetius and Boniface — Conquest of Africa by the Vandals During a long and disgraceful reign of twenty-eight years, Honorius, emperor of the West, was separated from the friend- ship of his brother, and afterwards of his nephew, who reigned over the East ; and Constantinople beheld, with apparent indif- ference and secret joy, the calamities of Rome. The strange adventures of Placidia i gradually renewed and cemented the alliance of the two empires. The daughter of the great Theo- dosius had been the captive and the queen of the Goths ; she lost an affectionate husband ; she was dragged in chains by his insulting assassin ; she tasted the pleasure of revenge, and was exchanged, in the treaty of peace, for six hundred thousand measures of wheat. After her return from Spain to Italy, Placidia experienced a new persecution in the bosom of her family. She was averse to a marriage which had been stipulated without her consent ; and the brave Constantius, as a noble reward for the tyrants whom he had vanquished, received, from the hand of Honorius himself, the struggling and reluctant hand of the widow of Adolphus. But her resistance ended with the ceremony of the nuptials ; nor did Placidia refuse to become the mother of Honoria and Valentinian the Third, or to assume and exercise an absolute dominion over the mind of her grateful husband. The generous soldier, whose time had hitherto been divided between social pleasure and military service, was taught new lessons of avarice and ambition ; he extorted the title of Augustus ; and the servant of Honorius was associated to the empire of the West. The death of Constantius, in the seventh month of his reign, instead of diminishing, seemed to increase, the power of Placidia ; and the indecent familiarity ^ of her 1 See p. 334-348. 2 Ti mivtxn !«"■& o-TSfiii ij>i\>i)iaTci| is the expression of Olympiodorus (apud Photium, p. 197 [fr. 40]), who means, perhaps, to describe the same caresses which OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 395 brother^ which might be no more than the symptoms of a childish aiFection, were ^ universally attributed to incestuous love. On a sudden, by some base intrigues of a steward and a nurse, this excessive fondness was converted into an irreconcileable quarrel ; the debates of the emperor and his sister were not long confined within the walls of the palace ; and, as the Gothic soldiers adhered to their queen, the city of Ravenna was agitated with bloody and dangerous tumults, which could only be ap- peased by the forced or voluntary retreat of Placidia and her children. The,royal exiles landed at Constantinople, soon after the marriage of Theodosius, during the festival of the Persian victories. They were treated with kindness and magnificence ; but, as the statues of the emperor Constantius had been rejected by the Eastern court, the title of Augusta could not decently be allowed to his widow. Within a few months after the arrival of Placidia, a swift messenger announced the death of Honorius, the consequence of a dropsy ; but the important secret was not divulged, till the necessary orders had been dispatched for the march of a large body of troops to the sea-coast of Dalmatia. The shops and the gates of Constantinople remained shut during seven days ; and the loss of a foreign prince, who could neither be esteemed nor regretted, was celebrated with loud and affected demonstrations of the public grief While the ministers of Constantinople deliberated, the vacant Hevation and throne of Honorius was usurped by the ambition of a stranger. J^^JS!™- The name of the rebel was John ; he filled the confidential office of Primicerius, or principal secretary ; and history has at- tributed to his character more virtues than can easily be recon- ciled with the violation of the most sacred duty. Elated by the submission of Italy and the hope of an alliance with the Huns, John presumed to insult, by an embassy, the majesty of the Eastern emperor ; but, when he understood that his agents had been banished, imprisoned, and at length chased away with deserved ignominy, John prepared to assert, by arms, the injustice of his claims. In such a cause, the grandson of the great Theo- dosius should have marched in person ; but the young emperor was easily diverted, by his physicians, from so rash and hazardous a design ; and the conduct of the Italian expedition was pru- Mahomet bestowed on his daughter Phatemah. Quando (says the prophet him- self) quandosubit mihi desiderium Paradisi, osculor earn, et ingero Unguam meam in OS ejus. But this sensual indulgence was justified by miracle and mystery ; and the anecdote has been communicated to the public by the Reverend Father Maracci, in his Version and Confutation of the Koran, torn. i. p. 32. 2a \Symptoms in the relative clause seems to have caused the irregular plural.] 396 THE DECLINE AND FALL dently entrusted to Ardaburius and his son Aspar, who had already signalized their valour against the Persians. It was resolved that Ardaburius should embark with the infantry ; whilst Aspar, at the head of the cavalry, conducted Placidia and her son Valentinian along the sea-coast of the Hadriatic. The march of the cavalry was performed with such active dili- gence that they surprised, without resistance, the important city of Aquileia ; when the hopes of Aspar were unexpectedly confounded by the intelligence that a storm had dispersed the Imperial fleet ; and that his father, with only two galleys, was taken and carried a prisoner into the port of Ravenna. Yet this incident, unfortunate as it might seem, facilitated the con- quest of Italy. Ardaburius employed, or abused, the courteous freedom which he was permitted to enjoy, to revive among the troops a sense of loyalty and gratitude ; and, as soon as the con- spiracy was ripe for execution, he invited, by private messages, and pressed the approach of, Aspar. A shepherd, whom the popular credulity transformed into an angel, guided the Eastern cavaliy, by a secret and, it was thought, an impassable road, through the morasses of the Po ; the gates of Ravenna, after a short struggle, were thrown open ; and the defenceless tyrant was delivered to the mercy, or rather to the cruelty, of the con- querors. His right hand was first cut off; and, after he had been exposed, mounted on an ass, to the public derision, John was beheaded in the circus of Aquileia. The emperor Theo- dosius, when he received the news of the victory, interrupted the horse-races ; and, singing, as he marched through the streets, a suitable psalm, conducted his people from the Hippodrome to the church, where he spent the remainder of the day in grate- ful devotion. 8 In a monarchy, which, according to various precedents, might be considered as elective, or hereditary, or patrimonial, it was impossible that the intricate claims of female and collateral succession should be clearly defined ; * and Theodosius, by the right of consanguinity or conquest, might have reigned the sole ' For these revolutions of the Western Empire, consult Olympiodor. apud Phot, p. 192, 193, ig6, 197, 200 [fr. 41, 44, 45, 46]. Sozomen, 1. ix. 0. 16. Socrates, 1. vii. 23, 24. Philostorgius, 1. xii. c. 10, 11, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 486. Procopius, de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 3, p. 182, 183. Theophanes, in Chronograph, p. 72, 73, and the Chronicles. ^ See Grotius de Jure Belli et Pacia, 1. ii. c. 7. He has laboriously, but vainly, attempted to form a reasonable system of jurisprudence, from the various and discordant modes of royal succession, which have been introduced by fraud or force, by time or accident. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 397 legitimate emperor of the Romans. For a moment^ perhaps, his eyes were dazzled by the prospect of unbounded sway ; but his indolent temper gradually acquiesced in the dictates of sound policy. He contented himself with the possession of the East ; and wisely relinquished the laborious task of waging a distant and doubtful war against the Barbarians beyond the Alps ; or of securing the obedience of the Italians and Africans, whose minds were alienated by the irreconcileable difference of language and interest. Instead of listening to the voice of ambition, Theodosius.resolved to imitate the moderation of his grandfather, and to seat his cousin Valentinian on the throne of the West. The royal infant was distinguished at Constantinople by the title of Nohilissimus ; he was promoted, before his departure from Thessalonica, to the rank and dignity of Cwsar ; and, after the conquest of Italy, the patrician Helion, by the authority of Theodosius, and in the presence of the senate, saluted Valen- tinian the Third by the name of Augustus, and solemnly in- vested him with the diadem and the Imperial purple.^ By the agreement of the three females who governed the Roman world, the son of Placidia was betrothed to Eudoxia, the daughter of Theodosius and Athenais ; and, as soon as the lover and his bride had attained the age of puberty, this honourable alliance was faithfully accomplished. At the same time, as a compen- sation, perhaps, for the expenses of the war, the Western lUyri- cum was detached from the Italian dominions and yielded to the throne of Constantinople." The emperor of the East ac- quired the useful dominion of the rich and maritime province of Dalmatia, and the dangerous sovereignty of Pannonia and Nori- cum, which had been filled and ravaged above twenty years by a promiscuous crowd of Huns, Ostrogoths, Vandals, and Bavarians. Theodosius and Valentinian continued to respect the obligations of their public and domestic alliance ; but the unity of the Roman government was finally dissolved. By a positive declara- tion, the validity of all future laws was limited to the dominions of their peculiar author ; unless he should think proper to com- !> The original writers are not agreed (see Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, torn. iv. p. 139) whether Valentinian received the Imperial diadem at Rome or Ravenna. In this uncertainty, I am willing to believe that some respect was shown to the senate. 6 The Count de Buat (Hist, des Peuples de I'Europe, torn. vii. p. 292-300) has established the reality, explained the motives, and traced the consequences of this remarkable cession. [Cp. Appendix 14.] 398 THE DECLINE AND FALL Administra- tion of hlB mother Fla- cldla. A.I>. 425-450 Her two generalB, Aetlns and Boniface A.D. 412] [A D. 422] municate them, subscribed with his own hand, for the approba- tion of his independent colleague.'^ Valentinian, when he received the title of Augustus, was no more than six years of age ; and his long minority was intrusted to the guardian care of a mother, who might assert a female claim to the succession of the Western Empire. Placidia envied, but she could not equal, the reputation and virtues of the wife and sister of Theodosius : the elegant genius of Eudocia, the wise and successful policy of Pulcheria. The mother of Valentinian was jealous of the power, which she was incapable of exercising ; ^ she reigned twenty-five years, in the name of her son ; and the character of that unworthy emperor gradually countenanced the suspicion that Placidia had enervated his youth by a dissolute education and studiously diverted his attention from every manly and honourable pursuit. Amidst the decay of military spirit, her armies were commanded by two generals, Aetius ^ and Boniface,!" who may be deservedly named as the last of the Romans. Their union might have supported a sinking empire ; their discord was the fatal and immediate cause of the loss of Africa. The invasion and defeat of Attila has immortalized the fame of Aetius ; and, though time has thrown a shade over the exploits of his rival, the defence of Marseilles and the deliverance of Africa ^^ attest ' See the first Navel of Theodosius, by which he ratifies and communicates (a.d. 438) the Theodosian Code. About forty years before that time, the vmity of legislation had been proved by an exception. The Jews, who were numerous in the cities of Apulia and Calabria, produced a law of the East to justify their ex- emption from municipal offices (Cod. Theod. 1. xvi. tit. viii. leg. 13) ; and the Western emperor was obliged to invalidate, by a special edict, the law, quam constat meis partibus esse damnosam. Cod. Theod. 1. xi. [leg. xii.], tit. i. leg. 158. 8 Cassiodorius (Varior. 1. xi. epist. i. p. 238) has compared the regencies of Placidia and Amalasuntha. He arraigns the weakness of the mother of Valen- tinian, and praises the virtues of his royal mistress. On this occasion flattery seems to have spoken the language of truth. 9 Philostorgius, 1. xii. c. 12, and Godefroy's Dissertat. p. 493, &c. ; and Renatus Frigeridus, apud Gregor. Turon. 1. ii. c. 8, in torn. ii. p. 163. The father of Aetius was Gaudentius, an illustrious citizen of the province of Scythia, and master-general of the cavalry ; his mother was a rich and noble Italian. From his earliest youth, Aetius, as a soldier and a hostage, had conversed with the Barbarians. 1" For the character of Boniface, see Olympiodorus, apud Phot. p. ig6 [F.H.G. iv. fr. 42] ; and St. fAugustin, apud Tillemont, M6moires EccWs. torn. xiii. p. 712-715, 886. The bishop of Hippo at length deplored the fall of his friend, who, after a solemn vow of chastity, had married a second wife of the Arian sect, and who was suspected of keeping several concubines in his house. " [From the invasions of Moorish tribes-; he went to Africa from Spain in 422 A.D., without a regular commission.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 399 the military talents of Count Boniface. In the field of battle, in partial encounters, in single combats, he was still the terror of the Barbarians ; the clergy, and particularly his friend Augustin, were edified by the Christian piety which had once tempted him to retire from the world ; the people applauded his spotless integrity ; the army dreaded his equal and inexorable justice, which may be displayed in a very singular example. A peasant, who complained of the criminal intimacy between his wife and a Gothic soldier, was directed to attend his tribunal the follow- ing day ; in the evening the count, who had diligently informed himself of the time and place of the assignation, mounted his horse, rode ten miles into the country, surprised the guilty couple, punished the soldier with instant death, and silenced the complaints of the husband by presenting him, the next morning, with the head of the adulterer. The abilities of Aetius and Boniface might have been usefully employed against the public enemies, in separate and important commands ; but the experience of their past conduct should have decided the real favour and confidence of the empress Placidia. In the melancholy season of her exile and distress, Boniface alone had maintained her cause with unshaken fidelity ; and the troops and treasm'es of Afi-ica had essentially contributed to extinguish the rebellion. The same rebellion had been supported by the zeal and activity of Aetius, who brought an army of sixty thousand Huns from the Danube to the confines of Italy, for the service of the usurper. The untimely death of John compelled him to accept an advantageous treaty ; but he still continued, the subject and the soldier of Valentinian, to entertain a secret, perhaps a treasonable, correspondence with his Barbarian allies, whose retreat had been purchased by liberal gifts and more liberal promises. But Aetius possessed an advantage of singular moment in a female reign : he was present ; he besieged, with artful and assiduous flattery, the palace of Ravenna ; disguised his dark designs with the mask of loyalty and friendship ; and at length deceived both his mistress and his absent rival by a subtle conspiracy, which a weak woman and a brave man could not easily suspect. He secretly persuaded i^ Placidia to recalErroraniire. Boniface from the government of Africa; he secretly advised face in Amoa. 12 Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 3, 4, p. 182-186) relates the fraud of Aetius, the revolts of Boniface, and the loss of Africa. This anecdote, which is supported by some collateral testimony (see Ruinart, Hist. Persecut. Vandal, p. 420, 421), seems agreeable to the practice of ancient and modern courts, and would be naturally revealed by the repentance of Boniface. 400 THE DECLINE AND FALL Boniface to disobey the Imperial summons : to the one he repre- sented the order as a sentence of death ; to the other he stated the refusal as a signal of revolt ; and, when the credulous and unsuspectful count had armed the province in his defence, Aetius applauded his sagacity in foreseeing the rebellion which his own perfidy had excited. A temperate inquiry into the real motives of Boniface would have restored a faithful servant to his duty and to the republic ; but the arts of Aetius still continued to betray and to inflame, and the count was urged by persecution to embrace the most desperate counsels. The success with which he eluded or repelled the first attacks could not inspire a vain confidence that, at the head of some loose, disorderly Africans, he should be able to withstand the regular forces of the West, commanded by a rival whose miUtary character it was impossible for him to despise. After some hesitation, the last struggles of prudence and loyalty, Boniface dispatched a [auntheric] trusty friend to the court, or rather to the camp, of Gonderic, king of the Vandals, with the proposal of a strict alliance, and the offer of an advantageous and perpetual settlement. HeinviteBthe After the retreat of the Goths, the authority of Honorius had 4^" ' ■ ■ obtained a precarious establishment in Spain ; except only in the province of GaUicia, where the Suevi and the Vandals had [A.D. 419] fortified their camps, in mutual discord and hostile independence. The Vandals prevailed ; and their adversaries were besieged in [A.D. 420] the Nervasian hills, between Leon and Oviedo, till the approach of Count Asterius compelled, or rather provoked, the victorious Barbarians to remove the scene of the war to the plains of Baetica. The rapid progress of the Vandals soon required a [A.D. 422] more effectual opposition ; and the master-general Castinus marched against them with a numerous army of Romans and Goths. Vanquished in battle by an inferior enemy, Castinus [TaiTMo] fled with dishonour to Tarragona ; and this memorable defeat, which has been represented as the punishment, was most rainpaiij probably the effect, of his rash presumption.^^ Seville and ^aoar- Carthagena became the reward, or rather the prey, of the ferocious conquerors, and the vessels which they found in the harbour of Carthagena might easily transport them to the isles [A.D. 425] of Majorca and Minorca, where the Spanish fugitives, as in a secure recess, had vainly concealed theirfamilies and their fortunes. 13 See the Chronicles of Prosper and Idatius. Salvian (de Gubernat. Dei, 1. vii. p. 246, Paris, 1608) ascribes the victory of the Vandals to their superior piety. They fasted, they prayed, they carried a Bible in the front of the Host, with the design, perhaps, of reproaching the perfidy and sacrilege of their enemies. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 401 The experience of navigation, and perhaps the prospect of Africa, encouraged the Vandals to accept the invitation which they received from Count Boniface ; and the death of Gonderic served only to forward and animate the bold enterprise. In the room of a prince, not conspicuous for any superior powers of the mind or body, they acquired his bastard brother, the terrible Genseric : i* a name which, in the destruction of the Roman oenseric, ung empu-e, has deserved an equal rank with the names of Alaric dais " ""' and Attila. The king of the Vandals is described to have been of a middle stature, with a lameness in one leg, which he had contracted by an accidental fall from his horse. His slow and cautious speech seldom declared the deep purposes of his soul : he disdained to imitate the luxury of the vanquished ; but he indulged the sterner passions of anger and revenge. The ambition of Genseric was without bounds, and without scruples ; and the warrior could dexterously employ the dark engines of policy to solicit the allies who might be useful to his success, or to scatter among his enemies the seeds of hatred and conten- tion. Almost in the moment of his departure he was informed that Hermanric, king of the Suevi, had presumed to ravage the Spanish territories, which he was resolved to abandon. Im- patient of the insult, Genseric pursued the hasty retreat of the Suevi as far as Merida ; precipitated the king and his army into [Emeriu] the river Anas ; and calmly returned to the sea-shore, to em- [Gnadiana] bark his victorious troops. The vessels which transported the ^^*^^ Vandals over the modem Streights of Gibraltar, a channel only 429, nay " twelve miles in breadth,!^ were furnished by the Spaniards, who anxiously wished their departure, and by the African general, who had implored their formidable assistance.!^ 1^ Gizericus (his name is variously expressed) staturS. mediocris at equi casu claudicans, animo profundus, sermone rarus, luxuriaa contemptor, ir4 turbidus. habendi, cupidus, ad solicitandas gentes providentissimus, semina contentionum-^ jacere, o3ia miscere paratus. Jornandes, de Rebus Geticis, o. 33, p. 657. This portrait, which is drawn with some skill, and a strong likeness, must have been copied from the Gothic history of Cassiodorius. [The right form of the name, now universally accepted, is Gaiseric (Idatius ; Geiseric, Prosper and Victor Vitensis). The nasalized form appears first in writers of the sixth century. Unfortunately there are no coins of this king ; see Friedlander's Die IVIunzen der Vandalen.] 15 [It seems far more probable that the Vandals sailed directly to Csesarea than that they crossed the straits and undertook the long land march through the deserts of western Mauritania; notwithstanding the statement of Victor Vitensis, i. i.] 18 See the Chronicle of Idatius. That bishop, a Spaniard and a contemporary, places the passage of the Vandals in the month of May, of the yeai: of Abraham (which commences in October) 2444. This date, which coincides with a.d. 429, is confirmed [rather, adopted] by Isidore, another Spanish bishop, and is justly preferred to the opinion of those writers who have marked for that event one of the preceding years. See Pagi, Critica, tom. ii. p. 205, &c, [So too Clinton. But VOL. III. 26 402 THE DECLINE AND FALL and reviews hie army. A.D. 429 Our fancy, so long accustomed to exaggerate and multiply the martial swarms of Barbarians that seemed to issue from the North, will perhaps be surprised by the account of the army which Genseric mustered on the coast of Mauritania. The Vandals, who in twenty years had penetrated from the Elbe to Mount Atlas, were united under the command of their warlike king ; and he reigned with equal authority over the Alani, who had passed, within the term of human life, from the cold of Scythia to the excessive heat of an African climate. The hopes of the bold enterprise had excited many brave adventurers of the Gothic nation ; and maiiy desperate provincials were tempted to repair their fortunes by the same means which had occasioned their ruin. Yet this various multitude amounted only to fifty thousand effective men ; and, though Genseric artfully magnified his apparent strength, by appointing eighty chiliarchs, or commanders of thousands, the fallacious increase of old men, of children, and of slaves, would scarcely have swelled his army to the number of fourscore thousand persons. ^^ But his own dexterity, and the discontents of Africa, soon fortified the Vandal powers by the accession of numerous and active allies. The parts of Mauritania, which border on the great desert and the Atlantic ocean, were filled with a fierce and un- tractable race of men, whose savage temper had been ex- asperated, rather than reclaimed, by their dread of the Roman arms. The wandering Moors,i^ as they gradually ventured to approach the sea-shore and the camp of the Vandals, must have viewed with terror and astonishment the dress, the armour, the martial pride and discipline of the unknown strangers, who had landed on their coast ; and the fair complexions of the blue-eyed warriors of Germany formed a very singular contrast with the Mr. Hodgkin, ii. 292, makes out a good case for the date 428, given in the Chron. Pasch. and perhaps really implied by Idatius.] 1' Compare Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 5, p. igo) and Victor Vitensis (de Persecutione Vandal. 1. i. c. i, p. 3, edit. Ruinart). We are assured by Idatius that Genseric evacuated Spain, cum Vandalis omnibus eorumque familiis ; and Possidius (in Vit. Augustin. c. 28, apud Ruinart, p. 427) describes his army as manus ingens immanium gentium Vandalorum et Alanorum, commixtam secum habens Gothorum gentem, aliarumque diversarum personas. [To reconcile the 50,000 fighting men of Procopius with the 80,000 (including old men ani pmvuli) of Victor, Mr. Hodgkin supposes that females were excluded in Victor's enumeration (ii. 231).] 18 For the manners of the Moors, see Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. 1. ii. c. 6, p. 249) ; for their figure and complexion, M. de Buffon (Histoire Naturelle, tom. iii. p. 430). Procopius says in general that the Moors had joined the Vandals before the death of Valentinian (de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 5, p. 190), and it is probable that the independent tribes did not embrace any uniform system of policy. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 403 swarthy or olive hue which is derived from the neighbourhood of the torrid zone. After the first difficulties had in some measure been removed, which arose from the mutual ignorance of their respective language, the Moors, regardless of any future consequence, embraced the alliance of the enemies of Rome ; and a crowd of naked savages rushed from the woods and valleys of Mount Atlas, to satiate their revenge on the polished tyrants who had injuriously expelled them from the native sovereignty of the land. The persecution of the Donatists^^ was an event not -less dibdoiui- favourable to the designs of Genseric. Seventeen years before he landed in Africa, a public conference was held at Carthage, by the order of the magistrate. The Catholics were satisfied that, after the invincible reasons which they had alleged, the obstinacy of the schismatics must be inexcusable and voluntary ; and the emperor Honorius was persuaded to inflict the most rigorous penalties on a faction which had so long abused his patience and clemency. Three hundred bishopSj^" with many thousands of the inferior clergy, were torn from their churches, stripped of their ecclesiastical possessions, banished to the islands, and proscribed by the laws, if they presumed to conceal them- selves in the provinces of Africa. Their numerous congregations, both in cities and in the country, were deprived of the rights of citizens, and of the exercise of religious worship. A regular scale of fines, from ten to two hundred pounds of silver, wastioj. loibs. of curiously ascertained, according to the distinctions of rank and iiiaT«r gold: fortune, to punish the crime of assisting at a schismatic conven- ticle ; and, if the fine had been levied five times, without sub- duing the obstinacy of the offender, his future punishment was referred to the discretion of the Imperial court.^i By these severities, which obtained the warmest approbation of St. Augustin,^^ great numbers of Donatists were reconciled to the 19 See Tillemont, M^moires Ecclds. torn. xiii. p. 516-558 ; and the whole series of the persecution in the original monuments, published by Dupin at the end of Optatus, p. 323-515. 2" The Donatist bishops, at the conference of Carthage, amounted to 279 ; and they asserted that their whole number was not less than 400. The Catholics had 286 present, 120 absent, besides sixty-four vacant bishoprics. 21 The fifth title of the sixteenth book of the Theodosian Code exhibits a series of the Imperial laws against the Donatists, from the year 400 to the year 428. Of these the 54th law, promulgated by Honorius A. D. 514, is the most severe and effectual. ^ St. Augustin altered his opinion with regard to the proper treatment of here- tics. His pathetic declaration of pity and indulgence for the Manichsns has been inserted by Mr. Locke (vol. iii. p. 469) among the choice specimens of his common- place book. Another philosopher, the celebrated Bayle (tom. ii. p. 445-496), has refuted, with superfluous diligence and ingenuity, the arguments by which the bishop of Hippo justified, in his old age, the persecution of the Donatists. A.D. 430 404 THE DECLINE AND FALL Catholic church ; but the fanatics, who still persevered in their opposition, were provoked to madness and despair; the distracted country was filled with tumult and bloodshed ; the armed troops of Circumcellions alternately pointed their rage against them- selves or against their adversaries ; and the calendar of mart3TS received on both sides a considerable augmentation. ^^ Under these circumstances, Genseric, a Christian, but an enemy of the orthodox communion, showed himself to the Donatists as a powerful deliverer, from whom they might reasonably expect the repeal of the odious and oppressive edicts of the Roman emperors.^* The conquest of Africa was facilitated by the active zeal, or the secret favour, of a domestic faction ; the wanton out- rages against the churches and the clergy, of which the Vandals are accused, may be fairly imputed to the fanaticism of their allies ; and the intolerant spirit, which disgraced the triumph of Christianity, contributed to the loss of the most important pro- vince of the West.^^ Tardy re- The court and the people were astonished by the strange "oniface. intelligence that a virtuous hero, after so many favours and so L n 4311 ® 'J many services, had renounced his allegiance, and invited the Barbarians to destroy the province entrusted to his command. The friends of Boniface, who still beheved that his criminal be- haviour might be excused by some honourable motive, solicited, during the absence of Aetius, a free conference with the count of Africa, and Darius, an officer of high distinction, was named for the important embassy.^^ In their first interview at Car- 's See Tillemont, M^m. Eccl^s. torn. xiii. p. 586-592, 806. The Donatists boasted of thousands of these voluntary martyrs. Augustin asserts, and probably with truth, that these numbers were much exaggerated ; but he sternly maintains that it was better that some should burn themselves in this world than that all should burn in hell flames. 2^ According to St. Augustin and Theodoret the Donatists were inclined to the principles, or at least to the party, of the Arians, which Genseric supported. Tillemont, M^m. Eccte. torn. vi. p. 68. 25 See Baronius, Annal. &cles. A.D. 428, No. 7, A.n. 439, No. 35. The car- dinal, though more inclined to seek the cause of great events in heaven than on the earth, has observed the apparent connexion of the Vandals and the Donatists. Under the reign of the Barbarians, the schismatics of Africa enjoyed an obscure peace of one hundred years ; at the end of which, we may again trace them by the light of the Imperial persecutions. See Tillemont, M6m. Ecclfe. tom. vi. p. 192, &c. 26 In a confidential letter to Count Boniface, St. Augustin, without examining the grounds of the quarrel, piously exhorts him to discharge the duties of a Chris- tian and a subject ; to extricate himself without delay from his dangerous and guilty situation ; and even, if he could obtain the consent of his wife, to embrace a life of celibacy and penance (Tillemont, M^m. Ecclfe. tom. xiii. p. 890). The bishop W3S intimately connected with Darius, the minister of peace (Id. tom. xiii. p. 928.) OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 405 thage, the imaginary provocations were mutually explained; the opposite letters of Aetius were produced and compared; and the fraud was easily detected. Placidia and Boniface lamented their fatal error ; and the count had sufficient magnanimity to confide in the forgiveness of his sovereign or to expose his head to her future resentment. His repentance was fervent and sincere ; but he soon discovered that it was no longer in his power to restore the edifice which he had shaken to its foundations. Carthage, and the Roman garrisons, returned with their general to the allegiance of Valentinian ; but the rest of Africa was still distracted with war and faction ; and the inexorable king of the Vandals, disdaining all terms of accommodation, sternly refused to relinquish the possession of his prey. The band of veterans, who marched under the standard of Boniface, and his hasty levies of provincial troops, were defeated with considerable loss ; the victorious Barbarians insulted the open country ; and Car- thage, Cirta, and Hippo Regius were the only cities that ap- peared to rise above the general inundation. The long and narrow tract of the African coast was filled with Desolation of frequent monuments of Roman art and magnificence ; and the respective degrees of improvement might be accurately measured by the distance from Carthage and the Mediterranean. A simple reflection will impress every thinking mind with the clearest idea of fertility and cultivation : the country was extremely populous ; the inhabitants reserved a liberal subsistence for their own use ; and the annual exportation, particularly of wheat, was so regular and plentiful that Africa deserved the name of the common granary of Rome and of mankind. On a sudden the seven fruitful provinces, from Tangier to Tripoli, were over- whelmed by the invasion of the Vandals ; whose destructive rage has perhaps been exaggerated by popular animosity, religious zeal, and extravagant declamation. War, in its fairest form, im- plies a perpetual violation of humanity and justice; and the hostilities of Barbarians are inflamed by the fierce and lawless spirit which incessantly disturbs their peaceful and domestic society. The Vandals, where they found resistance, seldom gave quarter ; and the deaths of their valiant countrymen were ex- piated by the ruin of the cities under whose walls they had fallen. Careless of the distinctions of age, or sex, or rank, they employed every species of indignity and torture, to force from the captives a discovery of their hidden wealth. The stern policy of Genseric justified his frequent examples of military execution : he was not always the master of his own passions, or 406 THE DECLINE AND FALL of those of his followers ; and the calamities of war were aggra- vated by the licentiousness of the Moors and the fanaticism of the Donatists. Yet I shall not easily be persuaded that it was the common practice of the Vandals to extirpate the olives, and other fruit trees, of a country where they intended to settle ; nor can I believe that it was a usual stratagem to slaughter great numbers of their prisoners before the walls of a besieged city, for the sole purpose of infecting the air and producing a pestilence of which they themselves must have been the first victims .