I a.. \V\ 7^ Date Due Interlitrsty Loan ^ S '^Ti -^^m^ -jBt^ Hnr-iliU^ m -«tiS9B (Wy NO. 23233 ^ Cornell University M Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924020420489 Q, [TRiAir JQJAR] >aWA^E 2 , RELATION ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA S^tanslateJf from f^t Sp^ni&f^ BUCKINGHAM SMITH Los tiempos sou co^o los rios, que no pueden volver atras. De elloa qnedan eu la memoriade losliombres ul recuerdo de las hazailas mfis in- signcs asi en valor como en maldad. Afiolfo de Castro. NEW YORK 1871 J] -V^ H :^' A> \i 1-1^4. Entered according to Act of Congress in tlie year 1871, By the Estate of Buckingham Smith, In the olRce of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. Edition, 100 Copies only. TO THE READER. The sudden death of" the author of this volume, while its first sheets were passing through the press, devolved upon his friends the duty of completing its publication. - He had carefully revised the entire translation and notes, but had not prepared, as he had intended, two maps showing the route of Alvar l^unez, somewhat differently from what he had con- ceived in the former edition, and the work appears accordingly without them. These differences related principally, it is believed, to the place on the Gulf of Mexico where the adventurer spent the long interval during which his narrative is silent, and the inland point from whence he afterwards started on his western route. While it is to be regretted that we are thus deprived of the conclusions upon this inter- esting inquiry of one who had made the subject a study of years, the question is one after all, perhaps, upon which readers will prefer to decide for them- selves. The translator in a note on page 44, promised to furnish in the Appendix a paper respecting the hieroglyph of Don Pedro to be found in that note. ISTo such paper has been discovered. It was his intention, also to have given a sketch of the life of Alvar JSTuriez, [y TO THE EEADEE. but some documents only for that purpose were found among Ms papers. These were placed in the hands of Thomas W. Field, Esq., who has drawn up the very interesting account inserted in the Appendix. The reading of the proof sheets was committed by Mr. Smith in his life time to Miss Maria J. B. Browne, of 'New York, who has faithfully performed the task. This volume, signalized as it is, by the sad occur- rence which calls forth this prefatory note, required some memorial of the translator, for the narrative not only occupied his thoughts in an extraordinary degree, as presenting one of the earliest explorations by Europeans of the land of his birth, and- an ori- ginal picture of the savage tribes of the southern and western territories of the United States, when first discovered by the white man, but has received much elucidation by hi& valuable annotations. The lovers of our early history, for whose especial gratifi- cation this edition sees the light, will be pleased for this reason to have the memoir written by his dis- tinguished friend, Dr. J. Gilmary Shea, which is appended to the work. Brooklyn, Mai/, 1871. INTRODUCTION. To no one more appropriately than to George W. Riggs of Washington, could these remarks be addressed. The occasion is agreeably recalled, when near twenty years ago a first translation into English, of this tract, with maps and notes that attempted to trace the route of the army of Narvaez, was greeted in the library of Peter Force. Although the narrative had appeared in other languages, the points of march were at no time indicated, nor was it thought possible to ascertain them; and, finally, the story itself, though perused "with delight in the beginning, went not unchal- lenged, and at the close of three centuries, amidst the most solemn protestations of sincerity, came to be condemned by no mean authority, as deformed by bold exaggerations and the wildest fiction. Opinion under the array of facts is yield- ing to the force of truth. Things that the author speaks of as "very new and most difficult of vi INTRODUCTION. belief," instruct and find credence in the last third of the nineteenth century. While filling an ofiicial position in Mexico, due to the influence of Jackson Morton, Senator from Florida, the translator found a field for historical investigation ; and, later, to William Pitt Fessen- den of Maine, he is indebted for a like position near the court at Madrid, that presented a still more extensive area. These admissions of obligation can have no significancy in the future, no word of salutation from the past. It is but an acknowl- edgment made to generous spirits in the account of years. The first imprint of the Belacion, a book ex- tremely rare, was made in the year 1542. It comprises sixty-seven leaves octavo, with the following title page and colophon : ^ La relacion que dio Aluar nu- 1| nez cabega de vaca de lo acaescido en las Indias||en la armada donde yua por gouernador Pa || philo de narbaez, desde el ano de veynte || y siete hasta el ano de treynta y seys || que boluio a Seuilla con tres || de su compafiia. : . || y^ Fue impresso el presente tra- 1| tado en la mag- nifica, noble, y an tiquissma 9iudad||deZamora : por INTRODUCTION. y[[ los honrrados varones Augu || stin de paz y Juan Picardo companeros im || pressores de libros vezinos de la dicha giu || dad. A costa y espensas del vir- tuoso va II ron Juan pedro musetti mercader || de libros vezino de Medina del || campo. Acabose en seys dias || del mes de Octubre. Ano || del nas§i- miento de nro Sal || uador Jesu Cristo de || mil y quinientos y || quarenta y dos || Anos. The next edition, in nearly the same form and black letter, printed in the year 1550, is connected with a work from another hand. The title page gives the subjects of both volumes. The text of the latter edition differs from the earlier one in the spelling of the names of several Indian nations, the omission of one name, and in the failure to mention that of an island. These may be only changes made by the author. The matter is likewise differently divided. The chap- ters have headings, and the pages a running title. There is also a table of the contents of chapters, and a numbering of leaves to Ivj. which closes with the line, Deo Gracias. The enumeration con- tinues through the Gomentarios, written by Pero Fernandez to leaf cxliiij. viii mTRODUCTION. ^ La relacion y comentarios del gouernador Aluar nunez cabega de vaca, de lo acaescido en las dosjornadas que hizo a las Indias. Con priuilegio. Bsta tassada por los seSores del consejo en Oclieta y cinco mrs. The third and last issue in Spanish was imprinted in the year 1799, folio, among the Sistoriadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales of Barcia. It is a copy of the second edition, with an index to the contents, the proem and table being omitted. The text continues without paragraphing. The title is : Navfragios j| De Alvar Nufiez || Cabeza De Vaca; ||y || Kelacion De La Jornada, || que hizo a la Florida con el Adelantado || Panfilo de Narvaez. In the Historical Collection of Ramusio, a trans- lation was published in Italian at Venice, made from the first edition. The single edition in French is of H. Ternaux Compans, Paris, 1837. The only version in English, intended to be literal, was printed in the year 1851, in one hundred copies, for a gentleman conversant with the history of American discovery, who desired to place in the hands of students and a few acquaint- ances, one of the earliest authentic relations. In INTRODUCTION. Jx the unavoidable absence of the translator, a friend obligingly gave it his editorial supervision. When the survivors of those who under Narvaez had designed the conquest of Florida, arrived in Mexico, they wrote to the Audiencia of Espartola an account of the fate of the armament, their own toil, suffering and servitude, the countries whither they had wandered and the character of their discoveries. From this letter, which is not sup- posed to exist, was taken the relation given in the Historia de las Indias. Although Oviedp assures us of his care in trimming away redundancies, to touch nothing of value, he has certainly been at fault. His remarks and reflections in running commentary with the narration, while not without fitness and even wit, we would willingly spare for what might be the uncouth proportions of the original, with the unmistakable features of genuine- ness. The facts in the chronicle, not to be found in the Belacion, or not in exact accord with it, have been carefully culled and placed in the margins of the translated pages, or are carried in sections to the Addenda. In Mexico before the survivors of the enterprise separated, Mendoza required of them a map of the X INTRODUCTION. territories over which they had traveled. They accordingly made one and placed it in the hands of the viceroy.^ It is believed not to exist. On the arrival of Alvar Nunez at Sevilla, he was summoned to declare before the counsel of Indias what he saw and knew of Florida. He answered that he was on the eve of departure to report in person to the emperor.^ A royal order had already required his presence, and at once he responded to it. Hastening to Valladelid he appeared before Charles V. The hide of the bison, a few emeralds, a handful of turquoise, with the relation of an impracticable fortune, were the only evidences of diligence and good conduct he could lay at the feet of his imperial master. ' Grdnica de Meclioacan by tlie B. Pe. Fray Pablo Bbatoiont, MS. ^ Letter of Zarate and Cavallehos to tlie King, 8tli Nov. 1537, MS. in the Lonja. RELATION ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE VACA WLi)at Mtl fi\t ^rtnamettt in irCaim PANFILO DB NARVAEZ WENT FOR GOVERNOR The Year 1527 to the Year 1537 WHEN WITH THKBB COMRADES HE RETURNED AND CAME TO SEVILLA PROEM. Sacred Caesarian Catholic Majesty : ' Among the many who have held sway, I think no prince can be found whose service has been attended with the ardor and emulation shown for that of your Highness at this time. The inducement is evident and powerful : men do not pursue together the same career without motive, and strangers are observed to strive with those who are equally impelled by religion and loyalty. Although ambition and love of action are common to all, as to the advantages that each may gain, there are great inequalities of fortune, the result not of conduct, but only accident, nor caused by the fault of any one, but coming in the providence of God and solely by His will. Hence to one arises deeds more signal than he thought to achieve ; to another the opposite in every way occurs, so that he can show no higher proof of purpose than his effort, and at times even this is so concealed that it cannot of itself appear. As for me, I can say in undertaking the march I made on the main by the royal authority, I firmly trusted that my conduct and services would be as evident and distinguished as were those of my ancestors, and that I should not have to speak in order to be reckoned among those who for diligence and fidelity in affairs your Majesty honors. Yet, as neither my counsel nor my constancy availed to gain aught for which we set out, agreeably to your interests, for our sins, no one of the many armaments that have gone into those parts has been permitted to find itself in straits great like ours, or come to an end alike forlorn and fatal. To me, one only duty remains, to present a relation of what was seen and heard in the ten years I wandered lost ' Addressed to Charles V. Emperor of Germany, being Charles I. King of Spain, of the Sicilies, etc., etc. 12 PROKM. and in privation through many and remote lands.' Not merely a statement of positions and distances, animals and vegetation, but of the diverse customs of the many and very barbarous people with whom I talked and dwelt, as well as all other matters I could hear of and discern, that in some way I may avail your Highness. My hope of going out from among those nations was always small, still my care and diligence were none the less to keep in particular re- membrance everything, that if at any time God our Lord should will to bring me where I now am, it might testify to my exertion in the royal behalf. As the narrative is in my opinion of no trivial value to those who in your name go to subdue those countries and bring them to a know- ledge of the true faith and true Lord, and under the imperial dominion, I have written this with much exactness ; and although in it may be read things very novel and for some persons difficult to believe, nevertheless they may without hesitation credit me as strictly faithful. Better than to exaggerate, I have lessened in all things, and it is sufficient to say the relation is offered to your Majesty for truth. I beg it may be received in the name of homage, since it is the most that one could bring who returned thence naked. ^ The fleet arrived at the Island of Santo Domingo from Spain about the month of September 152T, and Cabe^a de Vaca left Cnba, returning on the ad day of June 1537, 80 that he was absent nearly ten years . From the time he landed in Florida, the 14th of April 1528, until he arrived at the Spanish settlements on the Gulf of California in 1536, there was an interval of eight years ; and one year more elapsed before he went from Veracruz to Spain . RELATION ALVAR NUNEZ CABECA DE YACA. CHAPTER I. IN WHICH IS TOLD "WHEN THE ARMADA SAILED, AND OF THE OFFICERS AND PERSONS WHO WENT IN IT. On the seventeenth day of June,* in the year fifteen- hundred and twenty-seven, the Governor Pdnphilo de Ifarvaez left the port of San Liicar de Barrameda, authorized and commanded by your Majesty to con- quer and govern the provinces of the main, extending from the river Palmas to the cape of Florida.^ The fleet he took was five ships, in which went six hundred men, a few more or less ; the ofiicers (for we shall have to speak of them), were these, with their rank : Cabe9a de Vaca, Treasurer and High-sheriff; Alonzo Enrriquez, _ Comptroller ; Alonzo de Solis, Distributor to your Ma- jesty and Assessor ; Juan Xuarez, afriar of SaintFrancis, Commissary, and four more friars of the same order.^ We arrived at the island of Santo Domingo, where we tarried near forty-five days, engaged in procuring for ourselves some necessary material, particularly horses. Here we lost from our fleet more than one *.June 17. 1537 l^ EELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ hundred and forty men, who wished to remain, seduced by the pariidos, and advantages held out to them by the people of that country. We sailed from the island and arrived at Santiago, a port of Cuba, where, during some days that we remained, the Governor supplied himself further with men, also with arms and horses. It happened there that a gentleman, Vasco Porcallo of Trinidad,^ which is also on the island, offered to give the Governor some provisions which he had in the town, a hundred leagues from the port of Santiago.^ Accordingly the Governor set out with all the fleet for Trinidad ; but coming to a port half way, called Cabo de Santa Cruz, he thought it well to wait there, and send a vessel to bring the stores. To this end he ordered that a Cap- tain Pantoja should go for them with his ship, and for greater security, that I should accompany him with another. The Governor remained with four ships, having bought one at the island of Santo Domingo. We having arrived with the two vessels at the port of Trinidad, Captain Pantoja went with Vasco Porcalle to the town, a league off, to receive the provisions, while I remained at sea with the pilots, who said we ought to go thence with the greatest dispatch possible, for it was a very bad port in which many vessels were lost. As what there occurred to us was very remark- able, it appears to me not foreign to the purpose with which I write this, to relate it here. The next morning began to give signs of bad wea- ther ; rain commenced falling, and the sea ran so high. CABE9A DE VACA. ^5 that, although I gave the men permission to go on shore, many of them returned to • the ship to avoid exposure to the wet and cold, and because the town was a league away. In this time a canoe came off, bringing me a letter from a resident of the place, asking me to come for the needed provisions that were there; from which request I excused myself, saying that I could not leave the ships. At noon the canoe returned with another letter, in which I was solicited again with much urging, and a horse was brought for me to ride. I gave the same answer as before, that I could not leave the ships; but the pilots and the people entreated me to go, so that I might hasten the provisions as fast as possible, and we might join the fleet where it lay, for they had great fear lest remain- ing long in this port, the ships should be lost. For these reasons, I determined to go to the town; but first I left orders with the pilots, that if the south wind, which often wrecks vessels there, came on to blow, and they should find themselves in much danger, to put the ships on shore at some place where the men and horses could be saved. I wished to take some of the men with me for company ; but they said the weather was too rainy and cold, and the town too far off; that to-morrow, which was Sunday, they would come, with God's help, and hear mass. An hour after I left, the sea began to rise very high, and the north wind was so violent that neither the boats dared come to land, nor could the vessels be let drive on shore, because of the head wind, so that IQ RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ the people remained severely laboring against -the adverse weather, and under a heavy fall of water all that day and Sunday until dark. At this time, the rain and the tempest had increased to such a degree, there was no less agitation in the town than on the sea; for all the houses and churches fell, and it was necessary in order to move upright, that we should go seven or eight holding on to each other that the wind might not blow us away ; and walking in the groves, we had no less fear of the trees than of the houses, as they too were falling and might kill -us under them. In this tempest and danger we wandered all night, without finding place or spot where we could remain a half hour in safety. During the time, particularly from midnight forward, we heard much tumult and great clamor of voices, the sound of timbrels, flutes and tamborines, as well as other instruments, which lasted until the morning, when the tempest ceased. ■Nothing so terrible as this storm, had been seen in those parts before. I drew up an authenticated ac- count of it, and sent the testimony to your Majesty.^ On Monday morning we went down to the harbor, but did not find the ships. The buoys belonging to them were floating on the water ; whence we knew the ships were lost, and we walked along the shore to see if any thing could be found of them. As nothing was discovered, we struck into the woods, and, having traveled about a quarter of a league in water, we found the little boat of a ship lodged upon some trees. Ten leagues thence, along the coast, two bodies were found, CABEgA DB VAC A. J 7 belonging to my sTiip, and some lids of boxes ; but the persons were so disfigured by beating against the rocks that thej' could not be recognized. A cloak too was seen, also a coverlet rent in pieces, and nothing more. Sixty persons were lost in the ships, and twenty horses. Those who had gone on shore the day of our arrival, who may have been as many as thirty, were all the survivors of both ships. During some days we were" struggling with much hardship and hunger; for the provisions and subsistence were de- stroyed, and some herds. The country was left in a condition piteous to behold; the trees prostrate, the woods parched, there being neither grass nor leaf. Thus we hved imtil the fifth day of November,* when the Grovernor arrived with four ships, which had lived through the great storm, having run into a place of safety in good time. The people who came in them, as well as those on shore, were so intimidated by what had passed, that they feared to go on board in the winter, and they besought the Governor to spend it there. Seeing their desire, and that it was also the wish of the townspeople, he staid through the season. He gave the ships and people into my charge, that I might go with them to pass the winter at the port of Xagua, twelve leagues thence, where I remained until the twentieth day of February.f * November 5, 1537 f February 20, 1528 ' Rio de las Palmas on the western shore of tbe gulf of Mexico, on modem charts in latitude 23° 48' north. Oviedo says, on the au- thority of Chaves, that near Rio de las Palmas crosses Tropic of 3 -[ 8 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ CABE^A DE VACA. Cancer, tlience to Rio Panuco are more than thirty leagues, and thence to Veracruz, seventy leagues. ^ " . . . . and for Aldermen of the first town that they should erect, went Miguel de Lumbreras, Geronimo Lopez, Andres Dorantes, Diego de Cueto ; and for those of the second, Juan de Mayorga, Bartholome Hernandez Franco, Juan de Guijon, Alonzode Herrera." — Hbbebba. In the Arehwo de Indias, is the original commission issued hy the King and Dona Joana, his mother, to Juan Velazquez de Salazar, of the royal household, to he Mayor of the first and principal town of Christians in Florida. " Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa went afterwards with Soto from Cuha to Florida as his Lieutenant-general ; but, having some misunderstand- ing with him, returned to the Island soon after the first skirmish with the natives. — OviBDO. Gaecilasso. * Seventeen and a half leagues, according to the usage of the Span- ish and Portuguese navigators of the time, measured one degree, which gives three and a half geographical miles to the league. A mile will be found about the distance accounted " league " in the narrative. A personal experience has shown the day's journey ,_;'ormada, to be about twenty-two miles. ° From Xagua, the 15th -day of Feb., 1528, he wrote an account to the Emperor of all that had befallen the armament to that time. — Otibdo. Official accounts are extant of a very destructive hurricane that visited the Antillas in the same month of October, the year before which should have a record. The excerpta are in the handwriting of Murioz in the LXXVIIIth volume of his Collection in the Academy of History at Madrid. The Audiencia wrote from EspaSola 20th of May, 1536 : " The population is in very necessitous condition. The pestilence of small pox has finished the Indians. The war with France, and his Maj esty having taken as borrowed the gold sent to Spain for supplies, have carried up the prices of Spanish goods. The in- habitants notwithstanding have exerted themselves to build sugar- mills and other structures for permanency ; for the storm or uracan in last October threw down many of the sugar-works and destroyed most of the plantations, although so much has been set up since that the labor is expected to be over with in a short time." To the Emperor from Portorico, 37th March, 1536 : (San Juan.) " On the night of the 4th of October last there came on such a storm of wind and water, called here uracan, that in twenty-four hours it demolished the greater part of this city including the church, doing so great damage to the plantations in the country, because of the freshes in the river, that the like is not remembered on this Island." Many rich have been made poor. CHAPTER II. THE COMING OF THE GOVERNOR TO THE PORT OF SAGUA AND "WITH A PILOT. At this time, the Grovernor arrived with a brigantine bought in Trinidad, and brought with him a pilot named ISIiruelo, who was employed because he said he knew the position of the river Palmas, and had been there, and was a thorough pilot for all the coast of the Jforth.' The Governor had also purchased and left on the shore of Havana another vessel, of which Al- varo de la Cerda remained in charge, with forty in- fantry and twelve cavalry. The second day after arrival the Governor set sail ^^-ith four hundred men and eighty horses, in four ships and a brigantine.* The Pilot being again on board, put the vessels among the shoals they call Can- arreo, and on the day following we struck: thus we were situated fifteen days, the keels of our vessels frequently touching bottom. At the end of this time,t a tempest from the south threw so much water upon the shoals that we could get off, although not without danger. We left this place and arrived at Guanigua- nico, where another storm overtook us, in which we * Feb. 30. t Marcli 4 1538 20 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ CABE6- queflo, little, seems to attach, a particular meaning to the first. The natives of Espanola reared the perrillo in tbeir dwellings for food and the bunting of small game ; but it appears to have been a differ- ent animal from the Proayon lotor of the continent. In the account of the expedition of Soto, given in Oviedo, it is stated that while the army was in a certain region of country (now covered by the state of Georgia), it was plentifully supplied with perrillos by the Indians. We may suspect that the raccoon in this instance, was intended to be understood, and that perrillo pequeflo marks the specific animal distinctively with its size. ^ Two hundred archers with holes in their ears in which were joints of cane. — Letter. CHAPTER XII. THE INDIANS BRING US FOOD. At sunrise the next day,* the time the Indians appointed, they came according to their promise, and brought us a large quantity of fish with certain roots, some a little larger than walnuts, others a trifle smaller, the greater part got from under the water and with much labor. In the evening they returned and brought us more fish and roots. They sent their women and children to look at us, who went back rich with the hawk-bells and beads given them, and they came after- wards on other days, returning as before. Finding that we had provision, fish, roots, water and other things we asked for, we determined to embark again and pursue our course. Having dug out our boat from the sand in which it was buried, it became necessary that we should strip, and go through great exertion to launch her, we being in such a state that things very much lighter sufficed to make us great labor. Thus embarked, at the distance of two cross-bow shots in the sea we shipped a wave that entirely wet us. As we were naked, and the cold was very great, the oars loosened in our hands, and the next blow the * November 7. 1538 gg RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ sea struck us, capsized tlie boat. The Assessor and two ofbiers held fast to her for preservation, but it happened to be far otherwise ; the boat carried them over, and they were drowned under her. As the surf near the shore was very high, a single roll of the sea threw the rest into the waves and half drowned upon the shore of the island, without our losing any more than those the boat took down. The survivors escaped naked as they were born, with the loss of all they had ; and although the whole was of little value, at that time it was worth much, as we were then in ISTo- vember, the cold was severe, and our bodies were so emaciated the bones might be counted with little difficulty, having become the perfect figures of death. For myself I can say that from the month of May passed, I had eaten no other thing than maize, and sometimes I found myself obliged to eat it unparched ; for although the beasts were slaughtered while the boats were building, I could never eat their flesh, and I did not eat fish ten times. I state this to avoid giving excuses, and that every one may judge in what condition we were. Besides all these misfortunes, came a north wind upon us, from which we were nearer to death than life. Thanks be to our Lord that in looking among the brands we had used there, we found sparks from which we made great fires. And thus were we asking mercy of Him and pardon for our transgressions, shedding many tears, and each regretting not his own fate alone, but that of his com- rades about him. CABEgA DE VACA. gg At sunset, the Indians thinking that we had not gone, came to seek us and bring us food; but when they saw us thus, in a plight so different from what it was before, and so extraordinary, they were alarmed and turned back. I went toward them and called, when they returned much frightened. I gave them to understand by signs that our boat had sunk and three of our number had been drowned. There, before them, they saw two of the departed, and we who re- mained were near joining them. The Indians, at sight of what had befallen us, and our state of suffering and melancholy destitution, sat down among us, and from the sorrow and pity they felt, they all began to lament so earnestly that they might have been heard at a dis- tance, and continued so doing more than half an hour. It was strange to see these men, wild and untaught, howling like brutes over our misfortunes. It caused in me as in others, an increase of feeling and a livelier sense of our calamity.^ The cries having ceased, I talked with the Christ- ians, and said that if it appeared well to them, I would beg these Indians to take us to their houses. Some, who had been in New Spain, replied that we ought not to think of it; for if they should do so, they would sacrifice us to their idols. But seeing no better course, and that any other led to a nearer and more certain death, I disregarded what was said, and be- sought the Indians to take us to their dwellings. They signified that it would give them delight, and that we should tarry a little, that they might do what we 70 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ asked. Presently thirty men loaded themselves with wood and started for their houses, which were far off, and we remained with the others until near night, when, holding us up, they carried us with all haste. Because of the extreme coldness of the weather, lest any one should die or fail by the way, they caused four or five very large fires to be placed at intervals, and at each they warmed us ; and when they saw that we had regained some heat and strength, they took us to the next so swiftly that they hardly let us touch our feet to the ground. In this manner, we went as far as their habitations, where we found that they had made a house for us with many fires in it. An hour after our arrival, they began to dance and hold great rejoic- ing, which lasted all night, although for us there was no joy, festivity nor sleep, awaiting the hour they should make us victims. In the morning,* they again gave us fish and roots, showing us such hospitality that we were re-assured, and lost somewhat the fear of sacrifice. * November 8. 1528 ' " The Indian and the white man having made each other presents, they thereby became friends, so as to make it the duty of each to weep for the affliction of the other. The dances that follow the wailing, " says Peter P. Pitchlynn, an educated English half-blood, chief of the Chataa, who considers that he perfectly comprehends the conduct of these natives, " was to cheer and sooth the strangers that they might the less feel their loss. It is a duty, he says, among his people, to mourn with friends in their bereavement. Even persons long separated, when they meet, though it should be on a road and after a death has long occurred, sit down together and the friends lament the lost one, with tears and sorrowing hearts. Long journeys are made to show this act of respect for the one that is not ; the name CABE9A DE VACA. 'J I of the deceased never being mentioned in the presence of a relative. It is etiquette to allow the persons bereaved first to speak of their loss, a delicate consideration for their feelings to be invariably ob- served." Some missionaries to the Indians appear not to have known and to have been puzzled with this observance common among the natives, of not naming the dead. Two Jesuits in a report of their visit to the Kalo at the Capes of Florida, in the year 1743, write to Horcasitas, Captain General of Cuba : " To close their mouths we have had to take the method of proving to them the immortality of the soul by their own strange custom of offering to the dead, and the killing of children to serve the deceased chief ; but on naming death or the dead they go away with fear or some other emotion we do not distin- guish." — MS. CHAPTER XIII. "WE HEAR OF OTHER CHRISTIANS. This day I saw a native with an article of traffic I knew was not one we had bestowed; and asking whence it came, I was told by signs that it had been given by men like ourselves who were behind. Hear- ing this I sent two Indians, and with them two Christ- ians to be shown those persons. They met near by, as the men were coming to look after tis ; for the In- dians of the place where they were, gave them inform- ation concerning us. They were the Captains Andres Dorantes and Alonzo del Castillo, with all the persons of their boat. Having come up they were surprised at seeing us in the condition we were, and very much pained at having nothing to give us, as they had brought no other clothes than what they had on. Thus together again, they related that on the fifth day of that month,* their boat had capsized a league and a half from there, and they escaped without losing any thing. We all agreed to refit their boat,^ that those of us might go in her who had vigor sufficient and disposition to do so, and the rest should remain until they became well enough to go, as they best * November 5. 1538 RELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ CABBfot to endure this hfe, Andres Dorantes fled, and passed to the Mariames, the people among whom Esquivel tar- ried. They told him that having had Esquivel there, he wished to run away because a woman dreamed that a son of hers would kill him ; and that they followed after, and slew him. They showed Dorantes his sword, beads and book, with other things that had been his. Thus in obedience to their custom they take life, destroying even their male children on account of dreams. They cast away their daughters at birth, and cause them to be eaten by dogs. The reason of their doing this, as they state, is because all the nations of the country are their foes ; and as they have unceasing war with them, if they were to marry away their daughters, they would so greatly multiply their enemies that they must be overcome and made slaves ; thus they prefer to destroy all, rather than that from them should come a single enemy. We asked why they did not them- selves marry them ; and they said it would be a dis- gustful thing to marry among relatives, and far better to kill than to give them either to their kindred or to their foes. This is likewise the practice of their neighbors the Tguazes, but of no other people of that country. When the men would marry, they buy the women of their enemies : the price paid for a wife is a bow, the CABEgA DE VACA. ^03 best that can be got, with two arrows : if it happens that the suitor should have no bow, then a net a fathom in length and another in breadth. They kill their male children, and buy those of strangers. The marriage state continues no longer than while the parties are satisfied, and they separate for the slightest cause. Dorantes was among this people, and after a few days escaped. Castillo and Estevanico went inland to the Yguazes. This people are universally good archers and of a fine symmetry, although not so large as those we left. They have a nipple and a lip bored. Their support is principally roots, of two or three kinds, and they look for them over the face of all the country. The food is poor and gripes the persons who eat it. The roots re- quire roasting two days : many are very bitter, and withal difficult to be dug. They are sought the distance of two or three leagues, and so great is the want these people experience, that they cannot get through the year without them. Occasionally they kill deer, and at times take fish; but the quantity is so small and the famine so great, that they eat spiders and the eggs of ants, worms, lizards, salamanders, snakes, and vipers that kill whom they strike ; and they eat earth and wood, and all that there is, the dung of deer, and other things that I omit to mention ; and I honestly believe that were there stones in that land they would eat them. They save the bones of the fishes they consume, of snakes and other animals, that they may afterwards beat them together and eat the powder. The men 104 RELATION OF ALVAB NUNEZ bear no burthens, nor carry anything of weight ; such are borne by women and old men who are of the least esteem. They have not so great love for their children as those we have before spoken of.