^'^ Biege of The generous mind of Count Boniface was tortured by the 43^'May ' ' cxquisite distress of beholding the ruin which he had occasioned, and whose rapid progress he was unable to check. After the loss of a battle he retired into Hippo Regius ; where he was immediately besieged by an enemy who considered him as the real bulwark of Africa. The maritime colony of Hippo,^^ about two hundred miles westward of Carthage, had formerly acquired the distinguishing epithet of Regitis, from the residence of Numidian kings ; and some remains of trade and populousness still adhere to the modern city, which is known in Europe by the corrupted name of Bona. The military labours and anxious reflections of Count Boniface were alleviated by the edifying conversation of his friend St. Augustin ; ^9 till that bishop, the Death of light and pillar of the Catholic church, was gently released, in AjTtao ■ the third month of the siege, and in the seventy-sixth year of "*" his age, from the actual and the impending calamities of his country. The youth of Augustin had been stained by the vices and errors which he so ingenuously confesses ; but from the ^ The original complaints of the desolation of Africa are contained : i. In a letter from Capreolus, bishop of Carthage, to excuse his absence from the council of Ephesus (ap. Ruinart, p. 429). ;a. In the life of St. Augustin, by his friend and colleague Possidius (ap. Ruinart, p. 427). 3. In the History of the Vandalic Per- secution, by Victor Vitensis (1. i. c. i, 2, 3, edit. Ruinart). The last picture, which was drawn sixty years after the event, is more expressive of the author's passions than of the truth of facts. 28 See Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. torn. ii. part ii. p. 112 ; Leo African, in Ramusio, torn. i. fol. 70 ; L'Afrique de Marmol. tom. ii. p. 434, 437 ; Shaw's Trayels, p. 46, 47. The old Hippo Regius was finally destroyed by the Arabs in the Seventh century ; but a new town, at the distance of two miles, was built with the materials, and it contained, in the sixteenth century, about three hundred fami- lies of industrious, but turbulent, manufacturers. The adjacent territory is re- nowned for a pure air, a fertile soil, and plenty of exquisite fruits. ™ The life of St. Augustin, by Tillemont, fills a quarto volume (M6m. Ecclfe. tom. xiii. ) of more than one thousand pages ; and the diligence of that learned Jansenist was excited on this occasion by factious and devout zeal for the founder of his sect. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 407 moment of his conversion to that of his death the manners of the bishop of Hippo were pure and austere ; and the most con- spicuous of his virtues was an ardent zeal against heretics of every denomination : the Manichseans, the Donatists, and the Pelagians, against whom he waged a perpetual controversy. When the city, some months after his death, was burnt by the Vandals, the library was fortunately saved, which contained his voluminous writings : two hundred and thirty-two separate books, or treatises, on theological subjects, besides a complete exposition of the psalter and the gospel, and a copious magazine of epistles and homilies.^" According to the judgment of the most impartial critics, the superficial learning of Augustin was confined to the Latin language ; ^i and his style, though some- times animated by the eloquence of passion, is usually clouded by false and affected rhetoric. But he possessed a strong, capa- cious, argumentative mind ; he boldly sounded the dark abyss of grace, predestination, free-will, and original sin ; and the rigid system of Christianity, which he framed or restored, ^^ has been entertained, with public applause and secret reluctance, by the Latin church.^^ By the skill of Boniface, and perhaps by the ignorance of the ''I'^^j'^* Vandals, the siege of Hippo was protracted above fourteen BoMfaje. months ; the sea was continually open, and, when the adjacent 3" Such at least is the account of Victor Vitensis (de Persecut. Vandal. 1. i. c. 3) ; though Gennadius seems to doubt whether any person had read, or even collected, all the works of St. Augustin (see Hieronym. Opera, torn. i. p. 319, in Catalog. Scriptor. Eccles.). They have been repeatedly printed ; and Dupin (Bibliothique EcclSs. torn. iii. p. 158-257) has given a large and satisfactory abstract of them, as they stand in the last edition of the Benedictines. My personal acquaintance with the bishop of Hippo does not extend beyond the Confessions and the City of God. 'i In his early youth (Confess, i. 14) St. Augustin disliked and neglected the study of Greek, and he frankly owns that he read the Platonists in a Latin version (Confess, vii. 9). Some modern critics have thought that his ignorance of Greek disqualified him from expounding the Scriptures, and Cicero or Quintilian would have required the knowledge of that language in a professor of rhetoric. 32 These questions were seldom agitated from the time of St. Paul to that of St. Augustin. I am informed that the Greek fathers maintain the natural sentiments of the Semi-Pelagians ; and that the orthodoxy of St. Augustin was derived from the Manichsean school. 33 The church of Rome has canonized Augustin, and reprobated Calvin. Yet, as the real difference between them is invisible even to a theological microscope, the Molinists are oppressed by the authority of the saint, and the Jansenists are dis- graced by their resemblance to the heretic. In the meanwhile the Protestant Arminians stand aloof, and deride the mutual perplexity of the disputants (see a curious Review of the Controversy, by Le Clerc, Bibliothfeque Universelle, tom. xiv. p. 144-398). Perhaps a reasoner still more independent may smile in his turn, when he peruses an Arminian Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. 408 THE DECLINE AND FALL country had been exhausted by irregularrapine, the besiegers them- selves were compelled by famine to relinquish their enterprise. The importance and danger of Africa were deeply felt by the regent of the West. Placidia implored the assistance of her eastern ally ; and the Italian fleet and army were reinforced by Aspar, who sailedfrom Constantinoplewithapowerfularmament. Assoon as the force of the two empires was united under the command of Boniface he boldly marched against the Vandals ; and the loss of a second battle irretrievably decided the fate of Africa. He embarked with the precipitation of despair, and the people of Hippo were permitted, with their families and eifects, to occupy the vacant place of the soldiers, the greatest part of whom were either slain or made prisoners by the Vandals. The count, whose fatal credulity had wounded the vitals of the republic, might enter the palace of Ravenna with some anxiety, which was soon removed by the smiles of Placidia. Boniface accepted with gratitude the rank of patrician, and the dignity of master-general of the Roman armies ; but he must have blushed at the sight of those medals in which he was represented with the name and attributes of victory .8* The discovery of his fraud, the dis- pleasure of the empress, and the distinguished favour of his rival, exasperated the haughty and perfidious soul of Aetius. He hastily returned from Gaul to Italy, with a retinue, or rather with an army, of Barbarian followers ; and such was the weak- ness of the government that the two generals decided their private quan-el in a bloody battle. Boniface was successful; but he received in the conflict a mortal wound from the spear of his adversary, of which he expired within a few days, in such Chris- tian and charitable sentiments that he exhorted his wife, a rich heiress of Spam, to accept Aetius for her second husband. But Aetius could not derive any immediate advantage from the generosity of his dying enemy ; he was proclaimed a rebel by the justice of Placidia, and, though he attempted to defend some strong fortresses erected on his patrimonial estate, the Imperial power soon compelled him to retii-e into Pannonia, to the tents of his faithful Huns. The republic was deprived, by *< Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 67. On one side the head of Valentinian ; on the reverse, Boniface, with a scourge in one hand, and|a palm in the other, standing in a triumphal car, which is drawn by four horses, or, in another medal, by four stags : an unlucky emblem I I should doubt whether another example can be found of the head of a subject on the reverse of an Imperial medal. See Science des MiSdailles, by the P&e Jobert, tom. i. p. 132-150, edit, of 1739, by the Baron de la Bastie. [Eckhel, 8, 293, explains these as private medals issued in honour of a charioteer named Bonifatius.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 409 their mutual discord, of the service of her two most illustrious champions.^* It might naturally be expected, after the retreat of Boniface, ProCTes»ot that the Vandals would achieve, without resistance or delay, in AMca. the conquest of Africa. Eight years however elapsed from the evacuation of Hippo to the reduction of Carthage. In the midst of that interval the ambitious Genseric, in the full tide of apparent prosperity, negotiated a treaty of peace, by which [a.d. 435, Pet. he gave his son Hunneric for an hostage, and consented to leave the Western emperor in the undisturbed possession of the three Mauritanias.^^ This moderation, which cannot be imputed to the justice, must be ascribed to the policy, of the conqueror. His throne was encompassed with domestic enemies, who accused the baseness of his birth and asserted the legitimate claims of his nephews, the sons of Gonderic. Those nephews, indeed, he sacrificed to his safety ; and their mother, the widow of the deceased king, was precipitated, by his order, into the river Ampsaga. But the public discontent burst forth in dangerous and frequent conspiracies ; and the warlike tyrant is supposed to have shed more Vandal blood by the hand of the executioner than in the field of battle.^'' The convulsions of Africa, which had favoured his attack, opposed the firm establishment of his power, and the various seditions of the Moors and Germans, the Donatists and Catholics, continually disturbed, or threatened, the unsettled reign of the conqueror. As he advanced towards Carthage, he was forced to withdraw his troops from the Western provinces ; the sea-coast was exposed to the naval enterprises of the Romans of Spain and Italy ; and, in the heart of Numidia, the strong inland city of Cirta still persisted in obstinate inde- [oonstantine] 3« Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 3, p. 185) continues the history of Boniface no farther than his return to Italy. His death is mentioned by Prosper [ad ann. 432] and Marcellinus ; the expression of the latter, that Aetius, \the day before, had provided himself with a longer spear, implies something like a regular duel [So Mr. Hodgkin, i. 879, who sees here ' ' the influence of Teutonic usages ". See further, Appendix 26.] 36 See Procopius, de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 4, p. 186. Valentinian published several humane laws, to relieve the distress of his Numidian and Mauritanian sub- jects ; he discharged them, in a great measure, from the payment of their debts, reduced their tribute to one-eighth, and gave them a right of appeal from their provincial magistrates to the preefect of Rome. Cod. Theod. torn. vi. Novell, p. II, 12. [By the treaty of 435 the Vandals seem to have been recogiiized in the possession of Numidia, Byzacena, and Proconsularis, with the exception of Car- thage and the adjacent region. It is doubtful what happened at Hippo.] 37 Victor Vitensis, de Persecut. Vandal. 1. ii. c. 5, p. 26. The cruelties of Gen- seric towards his subjects are strongly expressed in Prosper's Chronicle, a.d. 442. . - 410 THE DECLINE AND FALL pendence.^^ These difficulties were gradually subdued by the spirit, the perseverance, and the cruelty of Genseric, who alter- nately applied the arts of peace and war to the establishment of his African kingdom. He subscribed a solemn treaty, with the hope of deriving some advantage from the term of its continu- ance and the moment of its violation. The vigilance of his enemies was relaxed by the protestations of friendship which concealed his hostile approach ; and Carthage was at length sur- prised by the Vandals, five hundred and eighty-five years after the destruction of the city and republic by the younger Scipio.^* Thay BorptiBe A new city had arisen from its ruins, with the title of a A.D. «l°6cto- colony ; and, though Carthage might yield to the royal preroga ""'^"""^•"tives of Constantinople, and perhaps to the trade of Alexandria or the splendour of Antioch, she still maintained the second rank in the West ; as the Rome (if we may use the style of con- temporaries) of the African world. That wealthy and opulent metropolis *" displayed, in a dependent condition, the image of a flourishing republic. Carthage contained the manufactures, the arms, and the treasures of the six provinces. A regular subordination of civil honours gradually ascended from the pro- curators of the streets and quarters of the city to the tribunal of the supreme magistrate, who, with the title of proconsul, repre- sented the state and dignity of a consul of ancient Rome. Schools and gymtiasia were instituted for the education of the African youth, and the liberal arts and manners, grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy, were publicly taught in the Greek and Latin languages. The buildings of Carthage were uniform and magnificent ; a shady grove was planted in the midst of the capital ; the nem port, a secure and capacious harbour, was sub- servient to the commercial industry of citizens and strangers ; and the splendid games of the circus and theatre were exhibited almost in the presence of the Barbarians. The reputation of the Carthaginians was not equal to that of their country, and the reproach of Punic faith still adhered to their subtle and faithless iispossidius, in Vit. Augustin. c. 28, apud Ruinart, p. 428. 89 See the Chronicles of Idatius, Isidore, Prosper, and Marcellinus [and Chron. Pasch. ]. They mark the same year, but different days, for the surprisal of Car- thage. ^"The pictm-e of Carthage, as it flourished in the fourth and fifth centuries, is taken from the Expositio totius Mundi, p. 17, 18, in the third volume of Hudson's Minor Geographers, from Ausonius de Claris Urbibus, p. 228, 229; and principally from Salvian, de Gubernatione Dei, 1. vii. p. 257, 258 [§ 67 Jf?.]. I am surprised that the Notitia should not place either a mint or an arsenal at Carthage, but only a gynaeceum or female manufacture. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 411 character. *i The habits of trade and the abuse of luxury had corrupted their manners ; but their impious contempt of monks and the shameless practice of unnatural lusts are the two abo- minations which excite the pious vehemence of Salvian, the preacher of the age.*^ The king of the Vandals severely reformed the vices of a voluptuouspeople ; and the ancient, noble, ingenuous freedom of Carthage (these expressions of Victor are not without energy) was reduced by Genseric into a state of ignominious servitude. After he had permitted his licentious troops to satiate their rage and avarice, he instituted a more regular system of rapine and oppression. An edict was promulgated, which enjoined all persons, without fraud or delay, to deliver their gold, silver, jewels, and valuable furniture or apparel, to the royal officers ; and the attempt to secrete any part of their patrimony was inexorably punished with death and torture, as an act of treason against the state. The lands of the procon- sular province, which formed the immediate district of Carthage, were accurately measured and divided among the Barbarians ; and the conqueror reserved for his peculiar domain, the fertile terri- tory of Byzacium, and the adj acent parts of N umidia and Getulia. *3 It was natural enough that Genseric should hate those whom Aiwcan he had injured ; the nobility and senators of Carthage were captives exposed to his jealousy and resentment ; and all those who re- fused the ignominious terms, which their honour and religion forbade them to accept, were compelled by the Arian tyrant to embrace the condition of perpetual banishment. Rome, Italy, and the provinces of the East were filled with a crowd of exiles, of fugitives, and of ingenuous captives, who solicited the public compassion ; and the benevolent epistles of Theodoret still pre- serve the names and misfortunes of Caelestian and Maria.** The ^ The anonymous author of the Expositio totius Mundi compares, in his bar- barous Latin, the country and the inhabitants ; and after stigmatizing their want of faith, he coolly concludes : Difficile autem inter eos invenitur bonus, tamen in multis pauci boni esse possunt. P. i8. ^ He declares that the peculiar vices of each country were collected in the sink of Carthage (1. vii. 257 [§ 74]). In the indulgence of vice the Africans applauded their manly virtue. Et illi se magis virilis fortitudinis esse crederent, qui maxime viros foeminei usus probrositate fregissent (p. 268 [§ 87]). The streets of Carthage were polluted by effeminate wretches, who publicly assumed the countenance, the dress, and the character of women (p. 264 [§ 83]). If a monk appeared in the city, the holy man was pursued with impious scorn and ridicule ; detestantibus ridentium cachinnis ([cachinnis et d. r. sibilis] p. 289 [viii. 22]). *3 Compare Procopius de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 5, p. 189, 190 ; and Victor Vitensis, de Persecut. Vandal. 1, i. c. 4. « Ruinart (p. 444-457) has collected from Theodoret, and other authors, the mis- fortunes, real and fabulous, of the inhabitants of Carthage. 412 THE DECLINE AND FALL Syrian bishop deplores the misfortunes of Caelestian, who, from the state of a noble and opulent senator of Carthage, was reduced, with his wife and family, and servants, to beg his bread in a foreign country ; but he applauds the resignation of the Chris- tian exile, and the philosophic temper which, under the pressure of such calamities, could enjoy more real happiness than was the oi-dinary lot of wealth and prosperity. The story of Maria, the daughter of the magnificent Eudsemon, is singular and interest- ing. In the sack of Carthage, she was purchased from the Vandals by some merchants of Syria, who afterwards sold her as a slave in their native country. A female attendant, transported in the same ship, and sold in the same family, still continued to respect a mistress whom fortune had reduced to the common level of servitude ; and the daughter of Eudaemon received from her grateful affection the domestic services which she had once required from her obedience. This remarkable behaviour de- vulged the real condition of Maria, who, in the absence of the bishop of Cyrrhus, was redeemed from slavery by the generosity of some soldiers of the garrison. The liberality of Theodoret provided for her decent maintenance ; and she passed ten months among the deaconesses of the church ; till she was unexpectedly informed that her father, who had escaped from the ruin of Carthage, exercised an honourable office in one of the western provinces. Her filial impatience was seconded by the pious bishop : Theodoret, in a letter still extant, recommends Maria to the bishop of iEgae, a maritime city of Cilicia, which was frequented, during the annual fair, by the vessels of the West, most earnestly requesting that his colleague would use the maiden with a tenderness suitable to her birth, and that he would intrust her to the care of such faithful merchants as would esteem it a sufficient gain if they restored a daughter, lost beyond all human hope, to the arms of her afflicted parent. Pabuofthe Among the insipid legend of ecclesiastical history, I am °°'™"''"''™ tempted to distinguish the memorable fable of the Seven Sleepers ; *^ whose imaginary date con-esponds with the reign of the younger Theodosius and the conquest of Africa by ^' The choice of fabulous circumstances is of small importance ; yet I have confined myself to the narrative which was translated from the Syriac by the care of Gregory of Tours (de Glorii Martyrum, 1. i. c. 95, in Max. Bibliothec£ Patrum, torn. xi. p. S56), to the Greek acts of their martyrdom (apud Photium, p. 1400, 1401), and to the Annals of the Patriarch Eutychius (torn, i. p. 391, 531, 532. 53S' Vers. Pocock). OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 413 the Vandals. *6 When the emperor Decius persecuted the Christians, seven noble youths of Ephesus concealed them- selves in a spacious cavern in the side of an adjacent mountain ; where they were doomed to perish by the tyrant, who gave orders that the entrance should be firmly secured with a pile of huge stones. They immediately fell into a deep slumber, which was miraculously prolonged, without injuring the powers of life, during a period of one hundred and eighty-seven years. At the end of that time, the slaves of Adolius, to whom the inheritance of the mountain had descended, removed the stones, to supply materials for some rustic edifice ; the light of the sun darted into the cavern, and the seven sleepers were permitted to awake. After a slumber, as they thought, of a few hours, they were pressed by the calls of hunger ; and resolved that Jamblichus, one of their number, should secretly return to the city, to purchase bread for the use of his companions. The youth (if we may still employ that appellation) could no longer recognise the once familiar aspect of his native country ; and his surprise was increased by the appearance of a large cross, triumphantly erected over the principal gate of Ephesus. His singular dress and obsolete language confounded the baker, to whom he oiTered an ancient medal of Decius as the current coin of the empire ; and Jamblichus, on the suspicion of a secret treasure, was dragged before the judge. Their mutual inquiries produced the amazing discovery that two centuries were almost elapsed since Jamblichus and his friends had escaped from the rage of a Pagan tyrant. The bishop of Ephesus, the clergy, the raasristrates, the people, and, as it is said, the emperor Theodosius himself, hastened to visit the cavern of the Seven Sleepers ; who bestowed their benediction, related their story, and at the same instant peaceably expired. The origin of this marvellous fable cannot be ascribed to the pious fraud and credulity of the modern Greeks, since the authentic tradition may be traced within half a century of the supposed miracle. James of Sarug, a Syrian bishop, who was bom only two years after the death of the younger Theodosius, has devoted one of 46 Two Syriac writers, as they are quoted by Assemannl (Bibliot. Oriental, torn. i. P- 336. 338), place the resurrection of the Seven Sleepers in the year 736 (a.d. 425) or 748 (A. D. 437) of the asra of the Seleucides. Their Greek acts, which Photius had read, assign the date of the thirty-eighth year of the reign of Theodosius, which may coincide either with A.D. 439, or 446. The period which had elapsed since the persecution of Decius is easily ascertained ; and nothing less than the ignorance of Mahomet, or the legendaries, could suppose an interval of three' or four hundred years. 414 THE DECLINE AND FALL his two hundred and thirty homilies to the praise of the young men of Ephesus.*'' Their legend, before the end of the sixth century, was translated from the Syriac into the Latin language, by the care of Gregory of Tours. The hostile communions of the East preserve their memory with equal reverence ; and their names are honourably inscribed in the Roman, the Abyssinian, and the Russian calendar. *8 Nor has their reputa^ tion been confined to the Christian world. This popular tale, which Mahomet might learn when he drove his camels to the fairs of Syria, is introduced, as a divine revelation, into the Koran.*' The story of the Seven Sleepers has been adopted, and adorned, by the nations, from Bengal to Africa, who pro- fess the Mahometan religion ; *" and some vestiges of a similar tradition have been discovered in the remote extremities of Scandinavia. 51 This easy and universal belief, so expressive of the sense of mankind, may be ascribed to the genuine merit of the fable itself. We imperceptibly advance from youth to age, without observing the gradual, but incessant, change of human affairs, and, even in our larger experiences of history, the im- agination is accustomed, by a perpetual series of causes and effects, to unite the most distant revolutions. But, if the interval between two memorable aeras could be instantly an- *' James, one of the orthodox fathers of the Syrian church, was born A.D. 452 ; he began to compose his sermons, a.d. 474; he was ]made bishop of Batnse, in the district of Sarug, and province of Mesopotamia, a.d. 519, and died a.d. 521 (Assemanni, tom. i. p. 288, 289). For the homily de Pueris Ephesinis, see p. 335-339 : though I could wish that Assemanni had translated the text of James of Sarug, instead of answering the objections of Baronius. *' See the Ada Sanctorum of the BoUandists (Mensis Julii, tom. vi. p. 375-397). This immense calendar of saints, in one hundred and twenty-six years (1644-1770), and in fifty volumes in folio, has advanced no farther than the 7th day of October. The suppression of the Jesuits has most probably checked an undertaking, which, through the medium of fable and superstition, communicates much historical and philosophical instruction. [After a long interval, from 1794 to 1845, it was con- tinued, and has now reached November 4rth (1894).] 49 See Maracci Alcoran ; Sura, xviii. tom. ii. p. 420-427, and tom. i. part iv. p. 103. With such an ample privilege, Mahomet has not shewn much taste or in- genuity. He has invented the dog (Al Rakim) of the Seven Sleepers ; the respect of the sun, who altered his course twice a day that he might shine into the cavern ; and the care of God himself, who preserved their bodies from putrefaction, by turning them to the right and left. '>'' See D'Herbelot, Bibhothique Orientale, p. 139 ; and Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin, p. 39, 40. ^Paul, the deacon of Aquileia (de Gestis Langobardorum, 1. i. c. 4, p. 745, 746, edit. Grot.), who lived towards the end of the eighth century, has placed in a cavern under a rock, on the shore of the ocean, the Seven Sleepers of the North, whose long repose was respected by the Barbarians. Their dress declared them to be Romans ; and the deacon conjectures that they were reserved by Providence as the future apostles of those unbelieving countries. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 415 nihilated ; if it were possible, after a momentary slumber of two hundred years, to display the new world to the eyes of a spectator, who still retained a lively and recent impression of the old; his surprise and his reflections would furnish the pleasing subject of a philosophical romance. The scene could not be more advantageously placed than in the two centuries which elapsed between the reigns of Decius and of Theodosius the younger. During this period, the seat of government had been transported from Rome to a new city on the banks of the Thracian Bosphorus ; and the abuse of military spirit had been suppressed by an artificial system of tame and ceremonious servitude. The throne of the persecuting Decius was filled by a succession of Christian and orthodox princes, who had extirpated the fabulous gods of antiquity ; and the public de- votion of the age was impatient to exalt the saints and martyrs of the Catholic church on the altars of Diana and Hercules. The union of the Roman empire was dissolved ; its genius was humbled in the dust ; and armies of unknown Barbarians, issuing from the frozen regions of the North, had established their victorious reign over the fairest provinces of Europe and Africa. 416 THE DECLINE AND FALL CHAPTEE XXXIV The Character, Conquests, and Court of Attila, King of the Hum — Death of Theodosius the Younger — Elevation of Marcian to the Empire of the East Tie Huns. The western world was oppressed by the Goths and Vandals, . 376-433 ^j^^ gg^ before the Huns ; but the achievements of the Huns themselves were not adequate to their power and prosperity. Their victorious hords had spread from the Volga to the Danube ; but the public force was exhausted by the discord of independent chieftains ; their valour was idly consumedj^^in obscure and predatory excursions ; and they often degraded their national dignity by condescending, for the hopes of spoil, to enlist under the banners of their fugitive enemies. In the reign of Attila,^ the Huns again became the terror of the world ; and I shall now describe the character and actions of that formidable Barbarian, who alternately insulted and in- vaded the East and the West, and urged the rapid downfall of the Roman empire. ThBir «iit»b- In the tide of emigration which impetuously rolled from the In modim confincs of China to those of Germany, the most powerful and ""^"^ populous tribes may commonly be found on the verge of the Roman provinces. The accumulated weight was sustained for a while by artificial ban-iers ; and the easy condescension of the emperors invited, without satisfying, the insolent demands of the Barbarians, who had acquired an eager appetite for the luxuries of civilized life. The Hungarians, who ambitiously 1 The authentic materials for the history of Attila may be found in Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 34-50, p. 660-688, edit. Grot.) and Priscus (Excerpta de Legationibus, p. 33-76, Paris, 1648 [fr. i sqq. in F. H. G. vol. iv.]). I have not seen the lives of Attila, composed by Juvencus Caelius Calanus Dalmatinus, in the twelfth century ; or by Nicholas Olahus, archbishop of Gran, in the sixteenth. See Mascou's History of the Germans, ix. 23, and Maffei, Osservazioni Litterarie, tom. i. p. 88, 89. Whatever the modern Hungarians have added, must be fabulous ; and they do not seem to have excelled in the art of fiction. They suppose that, when Attila invaded Gaul and Italy, married innumerable wives, &c. he was one hundred and twenty years of age. Thewrocz, Chron. p. i. c. 22, in Script. Himgar. tom. i. p. 76. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 417 insert the name of Attila among their native kings, may affirm •with truth that the hordes which were subject to his uncle Roas, or Rugilas, had formed their encampments within the [Bona] hmits of modern Hungary,^ in a fertile country which liber- ally supplied the wants of a nation of hunters and shepherds. In this advantageous situation, Rugilas and his valiant brothers, who continually added to their power and reputation, com- manded the alternative of peace or war with the two empires. His alliance with the Romans of the West was cemented by his personal friendship for the great Aetius ; who was always secure of finding in the Barbarian camp a hospitable reception and a powerful support. At his solicitation, in the name of John the usurper, sixty thousand Huns advanced to the confines oft^i'"^] Italy ; their march and their retreat were alike expensive to the state ; and the grateful policy of Aetius abandoned the possession of Pannonia to his faithful confederates. The Romans of the East were not less apprehensive of the arms of Rugilas, which threatened the provinces, or even the capital. Some ecclesiastical historians have destroyed the Barbarians with lightning and pestilence ; ^ but Theodosius was reduced to the more humble expedient of stipulating an annual payment of three hundred C'EM.ooo] and fifty pounds of gold, and of disguising this dishonourable tribute by the title of general, which the king of the Huns condescended to accept. The public tranquillity was frequently interrupted by the fierce impatience of the Barbarians and the perfidious intrigues of the Byzantine court. Four dependent nations, among whom we may distinguish the Bavarians, dis- claimed the sovereignty of the Huns ; and their revolt was en- couraged and protected by a Roman alliance ; till the just claims and formidable power of Rugilas were effectually urged [i.n. 43j] by the voice of Eslaw his ambassador. Peace was the unani- mous wish of the senate ; their decree was ratified by the emperor ; and two ambassadors were named, Plinthas, a general 2 Hungary has been successfully occupied by three Scythian colonies : i, The Huns of Attila ; 2, the Abares, in the sixth century ; and 3, the Turks or IVIagyars, A.D. 889 : the immediate and genuine ancestors of the modern Hungarians, whose connexion with the two former is extremely faint and remote. The Prodromus and Notiiia of Matthew Belius appear to contain a rich fund of information con- cerning ancient and modern Hungary. I have seen the extracts in Bibliothfeque Ancienne et Moderne, torn. xxii. p. 1-51, and Biblioth^que Raisonn^e, tom. xvi. p. 127-175, 8 Socrates, I. vii. c. 43. Theodoret, 1. v. c. 36. Tillemont, who always de- pends on the faith of his ecclesiastical authors, strenuously contends (Hist, des Emp. tom. vi. p. 136, 607) that the wars and personages were not the same. VOL. III. 27 418 THE DECLINE AND FALL of Scythian extraction, but of consular rank, and the quaestor Epigenes, a wise and experienced statesman, who was recom- mended to that office by his ambitious colleague. Atfe°'A D "^^^ death of Rugilas suspended the progress of the treaty. 433-163 ■ ■ His two nephews, Attila and Bleda, who succeeded to the throne of their uncle, consented to a personal intei-view with the am- bassadors of Constantinople ; but, as they proudly refused to dismount, the business was transacted on horseback, in a spacious plain near the city of Margus in the Upper Maesia. The kings of CA.D. 433] the Huns assumed the solid benefits, as well as the vain honours, of the negotiation. They dictated the conditions of peace, and each condition was an insult on the majesty of the empire. Besides the freedom of a safe and plentiful market on the banks of the Danube, they required that the annual contribution should be augmented from three hundred and fifty to seven hundred pounds of gold ; that a fine, or ransom, of eight pieces of gold should be paid for every Roman captive who had escaped from his Barbarian master ; that the emperor should renounce all treaties and engagements with the enemies of the Huns ; and that all the fugitives, who had taken refuge in the court or provinces of Theodosius, should be delivered to the justice of their offended sovereign. This justice was rigorously inflicted on some unfortunate youths of a royal race. They were cruci- fied on the territories of the empire, by the command of Attila : and, as soon as the king of the Huns had impressed the Romans with the terror of his name, he indulged them in a short and arbitrary respite, whilst he subdued the rebellious or independ- ent nations of Scythia and Germany.* mja^sand Attila, the son of Mundzuk, deduced his noble, perhaps his regal, descent ^ from the ancient Huns, who had formerly con- tended with the monarchs of China. His features, according to the observation of a Gothic historian, bore the stamp of his national origin ; and the portrait of Attila exhibits the genuine deformity of a modem Calmuck : ^ a large head, a swarthy com- plexion, small, deep-seated eyes, a flat nose, a few hairs in the place of a beard, broad shoulders, and a short square body, of 4 See Priscus, p. 47, 48 [fr. i], and Hist, des Peuples de I'Europe, torn. vii. c. xii. xiii. xiv. xv. " Priscus, p. 39 [fr. 12J. The modern Hungarians have deduced his genealogy, which ascends, in the thirty-fifth degree, to Ham the son of Noah ; yet they are ignorant of his father's real name (de Guignes, Hist, des Huns, torn. ii. p. 297). " Compare Jornandes (c. 35, p. 661) with Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, torn. iii. p. 380. The former had a right to observe, originis su« signa restituens. The character and portrait of Attila are probably transcribed from Cassiodorius. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 419 nervous strength, though of a disproportioned form. The haughty step and demeanour of the king of the Huns expressed the consciousness of his superiority above the rest of mankind ; and he had a custom of fiercely rolHng his eyes, as if he wished to enjoy the terror which he inspired. Yet this savage hero was not inaccessible to pity : his suppliant enemies might con- fide in the assurance of peace or pardon ; and Attila was con- sidered by his subjects as a just and indulgent master. He delighted in war ; but, after he had ascended the throne in a mature age, his head, rather than his hand, achieved the con- quest of the North ; and the fame of an adventurous soldier was usefully exchanged for that of a prudent and successful general. The effects of personal valour are so inconsiderable, except in poetry or romance, that victory, even among Barbarians, must depend on the degree of skill with which the passions of the multitude are combined and guided for the service of a single man. The Scythian conquerors, Attila and Zingis, surpassed their rude countrymen in art rather than in courage ; and it may be observed that the monarchies, both of the Huns and of the Moguls, were erected by their founders on the basis of popular superstition. The miraculous conception, which fraud and credulity ascribed to the virgin-mother of Zingis, raised him above the level of human nature ; and the naked prophet, who, in the name of the Deity, invested him with the empire of the earth, pointed the valour of the Moguls with irresistible en- thusiasm.' The religious arts of Attila were not less skilfully adapted to the character of his age and country. It was natural enough that the Scythians should adore, with peculiar devotion, the god of war ; but, as they were incapable of forming either an abstract idea or a corporeal representation, they worshipped hb discovers their tutelar deity under the symbol of an iron cimeter.^ One Mars of the shepherds of the Huns perceived that a heifer, who was grazing, had wounded herself in the foot, and curiously followed the track of the blood, till he discovered, among the long grass, ' Abulpharag. Dynast, vers. Pocock, p. 281. Genealogical History of the Tartars, by Abulghazi Bahadar Khan, part iii. c. 15, part iv. c. 3. Vie de Geingiscan, par Petit de la Croix, 1. i. c. i, 6. The relations of the missionaries who visited Tartary in the thirteenth century (see the seventh volume of the Histoire des Voyages) express the popular language and opinions ; Zingis is styled the Son of God, &c., &c. 8Neo templum apud eos visitur aut delubrum, ne tugurium quidem culmo tectum cerni usquam potest; sed gladius Barbarico ritu humi figitur nudus, eumque ut Martem regionum quas circumcircant praesulum vereoundius colunt. Ammian. Marcellin. xxxi. 2, and the learned Notes of Lindenbrogius and Valesius. 420 THE DECLINE AND FALL the point of an ancient sword, which he dug out of the ground and presented to Attila. That magnanimous, or rather that artful, prince accepted, with pious gratitude, this celestial favour ; and, as the rightful possessor of the sniord of Mars, asserted his divine and indefeasible claim to the dominion of the earth.^ If the rights of Scythia were practised on this solemn occasion, a lofty altar or rather pile of faggots, three hundred yards in length and in breadth, was raised in a spacious plain ; and the sword of Mars was placed erect on the summit of this rustic altar, which was annually consecrated by the blood of sheep, horses, and of the hundredth captive, i" Whether human sacrifices formed any part of the worship of Attila, or whether he propitiated the god of war with the victims which he continually offered in the field of battle, the favourite of Mars soon acquired a sacred character, which rendered his conquests more easy, and more permanent ; and the Barbarian princes confessed, in the language of devotion and flattery, that they could not presume to gaze, with a steady eye, on the divine majesty of the king of the Huns.ii His [A.D.44J] brother Bleda, who reigned over a considerable part of the nation, was compelled to resign his sceptre and his life. Yet even this cruel act was attributed to a supernatural impulse; and the vigour with which Attila wielded the sword of Mars convinced the world that it had been reserved alone for his in- vincible arm.i2 But the extent of his empire affords the only re- maining evidence of the number and importance of his victories ; and the Scythian monarch, however ignorant of the value of science and philosophy, might, perhaps, lament that his ilhterate subjects were destitute of the art which could perpetuate the memory of his exploits, wid ac^nireB If a line of separation were drawn between the civilized and BcyS['aSd°'the savage climates of the globe ; between the inhabitants of Germany 9 Priscus relates this remarkable story, both in his own text (p. 65 [p. 90]) and in the quotation made by Jornandes (c. 35, p. 662). He might have explamed the tradi- tion, or fable, which characterized this famous sword, and the name as well as attributes of the Scythian deity, whom he has translated into the Mars of the Greeks and Romans. 1' Herodot. 1. iv. c. 62. For the sake of economy, I have calculated by the smallest stadium. In the human sacrifices, they cut off the shoulder and arm of the victim, which they threw up into the air, and drew omens and presages from the manner of their falling on the pile. " Priscus, p. ss [F. H. G. iv. p. 83]. A more civilized hero, Augustus himself, was pleased if the person on whom he fixed his eyes seemed unable to support their divine lustre, Sueton. in August, c. 79. 12 The count de Buat (Hist, des Peuples de I'Europe, torn. vii. p. 428, 429) attempts to clear Attila from the murder of his brother ; and is almost inclined to reject the concurrent testimony of Jornandes and the contemporary Chronicles. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 421 cities, who cultivated the earth, and the hunters and shepherds, who dwelt in tents ; Attila might aspire to the title of supreme and sole monarch of the Barbarians. i^ He alone, among the conquerors of ancient and modern times, united the two mighty kingdoms of Germany and Scythia ; and those vague appella- tions, when they are applied to his reign, may be understood with an ample latitude. Thuringia, which stretched beyond its actual limits as far as the Danube, was in the number of his provinces ; he interposed, with the weight of a powerful neigh- bour, in the domestic affairs of the Franks ; and one of his lieutenants chastised, and almost exterminated, the Burgundians of the Rhine. He subdued the islands of the ocean, the king- doms of Scandinavia, encompassed and divided by the waters of the Baltic ; and the Huns might derive a tribute of furs from that northern region which has been protected from all other con- querors bythe severity oftheclimateand the courage of the natives. Towards the East,it is difficult to circumscribe the dominion of Attila over the Scythian deserts ; yet we may be assured that he reigned on the banks of the Volga ; that the king of the Huns was dreaded, not only as a warrior, but as a magician ; i* that he insulted and vanquished the Khan of the formidable Geougen ; and that he sent ambassadors to negotiate an equal alliance with the empire of China. In the proud review of the nations who acknowledged the sovereignty of Attila, and who never enter- tained, during his lifetime, the thought of a revolt, the Gepidae and the Ostrogoths were distinguished by their numbers, their bravery, and the personal merit of their chiefs. The renowned Ardaric, king of the Gepidae, was the faithful and sagacious counsellor of the monarch, who esteemed his intrepid genius, whilst he loved the mild and discreet virtues of the noble Wala- mir, king of the Ostrogoths. The crowd of vulgar kings, the leaders of so many martial tribes, who served under the standard of Attila, were ranged in the submissive order of guards and domestics, round the person of their master. They watched his nod ; they trembled at his frown ; and, at the first signal of his 13 Fortissimarum gentium dominus, qui, inauditS, ante se potentii, solus Scythica et Gerraanica regna possedit. Jornandes, c. 49, p. 684. Priscus, p. 64, 65 [F. H. G. iv. p. 90]. M. de Guignes, by his knowledge of the Chinese, has acquired (torn. ii. p. 295-301) an adequate idea of the empire of Attila. " See Hist, des Huns, torn. ii. p. 296. The Geougen believed that the Huns could excite at pleasure storms of wind and rain. This phenomenon was produced by the stone Gezi ; to whose magic power the loss of a battle was ascribed by the Mahometan Tartars of the fourteenth century. See Cherefeddin Ali, Hist, de Tiraur Bee, torn. i. p. 82, 83. 422 THE DECLINE AND FALL will, they executed, without murmur or hesitation, his stem and absolute commands. In time of peace, the dependent princes, with their national troops, attended the royal camp in regular succession ; but, when Attila collected his military force, he was able to bring into the field an army of five, or according to another account of seven, hundred thousand Barbarians. i* The Huns in- The ambassadors of the Huns might awaken the attention of A.D. 430-440' Theodosius, by reminding him that they were his neighbours both in Europe and Asia ; since they touched the Danube on one hand, and reached, with the other, as far as the Tanais. In the reign of his father Arcadius, a band of adventurous Huns had ravaged the provinces of the East; from whence they brought away rich spoils and innumerable captives.^^ They advanced, by a secret path, along the shores of the Caspian sea ; traversed the snowy mountains of Armenia ; passed the Tigris, the Euphrates, and the Halys ; recruited their weary cavalry with the generous breed of Cappadocian horses ; occu- pied the hilly country of Cilicia ; and disturbed the festal songs and dances of the citizens of Antioch. Egypt trembled at their approach ; and the monks and pilgrims of the Holy Land prepared to escape their fiiry by a speedy embarkation. The memory of this invasion was still recent in the minds of the Orientals. The subjects of Attila might execute, with superior forces, the design which these adventurers had so boldly attempted ; and it soon became the subject of anxious conjecture, whether the tempest would fall on the dominions of Rome or of Persia. Some of the great vassals of the king of the Huns, who were 1" Jornandes, c. 35, p. 661, c. 37, p. 667. See Tillemont's Hist, des Empereurs, torn. vi. p. 129, 138. Corneille has represented the pride of Attila to his subject kings ; and his tragedy opens with these two ridiculous lines : lis ne sont pas venus, nos deux rois ! qu'on leur die Qu'ils se font trop attendre, et qu' Attila s'ennuie. The two kings of the Gepidae and the Ostrogoths are profound politicians and sentimental lovers ; and the whole piece exhibits the defects, without the genius, of the poet. '^ alii per Caspia claustra Armeniasque nives inopino tramite ducti Invadunt Orientis opes : jam pascua fumant Cappadocum, volucrumque parens Argseus equorutn. Jam rubet altus Halys, nee se defendit iniquo Monte Cilix ; Syriae tractus vastantur amoeni ; Assuetumque choris et Iseta, plebe canorum Proterit imbellem sonipes hostilis Orontem. Claudian, in Rufin. 1. ii 28-35. See likewise, in Eutrop. 1. i. 243-251, and the strong description of Jerom, who wrote from his feelings, tom. i. p. 26, ad Heliodor. [ep. 60], p. 220, ad Ocean [ep. 77]. Philostorgius (1. ix. c. 8) mentions this irruption. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 423 themselves in the rank of powerful princes^ had been sent to ratify an alliance and society of arms with the emperor, or rather with the general, of the West. They related, during their residence at Rome, the circumstances of an expedition which they had lately made into the East. After passing a desert and a morass, supposed by the Romans to be the lake Maeotis, they penetrated through the mountains, and arrived, at the end of fifteen days' march, on the confines of Media ; where they advanced as far as the unknown cities of Basic and Cursic.^'^ They encountered the Persian army in the plains of Media ; and the air, according to their own expression, was darkened by a cloud of arrows. But the Huns were obliged to retire, before the numbers of the enemy. Their laborious retreat was effected by a different road ; they lost the greatest part of their booty ; and at length re- turned to the royal camp, with some knowledge of the country, and an impatient desire of revenge. In the free conversation of the Imperial ambassadors, who discussed, at the court of Attila, the character and designs of their formidable enemy, the minis- ters of Constantinople expressed their hope that his strength might be diverted and employed in a long and doubtful contest with the princes of the house of Sassan. The more sagacious Italians admonished their Eastern brethren of the folly and danger of such a hope, and convinced them that the Medes and Persians were incapable of resisting the arms of the Huns, and that the easy and important acquisition would exalt the pride, as well as power, of the conqueror. Instead of contenting himself with a moderate contribution, and a military title which equalled him only to the generals of Theodosius, Attila would proceed to impose a disgraceful and intolerable yoke on the necks of the prostrate and captive Romans, who would then be encompassed, on all sides, by the empire of the Huns.i* While the powers of Europe and Asia were solicitous to avert tiot attack the impending danger, the alliance of Attila maintained the ompi^ Vandals in the possession of Afi-ica. An enterprise had been concerted between the courts of Ravenna and Constantinople, for the recovery of that valuable province ; and the ports of Sicily were already filled with the military and naval forces of Theodosius. But the subtle Genseric, who spread his negotia- tions round the world, prevented their designs by exciting the king of the Huns to invade the Eastern empire ; and a trifling " [Basich and Cursich are not names of cities, but of two men, commanders of large bands of the Huns who invaded Persia. Gibbon misunderstood Priscus.] 18 See the original conversation in Priscus, p. 64, 65 [p. 90]. 424 THE DECLINE AND FALL incident soon became the motive, or pretence, of a destructive war.i' Under the faith of the treaty of Margus, a free market was held on the northern side of the Danube, which was protected by a Roman fortress surnamed Constantia. , A troop of Barbarians violated the commercial security, killed, or dis- persed, the unsuspecting traders, and levelled the fortress with the ground. The Huns justified this outrage as an act of reprisal ; alleged that the bishop of Margus had entered their territories, to discover and steal a secret treasure of their kings ; and sternly demanded the guilty prelate, the sacrilegious spoil, and the fugitive subjects, who had escaped from the justice of Attila. The refusal of the Byzantine court was the signal of war ; and the Maesians at first applauded the generous firmness of their sovereign. But they were soon intimidated by Koatoiatz] the destruction of Viminacium and the adjacent towns ; and the people were persuaded to adopt the convenient maxim that a private citizen, however innocent or respectable, may be justly sacrificed to the safety of his country. The bishop of Margus, who did not possess the spirit of a martyr, resolved to prevent the designs which he suspected. He boldly treated with the princes of the Huns ; secm-ed, by solemn oaths, his pardon and reward ; posted a numerous detachment of Barbarians, in silent ambush, on the banks of the Danube ; and at the appointed hour opened, with his own hand, the gates of his episcopal city. This advantage, which had been obtained by treachery, served as a prelude to more honourable and decisive victories. The Illyrian frontier was covered by a line of castles and fortresses ; and, though the greatest part of them consisted only of a single tower, with a small gan-ison, they were commonly sufficient to repel, or to intercept, the inroads of an enemy who was ignorant of the art, and impatient of the delay, of a regular siege. But these slight obstacles were instantly swept away by the inunda- tion of the Huns.20 They destroyed, with fire and sword, the 19 Priscus, p. 331 [leg. p. 33, fr. i ; F. H. G. iv. p. 72, fr. 2]. His history con- tained a copious and elegant account of the war (Evagrius, 1. i. c. 17), but the extracts which relate to the embassies are the only parts that have reached our times. The original work was accessible, however, to the writers from whom we borrow our imperfect knowledge : Jornandes, Theophanes, Count Marcellinus, Prosper-Tiro, and the author of the Alexandrian, or Paschal, Chronicle. M. de Buat (Hist, des Peuples de I'Europe, torn. vii. c. xv.) has examined the cause, the circumstances, and the duration, of this war ; and will not allow it to extend beyond the year four hundred and forty-four. 20 Procopius, de ^dificiis, 1. iv. c. 5. These fortresses were afterwards restored, strengthened, and enlarged, by the emperor Justinian ; but they were soon destroyed by the Abares, who succeeded to the power and possessions of the Huns. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 425 populous cities of Sirmium and Singidunum, of Ratiaria 2"" and Marcianopolis, of Naissusand Sai-dica ; where every circumstance, in the discipline of the people and the construction of the buildings, had been gradually adapted to the sole purpose of defence. The whole breadth of Europe, as it extends above ^ofl^'aa five hundred miles from the Euxine to the Hadriatic, was at Jfi^opi'l''"' once invaded, and occupied, and desolated, by the myriads of Barbarians whom Attila led into the field. The public danger and distress could not, however, provoke Theodosius to interrupt his amusements and devotion, or to appear in person at the head of the Roman legions. But the troops which had been sent against Genseric were hastily recalled from Sicily ; the garrisons on the side of Persia were exhausted ; and a military force was collected in Europe, formidable by their arms and numbers, if the generals had understood the science of command, and their soldiers the duty of obedience. The armies of the Eastern empire were vanquished in three successive engagements ; and the progress of Attila may be traced by the fields of battle. The two former, on the banks of the Utus, and under the walls of Marcianopolis, were fought in the extensive plains between the Danube and Mount Hseraus. As the Romans were pressed by a victorious enemy, they gradually, and unskilfully, retired towards the Chersonesus of Thrace ; and that narrow peninsula, the last extremity of the land, was marked by their third, and irreparable, defeat. By the destruction of this army, Attila acquired the indisputable possession of the field. From the Hellespont to Thermopylae and the suburbs of Constantinople, he ravaged, without resistance, and without mercy, the provinces of Thrace and Macedonia. Heraclea and Hadrianople might, perhaps, escape this dreadful irruption of the Huns ; but the words the most expressive of total extirpation and erasure are applied to the calamities which they inflicted on seventy cities of the Eastern empire.^i Theodosius, his court, and the unwar- like people, were protected by the walls of Constantinople ; but those walls had been shaken by a recent earthquake, and the fall of fifty-eight towers had opened a large and tremendous breach. The damage indeed was speedily repaired ; but this accident was aggravated by a superstitious fear that Heaven itself had delivered the Imperial city to the shepherds of 2»» [Ratiaria was near the modern Ardscher below Widdin (Bononia).] 21 Septuaginta civitates (says Prosper-Tiro) depraedatione vastatae. The lan- guage of count Marcellinus is still more forcible. Pene totam Europam, invasis excisisque civitatibus atque castellis, conrasit. 426 THE DECLINE AND FALL Scythia, who were strangers to the laws, the language, and the religion, of the Romans.^^ The sythian In all their invasions of the civilized empires of the South, wars the Scythian shepherds have been uniforaily actuated by a savage and destructive spirit. The laws of war, that restrain the exercise of national rapine and murder, are founded on two principles of substantial interest : the knowledge of the per- manent benefits which may be obtained by a moderate use of conquest ; and a just apprehension lest the desolation which we inflict on the enemy's country may be retaliated on our own. But these considerations of hope and fear are almost unknown in the pastoral state of nations. The Huns of Attila may, without injustice, be compared to the Moguls and Tartars, before their primitive manners were changed by religion and luxury ; and the evidence of Oriental history may reflect some light on the short and imperfect annals of Rome. After the Moguls had subdued the northern provinces of China, it was seriously proposed, not in the hour of victory and passion, but in calm deliberate council, to exterminate all the inhabitants of that populous country, that the vacant land might be converted to the pasture of cattle. The firmness of a Chinese mandarin,^^ who insinuated some principles of rational policy into the mind of Zingis, diverted him from the execution of this horrid design. But in the cities of Asia, which yielded to the Moguls, the in- human abuse of the rights of war was exercised, with a regular form of discipline, which may, with equal reason, though not with equal authority, be imputed to the victorious Huns. The inhabitants, who had submitted to their discretion, were ordered to evacuate their houses, and to assemble in some plain ad- jacent to the city ; where a division was made of the vanquished into three parts. The first class consisted of the soldiers of the garrison, and of the young men capable of bearing arms ; and their fate was instantly decided : they were either enlisted among the Moguls, or they were massacred on the spot by the 22 Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, torn. vi. p. io6, 107) has paid great attention to this memorable earthquake ; which was felt as far from Constantinople as Antioch and Alexandria, and is celebrated by all the ecclesiastical WTiters. In the hands of a popular preacher, an earthquake is an engine of admirable effect. 23 He represented to the emperor of the Moguls, that the four provinces (Petchlei, Chantong, Chansi, and Leaotong) which he already possessed might annually produce, under a mild administration, 500,000 ounces of silver, 400,000 measures of rice, and 800,000 pieces of silk. Gaubil, Hist, de la Dynastie des Mongous, p. 58, 59. Yelutchousay (such was the name of the mandarin) was a wise and virtuous minister, who saved his country, and civilized the conquerors. See p. 102, 103. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 427 troops, who, with pointed spears and bended bows, had formed a circle round the captive multitude. The second class, com- posed of the young and beautiful women, of the artificers of every rank and profession, and of the more wealthy or honour- able citizens, from whom a private ransom might be expected, was distributed in equal or proportionable lots. The remainder, whose life or death was alike useless to the conquerors, were permitted to return to the city ; which, in the meanwhile, had been stripped of its valuable furniture ; and a tax was imposed on those wretched inhabitants for the indulgence of breathing their native air. Such was the behaviour of the Moguls, when they were not conscious of any extraordinary rigour. 2* But the most casual provocation, the slightest motive of caprice or convenience, often provoked them to involve a whole people in an indiscriminate massacre ; and the ruin of some flourishing cities was executed with such unrelenting perseverance that, according to their own expression, horses might run, without stumbling, over the ground where they had once stood. The three great capitals of Khorasan, Maru, Neisabour, and Herat, were destroyed by the armies of Zingis ; and the exact account which was taken of the slain amounted to four millions three hundred and forty-seven thousand persons.^^ Timur, or Tamer- lane, was educated in a less barbarous age, and in the profession of the Mahometan religion ; yet, if Attila equalled the hostile ravages of Tamerlane, ^^ either the Tartar or the Hun might deserve the epithet of the Scourge of God.^'^ It may be affirmed, with bolder assurance, that the Huns de- state of populated the provinces of the empire, by the number of Roman ^ Particular instances would be endless ; but the curious reader may consult the life of Gengiscan, by Petit de la Croix, the Histoire des Mongous, and the fifteenth boolj of the History of the Huns. 25 At Maru, 1,300,000; at Herat, 1,600,000 ; at Neisabour, 1,747,000. D'Herbe- lot, Bibliothfeque Orientale, p. 380, 381. I use the orthography of d'Anville's maps. It must, however, be allowed that the Persians were disposed to exaggerate their losses, and the Moguls to magnify their exploits. 26 Cherefeddin Ah, his servile panegyrist, would afford us many horrid examples. In his camp before Delhi, Timur massacred 100,000 Indian prisoners, who had smiled when the army of their countrymen appeared in sight {Hist, de Timur Bee, tom. iii. p. 90). The people of Ispahan supplied 70,000 human sculls for the structture of several lofty towers (id. tom. i. p. 434). A similar tax was levied on the revolt of Bagdad (tom. iii. p. 370) ; and the exact account, which Cherefeddin was not able to procure from the proper officers, is stated by another historian (Ahmed Arabsiada, tom. ii. p. 175, vers. Manger) at 90,000 heads. 27 The ancients, Jornandes, Priscus, &c. are ignorant of this epithet. The modern Hungarians have imagined that it was applied, by a hermit of Gaul, to Attila, who was pleased to insert it among the titles of his royal dignity. Mascou, ix. 23, and Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 143. 428 THE DECLINE AND FALL subjects whom they led away into captivity. In the hands of a wise legislator, such an industrious colony might have contributed to diffuse through the deserts of Scythia, the rudiments of the useful and ornamental arts ; but these captives, who had been taken in war, were accidently dispersed among the hords that obeyed the empire of Attila. The estimate of their respective value was formed by the simple judgment of unenlightened and unprejudiced Barbarians. Perhaps they might not understand the merit of a theologian, profoundly skilled in the controversies of the Trinity and the Incarnation ; yet they respected the ministers of every reUgion ; and the active zeal of the Christian missionaries, without approaching the person or the palace of the monarch, successfully laboured in the propagation of the gospel.^^ The pastoral tribes, who were ignorant of the distinc- tion of landed property, must have disregarded the use, as well as the abuse, of civil jurisprudence ; and the skill of an eloquent lawyer could excite only their contempt, or their abhorrence.^^ The perpetual intercourse of the Huns and the Goths had com- municated the familiar knowledge of the two national dialects ; and the Barbarians were ambitious of conversing in Latin, the military idiom even of the Eastern empire.^" But they disdained the language, and the sciences, of the Greeks ; and the vain sophist, or grave philosopher, who had enjoyed the flattering applause of the schools, was mortified to find that his robust servant was a captive of more value and importance than himself. The mechanic arts were encouraged and esteemed, as they tended to satisfy the wants of the Huns. An architect, in the service of Onegesius, one of the favourites of Attila, was employed to construct a bath ; but this work was a rare ex- ample of private luxury; and the trades of the smith, the carpenter, the armourer, were much more adapted to supply a wandering people with the useful instruments of peace and war. 28 The missionaries of St. Chrysostom had converted great numbers of the Scythians, who dwelt beyond the Danube in tents and waggons. Theodoret, 1. V. c. 31, Photius, p. 1517. The Mahometans, the Nestorians, and the Latin Chris- tians thought themselves secure of gaining the sons and grandsons of Zingis, who treated the rival missionaries with impartial favoiu-. 29 The Germans, who exterminated Varus and his legions, had been particularly offended with the Roman laws and lawyers. One of the Barbarians, after the effectual precautions of cutting out the tongue of an advocate- and sewing up his mouth, observed with much satisfaction that the viper could no longer hiss. Florus, iv. 12. ™ Prisous, p. 59 [p. 86]. It should seem that the Huns preferred the Gothic and Latm language to their own; which was probably a harsh and barren idiom. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 429 But the merit of the physician was received with universal favour and respect ; the Barbarians, who despised death, might be apprehensive of disease ; and the haughty conqueror trembled in the presence of a captive, to whom he ascribed, perhaps, an imaginary power of prolonging, or preserving, his life.^i The Huns might be provoked to insult the misery of their slaves, over whom they exercised a despotic command ; ^^ but their manners were not susceptible of a refined system of oppression ; and the eflfbrts of courage and diligence were often recompensed by the gift of freedom. The historian Priscus, whose embassy is a course of curious instruction, was accosted, in the camp of Attila, by a stranger, who saluted him in the Greek language, but whose dress and figure displayed the appearance of a wealthy Scythian. In the siege of Viminacium, he had lost, according to his own account, his fortune and liberty ; he be- came the slave of Onegesius ; but his faithful services, against the Romans and the Acatzires, had gradually raised him to the rank of the native Huns ; to whom he was attached by the domestic pledges of a new wife and several children. The spoils of war had restored and improved his private property ; he was admitted to the table of his former lord ; and the apostate Greek blessed the hour of his captivity, since it had been the introduction to an happy and independent state ; which he held by the honourable tenure of military service. This reflection naturally produced a dispute on the advantages, and defects, of the Roman government, which was severely arraigned by the apostate, and defended by Priscus in a prolix and feeble declamation. The freedom of Onegesius exposed, in true and lively colours, the vices of a declining empire, of which he had so long been the victim ; the cruel absurdity of the Roman princes, unable to protect their subjects against the public enemy, unwilling to trust them with arms for their own defence ; the intolerable weight of taxes, rendered still more oppressive by the intricate or arbitrary modes of collection ; 31 Philip de Comines, in his admirable picture of the last moments of Lewis XI. (M^moires, 1. vi. c. 12), represents the insolence of his physician, who, in five months, extorted 54,000 crowns, and a rich bishopric, from the stern, avaricious tyrant. 32 Priscus (p. 61 [p. 88]) extols the equity of the Roman laws, which protected the life of a slave. Occidere solent (says Tacitus of the Germans) non discipline, et severitate, sed impetu et irS., ut inimicum, nisi quod impune. De Moribus Germ. c. 25. The Heruli, who were the subjects of Attila, claimed, and exercised, the power of life and death over their slaves. See a remarkable instance in the second book of Agathias. 430 THE DECLINE AND FALL plre. 446 the obscurity' of numerous and contradictory laws ; the tedious and expensive forms of judicial proceedings ; the partial ad- ministration of justice ; and the universal corruption^ which in- creased the influence of the rich, and aggravated the misfor- tunes of the poor. A sentiment of patriotic sympathy was at length revived in the breast of the fortunate exile ; and he lamented, with a flood of tears, the guilt or weakness of those magistrates who had perverted the wisest and most salutary institutions.*^ Treatyof The timid, or selfish, policy of the Western Romans had tweenAttiia abandoned the Eastern empire to the Huns.** The loss of and the .ii n t t Eastern em- armics, and the want or discipline or virtue, were not supplied by the personal character of the monarch. Theodosius might still affect the style, as well as the title, of Invincible Augustus ; but he was reduced to solicit the clemency of Attila, who im- periously dictated these harsh and humiliating conditions of peace. I. The emperor of the East resigned, by an express or tacit convention, an extensive and important territory, which stretched along the southern banks of the Danube, from Singidunum, or Belgrade, as far as Novae, in the diocese of Thrace. The breadth was defined by the vague computation of fifteen days' journey ; but, from the proposal of Attila to remove the situation of the national market, it soon appeared that he comprehended the ruined city of Naissus within the limits of his dominions. II. The king of the Huns required and obtained, that his tribute or subsidy should be augmented from seven hundred pounds of gold to the annual sum of two thousand one hundred ; and he stipulated the immediate pay- ment of six thousand pounds of gold to defray the expenses, or to expiate the guilt, of the war. One might imagine that such a demand, which scarcely equalled the measure of private wealth, would have been readily discharged by the opulent empire of the East ; and the public distress affords a remarkable proof of the impoverished, or at least of the disorderly, state of the finances. A large proportion of the taxes, extorted from the people, was detained and intercepted in their passage, through the foulest channels, to the treasury of Constantinople. The revenue was dissipated by Theodosius and his favourites in wasteful and profuse luxury ; which was disguised by the names S3 See the whole conversation in Priscus, p. 59-62 [p. 86-88] . s^Nova iterum Orienti assurgit [leg. consurgit] ruina . . . quum nulla ab Occidentalibus ferrentur auxilia. [Chron. Gall. a.d. 452, ed. Mommsen, Chron. Min. i. p. 662, ad ann. 447.] Prosper-Tiro [see App. i] composed his Chronicle in the West, and his observation implies a censure. [SlBtova] [Nltzcb] [£210,000] OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 431 of Imperial magnificence or Christian charity. The immediate supplies had been exhausted by the unforeseen necessity of military preparations. A personal contribution, rigorously, but capriciously, imposed on the members of the senatorian order, was the only expedient that could disarm, without loss of time, the impatient avarice of Attila ; but the poverty of the nobles compelled them to adopt the scandalous resource of exposing to public auction the jewels of their wives and the hereditaiy ornaments of their palaces.^^ III. The king of the Huns appears to have established, as a principle of national juris- prudence, that he could never lose the property which he had once acquired in the persons who had yielded either a voluntary or reluctant submission to his authority. From this principle he concluded, and the conclusions of Attila were irrevocable laws, that the Huns who had been taken prisoners in war should be released without delay and without ransom ; that every Ro- man captive who had presumed to escape should purchase his right to freedom at the price of twelve pieces of gold ; and that [£7] all the Barbarians who had deserted the standard of Attila should be restored, without any promise, or stipulation, of pardon. In the execution of this cruel and ignominious treaty, the Imperial officers were forced to massacre several loyal and noble deserters, who refused to devote themselves to certain death ; and the Romans forfeited all reasonable claims to the friendship of any Scythian people, by this public confession that they were destitute either of faith or power to protect the suppliants who had embraced the throne of Theodosius.