* Some among them are accustomed to sin against nature. The women work very hard, and do a great deal ; of the twenty-four hours they have only six of repose ; the rest of the night they pass in heating the ovens to bake those roots they eat. At daybreak they begin to dig them, to bring wood and water to their houses and get in readiness other things that may be necessary. The majority of the people are great thieves; for though they are free to divide with each other, on turning the head,- even a son or a father will take what he can. They are great liars, and also great drunkards, which they become from the use of a certain liquor. These Indians are so accustomed to running, that without rest or fatigue they follow a deer from morning to night. In this way they kill many. They pursue them until tired down, and sometimes overtake them in the race. Their houses are of matting, placed upon four hoops. They carry them on the back, and re- move every two or three days in search of food. ISTothing is planted for support. They are a merry people, considering the hunger they suffer; for they never cease, notwithstanding, to observe their festivi- ties and areytos. To them the happiest part of the year is the season of eating prickly pears ; they have * The people of Malhado. CABE^A DE VACA. ^QS hunger then no longer, pass all the time in danc- ing, and eat day and night. While these last, they squeeze out the juice, open and set them to dry, and when dry they are put in hampers like figs. These they keep to eat on their way back. The peel is beaten to powder. It occurred to us many times while we were among this people, and there was no food, to be three or four days without eating, when they, to revive our spirits, would tell us not to be sad, that soon there would be prickly pears when we should eat a plenty and drink of the juice, when our bellies would be very big and we should be content and joyful, having no hunger. From the time they first told us this, to that at which the earliest were ripe enough to be eaten, was an interval of five or six months ; so having tarried until the lapse of this period, and the season had come, we went to eat the fruit. "We found mosquitos of three sorts, and all of them abundant in every part of the country. They poison and inflame, and during the greater part of the summer gave us great annoyance. As a protection we made fires, encircling the people witb them, burning rotten and wet wood to produce smoke without flame. The remedy brought another trouble, and the night long we did little else than shed tears from the smoke that came into our eyes, besides feeling intense heat from the many fires, and if at any time, we went out for repose to the seaside and fell asleep, we were reminded with blows to make up the fires. The Ladians of the 14 106 RELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ interior have a different method, as intolerable, and worse even than the one I have spoken of, which is to go with brands in the hand firing the plains and forests within their reach, that the mosquitos may fly away, and at the same time to drive out hzards and other like things from the earth for them to eat. They are accustomed also to kill deer by encircling them with fires. The pasturage is taken from the cattle by burning, that necessity may drive them to seek it in places where it is desired they should go. They encamp only where .there are wood and water ; and sometimes all carry loads of these when they go to hunt deer, which are usually found where neither is to be got. On the day of their arrival, they kill the deer and other animals which they can, and consume all the water and all the wood in cooking and on the fires they make to relieve them of mosqtiitos. They remain the next day to get something to sustain them on their return; and when they go, such is their state from those insects that they appear to have the afiiiction of holy Lazarus. In this way do they appease their hunger, two or three times in the year, at the cost I have mentioned. From my own experience, I can state there is no torment known in this world that can equal it. Inland are many deer, birds and beasts other than those I have spoken of. Cattle come as far as here. Three times I have seen them and eaten of their meat. I think they are about the size of those in Spain. They have small horns like the cows of Morocco ; the CABB^A DB VACA. JQT hair is very long and flocky like the merino's. Some are tawny, others black. To my judgment the flesh is finer and fatter than that of this country. Of the skins of those not full grown the Indians make blankets, and of the larger they make shoes and buck- lers. They come as far as the sea-coast of Florida, from a northerly direction, ranging through a tract of rhore than four hundred leagues ; and throughout the whole region over which they run, the people who inhabit near, descend and live upon them, distributing a vast many hides into the interior country. Addendum. These sections, appropriate to tlie matter in the xviii Chapter, are from the Letter written by Cabepa de Vaca and Dorantes, incorporated in the worlv of Oviedo. " Thus ended the account of Figueroa, without his being able to add more to it, than that Esquivel was about there in the possession of some natives, and they might see him in a little while ; but a month afterwards, it was known that he no longer lived, for having gone from the natives, they had followed after and put him to death. Figueroa tarried a few moments, long enough to relate the sad news. The Indian who brought him would not permit him to remain. As- turiano, the clergyman, and a young man being the only ones who could swim, accompanied them for the purpose of returning with fish which they were promised, as likewise that they should be brought back over that bay ; but when the Indians found them at their houses, they would neither bring them nor let them return ; on the contrary, they put their houses into their canoes and took the two Christians with them, saying that they would soon come back " The eight companions remained that day to appease their hunger, and the next morning they saw two Indians of a rancho coming over the water to place their dwellings on the hither side. The purjjose was to live on blackberries that grow in some places along the coast, which they seek at a season they know full well, and although pre- carious, they promise a food that supports life. They called to the 108 EELATION OP ALVAE NUNEZ Indians, who came as to persons they thougM ligMly of, taking some part of wtat they possessed almost by force. The Christians be- sought the natives to set them over, which they did in a canoe, taking them to their houses near by, and at dark gave them a small quantity of fish. They went out the next day for more, and returned at night, giving them a part of what they had caught. The day fol- lowing they moved oS with the Christians and never after were the two seen whom the other Indians had taken away. ■• At last the natives, weary of seeking food for their guests, turned away five, that they should go to some Indians who they said were to be found in another bay, six leagues farther on. Alonzo del Castillo went there with Pedro de Valdivieso, cousin of Andres Dorantes, and another, Diego de Huelva, where they remained a long time ; the two others went down near the coast, seeking relief, where they died, as Dorantes states, who found the bodies, one of whom, Diego Dorantes, was his cousin. The two hidalgos and the negro remaining in that rancho, sufficed for the use of the natives, to bring back-loads of wood and water as slaves. After three or four days however, these like- wise were turned oflF, when for some time they wandered about lost, without hope of relief ; and going naked among marshes, having been previously despoiled one night of their clothing, they came upon those dead. " They continued the route until they found some Indians, with whom Andres Dorantes remained. A cousin of his, one of the three who had gone on to the bay where they stopped, came over from the opposite shore, and told him that the swimmers who went from them, had passed in that direction, having their clothes taken from them and they much bruised about the head with sticks because they would not remain ; still though beaten and stripped, they had gone on for the sake of the oath they had taken, never to stop even if death stood in the path, before coming to a country of Christians. Dorantes states that he saw in the rancho where he was, the clothes belonging to the clergyman and to one of the swimmers, with a breviary or prayer book. Valdivieso returned, and a couple of days afterwards was killed, because he wished to flee, and likewise in a little time Diego de Huelva, because he forsook one lodge-house for another. " The Christians were there made slaves, forced with more cruelty to serve than the Moor would have used. Besides going stark naked and bare footed over the coast burning in summer like fire, their con- tinual occupation was bringing wood and water on the back, or what- ever the Indians needed, and dragging canoes over inundated grounds in hot weather. CABEgA DB VACA. IQQ " These natives eat notliing tlie year round lout fisli, and of tliat not much. They experience far less hunger however, than the inhabitants inland among whom the Spaniards afterwards lived. The food often fails, causing frequent removals, or otherwise they starve They have finger nails that for any ordinary purpose are knives, and are their principal arms among themselves " The Spaniards lived here fourteen months, from May to the May ensuing of the year 1530, and to the middle of the month of August, when Andres Dorantes, being at a point that appeared most favor- able for going, commended himself to God, and went off at mid- day. . . . Castillo tarried among that hard people a year and a half later, until an opportunity presented for starting ; but on arriving he found only the negro ; Dorantes, discovering that Indians unbearably cruel had gone back more than twenty leagues to a river near the bay of Espiritu Sancto, among those who had killed Esquivel, the solitary one that had escaped from the boats of the Grovernor and Alonzo En- rriques, slain as they were told, because a woman had dreamed some absurdity. The people of this country have belief in dreams, their only superstition. On account of them they will even kill their children ; and this hidalgo Dorantes states, that in the course of four years he had been a witness to the killing or burying alive of eleven or twelve young males, and rarely do they let a girl live. . . . " Andres Dorantes passed ten months among this -people, enduring much privation with continual labor, and in such fear of being killed that .... Sometimes the Indians kill deer, setting fire.to the land and savannahs, thus driving them thence. There are many rats about those rivers. The number killed is nevertheless small ; as the natives go up and down stream the winter long, in quest of food, they alarm and keep back the game. At times they eat fish killed in that river ; the quantity however, is small, except during freshets which come yearly in April. When they occur oftener, a, second time is in May. Large numbers of good quality are then killed which are dried in abundance on flakes, although the greater part is lost for want of salt in the preparation, nor can that be got anywhere In the endof March the winter is gone, and the fish is eaten if any remain of what they take from the rivers in their flood, and dry. Then they begin to travel for prickly pears, which are abundant In that country. . . . eating them the while and occasionally killing a deer. " Sometimes it happens that a few persons will kill two or three hundred deer. Andres Dorantes says he has known that many to be killed in eight days time by sixty Indians, though oftener than otherwise they do not kill any. The manner of hunting them is this : 110 RELATION OP ALVAK NUNEZ CABE? A DE VACA. As the animals stray towards the coast, the Indians run inland, where are many deer, no people ever living there ; and these being collected are driven before them into the sea, and are kept there the day long, nntU drowned, when the rise of the tide, with the wind, casts them ashore. They are not chased when the wind is off the land, as at such times they will return immediately. The animal will only run against the vrind. " After the practice of this exercise once or twice, the Indians leaving the salt water, take up their journey and go inland to eat prickly pears, which they begin upon as they ripen, about August. These last fifty or sixty days. It is the best part of the twelve months for these people, when, excepting some snails they pick up, they live entirely on this fruit, making merry over it day and night, so rejoiced are they in that season, while all the rest of the year they are suflfering severe privation." CHAPTER XIX. OTJR SEPARATION BY THE INDIANS. "When the six months were over, I had to spend with the Christians to put in execution the plan we had concerted, the Indians went after prickly pears, the place at which they grew heing thirty leagues o&; and when we approached the point of flight, those among whom we were, quarreled about a woman. After striking with fists, heating with sticks and bruis- ing heads in great anger, each took his lodge and went his way, whence it became necessary that the Christians should also separate, and in no way could we come together until another year. In this time I passed a hard life, caused as much by hunger as ill usage. Three times I was obliged to run from my masters, and each time they went in pursuit and endeavored to slay me ; but God our Lord in his mercy chose to protect and preserve me; and when the season of prickly pears returned, we again came together in the same place. After we had arranged our escape, and appointed a time, that very day the Indians separated and all went back. I told my comrades I would wait for them among the prickly pear plants until the moon should be full. This day 112 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ was tte first of September,* and the first of the moon ; and I said that if in this time they did not come as we had agreed, I would leave and go alone. So we parted, each going with his Indians. I remained with mine until the thirteenth day of the moon, having determined to flee to others when it should be full.' At this time Andres Dorantes arrived' with Este- vanico and informed me that they had left Castillo with other Indians near by, called Lanegados ; ^ that they had encountered great obstacles and wandered about lost ; that the next day the Indian's, among whom we were, would move to where Castillo was, and were going to unite with those who held him and become friends, having been at war until then, and that in this way we should recover Castillo. "We had thirst all the time we ate the pears, which we quenched with their juice. We caught it in a hole made in the earth, and when it was full we drank until satisfied. It is sweet, and the color of must. In this manner they collect it for lack of vessels. There are many kinds of prickly pears, among them some very good, although they all appeared to me to be so, hunger never having given me leisure to choose, nor to reflect upon which were the best. Nearly all these people drink rain-water, which lies aboat in spots. Although there are rivers, as the Indians never have fixed habitations, there are no * September 1. CABE(?A DE VACA. 213 familiar or known places for getting water. Through- out the country are extensive and beautiful plains with good pasturage ; and I think it would be a very fruit- ful region were it worked and inhabited by civilized men. "We nowhere saw mountains. These Indians told us that there was another people next in advance of us, called Camones, living towards the coast, and that they had killed the people who came in the boat of Penalosa and Tellez, who arrived so feeble that even while being slain they could offer no resistance, and were all destroyed. We were shown their clothes and arms, and were told that the boat lay there stranded. This, the fifth boat, had re- mained till then unaccounted for. We have already stated bow the boat of the Governor had been car- ried out to sea, and the one of the Comptroller and the Friars had been cast away on the coast, of which Esquevel narrated the fate of the men. "We have once told how the two boats in which Castillo, I and Dorantes came, foundered near the Island of Malhado. National Observatory, Washington, June 22d, '50. '■ Dear Sir ; I send you a table showing both for Old and New Style, the new moons that occurred nearest the first of September from 1530 to 1540. It is probable that CabeQa de Vaca dated new moon from the time he first saw it, and when it probably might have been a day old. If so, and if you take it that the fall moon occurred on the 13th, when he determined to flee, it would bring the year 1532, though it may have been in 1535, if we suppose him not to be very particular as to the actual date of change days. 15 114 EELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. However, I send you tlie tabular statement, whicli Professor Keith U. S. N., has prepared. Respectfully, etc., M. F. Maury. Buckingham Smith, Esq. ©do Date. Date. Honr. A. D. Old Style. New Style. Civil Time. 1530 Aug. 23 Sept. 1 33.3 1531 Sept. 10 " 30 30.5 1532 Aug. 30 " 9 17.6 1533 " 20 Aug. 30 8.4 1534 Sept. 8 Sept. 18 8.5 1535 Aug. 38 Sept. 7 17.1 1536 " 16 Aug. 36 15.0 1537 Sept. 34 Sept. 14 11.4 1538 Aug. 24 " 3 11.1 1539 Sept. 13 " 32 6.3 1540 " 1 " 11 13.1 ^ In the second edition, Anagados ; perhaps they were the Nacadoch. CHAPTER XX. OF OUR ESCAPE. The second day after we had moved, we commended ourselves to Grod and set forth vsdth speed, trusting, for all the lateness of the season and that the prickly pears were about ending, with the mast which remained in the woods, we might still be enabled to travel over a large territory.' Hurrying on that day in great dread lest the Indians should overtake us, we saw some smokes, and going in the direction of them we arrived there after vespers, and found an Indian. He ran as he discovered us coming, not being willing to wait for us. We sent the negro after him, when he stopped, seeing him alone. The negro told him we were seek- ing the people who made those fires. He answered that their houses were near by, and he would guide us to them. So we followed him. He ran to make known our approach, and at sunset we saw the houses. Before our arrival, at the distance of two cross-bow shots from them, we found four Indians, who waited for us and received us well. We said in the language of the Mariames, that we were coming to look for them. They were evidently pleased with our com- pany, and took us to their dwellings. Dorantes and 1 Ig RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABEyA DE VACA. the negro were lodged in the house of a physician, Castillo and myself in that of another. These people speak a different language, and are called Avavares. They are the same that carried bows to those with whom we formerly lived,* going to traffic with them, and although they are of a different nation and tongue, they understand the other language. They arrived that day with their lodges, at the place where we found them. The community directly brought us a great many prickly pears, having heard of us before, of our cures, and of the wonders our Lord worked by us, which, although there had been no others, were adequate to open ways for us through a country poor like this, to afford us people where oftentimes there are none, and to lead us through immi- nent dangers, not permitting us to be killed, sustaining us under great want, and putting into those nations the heart of kindness, as we shall relate hereafter. * The Mariames. ' Tlie only persons whom the little band may have been leaving behind alive, were Theodore and the negro, who went on shore at St. Andrew's or at Pensacola bay, Oviedo, who returned towards Mal- hado, Figueroa and the Asturian, who had been last heard of as being on the coast, among the People of the Pigs. CHAPTER XXI. OUR CURE OF SOME OF THE AFFLICTED. That same night of our arrival, some Indians came to Castillo and told him that they had great pain in the head, begging him to cure them. After he made over them the sign of the cross, and commended them to God, they instantly said that all the pain had left, and went to their houses bringing us prickly pears, with a piece of venison, a thing to us little known. As the report of Castillo's performances spread, many came to us that night sick, that we should heal them, each bringing a piece of venison, until the quantity became so great we knew not where to dispose of it. We gave many thanks to God, for every day went on increasing his compassion and his gifts. After the sick were attended to, they began to dance and sing, making themselves festive, until sunrise ; and because of our arrival, the rejoicing was continued for three days. "When these were ended, we asked the Indians about the country farther on, the people we should find in it, and of the subsistence there. They answered us, that throughout all the region prickly pear plants abounded ; but the fruit was now gathered and all the people had gone back to their houses. They said the country was very cold, and there were few skins. Reflecting on 118 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ this, and that it was already winter, we resolved to pass the season with these Indians. Five days after our arrival, all the Indians went off, taking us with them to gather more prickly pears, where there were other peoples speaking different tongues. After walking five days in great hunger, since on the way was no manner of fruit, we came to a river and put up our houses. We then went to seek the product of certain trees, whjch is like peas. As there are no paths in the country, I was detained some time. The others returned, and coming to look for them in the dark, I got lost. Thank God I found a burning tree, and in the warmth of it passed the cold of that night. In the morning, loading myself with sticks, and taking two brands with me, I returned to seek them. In this manner I wandered five days, ever with my fire and load ; for if the wood had failed me where none could be found, as many parts are with- out any, though I might have sought sticks elsewhere, there would have been no fire to Idndle them. This was all the protection I had against cold, while walking naked as I was born. Going to the low woods near the rivers, I prepared myself for the night, stopping in them before sunset. I made a hole in the ground and threw in fuel which the trees abundantly afforded, col- lected in good quantity from those that were fallen and dry. About the whole I made four fires, in the form of a cross, which I watched and made up from time to time. I also gathered some bundles of the coarse straw that there abounds, with which I covered myself in CABE9A DE VACA. HQ the hole. In this way I was sheltered at night from cold. On one occasion while I slept, the fire fell upon the straw, when it began to blaze so rapidly that not- T^-ithstanding the haste I made to get out of it, I carried some marks on my hair of the danger to which I was exposed. All this while I tasted not a mouthful, nor did I find anything I could eat. My feet were bare and bled a good deal. Through the mercy of God, the wind did not blow from the north in all this time, otherwise I should have died. At the end of the fifth day I arrived on the margin of a river, where I found the Indians, who with the Christians, had considered me dead, supposing that I had been stung by a viper. All were rejoiced to see me, and most so were my companions. They said that up to thattime they had struggled with great hunger, which was the cause of their not having sought me. At night, all gave me of their prickly pears, and the next morning we set out for a place where they were in large quantity, with which we satisfied our great craving, the Christ- ians rendering thanks to our Lord that he had ever given us hie aid. CHAPTER XXII. THE COMING OF OTHER SICK TO US THE NEXT DAT. The next day morning, many Indians came, and brouglit five persons who had cramps and were very un- well. They came that Castillo might cure them. Each oiFered his bow and arrows, which Castillo received. At sunset he blessed them, commending them to God our Lord, and we all prayed to Him the best we could to send health ; for that He knew there was no other means, than through Him, by which this people would aid us, so we could come forth from this unhappy ex- istence. He bestowed it so mercifully, that, the morn- ing having come, all got up well and sound, and were as strong as though they never had a disorder. It caused great admiration, and inclined us to render many thanks to God our Lord, whose goodness we now clearly beheld, giving us firm hopes that He would liberate and bring us to where we might serve Him. For myself I can say that I ever had trust in His providence that He would lead me out from that captivity, and thus I always spoke of it to my com- panions. The Indians having gone and taken their friends with them in health, we departed for a place at which others were eating prickly pears. These people are A I h FlSiixtr JOJ^t^ E)E IPAL©i lit m the ConvmtoflUfi'hilca . CABE^A DB VACA. 121 called Cuthalctuclies ' and Malicones, who speak differ- ent tongues. Adjoining them were others called Ooayos and Susolas, and on the opposite side, others called Atayos,^ who were at war with the Susolas, exchang- ing arrow shots daily. As through all the country they talked only of the wonders which God our Lord, worked through us, persons came from many parts to seek us that we might cure them. At the end of the second day after our arrival, some of the Susolas came to us and besought Castillo that he would go to cure one wounded and others sick, and they said that among them was one very near his end. Castillo was a timid practitioner, most so in serious and dangerous cases, believing that his sins would weigh, and some day hinder him in performing cures. The Indians told me to go and heal them, as they liked me ; they remembered that I had ministered to them in the walnut grove when they gave us nuts and skins, which occurred when I first joined the Christians.* So I had to go with them, and Dorantes accompanied me with Estevanico. Coming near their huts, I perceived that the sick man we went to heal was dead. Many persons were around him weeping, and his house was prostrate, a sign that the one who dwelt in it is no more.^ "When I arrived I found his eyes rolled up, and the pulse gone, he having all the appearances of death, as they seemed to me and as Dorantes said. I re- moved a mat with which he was covered, and suppli- * They were Mariames. 16 122 RELATION OF ALVAE, NUNEZ cated our Lord as fervently as I could, that he would be pleased to give health to him, and to the rest that might have need of it. After he had been blessed and breathed upon many times, they brought me his bow, and gave me a basket of pounded prickly pears. The natives took me to cure many others who were sick of a stupor, and presented me two more baskets of prickly pears, which I gave to the Indians who accompanied us. We then went back to our lodgings. Those to whom we gave the fruit tarried, and returned at night to their houses, reporting that he who had been dead and for whom I wrought before them, had got up whole and walked, had eaten and spoken with them, and that all to whom I had ministered were well and much pleased. This caused great wonder and fear, and throughout the land the people talked of nothing else. All to whom the fame of it reached, came to seek us that we should cure them and bless their children. When the Cuthalchuches, who were in company with our Indians, were about to return to their own country, they left us all the prickly pears they had, without keeping one : they gave us flints of very high value there, a palm and a half in length, with which they cut. They begged that we would remember them and pray to God that they might always be well, and we pro- mised to do so. They left, the most satisfied beings in the world, having given us the best of all they had. We remained with the Avavares eight months, reckoned by the number of moons. In all this time CABE9A DE VACA. ^23 people came to seek us from many parts, and they said that most truly we were children of the sun. Dorantes and the negro to this time had not attempted to practice ; but because of the great solicitation made by those coming from different parts to find us, we all became physicians, although in being venturous and bold to attempt the performance of any cure, I was the most remarkable. N"o one whom we treated, but told us he was left well; and so great was the confidence that they would become healed if we ad- ministered to them, they even believed that whilst we remained none of them could die. These and the rest of the people behind, related an extraordinary circum- stance, and by the way they counted, there appeared to be fifteen or sixteen years since it occurred. They said that a man wandered through the country whom they called Badthing ; he was small of body and wore beard, and they never distinctly saw his features. When he came to the house where they lived, their hair stood up and they trembled. Presently a blazing torch shone at the door, when he entered and seized whom he chose, and giving him three great gashes in the side with a very sharp flint, the width of the hand and two palms in length, he put his hand through them, drawing forth the entrails, from one of which he would cut off a portion more or less, the length of a palm, and throw it on the embers. Then he would give three- gashes to an arm, the second cut on the inside of an elbow, and would sever the limb. A little after this, he would begin to unite it, and putting his 124 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ hands on the wounds, these would instantly become healed. They said that frequently in the dance he appeared among them, sometimes in the dress of a woman, at others in that of a man; that when it pleased him he would take a buhio, or house, and lifting it high, after a little he would come down with it in a heavy fall. They also stated that many times they offered him victuals, hut that he never ate : they asked him whence he came and where was his abiding place, and he showed them a fissure in the earth and said that his house was there below. These things they told us of, we much laughed at and ridiculed; and they seeing our incredulity, brought to us many of those they said he had seized; and we saw the marks of the gashes made in the places according to the manner they had described.^ We told them he was an evil one, and in the best way we could, gave them to understand, that if they would believe in Grod our Lord, and become Christians like us, they need have no fear of him, nor would he dare to come and inflict those injuries, and they might be certain he would not venture to appear while we remained in the land. At this they were delighted and lost much of their dread. They told us that they had seen the Asturian and Figueroa with people farther along the coast, whom we had called those of the figs. They are all ignorant of time, either by the sun or moon, nor do they reckon by the month or year ; they better know and understand the differences of the sea- sons, when the fruits come to ripen , where the fish resort,' CABEgA DE VACA. ^25 and tlie position of the stars, at which they are ready and practiced. By these we were ever well treated. "We dug our own food and brought our loads of wood and water. Their houses and also the things we eat, are like those of the nation from which we came, but they suiFer far greater want, having neither maize, acorns nor nuts. We always went naked like them, and covered ourselves at night with deer-skips. Of the eight months we were among this people, six we supported in great want, for fish are not to be found where they are. At the expiration of the time, the prickly pears began to ripen, and I and the negro went, without these Indians knowing it, to others farther on, a day*s journey distant, called Maliacones. At the end of three days, I sent him to bring Castillo and Dorantes ; and they having arrived, we all set out with the Indians who were going to get the small fruit of certain trees on which they support them- selves ten or twelve days whilst the prickly pears are maturing. They joined others called Arbadaos, whom we found to be very weak, lank and swollen, so much so as to cause us great astonishment. "We told those with whom we came, that we wished to stop with these people, at which they showed regret and went back by the way they came ; so we remained in the field near the houses of the Indians, which when they observed, after talking among themselves they came up together, and each of them taking one of us by the hand, led us to their dwellings. Among them we underwent greater hunger than with the others ; we 126 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ ate daily not more than two handfulls of the prickly pears which were green and so milky they burned our mouths. As there was lack of water, those who ate suffered great thirst. In our extreme want we bought two dogs, giving in exchange some nets, with other things, and a skin I used to cover myself. I have already stated that throughout all this country we went naked, and as we were unaccustomed to being so, twice a year we cast our skins like serpents. The sun and air produced great sores on our breasts and shoulders, giving us sharp pain; and the large loads we had, being very heavy, caused the cords to cut into our arms. The country is so broken and thick- set, that often after getting our wood in the forests, the blood flowed from us in many places, caused by the obstruction of thorns and shrubs that tore our flesh wherever we went. At times, when my turn came to get wood, after it had cost me much blood, I could not bring it out either on my back or by drag- ging. In these labors my only solace and relief were in thinking of the sufferings of our Redeemer, Jesus Christ, and in the blood he shed for me, in considering how much greater must have been the torment he sustained from the thorns, than that I there received. I bartered with these Indians in combs that I made for them, and in bows, arrows and nets. We made mats, which are their houses, that they have great necessity for ; and although they know how to make them, they wish to give their full time to getting food, since when otherwise employed they are pinched CABE^A DE VACA. ]^27 with hunger. Sometimes the Indians would set me to scraping and softening sMns; and the days of my greatest prosperity there, were those in which they gave me skins to dress. I would scrape them a very great deal and eat the scraps, which would sustain me two or three days. "When it happened among these people, as it had likewise among others whom we left behind, that a piece of meat was given us, we ate it raw ; for if we had put it to roast, the fixst native that should come along would have taken it off and de- voured it ; and it appeared to us not well to expose it to this risk; besides we were in such condition it would have given us pain to eat it roasted, and we could not have digested it so well as raw. Such was the hfe we spent there ; and the meagre subsistence we earned by the matters of traffic which were the work of our hands. ' Spelled Cutalclies in the second edition. ^ Tlie Adayes or Adaize lived in the year 1805, according to the report of Dk. John Sibley, abont forty miles from Nachitoches. Documents accompanying the President's Message, year 1806. At a much earlier day the Hadaies were in a town between the Nachitoches" and Sabine rivers, north of 32°, at which the Spaniards erected a fort.— if/S. 'The same custom prevails among the Navajo Indians who either bnm or pull down the lodge in which a person dies. The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, iy W. W.H. Davis. * The treatment of prisoners by a paraeonsi of Florida, in which practice he was perhaps not alone, may be thought an explanation of the origin of these wounds, shown in evidence of the truth of this mar- velous Indian story. The statement made by Rene Laudonnibue, who received it from a native king, is to be found in his account of the Second Voyage made by the French to Florida in the year 1564. " . . . . then hee named three others no lesse puissant than Satouri- ova, whereof the first dwelt two dales ioumey from his lord Olata 128 RELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. Ouae Utina, and ordinarily made warre, but pittif uU in the execution of liis furie. For lie tooke tlie prisoners to mercy, being content to marke tbem on tbe left arme witli a great marke like unto a, seale, and so imprinted as if it bad bene touched with an bote yron, then be let tbem goe witbout any more burt." Translation in 3d volume of Haklutt's Yoyagea and Discoveries. Tbe residence of Utina appears to bave been about midway between tbe mouth of Santa Fe river and tbe, harbor of St. Augustine. ° " i en trempo que muere el Pescado." Some persons incline to understand this passage, " the times at which the fishes die," as when in cold weather on tbe shoal waters of Texas they freeze and come to tbe surface. CHAPTER XXIII. OF OUR DEPARTURE AFTER HAVING EATEN THE DOGS. After eating tlie dogs, it seemed to us we had some strength to go forward; and so commending ourselves to God our Lord, that he would guide us, we took our leave of the Indians. They showed us the way to others, near by, who spoke their language. While on our journey, rain fell, and we traveled the day in wet. "W"e lost our way and went to stop in an extensive wood. "We pulled many leaves of the prickly pear, which we put at night in an oven we made, and giving them much heat, by the morning they were in readiness. After eating, we put ourselves under the care of the Almighty and started. We discovered the way we had lost. Having passed the wood, we found other houses, and coming up to them, we saw two women with some boys walking in the forest, who were frightened at the sight of us and fled, running into the woods to call the men. These arriving, stopped behind trees to look at us. We called to them, and they came up with much timidity. After some conversation they told us that food was very scarce with them ; that near by were many houses of their people to which they would guide us. We came at night where were fifty dwellings. The inhabitants were 17 130 RELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ CABEgA DE TACA. astonished at our appearance, showing much fear. After becoming somewhat accustomed to us, they reached their hands to our faces and bodies, and passed them in like manner over their own. We stayed there that night, and in the morning the Indians brought us their sick, beseeching us that we would bless them. They gave us of what they had to eat, the leaves of the prickly pear and the green fruit roasted. As they did this with kindness and good will, and were happy to be without anything to eat, that they might have food to give us, we tarried some days. "While there, others came from beyond, and when they were about to depart, we told our entertainers that we wished to go with those people. They felt much uneasi- ness at this, and pressed us warmly to stay : however, we took our leave in the midst of their weeping for our departure weighed heavily upon them. CHAPTER XXIV. CUSTOMS OF THE INDIANS OF THAT COUNTRY. Trom the Island of Malhado to this land, all the Indians whom we saw have the custom from the time in which their wives j&nd themselves pregnant, of not sleeping with them until two years after they have given birth. The children are suckled until the age of twelve years, when they are old enough to get sup- port for themselves. "We asked why they reared them in this manner ; and they said because of the great poverty of the land, it happened many times, as we witnessed, that they were two or three days without eating, sometimes four, and consequently, in seasons of scarcity, the children were allowed to suckle, that they might not famish ; otherwise those who lived would be delicate having httle strength. If any one chance to fall sick in the desert, and cannot keep up with the rest, the Indians leave him to perish, unless it be a son or a brother; him they will assist, even to carrying on their back. It is com- mon among them all to leave their wives when there is no conformity, and directly they connect themselves with whom they please. This is the course of the men who are childless ; those who have children, re- main with their wives and never abandon them. 232 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ When they dispute and quarrel in their towns, they strike each other with the fists, fighting until ex- hausted, and then separate. Sometimes they are parted hy the women going between them ; the men never interfere. For no disafljection that arises do they resort to bows and arrows. After they have fought, or had out their dispute, they take their dwell- ings and go into the woods, living apart from each other until their heat has subsided. "When no longer offended and their anger is gone, they return. From that time they are friends as if nothing had happened ; nor is it necessary that any one should mend their friendships, as they in this way again unite them. K those that quarrel are single, they go to some neigh- boring people, and although these should be enemies, they receive them well and welcome them warmly, giving them so largely of what they have, that when their animosity cools, and they return to their town, they go rich. They are all warlike, and have as much strategy for protecting themselves against enemies as they could have were they reared in Italy in continual feuds. When they are in a part of the country where their enemies may attack them, they place their houses on the skirt of a wood, the thickest and most tangled they can find, and near it make a ditch in which they sleep. The warriors are covered by small pieces of stick through which are loop holes ; these hide them and present so false an appearance, that if come upon they are not discovered. They open a very narrow CABE9A DE VACA. ^^33 way, entering into the midst of tlae wood, wliere a spot is prepared on which the women and children sleep. When night comes they kindle fires in their lodges, that should spies be about, they may think to find them there ; and before daybreak they again light those fires. If the enemy comes to assault the houses, they who are in the ditch make a sally; and from their trenches do much injury without those who are outside seeing or being able to find them. "When there is no wood in which they can take shelter in this way, and make their ambuscades, they settle on open ground at a place they select, which they invest with trenches covered with broken sticks, having aper- tures whence to discharge arrows. These arrangements are made for night. While I was among the Aguenes, their enemies coming suddenly at midnight, fell upon them, killed three and wounded many, so that they ran from their houses to the fields before them. As soon as these ascertained that their assailants had withdrawn, they returned to pick up all the arrows the others had shot, and following after them in the most stealthy manner possible, came that night to their dwellings without their presence being suspected. At four o'clock in the morning the Aguenes attacked them, killed five, and wounded numerous others, and made them flee from their houses, leaving their bows with all they possessed. In a little while came the wives of the Quevenes to them and formed a treaty whereby the parties became friends. The women, however, are sometimes the 134 RELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. cause of war. All these nations, when they have per- sonal enmities, and are not of one family, assassinate at night, waylay, and inflict gross barbarities on each other. CHAPTER XXV. VIGILANCE OF THE INDIANS IN WAR. They are the moBt watchful in danger of any people I ever knew. If they fear an enemy they are awake the night long, each with a bow at his side and a dozen arrows. He that would sleep tries his bow, and if it is not strung, he gives the turn necessary to the cord. They often come out from their houses, bending to the ground in such manner that they cannot be seen, looking and watching on all sides to catch every object. If they perceive anything about, they are at once in the bushes with their bows and arrows, and there remain until day, running from place to place where it is needful to be, or where they think their enemies are. When the light has come, they unbend their bows until they go out to hunt. The strings are the sinews of deer. The method they have of fighting, is bending low to the earth, and whilst shot at they move about, speaking and leaping frona one point to another, thus avoiding the shafts of their enemies. So eflFectual is their ma- nceuvering that they can receive very little injury from cross bow or arquebus ; they rather scoff at them ; for these arms are of little value employed in open field, where the Indians move nimbly about. They are proper 136 RELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ CABE9A DE VACA. for defiles and in water ; everywhere else the horse will best subdue, being what the natives universally dread. "Whosoever would fight them must be cautious to show no fear, or desire to have anything that is theirs; while war exists they must be treated with the utmost rigor; for if they discover any timidity or covetous- ness, they are a race that well discern the opportunities for vengeance, and gather .strength from any weakness of their adversaries. "When they use arrows in battle and exhaust their store, each returns his own way, with- out the one party following the other, although the one be many and the other few, such being their custom. Oftentimes the body of an Indian is traversed by the arrow ; yet unless the entrails or the heart be struck, he does not die but recovers from the wound. I believe these people see and hear better, and have keener senses than any other in the world. They are great in hunger, thirst, and cold, as if they were made for the endurance of these more than other men, by habit and nature. Thus much I have wished to say, beyond the grati- fication of that desire men have to learn the customs and manners of each other, that those who hereafter at some time find themselves amongst these people, may have knowledge of their usages and artifices, the value of which they will not find inconsiderable in such event. CHAPTER XXVI. OF THE NATIONS AND TONGUES. I desire to enumerate the natives and tongues that exist from those of Malhado to the farthest Cuchen- dados^ there are. Two languages are found in the island ; the people of one are called Oahoques, of the other, Han. On the tierra-firme, over against the island is another people, called Chorruco, who take their names from the forests where they live. Advanc- ing hy the shores of the sea, others inhabit who are called the Doguenes, and opposite them others by the name of Mendica. Farther along the coast are the Quevenes, and in front of them on the main, the Ma- riames ; and continuing by the coast are other called Guaycones ; and in front of them, within on the main, the Yguazes. At the close of these are the Atayos ; and in their rear others, the Acubadaos, and beyond them are many in the same direction. By the coast hve those called Quitoks, and in front inward on the main are the Chavavares, to whom adjoin the Malia- cones, the Cultalchulches and others called Susolas, and the Comos ; and by the coast farther on are the Camoles ; and on the same coast in advance are those whom we called People of the Figs. 18 138 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ They all differ in their habitations, towns and tongues. There is a language in which calling to a person, for " look here " they say " Arre aca," and to a dog " Xo." ^ Everywhere they produce stupefaction with a smoke, and for that they will give whatever they possess. They drink a tea made from leaves of a tree like those of the oak, which they toast in a pot ; and after these are parched, the vessel, still remaining on the fire, is filled with water. When the liquor has twice boiled, they pour it into a jar, and in cooling it use the half of a gourd. So soon as it is covered thickly with froth, it is drunk as warm as can be supported ; and from the time it is taken out of the pot until it is used they are crying aloud : "Who wishes to drink ? "When the women hear these cries, they instantly stop, fearing to move; and although they may be heavily laden, they dare do nothing further. Should one of them move, they dishonor her, beating her with sticks, and greatly vexed, throw away the liquor they have pre- pared ; while they who have drunk eject it, which they do readily and without pain. The reason they give for this usage is, that when they are about to drink, if the women move from where they hear the cry, some- thing pernicious enters the body in that liquid, shortly producing death. At the time of boiling, the vessel must be covered ; and if it should happen to be open when a woman passes, they use no more of that liquid, but throw it out. The color is yellow. They are three days taking it, eating nothing in the time, and daily each one drinks an arroba and a half,^ CABEgA DE VACA. 139 When tlie women have their indisposition, they seek food only for themselves, as no one else will eat of what they bring. In the time I was thus among these people, I ^vitnessed a diabolical practice ; a man living with another, one of those who are emasculate and impotent. These go habited like women, and perform their duties, use the bow, and carry heavy loads. Among them we saw many mutilated in the way I describe. They are more muscular than other men, and taller : they bear very weighty burthens.^ ' TMs name is omitted- in tlie second edition, and otlier names fol- lowing are spelled Caoques, Doguenes, Avavares, Cutalchiclies, and instead of arra oca the words are arre aea. ^ An authoress of Andalusia has given a definition of these words in pointing out the objects of the political parties of her country. " Between a liberal like you and a servile like me there is not a hair." — "Xone, my Aunt," responded Carlos," no more difference than if you should say to me ; 80, " gently," and I should answer, Arre, "gee up." Elia, 6 la EspaUa treinta alios ha, iy Pbknah" CaJ3ALI,EE0. ^The arrdba is nearly equal to four and a quarter gallons, wine measure. That of oil is three and a third gallons. The tea was made from the leaves of the yupon, and universally drunk by the Indians in the regions of the sea coast now covered by the southern states of the Union. In some parts where the shrub did not grow spontaneously, it was cultivated. Chaelevoix gives account of the maimer of preparing the drink, calls the shrub apnlachine, and with a description of the ilex vomitica, presents likewise a drawing. Lb Moyxe gives a picture of Indians engaged in preparing and using it under the name cacine, as well as the manner of inhaling certain smoke to produce stupefaction as practiced by the Timuquas in Florida. De But, Second Part of Voyage and JXseuceries. ' See Second Part of Db Bry, plates XVII, XXIII. I. Memoires Midoriques sur la Louidane by Dttmont, Chapter XXVIII. Romajsis's History of Florida, pp. 70, 83. CHAPTER XXVII. WE MOVED AWAY AND WERE WELL RECEIVED. After parting with those we left weeping,* we went with the others to their houses and were hospitably received by the people in them. They brought their children to us that we might touch their hands, and gave us a great quantity of the flour of mezquiquez. The fruit while hanging on the tree, is very bitter and like unto the carob ; when eaten with earth it is sweet and wholesome. The method they have of pre- paring it is this : they make a hole of requisite depth in the ground, and throwing in the fruit, pound it with a club the size of the leg, a fathom and a half in length, until it is well mashed. Besides the earth that comes from the hole, they bring and add some handfuUs, then returning to beat it a little while longer. Afterward it is thrown into a jar, like a basket, upon which water is poured until it rises above and covers the mixture. He that beats it tastes it, and if it appears to him not sweet, he asks for earth to stir in, which is added until he finds it sweet. Then all sit round, and each putting in a hand, takes out as much as he * The Arbadaos : see Chapter XXIII. RELATION OP ALVAR NXJNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. I4.I can. The pits and hulls are thrown upon a skin, whence they are taken by him who does the pounding, and put into the jar whereon water is poured as at first, whence having expressed the froth and juice, again the pits and husks are thrown upon the skin. This they do three or four times to each pounding. Those present, for whom this is a great banquet, have their stomachs greatly distended by the earth and water they swallow. The Indians made a protracted festival of this sort on our account, and great areitos during the time we remained.^ When we proposed to leave them, some women of another people came there who hved farther along. They informed us whereabout were their dwellings, and we set out for them, although the inhabitants entreated us to remain for that day, because the houses whither we were going were distant, there was no path to them, the women had come tired, and would the next day go with us refreshed and show us the way. Soon after we had taken our leave, some of the women, who had come on together from the same town, followed behind us. As there are no paths in the country we presently got lost, and thus traveled four leagues, when, stopping to drink, we found the women in pursuit of us at the water, who told us of the great exertion they had made to overtake us. We went on taking them for guides, and passed over a river towards evening, the water i-eaching to the breast. It might be as wide as that at Sevilla; its current was very rapid. ^ 142 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ At sunset we reached a hundred Indian habitations. Before we arrived, all the people who were in them came out to receive us, with such yells as were terrific, striking the palms of their hands violently against their thighs. They brought us gourds bored with holes and having pebbles in them, an instrument for the most important occasions, produced only at the dance or to effect cures, and which none dare touch but those who own them. They say there is virtue in them, and because they do not grow in that country, they come from heaven : nor do they know where they are to be found, only that the rivers bring them in their floods. So great were the fear and distrac- tion of these people, some to reach us sooner than others, that they might touch us, they pressed us so closely that they lacked little of killing us ; and with- out letting us put our feet to the ground, carried us to their dwellings. We were so crowded upon by numbers, that we went into the houses they had made for us. On no account would we consent that they should rejoice over us any more that night. The night long they passed in singing and dancing among themselves ; and the next day they brought us all the people of the town, that we should touch and bless them in the way we had done to others among whom we had been. After this performance they presented many arrows to some women of the other town who had accompanied theirs. The next day we left, and all the people of the place went with us ; and when we came to the other Indians CABEQA DE VACA. l^Q we were as well received as we had. been by the last. They gave us of what they had to eat, and the deer they had killed that day. Among them we witnessed another custom, which is this : they who were with us took fi-om him who came to be cured, his bow and arrows, shoes and beads if he wore any, and then brought him before us that we should heal him. After being attended to, he would go. away highly pleased, saying that he was well. So we parted from these Indians, and went to others by whom we were welcomed. They brought us their sick, which, we having blessed, they declared were sound ; he who was healed, believed we could cure him; and with what the others to whom we had administered would relate, they made great rejoicing and dancing, so that they left us no sleep. ' The mezquite is of tlie family of tlie mimosm. The tree is not found to the east of the Mississippi river, and is first seen in going west, on drawing near the Rio Bravo del Norte. " At times they," the Indians of Sonora, says Padre Ribas, " also avail themselves of the fruit of the Tepeguajes or Mezquites, a small kind of Algorrova, abundant in that country. It is crushed in large mortars of wood ; the flour is somewhat sweet and well flavored, affording both drink and nutriment." — Sistona de los Triumphos de nuestra Santa Fee. ' The expanse of the Guadalquiver is here a hundred paces, a few feet more or less, as one may find above Torre del Oro in walking across it on the iron bridge that connects Sevilla and Triana. The river nowhere appears to have changed or enlarged its bed in many ages. CHAPTER XXVIII. OF ANOTHER STRANGE CUSTOM. Leaving these Indians, we went to the dwellings of numerous others. From this place began another novel custom, which is, that while the people received us very well, those who accompanied us began to use them so ill as to take their goods and ransack their houses, without leaving anything. To witness this unjust procedure gave us great concern, inflicted too, on those who received us hospitably ; we feared also that it might provoke offense, and be the cause of some tumult between them; but, as we were in no condition to make it better, or to dare chastise such conduct, for the present we had to bear with it, until a time when we might have greater authority among them. They, also, who lost their effects, noticing our dejection, attempted to console us by saying that we should not be grieved on this account, as they were so gratified at having seen us, they held their properties to be well bestowed, and that farther on they would be repaid by others who were very rich. On all the day's travel we received great inconve- nience from the many persons following us. Had we attempted to escape we could not have succeeded, such CABE9A DE VACA. 14 5 was their haste in pursuit, in order to touch us. So great was the importunity for this privilege, we con- sumed three hours in going through with them that they might depart. The next day all the inhabitants were brought before us. The greater part were clouded of an eye, and others in like manner were entirely blind,' which caused in us great astonishment. They are a people of fine figure, agreeable features, and whiter than any of the many nations we l^ad seen until then. Here we began to see mountains ; they appeared to come in succession from the !N^orth sea,^ and, accord- ing to the information the Indians gave us, we believe they rise fifteen leagues from the sea. "We set forth in a direction towards them with these Indians, and they guided us by the way of some kindred of theirs ; for they wished to take us only where were their re- lations, and were not -vnlling that their enemies should come to such great good, as they thought it was to see us. After we arrived they that went with us plundered the others ; but as the people there knew the fashion, they had hidden some things before we came; and having welcomed us with great festivity and rejoicing, they brought out and presented to us what they had concealed. These were beads, ochre and some little bags of silver.^ In pursuance of cus- tom, we directly gave them to the Indians who came with us, which, when they had received, they began their dances and festivities, sending to call others from a town near by, that they also might see us. 19 146 RELATION OF ALVAR ISfUNEZ In the afternoon ttey all came and brought us beads and bows, with trifles of other sort, which we also dis- tributed. Desiring to leave the next daiy, the inhabit- ants all wished to take us to others, friends of theirs, who were at the point of the ridge, stating that many houses were there, and people who would give us various things. As it was out of our way, we did not wish to go to them, and took our course along the plain near the mountains, which we believed not to be distant from the coast where the people are all evil disposed, and we considered it preferable to travel inland ; for those of the interior are of a better condi- tion and treated us mildly, and we felt sure that we should find it more populous and better provisioned. Moreover, we chose this course because in traversing the country we should learn many particulars of it, so that should God our Lord be pleased to take any of us thence, and lead us to the land of Christians, we might carry that information and news of it. As the Indians saw that we were determined not to go where they would take us, they said that in the direction we would go, there were no inhabitants, nor any prickly pears nor other thing to eat, and begged us to tarry there that day ; we accordingly did so. They di- rectly sent two of their number to seek for people in the direction that we wished to go ; and the next day we left, taking with us several of the Indians. The women went carrying water, and so great was our authority that no one dared drink of it without our permission. CABEgA DE VACA. J^4 7 Two leagues from there we met those who had gone out, and they said that they had found no onp ; at which the Indians seemed much disheartened, and began again to entreat us to go by way of the moun- tains. We did not wish to do so, and they, seeing our disposition, took their leave of us with much regret, and returned down the river to their houses, while we ascended along by it. After a little time we came upon two women with burthens, who put them down as they saw us, and brought to us, of what they carried. It was the flour of maize. They told us that farther up on that river we sho\ild find dwellings, a plenty of prickly pears and of that meal. We bade them fare- well : they were going to those whom we had left. "We walked until sunset, and arrived at a town of some twenty houses, where we were received with weeping and in great sorrow ; for they already knew that wheresoever we should come, all would be pillaged and spoiled by those who accompanied us. When they saw that we were alone, they lost their fear, and gave us prickly pears with nothing more. We re- mained there that night, and at dawn, the Indians who had left us the day before, broke upon their houses. As they came upon the occupants unprepared and in supposed safety, having no place in which to conceal anything, all they possessed was taken from them, for which they wept much. In consolation the plunderers told them that we were children of the sun and that we had power to heal the sick and to destroy ; and other lies even greater than these, which none knew X48 BBLATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. how to tell better than they when they find it con- venient. They bade them conduct us with great respect, advised that they should be careful to oflend us in nothing, give us all they might possess, and endeavor to take us where people were numerous; and that wheresoever they arrived with us, they should rob and pillage the people of what they have, since this was customary. ' The story has its parallel. This passage is from a traveler who "was at a town of the Shoccories in the year 1701 : " Most of these Indians have but one Eye ; hut what Mischance or Quarrel has bereaved them of the other I could not learn." Mew Voyage to Garo- lana, etc., by John Lawson Gent., Surveyor-General of North Caro- lina. London : 1709. '^ The ocean, as seen from Biscay, was the North sea, and that name for the maritime people there, extended over the Atlantic ; the dis- covery of another ocean, the Pacific, as seen to the southward from Panama, became in contradistinction, for Spaniards, the South sea. The travelers now approach the San Saba mountains, to follow at the foot along their course westward. =■ " This is an error of the printer, and should read ' little bags of small pearls,' instead of silver." Ovibdo. CHAPTER XXIX. THE INDIANS PLUNDER EACH OTHER. After the Indians had told and shown these natives well what to do, they left us together and went back. Eemembering the instruction, they began to treat us with the same awe and reverence that the others had shown. We traveled with them three days, and they took us where were many inhabitants. Before we arrived, these were informed of our coming by the others, who told them respecting us all that the first had imparted, adding much more ; for these people are all very fond of romance, and are great liars, par- ticularly so where they have any interest. "When we came near the houses all the inhabitants ran out with delight and great festivity to receive us. Among other things, two of their physicians gave us two gourds, and thenceforth we carried these with us, and added to our authority a token highly reverenced by Indians. Those who accompanied us rifled the houses ; but as these were many and the others few, they could not carry off what they took, and abandoned more than the half. From here we went along the base of the ridge, striking inland more than fifty leagues, and at the close we found upwards of forty houses. Among the 150 RELATION OF ALVAB NUKEZ articles given us, Andres Dorantes received a hawk bell of copper, thick and large, figured with a face, which the natives had shown, greatly prizing it. They told him that they had received it from others, their neighbors; we asked them whence the others had obtained it, and they said it had been brought from the northern direction, where there was much copper, which was highly esteemed. "We concluded that whencesoever it came there was a foundery, and that work was done in hollow form.^ We departed the next day, and traversed a ridge seven leagues in extent. The stones on it are scoria of iron. At night we arrived at many houses seated on the banks of a very beautiful river. The owners of them came half way out on the road to meet us, bringing their children on their backs. They gave us many little bags of marquesite and pulverized galena, with which they rub the face. They presented us many beads, and blankets of cowhide, loading all who accompanied us with some of every thing they had. They eat prickly pears and the seed of pine. In that country are small pine trees, the cones like little eggs ; but the seed is better than that of Castilla, as its husk is very thin, and while green is beat and made into balls, to be thus eaten. If the seed be dry, it is pounded in the husk, and consumed in the form of flour. Those who there received us, after they had touched us went running to their houses and directly returned, and did not stop running, going and coming, to bring us in CABE9A DB VACA. l^\ this manner many things for support on the way. They fetched a man to me and stated that a long time since he had been wounded by an arrow in the right shoulder, and that the point of the shaft was lodged above his heart, which, he said, gave him much pain, and in con- sequence, he was always sick. Probing the wound I felt the arrow-head, and found it had passed through the cartilage. "With a knife I carried, I opened the breast to the place, and saw the point was aslant and troublesome to take out. I continued to cut, and, putting in the point of the knife, at last with great difficulty I drew the head forth. It was very large. "With the bone of a deer, and by virtue of my calling, I made two stitches that threw the blood over me, and with hair from a sldn I stanched the flow. They asked me for the arrow head after I had taken it out, which I gave, wheji the whole town came to look at it. They sent it into the back country that the people there might view it. In consequence of this operation they had many of their customary dances and festivities. 'The next day I cut the two stitches and the Indian was well. The wound I made appeared only like a seam in the palm of the hand. He said he felt no pain or sensitiveness in it whatsoever. This cure gave us control throughout the country in all that the in- habitants had power, or deemed of any value, or cherished. We showed them the hawk bell we brought, and they told us that in the place whence that had come, were buried many plates of the same materia] ; it was a thing they greatly esteemed, and 152 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ where it came from were fixed habitations. The country we considered to be on the South sea, which we had ever understood to be richer than the one of the North. We left there, and traveled through so many sorts of people, of such diverse languages, the memory fails to recall them.^ They ever plundered each other, and those that lost, like those that gained, were fally content. "We drew so many followers that we had not use for their services. While on our way through these vales, every Indian carried a club three palms in length, and kept on the alert. On raising a hare, which animals are abundant, they surround it directly and throw nu- merous clubs at it with astonishing precision.^ Thus they cause it to run from one to another ; so that, according to my thinking, it is the most pleasing sport which can be imagined, as oftentimes the animal runs into the hand. So many did they give us that at night when we stopped we had eight or ten back-loads apiece. Those having bows were not with us ; they dispersed about the ridge in pursuit of deer ; and at dark came bringing five or six for each of us, besides quail, and other game. Indeed, whatever they either killed or found, was put before us, without themselves daring to take anything until we had blessed it, though they should be expiring of hunger, they having so established the rule, since marching with us. The women carried many mats, of which the men made us houses, each of us having a separate one, with all his attendants. After these were put up, we ordered CABEgA DE VACA. 153 the deer and hares to be roasted, with the rest that had been taken. This was done by means of certain ovens made for the purpose. Of each we took a httle and the remainder we gave to the principal personage of the people coming with us, directing him to divide it among the rest. Every one brought his portion to us, that we might breathe upon and give it our benedic- tion ; for not until then did they dare eat any of it. Frequently we were accompanied by three or four thousand persons, and as we had to breathe upon and sanctify the food and drink for each, and grant permis- sion to do the many things they would come to ask, it may be seen how great was the annoyance. The women first brought us prickly pears, spiders, worms, and whatever else they could gather ; for even were they famishing, they would eat nothing unless we gave it them. In company with these, we crossed a great river coming from the north,* and passing over some plains thirty leagues in extent, we found many persons com- ing a long distance to receive us, who met us on the road over which we were to travel, and welcomed us in the manner of those we had left. ' From the Province of Tiguex, Cokonado writes to the King on the 20th of October, 1541, respecting Quivira; "The natives there gave me a piece of copper which a principal Indian wore hanging from his neck. I sent it to the Viceroy of New Spain. I have seen no other metal in the country except this sample and what is in certain hawk- bells of copper I sent with a little metal that appears like gold. . . ." '' A multitude of small bands of warring savages are stated to have been found originally scattered over Texas, speaking a diversity of tongufs. The friar BaktiiolomIs ((arcIa in a Manual -para admin- 20 154 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. istrar los Santos Bacramentos, printed in 1760, composed in the lan- guage most generally understood by the inhabitants of the province, says that the Mission of San Antonio, on account of the multitude converted and brought there by the Franciscans from the country about, had become a perfect Babel. Tet, singularly enough, although a grammar has also been made, the name of the language is nowhere stated, whence some may suppose we have a composition of several dialects, if it were possible, as there was an object in having, one speech common to all the inhabitants in which they might be taught ; and nothing short of a miracle, he gives us to understand, could produce books in all the languages. In the enumeration of these tribes about a century since, in the unpublished Memoria of the Father Juan Augtjstin Db Mokfi for the history of Texas, are given the names of these inhabitants of the islands and the coast, some of them strikingly like those mentioned by Cabecja De Vaca. Orden Seal. ^ In the year 1590, Padre Gonzalo de Tapia was struck down by a sorcerer with a missile of this sort. The occurrence took place at Devoropa, his station, half a league from the town of Cinaloa. With the Father Martin Perez, he had become founder of the mission. The act and the weapon are both described by a fellow-laborer. " The consijirators agreed to make the attack when he was most alone. They went to his house, a little straw hut, while he was praying the rosario of the most Holy Virgin. Nacabeba entered as if about to kiss his hand, and followed by two accomplices, he threw a macmia, an arm like a club, the shank short and the knob of very hard wood, at the head of the Father, struck him in the temple and broke the skull." The ability to project, perceptible in the infant before it leaves the lap, and which the elephant exercises, the ape does not possess even as an acquirement. The human race, in countries far apart, and in people very opposite, has shaped for itself a diversity of aggressive implements corresponding to its epocaof advancement. Of these the boomerang of the savage Australian, appears, as a mere stick, the most admirable. The curved stick of the bird-hunter of the Nile, represented we are told on the older tombs of Thebes, of which real exemplars are in the collections of the Historical Society of New York, shows how anciently it was an instrument of hunting and pastime ; and whoever spends a day at Tangier now, may see of a morning, the Arab stripling about the gardens in the suburbs, darting sticks with considerable dexterity at the hare, as she squats among the grass, or dashes her way under cover of the great convolvulus, over wild nas- turtium. ' Great river coming from the North. CHAPTER XXX. THE FASHION OF RECEITrNG US CHANGES. From this place was another method of receiving us, as respects the pillage. Those who came out in the ways to bring us presents were not plundered; but on our coming into their houses, themselves offered us all they had, as well as the houses. We gave the things to the chief personages who accompanied us, that they should divide them ; those who were de- spoiled always followed us until coming to a populous country, where they might repair their loss. They would tell those among whom we came, to retain every- thing and make no concealment, as nothing could be done without our knowledge, and we might cause them to die, as the sun revealed everything to us. So great was their fear that during the first days they were with us, they continually trembled, without daring even to speak, or raise their eyes to the heavens. They guided us through more than fifty leagues of desert, over rough mountains, which being dry were without game, and in consequence we suffered much from hunger. At the termination we forded a very large river, the water coming up to our breasts. From this place, many of the people began to sicken from the great 1QQ RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ lorivation and labor they had undergone in the passage of those ridges, which are sterile and difficult in the extreme. They conducted us to certain plains at the base of the mountains, where people came to meet us from a great distance, and received us as the last had done, and gave so many goods to those who came with us, that the half were left because they could not be carried. I told those who gave, to resume the goods that they might not lie there and be lost ; but they answered they could in no wise do so, as it was not their custom after they had bestowed a thing to take it back ; so considering the articles no longer of value, they were left to perish. "We told these people that we desired to go where the sun sets ; and they said inhabitants in that direc- tion were remote. We commanded them to send and make known our coming ; but they strove to excuse themselves the best they could, the people being their enemies, and they did not wish to go to them. Not daring to disobey, however, they sent two women, one of their own, the other a captive from that people ; for the women can negotiate even though there be war. We followed them and stopped at a place where we agreed to wait. They tarried five days ; and the In- dians said they could not have found anybody. We told them to conduct us towards the north ; and they answered, as before, that except afar off there were no people in that direction, and nothing to eat, nor could water be found. J^otwithstanding all this, we persisted, and said we desired to go in that course. CABE^A DE VACA. ^57 They still tried to excuse themselves in the best manner possible. At this we became offended, and one night I went out to sleep in the woods apart from them; but directly they came to where I was, and remained all night without sleep, talking to me in great fear, telling me how terrified they were, beseech- ing lis to be no longer angry, and said that they would lead us in the direction it was our wish to go, though they knew they should die on the way. Whilst we still feigned to be displeased lest their fright should leave them, a remarkable circumstance happened, which was, that on the same day many of the Indians became ill, and the next day eight men died. Abroad in the country wheresoever this be- came known, there was such dread, and it seemed as if the inhabitants would die of fear at sight of us. They besought us not to remain angered, nor require that more of them should die. They believed we caused their death by only willing it, when in truth it gave us so much pain that it could not be greater ; for be- yond their loss, we feared they might all die, or abandon us of fright, and that other people thence- forward would do the same, seeing what had come to these.' We prayed to G-od, our Lord, to relieve them ; and from that time the sick began to get better.' We witnessed one thing with great admiration, that the parents, brothers and wives of those who died had great sympathy for them in their suffering ; but when dead, they showed no feeling, neither did they weep nor speak among themselves, make any signs, nor dare 158 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ approach the bodies until we commanded these to be taken to burial. While we were among these people, which was more than fifteen days, we saw no one speak to an- other, nor did we see an infant smile : the only one that cried they took off to a distance, and with the sharp teeth of a rat, they scratched it from the shoulders down nearly to the end of the legs. Seeing this cruelty, and offended at it, I asked why they did so ; they said for chastisement, because the child had wept in my presence.