^^ The firmness of a single town, so obscure that, except on this gg^^J^""/, occasion, it has never been mentioned by any historian or geographer, exposed the disgrace of the emperor and empire. Azimus, or Azimuntium, a small city of Thrace on the lUyrian [Aaemna] borders,^'^ had been distinguished by the martial spirit of its 3s According to the description or rather invective of Chrysostom, an auction of Byzantine Uxury must have been very productive. Every wealthy house pos- sessed a semicircular table of massy silver, such as twfo men could scarcely lift, a vase of solid gold oiF the weight of forty pounds, cups, dishes of the same metal. 36 The articles of the treaty, expressed without much order or precision, may be found in Priscus (p. 34, 35, 36, 37, 53, [&c. fr. 2-4, and fr. 8, p. 81]). Count Marcellinus dispenses some comfort by observing, ist. That Attila himself solicited the peace and presents which he had formerly refused ; and, 2dly, That, about the same time, the ambassadors of India presented a fine large tame tiger to the emperor Theodosius. 37 Priscus, p. 35, 36 [fr, 5] . Among the hundred and eighty-two forts, or castles, of Thrace, enumerated by Procopius (de Aedificiis, 1. iv. c. xi. torn. ii. p. 92, edit. 432 THE DECLINE AND FALL youth, the skill and reputation of the leaders whom they had chosen, and their daring exploits against the innumerable host of the Barbarians. Instead of tamely expecting their approach, the Azimuntines attacked, in frequent and successful sallies, the troops of the Huns, who gradually declined the dangerous neighbourhood ; rescued from their hands the spoil and the captives ; and recruited their domestic force by the voluntary association of fugitives and deserters. After the conclusion of the treaty, Attila still menaced the empire with implacable war, unless the Azimuntines were persuaded, or compelled, to comply with the conditions which their sovereign had accepted. The ministers of Theodosius confessed with shame, and with truth, that they no longer possessed any authority over a society of men, who so bravely asserted their natural independence ; and the king of the Huns condescended to negotiate an equal ex- change with the citizens of Azimus. They demanded the restitution of some shepherds, who, with their cattle, had been accidently surprised. A strict, though fruitless, inquiry was allowed ; but the Huns were obliged to swear that they did not detain any prisoners belonging to the city, before they could recover two surviving countrymen, whom the Azimuntines had reserved as pledges for the safety of their lost companions. Attila, on his side, was satisfied, and deceived, by their solemn asseveration that the rest of the captives had been put to the sword ; and that it was their constant practice immediately to dismiss the Romans and the deserters, who had obtained the security of the public faith. This prudent and officious dissimu- lation may be condemned or excused by the casuists, as they incline to the rigid decree of St. Augustin or to the milder sentiment of St. Jerom and St. Chrysostom ; but every soldier, every statesman, must acknowledge that, if the race of the Azi- muntines had been encouraged and multiplied, the Barbarians would have ceased to trample on the majesty of the empire.^* Paris) there is one of the name of EstTnontou, whose position is doubtfully marked in the neighbourhood of Anchialus and the Euxine Sea, The name and walls of Azimuntium might subsist till the reign of Justinian, but the race of its brave defenders had been carefully extirpated by the jealousy of the Roman princes. [But the town appears again in the reign of Maurice ; and there — c. xlvi. foot- note 36 — Gibbon corrects his statement here.] ^ The peevish dispute of St. Jerom and St. Augustin, who laboured, by different expedients, to reconcile the seem-ing quarrel of the two apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, depends on the solution of an important question (Middleton's Works, vol. ii. p. 5-10) which has been frequently agitated by Catholic and Protestant divines, and even by lawyers and philosophers of every age. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 433 It would have been strange, indeed, if Theodosius had pur- Eini)aMi«B chased, by the loss of honour, a secure and solid tranquillity ; or oomtanti- if his tameness had not invited the repetition of injuries. The Byzantine court was insulted by five or six successive embassies ; ^^ and the ministers of Attila were uniformly instructed to press the tardy or imperfect execution of the last treaty ; to produce the names of fugitives and deserters, who were still protected by the empire ; and to declare, with seeming moderation, that, uidess their sovereign obtained complete and immediate satis- faction, it would be impossible for him, were it even his wish, to check the resentment of his warlike tribes. Besides the motives of pride and interest which might prompt the king of the Huns to continue this train of negotiation, he was influenced by the less honourable view of enriching his favourites at the expense of his enemies. The Imperial treasury was exhausted, to pro- cure the friendly offices of the ambassadors and their principal attendants, whose favourable report might conduce to the maintenance of peace. The Barbarian monarch was flattered by the liberal reception of his ministers ; he computed with pleasure the value and splendour of their gifts, rigorously exacted the performance of every promise which would contribute to their private emolument, and treated as an important business of state the marriage of his secretary Constantius.*" That Gallic adven- turer, who was recommended by Aetius to the king of the Huns, had engaged his service to the ministers of Constantinople, for the stipulated reward of a wealthy and noble wife ; and the daughter of count Saturninus was chosen to discharge the obligations of her country. The reluctance of the victim, some domestic troubles, and the imjust confiscation of her fortune, cooled the ardour of her interested lover ; but he still demanded, in the name of Attila, an equivalent alliance ; and, after many ambiguous delays and excuses, the Byzantine court was com- pelled to sacrifice to this insolent stranger the widow of Armatius, whose birth, opulence, and beauty placed her in the most illus- trious rank of the Roman matrons. For these importunate and 39 Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur, &c. c. xix.) has delineated, with a bold and easy pencil, some of the most striking circumstances of the pride of Attila, and the disgrace of the Romans. He deserves the praise of having read the Fragments of Priscus, which have been too much disregarded. *" See Priscus, p. 69, 71, 72, &c. [F. H. G. iv. p. 93, 97, 98]. I would fain believe that this adventurer was afterwards crucified by the order of Attila, on a suspicion of treasonable practices ; but Priscus (p. S7 [p- 84]) has too plainly dis- tinguished two persons of the name of Constantius, who, from the similar events of their lives, might have been easily confounded. VOL. III. 28 434 THE DECLINE AND FALL The em'b&ssy of Mazlmln toAttUa. A.D. 448 [BoSa] oppressive embassies, Attila claimed a suitable return ; he weighed, with suspicious pride, the character and station of the Imperial envoys ; but he condescended to promise that he would advance as far as Sardica, to receive any ministers who had been invested with the consular dignity. The council of Theodosius eluded this proposal by representing the desolate and ruined condition of Sardica ; and even ventured to insinuate that every officer of the army or household was qualified to treat with the most powerful princes of Scythia. Maximin,*^ a respectable courtier, whose abilities had been long exercised in civil and military employments, accepted with reluctance the troublesome, and, perhaps, dangerous commission of reconciling the angry spirit of the king of the Huns. His friend, the historian Priscus,*2 embraced the opportunity of observing the Barbarian hero in the peaceful and domestic scenes of life ; but the secret of the embassy, a fatal and guilty secret, was entrusted only to the interpreter Vigilius. The two last ambassadors of the Huns, Orestes, a noble subject of the Pannonian province, and Edecon, a valiant chieftain of the tribe of the Scyri, returned at the same time from Constantinople to the royal camp. Their obscure names were afterwards illustrated by the extraordinary fortune and the contrast of then- sons ; the two servants of Attila became the fathers of the last Roman emperor of the West and of the first Barbarian king of Italy. The ambassadors, who were followed by a numerous train of men and horses, made their first halt at Sardica, at the distance of three hundred and fifty miles, or thirteen days' journey, from Constantinople. As the remains of Sardica were still included within the limits of the empire, it was incumbent on the Romans to exercise the duties of hospitality. They provided, with the assistance of the provincials, a sufficient number of sheep and oxen ; and invited the Huns to a splendid, or at least a plenti- ful, supper. But the harmony of the entertainment was soon ■•^ In the Persian treaty, concluded in the year 422, the wise and eloquent Maximin had been the assessor of Ardaburius (Socrates, 1. vii. c. 20). When Marcian ascended the throne, the office of, Great Chamberlain was bestowed on Maximin, who is ranked, in a public edict, among the four principal ministers of state (Novell, ad. Calc. Cod. Theod. p. 31). He executed a civil and military commission in the Eastern provinces ; and his death was lamented by the savages of .Ethiopia, whose incursions he had repressed. See Priscus, p! 40, 41. ,^ Priscus was a native of Panium in Thrace, and deserved, by his eloquence, an honourable place among the sophists of the age. His Byzantine history, which related to his own times, was comprised in seven books. See Fabricius, Bibliot. GrjEc. torn. vi. p. 235, 236. Notwithstanding the charitable judgment of the critics, I suspect that Priscus was a Pagan. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 435 disturbed by mutual prejudice and indiscretion. The greatness of the emperor and the empire was warmly maintained by their ministers ; the Huns, with equal ardour, asserted the superiority of their victorious monarch : the dispute was inflamed by the rash and unseasonable flattery of Vigilius, who passionately rejected the comparison of a mere mortal with the divine Theodosius ; and it was with extreme difficulty that Maximin and Priscus were able to divert the conversation, or to soothe the angry minds of the Barbarians. When they rose from table, the Imperial ambassador presented Edecon and Orestes with rich gifts of silk robes and Indian pearls, which they thankfully accepted. Yet Orestes could not forbear insinuating that he had not always been treated with such respect and liberality ; the offensive distinction which was implied between his civil office and the hereditary rank of his colleague seems to have made Edecon a doubtful friend, and Orestes an irreconcileable enemy. After this entertainment, they travelled about one hundred miles fit'ora Sardica to Naissus. That flourishing city, priBch] which had given birth to the great Constantine, was levelled with the ground ; the inhabitants were destroyed or dispersed ; and the appearance of some sick persons, who were still per- mitted to exist among the ruins of the churches, served only to increase the .horror of the prospect. The surface of the country was covered with the bones of the slain; and the ambassadors, who directed their course to the north-west, were obliged to pass the hills of modem Servia, before they descended into the flat and marshy grounds which are terminated by the Danube. The Huns were masters of the great . river ; their navigation was performed in large canoes, hollowed out of the trunk of a single tree ; the ' ministers of Theodosius were safely landed on the opposite bank ; and their Barbarian associates immediately hastened to the camp of Attila, which was equally prepared for the amusements of hunting or of war. No sooner had Maximin advanced about two miles from the Danube, than he began to experience the fastidious insolence of the conqueror. He was sternly forbid to pitch his tents in a pleasant valley, lest he should infringe the diistant awe that was due to the royal mansion. The ministers of Attila pressed him to communicate the business and the instructions, which he reserved for the ear of their sovereign. When Maximin temperately urged the contrary practice of nations, he was still more confounded to find that the resolutions of the Sacred Consistory, those secrets (says Priscus) which should not be revealed to the gods them- 436 THE DECLINE AND FALL selves, had been treacherously disclosed to the public enemy. On his refusal to comply with such ignominious terms, the Im- perial envoy was commanded instantly to depart ; the order was recalled ; it was again repeated ; and the Huns renewed their ineffectual attempts to subdue the patient firmness of Maximin. At length, by the intercession of Scotta, the brother of Onege- sius, whose friendship had been purchased by a liberal gift, he was admitted to the royal presence : but, instead of obtaining a decisive answer, he was compelled to undertake a remote journey towards the North, that Attila might enjoy the proud satisfaction of receiving, in the same camp, the ambassadors of the Eastern and Western empires. His journey was regulated by the guides, who obliged him to halt, to hasten his march, or to deviate from the common road, as it best suited the con- venience of the King. The Romans who traversed the plains of Hungary suppose that they passed several navigable rivers, either in canoes or portable boats ; but there is reason to suspect that the winding stream of the Theiss, or Tibiscus, might present itself in different places, under different names. From the contiguous villages they received a plentiful and regular supply of provisions ; mead instead of wine, millet in the place of bread, and a certain liquor named camus, which, according to the report of Priscus, was distilled from barley. *8 Such fare might appear coarse and indelicate to men who had tasted the luxury of Con- stantinople : but, in their accidental distress, they were relieved by the gentleness and hospitality of the same Barbarians, so terrible and so merciless in war. The ambassadors had en- camped on the edge of a large morass. A violent tempest of wind and rain, of thunder and lightning, overturned their tents, immersed their baggage and furniture in the water, and scattered their retinue, who wandered. in the darkness of the night, un- certain of their road, and apprehensive of some unknown danger, till they awakened by their cries the inhabitants of a neighbour- ing village, the property of the widow of Bleda. A bright illumination, and, in a few moments, a comfortable fire of reeds, was kindled by their officious benevolence ; the wants, and even the desires, of the Romans were liberally satisfied ; and they *^ The Huns themselves still continued to despise the labours of agriculture ; they abused the privilege of a victorious nation ; and the Goths, their industrious subjects who cultivated the earth, dreaded their neighbourhood, like that of so many ravenous wolves (Priscus, p. 45 [p. 108]). In the same manner the Sarts and Tadgics provide for their own subsistence, and for that of the Usbec Tartars, their lazy and rapapipus sovereigns. See Genealogical History of the Tartars, J). 423, 45S, &c. OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE 437 seem to have been embarrassed by the singular politeness of Bleda's widow, who added to her other favours the gift, or at least the loan, of a sufficient number of beautiful and obsequious damsels. The sunshine of the succeeding day was dedicated to repose ; to collect and dry the baggage, and to the refreshment of the men and horses : but, in the evening, before they pursued their journey, the ambassadors expressed their gratitude to the bounteous lady of the village, by a very acceptable present of silver cups, red fleeces, dried fruits, and Indian pepper. Soon after this adventure, they rejoined the march of Attila, from whom they had been separated about six days ; and slowly pro- ceeded to the capital of an empire which did not contain, in the space of several thousand miles, a single city. As far as we may ascertain the vague and obscure geography mie roy»i of Priscus, this capital appears to have been seated between the paJace Danube, the Theiss, and the Carpathian hills, in the plains of Upper Hungary, and most probably in the neighbourhood of Jazberin, Agria, or Tokay.** In its origin it could be no more than an accidental camp, which, by the long and frequent residence of Attila, had insensibly swelled into a huge village, for the reception of his court, of the troops who followed his person, and of the various multitude of idle or industrious slaves and retainers.*^ The baths, constructed by Onegesius, were the only edifice of stone ; the materials had been transported from Pannonia ; and, since the adjacent country was destitute even of large timber, it may be presumed that the meaner habitations of the royal village consisted of straw, of mud, or of canvas. The wooden houses of the more illustrious Huns were built and adorned with rude magnificence, according to the rank, the fortune, or the taste of the proprietors. They seem to have been distributed with some degree of order and symmetry ; and each spot became more honourable, as it approached the person " It is evident that Priscus passed the Danube and the Theiss, and that he did not reach the foot of the Carpathian Hills. Agria, Tokay, and Jazberin, are situated in the plains circumscribed by this definition. M. de Buat (Histoire des Peuples, &c. torn. vii. p. 461) has chosen Tokay ; Otrokosci(p. 180, apud Mascou, ix. 23), a learned Hungarian, has preferred Jazberin, a place about thirty-six miles westward of Buda and the Danube. [J4sz-Ber^ny.] *> The royal village of Attila may be compared to the city of Karacorum, the residence of the successors of Zingis ; which, though it appears to have been a more stable habitation, did not equal the size or splendour of the town and abbeysof St. Denys, in the thirteenth century (see Rubruquis, in the Histoire G^n^rale des Voyages, torn. vii. p. 286). The camp of Aurengzebe, as it is so agreeably described by Bernier (tom. ii. p. 217-235), blended the manners of Scythia with the magnificence and luxury of Hindostan. 438 THE DECLINE AND FALL of the sovereign. The palace of Attila, which surpassed all other houses in his dominions, was built entirely of wood, and covered an ample space of ground. The outward enclosure was a lofty wall, or palisade of smooth square timber, intersected with high towers, but intended rather for ornament than defence. This wall, which seems to have encircled the declivity of a hill, comprehended a great variety of wooden edifices, adapted, to the uses of royalty. A separate house was assigned to each of the numerous wives of Attila ; and, instead of the rigid and illiberal confinement imposed by Asiatic jealousy, they politely admitted the Roman ambassadors to their presence, their table, and even to the freedom of an innocent embrace. When iteg. oreca] Maximin offered his presents to Cerca, the principal queen, he admired the singular architecture of her mansion, the height of the round columns, the size and beauty of the wood, which was curiously shaped, or turned, or polished, or carved ; and his attentive eye was able to discover some taste in the ornaments, and some regularity in the proportions. After passing through the guards who watched before the gate, the ambassadors were introduced into the private apartment of Cerca. The wife of Attila received their visit sitting, or rather lying, on a soft couch ; the floor was covered with a carpet ; the domestics formed a circle round the queen ; and her damsels, seated on the ground, were employed in working the variegated embroidery which adorned the dress of the Barbaric warriors. The Huns were ambitious of displaying those riches which were the fruit and evidence of their victories : the trappings of their horses, their swords, and even their shoes, were studded with gold and precious stones ; and their tables were profusely spread with plates, and goblets, and vases of gold and silver, which had been fashioned by the labour of Grecian artists. The monarch alone assumed the superior pride of still adhering to the sim- plicity of his Scythian ancestors.*^ The dress of Attila, his arms, and the furniture of his horse were plain, without ornament, and of a single colour. The royal table was served in wooden cups and platters ; flesh was his only food ; and the conqueror of the North never tasted the luxury of bread. When Attila first gave audience to the Roman ambassadors on banks of the Danube, his tent was encompassed with a The behavl- otir of Attila , to the Boman the amhoeaadorB * When the Moguls displayed the spoils of Asia, in the diet of Toncat, the throne of Zingis was still covered with the original black felt carpet on which he had been seated when he was raised to the command of his warlike countrymen. See Vie de Gengiscan, 1. iv. c. 9. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 439 formidable guard. The monarch himself was seated in a wooden chair. His stern countenance, angry gestures, and impatient tone astonished the firmness of Maximin ; but Vigilius had more reason to tremble, since he distinctly understood the menace that, if Attila did not respect the law of nations, he would nail the deceitful interpreter to a cross and leave his body to the vultures. The Barbarian condescended, by producing an accurate list, to expose the bold falsehood of Vigilius, who had affirmed that no more than seventeen deserters could be found. But he arrogantly declared that he apprehended only the disgrace of contending with his fugitive slaves ; since he despised their impotent efiForts to defend the provinces which Theodosius had entrusted to their arms : " For what fortress " (added Attila), " what city, in the wide extent of the Roman Empire, can hope to exist, secure and impregnable, if it is our pleasure that it should be erased from the earth .'' " He dismissed, however, the interpreter, who returned to Constantinople with his peremptory demand of more complete restitution and a more splendid embassy. His anger gradually subsided, and his domestic satisfaction in a marriage which he celebrated on the road with the daughter of Eslam *^ might perhaps contribute to mollify the native fierceness of his temper. The entrance of Attila into the royal village was marked by a very singular ceremony. A numerous troop of women came out to meet their hero, and their king. They marched before him, distributed into long and regular files ; the intervals between the files were filled by white veils of thin linen, which the women on either side bore aloft in their hands, and which formed a canopy for a chorus of young virgins, who chanted hymns and songs in the Scythian language. The wife of his favourite Onegesius, with a train of female attendants, saluted Attila at the door of her own house, on his way to the palace ; and offered, according to the custom of the country, her respectful homage, by entreating him to taste the wine and meat which she had prepared for his reception. As soon as the monarch had graciously accepted her hospitable gift, his domestics lifted a small silver table to a convenient height, as he sat on horseback ; and Attila, when he had touched the goblet with his lips, again saluted the wife of Onegesius, and continued his march. During his residence at the seat of empire, his hours were not wasted in the recluse idleness of a «' [Eskam. ei- jj ya^elv ivyaripa. "Eo-Koifi e^ovXero. Milman asks whether this means " his own daughter, Eskam " or " the daughter of Eskam ". The fact that Priscus passes no comment is in favour of the second interpretation.] feaat 440 THE DECLINE AND FALL seraglio ; and the king of the Huns could maintain his superior dignity, without concealing his person from the public view. He frequently assembled his council, and gave audience to the ambassadors of the nations ; and his people might appeal to the supreme tribunal, which he held at stated times, and, according to the eastern custom, before the principal gate of his wooden palace. The Romans, both of the East and of the West, were The royal twice invited to the banquets, where Attila feasted with the princes and nobles of Scythia. Maximin and his colleagues were stopped on the threshold, till they had made a devout libation to the health and prosperity of the king of the Huns ; and were conducted, after this ceremony, to their respective seats in a spacious hall. The royal table and couch, covered with carpets and fine linen, was raised by several steps in the midst of the hall ; and a son, an uncle, or perhaps a favourite king, were admitted to share the simple and homely repast of Attila. Two lines of small tables, each of which contained three or four guests, were ranged in order on either hand ; the right was esteemed the most honourable, but the Romans ingenuously confess that they were placed on the left ; and that Beric, an unknown chieftain, most probably of the Gothic race, preceded the representatives of Theodosius and Valentinian. The Bar- barian monarch received from his cup-bearer a goblet filled with wine, and courteously drank to the health of the most dis- tinguished guest, who rose from his seat and expressed, in the same manner, his loyal and respectful vows. This ceremony was successively performed for all, or at least for the illustrious persons of the assembly ; and a considerable time must have been consumed, since it was thrice repeated, as each course or service was placed on the table. But the wine still remained after the meat had been removed ; and the Huns continued to indulge their intemperance long after the sober and decent ambassadors of the two empires had withdrawn themselves from the nocturnal banquet. Yet before they retired, they enjoyed a singular opportunity of observing the manners of the nation in their convivial amusements. Two Scythians stood before the couch of Attila, and recited the verses which they had com- posed, to celebrate his valour and his victories. A profound silence prevailed in the hall ; and the attention of the guests was captivated by the vocal harmony, which revived and perpetuated the memory of their own exploits : a martial ardour flashed from the eyes of the warriors, who were impatient for battle ; and the tears of the old men expressed their generous despair OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 441 that they could no longer partake the danger and glory of the field.*^ This entertainment, which might be considered as a school of military virtue, was succeeded by a farce that debased the dignity of human nature. A Moorish and a Scythian buffoon successively excited the mirth of the rude spectators, by their deformed figure, ridiculous dress, antic gestures, absurd speeches, and the strange unintelligible confusion of the Latin, the Gothic, and the Hunnic languages ; and the hall resounded with loud and licentious peals of laughter. In the midst of this intemperate riot, Attila alone, without a change of countenance, maintained his stedfast and inflexible gravity ; which was never relaxed, except on the entrance of Irnac, the youngest of his sons : he embraced the boy with a smile of paternal tenderness, gently pinched him by the cheek, and betrayed a partial affection, which was justified by the assurance of his prophets that Irnac , would be the future support of his family and empire. Two days afterwards, the ambassadors received a second invitation ; and they had reason to praise the politeness as well as the hospi- tality of Attila. The king of the Huns held a long and familiar conversation with Maximin ; but his civility was interrupted by rude expressions, and haughty reproaches ; and he was pro- voked, by a motive of interest, to support, with unbecoming zeal, the private claims of his secretary Constantius. "The emperor '' (said Attila) " has long promised him a rich wife ; Constantius must not be disappointed ; nor should a Roman emperor deserve the name of liar." On the third day, the ambassadors were dismissed ; the freedom of several captives was granted, for a moderate ransom, to their pressing entreaties ; and, besides the royal presents, they were permitted to accept from each of the Scythian nobles the honourable and useful gift of a horse. Maximin returned, by the same road, to Constanti- nople ; and though he was involved in an accidental dispute with Beric, the new ambassador of Attila, he flattered himself that he had contributed, by the laborious journey, to confirm the peace and alliance of the two nations.*' ^ If we may believe Plutarch (in Demetrio, torn. v. p. 24 [c. 19]), it was the custom of the Scythians, when they indulged in the pleasures of the table, to awaken their languid courage by the martial harmony of twanging their bow- strings. 49 The cmious narrative of this embassy, which required few observations, and was not susceptible of any collateral evidence, may be found in Priscus, p. 49-70 [fr. 8]. But I have not confined myself to the same order ; and I had previously extracted the historical circumstances, which were less intimately connected with the journey, and business, of the Roman ambassadors. 442 THE DECLINE AND FALL oonmiracy of But the Roman ambassador was ignorant of the treacherous against the design, which had been concealed under the mask of the public faith. The surprise and satisfaction of Edecon, when he contem- plated the splendour of Constantinople, had encouraged the interpreter Vigilius to procure for him a secret interview with the eunuch Chrysaphius/" who governed the emperor and the empire. After some previous conversation, and a mutual oath of secrecy, the eunuch, who had not, from his own feelings or experience, imbibed any exalted notions of ministerial virtue, ventured to propose the death of Attila, as an important service, by which Brecon might deserve a hberal share of the wealth and luxury which he admired. The ambassador of the Huns listened to the tempting offer, and professed, with apparent zeal, his ability, as well as readiness, to execute the bloody deed ; the design was communicated to the master of the offices, and the devout Theodosius consented to the assassination of his invincible enemy. But this perfidious consph-acy was defeated by the dissimulation, or the repentance, of Edecon ; and, though he might exaggerate his inward abhorrence for the treason, which he seemed to approve, he dexterously assumed the merit of an early and voluntary confession. If we now review the embassy of Maximin, and the behaviour of Attila, we must applaud the Barbarian, who respected the laws of hospitality, and generously entertained and dismissed the minister of a prince who had conspired against his life. But the rashness of Vigilius will appear still more extraordinary, since he returned, conscious of his guilt and danger, to the royal camp ; accom- panied by his son, and carrying with him a weighty purse of gold, which the favourite eunuch had furnished, to satisfy the demands of Edecon, and to corrupt the fidelity of the guards. The interpreter was instantly seized, and dragged before the tribunal of Attila, where he asserted his innocence with specious firmness, till the threat of inflicting instant death on his son extorted from him a sincere discovery of the criminal transaction. Under the name of ransom or confiscation, the rapacious king of Herepri- the Huns accepted two hundred pounds of gold for the life of forgiveBthe a traitor, whom he disdained to punish. He pointed his iust Emperor i r v '" M. de Tillemont has very properly given the succession of Chamberlains who reigned in the name of Theodosius. Chrysaphius was the last and, according to the unanimous evidence of history, the worst of these favourites {see Hist, des Empereurs, torn. vi. p. 117-119. M^m. Ecclfe torn. xv. p. 438). His partiality for his godfather, the heresiarch Elutyches, engaged him to persecute the orthodox party. OF THE EQMAN EMPIEE 443 indignation against a nobler object. His ambassadors Eslaw and Orestes were immediately dispatched to Constantinople with a peremptory instruction, which it was much safer for them to execute than to disobey. They boldly entered the Imperial presencej with the fatal purse hanging down from the neck of Orestes ; who interrogated the eunuch Chrysaphius, as he stood beside the throne, whether he recognised the evidence of his guilt. But the office of reproof was reserved for the superior dignity of his colleague Eslaw, who gravely addressed the Emperor of the East in the following words : " Theodosius is the son of an illustrious and respectable parent ; Attila likewise is descended from a noble race ; and he has supported, by his actions, the dignity which he inherited from his father Mundzuk. But Theodosius has forfeited his paternal honours, and, by consenting to pay tribute, has degraded himself to the condition of a slave. It is therefore just that he should reverence the man whom fortune and merit have placed above him ; instead of attempting, like a wicked slave, clandestinely to conspire against his master." The son of Arcadius, who was accustomed only to the voice of flattery, heard with astonishment the severe language of truth ; he blushed and trembled ; nor did he pre- sume directly to refuse the head of Chrysaphius, which Eslaw and Orestes were instructed to demand. A solemn embassy, armed with full powers and magnificent gifts, was hastily sent to deprecate the wrath of Attila ; and his pride was gratified by the choice of Nomius and Anatolius, two ministers of consular orptomos] patrician rank, of whom the one was great treasurer, and the other was master-general of the armies of the East. He con- descended to meet these ambassadors on the banks of the river Drenco ; and, though he at first affected a stem and haughty [?Drav] demeanour, his anger was insensibly mollified by their eloquence and liberality. He condescended to pardon the emperor, the eunuch, and the interpreter; bound himself by an oath to observe the conditions of peace ; to release a great number of captives ; abandoned the fugitives and deserters to their fate ; and resigned a large territory to the south of the Danube, which he had already exhausted of its wealth and its inhabitants. But this treaty was purchased at an expense which might have supported a vigorous and successful war ; and the subjects of Theodosius were compelled to redeem the safety of a worthless favourite by oppressive taxes, which they would more cheerfully have paid for his destruction.^^ isi This secret conspiracy and its important consequences may be traced in the 444 THE DECLINE AND FALL Tiieodo»iu» The emperor Theodosius did not long survive the most dioa, A.D. 450, humiliating circumstance of an inglorious life. As he was riding, or hunting, in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, he was thrown from his horse into the river Lycus ; the spine of the back was injured by the fall ; and he expired some days afterwards, in the fiftieth year of his age, and the forty-third of his reign. ^2 His sister Pulcheria, whose authority had been controlled both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs by the pernicious influence of the eunuchs, was unanimously proclaimed empress of the East ; and the Romans, for the first time, submitted to a female reign. No sooner had Pulcheria ascended the throne than she indulged her own and the public resentment by an act of popular justice. Without any legal trial, the eunuch Chry- saphius was executed before the gates of the city ; and the immense riches which had been accumulated by the rapacious favourite served only to hasten and to justify his punishment.