^ These terrors they imparted to all those who had lately come to know us, that they might give us whatever they had ; for they knew we kept nothing and would relinquish all to them. This people were the most obedient we had found in all the land, the best conditioned, and in general, comely. The sick having recovered, and three days having passed since we came to the place, the women whom we sent away returned, and said they had found very few people ; nearly all had gone for cattle, being then in the season. We ordered the convalescent to remain and the well to go with us, and that at the end of two days' journey, those women should go with two of our number to fetch up the people, and bring them on the road to receive us. Consequently the next morning the most robust started with us. At the end of three days' travel we stopped, and the next day Alonzo del Castillo set out with Estevanico the negro, taking the two women as guides. She that was the captive led them to the river which ran between some ridges, CABEgA DE VACA. J 59 where was a town at which her father lived ; and these habitations were the first seen, having the appearance and structure of houses. Here Castillo and Estevanico arrived, and after talking with the Indians, Castillo returned at the end of three days to the spot where he had left us, and brought five or six of the people. He told us he had found fixed dwellings of civilization, that the inhabit- ants lived on beans and pumpkins,^ and that he had seen maize. This news the most of anything delighted us, and for it we gave infinite thanks to our Lord. Castillo told us the negro was coming with all the population to wait for us in the road not far ofi^. Ac- cordingly we left, and having traveled a league and a half, we met the negro and the people coming to receive us. They gave us beans, many pumpkins, calabashes, blankets of cowhide and other things. As this people and those who came with us were, enemies, and spoke not each other's language, we dis- charged the latter, giving them what we received, and we departed with the others. Six leagues from there, as the night set in we arrived at the houses, where great festivities were made over us. We remained one day, and the next set out with these Indians. They took us to the settled habitations of others, who lived upon the same food. From that place onward was another usage. Those who knew of our approach did not come out to re- ceive us on the road as the others had done, but we found them in their houses, and they had made others 160 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ for our reception. They were all seated with their faces turned to the wall, their heads down, the hair brought before their eyes, and their property placed in a heap in the middle of the house. From this place they began to give us many blankets of skin ; and they had nothing they did not bestow. They have the finest persons of any people we saw, of the greatest activity and strength, who best understood us and intelligently answered our inquiries. We called them the Cow nation, because most of the cattle killed are slaughtered in their neighborhood, and along up that river for over fifty leagues, they destroy great numbers. They go entirely naked after the manner of the first we saw. The women are dressed with deer skin, and some few men, mostly the aged, who are incapable of fighting. The country is very populous. We asked how it was they did not plant maize : they answered it was that they might not lose what they should put in the ground ; that the rains had failed for two years in succession, and the seasons were so dry the seed had everywhere been taken by the moles, and they could not venture to plant again until after water had fallen copiously. They begged us to tell the sky to rain, and to pray for it, and we said we would do so. We also desired to know whence they got the maize and they told us from where the sun goes down ; there it grew throughout the region, and the nearest was by that path. Since they did not wish to go thither, we asked by what direction we might best proceed and bade them CABEgA DE VAC A. IQl inform us concerning the way ; they said the path was along up by that river towards the north, for other- wise in a journey of seventeen days, we should find nothing to eat, except a fruit they call chacan, that is ground between stones, and even then, it could with difficulty be eaten for its dryness and pungency, which was true. They showed it to us there, and we could not eat it. They informed us also that whilst we traveled by the river upward, we should all the way pass through a people that were their enemies, who spoke their tongue, and though they had nothing to give us to eat, they would receive us with the best good will, and present us with mantles of cotton, hides and other articles of their wealth. Still it appeared to them we ought by no means to take that course. Doubting what it would be best to do, and which way we should choose for suitableness and support, we remained two days with these Indians who gave us beans and pumpkins for our subsistence. Their method of cooking is so new, that for its strangeness I desire to speak of it ; thus it may be seen and remarked how curious and diversified are the contrivances and inge- nuity of the human family. I^J'ot having discovered the use of pipkins, to boil what they would eat, they fill the half of a large calabash with water, and throw on the fire many stones of such as are most convenient and readily take the heat. When hot, they are taken up vrith tongs of sticks and dropped into the calabash until the water in it boils from the fervor of the stones. Then whatever is to be cooked is put in, and until it 21 162 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ is done they continue taking out cooled stones and throwing in hot ones. Thus they boil their food. Addendum. Southward of this line of travel for the last few days, Antonio db EsPEJO led a troop to the north in November of the year 1583, from the mines of Santa B&rbara in the valley of San Bartolome. The second day he came upon the Conchos who in good numbers were living over an extensive tract of country, in houses of grass, subsist- ing by agriculture and the chase. After passing among them a distance of more than twenty-four leagues, he came to the Passaguates, a similar people. At the end of other four days, Espejo found the Tobosos, who go naked and use the bow. Twelve miles farther were the lumanos, whom the Spaniards call Patarabueyes. Their country is broad and populous, containing many towns, well laid out. The houses are of stone and lime, with flat roofs. Both males and females have the face, arms and legs marked with lines. They were of greater civility than any people seen until then, and more robust. Food was abun- dant, both meat and grain ; fish was taken in the streams flowing south- ward. One great river like the Guadalquivir runs into the North-' sea. Salt is got in its season from the lakes. Following the shore of the great river for twelve days, Espejo passed through a constant succession of towns, one cacique after an- other coming forth without arms to meet him, offering food and pre- sents, chiefly buckskins. They were warlike, and their persons entirely clothed. Men, women and children sought the friar and soldiers for their blessing, and to have the sign of the cross made over them, spoke of Apalito, looked up into the heavens and pointed thither. They were asked whence came their knowledge, and they said from three white men who went through there with a black, and tarried some days with them. Journeying a few days longer, Espejo arrived at a large town, where he was presented articles of many colored feather work, and numerous cotton shawls with blue and white bars. Without an inter- preter he could not ascertain the name of the place. Itenerario del Nuevo Mundo por Mbndoca, 1595. The Report of Espejo is extant in the Patronato of tlie Lonja, Sevilla. From the narration, Alvar Nunez and his companions appear to have struck the river Bravo del Norte where the Conchos flows into CABEiJA DE VACA. ^Qg it, coming from tlie west, tlie lumanos being to tlie riglit of tliem as tliey approaclied from the east, and tlie Tobosos on the left. Of the four nations, we know a little of the Tobosos only ; they were a barbarous people whose arms were seldom out of their hands, who constantly committed depredations on all sides, and were little influ- enced by teaching. Orozco y Bekea writes that they were of the kin and tongue of the Apaches, and stood in the way of their progress south, but after the extermination of that tribe which was in the last third of the last century, the Tobosos extended their incursions thither- ward, particularly over the desert of Magrimi. We may infer that the Cow nation spoken of by Alvar Nunez was probably a tribe of the Cumanche, or perhaps of the Apaches of whom there is a comprehensive account written in 1796 by Lt. Col. Aktoxio Cordbeo. He reports their knowledge of the existence of a supreme being whom they call Yastadtantan-ne, Chief of the heavens. They consist of nine principal bands, speak a common language, and roam over that region of the continent between 30° and 38° of North latitude and between 364° and 272° of longitude west from Teneriffe, waging war with the Cumanche from antiquity, for supremacy over the grounds of the bison. — Qeografea de las Lenguas y Carta Etno- grafia de Mexico. The earliest mention of the nation of Apaches I have found, is made by Juan de Onatb, at San Juan of Nuevo Mexico, 2d day of March, in the year 1599, who reports : " We have seen other nations, the Querechos and Vagueros living in tents of dressed skin among the herds of sibola. Their numbers are infinite. The Apaches, of whom we have also seen some, are in towns. There is one not many leagues distant with fifteen squares. They have not yet given in their obedience to His Majesty as the other Provinces have done, by instrument of writing, which has been brought about at the cost of notable labor, diligence and care, with long journeys, and no little circumspections^vigilance and caution." An accompanying map shows San Juan to be on the east side of the river Bravo, northward of Socorro and south of the valley of Quarra. A chief of that country in our time, says the town is called by the people Olique. Jaramillo, a captain under Coronado in the year 1542, states that on first coming to the plains he found Indians among the bison who called others Querechos, or People-of-the-fla1^roof-houses. ' M. Tho. Hakiot gives a like instance of the effect of fear and superstition on the minds of the Indians, that occurred during his stay in Virginia, in the years 1585-C. 164 RELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ " There could at no time happen any strange sicknesse, losses, hurts, or any other crosse unto them, but what they would impute to us the cause or means thereof, for offending or not pleasing us. One other rare and strange accident, leaving others, will I mention before I end, which moved the whole Countrey that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfuU admiration. " There was no towne where wee had any subtile devise practised against us, wee leaving it unpunished or not revenged (because we sought by all meanes possible to win them by gentlenesse), but that within a few dayes after our departure from every such Towne, the people began to die very fast, and many in short space, in some Townes about twentie, in some fourtie, and in one sixe score, which in trueth was very many in respect of their numbers. This happened in no place that we could learne, but where we had bin, where they used some practise against us, and after such time. The disease also was so strange, that they neither knewe what it was, nor how to cure it, the like by report of the oldest men in the Countrey never happened before, time out of minde. A things specially observed by us, as also by the naturall inhabitants themselves. Insomuch that when some of the inhabitants which were our friends, and espe- cially the Wiroans Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes to f ollowe their wicked practises, they were persuaded that it was the worke of our God through our meanes, and that we by him might kill and slay ■rf'hom we would without weapons, and not come neere them. And thereupon when it had happened that they had understanding that any of their enemies had abused us in our iourneys, hearing that we had wrought no revenge with our weapons, and fearing upon some cause the matter should so rest : did come and intreate us that we would be a meanes to our God that they as others that had dealt ill with us might in like sort die, alleadging how much it would bee for our credite and profite, as also theirs, and hoping furthermore that we would doe so much at their requests in respect of the friendship we professed them. * * * **»* * ** * " This marvellous accident in all the Countrey wrought so strange opinions of us, that some people could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men, and the rather because that all the space of their sicknes, there was no man of ours knowen to die, or that was specially sioke. . . ." — Haklutt's Voyages and Discoveries, vol. iii, p. 378. ^ This practice, as existing among the Muskokes, is spoken of by Romans. They make their boys " frequently undergo scratching from head to foot through the skiu, with broken glass or garfish teeth, so as to make them all in a gore of blood, and then wash them in CABEgA DE VAC A. 1Q5 cold water ; tMs is with them the arcanum against all diseases ; but when tliey design it as punishment to the boys, they dry scratch them, (i.e.), they apply no water for the operation, which renders it very painful." In the same manner Major Caibb Swan writes of tte practice of that people. Their mode of correction is singular : if a child require punishment, the mother scratches its legs and thighs with the point of a pin or needle, until it bleeds ; some keep the jaw bone of a gar fish, having two teeth, entirely for that purpose. — Bclwokraft's Indian Tribes, vol. v. ' The slowness with which some American fruits and vegetables have come into use among Europeans, contrasts with the rapidity with which some from there have spread into the remotest Indian fields of this country. Supposing the pumpkin, an exotic to the new world, to have been brought to the coast of Mexico by the first dis- coverers, and introduced into the interior from Veracruz by the most probable route, through the capital northward to the river Conchos, down to its junction with the Bio Grande, near the site of Presidio del Norte, where we now deem ourselves to be in this narrative, and in the month of March, 1536, the seed will be found to have traveled, notwithstanding wars, hostile nations and barbarous tribes, through eight degrees of longitude and ten and a half of latitude, at the rate sixty miles a year. Eight summers before, the vegetable had been found in abundance by the soldiers of Narvaez at Aute, and not im- probably it was known at that time to the native in nearly every part of the northern continent where the earth was tilled and the vine would grow. The army that the Viceroy sent from Mexico to Cibola in the year 1542, found the melon already there. CHAPTER XXXI. OF OUR TAKING THE WAT TO THE MAIZE. Two days being spent while we tarried, we resolved to go in search of the maize. "We did not wish to follow the path leading to where 'the cattle are, because it is towards the north, and for us very circuitous, since we ever held it certain, that going towards the sunset we must find what we desired. Thus we took our way, and traversed all the country until coming out at the South sea. Nor was the dread we had of the sharp hunger through which we should have to pass, (as in verity we did, throughout the seventeen days' journey of which the natives spoke,) sufficient to hinder us. During all that time, in ascending by the river, they gave us many coverings of cowhide; but we did not eat of the fruit. Our sus- tenance each day was about a handful of deer-suet, which we had a long time been used to saving for such trials. Thus we passed the entire journey of seventeen days, and at the close we crossed the river and traveled other seventeen days. As the sun went down, upon some plains that lie between chains of very great mountains, we found a people who for the third part of the year eat nothing RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ CABE5A DE VACA, IQI but the powder of straw,' and that being the season when we passed, we also had to eat of it, until reaching permanent habitations, where was abundance of maize brought together. They gave us a large quantity in grain and flour, pumpkins, beans and shawls of cotton. With all these we loaded our guides, who went back the happiest creatures on earth. We gave thanks to God, our Lord, for having brought us where we had found so much food. Some houses are of earth, the rest all of cane mats. From this point we marched through more than a hundred leagues of country, and continually found settled domicils with plenty of maize and beans. The people gave us many deer and cotton shawls better than those of ITew Spain, many beads and certain corals found on the South sea, and fine turquoises that come from the IsTorth.^ Indeed they gave us every thing they had. To me they gave five emeralds made into , arrow-heads, which they use at their singing and dancing. They appeared to be very precious. I asked whence they got these ; and they said the stones were brought from some lofty mountains that stand towards the north, where were populous towns and very large houses, and that they were purchased with plumes and the feathers of parrots. Among this people the women are treated with more decorum than in any part of the Indias we had visited. They wear a shirt of cotton that falls as low as the knee, and over it half sleeves with skirts reach- ing to the ground, made of dressed deer skin. It 168 EBLATION OP ALVAE NUNEZ opens in front and is brought close with straps of leather. They soap this with a certain root that cleanses well, by which they are enabled to keep it becomingly. Shoes are worn. The people all came to US that we should touch and bless them, they being very urgent, which we could accomplish only with great labor, for sick and well all wished to go with a benediction. Many times it occurred that some of the women who accompanied us gave birth ; and so soon as the children were born the mothers would bring them to us that we should touch and bless them. These Indians ever accompanied us until they deli- vered us to others ; and all held full faith in our coming from heaven. While traveling we went with- out food all day until night, and we ate so Kttle as to astonish them. We never felt exhaustion, neither were we in fact at all weary, so inured were we to hardship. We possessed great influence and authority : to preserve both we seldom talked with them. The negro was in constant conversation ; he informed him- self about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there were, and the matters we desired to know. We passed through many and dissimilar tongues. Our Lord granted us favor with the people who spoke them, for they always understood us, and we them. We questioned them and received their an- swers by signs, just as if they spoke our language and we theirs ; for although we knew six languages, we could not everywhere avail ourselves of them, there being a thousand differences. CABEgA DE VACA. ^69 Throughout all these countries the people who were at war immediately made friends, that they might come to meet us, and bring what they possessed. In this way we left all the land at peace, and we taught all the inhabitants by signs, which they understood, that in heaven was a Man we called Grod, who had created the sky and the earth ; him we worshiped and had for our master; that we did what he com- manded and from his hand came all good ; and would they do as we did, all would be well with them. So ready of apprehension we found them, that could we have had the use of language by which to make our- selves perfectly understood, we should have left them all Christians. Thus much we gave them to understand the best we could. And afterward, when the sun rose, they opened their hands together with loud shouting towards the heavens, and then drew them down all over their bodies. They did the same again when the sun went down. They are a people of good condi- tion and substance, capable in any pursuit.' ' " The Apaches make likewise a kind of cimola (cracked wheat), or pinole the seed of straw or grass, which they tediously gather at harvest time, and in small quantities, they not heing husbandmen." Repmi of Lt. Col. Cordeieo in the year 1796. The plains spoken of, according to the latest maps must he the region between the Sierra of Barrigon and the Cordillera of the An- des. According to the ethnographic map of Mexico by Onozco Y Beeka, the Spaniards in going westward from Presidio del Norte, had traversed the northern portion of the territory of the Concho In- dians, the southern edge of the Apache, the northern of the Taraumar, the southern of the Opata, and are now entering oh the north-eastern end of the Pima Bajo, of whom the writer has begun to speak. The 170 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ route is curving south-westwardly ; they will soon be upon an ex- treme branch of the river Takinie. ^ The American Journal of Science and Art for March, 1858, con- tains an account of the interesting region whence probably came these turquoises, the character of the stone in which such are found, and their chemical elements. The writer, W. P. Blake, states that they are got by digging in sandstone or granular porphyry among Los Cerillos, a group of conical peaks in a mountainous tract, lying twenty miles south-east of Santa Pe, to the north of the Placer ridges, from which they are separated by the intervening valley of the Qalisteo. The Professor describes seemingly the most ancient of the cavities whence are derived these Indian gems, to be much the greatest, and " the work of the aborigines long before the conquest and settlement of the country," and apparently two hundred feet deep with three hundred or more in diameter. The sides around of projecting crag, bear in their fissures a growth of shrubs and trees ; on the fragments at the bottom, gray with age, are standing pines, the development of a century. Thousands of tons of stone, bear- ing no indication of containing ore, have been broken out of the solid mass and removed. The largest piece of this " chalchinite," as it is called by the Nava- jos, picked up by the explorer, measured three-quarters of an inch in length by one in thickness. It is generally found in the lining of seanis, though discoverable in nodules and also in the body of the rock; the color is in shades of apple or pea green, passing into blue, the latter perhaps the result of decomposition. The mineral is apparently the result of infiltration. The constituents are nearly the same as those of the Persian turquoise. Beneath the towering rocks, which on one side overhang the ex- cavation, forming a recess where lie an accumulation of ashes that mark numberless camp-fires made by the Indians who still resort there for the coveted gem, is the spot whence the traveler overlooks the great pit covered with ancient growth. Turning north-east- wardly, the expanse of plain slopes towards Santa Fe ; beyond it rise the lofty peaks of the Stony mountains ; on the west and south- west the country opens towards the Rio Bravo del Norte, the mono- tony of the extensive area between, being relieved by the solitary emi- nences of Zandia and Albuquerque. Tla^otetl is the Nahual or Mexican word for precious stone, from ' tlai;otl, strung, and tetl, stone ; but clialcMuiU defined by Molina to be coarse or false emerald, " emeralda basta," appears to be the word in use for stones in general of value. Thus chalcMuJiinmatqui signifies CABE^A DE VACA. ^71 lapidary. The meaning of elialcM being nowhere discoverable, it may be thought to be of foreign origin. Xiuitl, besides grass, means tur- quoise ; muhtk, color of turquoise. Quetzalitetii, emerald, is from quetzalU a rich green plume and ytz tetl knife-stone, obsidian. ° Pitchlynn once said in conversation respecting usages existing among Indians similar to those spoken of by Alvar Nunez : " In December of the year 1828, then in my twenty-second year, I was sent a commissioner from the Chahtas to the Osages, Wa-shorshe, to make peace at White-hairs village, west of Missouri state, on the Ne-osho, Clear-water river. A state of war had existed between our nations from time immemorial. There I noticed this method of singing and weeping every morning and eve, a species of worship performed by the men. They sing a mournful, melancholy song, growing louder and louder, breaking into a full, wild cry. In the same way they sing on going into battle. That such is the custom of the Osage is proverbial everywhere among Indians ; and they are the only people I have ever heard of as practicing it. So far as I know their history they have never lived south of the Arkansas, though in their war and hunting excursions they may have roamed to Bed river, the Oka-homa of the Chahta. " I found the language of signs all over the plains, west of the Mississippi ; but to the east of the river, I do not know that it has ever been in use. It appears to be an almost natural system, in which the Indians, however strangers to each other, express them- selves when they meet, with great rapidity and fullness. " From all I have seen and can understand of the Indians who once inhabited the portions of country covered by the southern states of the Union, they appear to have been originally worshipers of the sun. The Chahta when he has greatly misbehaved, utters these ejacu- lations : When the sun forsakes a man he will do things he never thought to do ! The sun is turned against me, therefore have I come to this ! On the garments and tents of some Comanches I once met in an excursion to the western prairies, were pictures of the hand, the symbol to me of friendship and greeting. The band had an image of the sun with them, which they presented to him when he rose, turned it as he advanced and withdrew at his setting. A speech in council among us was apt to be begun in this way ; ' We have come together from different parts and clasped hands.' Over the doors of deserted edifices about the Stony mountains, I am told the hand is sometimes found drawn and colored red. I, as an Indian, understand that sign to mean salutation to the sun, and suppose those who placed it there to have been its worshipers." CHAPTER XXXII. THE INDIANS GIVE ITS THE HEARTS OF DEER. In the town where the emeralds were presented to us, the people gave Dorantes over six hundred open hearts of deer.' They ever keep a good supply of them for food, and we called the place Pueblo de los Cora- zones. It is the entrance into many provinces on the South sea.^ They who go to look for them and do not enter there, will be lost. On the coast is no maize : the inhabitants eat the powder of rush and of straw, and fish that is caught in the sea from rafts not having canoes. "With grass and straw the women cover their nudity.^ They are a timid and dejected people. "We think that near the coast by way of those towns through which we came, are more than a thousand leagues of inhabited country, plentiful of subsistence. Three times the year it is planted with maize and beans. Deer are of three kinds ; one the size of the young steer of Spain. There are innumerable houses, such as are called bahios. They have poison from a certain tree the size of the apple. For eiffect, no more is necessary than to pluck the fruit and moisten the arrow with it, or if there be no fruit, to break a twig and with the milk do the like. The tree is abundant and so deadly that if the leaves be bruised and steeped RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. ^73 in some neighboring water, the deer and other animals drinking it soon burst.* "We were in this town three days. A day's journey farther was another town, at which the rain fell heavily while we were there, and the river became so swollen we could not cross it, which detained us fifteen days. In this time Castillo saw the buckle of a sword-belt on the neck of an Indian and stitched to it the nail of a horse shoe. He took them, and we asked the native what they were : he answered that they came from heaven. "We questioned him further, as to who had brought them thence : they all responded, that certain men who wore beards like us, had come from heaven and arrived at that river; bringing horses, lances, and swords, and that they had lanced two Indians. In a manner of the utmost indifference we could feign, we asked them what had become of those men : they answered us that they had gone to sea, putting their lances beneath the water, and going themselves also under the water; afterwards that they were seen on the surface going towards the sunset.' For this we gave many thanks to God our Lord. We had before de- spaired of ever hearing more of Christians. Even yet we were left in great doubt and anxiety, thinking those people were merely persons who had come by sea on discoveries. However, as we had now such exact information, we made greater speed, and as we advanced on our way, the news of the Christians con- tinually grew. We told the natives that we were going in search of that people, to order them not to kill 174 RELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ nor make slaves of them, nor take them from their lands, nor do other injustice. Of this the Indians were very glad. We passed through many territories and found them all vacant : their inhabitants wandered fleeing among the mountains, without daring to have houses or till the earth for fear of Christians. The sight was one of infinite pain to us, a land very fertile and beautiful, abounding in springs and streams, the hamlets deserted and burned, the people thin and weak, all fleeing or in concealment. As they did not plant, they appeased their keen hunger by eating roots, and the bark of trees. We bore a share in the famine along the whole way ; for poorly could these unfortunates provide for us, themselves being so reduced they looked as though they would willingly die. They brought shawls of those they had concealed because of the Christians, present- ing them to us ; and they related how the Christians, at other times had come through the land destroying and burning the towns, carrying away half the men, and all the women and the boys, while those who had been able to escape were wandering about fugitives. We found them so alarmed they dared not remain any- where. They would not, nor could they till the earth ; but preferred to die rather than live in dread of such cruel usage as they received. Although these showed themselves greatly delighted with us, we feared that on our arrival among those who held the frontier and fought against the Christians, they would treat us badly, and revenge upon us the conduct of their ene- CABEgA DE VAOA. I'J^ mies ; but when God our Lord was pleased to bring us tbere, they began to dread and respect us as the others had done, and even somewhat more, at which we no httle wondered. Thence it may at once be seen, that to bring all these people to be Christians and to the obedience of the Imperial Majesty, they must be won by kindness, which is a way certain, and no other is. They took us to a town on the edge of a range of mountains, to which the ascent is over difficult crags. We found many people there collected out of fear of the Christians. They received us well and presented us all they had. They gave us more than two thou- sand back-loads of maize, which we gave to the dis- tressed and hungered beings who guided us to that place. The next day we dispatched four messengers through the country, as we were accustomed to do, that they should call together all the rest of the Indians at a town distant three days' march. We set out the day after with all the people. The tracks of the Christians and marks where they slept were continu- ally seen. At midday we met our messengers, who told us they had found no Indians, that they were roving and hiding in the forests, fleeing that the Christians might not kill nor make them slaves ; the night before, they had observed the Christians from behind trees, and discovered what they were about, carrying away many people in chains. Those who came with us were alarmed at this intel- ligence ; some returned to spread the news over the 176 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ land that the Christians were coming; and many more would have followed, had we not forbidden it and told them to cast aside their fear, when they reas- sured themselves and were well content. At the time, we had Indians with us belonging a hundred leagues behind, and we were in no condition to discharge them, that they might return to their homes. To encourage them, we staid there that night; the day after we marched and slept on the road. The follow- ing day, those whom we had sent forward as mes- sengers, guided us to the place where they had seen Christians. "We arrived in the afternoon, and saw at once that they told the truth. We perceived that the persons were mounted, by the stakes to which the horses had been tied. From this spot, called the river Petutan, to the river to which Diego de G-uzmAn came, where we heard of Christians,* may be as many as eighty leagues ; thence to the town, where the rains overtook us, twelve leagues, and that is twelve leagues from the South sea. Throughout this region, wheresoever the mountains extend, we saw clear traces of gold and lead, iron, copper, and other metals. Where the settled habitations are, the climate is hot; even in January, the weather is very warm. Thence toward the meridian, the country unoccupied to the ITorth sea, is unhappy and sterile. There we underwent great and incredible hunger. Those who inhabit and wander over it, are a race of evil inclination and most cruel customs. The people of the fixed residences and those CABEgA DB VACA. I'J'J beyond, regard silver and gold with indifference, nor can they conceive of any use for them. ' Tliese passages are translated from au unpublished work by FriAS BARTOLOTlfi DE tAS CaSAS. " Tlie hearts I incline to think are used by the people of these Provinces as oiferings rather than for food. It is stated by those who have written, though not by Cabeqa de Vaca in his personal narrative that when the Si)aniards arrived at the town, the people of the vici- nage were making merry in the celebration of a festival thus de- scribed : " They bring numerous deer, wolves, hares and birds before a great idol, playing on many flutes with other instruments they have, and opening the animals through the middle take out the hearts, which they suspend about the neck of the image, wetting it with the flowing blood. It is certain that in all this Province of the Valley of Sonora the only offering made, was the hearts of brutes. There are two occa- sions of festivity, one at seedtime, the other at harvest, when sacri- fices are offered with great rejoicing, ceremonial and devotion. * * * •• A friar, whom I knew well, Marcos de Nicja of the Order of Saint Francis, on coming to Sonora entered the chief and principal town, where the lord of the valley came out to receive him, and extending his hands towards him, rubbed them everywhere over his own per- son. Passing that place, in another town of the Valley, six leagues distant, in the direction of Civola was the principal oratory where Chicamastli, king and lord of the country went to make his offerings. In a very high temple of stone laid in mortar, (of which we made mention when writing of temples) was a statue covered with blood, having the hearts of numerous animals about its neck. Near the stone image were many bodies of men placed about the walls, with the brains and entrails taken out. These must have been the persons of the former lords of the valley, and that place their sepulchre." Historia Apologetica de las Tndias Occidentales. Tomo III, Cap. 168. " Benavides thus writes of this Town of Hearts in the year 1630 : " Leaving the town of Chiametla, and journeying eighty leagues to the north, coasting and keeping ever near to the South sea, the traveler strikes the Valley of Setiora, which is sixty leagues long by ten wide. Through the midst passes a very broad river, having upon its banks a country of fruitful fields and many towns. The first town is called Corazones, for the many hearts of deer that the people there upon a time gave to ours. The place consists of seven 178 RELATION OF ALVAR NUKEZ hundred well arranged houses: the temperature is delightful." Memorial, p. 101. The Indian name of the town is Tekora. The people are the Ne- vome, a nation of the Pima. The language they speak is the Heve or Eudeve, in which a grammar and dictionary exist, composed by a Spanish missionary. Father Megre in writing of the march of Coronado from the south to invade Cibola says : " In May the force left Culiacan, and in four days' journey arrived at the river Petatlan thence in three at the Zuaque, called then Cinaloa. From here the General sent ten cavalry, that vritli double speed they should come to the Arroyo de Cedros, (Cedar stream) whence they should go to the north-east by an opening there is through the moun- tains in that direction. Following this course they arrived at the stream and valley of Corazones, a name given by the companions of Al- varo Nunez. This rivulet we think may be that which running from west to east, empties into a stream known as Mulatos on the bank of which is now the town of Yecora, What is certain is, the valley of Corazones, and the river were on the confines of Sinaloa and Sonora, as all accounts state. In the manuscripts we read that a town was here founded with forty-seven Spaniards, which was called Pueblo de los Corazones, of which Diego de Alcaraz was Alcalde and Chief magis- trate, a man haughty and inhuman." Mistoria de la OompafUa de Jesus en Nueva Espaila per el Padre Francisco Javier Aibgrb. Tomo I, p. 337. ' Gen. Carles P. Stone has made for me an elaborate map of a wide extent of this country, from his personal observations and surveys. From his letters, full of exact information, I take the liberty to oflfer excerpta. " The coast of Sonora, from a short distance north of Guaymas to the mouth of the Colorado, is a picture of barrenness. The only vege- table substances that I know of growing in that region are a root called by the natives ' saya,' somewhat resembling the Jerusalem artichoke, and some species of the cactus. The Indians referred to were the Ceris. They are now much reduced in numbers and live almost exclusively on fish. They build very carious rafts, forming them of bundles of wild cane lashed together skillfully, giving them the shape of a long canoe, but making them solid in order to avail themselves as much as possible of the buoyancy of the cane. The women cover their nakedness by mats of grass. The grass is twisted into cords. They wear two mats, one before and one behind, held in place by a cord run through the two and fastened over the hips." CABEgA DE VACA. J 79 Since tlie liistoriau of Cinaloa a century later tlian Alvar Nunez, has represented that tliese iuliabitants of tlie coast of Sonora, tlie Ceri doubtless, were in a state of savagery greater tliau that of the human race anywhere else, it may be well to repeat briefly what he de- scribes, as a comparison of their condition with that of the Mariame with whom we have just been made acquainted on the shores of Texas, under nearly the same parallels. These people of the western shore lived among the sands, subsist- ing on little animals, locusts and reptiles, with the grass-seed that grows below tide water. Fish is their bread, which dried with salt, is their sole food the greater part of the year. The pitahaya covers districts two, four and even sis leagues in extent. The best fruit comes in dry soil, like the coast, where rain seldom falls. The season of this prickly pear lasts two months. If the native should desire shelter from rain, he gathers an armful of long straw or stalks, ties it at the top, then seating himself, opens and puts it over his head, so that it covers his person like a thatch roof. This for him is an impervious cap, coat, and field-camp, though the rain should pour the night through. His protection is no better against the burning rays of the sun as they fall in this climate. A few branches of trees driven into the ground, afford a shade under which these Indians live. There is no contrivance for the naked body against winds. In some severe nights of December and Janu- ary they make fires, sitting near on the cold ground. In this way they travel the desert, building fires in row a little way apart, and reposing a while at each. If a single person only have this fancy to journey four or six leagues of a night, however rigorous the weather, he uses a burning brand applying it near the stomach while the rest of the body goes free to the air. This remarkable people, as well as those Uving in the rough districts among briars and bushes, are in much smaller number than the hus- bandmen of the country, to whose towns they resort in common, to exchange fish for maize when it is in season. Although they live in this manner, they are of greater stature than any of the people of New Spain or even of Europe, are quick and nimble in their move- ment, and, what appears strange, are very corpulent. On that poor diet they survive even into decrepitude ; yet are they more content than if they possessed the abundance and accommodation of palaces. Such is the early testimony of Ribas, Lib. I, Cap. II, p. 7. Alvar Nunez remarked the symmetry and great size of the natives among whom he resided on the coast of Texas, even the comeliness of one of the nations, as well as their extraordinary hardihood and capa- 182 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ CABE(?A DE VACA. The Temochula or Temotcliala on modern maps is the river Ahome, the Petatl&n is the Cinaloa. " In the year 1533, the Governor of New Galicia marched northward in quest of seven cities of which he had heard, and a great river four or five leagues in width that emptied into the South sea. He came to the river Yakemi, crossed it, and having tried the valor of the in- habitants, he returned to Colican. — Hbrbbra, Dee. V, IM. I, Ca/p. 8. CHAPTER XXXIII. WE SEE TRACES OF CHRISTIANS. "When we saw sure signs of Christians, and heard how near we were to them, we gave thanks to God our Lord, for having chosen to bring us out of a capti- vity so melancholy and wretched. The delight we felt let each one conjecture, when he shall remember the length of time we were in that country, the suffer- ing and perils we underwent. That night I entreated my companions that one of them should go back three days' journey after the Christians who were moving about over the country, where we had given assurance of protection. ISTeither of them received this proposal well, excusing themselves because of weariness and ex- haustion ; and although either might have done better than I, being more youthful and athletic, yet seeing their unwillingness, the next morning I took the negro with eleven Indians, and following the Christians by their trail, I traveled ten leagues, passing three villages, at which they had slept. The day after I overtook four of them on horseback, who were astonished at the sight of me, so strangely habited as I was, and in company with Indians.* They stood staring at me a length of time, so confounded that they neither hailed me nor drew near to make an 184 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABE^A DB VACA. inquiry. I bade them take me to their chief: accord- ingly we went together half a league to the place where was Diego de Alcaraz, their captain. After we had conversed, he stated to me that he was completely undone ; he had not been able in a long time to take any Indians ; he knew not which way to turn, and his men had well begun to experience hunger and fatigue. I told him of Castillo and Dorantes, who were behind, ten leagues oiF, with a multitude that conducted us. He thereupon sent three cavalry to them, with fifty of the Indians who accompanied him. The negro returned to guide them, while I remained. I asked the Christians to give me a certifi- cate of the year, month and day, I arrived there, and of the manner of my coming, which they accordingly did. From this river to the town of the Christians, named San Miguel, within the government of the province called New Galicia, are thirty leagues. ' " They found Captain Lazaro de (Jebreros witli three mounted men in the Ojuelos on the road to Tzinaloa by the river Petatlan.'' Padre BBATJMOisrT. He mistook the captain and doubtless meant to write the name of Alcaraz. CHAPTER XXXIV. OF SENDING FOR THE CHRISTIANS. Five days having elapsed, Andres Dorantes and Alonzo del Castillo arrived with those who had been sent after them. They brought more than six hundred persons of that community, whom the Christians had driven into the forests, and who had wandered in con- cealment over the land. Those who accompanied us so far, had drawn them out, and given them to the Christians, who thereupon dismissed all the others they had brought with them. Upon their coming to where I was, Alcaraz begged that we would summon the people of the towns on the margin of the river, who straggled about under cover of the woods, and order them to fetch us something to eat. This last was unnecessary, the Indians being ever diligent to bring us all they could. Directly we sent our messen- gers to call them, when there came six hundred souls, bringing us all the maize in their possession. They fetched it in certain pots, closed with clay, which they had concealed in the earth. They brought us what- ever else they had ; but we, wishing only to have the provision, gave the rest to the Christians, that they might divide among themselves. After this we had 24 18g RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ many Mgh words with, them ; for they wished to make slaves of the Indians we brought. In consequence of the dispute, we left at our depar- ture many bows of Turkish shape we had along with us and many pouches. The five arrows with the points of emerald were forgotten among others, and we lost them. "We gave the Christians a store of robes of cowhide and other things we brought. "We found it difficult to induce the Indians to return to their dwellings, to feel no apprehension and plant maize. They were willing to do nothing until they had gone with us and delivered us into the hands of other In- dians, as had been the custom ; for if they returned without doing so, they were afraid they should die, and going vsdth us, they feared neither Christians nor lances. Our countrymen became jealous at this, and caused their interpreter to tell the Indians that we were of them, and for a long time we had been lost; that they were the lords of the land who must be obeyed and served, while we were persons of mean condition and small force. The Indians cared little or nothing for what was told them; and conversing among themselves said the Christians lied : that we had come whence the sun rises, and they whence it goes down : we healed the sick, they killed the sound ; that we had come naked and barefooted, while they had arrived in clothing and on horses with lances; that we were not covetous of anything, but all that was given to us, we directly turned to give, remaining with nothing; that the others had the CABEgA DE VACA. X87 only purpose to rob whomsoever they found, bestow- ing nothing on any one. In this way they spoke of all matters respecting us, which they enhanced by contrast with matters con- cerning the others, delivering their response through the interpreter of the Spaniards. To other Indians they made this known by means of one among them through whom they understood us. Those who speak that tongue we discriminately call Primahaitu, which is like saying Vasconyados.^ "We found it in use over more than four hundred leagues of our travel, without another over that whole extent. Even to the last, I could not convince the Indians that we were of the Christians ; and only with great effort and solicitation we got them to go back to their residences. We ordered them to put away apprehension, establish their towns, plant and cultivate the soil. From abandonment the country had already grown up thickly in trees. It is, no doubt, the best in all these Indias, the most prolific and plenteous in provi- sions. Three times in the year it is planted. It pro- duces great variety of fruit, has beautiful rivers, with many other good waters. There are ores with clear traces of gold and silver. The people are well dis- posed : they serve such Christians as are their friends, with great good vdll. They are comely, much more so than the Mexicans. Indeed, the land needs no cir- cumstance to make it blessed. The Indians, at taking their leave told us they would do what we commanded, and would build their 188 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ towns, if the Christians would suffer them ; and this I say and affirm most positively, that if they have not done so, it is the fault of the Christians. After we had dismissed the Indians in peace, and thanked them for the toil they had supported with us, the Christians with subtlety sent us on our way under charge of Zeburos, an Alcalde, attended by two men. They took us through forests and solitudes, to hinder us from intercourse with the natives, that we might neither witness nor have knowledge of the act they would commit. It is but an instance of how frequently men are mistaken in their aims ; we set about to pre- serve the liberty of the Indians and thought we had secured it, but the contrary appeared ; for the Christians had arranged to go and spring upon those we had sent away in peace and confidence. They executed their plan as they had designed, taking us through the woods, wherein for two days we were lost, without water and without way. Seven of our men died of thirst, and we all thought to have perished. Many friendly to the Christians in their company, were un- able to reach the place where we got water the second night, until the noon of next day. "We traveled twenty-five leagues, little more or less, and reached a town of friendly Indians. The Alcalde left us there, and went on three leagues farther to a town called Culia9an where was Melchior Diaz, principal Alcalde and Captain of the Province. ' This name seemingly comes from tliese words, taken from a dic- tionary in MS. of the Heve or Eudeve, a dialect of the Pima, and CABEgA DE VACA. ^89 nearest of kin to tlie (5pata, composed by a Spanish missionary. No, pima : nothing, pima Jiaitu. Ques. What, Ai ? Ans. Pima haitu, (niliU). Time lias shown the wide extent of country over which the Pima and its affinities were spoken. For an Andaluz to make such concession to the original ditfusion of the Vascuence is no little, and has come near to equaling the patriotic pretensions since made for the language by Larramendi. CHAPTER XXXV. THE CHIEF ALCALDE RECEIYES US KINDLY THE NIGHT WE ARRIVE. The Alcalde Mayor knew of the expedition, and hearing of our return, he immediately left that night and came to where we were. He wept with us, giving praises to Grod our Lord for having extended over us so great care. He comforted and entertained us hos- pitably. In behalf of the Governor, Nuno de Guzmdn and himself, he tendered all that he had, and the service in his power. He showed much regret for the seizure, and the injustice we had received from Alcaraz and others. We were sure, had he been present what was done to the Indians and to us would never have oc- curred. The night being passed, we set out the next day for Anhacan.' The chief Alcalde besought us to tarry there, since by so doing we could be of eminent ser- vice to God and your Majesty; the deserted land was without tillage and everywhere badly wasted, the In- dians were fleeing and concealing themselves in the thickets, unwilling to occupy their towns ; we were to send and call them, commanding them in behalf of God and the King, to return to live in the vales and cultivate the soil. RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ CABE^A DB VACA. J 9 ^ To lis this appeared difficult to eiFect. "We had brought no native of our own, nor of those who ac- companied us according to custom, intelhgent in these affairs. At last we made the attempt with two cap- tives, brought from that country, who were with the Christians we first overtook. They had seen the people who conducted us, and learned from them the great authority and command we carried and exercised throughout those parts, the wonders we had worked, the sick we had cured, and the many things besides we had done. We ordered that they with others of the town, should go together to summon the hostile natives among the mountains and of the river Petachan,^ where we had found the Christians, and say to them they must come to us, that we wished to speak with them. For the protection of the messengers, and as a token to the others of our will, we gave them a gourd of those we were accustomed to bear in our hands, which had been our principal insignia and evidence of rank, and with this they went away. The Indians were gone seven days, and returned with three chiefs of those revolted among the ridges, who brought with them fifteen men, and presented us beads, turquoises, and feathers. The messengers said they had not found the people of the river where we appeared, the Christians having again made them run away into the mountains. Melehior Diaz told the in- terpreter to speak to the natives for us ; to say to them we came in the name of God, who is in heaven ; that we had traveled about the world many years,^ 192 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ telling all the people we found that they should believe in God and serve him ,• for he was the master of all things on the earth, benefiting and rewarding the vir- tuous, and to the bad giving perpetual punishment of fire ; that when the good die, he takes them to heaven, where none ever die, nor feel cold, nor hunger, nor thirst, nor any inconvenience whatsoever, but the greatest enjoyment possible to conceive; that those who will not believe in him, nor obey his commands, he casts beneath the earth into the company of demons, and into a great fire which is never to go out, but always torment ; that, over this, if they desired to be Christians and serve G-od in the way we required, the Christians would cherish them as brothers and behave towards them very kindly; that we would command they give no offense nor take them from their territo- ries, but be their great friends. If the Indians did not do this, the Christians would treat them very hardly, carrying them away as slaves into other lands. They answered through the interpreter that they would be true Christians and serve God. Being asked to whom they sacrifice and offer worship, from whom they ask rain for their corn-fields and health for them- selves, they answered of a man that is in heaven. We inquired of them his name, and they told us Aguar ; and they believed he created the whole world, and the things in it. We returned to question them as to how they knew this ; they answered their fathers and grand- fathers had told them, that from distant time had come their knowledge, and they knew the rain and all good CABE9A DE VACA. ^^93 things were sent to them by him. "We told them that the name of him of whom they spoke we called Dies ; and if they would call him so, and would worship him as we directed, they would find their welfare. They responded that they well understood, and would do as we said. We ordered them to come down from the mountains in confidence and peace, inhabit the whole country and construct their houses : among these they should build one for God, at its entrance place a cross like that which we had there present; and when Christians came among them, they should go out to receive them with crosses in their hands, without bows or any arms, and take them to their dwellings, giving of what they have to eat, and the Christians would do them no injury, but be their friends ; and the Indians told us they would do as we had com- manded. The Captain having given them shawls and enter- tained them, they returned, taking the two captives who had been used as emissaries. This occurrence took place before the I^otary, in the presence of many witnesses. ^ The two last words are omitted in tlie second edition. " Spelled Petaan in the second edition. A region of country on the south nearly to this river Petatl4n had formed a part of the extreme northern domain of Mootezuma, and where the Mexican was spoken. The name appears to be made from p&tlatl, in that language, a sort of matting, or, better, it is a contraction of petlatitlan, among mats. Anciently tribute appears to have been paid in this commodity to the metropolis. ^ In the first edition " nine years." 25 CHAPTER XXXVI. OF BUILDING CHURCHES IN THAT LAND. As soon as these Indians went back, all those of that province who were friendly to the Christians and had heard of us, came to visit us, bringing beads and feathers. We commanded them to build churches and put crosses in them : to that time none had been raised ; and we made them bring their principal men to be baptized. Then the Captain made a covenant with God, not to invade nor consent to invasion, nor to enslave any of that country and people, to whom we had guarantied safety ; that this he would enforce and defend until your Majesty and the Grovernor Nuno de Guzmdn, or the Viceroy in your name, should direct what would be most for the service of G-od and your Highness. When the children had been baptized, we departed for the town of San Miguel. So soon as we arrived, April 1,* 1536, came Indians, who told us many people had come down from the mountains and were liv- ing in the vales ; that they had made churches and crosses, doing all we had required. Each day we heard how these things were advancing to a full im- provement. * April 1 1536 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. 19 5 Fifteen days of our residence having passed, Alcaraz got back with the Christians from the incursion, and they related to the Captain the manner in which the Indians had come down and peopled the plain; that the towns were inhabited which had been tenantless and deserted, the residents, coming out to receive them with crosses in their hands, had taken them to their houses, giving of what they had, and the Christians had slept among them over night. They were sur- prised at a thing so novel ; but as the natives said they had been assured of safety, it was ordered that they should not be harmed, and the Christians took friendly leave of them. God of his infinite mercy is pleased that in the days of your Majesty, under your might and dominion, these nations should come to be thoroughly and vol- untarily subject to the Lord, who has created and redeemed us. "We regard this as certain, that your Majesty is he who is destined to do so much, not difficult to accomplish ; for in the two thousand leagues we journeyed on land, and in boats on water, and in that we traveled unceasingly for ten months after coming out of captivity, we found neither sacrifices nor idolatry. In the time, we traversed fi'om sea to sea ; and from information gathered with great diligence, there may be a distance from one to another at the widest part, of two thousand leagues ; ^ and we learned that on the coast of the South sea there are pearls and great riches, and the best and all the most opulent countries are near there. 19 g RELATION OF ALVAB NUNEZ CABE^A DE VACA. "We were in the village of San Miguel until the fifteenth day of May.* The cause of so long a deten- tion was, that from thence to the city of Compostela, where the G-overnor l!^uno de Gruzmdn resided, are a hundred leagues of country, entirely devastated and filled with enemies, where it was necessary we should have protection. Twenty mounted men went with us for forty leagues, and after that six Christians accom- panied us, who had with them five hundred slaves. Arrived at Compostela, the Governor entertained us graciously and gave us of his clothing for our use. I could not wear any for some time, nor could we sleep anywhere else but on the ground. After ten or twelve days we left for Mexico, and were all along on the way well entertained by Christians. Many came out on the roads to gaze at us, giving thanks to G-od for having saved us from so many calamities. We arrived at Mexico on Sunday, the day before the vespers of Saint Iago,t where we were handsomely treated by the Viceroy and the Marquis del Valle, and welcomed with joy. They gave us clothing and prof- fered whatsoever they had. On the day of Saint lago was a celebration, and a joust of reeds with bulls. * May 15 f July 25 1536 • ' The distance these Christians traveled in going from one sea to the other, at the place they came out appeared to them two hundred leagues, which they so declared at the town of San Miguel, with the other matter here stated, on oath before a notary the 15th day of May. — Hbrbbka. CHAPTER XXXVII. OF WHAT OCCURRED "WHEN I WISHED TO RETURN. When we had rested two months in Mexico, I desired to return to these kingdoms ; and being about to embark in the month of October, a storm came on capsizing the ship and she was lost. In consequence I resolved to remain through the winter ; because in those parts it is a boisterous season for navigation. After that had gone by, Dorantes and I left Mexico, about Lent, to take shipping at Vera Cruz. We re- mained waiting for a wind until Palm Sunday, when we went on board, and were detained fifteen days longer for a wind. The ship leaked so much that I quitted her, and went to one of two other vessels that were ready to sail, but Dorantes remained in her. On the tenth day of April,* the three ships left the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty leagues. Two of them leaked a great deal ; and one night the vessel I was in, lost their company. Their pilots and mas- ters, as afterwards appeared, dared not proceed with the other vessels ; so, without telling us of their intentions, or letting us know aught of them, put back to the port they had left. We pursued our voyage, and on the fourth day of May f we entered the harbor of Ha- * April 10 t May 4 1536 198 EELATION OF ALVAE NUNEZ vana, in the island of Cuba. We remained waiting for the other vessels, believing them to be on their way, until the second of June,* when we sailed, in much fear of falling in with Frenchmen, as they had a few days before taken three Spanish vessels. Having arrived at the Island of Bermuda, we were struck by one of those storms that overtake those who pass there, according to what they state who sail thither. All one night we considered ourselves lost ; and we were thankful that when the morning was come, the storm ceased, and we could go on our course. At the end of twenty-nine days after our departure from Havana, we had sailed eleven hundred leagues, which are said to be thence to the town of the Azores. The next morning, passing by the Island called Cuervo, we fell in with a French ship. At noon she began to follow, bringing with her a caravel captured from the Portuguese, and gave us chase. In the evening we saw nine other sail ; but they were so distant we could not make out whether they were Portuguese or of those that pursued us. At night the Frenchman was within shot of a lombard from our ship, and we stole away from our course in the dark to evade him, and this we did three or four times. He approached so near that he saw us and fired. He might have taken us, or, at his option could lekve us until the morning. I remember with gratitude to the Almighty when the sun rose, and we found ourselves close with * June 3 1537 CABE9A DB VACA. 299 the Frenchman, that near us were the nine sail we saw the evening before, which we now recognized to be of the fleet of Portugal. I gave thanks to our Lord for escape from the troubles of the land and perils of the sea. The Frenchman, so soon as he discovered their character, let go the caravel he had seized with a cargo of negroes and kept as a prize, to make us think he was Portuguese, that we might wait for him. When he cast her ofi", he told the pilot and the master of her, that we were French and under his convoy. This said, sixty oars were put out from his ship, and thus with these and sail he commenced to flee, moving so fast it was hardly credible. The caravel being let go, went to the galleon, and informed the commander that the other ship and ours were French. As we drew nigh the galleon, and the fleet saw we were coming down upon them, they made no doubt we were, and putting themselves in order of battle, bore up for us, and when near we hailed them. Discover- ing that we were friends, they found that they were mocked in permitting the corsair to escape, by being told that we were French and of his company. Four caravels were sent in pursuit. The galleon drawing near, after the salutation from us, the com- mander Diego de Silveira, asked whence we came and what merchandise we carried, when we answered that we came from I^ew Spain, and were loaded with silver and gold. He asked us how much there might be ; the Captain told him we carried three hundred thou- sand Castillanos. The Commander replied : " Boa fee. 200 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ que venis muito ricos, pero tra^edes muy ruin Kavio y muyto ruin Antilleria, 6 fide puta can dreneyado Traces, y que bon bocado perdio, bota deus. Ora sua pois vos avedes escapado, seguime, y non vos apartedes de mi, que c6 ajuda de deus en vos porne en Oastila." ^ After a little time, the caravels that pursued the Prencbman returned, for plainly be moved too fast for tbem ; they did not like eitber, to leave the fleet, wbicb was guarding tbree ships that came laden with spices. Thus we reached the island of Terceira, where we reposed fifteen days, taking refreshment and awaiting the arrival of another ship coming with a cargo from India, the companion of the three of which the armada was in charge. The time having run out, we left that place with the fleet, and arrived at the port of Lisbon on the ninth of August,* in the after- noon of the day of our master Saint Lawrence, in the year one thousand five hundred and thirty-seven. That what I have stated in my foregoing narrative is true, I subscribe with my name. * August 8 1537 CABEgA DE VACA. 201 The idlation whence this is taken, is signed with the name of Cabega de Vaca, and bears the impress of his escutcheon. ' The words are in Portuguese : " In honest truth you come very rich, although you bring a very sorry ship and a still poorer ar- tillery. By Heaven, that renegade whoreson Frenchman has lost a good mouthful. Now that you have escaped, follow me, and do not leave me that I may, with God's help, deliver you in Spain." 26 CHAPTER XXXVIII. or WHAT BECAME OF THE OTHERS WHO WENT TO INDIAS. Since giving this circumstantial account of events attending tlie voyage to Florida, the invasion, and our going out thence, until the arrival in these realms, I desire to state vs^hat became of the ships and of the people who remained with them. I have not before touched on this, as we were uninformed until coming to 'New Spain, where we found many of the persons, and others here in Castilla, from whom we learned everything to the latest particular. At the time we left, one of the ships had already been lost on the breakers, and the three others were in considerable danger, having nearly a hundred souls on board and few stores. Among the persons were ten married women, one of whom had told the Governor many things that afterwards befel him on the voyage. She cautioned him before he went inland not to go, as she was confident that neither he nor any going with him could ever escape; but should any one come back from that country, the Almighty must work great wonders in his behalf, though she believed few or none would return. The Governor said that he and his followers were going to fight and conquer nations and countries wholly unknown, and in subduing them EELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ CABE^A DB VACA. 203 he knew that many would be slain ; nevertheless, that those who siirvived would be fortunate, since from what he had understood of the opulence of that land, they must become very rich. And further he begged her to inform him whence she learned those things that had passed, as well as those she spoke of, that were to come : she replied that in Castilla a Moorish woman of Hornachos had told them to her, which she had stated to us likewise before we left Spain, and while on the passage many things happened in the way she foretold. After the Governor had made Caravallo, a native of Cuenca de Huete, his lieutenant and commander of the vessels and people, he departed, leaving orders that all diligence should be used to repair on board, and take the direct course to P^nuco, keeping along the shore closely examining for the harbor, and having found it, the vessels should enter there and await our arrival. And the people state, that when they had betaken themselves to the ships, all of them looking at that woman, they distinctly heard her say to the females, that well, since their husbands had gone inland, putting their persons in so great jeopardy, their wives should in no way take more account of them, but ought soon to be looking after whom they would marry, and that she should do so. She did accordingly : she and others married, or became the concubines of those who remained in the ships. After we left, the vessels made sail, taking their course onward ; but not finding the harbor, they re- 204 RELATION OF ALVAR NUNEZ turned. Five leagues below * the place at wHch we debarked, they found the port, the same we discovered when we saw the Spanish cases containing dead bodies, which were of Christians. Into this haven and along this coast, the three ships passed with the other ship that came from Cuba, and the brigantine, looking for us nearly a year, and not finding us, they went to E'ew Spain. The port of which we speak is the best in the world. At the entrance are six fathoms of water and five near the shore. It runs up into the land seven or eight leagues. The bottom is fine white sand. ]S"o sea breaks upon it nor boisterous storm, and it can contain many vessels. Fish is in great plenty. There are a hundred leagues to Havana, a town of Christians in Cilba, with which it bears north and south. The north-east wind ever prevails and vessels go from one to the other, returning in a few days ; for the reason that they sail either way with it on the quarter. As I have given account of the vessels, it may be well that I state who are, and from what parts of these kingdoms come, the persons whom our Lord has been pleased to release from these troubles. The first is Alonzo del Castillo Maldonado, native of Salamanca, son of Doctor Castillo and Dona Aldon^a Maldonado, the second is Andres Dorantes, son of Pablo Dorantes, native of Bejar, and citizen of Gibraleon. The third is Alvar Nunez Cabe^a de Yaca, son of Francisco de * This " below " should be " above." CABEgA DB VACA. 205 Yera, and grandson of Pedro de Vera who conquered the Canaries, and his mother was DonaTere9a Cabega de Vaca, native of Xer6z de la Frontera. The fourth, called Estevanico, is an Arabian black, native of Agamor.^ The End. The present tract was imprinted in the very magnificent, noble and very ancient C!ity of Zamora, by the honored residents Augustin de Paz and Juan Picardo, partners, printers of books, at the cost and outlay of the virtuous Juan Pedro Musetti, book merchant of Medina del Campo, having been finished the sixth day of the month of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and forty-tvro of the birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ. ' The reader who follows this strange tale to its conclusion, will desire to learn more of those who had escaped the final disaster. After they reached Mexico, and before their separation, the survivors united in giving an account to the Audiencia of EspaSola, respecting the loss of the army and what attended the individuals who survived it. They laid before the Viceroy at his request, a map of the country and the course they had traversed. Following upon this, a single trace can be discovered of Captain Castillo. Among the edicts for the government of New Spain, is one issued the 27th day of July, 1540,* to the Viceroy on the memorial of Alonso Castillo Maldonado, resident of the city of Mexico. He having stated that one half the town of Teguacan is held by him in encomi- * BecopUacion Mejico, 1563. 206 RELATION OP ALVAR NUNEZ CABE^A DE VACA. enda, and the other half is in the king, and that the Indians might well enough pay a higher tribute than the one at which they are rated, asks that it may be increased ; the Eoyal Council thereupon recommend that the tribute be assessed anew, and conformed to the state and condition of the inhabitants. In April of the year 1537 Andres Dorantes sailed for Spain. The ship in which he took passage being found unsea worthy, put back, and MendoQa hearing of the return to Veracruz, invited him to the capital. The captain on his arrival was oflfered a mounted troop, to go in company with some religious fathers and retrace on discoveries the region of country from which he had issued the season before. On hearing the project of Mendopa, and discovering- that the object was for the divine as well as the royal service, he joyfully received the appointment. The slave Estevanico whom the owner had parted with to the Viceroy before going down to the coast, was to be em- ployed in exploring for the advance of an enterprise then in the course of preparation for the north.* A letter in the Historia de los Indias de Ifueva EspafUi by Padre Mo- tolinia, dated the 24th day of February of the year 1541, dedicating the work to Pimentel, fifth count of Benevente, introduces the bearer as one of those who had escaped the destruction attending the army of Narvaez, and could inform him more at large in respect of a wan- dering and houseless race of men, the Chichimecas, about whom the writer speaks. * Letter ot Mencl09a to the King, 10th of December. 1537. APPENDIX I. PETITIONS OF NAEVAEZ TO THE KING OF SPAIN, WITH NOTES OF CONCESSIONS MADE TO HIM BY THE COUNCIL OF INDIAS FOR THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. Originals in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla. Sacred Cesarean Catholic Majesty. I, Pd,nfilo de Narvdez, kiss the royal hands and declare, what may be known to Your Highness, that being ordered to go to New Spain, the greater part of my property was lost, and I was imprisoned, and detained five years. Since for twenty-six years I have borne arms in the conquest of all those regions, I en- treat Tour Majesty will be well pleased to requite me in New Spain, in the manner that is customary with those who have long served. In so doing Your Highness will confer much good and favor on one who has in view the royal interest. S. C. C. M. Inasmuch as I, Pdnfilo de Narvaez, have ever had and still have the intention of serving God and Your Majesty, I desire to go in person with my means, to a certain country on the main of the Ocean Sea. T propose chiefly to traffic with the natives of the coast, and to take thither religious men and ecclesiastics, ap- proved of your royal Council of the Indias, that they may make known and plant the Christian Faith. I shall observe fully what your Council require and ordain to the ends of serving God and Your Highness, and for the good of your subjects. I 208 APPENDIX, will carry new persons tiitter from these your realms of Cas- tilla, Aragon and Germany, without unpeopling other isles of Spaniards and Indians. I entreat Your Majesty may please to order the Very Kev- erend President and Council of Indias to take into early con- sideration the heads and conditions which I venture to suggest, and that they approve them with the emendations and assents which they find most conducive to the service of God and to your own. A grave responsibility rests on the royal conscience, if by delay the conversion of those natives to our holy Catholic Faith should be suspended, and the fruit withheld that is due to the royal patrimony and to your subjects. . I propose to undertake this in person, with my experience in those countries, and when the occasion shall present itself, to the extent of my property, which, to God be the praise, I have to employ in that enterprise, and am ready to make manifest when that shall become necessary. S. C. C. M. I, Piinfilo Narv4ez, native of these your kingdoms, and resi- dent of the Island of Fernandina, presented a petition to your very high Council in Toledo, proposing to serve Your Majesty by the exploration, conquest and populating of certain lands in the Ocean Sea, asking that the subjugation of the countries there are from the Rio de Palmas to Florida might be given me where I would explore, conquer, populate and discover all there is to be found of Florida in those parts, at my cost; and to that end I beg Your Highness to bestow on me as follows: 1. Your Majesty be pleased to make me Governor and Chief Justice for my term of life, and Captain General, with adequate salary for each. 2. More : I entreat Your Majesty to confer on me the High Constabulary of said lands I shall people in your royal name for me, my heirs and successors. 3. More : I beg Your Majesty to bestow on me the custody APPENDIX. 209 of lands for fortifications Your Majesty may require to have erected in those parts in your royal name, for me and my heirs. 4. More : I entreat Your Majesty to grant me the tenth of all that you may have of royal rents forever. 5. More: I solicit Your Majesty that whatsoever I take unto those parts for sustaining those lands, such as horses, arms and all other things, shall pay no duty while I live. 6. More : I entreat Your Majesty to confer on me twenty leagues square in the country I shall colonize and pacify, wheresoever I may choose them, with civil and criminal jurisdiction, for me, my heirs and successors. 7. More : I ask Your Majesty to grant permission that mares be taken there from the Islands, horses and all other herds. 8. More : I ask Your Majesty that all I shall expend in ex- ploring, subjugating and populating, be ordered to be paid m-e out of the royal revenue from those lands. 