^' Amidst the general acclamations of the clergy and people, the empress did not forget the prejudice and disadvantage to which her sex was exposed ; and she wisely resolved to prevent their murmurs by the choice of a colleague, who would always respect ""d'dT' ^^^ superior rank and virgin chastity of his wife. She gave her MaroiMi. hand to Marcian, a senator, about sixty years of age, and the nominal husband of Pulcheria was solemnly invested with the Imperial purple. The zeal which he displayed for the orthodox creed, as it was established by the council of Chalcedon, would alone have inspired the grateful eloquence of the Catholics. But the behaviour of Marcian in a private life, and afterwards on the throne, may support a more rational belief that he was qualified to restore and invigorate an empire which had been almost dis- solved by the successive weakness of two hereditary monarchs. He was born in Thrace, and educated to the profession of arms ; but Marcian's youth had been severely exercised by poverty and misfortune, since his only resource, when he first arrived at fragments of Priscus, p. 37, 38, 39 [fr. 7 ; 8 ad init.], 54 [p. 82], 70, 71, 72 [p. 95, 96, 97]. The chronology of that historian is not fixed by any precise date ; but the series of negotiations between Attila and the Eastern empire must be included between the three or four years which are terminated, A. D. 450, by the death of Theodosius. '2 Theodorus the Reader (see Vales. Hist. Eccles. tom. iii. p. 563) and the Paschal Chronicle mention the fall, without specifying the injury ; but the conse- quence was so likely to happen, and so unlikely to be invented, that we may safely give credit to Nicephorus Callistus, a Greek of the fourteenth century. ■iS Pulcheriae nutu (says Count Marcellinus) su4 cum avaritia, interemptus est. She abandoned the eunuch to the pious revenge of a son whose father had suffered at his instigation. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 445 Constantinople, consisted in two hundred pieces of gold, which he had borrowed of a friend. He passed nineteen years in the domestic and military service of Aspar and his son Ardaburius ; followed those powerful generals to the Persian and African wars ; and obtained, by their influence, the honourable rank of tribune and senator. His mild disposition, and useful talents, without alarming the jealousy, recommended Marcian to the esteem and favour, of his patrons ; he had seen, perhaps he had felt, the abuses of a venal and oppressive administration ; and his own example gave weight and energy to the laws which he promulgated for the reformation of manners.^* " Procopius, de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. o. 4. Evagrius, 1. ii. u. i. Theophanes, p. 90, 91. Novell, ad Calcem Cod. Theod. torn. vi. p. 30. The praises which St. Leo and the Catholics have bestowed on Marcian are diligently transcribed, by Baronius, as an encouragement for future princes. 446 THE DECLINE AND FALL and prepares CHAPTER XXXV Invasion of Gaul hy Attila — He is repulsed by Aetius and the Visi- goths — Attila invades and evacuates Italy — The deaths oj Attila, Aetius, and Valentinian the Third Attua It was the opinion of Marcian that war should be avoided, as both^m^ireH long as it is possible to preserve a secure and honourable peace ; but it was likewise his opinion that peace cannot be honourable or secure, if the sovereign betrays a pusillanimous aversion to war. This temperate courage dictated his reply to the demands of Attila, who insolently pressed the payment of the annual tribute. The emperor signified to the Barbarians that they must no longer insult the majesty of Rome, by the mention of a tribute ; that he was disposed to reward with becoming liberality the faithful friendship of his allies ; but that if they presumed to violate the public peace, they should feel that he possessed troops, and arms, and resolution, to repel their attacks. The same language, even in the camp of the Huns, was used by his ambassador ApoUonius, whose bold refusal to deliver the pre- sents, till he had been admitted to a personal interview, dis- played a sense of dignity, and a contempt of danger, which Attila was not prepared to expect from the degenerate Ro- mans.i He threatened to chastise the rash successor of Theo- dosius ; but he hesitated whether he should first direct his invincible arms against the Eastern or the Western empire. While mankind awaited his decision with awful suspense, he sent an equal defiance to the courts of Ravenna and Constanti- nople, and his ministers saluted the two emperors with the same haughty declaration. " Attila, my Lord, and thy lord, commands thee to provide a palace for his immediate recep- tion." ^ But, as the Barbarian despised, or affected to despise, 1 See Priscus, p. 39 [fr. 15] , 72 [fr. 18]. 2 The Alexandrian or Paschal Chronicle, which introduces this haughty mes- sage during the lifetime of Theodosius, may have anticipated the date ; but the dull annalist was incapable of inventing the original and genuine style of Attila. [The story is also mentioned by John Malalas.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 447 the Romans of the Eastj whom he had so often vanquished, he soon declared his resolution of suspending the easy conquest, till he had achieved a more glorious and important . enterprise. In the memorable invasions of Gaul and Italy, the Huns were naturally attracted by the wealth and fertility of those provinces ; but the particular motives and provocations of Attila can only be explained by the state of the Western empire under the reign of Valentinian, or, to speak more correctly, under the adminis- traticn of Aetius.^ After the death of his rival Boniface, Aetius had prudently re- ^J^JJJ™* tired to the tents of the Huns ; and he was indebted to their alii- tionofAetiM ance for his safety and his restoration. Instead of the suppliant language of a guilty exile, he solicited his pardon at the head of sixty thousand Barbarians ; and the empress Placidia confessed, *•"• 433-454 by a feeble resistance, that the condescension, which might have been ascribed to clemency, was the effect of weakness or fear. She delivered herself, her son Valentinian, and the Western em- pire, into the hands of an insolent subject ; nor could Placidia protect the son-in-law of Boniface, the virtuous and faithful Sebastian,* from the implacable persecution, which urged him from one kingdom to another, till he miserably perished in the service of the Vandals. The fortunate Aetius, who was im- mediately promoted to the rank of patrician, and thrice invested with the honours of the consulship, assumed, with the title of master of the cavalry and infantry, the whole military power of the state ; and he is sometimes styled, by contemporary writers, the Duke, or General, of the Romans of the West. His prudence, rather than his virtue, engaged him to leave the grandson of Theodosius in the possession of the purple ; and Valentinian was permitted to enjoy the peace and luxury of Italy, while the patrician appeared in the glorious light of a hero and a patriot who supported near twenty years the ruins of the Western empire. The Gothic historian ingenuously confesses that Aetius 3 The second book of the Histoire Critique de I'Etablissement de la Monarchie Fran(^ise, torn. i. p. 189-424, throws great light on the state of Gaul, when it was invaded by Attila ; but the ingenious author, the Ahh6 Dubos, too often bewilders himself in system and conjecture. i Victor Vitensis (de Persecut. Vandal. 1. i. c. 6, p. 8, edit. Ruinart) calls him, acer consllio et strenuus in bello ; but his courage, 'when he became unfortunate, was censured as desperate rashness, and Sebastian deserved, or obtained, the epithet oipraeceps (Sidon. Apollinar. Carmen, ix. i8i \leg. 280]). His adventm-es at Constantinople, in Sicily, Gaul, Spain and Africa, are faintly marked in the Chronicles of Marcellinus and Idatius. In his distress he was always followed by a numerous train ; since he could ravage the Hellespont and Propontis and' seize the city of Barcelona. 448 THE DECLINE AND FALL was born for the salvation of the Roman republic ; ^ and the following portrait, though it is drawn in the fairest colours, must be allowed to contain a much larger proportion of truth than of flattery. " His mother was a wealthy and noble Italian, and his father Gaudentius, who held a distinguished rank in the pro- vince of Scythia, gradually rose from the station of a military domestic to the dignity of master of the cavalry. Their son, who was enrolled almost in his infancy in the guards, was given as a hostage, first to Alaric, and afterwards to the Huns; and he successively obtained the civil and military honours of the palace, for which he was equally qualified by superior merit. The graceful figure of Aetius was not above the middle stature ; but his manly limbs were admirably formed for strength, beauty, , and agility; and he excelled in the martial exercises of managing a horse, drawing the bow, and darting the javelin. He could patiently endure the want of food or of sleep; and his mind and body were alike capable of the most laborious efforts. He possessed the genuine courage that can despise not only dangers but injuries ; and it was impossible either to corrupt, or deceive, or intimidate, the firm integrity of his soul." ^ The Barbarians who had seated themselves in the Western provinces were insensibly taught to respect the faith and valour of the patrician Aetius. He soothed their passions, consulted their prejudices, balanced their interests, and checked their ambition. A seasonable treaty, which he concluded with Genseric, protected Italy from the depredations of the Vandals ; the independent Britons implored and acknowledged his salutary aid ; the Im- perial authority was restored and maintained in Gaul and Spain; and he compelled the Franks and the Suevi, whom he had vanquished in the field, to become the useful confederates of the republic. Sifon With ^'■°™ * principle of interest, as well as gratitude, Aetius as- md^Md siduously cultivated the alliance of the Huns. While he re- sided in their tents as a hostage or an exile, he had familiarly conversed with Attila himself, the nephew of his benefactor ; and 5 Reipublicas Romanse singulariter natus, qui superbiam Suevorum, Fran- corumque barbariem immensis caedibus servire Imperio Romano coegisset. Jor- nandes dfe Rebus Geticis, c, 34, p. 660. 8 This portrait is drawn by Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus, a contemporary historian, known only by some extracts, which are preserved by Gregory of Tours (1. ii. c. 8, in torn. ii. p. 163). It was probably the duty, or at least the interest, of Renatus to magnify the virtues of Aetius ; but he would have shewn more dex- terity, if he had not insisted on his f&t\eni, forgiving disposition. [See further the panegyric of Aetius by Merobaudes, ed. by Bekker. Cp. Appendix i.] OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 449 the two famous antagonists appear to have been connected by a personal and military friendship, which they afterwards con- firmed by mutual gifts, frequent embassies, and the education of Carpilio, the son of Aetius, in the camp of Attila. By the specious professions of gratitude and voluntary attachment, the patrician might disguise his apprehensions of the Scythian con- queror, who pressed the two empires with his innumerable armies. His demands were obeyed or eluded. When he claimed the spoils of a vanquished city, some vases of gold, which had been fraudulently embezzled, the civil and military governors of Nori- cum were immediately dispatched to satisfy his complaints ; '' and it is evident from their conversation with Maximin and Priscus in the royal village, that the valour and prudence of Aetius had not saved the Western Romans from the common ignominy of tribute. Yet his dexterous policy prolonged the advantages of a salutary peace, and a numerous army of Huns and Alani, whom he had attached to his person, was employed in the defence of Gaul. Two colonies of these Barbarians were judiciously fixed in the territories of Valence and Orleans ; ^ ^^^^j and their active cavalry secured the important passages of the Rhone and of the Loire. These savage allies were not indeed less formidable to the subjects than to the enemies of Rome. Their original settlement was enforced with the licentious violence of conquest ; and the province through which they marched was exposed to all the calamities of an hostile in- vasion.8 Strangers to the emperor or the republic, the Alani of ' The embassy consisted of Count Romulus ; of Promotus, president of Nori- cum ; and of Romanus, the military duke. They were accompanied by Tatullus, an illustrious citizen of Petovio [Pettau] in the same province, and father of Ores- tes, who had married the daughter of Count Romulus. See Priscus, p. 57, 65 [p. 84, 91]. Cassiodorius (Variar. i. 4) mentions another embassy, which was executed by his father and Carpilio, the son of Aetius ; and, as Attila was no more, he could safely boast of their manly intrepid behaviour in his presence. 8 Deserta Valentinae urbis rura Alanis partienda traduntur. Prosper. Tironis Chron. [ad ann. 440] in Historiens de France, torn. i. p. 639. A few lines after- wards. Prosper observes that lands in the ulterior Gaul were assigned to the Alani. Without admitting the correction of Dubos (tom. i. p. 300), the reason- able supposition of two colonies or garrisons of Alani will confirm his arguments and remove his objections. [Cp. Dahn, Kbn. der Germanen, i. 264. Von Wietersheim argues for only one settlement in the neighbourhood of Orleans, Volkerw. ii. p. 213 (ed. Dahn). The gratuitous correction of Dubos was Aurelianae urbis.'] 9 See Prosper Tiro, p. 639. Sidonius (Panegyr. Avit. 246) complains, in the name of Auvergne, his native country, Litorius Scythicos equites tunc \leg. turn] forte subacto Celsus Aremorico, Geticum rapiebat in agmen Per terras, Arverne, tuas, qui proxima quseque VOL. III. 29 450 THE DECLINE AND FALL The VlBlgothR In Gaul under the reign of Theodoric. A.i>. aata [Arelate] A.D. 43e'439 marbo Har- tlni] Gaul were devoted to the ambition of Aetius ; and, though he might suspect that, in a contest with Attila himself, they would revolt to the standard of their national king, the patrician laboured to restrain, rather than to excite, their zeal and resent- ment against the Goths, the Burgundians, and the Franks. The kingdom established by the Visigoths in the southern provinces of Gaul had gradually acquired strength and maturity ; and the conduct of those ambitious Barbarians, either in peace or war, engaged the perpetual vigilance of Aetius. After the death of Wallia the Gothic sceptre devolved to Theodoric, the son of the great Alaric ; i" and his prosperous reign, of more than thirty years, over a turbulent people, may be allowed to prove that his prudence was supported by uncommon vigour, both of mind and body. Impatient of his narrow limits, Theo- doric aspired to the possession of Aries, the wealthy seat of government and commerce ; but the city was saved by the timely approach of Aetius ; and the Gothic king, who had raised the siege wit^ some loss and disgrace, was persuaded, for an adequate subsidy, to divert the martial valour of his subjects in a Spanish war. Yet Theodoric still watched, and eagerly seized, the favourable moment of renewing his hostile attempts. The Goths besieged Narbonne, while the Belgic provinces were invaded by the Burgundians ; and the public safety was threatened on every side by the apparent union of the enemies of Rome. On every side, the activity of Aetius, and his Scythian cavalry, opposed a firm and successful resistance. Twenty thousand Burgundians were slain in battle ; and the remains of the nation humbly accepted a dependent seat in the mountains of Savoy.ii The walls of Narbonne had been shaken by the Discursu, flammis, ferro, feritate, rapinis. Delebant, pads fallentes nomen inane. Another poet, Paulinus of Perigord, confirms the complaint : Nam socium vix ferre queas. qui durior hoste. See Dubos, torn. i. p. 330. i" Theodoric II. , the son of Theodoric I. , declares to Avitus his resolution of repairing or expiating the fault which his grandfather had committed. ' Quae nosier peccavit avus, quem fuscat id unu.n, Quod te, Roma, capit. Sidon. Panegyric. Avit. 505. This character, applicable only to the great Alaric, establishes the genealogy of the Gothic kings, which has hitherto been unnoticed. [The reference to Alaric is clear ; cp. Luetjohann in his ed. of Sidonius, p. 418. But avus is used loosely. If Theodoric I. were Alaric's son, the fact must have been otherwise known.] ^ The name of Sapaudiae, the origin of Savoy, is first mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus [xv. ii, 17]; and two military posts are ascertained, by the Notitia, OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 451 battering engines, and the inhabitants had endured the last extremities of famine, when count Litorius, approaching in silence, and directing each horseman to carry behind him two sacks of flour, cut his way through the entrenchments of the besiegers. The siege was immediately raised ; and the more decisive victory, which is ascribed to the personal conduct of Aetius himself, was marked with the blood of eight thousand Goths. I But in the absence of the patrician, who was hastily summoned to Italy by some, public or private interest, count Litorius succeeded to the; command ; and his presumption soon discovered that far different talents are required to lead a wing of cavalry, or to direct the operations of an important war. At the head of an army of Huns, he rashly advanced to the gates of Toulouse, full of careless contempt for an enemy whom his tioiosa] misfortunes had rendered prudent and his situation made desperate. The predictions of the augurs had inspired Litorius with the profane confidence that he should enter the Gothic capital in triumph ; and the trust which he reposed in his Pagan allies encouraged him to reject the fair conditions of peace, which were repeatedly proposed by the bishops in the name of Theodoric. The king of the Goths exhibited in his distress the edifying contrast of Christian piety and moderation ; nor did he lay aside his sackcloth and ashes till he was prepared to arm for thje combat. " His, soldiers, animated with martial and religious enthusiasm, assaulted the camp of Litorius. The conflict was obstinate ; the slaughter was mutual. The Roman general, after a total defeat, which could be imputed only to his unskil- ful rashness, was actually led through the streets of Toulouse, not in his own, but in a hostile triumph ; and the misery which he experienced, in a long and ignominious captivity, excited the compassion of the Barbarians themselves.^^ Such a loss, in a country whose spirit and finances were long since exhausted, could not easily be repaired ; and the Goths, assuming, in their turn, the sentiments of ambition and revenge, would have planted their victorious standards on the banks of the Rhone, if the presence of Aetius had not restored strength and disci- within the limits of that province : a cohort was stationed at Grenoble [Gratiano- polis] in Dauphin^ ; and Ebredunum, or Iverdun, sheltered a fleet of small vessels, which commanded the lake of Neufchatel. See Valesius, Notit. Galliarum, p. 503. D'AnviUe, Notice de I'Ancienne Gaule, p. 284, 579. 12 Salvian has attempted to explain the moral government of the Deity ; a task which may be readily performed by supposing that the calamities of the wicked axe judgments, and those of the righteous, trials. 452 THE DECLINE AND FALL pline to the Romans.'^ The two armies expected the signal of a decisive action ; but the generals, who were conscious of each other's force, and doubtful of their own superiority, prudently sheathed their swords in the field of battle ; and their recon- ciliation was permanent and sincere. Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, appears to have deserved the love of his subjects, the confidence of his allies, and the esteem of mankind. His throne was surrounded by six valiant sons, who were educated with equal care in the exercises of the Barbarian camp and in those of the Ga:llic schools ; from the study of the Roman juris- prudence, they acquired the theory, at least, of law and justice ; and the harmonious sense of Virgil contributed to soften the asperity of their native manners.^* The two daughters of the Gothic king were given in marriage to the eldest sons of the kings of the Suevi and of the Vandals, who reigned in Spain and Afiica ; but these illustrious alliances were pregnant with guilt and discord. The queen of the Suevi bewailed the death of an husband, inhumanly massacred by her brother. The princess of the Vandals was the victim of a jealous tyrant, whom she called her father. The cruel Genserie suspected that his son's wife had conspired to poison him ; the sup- posed crime was puhished by the amputation of her nose and ears ; and the unhappy daughter of Theodoric was ignominiously returned to the court of Toulouse in that de- formed and mutilated condition. This horrid act, which must seem incredible to a civilized age, drew tears from every specta- tor ; but Theodoric was urged, by the feelings of a parent and a king, to revenge such irreparable injuries. The Imperial ministers, who always cherished the discord of the Barbarians, would have supplied the Goths with arms and ships and '^ Capto terrarum damna patebant Litorio ; in Rhodanum proprios producere tines, Theudoridas iixum ; nee erat pugnare necesse, Sed migrare Getis. Rabidam trux asperat iram Victor ; quod sensit Scythicum sub moenibus hostem, Imputat ; et nihil est gravius, si forsitan unquam Vincere contingat, trepido . Panegyr. Avit. 300, &c. Sidonius then proceeds, according to the duty of a panegyrist, to transfer the whole merit from Aetius to his minister Avitus. '* Theodoric II. revered, in the person of Avitus, the character of his preceptor. Mihi Romula dudum Per te jura placent, parvumque ediscere jussit Ad tua verba pater, docili quo prisca Maronis Carmine molhret Scythicos mihi pagina mores. Sidon. Panegyr. Avit. 495, &c. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 453 treasures for the African war; and the cruelty of Genseric might have been fatal to himself, if the artful Vandal had not armed, in his cause, the formidable power of the Huns. His rich gifts and pressing solicitations inflamed the ambition of Attila ; and the designs of Aetius and Theodoric were prevented by the invasion of Gaul.i^ The Franks, whose monarchy was still confined to the neigh- im ftmiu in bourhood of the Lower Rhine, had wisely established the right a^itoo^n. of hereditary succession in the noble family of the Merovingians.i" £" loSi These princes were elevated on a buckler, the symbol of military command ; ^'' and the royal fashion of long hair was the ensign of their birth and dignity. Their flaxen locks, which they combed and dressed with singular care, hung down in flowing ringlets on their back and shoulders ; while the rest of the nation were obliged, either by law or custom, to shave the hinder part of their head, to comb their hair over the forehead, and to content themselves with the ornament of two small whiskers.18 The lofty stature of the Franks, and their blue eyes, denoted a Germanic origin ; their close apparel accurately expressed the figure of their limbs ; a weighty sword was sus- pended from a broad belt ; their bodies were protected by a large shield ; and these warlike Barbarians were trained, from their earliest youth, to run, to leap, to swim ; to dart the javelin or 15 Our authorities for the reign of Theodoric I. are : Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, <=■ 34i 361 and the Chronicles of Idatius, and the two Prospers, inserted in the Historians of France, torn. i. p. 612-640. To these we may add Salvian de Gubernatione Dei, 1. vii. p. 243, 244, 245, and the Panegyric of Avitus, by Sidonius. 1^ Reges Crinitos [super] se creavisse de prima, et ut ita dicam nobiliori suorum familia. (Greg. Turon. 1. ii. c. 9, p. 166 of the second volume of the Historians of France). Gregory himself does not mention the Merovingian name, which may be traced, however, to the beginning of the seventh century as the distinctive appellation of the royal family, and even of the French monarchy. An ingenious critic has deduced the Merovingians from the great Maroboduus ; and he has clearly proved that the prince who gave his name to the first race was more ancient than the father of Childeric. See the M^moires de I'Acad^mie des Inscrip- tions, tom. XX. p. 52-90, tom. xxx. p. 557-587. 1^ This German custom, which may be traced from Tacitus to Gregory of Tours, was at length adopted by the emperors of Constantinople. From a Ms, of the tenth century Montfaucon has delineated the representation of a similar ceremony, which the ignorance of the age had applied to king David. See Monuments de la Monarchic Frangoise, tom. i. Discourse Pr^liminaire, ^ Caesaries prolixa . . . crinium fiagellis per terga dimissis, &c. See the Preface to the third volume of the Historians of France, and the Abb^ Le Boeuf (Dissertat. tom. iii. p. 47-79). This peculiar fashion of the Merovingians has been remarked by natives and strangers ; by Priscus (torn. i. p. 608), by Agathias (tom. ii. p. 49 [i. c. 3]) and by Gregory of Tours, 1. iii. 18, vi. 24, viii. 10, tom. ii. p. 196, 278, 316. [For the short hair of the other Franks cp. Claudian's detonsa Sigambria (in Eutr. i. 383) and Sidon. ApoU. Epist. 8, 9.] 454 THE DECLINE AND FALL battle-axe with unerring aim ; to advance, without hesitation, against a superior enemy ; and to maintain, either in life or death, the invincible reputation of their ancestors. i^ Clodion, the first of the long-haired kings whose name and actions are men- tioned in authentic history, held his residence at Dispargum,^'' a village or fortress whose place may be assigned between Louvain and Brussels. From the report of his spies the king of the Fratiks was informed that the defenceless state of the second Belgic must yield, on the slightest attack, to the valour of his subjects. He boldly penetrated through the thickets and morasses of the Carbonarian forest ; ^i occupied Tournay and Cambray, the only cities which existed in the fifth century ; and extended his con- quests as far as the river Somme, over a desolate country, whose cultivation and populousness are the effects of more recent in- dustry. 22 While Clodion lay encamped in the plains of Artoisj^' and celebrated with vain and ostentatious security the marriage," perhaps, of his son, the nuptial feast was interrupted by the unexpected and unwelcome presence of Aetius, who had passed the Somme at the head of his light cavalry. The tables, which had been spread under the shelter of a hill, along the banks of a pleasant stream, were rudely overturned ; the Franks were oppressed before they could recover their arms, or their ranks ; and their unavailing valour was fatal only to themselves. The loaded waggons which had followed their march afforded a rich booty ; and the virgin bride, with her female attendants, sub- mitted to the new lovers who were imposed on them by the 19 See an original picture of the figure, dress, arms, and temper of the ancient Franks in Sidonius ApoUinaris (Panegyr. Majorian. 238-254) ; and such pictures, though coarsely drawn, have a real and intrinsic value. Father Daniel (Hist, de la Milice FranQoise, torn. i. p. 2-7) has illustrated the description. ^ODubosi Hist. Critique, &c. torn. i. p. 271, 272. Some geographei-s have placed Dispargum on the German side of the Rhine. See a note of the Benedic- tine Editors to the Historians of France, torn. ii. p. 166. [Greg. ii. 9 (p. 77, ed. M. G. H.). The site of Dispargum is uncertain. Cp. Longnon, Gtogf. de la Gaule, p. 619. Some identify it with Duisburg.] =iThe Carbonarian wood was that part of the great forest of the Ardennes, which lay between the Escaut, or Scheld, and the Meuse. Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 126. [Cp. Longnon, op. cit. p. 154.] '''■ Gregor. Turon. 1. ii. c. 9, in tom. ii. p. 166, 167: Fredegar. Epitom. c. 9, p. 395. Gesta Reg. Francor. c, 5, in tom. ii. p. 544. Vit. St. Remig. ab Hincmar, in tom. iii. p. 373. 2^ Francus qua Cloio patentes Atrebatum terras pervaserat. Panegyr. Majorian. 212. The precise spot was a town or village called Vicus Helena \ib. 215] ; and both the name and the place are discovered by modern geographers at Lens. [Longnon suggests Hdlenne. Sirmond sought the place at Vieil-Hesdin.] See Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 246. Longuerue, Description de la France, tom. ii. p. 88. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 455 chance of ^rar. This advantage, which had been obtained by the skill and activity of Aetius, might reflect some disgrace on the military prudence bf Clodion ; but the king of the Franks soon regained his strength and reputation, and still maintained the possession of his Gallic kingdom from the Rhine to the Somme.2* Under his reign, and most probably from the enter- prising spirit of his subjects, the three capitals, Mentz, Treves, and Cologne, experienced the effects of hostile cruelty and avarice. The distress of Cologne was prolonged by the perpet- ual dominion of the same Barbarians, who evacuated the ruins of Treves ; and Treves, which, in the space of forty years, had been four times besieged and pillaged, was disposed to lose the memory of her afflictions in the vain amusements of the circus. ^^ The death of Clodion, after a reign of twenty years, exposed his kingdom to the discord and ambition of his two sons. Meroveus, the younger, ^^ was persuaded to implore the protection of Rome ; he was received at the Imperial court as the ally of Valentinian and the adopted son of the patrician Aetius ; and dismissed to his native country with splendid gifts and the strongest assurances of friendship and support. During his ab- sence, his elder brother had solicited, with equal ardour, the for- midable aid of Attila : and the king of the Huns embraced an alliance which facilitated the passage of the Rhine and justified, by a specious and honourable pretence, the invasion of Gaul.^'^ When Attila declared his resolution of supporting the cause The adyen. of his allies, the Vandals and the Franks, at the same time, and E*"??" almost in the spirit of romantic chivalry, the savage monarch ^ See a vague account of the action in Sidonius, Panegyr. Majorian. 212-230. The French critics, impatient to establish their monarchy in Gaul, have drawn a strong argument from the silence of Sidonius, who dares not insinuate that the vanquished Franks were compelled to repass the Rhine. Dubos, tom. i. p. 322. 25Salvian(de Gubernat. Dei, 1. vi.) has expressed, in vague and declamatory language, the misfortunes of these three cities, which are distinctly ascertained by the learned' Mascou, Hist, of the Ancient Germans, ix.' 21. ^'Priscus, in relating the contest, does not name the two brothers ; the second of whom he had seen at Rome, a beardless youth, with long flowing hair (Histo- rians of France, tom. i. p. ' 607, 608). The Benedictine Editors are inclined to believe that they were the sons of some unknown king of the Franks who reigned on the, banks of the Necker; but the arguments of M. de Fonce- magne (M^m. de 1' Academic,' torn. viii. , p. 464) seem to prove that the succession of Clodion was disputed byiis two sons, and that the younger was Meroveus, the father of Childeric. [Of Meroveeh, Gregory says merely that, according to some, he was of the race of Chlojo (de hujiis stirpe).] ^ Under the Merovingian race the throne was hereditary ; but all the sons of the deceased monarch were equally entitled to their share of his treasures and territories. See the Dissertations of M. de Foncemagne in the sixth and eighth volumes of the M^moires de I'Acad^mie. [Cp. Waitz, Deutsche Verfassungs- geschichte, ii., i. , 139 sjf.'] 456 THE DECLINE AND FALL professed himself the lover and the champion of the princess ra«niA.D. Honoria. The sister of Valentinian was educated in the palace ^ of Ravenna ; and, as her marriage might be productive of some danger to the state, she was raised, by the title of Augusta,^ above the hopes of the most presumptuous subject. But the fair Honoria had no sooner attained the sixteenth year of her age than she detested the importunate gi-eatness which must for ever exclude her from the comforts of honourable love ; in the, [A.D. 434] midst of vain and unsatisfactory pomp, Honoria sighed, yielded to the impulse of nature, and threw herself into the arms of her chamberlain Eugenius. Her guilt and shame (such is the absurd language of imperious man) were soon betrayed by the ap- pearances of pregnancy ; but the disgrace of the royal farnily was published to the world by the imprudence of the empress Placidia ; who dismissed her daughter, after a strict and shame- ful confinement, to a remote exile at Constantinople. The unhappy princess passed twelve or foiu^teen years in the irk- , some society of the sisters of Theodosius, and their chosen virgins ; to whose crown Honoria could no longer aspire, and , whose monastic assiduity of prayer, fasting, and vigils, she reluctantly imitated. Her impatience of long and hopeless celibacy urged her to embrace a strange and desperate resolu- tion. The name of Attila was familiar and formidable at Constantinople ; and his frequent embassies entertained a per- ; petual intercourse between his camp and the Imperial palace. In the pursuit of love, or rather of revenge, the daughter of Placidia sacrificed every duty and every prejudice ; and offered to deliver her person into the arms of a Barbarian, of whose language she was ignorant, whose figure was scarcely human, and whose religion and manners she abhorred. By the ministry of a faithful eunuch, she transmitted to Attila a ring, the pledge of her aflFection ; and earnestly conjured him to claim her as a lawful spouse, to whom he had been secretly betrothed. These indecent advances were received, however, with coldness and disdain ; and the king of the Huns continued to multiply the number of his wives, till his love was awakened by the more forcible passions of ambition and avarice. The invasion IA.D. 450] of Gaul was preceded, and justified, by a formal demand of the princess Honoria, with a just and equal share of the Imperial 2" A medal is still extant, which exhibits the pleasing countenance of Honoria, with the title of Augusta ; and on the reverse the improper legend of Salus Reipublica round the monogram of Christ. See Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. p. 67. 73- [Obverse: D.N. IvsT. Geat. Honoria P.F. Avg. ; see Eckhel, Doctr. Num. 8, 189.] OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 457 patrimony. His predecessorsj the ancient Tanjous, had Oiten addressed, in the same hostile and peremptory manner, the daughters of China ; and the pretensions of Attila were not less offensive to the majesty of Rome. A firm, but temperate, refusal was communicated to his ambassadors. The right of female succession, though it might derive a specious argument from the recent examples of Placidia and Pulcheria, was strenuously denied ; and the indissoluble engagements of Honoria were opposed to the claims of her Scythian lover. 29 On the discovery of her connexion with the king of the Huns, the guilty princess had been sent away, as an object of horror, from Constantinople to Italy ; her life was spared ; but the ceremony of her marriage was performed with some obscure and nominal husband, before she was immured in a perpetual prison, to bewail those crimes and misfortunes which Honoria might have escaped, had she not been bom the daughter of an emperor.^" A native of Gaul and a contemporary, the learned and Attua in. eloquent Sidonius, who was afterwards bishop of Clermont, had mui besieges made a promise to one of his fi-iends that he would compose a a.d. ui regular history of the war of Attila. If the modesty of Sidonius had not discouraged him from the prosecution of this interesting work,^i the historian would have related, with the simplicity of truth, those memorable events to which the poet, in vague and doubtful metaphors, has concisely alluded. ^^ The kings 28 See Priscus, p. 39, 40 [fr. 15, 16J). It might be fairly alleged that, if females could succeed to the throne, Valentinian himself, who had married the daughter and heiress of the younger Theodosius, would have asserted her right to the eastern empire. 30 The a4ventures of Honoria are imperfectly related by Jornandes, de Successione Regn. c. 97, and de Reb. Get. c. 42, p. 674, and in the Chronicles of Prosper and Marcellinus ; but they cannot be made consistent, or probable, unless we separate, by an interval of time and place, her intrigue with Eugenius and her invitation of Attila. 3J Exegeras mihi, ut promitterem tibi Attilse beUum stylo me posteris intimaturum . . . coeperam scribere, sed operis arrepti fasce perspecto tseduit inchoasse. Sidon. ApoU. 1. viii. epist. 15, p. 246. 32 Subito cum rupta tumultu Barbaries totas in te transfuderat arctos, Gallia. Pugnacem Rugum comitante Gelono Gepida trux sequitur ; Scyrum Burgundio cogit : Chunus, Bellonotus, Neurus, Bastarna, Toringus, Bructerus, ulvos9. vel quem Nicer alluit unda Prorumpit Francus. Cecidit cito secta bipenni Hercynia in lintres, et Rhenum texuit alno. Et jam terrificis diffuderat Attila turmis In campos se, Belga, tuos. Panegyr. Avit. 319, &c. [The Bellonoti are unknown. Cp. Valer. Flaccus, vi. 160 : Balloniii.'] . 458 THE DECLINE AND FALL [Rlpuarion Frajilu] [TrlcaaBflii] [Tungrl] [Parlill] [Mettli] and nations of Germans and Scythia, from the Volga perhaps to the Danube, obeyed the warlike summons of Attila. From the royal village, in the plains of Hungary, his standard moved towards the West ; and, after a march of seven or eight hundred miles, he reached the conflux of the Rhine and the Necker ; where he was joined by the Franks, who adhered to his ally, the elder of the sons of Clodion. A troop of light Barbarians, who roamed in quest of plunder, might choose the winter for the convenience of passing the river on the ice ; but the innumer- able cavalry of the Huns required such plenty of forage and pro- visions, as could be procured only in a milder season ; the Hercynian forest supplied materials for a bridge of boats ; and the hostile myriads were poured, with resistless violence, into the Belgic provinces.^' The consternation of Gaul was uni- versal ; and the various fortunes of its cities have been adorned by tradition with martyrdom and miracles.^* Troyes was saved by the merits of St. Lupus ; St. Servatius was removed from the world, that he might not behold the ruin of Tongres ; and the prayers of St. Genevieve diverted the march of Attila from the neighbourhood of Paris. But, as the greatest part of the Gallic cities were alike destitute of saints and soldiers, they were besieged and stormed by the Huns ; who practised, in the example of Metz,^* their customary maxims of war. They in- 33 The most authentic and circumstantial account of this war is contained in Jornandes (de Reb. Geticis, c. 36-41, p. 662-672), who has sometimes abridged, and sometimes transcribed, the larger history of Cassiodorius. Jornandes, a quotation which it would be superfluous to repeat, may be corrected and illus- trated by Gregory of Tours, 1. 2, c. 5, 6, 7, and the Chronicles of Idatius, Isidore, and the two Prospers. All the ancient testimonies are collected and inserted in the Historians of France ; but the reader should be cautioned against a supposed extract from the ChroniclS of Idatius (among the fragments of Fredegarius, torn, ii. p. 462), which often contradicts the genuine text of the Gallician bishop. ^ The ancient legendaries deserve some regard, as they are obliged to connect their fables with the real history of their own times. See the lives of St. Lupus, St. Anianus, the bishops of Metz, St. Genevieve, &c. , in the Historians of France, torn. i. p. 644, 64s, 649, torn. iii. p. 369. [Mr. Hodgkin places the visit of the Huns to Troyes on their retreat eastward after the relief of Orleans {ii. 122). It is impossible to base any certainty on the vague narrative of our authority (Life of St. Lupus), but he thinks that the words ; " Rheni etiam fluenta visurum " look " as if Attila's face was now set Rhinewards ". 35 The scepticism of the Count de Buat (Hist, des Peuples, torn. vii. p. 539, 540) cannot be reconciled with any principles of reason or criticism. , Is not Gregory of Tours precise and positive in his account of the destruction of Metz ? At the distance of no more than 100 years, could he be ignorant, could the people be ignorant, of the fate of a city, the actual residence of his sovereigns, the kings of Austrasia? The learned Count, who seems to have undertaken the apology of Attila and the Barbarians, appeals to the false Idatius, parcens civitatibus Germaniae et Galliae, and forgets that the true Idatius bad explicitly affirmed. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 459 volved, in a promiscuous massacre, ttie priests who served at the altar, and the infants, who, in the hour of danger, had been providently baptized by the bishop; the flourishing city was delivered to the flames, and a solitary chapel of St. Stephen marked the place where it formerly stood. From the Rhine and the Moselle, Attila advanced into the heart of Gaul ; crossed the - Seine at Auxerre ; and, after a long and laborious march, fixed his camp under the walls of Orleans. He was desirous oftAtireiiMi] securing his conquests by the possession of an advantageous post, which commanded the passage of the Loire ; and he de- pended on the secret invitation of Sangiban, king of the Alahi, who had promised tb betray the city, and to revolt from the service of thei empire. But this trea:cherous conspiracy was de- tected and disappointed ; Orleans had been strengthened with recent fortifications; and the assaults of the Huns were vigor- ously repelled by the faithful valour of the soldiers, or citizens, who defended the place. The pastoral diligence of Anianus, a bishop of primitive sanctity and consummate prudence, exhausted every art of religious policy to support their courage, till the arrival of the expected succours. ^^ After' an obstinate siege, the walls were shaken by the ba:ttering rams ; the Huns had already occupied the suburbs ; and the people, who were incapable of bearing arms, lay prostrate in prayer. Anianus, who anxiously coulited the days and hours, dispatched a trusty messenger to observe, from the rampart, the face of the distant country. He returned twice without any intelligence that could inspire hope or comfort ; but, in his third report, he mentioned a small cloud, which he had faintly descried at' the extremity of the horizon. " It is the aid of God ! " exclaimed the bishop, in a tone of pious confidence ; and the whole multitude repeated after him, " It is the aid of God ". The remote object, on which every eye was fixed, became each moment larger and more distinct ; thb Roman and Gothic banners were gradually perceived ; and a favourable wind, blowing aside the dust, discovered, in deep array, the impatient squadrons of Aetius and Theodbric, who pressed forwards to the relief of Orleans. The facility with which Attila had peiietrated into the heart AuiancB or of Gaul may be ascribed to his insidious policy as well as to Ind ^g^m the terror of his arms. His public declarations were skilfully plurimse civitates effract after the honourable exercise of the praetorian Praefecture, had retired to his estate in Auvergne, was persuaded to accept the impoi-tant embassy, which he executed with ability and success. He re- presented to Theodoric that an ambitious conqueror, who aspired to the dominion of the earth, could be resisted only by the firm and unanimous alliance of the powers whom he laboured to oppress. The lively eloquence of Avitus inflamed the Gothic warriors, by the description of the injuries which their ancestors had suffered from the Huns ; whose implacable, fury still pur- sued them from the Danube to the foot of the Pp-enees. He strenuously urged that it was the duty of every Christian to save from sacrilegious violation the churches of God and the relics of the saints ; that it was the interest of every Barbarian who had acquired a settlement in Gaul to defend the fields and vineyards, which were cultivated for his use, against the desola- tion of the Scythian shepherds. Theodoric yielded to the evi- dence of truth ; adopted the measure at once the most prudent and the most honourable ; and declared, that, as the faithful ally of Aetius and the Romans, he was ready to expose his life and kingdom for the common safety of Gaul.*^ The Visigoths, ^' — — Vix liquerat Alpes Aetius, tenue et rarum sine milite ducens Robur in auxiliis, Geticum male credulus agmen Incassum propriis praesumens adfore castris. Panegyr. Avit. 328, &c. M The policy of Attila, of Aetius, and of the Visigoths, is imperfectly described in the Panegyric of Avitus and the thirty-sixth chapter of Jornandes. The poet OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 461 who at that time were in the mature vigour of their fame and power, obeyed with alacrity the signal of war, prepared their arms and horses, and assembled under the standard of their aged king, who was resolved, with his two eldest sons, Torismond and Theodorie, to command in person his numerous and valiant people. The example of the Goths determined several tribes or nations that se6med to fluctuate between the Huns and the Romans, The indefatigable diligence of the patrician gradually collected the troops of Gaul and Germany, who had formerly acknowledged themselves the subjects or soldiers of the repub- lic, but who now claimed the rewards of voluntary service and the rank of independent allies ; the Laeti, the Armoricans, the Breones, the Saxons, the Burgundians, the Sarmatians or Alani, the Ripuarians, and the Franks who followed Meroveus as their lawful prince. Such was the various army, which, under the conduct of Aetius and Theodorie, advanced, by rapid marches, to relieve Orleans, and to give battle to the innumerable host of Attila.8S> On their approach the king of the Huns immediately raised 4*^ JJ^JJ* the siege, and sounded a retreat to recal the foremost of his »J^j™y«8"« troop^ from the pillage of a city which they had already en- tered.*" The valour of Attila was always guided by his pru- dence ; and, as he foresaw the fatal consequences of a defeat in the heart of Gaul, he repassed the Seine and expected the enemy in the plains of Chalons, whose smooth and level surface was adapted to the operations of his Scythian cavalry. But in this tumultuary retreat the vanguard of the Romans and their and the historian were both biassed by personal or national prejudices. The former exalts the merit and importance of Avitus ; orbis, Avite, salus, &c. ! The latter is anxious to show the Goths in the most favourable light. Yet their agreement, when they are fairly interpreted, is a proof of their veracity, S9 The review of the army of Aetius is made by Jornandes, c. 36, p. 664, edit. Grot. tom. ii. p. 23, of the Historians of France, with the notes of the Benedictine Editor. The Lceti were a promiscuous race of Barbarians, born or naturalized in Gaul; and the Riparii, or Ripuarii, derived their name from their posts on the thrfee rivers, the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Moselle; the Armoncans possessed the independent cities between the Seine and the Loire. A colony of Saxons had been planted in the diocese of Bayeux ; the Burgundians were settled in Savoy ; and the Breones viere a warlike tribe of Rhsetians, to the east of the lake of Con- stance. [The list in Jordanes is: " Franci, Sarmataa, Armoriciani Liticiani, Bur- gundiones, Saxones, Ripari, Olibriones, aliseque nonnulli Celticse vel Ger- manic nationes". ThejfSarmatse are probably the Alans who were sett ed round Valence ; the Liticiani may be the Lseti ; the Ripari the Ripuarian Franks. The Olibriones are quite uncertain.] «iAurelianensis urbis obsidio, oppugnatio, irruptio, nee direptio, 1. v. Sidon. ApoUin. 1. viii. epist. 15, p. 246."!* The preservation of Orleans might be easily turned into a miracle, obtained and foretold by the holy bishop. 462 THE DECLINE AND FALL allies continually pressed, and sometimes engaged the troops whom AttUa had posted in the rear ; the hostile columns, in the darkness of the night, and the perplexity of the roads, might encounter each other without design ; and the bloody conflict of the Franks and Gepidae, in wfiich fifteen thousand " Barbarians were slain, was a prelude to a more general and deci- sive action. The Catalaunian fields ** spread themselves! round Chalons, and extend, according to the vague measurement of Jornandes, to the length of one hundred and fifty, and the breadth of one hundred, miles, over the whole province, which is intitled to the appellation of a cfiampaign country.*' This spacious plain was distinguished, however, by some inequalities of ground ; and the importance of an height, which commanded the camp of Attila, was understood, and disputed, by the two generals. The young and valiant Torismond first occupied the summit ; the Goths rushed with irresistible weight on the Huns, who laboured to ascend from the opposite side ; and the posses- sion of this advantageous post inspired both the troops and their leaders with a fair assurance of victory. The anxiety of Attila prompted him to consult his priests and haruspices. It was reported that, after scrutinizing the entrails of victims and scraping their bones, they revealed, in mysterious language, his own defeat, with the death of his principal adversary ; and that the Barbarian, by accepting the equivalent, expressed his in- voluntary esteem for the superior merit of Aetius. But the un- usual despondency, which seemed to prevail among thje Huns, engaged Attila to use the expedient, so familiar to the generals of antiquity, of animating his troops by a military oration ; and his language was that of a king who had often fought and conquered at their head.** He pressed them to consider their ■11 The common editions read XCM.; but there is some authority of manuscripts (and almost any authority is sufficient) for the more reasonable number of XVM. ■i*^ Chalons or Duro-Catalaunum, afterwards Catalauni, had formerly made a part of the territory of Rheims, from whence it is distant only twenty-seven miles. See Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 136. D'Anville, Notice de I'Aneienne Gaule, p. 21?, 279. [See Appendix 28.] ^ The name of Campania, or Champagne, is frequently mentioned by Gregory of Tours ; and that great province, of which Rheims was the capital, obeyed the command of a duke. Vales. Notit. p. 120-123. ** I am sensible that these military orations are usually composed by the histo- rian ; yet the old Ostrogoths, who had served under Attila, might repeat his dis- course to Cassiodorius : the ideas, and even the expressions, have an Original Scythian cast ; and I doubt whether an Italian of the sixth century would have thought of the hujus certaminis^aarfw. OF THE KOMAN EMPIRE 463 past glory, their actual danger, and their future hopes. The same fortune which opened the deserts and morasses of Scythia to their unarmed valour, which had laid so many warlike nations prostrate at their feet, had reserved ^h^joys of this memorable field for the consummation of their victories. The cautious steps of their enemies, their strict alliance, and their advantageous posts, he artfully represented as the effects, not of prudence, but of fear. The Visigoths alone were the strength and nerves of the opposite army ; and the Huns might securely trample on the degenerate Romans, whose close and compact order betrayed their apprehensions, and who were equally incapable of sup- porting the dangers or the fatigues of a day of battle. The doctrine of predestination, so favourable to martial virtue, was carefully inculcated by the king of the Huns, who assured his subjects that the warriors, protected by Heaven, were safe and invulnerable amidst the darts of the enemy ; but that the unerr- ing Fates would strike their victims in the bosom of inglorious peace. "I myself," continued Attila, "will throw the first javelin, and the wretch who refuses to imitate the example of his sovereign is devoted to inevitable death.'' The spirit of the Barbarians was rekindled by the presence, the voice, and the example, of their intrepid leader ; and Attila, yielding to their impatience, immediately formed his order of battle. At the head of his brave and faithful Huns he occupied in person the centre of the line. The nations subject to his empire, the Rugians, the Heruli, the Thuringians, the Franks, the Burgun- idians, were extended, on either hand, over the ample space of the Catalaunian fields ; the right wing was commanded by Ardaric, king of the Gepidae ; and the three valiant brothers who reigned over the Ostrogoths were posted on the left to oppose the kindred tribes of the Visigoths. The disposition of the allies was regulated by a diiFerent principle. Sangiban, the faithless king of the Alani, was placed in the centre ; where his motions might be strictly watched, and his treachery might be instantly punished. Aetius assumed the command of the left, and Theodoric of the right wing ; while Torismond still con- tinued to occupy the heights which appear to have stretched on the flank, and perhaps the rear, of the Scythian army. The nations from the Volga to the Atlantic were assembled on the plain of Chalons ; but many of these nations had been divided by &ction, or conquest, or emigration ; and the appearance of similar arms and ensigns, which threatened each other, pre- sented the image of a civil war. 464 THE DECLINE AND FALL B«tti«of The discipline and tactics of the Greeks and Romans form an [Bnminer interesting part of their national manners. The attentive study Isi/ ■ of the military operations of Xenophon, or Caesar, or Frederic, when they are described by the same genius which conceived and executed them, may tend to improve (if such improvement can be wished) the art of destroying the human species. But the battle of Chalons can only excite our curiosity by the mag- nitude of the object ; since it was decided by the blind impetu- osity of Barbarians, and has been related by partial writers, whose civil or ecclesiastical profession secluded them from the know- ledge of military affairs. Cassiodorius, however, had familiarly con- versed with many Gothic warriors, who served in that memor- able engagement; "a. conflict," as they informed him, "fierce, various, obstinate and bloody ; such as could not be paralleled either in the present or in past ages". The number of the slain amounted to one hundred and sixty- two thousand, or, according to another account, three hundred thousand persons ; *^ and these incredible exaggerations suppose a real and eflFective loss, sufficient to justify the historian's remark that whole generations may be swept away, by the madness of kings, in the space of a single hour. After the mutual and repeated discharge of missile weapons, in which the archers of Scythia might signalize their superior dexterity, the cavalry and infantry of the two armies were furiously mingled in closer combat. The Huns, who fought under the eyes of their king, pierced through the feeble and doubtful centre of the allies, separated their wings from each other, and wheeling, with a rapid effort, to the left, directed their whole force against the Visigoths. As Theodoric rode along the ranks to animate his troops, he received a mortal stroke from the javelin of Andages, a noble Ostrogoth, and immediately fell from his horse. The wounded king was oppressed in the general disorder, and trampled under the feet of his own cavalry ; and this important death served to explain the ambiguous prophecy of the haruspices. Attila already ex- ulted in the confidence of victory, when the valiant Torismond descended from the hills, and verified the remainder of the * The expressions of Jornandes, or rather of Cassiodorius [Mommsen, Pref. toed, of Jordanes, p. xxxvi. , regards Priscus as the source], are extremely strong. Bellum atrox, multiplex, immane, pertinax, cui simili nulla usquam narrat antiquitas : ubi talia gesta referuntur, ut nihil esset quod in vit4 su4 conspicere potuisset egregiusi qui hujus miraculi privaretur aspectu. Dubos (Hist. Critique, torn. i. p. 392, 393) attempts to reconcile the 162,000 of Jornandes with the 300,000 of Idatius and Isidore, by supposing that the larger number included the total destruction of the war, the effects of disease, the slaughter of the unarmed people, &c. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 465 prediction. The Visigoths, who had been thrown into con- fusion by the flight, or defection, of the Alani, gradually restored their order of battle ; and the Huns were undoubtedly van- quished, since Attila was compelled to retreat. He had ex- posed his person with the rashness of a private soldier ; but the intrepid troops of the centre had pushed forwards beyond the rest of the line ; their attack was faintly supported ; their flanks were unguarded ; and the conquerors of Scythia and Germany were saved by the approach of the night from a total defeat. They retired within the circle of waggons that fortified their camp ; and the dismounted squadrons prepared themselves for a defence, to which neither their arms nor their temper were adapted. The event was doubtful ; but Attila had secured a last and honourable resource. The saddles and rich furniture of the cavalry were collected by his order into a funeral pile ; and the magnanimous Barbarian had resolved, if his intrenchments should be forced, to rush headlong into the flames, and to deprive his enemies of the glory which they might have acquired by the death or captivity of Attila. *« But his enemies had passed the night in equal disorder and Retreat of anxiety. The inconsiderate courage of Torismond was tempted *""' to urge the pursuit, till he unexpectedly found himself, with a few followers, in the midst of the Scythian waggons. In the confusion of a nocturnal combat, he was thrown from his horse ; and the Gothic prince must have perished like his father, if his youthful strength, and the intrepid zeal of his companions, had not rescued him from this dangerous situation. In the same manner, but on the left of the line, Aetius himself, separated from his allies, ignorant of their victory, and anxious for their fete, encountered and escaped the hostile troops that were scattered over the plains of Chdlons ; and at length reached the camp of the Goths, which he could only fortify with a slight rampart of shields, till the dawn of day. The Imperial general was soon satisfied of the defeat of Attila, who still remained inactive within his intrenchments ; and, when he contemplated the bloody scene, he observed, with secret satisfaction, that the loss had principally fallen on the Barbarians. The body of Theodoric, pierced with honourable wounds, was discovered under a heap of the slain : his subjects bewailed the death of *The Count de Buat (Hist, des Peuples, &c. torn. vii. p. 554-573), still depending on the/a/je, and again rejecting the true, Idatius, has divided the defeat of Attila into two great battles : the former near Orleans, the latter in Champagne : in the one, Theodoric was slain ; in the other, he was revenged. VOL. III. 30 466 THE DECLINE AND FALL their king and father ; but their tears were mingled with songs and acclamations, and his funeral rites were performed in the face of a vanquished enemy. The Goths, clashing their arms, elevated on a buckler his eldest son Torismond, to whom they justly ascribed the glory of their success ; and the new king accepted the obligation of revenge as a sacred portion of his paternal inheritance. Yet the Goths themselves were astonished by the fierce and undaunted aspect of their formidable antagonist ; and their historian has compared Attila to a lion encompassed in his den, and threatening his hunters with redoubled fury. The kings and nations, who might have deserted his standard in the hour of distress, were made sensible that the displeasure of their monarch was the most imminent and inevitable danger. All his instruments of martial music incessantly sounded a loud and animating strain of defiance ; and the foremost troops who advanced to the assault were checked, or destroyed, by showers of arrows from every side of the intrenchments. It was determined in a general council of war, to besiege the king of the Huns in his camp, to intercept his provisions, and to reduce him to the alternative of a disgraceful treaty or an unequal combat. But the impatience of the Barbarians soon disdained these cautious and dilatory measures ; and the mature policy of Aetius was apprehensive that, after the extirpation of the Huns, the republic would be oppressed by the pride and power of the Gothic nation. The patrician exerted the superior ascendant of authority and reason, to calm the passions which the son of Theodoric considered as a duty ; represented, with seeming affection, and real truth, the dangers of absence and delay ; and persuaded Torismond to disappoint, by his speedy return, the ambitious designs of his brothers, who might occupy the throne and treasures of Toulouse.*'' After the departure of the Goths and the separation of the allied army, Attila was surprised at the vast silence that reigned over the plains of Chalons ; the suspicion of some hostile stratagem detained him several days within the circle of his waggons ; and his retreat beyond the Rhine confessed the last victory which was achieved in the name of the Western empire. Meroveus and his Franks, observing a ■" Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 41, p. 671. The policy of Aetius and the behaviour of Torismond are extremely natural ; and the patrician, according to Gregory of Tours (1. ii. c. 7, p. 163), dismissed the prince of the Franlcs, by suggesting to him a similar apprehension. The false Idatius ridiculously pretends that Aetius paid a clandestine nocturnal visit to the kings of the Huns and of the Visigoths ; from each of virhom he obtained a bribe of ten thousand pieces of gold as the price of an undisturbed retreat. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 467 prudent distance, and magnifying the opinion of their strength by the numerous fires which they kindled every night, con- tinued to follow the rear of the Huns, till they reached the confines of Thuringia. The Thuringians served in the army of Attila ; they traversed, both in their march and in their return, the territories of the Franks ; and it was perhaps in this war that they exercised the cruelties which, about fourscore years after- wards, were revenged by the son of Clovis. They massacred their hostages, as well as their captives : two hundred young maidens were tortured with exquisite and unrelenting rage ; their bodies were torn asunder by wild horses, or their bones were crushed under the weight of rolling waggons ; and their unburied limbs were abandoned on the public roads, as a prey to dogs and vultures. Such were those savage ancestors, whose imaginary virtues have sometimes excited the praise and envy of civilised ages.** Neither the spirit nor the forces nor the reputation of Attila ^J^'b" "' were impaired by the failure of the Gallic expedition. In the ^'i^Jj, ensuing spring, he repeated his demand of the princess Honoria and her patrimonial treasures.*** The demand was again re- jected, or eluded ; and the indignant lover immediately took the field, passed the Alps, invaded Italy, and besieged Aquileia with an innumerable host of Barbarians. Those Barbarians were un- skilled in the methods of conducting a regular siege, which, even among the ancients, required some knowledge, or at least some practice, of the mechanic arts. But the labour of many thousand provincials and captives, whose lives were sacrificed without pity, might execute the most painful and dangerous work. The skill of the Roman artists might be corrupted to the destruction of their country. The walls of Aquileia were assaulted by a fonnidable train of battering rams, moveable turrets,' and engines, that threw stones, darts, and fire ; *^ and " These cruelties, which are passionately deplored by Theodoric, the son of Clovis (Gregory of Tours, 1. iii. c. lo, p. 190), suit the time and circumstances of the invasion of Attila. His residence in Thuringia was long attested by popular tradition ; and he is supposed to have assembled a couroultai, or diet, in the terri- tory of Eisenach. See Mascou, ix. 30, who settles with nice accuracy the extent of ancient Thuringia, and derives its name from the Gothic tribe of the Thervingi. ■'*' [There seems to be no authority for this statement.] *> Machinis constructis, omnibusque tormentorum generibus adhibitis. Jor- nandes, c. 42, p. 673. In the thirteenth century, the Moguls battered the cities of China with large engines constructed by the Mahometans or Christians in their service, which threw stones from 150 to 300 pounds weight. In the defence of their country, the Chinese used gunpowder, and even bombs, above an hundred years before they were known m Europe ; yet even those celestial, or infernal, arms were insufficient to protect a pusillanimous nation. See Gaubil, Hist, des Mongous, p. 70, 71, iSSi IS7. &<=• 468 THE DECLINE AND FALL the monarch of the Huns employed the. forcible impulse of hope, fear, emulation, and interest, to subvert the only barrier which delayed the conquest of Italy. Aquileia was at that period one of the richest, the most populous, and the strongest . of the maritime cities of the Hadriatic coast. The Gothic auxiliaries, who appear to have served under their native princes Alaric and Antala, communicated their intrepid spirit ; and the citizens still remembered the glorious and successful resistance, which their ancestors had opposed to a fierce, inex- IMaximin] orable Barbarian, who disgraced the majesty of the Roman purple. Three months were consumed without effect in the siege of Aquileia ; till the want of provisions, and the clamours of his army, compelled Attila to relinquish the enterprise, and reluctantly to issue his orders that the troops should strike their tents the next morning and begin their retreat. But, as he rode round the walls, pensive, angry, and disappointed, he observed a stork preparing to leave her nest, in one of the towers, and to fly with her infant family towards the country. He seized, with the ready penetration of a statesman, this trifling incident, which chance had offered to superstition ; and exclaimed, in a. loud and cheerful tone, that such a domestic bird, so constantly attached to human society, would never have abandoned her ancient seats, unless those towers had been devoted to impending ruin and solitude.^" The favourable omen inspired an assurance of victory ; the siege was renewed, and prosecuted with fresh vigour ; a large breach was made in the part of the wall from whence the stork had taken her flight ; the Huns mounted to the assault with irresistible fury ; and the succeeding generation could scarcely discover the ruins of Aquileia. 51 After this dreadful chastisement, Attila pursued his march ; and, as he passed, the cities of Altinum, Concordia, [Pstavimni and Padua, were reduced into heaps of stones and ashes. The tBe?gSmoSi] inland towns, Vicenza, Verona, and Bergamo, were exposed to [Medioiamm the rapacious cruelty of the Huns. Milan and Pavia submitted, without resistance, to the loss of their wealth ; and applauded ™ The same story is told by Jornandes, and by Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. I. i. c. 4, p. 187, 188) ; nor is it easy to decide which is the original. But the Greek historian is guilty of an inexcusable mistake in placing the siege of Aquileia after the death of Aetius. '1 Jornandes, about an hundred years afterwards, affirms that Aquileia was so completely ruined, ita ut vix ejus vestigia, ut appareant, reliquerint. See Jornandes de Reb. Geticis, c. 42, p. 673. Paul. Diacon. 1. ii. c. 14, p. 785. Liutprand, Hist. 1. iii. c. 2. The name of Aquileia was sometimes applied to Forum Julii (Cividad del Friuli), the more recent capital of the Venetian province. OF THE ROMAN EMPIEE 469 the unusual clemency, which preserved from the flames the public, as well as private, buildings ; and spared the lives of the captive multitude. The popular traditions of Comum, Turin, or Modena, may justly be suspected ; yet they concur rraurini, with more authentic evidence to prove that Attila spread his ''*'™' ravages over the rich plains of modern Lombardy : which are divided by the Po, and bounded by the Alps and Apennine.^^ When he took possession of the royal palace of Milan, he was surprised, and offended, at the sight of a picture, which re- presented the Caesars seated on their throne and the princes of Scythia prostrate at their feet. The revenge which Attila inflicted on this monument of Roman vanity was harmless arid ingenious. He commanded a painter to reverse the figures and the attitudes; and the emperors were delineated on the same canvas, approaching in a suppliant posture to empty their bags of tributary gold before the throne of the Scythian monarch. ^^ The spectators must have confessed the truth and propriety of the alteration ; and were perhaps tempted to apply, on this singular occasion, the well-known fable of the dispute between the lion and the man.^* It is a saying worthy of the ferocious pride of Attila, that the Fonmution of .1 .1 1 .*^7 1 1 . 1 17- .the republic of grass never grew on the spot where his horse had trod. Yet Venice the savage destroyer undesignedly laid the foundations of"a^ republic which revived, in the feudal state of Europe, the art and spirit of commercial industry. The celebrated name of Venice, or Venetia,^^ was formerly diffused over a large arid fertile province of Italy, from the confines of Pannonia to the ''^In describing this war of Attila, a war so famous, but so imperfectly known, I have taken for my guides two learned Italians, who considered the subject with some peculiar advantages : Sigonius, de Imperio Occidentali, 1. xiii. in his works, tom. i. p. 495-502 ; and Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, torn. iv. p. 229-236, 8vo edition. "■■•This anecdote may be found under two different articles {ixeSioKavoi' and KopvKos) of the miscellaneous compilation of Suidas. ^ Leo respondit, human^ hoc pictum manu : Videres hominem dejectum, si pingere Leones scirent. Appendix ad Phasdrum, Fab. .xxv. The lion in Phsedrus very foolishly appeals from pictures to the amphitheatre ; and I am glad to observe that the native taste of La Fontaine (1. iii. fable x. ) has omitted this most lame and impotent conclusion. 55 Paul the Deacon (de Gestis Langobard, 1. ii. c. 14, p. 784) describes the provinces of Italy about the end of the eighth century. Venetia non solum in paucis insulis quas nunc Venetias dicimus constat ; sed ejus terminus a Pannonise finibus usque Adduam fluvium protelatur. The history of that province till the age of Charlemagne forms the first and most interesting part of the Verona Illustrata (p. 1-3S8), in which the marquis Scipio Maffei has shewn himself equally capable of enlarged views and minute disquisitions. 470 THE DECLINE AND FALL river Addua, and from the Po to the Rhaetian and Julian Alps. Before the irruption of the Barbarians, fifty Venetian cities flourished in peace and prosperity ; Aquileia was placed in the most conspicuous station ; but the ancient dignity of Padua was supported by agriculture and manufactures ; and the property of five hundred citizens, who were entitled to the equestrian rank, must have amounted, at the strictest computa- tion, to one million seven hundred thousand pounds. Many families of Aquileia, Padua, and the adjacent towns, who fled from the sword of the Huns, found a safe, though obscure, refuge in the neighbouring islands.