9. More: I entreat Your Majesty to confer on the conquerors of that country the favors following, written apart from this. More : I ask that Your Majesty will make me Adelantado of those territories, for me, my heirs and successors. 10. The tenth of the gold to be given, as has been done in the other countries, and this from barter as well as from mines. 11. That to the first conquerors be given the two cavallerias * of land and two lots, which, after four years residence, they may dispose of as their property. 12. That neither residents nor those who should become so, pay duties for ten years. 13. That they do not pay duties on salt for ten years. 14. More : That Indians who shall be rebellious after being well admonished and comprehending, may be made slaves. 15. More : That the Indians held by the Caciques as slaves, may be bought and used as slaves, paying full satisfaction justly and in presence of witnesses. 16. * The caiaUeTia contains about thirty-three and a third acres. Dic- tionary of VeI/AZQUBZ. 27 210 APPENDIX. More : That Your Majesty confer on those lands, all the gifts, exemptions and liberties that other lands and islands have.* 17. * Across the last three paragraphs is ■written the requirement : He must populate. On the back of a leaf of paper that serves to enclose the previous petition from NarvS,ez, is this memorandum of orders made in Council of the Indias, the figures corresponding to those on the concessions he asks. 1. That his majesty concede to him the conquest and colonization of the countries from to the cape of Florida, on condition that he be obliged to take from these realms of Castilla, persons and their families, who are not prohibited from being colonists, making two or more towns, as to him shall appear best, at the places he shall see proper, and for every one of these settlements he shall take at least one hundred men ; and in the same country there should and shall be made two fortresses, all at his cost, and he shall leave Spain with at least CC. men the first voyage, within a year from date, and give security that he do accordingly. 2. Mat : with salary of 100,050 ma/ravediees for Governor, and 50,000 for Captain General. 3. Mat : for his life timie, and one more. 4. Fiat : for him and one successor of his, with salary of 60,000 for each he proposes to build. 5. Fiat: This is not right nor fair ; for what he either has served or is to serve or shall spend in this, should be given him fourfold the APPENDIX. 211 advantages, after deducting costs and the salaries belonging to His Majesty. 6. Mat : not being for merciandise and exchange, but for his house and person. 7. Ten leagues square and land to populate, not being of the best, nor the worst, to be selected and indicated by him and the royal offi- cials, including no city or town with jurisdiction that can conflict with that supreme. 8. liUt: 9. This is not proper : the King will grant him other favors for what he will expend in this. 10. Fiat: 11. The tithe of the gold from mines for the first three years, and thence lowering to the five per centum ; but from barter always the five. 12. Mat: 13. Those who should be of the first voyage, and those afterwards for five years that were not, as respects disposal of merchandise. 14. Mat: 15. Fiat : observing the instructions that will be given him. 16. Fiat : being slaves according to the instructions to be given. 17. The favors will be granted, not adverse to the country, but favorable, which he will specify. n. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE FACTOR OF FLORIDA. Original in the ArcMvo General de Indicts, at Seville, in the package inscribed " Na EspaSa Bescubrimientos, Bescripciones y PMadanes. Lego- 1 : afio a 1B20 1527." It appears to be a draft in blank for a formal authorization, with the signa- ture of Charles V. No appointment to the office seems ever to have been made. THE KING. What you, , are to do in the office you take with you as our Factor of the Kio de las Palmas and land which Pdmphilo de Narvdez, — whom we have provided with, the government thereof, — goes to settle, is as follows : First: In the City of Sevilla you will present our provision, which you bear for that station, — to our officials, in the House 212 APPENDIX. of Contratacion of the Iridias, residing in said City, of whom you will ask an account of the notices that appear to them you should learn and have of the matters of that land, and beyond this instruction, of the manner in which you should discharge the duties of that office for the perfect security of our Ex- chequer. Likewise : In that land you will receive into possession all merchandise and property that at the present time are there, or shall be sent there under our order, from the officials of said City of Sevilla, as well as from the officials of the Islands of Bspauola, San Juan, Pernandina and Santiago, for expenditure and distribution in those lands, equally the things that apper- tain to our service, as those for sale and exchange, all which you are to do under our Comptroller of that land. So likewise : All the things of our Exchequer that shall be in your charge, you will barter and sell and utilize in the manner most for the growth of the public treasure, and distribute by the orders and drafts signed by our Comptroller, whom we- direct to take account and specification of the transactions, as well the time as the place thereof, that in our Exchequer there be proper security. Also : the things that you have in possession, not necessary for our service and that shall be for sale, you must acquaint thereof our Governor of the country, and our officers residing therein, that you all collectively determine what should be sold and at what price, and you shall try to dispose of them to the greatest advantage possible; but, since it might happen, as has been known, that at the time things are appraised, they are worth the price at which they are valued and then cannot be sold, they come incontinently so to depreciate, that if kept to be sold for the price at which they are valued, they would become injured, then in such event you will attempt and strive to dispose of such things at the highest rate that you can, in the opinion of said Governor and officers, and keep your specification and ac- count of the price of each article sold, that when asked, you may be able to state, as is reasonable and your duty to do. APPENDIX. 213 Again : You will go, with all the money that may arise from such articles in your charge as you shall sell, to , our Treasurer in that land, so soon as they are sold, without any deduction from the money or price at which they may have been sold while in your possession and control, all which you thus deliver to be entered in the book of our Comptroller, that in it may exist the particulars and amounts of all. So likewise : You will have great care and diligence in pro- tecting and preserving our Exchequer to the extent it may be in your charge, and improve and benefit it to the extent possible, giving all the good care and solicitude requisite, and for which I confide in you. Likewise : You must take account, and in general particulars, of all the things that are sent or given to you, and of those you sell or deliver, each article by itself apart, that whenever worth while, the entire account may be seen and understood. More than this, you will have a care to inform us of the profits there may be on each article, and likewise those said officers at Sevilla, and of the Island of Espaiiola, of San Juan, of Cuba and of Jamaica, that the advantages, if any, on each article may be known, and whether it will be for our interest to send such merchandise or otherwise. Also : You will be vigilant and make much effort to learn what things are most profitable and necessary to be sent to that land, as much for barter as for sale and contract, first holding advisement with our said Governor and officers, and then informing us with particularity of all, as well those said officers at Sevilla and of the mentioned Islands, that they may-provide therefor. And in as much as the offices of our Governor, Treasurer, Comptroller and Factor of that land are separate, each in its sphere having for object whatever may be for the good of our royal revenue and well populating and pacification of that land, every one, consequently, should consider the offices of the rest as his, and on this account you should communicate and con- verse of all matters touching your office that are for our service, 214 APPENDIX. and whatever else, with said Governor and officers, joining with them, that collectively you may see and commune respecting what in every instance should be done, as well for matters there, as to serve and inform us respecting all. So, likewise : You must have great care that whatever occurs touching your charge and office, wherein it may be necessary to resolve and determine by judicial proceeding, by free decision of a true man, or by agreement of friends, you will converse and communicate upon with our said Governor and our other said officers. And, for the fulfillment of the foregoing and safety of our Exchequer, I command our said officials at Sevilla to take and receive of you, the said , before they allow you to depart in the exercise of the office, securities ample and approved ; and, since it may be difficult for you to give such in Sevilla, before our said officials, our will and disposition are that you give them in any part of our kingdoms, before the Board of Magis- trates of the Province where you shall so offer them, and whom we command to receive them of you, full and sufficient, in ducats, which we order, with the evidences and obligations of the bonds you shall give, to be put and kept in the archive, among the papers of said House, and, thus executed, they permit you to go freely to the exercise of said office, though you may not have given the securities in said city. And, that in our Exchequer there may be the requisite security, I command that all the gold, pearls and seed-pearl that shall come into the possession of our Treasurer of that land, as well our fifths as those of excise and dues of every other kind, be put in a chest with three different keys, of which you shall have one, and the two others, our Treasurer and Comp- troller of said land, that no gold be taken from that chest save by hand of the three, obviating by this arrangement the incon- veniences and frauds that otherwise might ensue and recur, and thus may be sent to us at the times we have required, which we order you to observe and comply with, likewise our said Treasurer and Comptroller, under pain of forfeiture of your APPENDIX. 215 offices and goods to our tribunals and treasury, in which pains we will condemn you, and hold you condemned, the contrary doing. Done at , on day of the month of , of the year One thousand five hundred and twenty. I THE King. ni. PROCLAMATION TO, AND REQUIREMENT TO BE MADE OP, THE INHABITANTS OP THE COUNTRIES AND PROVINCES THAT THERE ARE PROM RIO DE PALMAS TO THE CAPE OF PLORIDA. Translated from an entry made in a book entitled Trasladoa de la Florida, Ga- pUidaaones, Aaientos, * * * de Gobemadoresdesde el aiio 1511 hasta'15'18, esiat- ing in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla. In behalf of the Catholic Csesarean Majesty of Don Carlos, King of the Romans and Emperor ever Augustus, and Dona Juana his mother, Sovereigns of Leon and Oastilla, De- fenders of the Church, ever victors, never vanquished, and rulers of barbarous nations, I, Pdnfilo de Narvdez, his servant, messenger and captain, notify and cause you to know in the best manner I can, that God our Lord, one and eternal, created the heaven and the earth, and one man and one woman of whom we and you and all men in the world have come, are descendants and the generation, as well will those be who shall come after us : but because of the infinity of ofispring that followed in the five thousand years and more since the world was created, it has become necessary that some men should go in one direction and others in another, dividing into many Kingdoms and Provinces, since in a single one they could not be subsisted nor kept : All these nations God our Lord gave in charge to one per- son, called Saint Peter, that he might be Master and Superior over mankind, to be obeyed and be head of all the human race, 216 APPENDIX. ■wheresoever they might live and be, of whatever law, sect or belief, giving him the whole world for his kingdom, lordship and jurisdiction. And He commanded him to place his seat in Kome, as a point most suited whence to rule the world ; so He likewise permitted him to have and place his seat on any part of the earth to judge and govern all people, Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles and of whatever creed beside they might be : him they call Papa, which means admirable, greatest father and preserver, since he is father and governor of all men. This Saint Peter was obeyed and taken for King, Lord and Su- perior of the Universe by those who lived at that time, and so likewise have all the rest been held, who to the Pontificate were afterward elected; and thus has it continued until now, and will continue to the end of things. One of the Popes who succeeded him, to that seat and dig- nity of which I spake, as Lord of the world, made a gift of these islands and main of the Ocean Sea, to the said Emperor and Queen, and their successors, our Lords, in these kingdoms, with all that is in them, as is contained in certain writings that thereupon took place, which may be seen if you desire. Thus are their Highnesses King and Queen of these islands and con- tinent, by virtue of said gift ; and as Sovereigns and Masters, some other islands, and nearly all where they have been pro- claimed, have received their Majesties, obeyed and served, and do serve them as subjects should, with good will and no resist- ance, and immediately without delay, directly as they were in- formed, obeying the religious men whom their Highnesses sent to preach to them and teach our Holy Faith, of their entire free will and pleasure, without reward or condition whatsoever, becom- ing Christians which they are ; and their Highnessess received them joyfully and benignly, ordering them to be treated as their subjects and vassals were, and you are held and obliged to act likewise. Wherefore, as best you can, I entreat and require you to under- stand this well which I have told you, taking the time for it that APPENDIX. 217 is just you sliould, to comprehend and reflect, and that you re- cognize the Church as Mistress and Superior of the universe, and the High Pontiff, called Papa, in its name, the Queen and King, our masters, in their place as Lords, Superiors and Sov- ereigns of these islands and the main by virtue of said gift, and you consent and give opportunity that these fathers and religious men, declare and preach to you as stated. If you shall do so you will do well in what you are held and obliged ; and their Majesties, and I, in their royal name, will receive you with love and charity, relinquishing in freedom your women, child- ren and estates without service, that with them and yourselves you may do with perfect liberty all you wish and may deem well ; you shall not be required to become Christians, except when,, informed of the truth, you desire to be converted to our Holy Catholic Faith, as nearly all the inhabitants of the other islands have done, and when His Highness will confer on you numerous privileges and instruction, with many favors. If you do not this, and of malice you be dilatory, I protest to you, that, with the help of Our Lord, I will enter with force, making war upon you from all directions and in every manner that I may be able, when I will subject you to obedience to the Church and the yoke of their Majesties; and I will take the persons of yourselves, your wives and your children to make slaves, sell and dispose of you, as Their Majesties shall think fit ; and I will take your goods, doing you all the evil and injury that I may be able, as to vassals who do not obey but reject their master, resist and deny him : and I declare to you that the deaths and damages that arise therefrom, will be your fault and not that of His Majesty, nor mine, nor of these cava- liers who come with me. And so as I proclaim and require this, I ask of the Notary here that he give me a certificate ; and those present I beseech that they will hereof be the witnesses. FrCO. DB LOS GOBOS. 28 218 APPENDIX. IV. INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO CABBCA DB VACA FOR HIS OB- SERVANCE AS TREASURER TO THE KING OF SPAIN IN THE ARMY OP NARVAEZ FOR THE CONQUEST OF FLO- RIDA. Transcript in tlie Archivo de Indias, in the Tolame entitled Libra de la Florida de Capiiulackmes, Asientos .... desde el afio 1517 hasta el delhlS. What you, Alvar Nunez Cabega de Vaca will perform in the office you fill as our Treasurer of Rio de las Palmas and the lands which P^nfilo de Narv4ez goes to people, on whom we have conferred the government thereof, is as follows : First, in Sevilla, you will present the provision you bear for that position, to our officials in the House of Contratacion of Indias in that city, of whom, outside of this instruction, you will ask a narration of such notices as shall appear to them that you ought to be informed of, and should have respecting the things of that country and of the manner in which you should discharge the duties of said office : And when you arrive at said River of the Palmas, you will seek the Grovernor we have provided for that land, to whom you will show the authorization you have for that, your office ; and, this done, you will inform yourself of the diligence used in the collection of our revenues, of the five per centum and duties appertaining to us, and of the persons appointed to take charge thereof, from whom you will receive account of what they have, and collect it of them and out of their goods, to the rightful extent that they are owing from what they have received, according to the instructions we have ordered to be sent to our Governor and officers in that country. Also, you will have a separate book, wherein shall be entered the account kept by our Comptroller in those lands, of what you may receive of those officers to the extent that may have been due, as well as what should newly come into your possession, by reason of the duties belonging to us in said land, stating and setting down APPENDIX. 219 each matter specifically, what it is and when you received it, the full sum you received for it, each class of things separately, as by usage should be expressed. Also, you will ask account of every person and of all who in our name have received and collected the five per centum and other duties to us belonging, from whatsoever gold, guanines * and other things which have been had in that land since its dis- covery, through barter or in any other manner ; and, that account being taken, you will cause those persons to bring to you and pay the amount they should, which you shall take account of in your books before our Comptroller of that land, whom I require to enter it there, and make mention of all accordingly in the manner and order which by our instruction to that end he bears ; and who shall sign with you in that book and in his own, the matter in account, each class of things by itself, and this self-same order I require that you observe in the collection of fines, which have been or shall be imposed in that land to the use of our tribunal. Likewise, you will collect all the rents belonging to us in any manner in that land, the five per centum duty on all gold and silver that shall be melted there, or got or had in any way, as has been customary to pay in the Island of Espanola. Also, you will have to collect the rents which may henceforth arise,or have arisen in that land until now, on salt-works, and of any other character belonging to us, as paid by custom in the Island of Espanola. Likewise, you will collect the seven and half per centum of import duty, and all others that have arisen or shall belong to us, and which should be paid on all merchandise and articles that to the said Rio de las Palmas and its Provinces, have been or henceforth shall be taken from here whilst that almojarifadgo shall not be rented, and when it is so, you will collect the amount for which it is rented. * Guaiiin was an impure gold valued by the Indians of the Antillas in part for its odor, 220 APPENDIX. Likewise, you will collect the five per centum and other dues belonging to us on all and every kind of exchange that has been or shall hereafter be made in that land, as well slaves and guanines, as pearls, precious stones and the other articles what- soever they may be, upon which should be duty of any sort be- longing to us, of which you shall take account as required before our said Comptroller. Also, you will give great care and attention to collecting all fines that have been or may be applied to our Tribunal by our said Governor and his Lieutenants-governor and by other jus- tices whatsoever or persons, of which you will have separate account in your book, by the hand of our Comptroller. Likewise, when we shall have incomes, fields and live-stock in that land and those Provinces, you will take full care and keep account of the management of them with all the attention necessary for the interest and good of our Treasury, as has been done and is the custom to do in Espaiiola and other islands where we hold estate and have incomes, as shall appear to you best for the benefit and advantage of our Treasury. You will have to pay to our officers of, that land and yourself, the salaries, balances and perquisites of outlay, according to, and in the manner that we order the disbursement in the triannual payments conformably with requirement, and the orders and drafts of other sort should any by our direction be issued. So likewise, in sending the gold, guanines, pearls and other things of our rents and duties to accrue, or which shall come into your hands in any way and you hold for us, you will observe this order, to put them in good condition on board the ships departing for, and coming to these kingdoms, directed to our officials residing in Sevilla, the quantity in each ship that shall appear proper to our Governor and officials of that land, to be given to the captain or master, of whom you will take receipt, stating the manner of delivery and how by them received ; thereby you may remain without responsibility for the gold, pearls and other articles you shall so send and they stand to your credit. APPENDIX. 221 Also, whenever you write to us and send gold, or wlien not sending, you will forward a particular statement of all our gold and property remaining in your possession, that we may have full knowledge of everything. Also, you will take great care of, and be diligent to look after everything that may tend to our service and which should be done in that country or the neighboring islands, for their peo- pling and pacification, informing us extensively and particularly of every matter, especially of how our commands are obeyed and executed in those lands and provinces, of how the natives are treated, our instructions observed, and other of the things respect- ing their liberties that we have commanded ; especially the matters touching the service of our Lord and divine worship, the teachings of the Indians in the Holy Faith, and in many other things of our service, as well as all the rest you see, and I should be informed of. Also, you will send report of the gold in foundry in that land and the provinces, the quantity submitted to casting at a time, and the amount that comes therefrom, as well what is for us as for other persons, which report should be in great detail and very specific. Likewise, you will receive and collect of our Factor of that land, the gold and moneys he shall collect for us on articles, and of the rents belonging to our Treasury, in such manner that nothing be kept by him, neither the said gold, nor money that may have been received belonging to the Treasury, nor things sent to him. Again, although the ofiices of our Governor and Captain-gene- ral, Treasurer, Comptroller, and Factor of the land are separate in regard to everything that appertains to their duties, yet as respects our interests, the good and increase of our royal rents, the well peopling and pacification of that land and the Pro- vinces, each should concern himself with what appertains to the duties of the rest, and to that end, you should communicate and converse upon all the topics of our service in your charge, or of others' concernment, with the Governor and Captain of said 222 APPENDIX. land and Provinces, and with the officers thereof, coming together with them in the manner and form we require, that you all unitedly may see and consult as to what in each case should be done, as much for that occasion as our service, and to report whatsoever else shall appear. In all the matters foregoing, and each one of them, you will have care and be diligent ; and I trust you as well over those contained in this instruction, as over all others that shall there present themselves, and herein are not provided for. And for the fulfillment of the foregoing and the security of our Treasury, I command that our said officials at Sevilla, take and receive of you, the said Alvar Nunez Cabega de Vaca, before they permit you to pass hence to exercise said office, good and sufficient securities ; but as such may be difficult to give in Sevilla before our said officials, it is our pleasure and will, that you give them in any part of out kingdoms before the magistrates of the Provinces wherein you shall have them, and I order that they receive of you good and sufficient in two thousand ducats, and we direct our officials aforesaid to receive the evidence and obligations of the securities you present, and that they place and keep them in the archive with the docu- ments of said House, and thereupon allow you to proceed freely to exercise your said office, though you may not have so exe- cuted them in said city. And that in our Treasury there should be proper vigilance, I command you that all the gold, pearls and those things inferior, coming to your possession as our fifths of excise and dues, as well as in all other ways, be placed in a chest with three different keys, one to be kept by you, and the others by our Comptroller and Factor of said land, in order, that no gold be taken thence except by hands of the three, avoiding frauds thereby and the irregularities that might otherwise occur, enabling you to send to us periodically in the manner we have given instructions, commanding that you observe and comply with them, you and our said Comptroller and Factor under penalty of the forfeiture of your offices and goods to our Tribunal and Exchequer, in APPENDIX. 223 which we oondemn you and hold you sentenced, the contrary doing. Signed at Valladolid, the 15th day of February, of the year 1527. I The King. By command of His Majesty. Francisco de los Covos. LETTER FROM A MISSIONARY TO THE PROVINCIAL OF NEW SPAIN RESPECTING THE ARRIVAL OF INDIANS IN CINALOA FROM THE PIMERIA BAJA, IN QUEST OF FRIENDS WHO EIGHTY YEARS BEFORE HAD FOLLOWED ALVAR NUNEZ AND HIS COMRADES. Taken from a transcript In tlie Orden Beal existing in the Department of State, Mexico. Among the many nations that there are in this Province of Sinaloa, omitting now to speak of such as are taught the catechism and are baptized, the information we have of the Nevomes is the earliest and most accurate. The nearest of that numerous people live eighty leagues northward from this Province. They are gentle and virtuous, and have always kept good faith with the Spaniards. They have never laid waste this country, nor made war on it and this much is positively known to a time as far back as when Cabega de Vaca passed out through it, when he arrived with three soldiers and a Moor from the ill-starred expedition into Florida. The Christians then for the first time coming among this people, were most hospitably received and were escorted by a large number of men and women with their children, th^ whole com- munity of a great town rising to follow them, without one per- son remaining behind. That the Spaniards might not be killed 224 APPENDIX. by those nations through which they should have to pass on their way to Mexico before coming to a peaceful country, these Indians accompanied them until they were brought to this river Petlatlan. On its banks they erected a house with fort for safety, until a favorable moment should arrive for their departure. They have ever since remained here, where they live and are established, without any having gone back to the ancient home and horde a long wayoff from the place in which they now dwell. Such is the evidence of the early attachment of these people ; they also continue to manifest it, being always on the side of the Spaniards in whatever conflicts chance to arise with unfriendly nations. According to late and precise information, the N^vome con- stitute ninety large settlements or towns of industrious husband- men. They are modest of person, particularly the women, who without exception, wear skirts of buckskin elaborately colored with ingenious figures, having such length with fullness that even the toes are not seen. So nice is the female delicacy, that the little girls of a day old have petticoats put on them reach- ing to the feet, in which they are reared and are continually kept covered. This precious quality is rare among the inhabit- ants of these countries, where commonly it is of little value, and honesty is not more prized. Our Lord has been pleased in the first of this year, mercifully to permit a great beginning in the conversion of this nation, bringing to us the inhabitants of a town and settlement, who like deer thirsting at the fountains for their waters, ask, through the door of the church, peace and holy baptism. The nations are won by our uniform kind treatment, and the assistance they receive of Diego Martinez de Urdaide the Captain of the Prov- ince, who, besides favors confers, useful gifts, the chief support, however, being from the powerful hand of our Master. A matter to me well knoWn and notorious is, that this commu- nity, living eighty leagues to the northward from this town of Spaniards by the river Petktlan, desiring quiet and to enjoy the protection that is entended over friendly nations, came to beg APPENDIX. 225 holy baptism and to reside among us. There can be no higher evidence of their sincere attachment. The number of persons is three hundred and fifty, one hundred and fifty having re- mained behind. These I expect to be here in the beginning of cold weather, with others who are to join them. Being persons of more age and advanced life, they will set out in a season not so unfavorable as the last. It was a year of scarcity when the others came, although out of the whole number only three died on the way. I believe that the compassion of our Lord supplied what was wanting for the sustenance of this people that came with good intention and the desire of baptism, they having already knowl- edge of our holy faith and of its mysteries. At night while they encamped on their march, one who was thoroughly instructed in every thing, and long lived in this town, being likewise of the number who escorted Cabega de Vaca and his companions hither, prayed aloud as temastian * and master, teaching them, as he said, that on their arrival they might be baptized, for what he taught, their relatives who were baptized, believed and venerated. So soon as they got here they went to call on the Captain of the Province, saluting him with peace and friendship. He re- ceived them with great kindness and gifts, making promises of aid that he now performs. At the close of the interview the people went to call on the Father Martin Perez, then Visitant to these Missions, who like- wise greeted them benevolently, giving them food and proffering the help they might need. After he had bestowed his blessing, they retired greatly delighted to Bamoa, a town of their own community, belonging, as I have stated, to this Mission, where 1 in robes, with the inhabitants awaited them. They were re- ceived under great arches, with the sound of bells, instruments of music and the voice of fine singers, the people of the place forming a grand procession as on holidays. The new comers having intelligently fallen into line with the two great bodies, as * TemacMiani, exhorter, a Mexican word. 29 226 APPENDIX. if ttey had been so trained, we moved on thence, taking them to the church amidst all that celebration and festivity. When I had rendered thanks to our Lord for having brought these persons to his Holy Church and flock, and after the Te Deum Laudamus, singing and some appropriate prayers, I told them in a short discourse, while they knelt, that all these solem- nities were expressive of the delight and satisfaction we felt at receiving them, of our desire to lend them aid, that they too living among their relations might be happy in a country that was equally theirs, where they should find no trouble, since in all things they would have the assistance of the Fathers, the Captain, and of their own kindred; that the Great God of Heaven and Maker of man and things created, was He who had brought them hither, secretly whispering to their hearts for their immense benefit. Then I said to them, that in evi- dence of their coming in a right spirit, they should all advance, and kneeling, do reverence to the golden cross in my hands, as to the great emblem of Christianity, which by the baptized was held in the highest esteem and veneration, arranging my speech to their early perception and heathenism. They came forward and on their knees kissed the cross, putting it on their heads. None failed to do so, even the little children at the breast being brought, that it might be placed on theirs ; and when any were passed over,- the mothers would entreat for it to be done to them, lest it should show, as they thought, the appearance of a fahe heart. The adoration of the cross being over, I caused this people to go out into the cemetery or churchyard, where I divided them by families to lodge among their kindred, who asked emu- lously for two or three families each on whom to confer their love and hospitality. All having been put in quarters and pro- vided for, food was distributed- to them in plenty by me and their friends. The next day I baptized the children, one hundred and fourteen in number, to the joy of those j ust come, as well as to that of the deni- zens of the town, who saw in these persons and their oflspring the APPENDIX. 227 wide increase of the Chuvoli. Such being their happiness, con- sider Your Keverence, what must be that of the Father Priest, Minister, at finding himself unexpectedly with so many souls your already counted and marked for the fold of the Church, with the great hope by the favor of our Lord of gaining over the entire nation. To my Father Provincial I declare such to have been the gladness of my spirit, that it appeared to me our Lord withdrew from my mind in that one day the years I had been in the mission, and the many more sufferings I must undergo in the same career, though they might he continued through a protracted life. The children having been baptized, I presently gave orders for instructing the adults, dividing them into tens, the males and females apart, with their temastianes. They were delighted to .find that we began at once to teach and catechize, in order to prepare them for the baptism they desired. The day after the order was given, good lands were divided among them, such as are found in Bamoa, to which many Indians have heretofore come in circumstances similar to these. I caused fourteen fanegas of maize to be distributed, that they might cultivate ; for they well know how to plant and till the earth. They have now homes of their own, and are content and cheerful. I go on baptizing them in facie ecclesise,, they coming in to every ar- rangement with alacrity and satisfaction, feeling no kind of repugnance. From this my Father Provincial may learn what he desires to know of the Nevomes ; and moreover that this people have come near to asking the holy baptism as a matter of right. For their rapid and efiectual progress, I will state what appears nec- essary to be done, that Your Reverence may take the proper steps to place it in the way for consummation. The principal thing is that Your Reverence be pleased to procure a Father with all possible haste for this district, to give me opportunity of putting the entire language into form. There is no work of the sort, and sometime since I attempted the task of forming one. Having this preparation and with some one 228 APPENDIX, to take and fill my place, by tlie favor of our Lord a mission may be directly set on foot. The disposition of the people encourages it, and the pity is that it has been so long deferred. I proffer myself for the undertaking, though it prove to be the labor of a life and at the cost of my blood. The need warrants the attempt, the people unprompted desire it, and on account of their high moral condition they are worthy. If I am not aided as I suggest, it will be impossible for me to do anything in this way, because of my occupation in other languages ; and having no vocabulary or thing written, the un- dertaking will be delayed and not performed as it should be with the necessary preparation ; but allowing me leisure, and with what I have mastered of the tongue, much may be advan- tageously done in a short time. Although it appears to be the will of our Lord that the business of Mayo should have no result, owing perhaps to my not being destined to perform it, may be in mercy I am brought here to remain, that I may enter upon a task for the benefit of this nation and the glory of the Divine Majesty. T shall go on with the vocabulary, doing the best I can until Your Reverence shall send me a com- panion, when for its very great importance it can be my sole occupation. With the object of gaining over this people and whole nation, I recommend a liberal course. Let Your Reverence be pleased to obtain two things from the Viceroy as incentives to their inclination, pressing them by additional objects and induce- ments. The one is, to grant to those who are here of their own free choice to live among Spaniards, and for being ever opposed to the nations hostile to us, as well as for the other reasons fairly declared, and, more than all, for having journeyed hither in a season of scarcity from a distant region, with confident hearts asking the sacred baptism, that they be set free from the repar- timientos, and be equally excluded from the tribute of encomi- encla. These exemptions will be very important to the other nations that hear of them and shall desire peace, who will be thus led as with a halter to the Holy Evangelists. Althoufh APPENDIX. 