*" At the extremity of the Gulf, where the Hadriatic feebly imitates the tides of the ocean, near an hundred small islands are separated by shallow water from the continent, and protected from the ' waves by several long slips of land, which admit the entrance of vessels through some secret and narrow channels. ^^ Till the middle of the fifth century, these remote and sequestered spots re- mained without cultivation, with few inhabitants, and almost without a name. But the manners of the Venetian fugitives, their arts and their government, were gradually formed by their new situation ; and one of the epistles of Cassiodorius,*^ which describes their condition about seventy years afterwards, may be considered as the primitive monument of the repub- lic. The minister of Theodoric compares them, in his quaint declamatory style, to water-fowl, who had fixed their nests on the bosom of the waves ; and, though he allows that the Venetian provinces had formerly contained many noble families, he insinuates that they were now reduced by misfortune to the same level of humble poverty. Fish was the common, and almost the universal, food of every rank ; their only treasure ™ This emigration is not attested by any contemporary evidence : but the fact is proved by the event, and the circumstances might be preserved by tradition. The citizens of Aquileia retired to the isle of Gradus, those of Padua to Rivus Altus, or Rialto, where the city of Venice was afterwards built, &c. [On the forged decree of the Senate of Patavium and the supposed foundation of a church of St. James on the Rivus Altus in A.D. 421, see Hodgkin, Italy, ii. 182 s^g.] I*' The topography and antiquities of the Venetian islands, from Gradus to Clodia, or Chioggia, are accurately stated in the Dissertatio Chronographica de Italia Medii ^vi, p. 151-155. ^ Cassiodor. Variar. 1. xii. epist. 24. Maffei (Verona lUuslrata, part i. p. 240-254) has translated and explained this curious letter, in the spirit of a learned antiquarian and a faithful subject, who considered Venice as the only legitimate offspring of the Roman republic. He fixes the date of the epistle, and consequently the praefecture, of Cassiodorius, A.D. 523 [?537 A.D.] ; and the marquis's authority has the more weight, as he had prepared an edition of his works, and actually published a Dissertation on the true orthography of his name. See Osservazioni Letterarie, torn. ii. p. 290-339, OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 471 consisted in the plenty of salt, which they extracted from the sea ; and the exchange of that commodity, so essential to human life, was substituted in the neighbouring markets to the currency of gold and silver. A people, whose habitations might be doubtfully assigned to the earth or water, soon be- came alike familiar with the two elements ; and the demands of avarice succeeded to those of necessity. The islanders, who, from Grado to Chiozza, were intimately connected with each other, penetrated into the heart of Italy by the secure, though laborious, navigation of the rivers and inland canals. Their vessels, which were continually increasing in size and number, visited all the harbours of the Gulf ; and the marriage, which Venice annually celebrates with the Hadriatic, was contracted in her early infancy. The epistle of Cassiodorius, the Praetorian praefect, is addressed to the maritime tribunes ; and he exhorts them, in a mild tone of authority, to animate the zeal of their countrymen for the public service, which required their assist- ance to transport the magazines of wine and oil from the pro- vince of Istria to the royal city of Ravenna. The ambiguous office of these magistrates is explained by the tradition that, in the twelve principal islands, twelve tribunes, or judges, were created by an annual and popular election. The existence of the Venetian republic under the Gothic kingdom of Italy is attested by the same authentic record, which annihilates their lofty claim of original and perpetual independence.^^ The Italians, who had long since renounced the exercise of arms, were sur- Attuagivei prised, after forty years' peace, by the approach of a formidable l^mLu Barbarian, whom they abhorred, as the enemy of their religion as well as of their republic. Amidst the general consternation, Aetius alone was incapable of fear ; but it was impossible that he should achieve, alone and unassisted, any military exploits worthy of his former renown. The Barbarians who had de- fended Gaul refused to march to the relief of Italy ; and the succours promised by the Eastern emperor were distant and doubtful. Since Aetius, at the head of his domestic troops, still maintained the field, and harassed or retarded the march of Attila, he never shewed himself more truly great than at the time when his conduct was blamed by an ignorant and ^ See, in the second volume of Amelot de la Houssaie, Histoire du Gouverne- ment de Vtoise, a translation of the famous Squittinio. This book, which has been exalted far above its merits, is stained in every line with the disingenuous malevolence of party ; but the principal evidence, genuine and apocryphal, is brought together, and the reader will easily choose the fair medium. 472 THE DECLINE AND FALL ungrateful people.^" If the mind of Valentinian had been susceptible of any generous sentimentSj he would have chosen such a general for his example and his guide. But the timid grandson of Theodosius, instead of sharing the dangers, escaped from the sound, of war ; and his hasty retreat from Ravenna to Rome, from an impregnable fortress to an open capital, betrayed his secret intention of abandoning Italy as soon as the danger should approach his Imperial pei-son. This shameful abdication was suspended, however, by the spirit of doubt and delay, which commonly adheres to pusillanimous counsels, and some- times corrects their pernicious tendency. The Western emperor, with the senate and people of Rome, embraced the more salutary resolution of deprecating, by a solemn and suppliant embassy, the wrath of Attila. • This important commission was accepted by Avienus, who, from his birth and riches, his consular dignity, the numerous train of his clients, and his personal abilities, held the first rank in the Roman senate. The specious and artful character of Avienus ^i was admirably qualified , to conduct a negotiation either of public or private interest ; his colleague Trigetius had exercised the Praetorian praefecture of Italy ; and Leo, bishop of Rome, consented to expose his life for the safety of his flock. The genius of Leo ^^ was exercised and displayed in the public misfortunes ; and he has deserved the appellation of Great by the successful zeal with which he laboured to establish his opinions and his authority, under the venerable names of orthodox faith and ecclesiastical discipline. The Roman ambassadors were introduced to the tent of Attila, as he lay encamped at the place where the slow-winding [Mincio] Mincius is lost in the foaming waves of the lake Benacus,^^ and ft. GaPda] ° ' eo Sirmond (Not. ad Sidon. ApoUin. p. 19) has published a curious passage from the Chronicle of Prosper. Attila redintegratis viribus, quas in Gallic amiserat, Italian! ingredi per Pannonias intendit ; nihil duce no'stro Actio secundum prioiris belli opera prospiciente, &c. He reproaches Aetius with neglecting to guard the Alps, and with a design to abandon Italy ; but this rash censure may at least be counterbalanced by the favourable testimonies of Idatius and Isidore. [Isidore, Hist. Goth. 27, merely repeats Idatius, but leaves out the words Aetio duce.'] 81 See the original portraits of Avienus and his rival Basilius, delineated and contrasted in the epistles (i. 9, p. 22) of Sidonius. He had studied the characters of the two chief? of the senate ; but he attached himself to Basilius, as the more solid and disinterested friend. 82 The character and principles of Leo may be traced in one hundred and forty- one original epistles, which illustrate the ecclesiastical history of his long and busy pontificate, from a.d. 440 to 461. See Dupin, Bibliothfeque Eccl&iastique, torn. iii. part ii. p. 120-165. 63 tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat Mincius, et tenerS, prastexit arundine ripas Anne lacus tantos, te Lari maxime, teque Fluctibus, et fremitu assurgens Benace maripo. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 473 trampled, with his Scythian cavalry, the farms of Catullus and Virgil.64 The Barbarian monarch listened with favourable, and even respectful, attention ; and the deliverance of Italy was purchased by the immense ransom, or dowry, of the princess Honoria. The state of his army might facilitate the treaty, and hasten his retreat. Their martial spirit was relaxed by the wealth and indolence of a wanai climate. The shepherds of the North, whose ordinary food consisted of milk and raw flesh, indulged themselves too freely in the use of bread, of wine, and of meat prepared and seasoned by the arts of cookery ; and the progress of disease revenged in some measure the in- juries of the Italians.^* When Attila declared his resolution of carrying his victorious arms to the gates of Rome, he was ad- monished by his friends, as well as by his enemies, that Alaric had not long survived the conquest of the eternal city. His mind, superior to real danger, was assaulted by imaginary terrors ; nor could he escape the influence of superstition, which had so often been subservient to his designs. ^^ The pressing eloquence of Leo, his majestic aspect and sacerdotal robes, ex- cited the veneration of Attila for the spiritual father of the Christians. The apparition of the two apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, who menaced the Barbarian with instant death, if he rejected the prayer of their successor, is one of the noblest legends of ecclesiastical tradition. The safety of Rome might deserve the interposition of celestial beings ; and some indul- gence is due to a fable which has been represented by the pencil of Raphael and the chisel of Algardi.^'' **The Marquis Maffei (Verona Illustrata, part i. p. 95, 129, 221, part ii. p. ii. 6) has illustrated with taste and learning this interesting topography. He places the interview of Attila and St. Leo near Ariolica, or Ardelica, now Peschiera, at the conflux of the lake and river ; ascertains the villa of Catullus, in the delightful peninsula of Sirmio ; and discovers the Andes of Virgil, in the village of Bandes, precisely situate qu^ se subducere colles incipiunt, where the Veronese hills imperceptibly slope down into the plain of Mantua. [Muratori (Ann. d'ltalia, iii. 154) placed the interview at Governolo, a village situated where the Mincio joins thePo.] '5 Si statim infesto agmine urbem petiissent, grande discrimen esset : sed in Venetii quo fere tractu Italia mollissima est, ips^ soli cselique dementia robur elanguit. Ad hoc panis usu carnisque coctae, et dulcedine vini mitigatos, &c. This passage of Floras (iii. 3) is still more applicable to the Huns than to the Cimbri, and it may serve as a commentary on the celestial plague, with which Idatius and Isidore have afflicted the troops of Attila. ^ The historian Priscus had positively mentioned the effect which this example produced on the mind of Attila. Jornandes, c. 42, p. 673. ^ The picture of Raphael is in the Vatican ; the basso (or perhaps the alto) relievo of Algardi, on one of the altars of St. Peter (see Dubos, Reflexions sur la Po^sie et sur la Peinture, tom. i. p. 519, 520). Baronius ( Annal. Eccles. A. D. 452, No. 57, 58) bravely sustains the truth of the apparition ; which is rejected, however, by the most learned and pious Catholics. 474 THE DECLINE AND FALL The death of Before the king of the Huns evacuated Italy, he threatened i'aiss to return more dreadful and more implacable, if his bride, the princess Honoria, were not delivered to his ambassadors within the term stipulated by the treaty. Yet, in the meanwhile, Attila relieved his tender anxiety by adding a beautiful maid, whose name was Ildico, to the list of his innumerable wives.*' Their marriage was celebrated with barbaric pomp and festivity at his wooden palace beyond the Danube ; and the monarch, op- pressed with wine and sleep, retired, at a late hour, from the banquet to the nuptial bed. His attendants continued to re- spect his pleasures, or his repose, the greatest part of the ensuing day, till the unusual silence alarmed their fears and suspicions ; and, after attempting to awaken Attila by loud and repeated cries, they at length broke into the royal apartment. They found the trembling bride sitting by the bedside, hiding her face with her veil, and lamenting her own danger as well as the death of the king, who had expired during the night. ^^ An artery had suddenly burst ; and, as Attila lay in a supine posture, he was suffocated by a torrent of blood, which, instead of finding a passage through the nostrils, regurgitated into the lungs and stomach. His body was solemnly exposed in the midst of the plain, under a silken pavilion ; and the chosen squadrons of the Huns, wheeling round in measured evolutions, chanted a funeral song to the memory of a hero, glorious in his life, invincible in his death, the father of his people, the scourge of his enemies, and the terrror of the world. According to their national cus- tom, the Barbarians cut off a part of their hair, gashed their faces with unseemly wounds, and bewailed then- valiant leader as he deserved, not with the tears of women, but with the blood of warriors. The remains of Attila were enclosed within three ^Attila, ut Priscus historicus refert, extinctionis suae tempore puellam Ildico nomine, decoram valde, sibi [in] matrimonium post innumerabiles uxores . . . socians. Jornandes, c. 49, p. 683, 684. He afterwards adds (c. 50, p. 686): Filii Attilse, quorum per licentiam libidinis pcene populus fuit. — Polygamy has been established among the Tartars of every age. The rank of plebeian wives is regulated only by their personal charms ; and the faded matron prepares, without a murmur, the bed which is destined for her blooming rival. But in royal families the daughters of Khans communicate to their sons a prior right of inheritance. See Genealogical History, p. 406, 407,408. H9 The report of her guilt reached Constantinople, where it obtained a very different name ; and Marcellinus observes that the tyrant of Europe was slain in the night by the hand and the knife of a woman. Corneille, who has adapted the genuine account to his tragedy, describes the irruption of blood in forty bom- bast lines, and Attila exclaims with ridiculous fury : — ■ S'il ne veut s'arrSter (his Hood), (Dit il) on me payera ce qui m'en va coflter. OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE 475 coffins, of gold, of silver, and of iron, and privately buried in the night : the spoils of nations were thrown into his grave ; the captives who had opened the ground were inhumanly massacred; and the same Huns, who had indulged such excessive grief, feasted, with dissolute and intemperate mirth, about the recent sepulchre of their king. It was reported at Constantinople that on the fortunate night in which he expired Marcian be- held in a dream the bow of Attila broken asunder ; and the report may be allowed to prove how seldom the image of that formidable Barbarian was absent from the mind of a Roman emperor J" The revolution which subverted the empire of the HunsDastrnctionof established the fame of Attila, whose genius alone had sus- '""'' tained the huge and disjointed fabric. After his death, the boldest chieftains aspired to the rank of kings ; the most powerful kings refused to acknowledge a superior ; and the numerous sons, whom so inany various mothers bore to the deceased monarch, divided and disputed, like a private inherit- ance, the sovereign command of the nations of Germany and Scythia. The bold Ardaric felt and represented the disgrace of this servile partition ; and his subjects, the warlike Gepidse, with the Ostrogoths, under the conduct of three valiant bl'others, encouraged their allies to vindicate the rights of free- d.om and royalty. In a bloody and decisive conflict on the banks of the river Netad, in Pannonia, the lance of the Gepidae, [Hedao] the sword of the Goths, the arrows of the Huns, the Suevic in- fantry, the light arms of the Heruli, and the heavy weapons of the Alani, encountered or supported each other, and the victory of Ardaric was accompanied with the slaughter of thirty thousand of his enemies. Ellac, the eldest son of Attila, lost his life and crown in the memorable battle of Netad : his early valour had raised him to the throne of the Acatzires, a Scythian people, whom he subdued ; and his father, who loved the superior merit, would have envied the death, of Ellac. ''i His brother ™ The curious circumstances of the death and funeral of Attila are related by jornantles (c. 49, p. 683, 684, 685), and were probably [those of the death, con- fessedly] transcribed from Priscus. 'iSeeJornandes, de Rebus Geticis, c. 50, p. 685, 686, 687, 688. His distinc- tion of the national arms is curious and important. Nam ibi admirandum reor fuisse spectaculum, ubi cernere erat cunctis pugnantem Gothum ense furentem, Gepidam in vulnere suorum cunctatelafrangentem, Suevumpede Hunnum sagitti praesuniere, Alanum gravi, Herulum levi, armature aciem instruere. I am not precisely informed of the situation of the river Netad. [The best M.ss. give the name Nedao (see Mommsen's Jordanis, c. 50). It has not been identified.] 476 THE DECLINE AND FALL Dengisich with an army of Huns, still formidable in their flight and ruin, maintained his ground above fifteen years on the banks of the Danube. The palace of Attila, with the old country of Dacia, from the Carpathian hills to the Euxine, be- came the seat of a new power, which was erected by Ardaric, [vindobona] king of the Gepidse. The Pannonian conquests, from Vienna to Sirmium, were occupied by the Ostrogoths ; and the settle- ments of the tribes, who had so bravely asserted their native freedom, were irregularly distributed, according to the measure of their respective strength. Surrounded and oppressed by the multitude of his father's slaves, the kingdom of Dengisich was confined to the circle of his waggons; his desperate courage urged him to invade the Eastern empire ; he fell in battle ; and his head, ignominiously exposed in the Hippodrome, exhibited a grateful spectacle to the people of Constantinople. Attila had fondly or superstitiously believed that Irnac, the youngest of his sons, was destined to perpetuate the glories of his race. The character of that prince, who attempted to moderate the rash- ness of his brother Dengisich, was more suitable to the declining condition of the Huns, and Irnac, with his subject hordes, re- tired into the heart of the Lesser Scythia. They were soon overwhelmed by a torrent of new Barbarians, who followed the same road which their own ancestors had formerly discovered. The Geougen, or Avares, whose residence is assigned by the Greek writers to the shores of the ocean, impelled the adjacent tribes ; till at length the Igours of the North, issuing from the cold Siberian regions, which produce the most valuable furs, spread themselves over the desert, as far as the Borysthenes and Caspian gates ; and finally extinguished the empire of the Huns. "2 Such an event might contribute to the safety of the Eastern empire, under the reign of a prince who conciliated the friend- ship, without forfeiting the esteem, of the Barbarians. But the emperor of the West, the feeble and dissolute Valentinian, who had reached his thirty-fifth year without attaining the age of reason or courage, abused this apparent security, to undermine the foundations of his own throne by the murder of the patrician Aetius. From the instinct of a base and jealous mind, he hated the man who was universally celebrated as the terror of the [Dobnidza] Valentinian mnrden the patrician Aetlni, A.D. 494 '2 Two modern historians have thrown much new light on the ruin and division of the empire of Attila : M. de Buat, by his laborious and minute diligence (torn, viii. p. 3-31, 68-94), and M. de Guignes, by his extraordinary knowledge of the Chinese language and writers. See Hist, des Huns, torn. ii. p. 315-319- OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 477 Barbarians and the support of the repubhc ; and his new favourite, the eunuch Heraclius, awakened the emperor from the supine lethargy, which might be disguised, during the life of Placidia/' by the excuse of filial piety. The fame of Aetius, his wealth and dignity, the numerous and martial train of Barbarian followers, his powerful dependents, who filled the civil offices of the state, and the hopes of his son Gaudentius,^* who was already contracted to Eudoxia, the emperor's daughter, had raised him above the rank of a subject. The ambitious designs, of which he was secretly accused, excited the fears, as well as the resentment, of Valentinian. Aetius himself, supported by the consciousness of his merit, his services, and perhaps his innocence, seems to have maintained a haughty and indiscreet behaviour. The patrician offended his sovereign by an hostile declaration ; he aggravated the offence by compelling him to ratify, with a solemn oath, a treaty of reconciliation and alliance ; he proclaimed his suspicions, he neglected his safety ; and, from a vain confidence that the enemy, whom he despised, was incapable even of a manly crime, he rashly ventured his person in the palace of Rome. Whilst he urged, perhaps with intemperate vehemence, the marriage of his son, Valentinian, drawing his sword, the first sword he had ever drawn, plunged it in the breast of a general who had saved his empire ; his courtiers and eunuchs ambitiously struggled to imitate their master ; and Aetius, pierced with an hundred wounds, fell dead in the royal presence. Boethius, the Praetorian praefect, was killed at the same moment ; and, before the event could be divulged, the principal friends of the patrician were summoned to the palace, and separately murdered. The horrid deed, palliated by the specious names of justice and necessity, was immediately communicated by the emperor to his soldiers, his subjects, and his allies. The nations, who were strangers or enemies to Aetius, generously deplored the unworthy fate of a hero; the Barbarians, who had been attached to his service, dissembled their grief and resentment ; and the public contempt which had been so long entertained for Valentinian was at once " Placidia died at Rome, November 27, a.d. 450. She was buried at Ravenna, where her sepulchre, and even her corpse, seated in a chair of cypress wood, were preserved for ages. [Her Mausoleum (the church of S. Nazario and S. Celso) and her alabaster sarcophagus are still preserved ; but her embalmed corpse was accidentally bvurned by some children in A.D. 1577.] The empress received many compliments from the orthodox clergy ; and St. Peter Chrysologus assured her that her zeal for the Trinity had been recompensed by an august trinity of children. See Tillemont, Hist, des Emp. torn. vi. p. 240. " [Aetius had another son named Carpilio, who was for years a hostage at the court of Attila, as we learn from Priscus. J 478 THE DECLINE AND FALL converted into deep and universal abhorrence. Such sentiments seldom pervade the walls of a palace ; yet the emperoi; was confounded by the honest reply of a Roman, whose approba- tion he had not disdained to solicit : " I am ignorant, sir, of your motives or provocations ; I only know that you have acted like a man who cuts off his right hand with his left ".^5 and ravidiea The luxury of Rome seems to have attracted the long and Maiimm frequent visits of Valentinian ; who was consequently more despised at Rome than in any other part of his dominions. A republican spirit was insensibly revived in the senate, as their authority, and even their supplies, became necessary for the support of his feeble government. The stately demeanour of an hereditary monarch offended their pride ; and the pleasures of Valentinian were injurious to the peace and honour of noble families. The birth of the empress Eudoxia was equal to his own, and her charms and tender affection deserved those testimonies of love which her inconstant husband dissipated in vague and unlawful amours. Petronius Maximus, a wealthy senator of the Anician family, who had been twice consul, was possessed of a chaste and beautiful wife : her obstinate resistance served only to irritate the desires of Valentinian ; and he re- solved to accomplish them either by stratagem or force. Deep gaming was one of the vices of the court ; the emperor, who, by chance or contrivance, had gained from Maximus a considerable sum, uncourteously exacted his ring as a security for the debt ; and sent it by a trusty messenger to his wife, with an order, in her husband's name, that she should immediately attend the empress Eudoxia. The unsuspecting wife of Maximus was con- veyed in her litter to the Imperial palace ; the emissaries of her impatient lover conducted her to a remote and silent bed- chamber ; and Valentinian violated, without remorse, the laws of hospitality. Her tears, when she returned home, her deep affliction, and her bitter reproaches against her husband, whom she considered as the accomplice of his own shame, excited Maximus to a just revenge ; the desire of revenge was stimulated by ambition ; and he might reasonably aspire, by the free suffrage of the Roman senate, to the throne of a detested and despicable rival. Valentinian, who supposed that every human breast was devoid, like his own, of friendship and gratitude, had im- '5 Aetium Plaoidus mactavit semivir amens, is the expression of Sidonius (Panegyr. Avit. 359). The poet knew the world, and was not inclined to flatter a minister who had injured or disgraced Avitus and Majorian, the successive heroes of his song. OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE 479 prudently admitted among his guards several domestics and followers of Aetius. Two of these, of Barbarian race, were persuaded to execute a sacred and honourable duty, by punish- ing with death the assassin of their patron ; and their intrepid courage did not long expect a favourable moment. Whilst Valentinian amused himself in the field of Mars with the spectacle of some military sports, they suddenly rushed upon him with drawn weapons, dispatched the guilty Heraclius, and stabbed the emperor to the heart, without the least opposition Death of J. 1 . '^ ^ . , J ^ • . . ii *^i i. Valenttol»n. from his numerous tram, who seemed to rejoice in the tyrant sa^4m, death. Such was the fate of Valentinian the Third, ^'^ the last Roman emperor of the family of Theodosius. He faithfully imi- tated the hereditary weakness of his cousin and his two uncles, without inheriting the gentleness, the purity, the innocence, which alleviate, in their characters, the want of spirit and ability. Valentinian was less excusable, since he had passions, with- out virtues ; even his religion was questionable ; and, though he never deviated into the paths of heresy, he scandalized the pious Christians by his attachment to the profane arts of magic and divination. As early as the time of Cicero and Varro, it was the opinion of symptonu of the Roman augurs that the twelve vultures, which Romulus hadmin seen, represented the twelve cetiitcries, assigned for the fatal period of his city.'"' This prophecy, disregarded perhaps in the season of health and prosperity, inspired the people with gloomy ap- prehensions, when the twelfth century, clouded with disgrace and misfortune, was almost elapsed ; ''^ and even posterity must '6 With regard to the cause and circumstances of the deaths of Aetius and Valentinian, our information is dark and imperfect. Procopius (de Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. 4, p. i86, 187, 188) is a fabulous writer for the events which precede his own memory. His narrative must therefore be supplied and corrected by five or six Chronicles, none of which were composed in Rome or Italy ; and which can only express, in broken sentences, the popular rumours, as they were conveyed to Gaul, Spain, Africa, Constantinople, or Alexandria. [John of Antioch is important for these events. See Appendix 26.] " This fnterpretation of Vettius, a celebrated augur, was quoted by Varro, m the xviiith book of his Antiquities. Censorinus, de Die Natali, c. 17, p. 90, 91, edit. Havercamp. ™ According to Varro, the twelfth century would expire a.d. 447, but the un- certainty of the true sera of Rome might allow some latitude of anticipation or delay. The poets of the age, Claudian (de Bell. Getico, 265) and Sidomus (m Panegyr. Avit. 357), may be admitted as fair witnesses of the popular opinion. Jam reputant annos, interceptoque volatu Vulturis incidunt properatis sascula metis. jam prope fata tui bissenas vulturis alas Implebatit ; scis namque tuos, scis, Roma, labor es. See Dubos, Hist. Critique, torn. i. p. 340-346. 480 DECLINE OF ROMAN EMPIEE acknowledge with some surprise that the arbitrary interpreta- tion of an accidental or fabulous circumstance has been seriously verified in the downfall of the Western empire. But its fall was announced by a clearer omen than the flight of vultures : the Roman government appeared every day less formidable to its enemies, more odious and oppressive to its subjects/^ The taxes were multiplied with the public distress ; economy was neglected in proportion as it became necessary ; and the injustice of the rich shifted the unequal burden from themselves to the people, whom they defrauded of the indulgencies that might sometimes have alleviated their misery. The severe inquisition, which confiscated their goods and tortured their persons, compelled the subjects of Valentinian to prefer the more simple tyranny of the Barbarians, to fly to the woods and mountains, or to em- brace the vile and abject condition of mercenary servants. They abjured and abhorred the name of Roman citizens, which had formerly excited the ambition of mankind. The Armorican provinces of Gaul, and the greatest part of Spain, were thrown into a state of disorderly independence, by the confederations of the Bagaudae ; and the Imperial ministers pursued with pro- scriptive laws, and ineffectual arms, the rebels whom they had made. 80 If all the Barbarian conquerors had been annihilated in the same hour, their total destruction would not have re- stored the empire of the West ; and, if Rome still survived, she survived the loss of freedom, of virtue, and of honour. ™ The fifth book of Salvian is filled with pathetic lamentations and vehement invectives. His immoderate freedom serves to prove the weakness, as well as the corruption, of the Roman government. His book was published after the loss of Africa (a.d. 439) and before Attila's war (a.d. 451). 80 The Bagaudas of Spain, who fought pitched battles with the Roman troops, are repeatedly mentioned in the Chronicle of Idatius. Salvian has described their distress and rebellion in very forcible language. Itaque nomen civium Ro- manorum . . . nunc ultro repudiatur ac fugitur, nee vile tamen sed etiam abominabile pcene habetur. . . . Et hinc est ut etiam hi qui ad Barbaros non confugiunt Barbari tamen esse coguntur, scilicet ut est pars magna Hispanorum, et non minima Gallorum. . . . De Bagaudis nunc mihi sermo est, qui per males judices et cruentos spoliati, afflicti, nccati, post quam jus Romanse libertatis amiserant, etiam honorem Romani nominis perdiderunt. . . . Vocamus rebelles, vocamus perditos quos esse compulimus criminosos. De Gubernat. Dei, 1. v. p. 158. 