229 many come, all will not, neither is it possible nor politic they should, forbidden by the long distance between and the rich soil they possess. It were better to colonize among them, and thence communicate with adjoining nations. I would that a decree be issued giving to this people and their posterity the rights conferred on the Indians of Tlascdla, who I am not sure are as deserving as they. If the one were true, aiding Cortfis against Montezuma, the other unites with fidelity great quali- ties worthy of consideration and reward. I have made this matter known to the Father Visitant, to the other Fathers and to the Captain. All appears to them well designed and very proper for attaining the proposed object. My other desire is that the Viceroy may present swords to the two principal persons who have conducted these Indians, and good woolen for each of them a suit of clothing ; since it is they who make this great beginning with tlatole* and argu- ments which they must go over with the remaining part of the nation, to bring them together in settlements, strengthened by offering a coa^ or axe, spared from the tools necessary for gain- ing my subsistence, that I too in something may contribute. I look for no little from your great charity, from the zeal of Tour Reverence for the honor of our Lord in the saving of souls and the promotion of this great cause, and that you will earnestly move in this behalf with the dignataries and gentle- men who have the charge of providing for this want. May God our Lord give happy success in all that we attempt. If he do so, since it is the great cause of Divine Majesty, my life is as nothing in so holy an enterprise. Had I a thousand lives, a thousand would I give in the cause, that I might bring this broad-spread people to the Holy Evangelists. * TlatolU, a Mexican word meaning speech. f The word given to a stick hardened in fire for moving the soil. In the dictionary of the Mexican language by AiONSO de Molina printed in 1571, it is used in the Spanish for hoe and the same is done by TORCJUEMADA. 230 APPENDIX. To Him I devote myself if it be His will ; that he preserve Your Keverence a thousand years is my wish. To be remem- bered in your prayer and devotion, very humbly I commend me. From Sinaloa, 29 of September of 1629. Diego de Guzman. There are several discrepancies in this letter. Passing lightly over them, as some of the transcripts in the collection whence it comes bear marks of carelessness, we refer for a correction of date to the history of Cinaloa, where the account has so close a likeness to the present one as to leave no doubt of the common original. At the time of the occurrence that is treated of, the station of Ribas the missionary and author, was within twenty leagues of the town of Cinaloa ; and he states the arrival of the N^vomes to have been on the 1st day of February, 1615, which was the year of his removal northward from Guasaves after having passed sixteen years in the Mission, a circumstance that would steady his memory to the point of time. He also states in his Trmmphos that Father Martin Perez, who is mentioned in this letter as present on the occasion of the entry, died the 24th day of April, 1626, a fact repeated two years after his book was printed in the fourth volume of the Vidas Exemplares of Juan Eusebio Nierembeeg, who knew that work. This date makes the Temastian seventy-eight years of age instead of ninety-four, supposing him to have been an infant among the multitude of Pima,'who in 1536, led the war for the returning soldiers of Narv^ez. Padre Diego de Guzmfi.n is spoken of as a great missionary, and an ancient one, for havin been in the country many years. He appears to have received the permission he solicited, and understanding their language perfectly, he went among the N6- vomes who were seated, at the nearest point, within a dozen leagues of the Hiaquis. Having baptized the young, he re- turned, his place remainiag vacant. These, his first footsteps, were soon followed by the Father Vandersipi, who became the founder of the new mission. APPENDIX. 231 Urdaide, having been made captain of the Province while in Mexico, he returned in 1599 to Cinaloa. The town had been settled by five Spaniards attended by a few natives. Here he presided many years with a company of thirty-six soldiers, exer- cising civil and military jurisdiction among the natives so far as he could make his power felt, and with such judgment and disinterestedness as to receive the warmest encomiums of the Fathers. VI. PETITION OF CABEgA DB VACA GOVERNOR OF LA PLATA TO THE COITNCIL OF INDIAS. Originals in tlie Archim de Indias, Sevllla. Very Powerful Lords : I, Alvar Nunez Cabe9a de Vaca, having been informed that Pedro Dorantes, against whom I made complaint, was not at fault in my seizure nor for its consequences, neither did it stand him in hand to prevent it, making use of the permission granted me by your council of Indias, I withdraw the complaint and accusation lodged against him. And I require and pray Your Lordships, that neither because of my petition nor on any other account, he be proceeded against for the reason foregoing ; and to that effect I beg your superior interposition. AlV" OABEgA DE VaCA. Vert Powerettl Lords : I Alvar Nuflez Cabe§a de Vaca, Governor and Adelantado of the Provinces of Rio de la Plata, remind Your Lordships of the length of time you are aware I have been detained at this court, without means of support or wherewith to seek justice. I am deeply in debt for what I have laid out on the armada, carrying succors to those countries, where the officers seized me 232 APPENDIX. and took all my property, bringing me destitute and a prisoner. I beg and entreat for relief; and that I may seek out support and find maintainance, that you will terminate the imprisonment imposed ; and as I cannot offer security, let me take the oath of faith and homage, to present myself when and as often as Your . Lordships shall command. And I swear by God and this cross I have no person and know of no one who will trust me, so notorious is my poverty, in which may our Lord be served and may I receive justice and favor. ORDER OF COUNCIL. In the Town of Valladolid, 11th day of the month of April, of the year 1551, Alvar Nunez Cabe§a de Vaca presented this petition in His Majesty's Council of the Indias, and the Lords of the Council ordered unanimously : That he abide by the imprisonment imposed. ANOTHER ORDER. What is asked for and required by Alvar Nunez Cabega de Vaca in this petition, should not and cannot be conceded and should be and is refused. In Valladolid, 15th May of the year 1551. Santandee. APPENDIX. 233 Yn. ALVA NUNEZ CABEgA DE VACA. Everything in tte life of Alvar Nufiez Cabega de Vaca seemed destined to occur out of the ordinary course ; and to be either clouded by the perversity of fortune, or obscured by a mystery impossible to penetrate. Nothwithstanding the most zealous devotion of scholars, and the ceaseless delving of an- tiquaries, the place and period, both of his birth and his decease, have evaded their research. His family was so eminent and ancient, that its dignity has been recorded in a Chronological History ' of formidable dimensions ; yet the name of the only member whose renown will " preserve it from oblivion is dis- missed with the briefest record. The patronymic of his ancestors was Vera whose lineage the author traces back to the 12th century, but from some caprice, not at all explained, the grandson of the conqueror of the Cana- ries assumed the name of his mother's house — Cabega de Vaca, or cow's head. The origin of this unpoetical name is discussed by the family genealogist at great length, adducing in the course of his speculations, eight hypotheses, maintained by as many learned antiquaries. The author finds evidence of two of the name of Vaca having fought at the battle of Navas ? in 1099. M. Ternaux, in the preface to his French version of the Commentaries,'^ narrates a traditionary origin of the name, which at least redeems it from vulgarity. His account, tinged as it is with the rich medieval glow, with which Spanish annalists seldom fail to color their histories, states : ' Oenealogia de la noble y antiqua de Oaheza de Vaca. Bn Madrid, 1652. ^ Vol. 6 of Voyages Relations et Memoires de I'Amerique. Paris, 1837. 30 234 APPENDIX. " In the month of July, 1212, the Christian army, com- manded by the kings of Castile, Aragon and Navarre advanced against the Moors, and a*-riving at Castro-Ferrel found all the passes occupied by the enemy. The Christians were about to return on their steps, when a burger named Martin Alhaja presented himself to the King of Navarre and oflfered to indicate a route by which the army could pass without obstacles. The King sent with him Don Diego Lopez de Naro and Don Garcia Eomen. In order that they might recognize the pass, Alhajo placed at the entrance the skeleton of the head of a cow (Cabeca de Vaca). The 12th of the same month the Christians gained the battle of Navas de Tolosa, which assured forever their supre- macy over the Moors. The King recompensed Martin Alhajo by ennobling him and his descendants, and to commemorate the event by which he had merited the honor, changed his name to Cabega de Vaca." Three centuries have brought but little more to light, regard- ing Alvar Nunez than he himself vouchsafes to us, in his Relacion and Commentaries. What motives induced him to accompany the ill-fated Narv4ez in his expedition to Florida, as Treasurer for the King, he leaves us to conjecture. Of the occurrences during the six years he spent in wandering among the tribes near the Bay of Espiritu Sancto he is very reticent, as he is of the periods of the events he does narrate, and generally neglects to record the direction of his journeyings. The terrible severity of his sufferings may be judged from the fact that himself and his three companions were the only sur- vivors of the force of three hundred men, who accompanied Pdmphilo Narv4ez into Florida. In consequence of his neglect in the particulars mentioned, it is now impossible to trace his route, or identify the places he mentions with any degree of certainty, until he struck the head waters of the Arkansas. To his first translation of the Relacion, Mr. Smith appended some maps upon which were traced lines, doubtless intended to mark the supposed route of Cabega de Vaca's wanderings. These represent the expedition to have APPENDIX. 235 landed in Tampa Bay, on the eastern coast of Florida, from whence it marched north on a route parallel to the coast until it turned westward near the northern boundary of the present state of Florida, passing near the site of Tallahassee, until it reached Apalaclie at the head of the bay of the same name, where they found the locality named Aute. At the mouth of the Apalachicola river, the ill-fated explor- ers now reduced to two hundred and fifty-one persons, embarked in the boats they had built. In his former edition, Mr. Smith also appears to have decided that Blobile Bay was identical with the Bay Espiritu Sancto, and the long sand-bar east of its mouth, Malhado island. Northward and west of the bay, in the southern part of Alabama, he groups the Mariames, and the eighteen other tribes he names.. According to this hypothesis, the territory between Mobile Bay and Pearl River was the scene of his six years captivity. From this place Mr. Smith traced the route northward to Muscle Shoals in the Tennessee river, and thence westward to the junction of the Arkansas and the Canadian. The translator seems subsequently to have modified this opinion and to have queried at least, whether the Bay of Espiritu Sancto in Texas, was not the locality of this captivity. This hypothesis has in it many features of incredibility. The land of the Christians was so near ; (the city of Vera Cruz being dis- tant not more than five hundred miles south), that rumors of the residence or invasion of a white people must have reached the savages of the region of Matagorda bay, and thus have precluded the necessity of that immense detour of more than three thousand five hundred miles to reach the same point. On arriving at the Arkansas however, his progress is marked by indications which leave little room for uncertainty of the route he pursued. The restless energy of the Spaniards stimu- lated at this period many exploring expeditions to the territories of the Moquis, the Zuni, the Pimos and the Apaches. The mysterious seven cities of these people, particularly the far famed Cibola, attracted the imaginative Spaniard with a 236 APPENDIX. force which he found irresistible. Cabega's description of his finding towns with habitations, which were the first he had met having the appearance of houses, has obtained confirmation in our own day by Mr. Bartlett, and many other United States officials in New Mexico. The Indians of the tribes named erected dwellings of several stories in height, each of which is ascended by a ladder. Here also evidences of his passage were found among the Indians in 1540, by the Spanish explorers, Melchior Diaz Nisa, Coronado, and in the relations of Castenada Nagera. Cabeja de Vaca had arrived at Petatlan, near the mouth of the Gulf of California the year before, with his companions, Andreas Dorantes, Castillo, and the negro Estivanico, the sole survivors of the exploring force which set out eight years before. Some interesting particulars which tend to fortify the narrations of Cabeya de Vaca, are given in the " Relation du Voyage de Ci- bola entrepris en 1540." ' " At this epoch, three Spaniards accompanied by a negro arrived in Mexico. They were named Cabe§a de Vaca, Dor- antes and Castillo Maldonado. They had been shipwrecked with the fleet which P4mphilo de Narvdez had conducted to Florida, and had arrived by the province of Culiacan, after having traversed the country from one sea to the other, as any one can be assured, in reading a relation which Cabega de Vaca had dedicated to the infanta Don Philippe, now King of Spain, and my master. They recounted to Don Antonio de Mendoca that they had obtained some information in the countries they had traversed, and that they had heard spoken of, some great and powerful cities, where there were houses of four and .five stories in height, and of other things very diiFerent from those which we found in reality. The Viceroy communicated these notices to the new Grovernor, who hastened to return to the province. He took with him the negro who had come with three Francis- can Monks. It appeared that the priests Were not well content ' Ternaux Compana. APPENDIX. 237 with the negro, for he took the (Indian) women which had been given him, and thought only to enrich himself with them. " As soon as the negro had quit the priests, be thought to pro- cure the highest honor, in going alone to discover the cities so celebrated, and resolved to traverse the desert which separated Cibola from the habitable country where he was. " He was very soon so far in advance of the priests, that when they had arrived at Chichicticale, which is the last village on the border of the desert, he had already reached Cibola, eighty leagues from the farther side of the desert, which com- mences two hundred and twenty leagues from Culiacan, distancep' which make in all three hundred leagues. Estevan arrived at Cibola with a great quantity of turquoises, and some handsome women which had been presented to him along the route. " He led a great number of Indians, which had been given him for guides in the places through which he had passed, and who hoped that under his protection they could traverse the entire land without having anything to fear. But as the In- dians of Cibola have more wit than those whom Estevan had taken with him, they imprisoned him in a house outside the walls of their city, and there he was interrogated by the old men and caciques on the cause which had led him to their country. As the negro had said to the Indians that he preceded two white men, it seemed incredible to them that he could have come from the country of the whites, when he himself was black. " Estevan had demanded their property and their women, and it seemed hard to them to consent. T.hey decided at last to kill him which they did without doing the least harm to those who accompanied him." An entire year elapsed, before Cabe§a de Vaca reached Spain. The interval of three years which followed before he again appears upon the stage are passed over by himself and other writers with silence. We have, regarding the extraordinary occurrences in his life which succeeded, in addition to the Com- mentaries of Cabe§a de Vaca, the Relations of Ulrich Schmidel, a German soldier of fortune, who served for nearly twenty years 238 APPENDIX in the Spanish conquest of the countries of South America, and who left a record of some of the incidents of the life of Cabega de Vaca. The commander Ayolas, during the year 1539, had organized an expedition against the Pariembos, a fierce tribe of the grand chaco or great plains bordering the Rio de la Plata. He was decoyed by the savages into an ambuscade in which he with every one of his detachment was slain. The survivors of the colony sent the most urgent entreaties to the court of Spain for succor, representing that without immediate relief they must all perish. Oabega de Vaca who, during his three years of seclusion, had recovered from the terrible exhaustion of his wanderings, was selected as the new governor. A contract was executed by which he undertook the rescue of his countrymen, the conquest of the territory, and the conver- sion of the Indians. The terms of this instrument, indicated his strong faith in his own powers, and the worthiness of the cause in which he engaged; for one of its conditions required him to expend the sum of eight thousand ducats, his entire fortune, in the enterprise. The title of Governor, Captain General, and Adelantado was conferred upon him with the right to one-twelfth of the pro- duce of the countries he should conquer. At ihe end of September, 1540, he was ready to put to sea, but the winds proving contrary he was compelled to return to Cadiz where he remained until the 2d of November. After escaping from such dangers of tempest and famine as seemed to be the peculiar fortune of Cabega de Vaca, he arrived at St. Catherine's in Brazil with two small caravels on the 29th of March, 1541. Even the courage of this seemingly indomitable man succumbed to the perils of the ocean, and unable to overcome the horror with which it had impressed him, he remained at St. Catherine's three hundred miles from those he came to succor, for more than seven months. This period he occupied in organizing and sending exploring parties, to discover a route through the unknown territories APPENDIX. 239 which separated him from Assomption. On the anniversary of the day of his sailing from Cadiz, he commenced his march through the forest, having dispatched his vessels with their cargoes of provisions to Buenos Ayres. His narration of the events of this terrible march, is perhaps the most interesting of his Commentaries. For nineteen days his troops toiled through dense forests, and over rugged mountains, when they reached the territories populated by tribes of Indians who looked upon them with blended terror and admiration. From these savages, who had hitherto received no evidence of the rapacity of the white strangers, the Spaniards obtained welcome supplies of food and clothing. The country abounded in fruits and farinaceous food, and the Adelantado is eloquent in eulogies of the inhabit- ants and their territory. Everywhere he found the evidence of unsophisticated confidence, and he was careful to leave behind him no tokens of any other feeling than sincere reciprocity of inoffensiveness and good will. It was near the last of January, 1542, that the first loss to his force occurred, when he was obliged to leave five of his soldiers in care of a tribe of the Guaranis. One of these had been so badly bitten by a dog that he died soon after, and only two of the others survived their maladies. Having arrived on the borders of the Yguacu, a branch of the Parana, in latitude 25° 30' south, Cabega de Vaca was informed that a warlike tribe, which had some years before massacred an exploring party of Portuguese, had deter- mined to exterminate his force in the same manner, while descending the river in canoes. His sagacious manoeuvres averted such a catastrophe. He divided his force into three companies, of which the cavalry formed two, one squad of which descended each bank of the river, while the third consisting of the foot soldiers em- barked in canoes, and were carried swiftly down to the Parana. The cavalry and the infantry, as the pious Adelantado remarks, were by the favor of God, permitted to arrive at the same time. It was here that he had reason to believe that his countrymen whom he came to succor, did not look upon his coming as their 240 APPENDIX. governor with favor. He tad sent an envoy from St. Catharine's long before his departure, with an order for brigantines to meet him at this point, and although ample time had elapsed, his commands had been disregarded. It will be found that they fell upon willingly deaf ears. The lieutenant governor in com- mand had once before rid himself of a superior, by neglecting to provide vessels to convey his worn soldiers from an inhospi- table country, and he now hoped to consign Cabe§a de Vaca to the miserable fate of Ayolas. Finding himself left to his own resources, the Adelantado, with characteristic energy, devised and executed other means of escape. Thirty sick soldiers, ac- companied by fifty arquebusiers and arbaletriers to serve as their escort, were embarked on the native rafts called balsas, while the remainder of his force proceeded by land. In this manner he arrived at Assomption on the 11th of March, 1542.' More than four months had been consumed in the march and nearly a year since his arrival at St. Catherine's. Schmidel says, that only three hundred men survived, of a force of more than four hundred with which he had embarked, and that one quarter of his soldiers had perished of disease and misery. He found the humor of the colonial troops unfavorable to his pretensions. ' Four days after, the little fleet of balsas, with their freight of sick soldiers and their escort arrived at Assomption, having lost only one of their numher, seized and killed by a tiger (jaguar). The report which they made of the coalition of all the river tribes of Indians to dispute their passage, was characterized by all that eloquence which is elicited by an escape from imminent peril. The river was hidden by fleets of canoes, and the canoes themselves were invisible by rea- son of the crowds of warriors they carried. The banks of the river were two living streams of enemies, moving as rapidly as its waters ; and sending constantly clouds of arrows. The cries and shouts of those on the river were momently echoed by the war whoops of their comrades on the shores, which combined with the clash of weapons, and the beating of war drums, made it seem that heaven and earth were combatting each other. Notwithstanding all this fearful warfare, and appalling clamor, the miserable wretch who fell a prey to the jaguar was their only loss. APPENDIX. 241 They liad waited a year to receive tidings from Ayolas their governor, after lie had set out upon his fatal expedition, and it was only upon the receipt of the sad story of his massacre brought by an Indian servant, who witnessed and survived it, that they elected his successor. The crafty and unscrupulous man who received this dangerous yet coveted honor, Martin Dominick de Irala, had time to ingratiate himself with the soldiers, and thus Cabega de Vaca found a new peril awaiting him, when he demanded their submission to his authority. He had received information while at St. Catherine's from nine fugitive Spaniards who had fled from the rigor of Irak's govern- ment, of a character not designed to inspire confidence in his representative at Assomption. Irala had been deputed by Ayolas to command the brigantines which were to meet him at a certain port on the Parana where his explorations were to terminate. The cruel and ambitious lieutenant found a pretext for abandoning his commander to his fate, and Ayolas finding his vessels gone, undertook to penetrate the terrible maze of a tropical forest, and while worn down with famine, sickness and fatigue, perished in an assault by a warlike tribe of Indians. Cabega de Vaca was not blind to the design that the same fate was marked out for him. ' Thus he entered upon his government with an unfortunate prestige for himself, in his long delay at St. Catharine's ; and an evil foretaste of his destiny in the ill will of the man he sup- planted. His first act was scarcely of a nature to inspire confidence. Reasonably enough the old colonists required him to exhibit his authority, but his natural imperiousness, or the danger and sufferings he had experienced, so clouded his judgment, that ' A contest of dissimulation, commenced on the first interview of the chiefs. Schmidel says, " he hound himself so much in friendship with Irala that they were like two hrothers, and in such manner, as that the latter preserved all the power in the army which he formerly possessed." 31 242 APPENDIX. he recklessly provoked tte anger of those desperate men, by a haughty refusal. The only concession he would proffer, was to submit his brief of authority to two or three priests whom the council might delegate. We, who are permitted to know how generous and extensive were the grants of the king, can only account for this needless mystery, by supposing that his intellect was affected by disease, or that the evil genius which had so long governed his fortunes, still led him with its fatal delusions astray. On reviewing his army he found that with his recruits he could muster eight hundred men. As the main object of all the marvellous energy of explora- tion by the Spaniards, was the greed of gold and conquest, Cabega de Vaca could not long be idle. He ordered expeditions for searching the country in all directions for traces of the route to El Dorado. Ulrich Schniidel informs us, that Cabega de Vaca commenced his career in South America by an act' of cruelty which was the precursor, if not the origin, of the long train of misfortunes which ensued. The expeditions he had organized for exploring the country, and obtaining provisions for the sustenance of the colony, had found all the savage nations most amicably disposed. They were everywhere received by the natives with kindness, and their requisitions cheerfully complied with. While encamped in peaceful relations, among a nation called Achkeres, Irala who commanded this division received a letter from the Governor, directing him to execute the cacique Achkere. The Indian chief was accordingly immediately seized and hung. Of all this Cabega de Vaca gives us not a single word in his Commentaries, and as Schmidel was an ardent partisan of Irala, it is more than probable that he accepted the statement from Irala himself, who was quite capable of performing such a deed to bring odium on his commander. Some months after his arrival, a similar event, of much greater atrocity, said by Schmidel to have been ordered by the captain general, was performed by the same Irala. A tribe of Indians whose name is given by Schmidel as Surucusis, and APPENDIX. 243 who are probably the same spoken of by the captain general himself as Guaycurus, had often made war on the Gruaranis, allies of the Spaniards. Cabef a de Yaca says, that to compel the warlike Guaycurus to maintain peace with his friends, he was compelled to make war upon them. The story is however told by Sohmidel with a coloring of ferocity that belongs more appropriately to Irala, and we are again compelled to suspect a perfidious design, animating this crafty man. " On our report the Governor decided to advance into the country at the head of all his forces, and this much against our will because the country was entirely covered with water. " The most part of those who had been at the residence of the Orthuesens, suffered again the fatigues which this expedition induced. Besides Alvar Nunez inspired no great confidence in the army, because he had never before undertaken great charges. We rested two months among the Surucusis, during which time the General was attacked with fever which obliged him to keep his bed. But we did not give ourselves much inquietude as we cared very little for him. " I have not seen in the country of the Surucusis a single man who was more than forty or fifty years old, nor a country more unhealthy. It is situated under the tropic of Capricorn where the sun is almost vertical. The climate is more pestilen- tial than that of St. Thomas. Our Governor, Cabega de Vaca, seeing himself retarded by his sickness, sent one hundred and fifty Christians and two thousand Carios (Guaranos) Indians on board of four brigantines. He ordered them to proceed to the island of Surucusis, at the distance of four miles, and reduce to slavery, or put to the sword the whole population and to spare no Indians under forty years of age. We have seen before, in what (kind) manner the Surucusis had received us. I am going to recount how they were recompensed for it, and God knows how unjust we were on this occasion. When we arrived at their villages, these Indians who had no suspicion of our design, came to meet us with their bows and arrows, but with the most 244 APPENDIX. amicable demonstrations. Presently a quarrel broke out between them and the Gruaranis, of which we profited, on the instant, by a discharge of musketry which killed a great number. We took more than two thousand Surucusis of all ages and sexes after having taken from them all which they possessed, as is the' custom on similar occasions. We rejoined soon after our com- mandant, who was well satisfied with the success of this expedi- tion. As we had a great number of sick, and as the army was very discontented, Alvar seeing that he could do nothing more, decided to descend the river Parabol and return to Assomption where he had left a portion of his troops. He ex- perienced in this city an access of fever which prevented his going out for fifteen days; but I thought that he remained iu his house more from pride and ill will than from necessity. He never spoke to the soldiers, and treated them with great arrogance. Our commandant had no consideration for any person, and de- sired that all sbould bend to him and to his will. The entire army united in a general assembly, decided with unanimity that he must be arrested, and sent to the emperor, to render an account to his imperial majesty of his fine qualities, and of the manner in which he had treated us, and of all which had transpired. " Three of the principal officers, namely, the Treasurer of his majesty, Alonzo Cabrera and Garcia Vanegas, took themselves to his house at the head of two hundred soldiers, and possessed themselves of his person at the moment when he least thought it This was in the month of April, on the day of the feast of St. Marc, in the year 1543. We guarded him as a prisoner during more than a year, until we could prepare and furnish with provisions a caravelle, on board of which we sent him to Spain with two officers. It was necessary to choose another chief to administer the country and command the army until we could receive the orders of his majesty. Martin Dominique de Irala, who had been already governor, was proclaimed general because he was much loved by the troops. Every one was satisfied ex- cept some officers who had been friends of Alvar Nuiiez, but those enjoyed but little consideration." APPENDIX. 245 This narration of Sclimidel has its chief interest in disclosing the sentiments of Cahega de Vaca's enemies in his government. His own relation of his arrest, is more dramatic, and minute. Of the massacre of the Suruousis, the captain general does not utter a word. If the tribe mentioned by Schmidel is identical with the Guarcurus, Cabe§a de Vaca has given us the provoca- tion which originated hostilities. There is however somewhat more reason to believe that the nation of Indians called Siiru- cusis by Schmidel is the same as the one designated Socorinos in the Commentaries. They inhabited an island a league dis- tant from the port of Rios, near which the Spaniards were encamped. The captain general narrates a long train of hostile acts, performed by this tribe, terminating with the murder and devouring of five Spaniards. In a single assault they subsequently slew fifty-eight Christians. On this, Cabega having duly sum- moned them, by the process required by law, and caused a formal inquest to be made, declared them enemies. Not a word more does he vouchsafe regarding the rebellious Socorinos, or their punishment. At this point his narrative of his campaigns abruptly closes, and he commences a relation of his own grievances. He coincides with Schmidel in the cause of his abandonment of the campaign, on account of the epidemic from which he and' his troops were suffering. The general attributes his unpopu- larity to two measures tending to the furtherance of good morals and religion which he enforced. The first was his order for the release of one hundred Indian girls with whom his officers and men cohabited ; in order, he says, to avert the anger of God, which had stricken them with the terrible fever.' The second 'He declared that it was the express command of His Majesty that no Indian should be reduced to slavery, and that they could not hope for the favor of Gtod if they deprived the natives of their liberty. He could not know that a greater philanthropist Bartholomew de Las Casas, was at that very hour struggling for the freedom of the natives of the Northern Continent. 246 APPENDIX. was his enforcement of the law against cannibalism among his savage allies. His soldiers demanded their indulgence in this loathsome diet, because the Indians threatened to abandon the Spaniards if deprived of it. Compelled by disease, and the constant attacks of the savages to return to Assomption, he had scarcely arrived there, when a conspiracy was formed to seize his person. The subtle Irala, who is believed by Herrara, Barcia, and Funes, to have been the instigator of the insurrec- tion, does not appear once in the foreground. The insurgents charged such designs upon the general as they thought would most readily inflame the passions of their comrades, the residents of Assomption, and Buenos Ayres. On his arrival all his property was plundered or confiscated ; consisting among other items, of ten briga^ines and property amounting to one hundred thousand castellanos (about $300,000). The Governor was hurried to prison from the bed which to his malady condemned him, and heavy chains were riveted upon his feet. The guard under which he was placed were so cruelly rigid, tbat no person was permitted even to see him, and for a great part of the year in which he was thus immured, his friends believed him dead. At last the vessel which had been preparing for his recep- tion was ready; and he was taken from his cell more dead than alive. On being brought by two soldiers into the light of day hj begged them to let him fall upon his knees, that he might thank the good God who had permitted him once more to behold the sun. So feeble was his condition, that he was unable to rise after this act of devotion, and the soldiers were compelled to lift bim to his feet, and support him while he dragged his feeble body to the ship. During all this period of suffering and imprisonment, Irala who had been elected to the supreme power, permitted no amelioration of its rigor. But the friends of the deposed Governor, although powerless in avowed hostility to the revolution, aided him in secret by securing in the most ingenious manner, the transmission of his papers. Cabega de Vaca or rather Hernandez, his secretary, APPENDIX. 247 narrates the circumstance as follows: "During the arming and equipment of the brigantine, in which he was to be carried away, the friends of the Governor concerted with the carpenters to cause a beam as large as one's thigh to be hollowed three palms long. In this they placed the process of general informa- tion which the Governor had prepared to submit to his Majesty, with such other papers as his friends had secured at the time of his arrest, and which were necessary to his defense. The packet enveloped in waxed linen, was then enclosed in the timber which was firmly nailed to the poop of the brigantine with six nails at the two extremities. The carpenters said that it was required in this place to strengthen the ship, and the •operation was so secretly performed that no person could dis- cover it. The master carpenter gave word to a sailor who was one of the crew, in order that he could take these papers, when he should arrive in Spain." During his imprisonment an incident occurred so character- istic of the temper of his enemies, the fidelity of his friends, and the ingenuity of the natives, that Cabega de Vaca records it with great minuteness in his Commentaries. To prevent the possibility of any communication regarding the aifairs of the country reaching him, only one attendant, an Indian woman, was permitted to enter his cell. Not only was she compelled to perform her service entirely naked, but her hair was closely shaved, and her person subjected to the most indecent examina- tion whenever she returned to the prison. Notwithstanding the apparently impossible evasion of their scrutiny, the subtilty of the crafty Indian pievailed. A scroll of fine paper was enclosed in wax and concealed between the large toe and the others; and while the watchful eyes of the jailor (whose hatred the Governor had gained by his punishment of some atrocious crime) were constantly upon her, she contrived to place it within his reach. On entering his cell she announced her pos- session of a message by tapping the floor with her foot, and at the proper moment while appearing to be scratching it, de- tached the message. In the same manner she supplied him 248 APPENDIX. with, a powder, which dissolved in spittle formed an ink, by which he was able to record his instructions to his friends. The conspirators becoming aware that communications were frequently passing between the Governor and his adherents, employed every art to discover the means. Four young men were at various times selected to seduce the Indian woman, to whom they made numerous presents, but although she thought lightly of her chastity, and made no difficulty in surrendering il, no enticements could prevail upon her to become a traitress, and during the eleven months in which they made their reports they could not obtain from her a word. As he was about to be led on board, he announced with an intrepidity almost incredible that he delegated Captain Salu- zar as his lieutenant in the government. Garcia de Venegas, one of his jailors, threw himself upon the Governor with his dagger, saying, " If you thus prove traitor to the king I will tear your soul out of your body. If you speak again I will pon- iard you." In the melee, which ensued, Oabega was slightly wounded in the. chest j and was both by friends and enemies hurried on board the vessel to save his life. He was loaded with chains, which were secured to the deck, from which he was only released when the vessel was supposed to be foundering in a tem- pest. After his imprisonment the Governor affords us little more than surmises regarding the dates of the events he relates, but from comparison with other incidents, we ascertain that it was near the 1st of June, 1545, when he embarked as a pri- soner. So strictly was the deposed Governor guarded that even his own domestics on board were not permitted to serve him, and his food was brought him by his jailors, who were the persons that first seized him. He charges them with making three attempts to poison him with arsenic, but anticipating such an event, he had taken the precaution to provide himself with some antidotes. Two monks who accompanied him down the river w;ere not permitted to remain on the brigantine, but were sent back to Assomption as were also his servants, in the fear that they would represent the conduct of the Governor APPENDIX. 