159- APPENDIX AJJDITIONAL NOTES BY THE EDITOR 1. AUTHORITIES Fob the works of Libanius, cp. rol. ii. Appendix 1, p. 535. The chronology of the most important of his later orations is determined by Sievers as follows : A.D. 381. Or. ii., Trpbs tovs 0apvi' aiiTov ica\ovvTa^. He contrasts the present with the reign of Julian ; and refers to the Battle of Hadrlanople. A.D. 386. Or. xxxi. Against Tisamenos (consularis of Syria). An interesting • indictment of the governor's exactions and oppression. A.D. 387 (March). Or. xix., Trept 7^9 (rraa-ewj. On the sedition at Antioch, a petition to Theodosiua for mercy. A.D. 387. Or. xxxiv., Kari Tiv T7eil}tvy6Tuiv. Against those who fled from the city during the sedition. It was written during the sedition but nira A.D. 387. Or. XX., Trp'o^ 0eoSo/TO!. On the victory of Valens over Procoplus. Praises the Emperor's clemency. A.D. 368. Or. viii., n-e>'TaeTi)pi.iid)>'i?s, pronounced before the Senate of Constantinople, congratulating Valens on his peace with the Goths. A.D. 373. Or. xi., ae«eT^piic6s (March 28). On the decennalia of Valens, who was then in Syria. A.D. 374. Or xii. An appeal for religious toleration. A.D. 377. Or. xiii., epioTinds, pronounced in honour of Gratian at Eome, whither Themistius was sent by Valens. VOL. III. (481) 31 482 APPENDIX A.D. 379. Or. xiv., irpeo-^iruTiitb! eis 0eo5oc7ioi' niToitpaTopi (early in the 3"ear), pronounced at Thessalonioa by Themistius as delegate of the Senate of Constantinople. A.D. 381. Or. XV., fU ©eoSocrioi' (February or March). On the virtues of a king. A.D. 383. Or. xvi., xap^cr'^ptos t(J avTOKparopi itirkp Tijs eiprjvrj^Kat Tijs UTrareia? Tou o-Tparriyov SaTopctVuv (January). On the peace with the Goths in 382. A.D. 384. Or. xvii., jirl tij xii-porovta Ttjs TToAiapxins. Returning thanks for his own appointment to the Prefecture of Constantinople (c. Sept. 1 ?). A.D. 384. Or xviii., Trtpl i-jjs toO fiumKim «iAr|Koia!. Panegyric of Theodosius. A.D. 385. Or. xix., cttIt^ (/)t\ai'flp(dTrt^Toy auTo«pd-opos ©e-oSocn'oi;, i^ronounced in the Senate ; praises the clemency of Theodosius (before Sept. 14). Synesius of Gyrene (born 360-70 a.d.) studied first at Alexandria, afterwards at Athens. When he had completed his academical course he returned to the Pentapolis and led the life of a cultivated country gentleman. In 397 a.d. he arrived in Constantinople to plead the cause of Cyreue at the court, and stayed there some years, where he enjoyed the friendship of Aurelian. During that time he delivered his speech on the office of king (see above, p. 246), and witnessed the fall of Aurelian and rebellion of Gainas. He afterwards made these events the subject of a bold political ' ' squib, " entitled ' ' The Egyptians ". For the light which this throws on the political parties and intrigues in Constantinople, see below, Appendix 27. After the Gainas episode, Aurelian returned, and by his influence the petition of Synesius was granted. Synesius then returned to Africa (probably in 402 to Alexandria, and 404 to Cyrene ; so Seeok, who has revised the chronology of the letters of Synesius in a very valuable study in Philologus, 52, p. 458 sjj., 1893). Translation of his interesting descriptions of the pleasm-es of country life will be found in Mr. Halcomb's excellent article on '* Sjmesius," in the Diet, of Chr. Biography. These descriptions occur in his letters, of which 156 are extant ^ (included in the Epistolographi Grseci of Hercher). The Cyrenaica, however, was exposed to the depredation of the nomads, owing to the incompetence of the governor Cerealis, and Synesius took an active part in defending the province. In 403 he had married a Christian wife ; he came under the influence of Theo- jjhilus, Bishop of Alexandria (where he resided a couple of years) ; and was gradually converted to Christianity. In 410 he yielded to the ■ wishes of the people of Ptolemais and became a bishop. He died a few years later. His works, which included philosophical poems, may be most conveniently consulted in Migne's edition (Monograph : Volkmaun, Synesios von Cyrene, 1869. See also A. Nieri, La Cirenaica net secolo quinto giusta le lettere di Sinesio, in the Revista di filologia, 21, 220 sqq. (1892)). Palladius, Bishop of Helenopolis, wrote a biographical work on John Chryaostom (of whom he was a supporter) under the title "A Dialogue with Theodore the Deacon ". After Chrysostom's banishment, not being safe in Constantinople, he went to Rome and explained to the Pope the true facts of . Clirysostom s treatment. Afterwards returning to the east he was thrown into prison, and then banished to a remote part of Egypt. At a later time his sen- tence was revoked ; he seems to have been restored to Helenopolis, and was then translated to the See of Aspuna in Galatia I. (Socrates, vii. 36). A strict ascetic himself, he dedicated to Lausus the Chamberlain (of Theodosius ii. ?) a compila- tion of short biographies of men and women of his time who had embraced the ascetic life. It is known as the Historia Lausiaca (written about 420 a.d. ) ; more will be said of it in considering the sources for the growth of monasticism, in an appendix to vol. iv. To what has been said of Eunapids in vol. ii. Appendix 1 (p. 537) I must here add a reference to a paper of C. de Boor (in Rheinisches Museum, vol. xlvii. (1892) p. 321-3) on the new edition of the history of !Eunapius, which, softened down and mutilated so as not to shock the susceptibilities of Christian readers, was subsequently issued (by the book-trade?). The Prooemium in the ^ Among them, letters to Hypatia. APPENDIX 483 Exoerpta de Sententiis was copied down from this expurgated edition, and is not the work of Eunapius but is the editor's preface. Giildenpeuning has attempted to explain the extraordinary fact that Zosimus does not even mention the greatest blot on the reign of Theodosius the Great— the massacre of Thessa- lonioa— by suijposing that he used the expurgated Eunapius. This seems hardly probable. The History (Koyoi. la-roptKo'i) of the pagan Olympiodobus (of the Egyjjtian Thebes) in twent3'-two books was a highly important work. It embraced eighteen years of contemporary history (a.d. 407-425). It is unluckily lost, but valuable fragments are preserved in the Bibliotheca of Photius (amongst others a ciu-ious account of the initiation of new students at the university of Athens, fr. 28). The work was used as a soiu-ce by the somewhat later writers, Philostor- gius, Socrates, Sozomen, and later still by Zosimus, so that our historical material for the reign of Honorius and the first half of the reign of Theodosius ii. de- pends more largely on Olympiodorus than might be inferred from the extent of the Photian fragments. He himself described his work as material (Sa.,) for history. He dedicated it to Theodosius ii. The most convenient edition of the fragments is that in Mliller's Fragmenta, Hist. Gr^c, iv. p. 57 sgq. In the same place (69 sqq.) wiU be found the fragments of Pkiscus of Panium in Thrace, whose history probably began about a.d. 433 and ended at 474. The most famous is the account of his embassy to Hunland, but other very valuable notices from his work are preserved. So far as we can judge from these remains he was perhaps the best historian of the fifth century. Q. Aurelius Symmachus (of a rich but not an ancient family ^) was born not long after 340. The details of his career are rehearsed on tlie base of a statue which his son set up in his house ; Q. Aur(elio) Symmacho v(iro)c(larissimo) quaest(ori) pret(ori) pontifioi maiori, correotori Lucaniae et Brittiorum, oomiti ordinis tertii, procons(idi) Africae, graef(ecto) urb(i), co(nsuli) ordinario, oratori disertissimo, Q. Fab(ius) Memm(ius) ymmaohus v(ir) c(larissimus) patri optimo. On the occasion of the quinquennalia of Valentinian ( a. d. 369, Feb. 25) he carried the Senate's congratulations and aurum oblaticium to the Emperor and pronounced panegyrics on Valentinian and Gratian, of which fragments remain (Or. i. and Or. iii., ed. Seeck, p. 318 and 330). He remained with the court, and accom- panied the Emperors on their Alamannic expedition in 369 (like Ausonius). He celebrated the campaign in a second panegyric in honour of Valentinian's third consulship, a.d. 370 (Orat. ii.). He was proconsul of Africa at the time of the revolt of Firmus (373-375). He was prefect of Rome in 384, and his appointment probably marks a revival of the pagan influence after Gratian's death.^ In the same year he drew up the celebrated third Bclatio to Theodosius for the restora- tion of the Altar of Victory, which had been removed by Gratian in 382. In 388, as the sjwkesman of the senate, he pronounced a panegyric on the tyrant Maximus, when he invaded Italy, and for this he was accused of treason on Valentinian's restoration, and with difficulty escaped punishment. The Panegyric and the Apology to Theodosius which he wrote after his pardon are mentioned by Socrates (v. 14), but have not survived. In 391 he was consul, and took the occasion of a panegyric which he pronounced in the presence of Theodosius to recommend to him a petition which the Roman senate had recently preferred for the restoration of the Altar of Victory. The result is described by Gibbon (p. 191). Next year Symmachus made another unsuccessful attempt with Valentinian. He probably survived the year 404 (see below, p. 486). His works have been edited by Seeck (in M. G. H.). They consist of nine Books of Letters, and the Relationes (which used to be numbered as a tenth Book 2 His father, L. Aurelius Avianius Symm. (consul 330), was prefect of Rome in a.d. 364-5 Statues were set up to him both in Rome and Constantinople, as is recorded in an in scrip tion, where the public offices which he held are enumerated. He was princeps senatua C. I. L., 6, i6g8„ 3 For the Panegyric (a.d. 389) of Drepanius Latinus Pacaius, see p. 166. 484 APPENDIX of Letters) ; and fragmentary remains of eight Orations (first published by Mai, and unknown to Gibbon). The poems of Decimus Magnus Ausouius (born c. 310 at Burdigala) are more important for the literary than for the political history of the century. His uncle and praeceptor Arborius, with whom he lived at Tolosa (320-28), had the honour of being for a time teacher of one of Constantine's sons (Constantine or Constantius). He became a teacher of grammar (about 334) and soon afterwards of rhetoric, in his native town, and married about the same time. About 364 a.d. he was summoned to the court of Trier to instruct Gratian. In 368 and 369 he accompanied Valentinian and Gratian on their Alamannic campaigns. He refers to their victories in his MoscUa (written at Trier in 370-1) : Hostibus exactis Nicrum super et Lupodunum Et fontem Latiis ignotum annalibus Histri (423-4). In 370 he obtained the rank of comes and in 375 was promoted to be qucestor sacri pakitii. His son Hesperius (a.d. 376 proconsul of Africa) became in 377 praetorian prefect of Italy, while his son-in-law Thalassius became in 378 proconsul of Africa. Ausonius himself was appointed Praetorian prefect of Gaul in first months of 378 (see Cod. Th. 8, 5, 35). But in his Epiccdion in P(Urem he describes his son Hesperius as, Praef ectus GalUs et Libyae et Latio. By coupling this with words in the Oratiarum Actio to Gratian, § 7, ad prae- f ectuise collegium fillus cum patre coniunctus, and lAber Protrept. ad Nepotem, V. 91, praefeoturam duplicem, it has been concluded (see Peiper's preface to his ed. p. ci. ) that, in consequence of the relationship between the two praef ects, the praefectures of Gaul and Italy were temporarily united into a single administra- tion under the coUegial government of father and son, and, when Ausonius laid down the oflfice in the last month of 379, again divided. In 379 he was consul. His death occmred later than 393. One of his most intimate friends was his pupil Pontius Paulinus, and he was in touch with many other men of literary im- portance, such as Symmachus and Drepanius Pacatus. His son-in-law Thala«sius was the father (by a first wife) of the poet Paulinus of Pella. The works of Ausonius have been edited by Sohenkl (in Mon. Germ. Hist.) and by Peiper (1886). Of Pontius Paulinus of Nola, the most important of various people of the same name (to be distinguished from (1) Paulinus of Pella, (2) the author of the Life of St. Ambrose, and (3) Paulinus of P^rigueux, who in the latter half of fifth centm-y wrote a Life of St. Martin), there are extant various works both poetical and, in prose, epistles and a panegyric on Theodosius i. Born about 354, he retired to Nola in 394 and died 431 (there is an account of his death in a letter of Uranius to Pacatus, printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., vol. 53). His descriptions of Churches at Nola, in Epistle 32 and in some of his poems (18, 21, 27, 28), are of great im- portance for the history of Christian architecture. A new edition of his works is much wanted. That in Migne's Patrologia is most convenient for reference (Monograph : A. Bose, Paulin und seine Zeit, 1856). Pauunus of Pella (his father, a native of Burdigala, was Praetorian Praefect of Illyricum ; which explains the birth of Paulinus in Macedonia) is known by his poem entitled Evcliaristicon Deo mb cphemeridis mem textu (published in De la Eigne, Bibliot. Patr., Appendix col. 281, ed. 1579) ; contains one or two important notices of . events in Aquitania at the time of Ataulf 's invasion. The poet, thirty years old then, was appointed comes largitionum by the tyrant Attains, Ut me conquirens solacia vana tyrannus Attains absentem casso oneraret honoris Nomine, privatae oomitivae largitionis. Burdigala was burnt down by the Goths, who, not knowing that he held this dignity, stripped him and his mother of their property. He went to the neigh- APPENDIX 485 bouring Vasates ; induced the Alans to separate from the Goths and undertake the Koman cause ; and the town was delivered by their intervention. It is probable that Claudius Claudianus was born in Egypt and certain that he belonged to Alexandria and spent his early years there (cp. Sidonius ApoU. ix. 275, and Birt's preface to his ed. of Claudian, ad. init.). His father Claudian (op. C. I. L., 6, 1710) may be identical with Claudian the brother of the philosopher Maximus, Julian's teacher (Eunapius, Vit. Soph., p. 47 and 101, ed. Boiss. ; Birt, ib. p. vi). At Alexandria he wrote poems in Greek, and a fragment of his TiyavToiiaxCa has been preserved. {There seems to have been another Greek poet of the same name, who wrote in the reign of Theodosius ii., and to him may be ascribed perhaps some Christian epigrams. But it is certain that the great Claudian wrote in Greek,'' and his authorship of the Tiyo-vroi^axU has been successfully vindicated by Birt.) He seems to have come to Italy in or before A.D. 394, where he obtained a small post in one of the departments (sorinia) under the control of the magister officiorum ; and his poetical talents were discovered in the senatorial circles of Rome. He was patronized by Rufinus Synesius Hadrianus, a countryman of his own, who held the post of Count of the Sacred Largesses (a.d. 395 ; he was Mag. Offic, 397-399, and subsequently Praet. Praef. of Italy), and by members of the great Anician family, in the years 394 and 395, before he was discovered and " taken up " by Stilicho and the court of Honorius. From 396 to 404 he was a sort of poet laureate to the Imperial court ; Honorius was his Augustus, Stilicho his Maecenas. His fame and favour did not bring any remarkable advancement in his career in the civil service ; by the year 400 he had become tribune and notary. But he enjoyed the ample honour of having his statue erected (perhaps at the beginning of a.d. 400 ; Birt, op. cit., xliv.) in the Forum of Trajan, and the inscription of this statue is preserved in the Museum of Naples. It is printed in C. I. L. 6, 1710, and runs as follows : CL] CLAVDIANI V C CLA]VDIO CLAVDIANO V C TRI BVINO ET NOTARIO INTER CETERAS DETCENTES ARTES PRAEGLORIOSISSIMO PC] ETARVM LICET AD MEMORIAM SEM PITERNAM SVFFICIANT ADTAMEN TESTIMONII GRATIA OB IVDICII SVI EIDEM DDNN ARCADIVS ET HONORIVS EELICISSIMI AC DOCTISSIMI IMPERATORES SENATV PETENTE STATVAM IN FORO DIVI TRAIANI ERIGI COLLOCARIQVE IVSSERVNT EIN BNI BIPriAIOIO NOON KAI MOYOAN OMHPOY K.VAYAIANON PUMH KAI BACIAHC E0ECAN We have no record of Claudian's death ; but it is a probability closely ap- proaching certainty that he died in a.d. 404 (so Birt, p. lix.). The silence of his muse after this date, amidst the public events which ensued, is unintelligible on any other supposition. Here, if ever, a conclusion from silence is justified. Cheonolohical Table of Claudian's Poems (ajtee Bikt). rcyoi-Tonoxi'a *•!>• 394, or shortly before. Panegyricus diotus Probino et Olybrio consulibus a.d. 394 between Sept. and Deo. Letters to Olybrius and Probinus (= Carm. Min., 40, 41) a.d. 395. Raptus Proserpinae between a.d. '395 and 397. Panegyr. de iii. oonsulatu Honorii a.d. 395 between Sept. and Deo. In Rufinum Libri i. and ii. between a.d. 395 Dec. and a.d. 396 July. . 401. Alaric enters Italy (Yenetia) in November ; at the same time Badagai- sus (see next Appendix) invades Baetia. Stilicho advances against A.D. 402. Battle of FoUeutia on Easter Day. A.I). 402-403. Alaric in Istria. A.D. 403, Summer. Alaric again moves westward ; Battle of Verona. 18. RADAGAISUS— (P- 263) Badagaisus invaded Italy in 405 a.i>., at the head of an army of barbarians. He was defeated by Stilicho on the hills of Faesulae. There is no doubt about these facts, in which our "Western authorities agree, Orosius (vii. 37), Prosper, ad ann. 405, and Paulinus (Vita Ambrosii, c. 50). Prosper's notice is : Badagaisus in Tuscia multis Gothorum milibus csesis, ducente exercitum Stilichone, superatus et captus est. But Zosimus (v. 26) places the defeat of Badagaisus on the Ister. " A strange error," Gibbon remarks, ' ' which is awkwardly and imperfectly cured by reading "Api/oi> for 'lorpov." Awlrwardly and contrariwise to every principle of criticism. It is an emendation of Leunclavius and Beitemeier's 'UptSavhv is no better. But Zosimus knew where the Danube was, and the critic has to explain his mistake. From Gibbon's narrative one would draw the conclusion that this invasion of Italy in 405 (406 Gibbon incorrectly ; see Clinton, ad ann.) was the first occasion on which Badagaisus appeared on the stage of Imperial events. But he ap- peared before. A notice of Prosper, which there is not the smallest cause to question, represents him as co-operating with Alaric, when Alaric invaded Italy. Under the year 400 (there may be reason for questioning the year ; see last Appendix) in his Chronicle we find the record : Gtothi Italiam Alarico et Bada- gaiso duoibus ingressi. It is perfectly arbitrary to assume that the notice of the action of Badagaisus on this occasion is a mere erroneous duplication of his action, which is separately and distinctly recorded under the year 405. Pallmann emphasized the importance of the earlier notice of Prosper, and made a suggestion which has been adopted and developed by Mr. Hodgkin (i. p. 711, 716, 736), that Alaric and Badagaisus combined to attack Italia, Alaric operating in Venetia and his confederate in Eaetia in a.d. 400-1, and that the winter campaign of Stilicho in Baetia in a.d. 401-2, of which Claudiau speaks, was directed against Badagaisus. This combination has everything to recommend it. The passages in Claudian are as follows : Bell. Goth, 279 sqq. Non si perfidia nacti penetrabile tempus inrupere Getae, nostras dum Baetia vires oocupat atque alio desudant Marte cohortes idoirco spes omnis abit, &c. „ „ 329 sqq. sublimis in Arcton prominet Heroyniae confinis Baetia silvae quae se Danuvii iactat Bhenique parentem utraque Bomuleo praetendeus flumlna regno : &c. APPENDIX 501 Bell. Groth, 363 sgq, iam f oedera geutes exuerant Latiique audita clade feroces Vindellcoa saltus et Norioa rura tenebant, &o. ,, ,, 414, 5. adoiirrit vioina manus, quam Baetia nuper Vandaliois auctam spoliis defeusa probavit. Leaving aside the question whether (as Birt thinks) the barbarians whom Eada- gaisua headed in Kafetia were the Tandals and Alans who invaded Gaul in 406, we may without hesitation accept the conclusion that in 401 Eadagaisus was at the head of Vandals and other barbarians in Baetia. Birt points out the state- ment that Eadagaisus had intended to cross into Italy (eis rifv 'iTaXion- iip/iijTo iia^igi/at'), with which Zosimus introduces his account of the overthrow of Eada- gaisus by Stilioho ; and proposes to refer that statement not to the campaign of 405 but to that of 401. It was satisfactory to find that Birt had already taken a step in a direction in which I had been led before I studied his Preface to Claudian. The fact is that Zosimus really recounts the campaign of 401, as if it were the campaign of 405. His story is that Badagaisus prepared to invade Italy. The news created great terror, and Stilicho broke up with the army from Ticinum, and with as many Alans and Huns as he could muster, without waiting for the attack, crossed the Ister, and assailing the barbarians unexpectedly utterly destroyed their host. This is the campaign of the winter of 401-2, of which we know from Claudian'a Gothic War ; only that (1) Zosimus, placing it in 405, has added one feature of the actual campaign in 405, namely the all but total annihilation of the army of Eadagaisus, and that (2) Zosimus, in placing the final action beyond the Danube, differs from Claudian, who places it in Norioum or Vindelicia (1. 365, cited above) and does not mention that Stilioho crossed the river. But the winter campaign was in Danubian regions ; and the main difficulty, the appearance of the Danube in the narrative of Zosimus, seems to be satisfactorily accounted for by the assump- tion of this confusion between the two Badagaisus episodes, a confusion which must be ascribed to Zosimus himself rather than to his source Olympiodorus. 19. THE SECOND CAEAUSIUS— (P. 272) A new tjrrant in Britain at the beginning of the fifth century was discovered by Mr. Arthur Evans through a coin found at Bichborough (Butupiae). See Numismatic Chronicle, 3rd ser. vol. vii. p. 191 sgg., 1887. The obverse of this bronze coin "presents a head modelled in a somewhat barbarous fashion on that of a fourth cSntury Emperor, diademed and with the bust draped in the paludamentum ". The legend is : DOMINO CABAVS 10 CES. " The reverse presents a familiar bronze type of Constans or Constantius ii. The Emperor holding phoenix and labarum standard stands at the prow of a vessel, the rudder of which is held by Victory. In the present case, however, in place of the usual legend that accompanies this reverse — PEL. TEMP. EEPABATIO— appears the strange and unparalleled inscription : DOMIN ... CONTA ... NO " This coin cannot be ascribed to the well-known Carausiua of Diocletian's reign ; for the type of the reverse is never found before the middle of the fourth century. The DOMINO (without a pronoun— mosiro) on the obverse is quite unexampled on a Boman coin. Mr. Evans cohjeotuies that CONSTANTINO is to be read on the reverse and makes it probable that this obscure Carausius was colleague of Constantine iii., left behind by him, with the title of Caesar, to hold the island while he was himself absent in Gaul ; and would refer the issue of the coin to a.b. 409. " The memory of the brave Carausius, who first raised Britain to a position of maritime supremacy, may have influenced the choice of this obscure Caesar, at a moment when the Eomano-British population was about to assert as it had never done before its independence of Continental Empire." 502 APPENDIX Whether chosen by Oonstantine or not the coin "may at least be taken as evi- dence that the new Caesar stood forth as the representative of the interests of the Constantinian dynasty in the island as against the faction of the rebel GerontiuB and his barbarian allies ". 20. THE TYRANT OONSTANTINE— (P. 272) The best account of the rise, reign, and fall of the tyrant Oonstantine, ruler of Britain, Gaul and Spain, will be found in Mr. Freeman's article, " Tyrants of Britain, Gaul and Spain," in English Historical Review, vol. i. (1886) p. 53 $gq. At first, in 407, Constantine's Gallic dominions " must have consisted of a long and narrow strip of eastern Gaul, from the Channel to the Mediterranean, which could not have differed very widely from the earliest and most extended of the many uses of the word Lotharingia ". That he was acknowledged in Trier is proved by the evidence of coins (Bokhel, 8, 176). Then he moves down to the land between Rhone and Alps, which becomes the chief theatre of operations, and Aj-elate becomes his capital His son Constans he creates Caesar, and a younger son Julian nobilissimus. Early in 408 Sarus is sent against him by Stilicho. Sarus gains a victory over Constantine's officer (Justinian) ; and lays siege to Valentia in which Oonstantine secured himself. But he raises the siege on the seventh day, on account of the approach of Constantine's able general Gerontius, from whom he with difficulty escapes (by coming to an understanding with the Bagaudae, who appear to act as a sort of national militia) into Italy. Constantine's next step is to extend his rule over the rest of the Gallic pre- fecture, — Spain. "We are left quite in the dark as to his relations with the Bar- barians who in these years (407-9) were ravaging Gaul. Spain at first submitted to those whom Oonstantine sent ; but very soon the influential Theodosian family organized a revolt against it. The main part of the resistance came from Lusi- tania, where the four Theodosian brothers had most influence. The rustic army that was coUected was set to guard the Pyrenees. To put down the rising, Oonstantine sent troops a second time into Spain — this time under the Caesar Constans, who was accompanied by Gerontius and by Apollinaris (grandfather of the poet Sidonius), who accepted the office of Praetorian Prefect from Oonstan- tine. The Theodosian revolt was suppressed ; Constans set up his court in Caesar- augusta (Zaragoza), but soon returned to Gaul, leaving Gerontius to defend Spain. The sources for this story are Orosius, Sozomen and Zosimus. For the Spanish events we have no fragments of Olympiodorus. "On the other hand the local knowledge of Orosius goes for something, and Sozomen seems to have gained, from some quarter or other, a singular knowledge of detail of some parts of the story " (Freeman, p. 65). It is practically certain that Sozomen's source (as well as that of [Zosimus) was Olympiodorus (op. above, vol. ii., Ap- pendix 1). Thus master of the West, Oonstantine forces Honorius, then (a.d. 409) too weak to resist, to acknowledge him as his colleague and legitimate Augustus. Later in the year he enters Italy with an army, avowedly to help Honorius against Alario (so Olympiodorus), his real motive being to annex Italy to his own realm (Soz. ix. 12). At this time he probably raised Constans to the rank of Augustus. It appears that Oonstantine was in league with Allobioh, the general of Honorius, to compass his treasonable designs. They were discovered, Allobich was cut down, and then Oonstantine, who lud not yet reached Ravenna, turned back. Meanwhile the revolt of Gerontius in Spain had broken out, and Constans went to put it down. Gibbon's account of the revolt is inadequate, in so far as he does not point out its connexion with the invasion of Spain by the Vandals, Sueves and Alans. There is no doubt that Gerontius and Maximus invited them to cross the Pjnrenees. (Op. Olymp. ; Oros. 7, 28; Sozom. Ix. 113; Zos. 6, 5; Renatus, in Gregory of 'Tours, 2, 9 ; Freeman, p. 74 : " The evidence seems to go APPENDIX 503 for direct dealings between Gerontiua and the invaders, and his treaty with them is more likely to have followed the proclamation of Maximus than to have gone before it".) The dominion of Maximus was practically confined to the north- western comer ; the seat of his rule was Tarraoo. As for the relation of Maximus to Gerontius, it is very doubtful whether iraiSa in Olympiodorus is to be interpreted son and not rather servant or retainer. The rest of the episode of Constantino's reign — the sieges of Vienna (which, some have suspected, is a mistake for Narbo) and Arelate — have been well told by Gibbon. These events must be placed in the year 411 ; for Constantine's head arrived at Ravenna on 18th September (Idatius ad ann.), and it was in the fourth month of the siege of Arelate that Edobich's troops came on the scene (Kenatus ap. Greg. Tur. ii. 9). Mr. Freeman thus contrasts the position of Constantino with that of con- temporary tyrants : Constantine and Maximus clearly leagued themselves with the barbarians ; but they were not mere puppets of the barbarians ; they were not even set up by barbarian help. Each was set up by a movement in an army which passed for Boman. But the tyrants who appear in Gaul in the following year, Jovinus, Sebastian and Attains — Attalus, already known in Italy, is fresh in Gaul — are far more closely connected vrith the invaders of the provinces. Attalus was a mere puppet of the Goths, set up and put down at pleasure ; his story is merely a part of the marches of Ataulf in Gaul and Spain. Jovinus was set up by Bur- gundian and Alan help ; his elevation to the Empire and the earliest Btir- gundian settlement in Gaul are simply two sides of one event. Even Maximus was not in this way the mere creature of the invaders of Spain, though he found it convenient at least to connive at their invasion." 21. "THE STATUE OF A POET FAR SUPERIOR TO CLAUDIAN"— (P. 282) Other readers may, like myself, have been puzzled by this reference of Gibbon. Professor Dowden has supplied me with what must, I believe, be the true explanation. The statue of Voltaire by Pigalle (now in the Institut) was executed in 1770. The actress Mile. Clairon opened a subscription for it. See Desnoiresterres, Voltaire et la Society au xviii. Si^ole, vii., p. 312 sgq. 22. DEATH OF MAXIMUS— (P. 341) The chronicle of Count Marcellinus states that the tyrants Maximus and Jovinus were brought in chains from Spain (to Ravenna) and executed in the year 422, on the occasion of the tricennalia of Honorius (sub ann. 422, p. 75, ed. Mommsen, Chron. Min. vol. ii.). This, like some other unique notices in Mar- cellinus, was doubtless taken by him from the Consularia Italica (see above. Appendix 1), which have come down in a mutilated condition (cp. Mommsen, ib. p. 46). It is borne out by Orosius, who, writing in 417, says (vii. 425) : Maximus exutus purpura destititusque a militibus GaUicanis — nunc inter barbaros in Hispania egens exu^t ; which alone is of sufficient authority to refute the state- ments of the Eastern writers followed by Gibbon. 23. SEPTIMANIA— (P. 356) An error prevails in regard to the name Septimania. It first occurs in Sidonius Apollinaris, Ep. iii., 1, 4, where it is said of the Goths of the kingdom of Tolosa : Septimaniam suam fastidiunt vel refundunt, modo invidiosi hnins anguli (that is, Arverni) etiam desolata proprietate potiantur. In his Index Locorum to Luetjohann's ed. of Sidonius, Mommsen points out that Septimania is not derived from septem (the etymon is Septimus) and therefore did not signify either the Seven Provinces of the Viennese Diocese, or seven cities granted to the Goths (Greg. Tur., 2, 20). It means the coast line from the Pyrenees to the Rhone, in Sidonius as well as in Gregory of Tours and 504 APPENDIX later writers ; Sidonius means that the Goths declared themselves ready to exchange this coast district (including towns of Narbo, Tolosa, Bseterrse, Nemausus, Luteva) for Arverni. Bseterrse was a town of the Septimani ; hence Septimania. 24. BATE OF TRAVELLING BY SEA-^(P. 359) In connexion with Gibbon's note on the length of ioumeys by sea in the reign of Arcadius, I have found some contemporary data in the Life of Porphyry of Gaza by the deacon Marcus. (1) From Ascalon, in Palestine, to Thessalonioa : 13 days, p. 6, ed. Teubner. (2) Back from Thessalonica to Ascalon : IS days, p. 7. (3) From Gaza to Constantinople : 20 days, p. 24. (4) Back from Constantinople to Gaza : 10 days, p. 25. (5) From Csesarea (Falsest.) to Rhodes : 10 days in winter, p. 30. (6) From Rhodes to Constantinople : 10 days, winter, p. 33. (7) From Constantinople (starting 18th April) to Rhodes : 5 days, p. 47. It must be remembered that we are not informed about intermediate stoppages. These references may be added to those in Friedlander's Sittengeschichte, iii 13-17. With a good wind one could sail 11 or 12 hundred stadia in 24 hours. 25. ARMENIAN AFFAIRS— (P. 392, 393) Gibbon wrongly places the division of the Armenian kingdom into Roman and Persian Armenia in the fifth century. This division was arranged between Theodosius the Great and the Persian Sing. See Saint Martin, M^moires, p. 316. Persarmenia was at least two-thirds of the whole kingdom. Arsaces, who had already reigned 5 years over all Armenia, continued .after the division to rule over Roman Armenia for 2i years ; while Chosrov (a, Christian) was appointed by Persia as king of Persian Armenia. On the death of Arsaces, Theodosius committed the rule of the Roman part to a native general, who was induced to recognize the authority of Chosrov ; while Chosrov, in order to secure his position in Roman Armenia, aolcQowledged the suzerainty of the Roman Empire. This did not please Persia, and Jezdegird, son of the Persian kiag, over- threw him, after he had reigned 5 years. Jezdegird then gave Armenia to Chosrov's brother ; but Chosrov was subsequently restored through the in- fluence of the archbishop Isaac, and reigned about a year. He was .succeeded by Sapor, a royal prince of Persia, who made, himself hated and attempted to proselytize the Armenians. On his father's death he returned to Persia, endeavoured to win the crown, failed, and perished. After an interval Ardeshir (Gibbon's Artasires) was appointed— the last of the Armenian kings. , His deposition is described by Gibbon. The government was then placed In the hands of Persian marzbans. 26. PROCOPIAN LEGENDS— (P. 408, 478) (1) Boniface and Aetius ; (2) Valentinian and Maximijs. In his Italy and her Invaders, vol. ii. (p. 206 sqq., ed. 2) Mr. Hodgkin has discussed and rejected the romantic story connected with the death of Ta,len- tinian, the elevation of Maximus and his marriage with Eudoxia. The story, is told by Procopins (de B. V. i. 4) ; and, in accordance with Gibbon's criticism that "Procopius is a fabulous writer for the events which precede his own memory," Mr. Hodgkin relegates it to " the fables of Procopius . In the English Historical Review for July, 1887 (p. 417-465), Mr. Freeman published a long criticism of the historical material for the careers of Aetius and Boniface. He held the account of Procopius (B. V. i. 3) to be "legend of the sixth century and not trustworthy history of the fifth," and tried to "recover the true story as it may be put together from the annalists, the writings of St; Augustine, and other more trustworthy authorities ". In this case Mr. Hodgkin takes a completely different view and argues (i6., vol. i. p. 889 sqq., ed. 2) that the Procopian legend "has still a reasonable claim to be accepted as history," . while admitting that in some points it has been shaken by Mr. Freeman. ' APPENDIX 505 _ Now, while the two stories need not stand on the same footing ao far as historical credibility is concerned, while it may be possible to follow Mr. Hodgkin in rejecting the one and accepting the main part of the other, there is a prelimin- ary question which must be discussed before we attempt to decide the ultimate question of historical fact. Prooopius is not the only authority for these stories. They are also found in the Salmasian Excerpts, which were first printed by Cramer in his Anecdota Parisina, ii. 383 sqq., and afterwards included among the fragments of John of Antioch by C. Miiller, in the Fragmenta Hist. Grsec, vol. iv. p. 535 sqq. The fragments in question are 196 and 200. It was a serious flaw in Mr. Freeman's essay that he was not aware either of the Salmasian Excerpt 196, or of the Constantinian Excerpt 201, which also bears on the question of Aetius and Boniface. Mr. Hodgkin refers to fr. 196, which (with Miiller) he ascribes to Joannes Antiochenus, and says : "Though a comparatively late author (he probably lived in the seventh century) and though he certainly used Prooopius freely in his compilation, he had also some good contemporary authorities before him, especially Priscus, and there seems some probability, though I would not state it more sijrongly than this, that he may have found the story in one of them as well as in Prooopius "- But Mr. Hodgkin, while he takes account of fr. 196 in defending one " Procopiau legend, " takes no account of fr. 200 in rejecting the other ' ' Procopian legend,' though fr. 200 bears to the latter the same relation which fr. 196 bears to the former. Now in the first place it must be clearly understood that the author of the work from which the Salmasian Excerpts are derived cannot have been the same as the author of the work from which the Constantinian Excerpts are derived. There is no question about this, and it could be proved merely by comparing the two (Salmasian) fragments under consideration (frags. 196 and 200) with (the Constantinian) fragment 201. If then we accept the Constantinian Excerpts under the name Joannes of Antioch, we must be careful not to ascribe the Sal- masian Excerpts to that writer. "Which is the true Joannes, is a question still sub judice. (See below, vol. iv. Appendix 1.) The vital question then is whether Prooopius was the source of S. (as we may designate the author of these Excerpts) for these fragments or not. For if he was, S. adds no weight to the authority of Prooopius and may be disregarded ; if he were not, his statements have to bereokoned with too. From a careful comparison of the passages, I find myself in complete agreement with C. de Boor (who has dealt with the question in Byz. Ztsch. ii. 204 sqq.) that Prooopius was not the source of S. but that the accounts of both authors were derived from a common source. ^ The proof in the case of fr. 200 is very complete ; because we happen to have in Suidas sub voce ekaSw (see Miiller ad loc.) a fragment of what was evidently that common source. The inference, for historical purposes, is important. "We cannot speak with Mr. Freeman of "Procopian legend" or "legend of the sixth century". Prooopius cannot be described in these cases as setting down "the received tale that he heard ". He was using a hterary source ; and there is not the slightest proof that this literary source belonged to the sixth century. It seems more probable that it was a fifth century source. It may have been Priscus or it may not. These two episodes therefore depend on the authority of a writer (who has so far not been identified) earlier than Prooopius and distinct from John of Antioch. They may for all we know have very early authority, and they cannot be waived away as " Procopian legend ". Each must be judged on its own merits. It seems to me that there was probably a certain foundation of truth in both stories, but that they have been dressed out with fictitious details (like the story of the Empress Eudooia and Paulinus). I do not feel prepared to reject the main facts implied, that Aetius intrigued against Bonifacius and that "V"alentinian seduced the wife of Maximus. 1 Cp. further E. Gleye in Byz. Ztsch. v. 460 sqq., where some other of the Excerpts (esp fr. 12) are treated in their relation to Procopius, with the same result. 506 APPENDIX The story of the single combat of Aetius and Boniface is derived from Karcel- linus (like Prooopius, a writer of the sixth century). But rightly interpreted it contains nothing improbable. It does not imply a duel ; but a single combat m a battle. It is however important to observe that John of Antioch " (fr. 201, Miiller, p. 615) says nothing of Boniface's wound but states that he was out-generalled by Aetius, and that he died of diseases due to depression and chagrin. TOF Se Tiovi^a.Tt.oi'