249 in too favorable a light. A great tempest which lasted four days, awakened such remorse in his jailors that Cabrera hastened to remove his irons, and Venegas kissed his feet, both of the pusillanimous wretches in their uncontrollable panic, confessing that they had cruelly wronged him, and uttered more than two thousand lies against him. They declared that they believed God had sent this terrible tempest as an indication of his wrath against them, and in the most piteous terms supplicated his pardon. Cabega de Vaca adds : " As soon as they had re- moved the chains from the Governor the sea and winds were appeased, and the tempest which had endured for four days, calmed itself. " We navigated the open sea during two thousand five hundred leagues without perceiving anything except the sky and sea." On his arrival at Madrid about the first of September, 1545, he found the council of the Indies in an humor that augured only ill for his cause. His friend the bishop of Cuenca, President of the council was just dead, and at the head of that important body, sat the stern bishop of Burgos the enemy of Las Casas, and the advocate of the slavery of the Indians. Charlevoix says that the bishop of Cuenca had discovered the wicked design of Irala's emissaries, " and was preparing to punish them when death interposed." " G-aroias Venegas died suddenly without having time to utter a single word, and his eyes starting out of their sockets, and pretty much about the same time Cabrera expired, after killing his wife in a fit of madness." The machi- nations of his enemies prevailed, and Cabe§a de Vaca entered a prison to await his trial on the charges brought against him, which he did not leave for more than six years. Mr. Buckingham Smith's manuscripts contain voluminous minutes of the trial by the council of the Indies, before whom he never seems to have appeared in person except to receive his sentence. The licen- tiate acting as prosecuting attorney recited twenty-four specifica- tions of crimes alleged against him. The licentiate his counsel replies for him with as many rejoinders, and his legal brother makes as numerous replications. 250 APPENDIX. In the mean time Cabega de Vaca, languisliing in prison, petitions constantly to be released on sufficient security for his appearance ; to be allowed the liberty of the court of the jail, and be indulged in other ameliorations of his imprisonment. The stern refusal of all these humble requests are clear indica- tions of the severity of his treatment.- At last, on the 18th of March, 1551, eight years after his seizure in Assomption the counsellors of the Indies delivered their judgment. He was con- demned to be stripped of all the titles conferred upon him, and the privileges incident thereto, to be banished to the penal colony of Oran in Africa, and to be liable to suits for damages by any party claiming to have suffered loss, or pain during his govern- ment. Not the least severe in the details of his condemnation, was the additional sentence that he should serve His Majesty in Africa with his arms, and horse, and at his own expense for five years, and that if he should seek to evade it then he should be subject to a further term of service of equal length. With this sentence terminates nearly all the recorded details of the history of this extraordinary man. An obscurity closes over his future life, and subsequent fate, which all the industry and zeal of the most indefatigable scholars have not sufficed to penetrate. It is even uncertain if the sentence of the council was ever enforced, as Hernandez his secretary says, "after eight years of arrest at the court he was liberated and acquitted." As his condemnation took place six years and nine months after his arrival in Spain ; it is possible that after remaining in prison a year longer he was pardoned. But Hernandez certainly narrates what is untrue, when he asserts that Cabeja de Vaca was ac- quitted ; as we have before us a transcript of the judgment. • ' " In the prosecution of the Adelantado Alvar Nunez Cahecja de Vaca, Governor of Rio de la Plata being in this court, do adjudge for the offence that has been made to appear from said action against Alvar Nunez Cabepa de Vaca that we should and do condemn him to per- petual privation of said office of governor and Adelantado of the Provinces of said Kio de la Plata and of right of action which he claim s APPENDIX. 251 Charlevoix who narrates many particulars in the life of Cabcya de Yaca, principally obtained from his Commentaries, and from Herrara, repeats the error, in stating that although not fully acquitted, the council hesitated to send him back to Paraguay as governor, lest his presence should occasion fresh disturbances. The delay of eight years he attributed to the long absence of his Majesty from his Spanish dominions. " At last," says Charlevoix, " the emperor granted him a pension of two thousand crowns, and gave him a place in the Royal Au- dience of Sevilla, where he died at an advanced age." ' Charlevoix adds, " I have indeed seen a memorial in which it is said that he was immediately gratified with a seat in the council of the Indies." 2 to liave of said governnient, and so likewise we forever suspend him from the office of governor, Adelantado or any other office of justice in all Indies, Islands and Terra Firma belonging to his Majesty, that he may not use or exercise them under the penalties which befall and inure to those who use like office without the licence and faculty to do so, and moreover we condemn him for the time and space of five years to be completed of the first following ; he serves his Majesty in Oran with his arms and horse and his expense and he remain in such service, and for such period under penalty of having the time doubled of the five years. And we reserve their right unimpaired, to the persons injured in the charges of the accusation in the cause, that for the years they sustained the inj uries, they may demand what shall to them appear well. And this definitive sentence we pronounce and order with costs. Signed by six Counsellors of the Indias. VaUodolid, 18th March, 1551." Manuscript copied from tlie original by Mr. Buckingliam Smitli. ' " But though his Soveieign might have amply rewarded him, he never indemnified him for all his sufierings, nor properly acknow- ledged the heroic manner in which he bore the many indignities that had been offered him. At this however we are not to be surprised. There are virtues which no earthly monarch can do j ustice to." (Jha rle- voix, Sis. of Paragwiy. ' Mr. Harrisse says, " I do not recollect where 1 have seen it stated that his death occurred at Seville in 1564." He had perhaps seen it in 252 APPBNDIX- No relation of the period seems to have excited such attention as that of Cabega de Vaca, and the cures which he modestly yet fervently records to have been vouchsafed to his prayers, drew forth the animadversion, and the advocacy of priests and scholars. That he believed divine interposition to have been accorded in a miraculous way to his supplications is evident from a perusal of Chapters XXI, XXII and XXVI. In one place a dead man is restored to life, in many others the mortally sick are given health. The Spaniards considered those cures to be miraculous, and his reputation as a man of extraordinary piety and highly favored by God, continued during the three years succeeding his return to Spain. Cabe§a de Vaca relates several incidents in his Commentaries of similar import regarding the divine favor. " The air of Santiago,'' he says, " is ordinarily so fatal during the spring, as that the greater part of those who land there die in a short time." During his voyage to Brazil, the leaking of his vessel compelled his entering that port, where he remained twenty-five days without losing a single man. " This so astonished the inhabitants that they regarded it as a miracle." Another instance he relates in the following words : " Having passed the equinoxial line, the commandant examined the quantity of water which the vessel carried. Of one hundred casks which had been shipped, not more than three remained to serve four hundred men and thirty horses. The Governor ordered the captain to sail towards the land, which was not found three days after. The fourth night, the ships were on the point of striking on the rocks without any of the crew perceiving it, when a cricket which had been carried on board the ship by a sick soldier, who was pleased with the music of this insect, suddenly began singing. Two months and a half had passed since we had put to sea and it had been Teclio's Sistoria Promnciae Paraguariae Leodii, 1673, Capitolio xiv, vol. 1, from which Ternaux Compans quotes. Mr. Buckingliam Smith sought for many years to ascertain the fact, and never saw it stated by any authority he considered authentic. APPENDIX. 253 silent, but the little animal now perceived the land and com- menced its song. This unexpected music attracted the attention of the crew, who discovered the rocks no more than a musket shot away. It is certain that if the cricket had not sung we should all have perished : the four hundred men, and thirty horses; and it was by a miracle of God in our favor, that the insect was found with us." So much attention did the assertion of his miraculous power excite that the Abbot of a Monastery in Austria, named Caspar Plautus, thought it necessary to disprove the possibility of the performance of miracles by a layman.' A reply to the Monk's treatise, was written by Senor.Don Antonio Ardoino, and published by Barcia in his Historiadores Primitivos. His work is entitled Apologetic Examination of the Historical Narration of the Shipwrecks, Wanderings and Miracles of Alvar Nunez Cahega de Vaca, in the lands of Flo- rida and New Mexico, against the censures of the father Monorio Philipono. The Examen occupies fifty folio pages in double columns. 2 In addition to the number of editions of Cabega de Vaca's works, mentioned in the introduction, we may add the abridged translation, or paraphrase printed by Purchas. It is due to Mr. Smith to record here, that the translation he speaks of in the same place with such reserve, was his own work. ' This monk published a treatise in 1631, entitled " Nwa Typis Transacta Navigatio Novi Orbis Indicbe Occidentalis." He attempts an extraordinary deception in the work, prompted by his vanity. On the title page the author styles himself Philoponus, and in bis preface lauds the abbot Caspar Plautus with most fulsome adulations. Hinckleman discovered that Philoponus and Caspar Plautus were the same person. On page 91 of his treatise will be found his claim for the priests, as the only persons who should be permitted to perform miracles, and his aspersions of Cabe(;a de Vaca. ^Examen Apologetieo de la Sistorica Narracion de los Naufr agios, Peregradones ; MUagros de' Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, en las Tierras de la Florida, i del Nuero Mexico, contra la incierta, i mal repa- rada, eensura del P. Uoniorio Philopono, en Madrid, 1736. 254 APPENDIX. The opinions of historians and writers have varied widely regarding the character of Cabega de Vaca. By Schmidel, he is represented as a haughty tyrant who deserved his fate. The chevalier Azara coincides with this opinion, while Herrara, considers him a victim to the machinations of the unscrupulous and cruel wretches, who formed the colony and army of Rio de La Plata. Charlevoix elevates him to the rank of a martyr ; asserting that he had no other aim than the service of Grod and the King; which he exhibited by his fervent desire for the conversion of the Indians. Barcia also gives him the highest praise for nobility of character, and disinterestedness of motives, believing that his zeal for executing the laws that protected the natives caused the revolt. Funes, the historian of Buenos Ayres, attributes his fall to the same cause, and bestows upon him similar encomiums. He attempted the abolition of Slavery, to which the Indians had been illegally subjected, and a reform of the morals of Christians to a standard, which would entitle them to the respect of Savages, and in both he failed. He is scarcely to be decried for this, as three centuries elapsed before the first object was accomplished; and of the last, history has little to record. MEMOIR OF THOMAS BUCKINGHAM SMITH. The author, whose last contribution to American history is found in these pages, could never have foreseen its appearance accompanied by a sketch of his own life. But when he was cut off by an untimely fate, attended with circumstances that excited every feeling of sympathy in the hearts of his friends, cut off while the work was unfinished, and yet with the work so at heart, that even while disease at last triumphed over his last remnant of strength, he had a portion of it on his person, all will feel that a brief notice will not here be out of place. Though born in the south and identified with a southern state, throughout his life, Thomas Buckingham Smith was of purely New England origin, and unconnected with any family in the section to which he so peculiarly belonged. His father, Josiah Smith, a man of clear thought, and ex- tensive information, was a native of Watertown, Connecticut, and marrying his cousin, Hannah Smith, of the same place, removed to Florida, while still under the British flag, and re- maining during the new Spanish rule, once more found himself in the United States, by the purchase of that colony. They had two children, Thomas Buckingham Smith, who was born in 1810, on Cumberland island, Georgia, and a daughter Hannah, or, as she soon grew to be called in that Spanish part, Anita.. Commercial business soon carried the father to Mexico, where he seems to have resided for a time, and having been 256 MEMOIR. appointed United States consul, resolved to remove his family to ttat city. His children had meanwhile been at St. Augus- tine, and his letters show the interest he took in their education and progress, as well as clear and intelligent views. Bucking- ham was for a time, when about fourteen, also in Mexico and grew up with a Spanish tone that never left him. His father was not, however, permitted to gather his family around him, having been seized with a fatal illness under which he sank in 1825. Thus deprived of the guidance of a loving and able father, Buckingham became the ward of his maternal uncle, Robert Smith, of New Bedford, by whom he was placed in 1827, soon after his return from Mexico, at Washington, now Trinity College, Hartford, to pursue the partial or scientific portion of the course of study in that institution. Here he remained three years, and is still remembered as one full of youthful viva- city. Edward Goodman, Esq., and Professor William C. Russell, now of Cornell University, were among his intimate friends and associates, and Mr. Smith then, as through life, made friends whom he never alienated or lost. As he had resolved to devote himself to the legal profession^ he was next entered at the Cambridge Law School, where he formed the acquaintance of Mr. George Gibbs, whose studies in after life were so in harmony with his own. He then studied law in Maine in the office of Judge Fessenden, the late William Pitt Fessenden being his fellow student. Returning to his home in St. Augustine, Buckingham Smith entered on the practice of his profession, and while a business was forming with that slow growth so trying to the young aspirant for forensic honors, he, like many a lawyer similarly placed, entered the field of politics. He was soon elected to the Florida assembly, and was for a time speaker. Rigidly MEMOIR. 257 honest and truthful, he would have the state as honest as a man j he took a decided stand against the party of inflation, who sought to create a host of banking institutions and issue broadcast state bonds, with a facile extravagance, that ere long proved an incubus on the prosperity and progress of Florida. Though successful in his practice at the bar, he seems not to have followed it up with zeal or energy, and a taste for his- torical and antiquarian studies soon developed itself, and grew with his growth. His marriage on the 20th of September, 1844, with Miss Julia G., daughter of Reuben Gr. and Elizabeth M. Gardner, of Maine, also seems to have tended to withdraw him from active political life, while his intimate knowledge of Spanish life and language fitted him admirably for the post of secretary of legation to Mexico, to which he was appointed on the 9th of September,. 1850. Revisiting thus the scenes familiar to his boyhood, and actu- ally the burial place of a father whom he respected and loved, Mr. Smith at once formed a close intimacy with many gentle- men in that capital, who while holding positions of honor in the Mexican government, were devoted students of history, and familiar with the rich stores of printed and unprinted material accumulated in the archives and libraries of that capital. Among these may be named especially, Don Jose F. Ramirez, and Don Lerdo de Tejada. By their aid and influence he began to collect a rich store of documents relating to the history of Florida. His ■ duties as secretary he discharged meanwhile, with an ability which showed his fitness for Spanish diplomacy, and when the position of minister was vacant, Mr. Smith as cliargi d'affaires represented the United States, near the government of Mexico from Feb. 12 to Oct. 8, 1851. He then resumed his duties as secretary till his recall Feb. 2, 1852. 33 258 MEMOIR. The first fruit of his studies was an English version of the narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabega de Vaca, a work of great interest as that of almost the sole survivor of the expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez to reduce Florida. Cabega de Vaca with a few others made their way across the continent, and although they had landed at Tampa, reached a Spanish settlement in Sinaloa. The original is at times obscure, but Mr. Smith translated with care, and by his notes enabled readers to follow the course of the strange journey. This work was issued pri- vately at Washington by Mr. George W. Riggs, jr., in a beau- tifully printed quarto volume, with fine maps showing the course of the expedition. It was followed in 1854, by a similar volume also issued by Mr. Riggs, containing Hernando de Soto's letter addressed from Florida, July 9, 1539, to the Justice and Board of Magistrates in Santiago de Cuba, together with a very curious document, the Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda, respecting Florida, written in Spain about the year 1575. Mr. Smith's notes on this curious tract were very full and satisfactory. Under the simple title of Espiritu Santo Bay he added a very clear summary of the various accounts of the early portion of Soto's expedition. He also contributed, in 1852, to the work then issuing by the United States government under the supervision of Mr. Schoolcraft, a series of extracts from Mexican archives as to tjie Pimas and Casas Grandes; which were published in the third volume of that work (p. 296, etc.), under the title of " History. Language and Archseology of the Pimos of the River Gila, New Mexico," but without his name. It embraces extracts from the unpublished journals of Garces, Font, and Mong^. These works made Mr. Smith known beyond the circles in which he had hitherto moved, and brought him in contact with the MEMOIR. 259 historical scholars of the country. The New York Historical Society, the American Ethnological Society, the American Anti- quarian Society and the New England Historic-Crenealogical Society at once enrolled him among their corresponding members. His eminent fitness for the. diplomatic service, and the advan- tage to be derived by the great cause of American history from his presence at the capital of Spain, led to his appointment as secretary of legation to that country on the 9th of June, 1855, the Hon. Augustus C. Dodge, of Iowa, being minister. Here, too, Mr. Smith formed the acquaintance of congenial spirits, especially of the orientalist, Don Pascual de Gayangos, and of de Rios, the editor of Oviedo. He was enabled to ex- plore the archives at Simancas, and at Seville, and carried out researches here and into family archives, with earnestness and zeal, and not only collected material documents, portraits, coats of arms and other objeetsbearing on his own projected work, a his- tory of Florida, but also with that ready kindness which always characterized him, finding and transmitting many documents to the most distinguished of our historical students and authors. The first fruit of these studies and researches was a volume printed under his own eye at Madrid, although bearing the imprint of a London bookseller. This was his " Goleccion de Yarios Documentos para la Historia de la Florida y Tier- ras adyacentes." The documents were of very great importance, and were printed with peculiar care and exactness, the proof being always compared with the original. This he held to be the only proper mode of printing documents, and he insisted so strongly on this, that he would not print here documents which he had copied in Spain, declaring that they must be printed where he could refer to the originals. He was recalled Sept. 1st, 1858, and returned to the United States, his welcome home being clouded by the death of his 260 , MEMOIR. mother, who expired at St. Augustine at the advanced age of eighty-three. Mingling again with our own scholars and students, he con- tributed various valiiable papers to the Historical Magazine* and turning his attention to the study of the Indian languages, fur- nished for the Bulletin of the American Ethnological Society, a sketch of the grammar of the language of the Heve Indians of Sonora, which the writer, then issuing a series of American Linguistics induced him also to print in that collection. He also while in Europe printed a fac simile of a petition of the Apalache Indians, and one of the Timuquan tribe, with a Spanish translation — documents, curious as evincing the culture of the Indians, for they are in both cases signed by the chiefs in their own hand-writing, with none of the marks or totems so common elsewhere. To the writer's series of American Linguistics he also con- tributed a " Grammar of the Pima or Nevome, a language of * " A Letter of Pedro Menendez Marquez " (vol. iir, p. 275) ; " Books printed in the Timuquan Language " (voL IV, p. 39) ; " Specimen of tlie Apalachian Language " (vol. IT, p. 40) ; " Letter of Father Francis Palou " (vol, IV, p. 67) ; " Tespucius and his first Voyage " (vol. it, p. 98) ; " The Siege of Pensacola in 1781 " (vol. it, p. 166) ; " The Patent to Juan de Anasco " (toI. it, p. 174) ; " Pardo's Exploration of South Carolina, and Georgia " (vol. rv, p. 230) ; " Memoirs of Alonzo Vasquez " (vol. IT, p. 257) ; " The Will of Hernando de Soto " (toI. t, p. 134) ; " Papers relating to Cartier's Voyage " (vol. Ti, p. 14) ; " Vocabulary of the Budeve " (vol. VI, p. 18) ; " Memorials of the Expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez " (vol. Ti, p. 138) ; " Verrazzano as a Discoverer " (vol. X, 169) ; " Vocabularies of the Seminole and Mickasuke Tongues " (vol. X, p. 399) ; " Map of the World, containing the Discovery of Verrazzano, by Hieronimus de Verrazzano " (vol. x, 308) ; " Disco- ery of the Northern Coast of North America " (vol. x, p. 368) ; " Nar- vaez and Florida " (series ii, vol. i,p. 34) ; " Instructions to the Factor " (series ii, vol. i, p. 109) ; " Relation of what befel the persons who escaped from the disaster that attended Pamphilo de Narvaez " (series II, vol. ii, pp. 141, 204, 267, 347), MEMOIR. 261 Sonora" and the adjacent territory on the north, with a " Doc- trina Christiana y Confesionario" in the same language. While these were going through the press he was bereaved of his wife, who had long been the partner in his varied life. She died in New York, Dec. 26th, 1861. Mr. Smith had on his return from Europe visited his home in Florida, to find the public mind intensely excited. With- drawn for many years from local politics, not even his warm southern feelings could draw him into the vortex. His fore- cast enabled him to judge the relative strength, and to see the final result. On his way north, he told an old friend, who shared the enthusiasm of the South over its new hopes, that he could not indulge in his sanguine expectations, that on the contrary he would live to see him electioneering among his own slaves. The war entailed no little loss to Mr. Smith in the deprecia- tion of his property, and in the fact that the government set his slaves at liberty, but it is characteristic of the man that while the able-bodied then left him, he continued till death to maintain the aged and infirm negroes, who had been the family slaves. Continuing his contributions to history, he printed a curious manuscript work on Sonora, with a quaint Spanish title, Rudo Ensayo, tentativa de una prevencional Descripcion de la Pro- vincia de Sonora, but full, accurate and showing evident marks of being the production of some missionary thoroughly ac- quainted with that province and its mineral resources. The voyage of Estevan Gomez along the northern coast, had been one of his subjects of study and research, and in the in- vestigation he was led to study critically the account of Verra- zano's voyage, published originally in Ramusio's large work. Convinced that that narrative was a fabrication, he set forward 262 MEMOIR. the grounds of his opinion in his Inquiry into the Authenticity of Documents concerning a Discovery in North America, claimed to have been made hy Verrazano, which was read before the New York Historical Society, in 1864, and printed. But as usual with him, he was not satisfied with his work, and visited Spain to seek new material for the discussion of the subject, as well as to study a very different branch, but one in which he took great interest, the culture of the orange tree, in order to select and import the best varieties, so as to preserve and ex- tend the cultivation of the fruit in Florida. He was successful under both points of view, and came pre- pared to issue in a more extended form, with ample documents, his examination into the Verrazano voyage ; which, however, he never gave to the world. Mr. Smith then for a time acted as tax commissioner in Florida, but had meanwhile undertaken, and in 1866 published, through the Bradford Club, his Narratives of the Career of Her- nando de Soto in the Conquest of Florida as told by a Knight of Elvas and in a Relation hy Luys Hernandez de Biedma. These, with some pleasant sketches of Spanish American authors in Duycldnck' s Cyclopedia of American Literature, embracing notices of Verrazzano, Biedma, Cancer, Pareja, Flo- rencia, Benavides, Eochefort, Ayeta and Siguenza (^Supplement, p. 156, etc.), formed his contributions to our literature. Critical to a nicety, he was never satisfied with his labors, but as soon as he saw them in print at once began to correct and amend. One of his most cherished projects was to issue a new edition of his first work, but as he shrank from doing anything on his own responsibility and sought no publisher, his project would have remained a mere velleity, had not his old friend, Mr. Henry C. Murphy of Brooklyn, taken it in hand. The result is the pre- sent volume, which the author did not live to complete. MEMOIR. 263 Disease had been insidiously impairing his constitution, and unconsciously to himself consumption had already made fatal progress. His residence at the north during the severe winter of 1870-1, hastened the crisis. Under the milder climate of Florida his valuable life might have been for a time prolonged, but he at last became alarmed, yet entertained no immediate fear. He still kept up, visiting his friends, talking over the subjects of his studies, till January 4th, when, calling on his physician, he was urged to return at once to his rooms and secure a suitable attendant, as he was more seriously ill than he imagined. He was very much enfeebled, and before he reached his own door, after leaving the car, became bewildered. He was hurried off to a police station, and thence to an hospital, where he died the next day, before any of his many warm friends were aware of his illness. The death of Buckingham Smith drew around his coffin the circle of literary and personal friends to whom his kindly dis- position, his truthful nature, his impartiality and studies, had long endeared him. To many, the life of research and investi- gation, solitary as it must needs be, may seem devoid of interest, and utility ; but Buckingham Smith gave his early manhood to the public service, and spent in those antiquarian studies, which are so full of great lessons, the hours of relaxation given by others to pleasure, or the years of declining age, when the many seek only ease and comfort. INDEX. A, prefix to native names, unaccountably taken from the Spanish, 43. Academy of History at Madrid, 18. A<;amor, 205. Acaxee, agriculturists, man-eaters, 78. Achkeres, Indians, 243. Achuse, bay of, 64. Acolhuan, 44. Acubadaos, Indians, 137. Adaize, Indians, 127. Adayes, Indians, 127. Adelantado, Narvaez petitions to be made, 209. Adobe, residences of, 78. Africa, Cabe^a de Vaca sentenced to, 250. Aguar, Indian deity, 192. Aguenes, Indians, 133. Ahome, rirer, 182. Ahome, Indians, 181. Alabama, 385. A-la-Chua, instance of the double prefix, 42. Alafaya, instance of the double prefix, 43. Alaniz, Hieronymo, notary, consulted by the governor, 35 ; his views on the expedition, 26 ; gives certificate to the governor, 37. Alapaha, instance of the double prefix, 43. A la, prefix to native names, unaccountably taken from the Span- ish, 42. Alatamaha, instance of the double prefix, 43. A-la-Tama, instance of the double prefix, 43. Alburquerque, mountains of, 170. Alegre, Padre Francisco Javier, 178. Alcaraz, 189, 190, 195. Aldermen for the first town in Florida, 18. Algorrova, 143. Alhaja, Martin, berger, 334; ennobled, 334. Alligator, no mention made of the, 42. Almojarifadgo, 219. 34 266 INDEX. Alvarado, 43. American Antiquarian Society, 259. American Etlmological Society, 359 ; Bulletin of the, 260. American Journal of Science and Ai't, 170. American Linguistics, 360. Amsterdam, chart printed in, 56. Anagados, Indians, 43, 114. Anchors, stones scarce for, 48. Andalusia, 39 ; definitions by an authoress of, 139. Andaluz, 189. Andes, Cordillera of the, 169. Anhacan, 190. Animal magnetism, Indian juggler's knowledge of, 83. Antillas, 33, 66 ; destructive hurricane at, 18. Ants, eggs of, food of the Yguazes, 103. Apaches, Tobosos related to, 163; extermination of, 163; account of by Onate 163 ; territory of the, exiDloi'ing expedition to, 335. Apalache, sought for, 31 ; found, 33, 41 ; see Apalachen. Apalache bay, 56. Apalache, Indians, fac simile of a petition of the, 360. Apalachen, town of, gold in, 34 ; assailed, 35 ; large quantities of maize found in, 35 ; description of houses in, 35 ; character of the country of, 36. Apalachian language, specimen of the, 360. Apalachicola river, 335. Apalachine, 139. Apalito, Indian deity, 162. Apologetic Examination, etc., against the Censures of Father Hon- orio Philipono, 353. Appendix, 207-254. Aragon, 308, 334. Arbadaos, Indians, 185 Archive de Indias, at Sevilla, 18, 307, 215, 231. Archivo General de Indias, 311. Ardoino, Antonio, Senor, 353. Areitos, amusements of Indians, 77, 141. Areyte, signification of, 79. Arkansas, river, 335 ; head waters of the, 334. Armor, good, of no avail against Indians' arrows, 39. Arroba, Indian measure, 138, 139. Arrows, articles of barter, 136. Arroyo de Cedros, 178 ; see Cedar stream. Arsenic, attempts to poison with frustrated, 348. Artichoke, Jerusalem, 178. INDEX. 267 Assomption, 329, 240, 344, 34G, 348, 350. Astudillo, of 9afra, 73. Astui-iano, a clergyman, 107, 110; visits Ciibe^a de Vaca,84; heard from, 124. Asturian, the, stripped and sliot, 101 ; see Asturiano. Atayos, Indians, 131, 137. Atlantic ocean, 148. Audiencia of Espauola, 305 ; letter to, ix. Aula, island of, 73. Auitzotl, 78. Austria, 353. Ante, town of, 38, 165 ; corpse of Avellaneda carried to, 41 ; houses hm-ned, 41 ; expedition leaves, 45. Authorities, comparison of, 20. Autograph of Alvar Nunez Cabega de Vaca, 300 ; of Pamphilo de Narvaez, 310. Avavares,. Indians, 116, 133, 139. Avellaneda, hidalgo, killed, 40. Ayeta, notice of, 263. Ayolas, commander, 338, 341. Azara, Chevalier, 354. Azores, 198. Bacailaos, 57. Badthing, demon, 133, 134, 137, 138. Bahia de Caballos, haven, 51 ; see Bahia de los Caballos. Bahia de Cavallos, number of men killed in, 50 ; see Bahia de Caballos. Bahia de la Cmz, 48 ; number of men landed at, 50. Bahia de los Caballos, appearance in 1539, 55 ; see Bahia de Cabal- los, and Bahia de Cavallos. Bahos, Indian, 173. Ballast, stones scarce for, 48. Bamoa, 225. Baptism of Indian children, 336, 227. Baptisms, Indian, 194. Barcia, 20, 246, 353, 354. Barcia Ensayo Cro, 64. Barcia's Historiadores Primitives de las Indias Occidentales, viii. Barrigon, sierra of, 169. Barter, articles of, 85. Bartlett, Mr., 336. Baya de Miruelo, 56. Beads presented to Indian chief, 31, 66, 67 ; presented, 145, 146, 150, 194. 268 INDEX. Beam hollowed to secrete papers, 347. Beans, article of traffic, 38, 41, 85; Indians' food, 159; presented, 159, 161, 166 ; planted three times a year, 173. Bears, 36. Beaumont, R. Pe. Fray Pablo, x. Bejar, 304. Benavides, 177 ; notice of, 363. Benitez, visits Cahega de Vaca, 84. Bermuda, island of, storm at, 198. Bezote, derivation of, 78. Bibliotheque Imperiale, map in the, 56. Biedma, 34, 64, 79, 88 ; notice of, 363. Biscay, 148. Bison, 163 ; hide of the, x. Blackberries, 77 ; food of the Indians, 107. Blake, W. P., 170. Blankets, Indian, 107; of cowhide presented, 150, 159, 160. Blind Indians, 145, 148. Bones, powdered, food of the Yguazes, 103. Boomerang of the Australian, 154. Bottles made from the legs of horses, 48 ; useless, 53. Bows, articles of barter, 136 ; presented, 146. Brand-burning, Indians' application of, 179. Bravo del Norte, river, 89, 163, 163. Bream, 181. Broadcloth found, 28. Brussels, chart printed in, 56. Buenos Ayres, 346, 354 ; vessels dispatched to, 339. Buhio, its characteristics and signification, 33. Buhios described, 31. Bulletin of the American Ethnological Society, 360. Buoys, floating, indication that ships were lost, 16. Burgos, bishop of, 349. Caballeeia, definition of, 309. Caballero, Pernan, 139. Cabbage palm, 33. Cabe(;a de Vaca, Alvar Nunez, treasurer and high sherilf, 13, 64, 78, 95, 358 ; summoned before the Council of Indias, x ; appeared before Charles V, viii ; evidences of his diligence and good conduct, X ; arrival of, at Sevilla, x ; left Cuba, 13 ; went from Vera Cruz to Spain, 13 ; accompanies Captain Pantoja to Trini- dad, 14 ; remains at sea with the pilots, 14 ; persuaded with difficulty to go to the town, 15 ; INDEX. 269 Cabeija do Vaca, Alvar Nunez, terrible storm while at Trinidad, 16 ; sends the testimony of it to the king, 16 ; fleet placed in his charge, 17 ; passed winter at Xagua, 17 ; in storms at sea, 20 ; anchored on the coast of Florida, 20 ; his views on penetrating the interior, 35, 36 ; advises the governor to secure the ships, 37 ; refuses lieutenancy of the ships, 27, 28 ; petitions governor, 30 ; sent to look for the sea, 30, 41 ; ordered to enter Apa- lachen, 35 ; explores coast, 41 ; reports embarrassing nature of country, 43 ; embarks in open boat, 49 ; privations, 52 ; wounded, 54 ; noticed by Charlevoix, 56 ; discovers a cape, consulted by the governor, 60 ; deserted by the governor, 62 ; his excessive sufferings, 62, 63 ; ordere Lope de Oveido to re- connoitre, 65 ; launches boat, 67 ; misfortunes, 68 ; beseeches Indians for shelter, 69 ; meets companions, 73 ; necessitous condition, 73 ; long fastings, 81 ; great sickness came upon him, 84 ; obliged to remain on the island a year, 85 ; resolved to flee, 85 ; turns merchant, 85 ; his merchandise, 85 ; his object in business, 86 ; hardships experienced, 86 ; sets off in quest of Christians, 87 ; supposed knowledge of extent of northern explorations, 88 ; remains with the Quevenes, 88 ; finds com- panions, 90 ; for a long time considered dead, 91 ; in slavery, 93 ; sees Indians of light color, 97 ; letter written by, 107 ; probably dated new moon from the time he first saw it, 113 ; in hunger and ill used, 113; his description of the country, 113 ; cures afllicted, 117 ; lost, 118 ; wanders with brands and sticks to make fire at night, 118 ; finds Christians, 119 ; Indians' fondness for, 131 ; breathes upon and blesses an Indian, and performs a miraculous cure, 122 ; cures those sick of a stupor, 123 ; fame of his cures, 123, 133 ; went to the Malicones, 125 ; casts his skin like a serpent, 126 ; greatly tormented, 136 ; trades with the Arbadoes, 136 ; is set by the Indians to scrape skins, 137 ; sustained by the scraps of skins, 137 ; his meagre subsistence by trafficking, 127 ; strength after eating the dogs, 139, 130 ; Indians weep at his departure, 130 ; account of cus- toms of Indians, 131-134 ; account of Indians when at war, 135, 136 ; opinion on the senses of the Indians, 136 ; enume- rates nations and tongues, 137 ; witnesses a diabolical practice, 139; hospitably received, 140, 141, 143, 143; passed over a rapid river, 141 ; great inconvenience from so many followers, 144, 153 ; time consumed in the privilege of touching, 145 ; mountains seen, 145; great authority over the Indians, 146; travels with Indians, 149 ; performed successfully a surgical operation, 151; blesses provisions, 152; his agreement with the account of Father de Morfi, 154 ; 270 INDEX. Cabeija de Vaca, Alva Nunez, forded a very large river, 155 ; fashion of being received clianges, 156-160 ; begged by tbe Indians to tell the sky to rain, 160 ; aijpears to have struck the Bravo del Norte, 163; resolved to go in search of the maize, 166; handful of deer-suet his daily ration, 166 ; has abundance of food, 167; emerald arrow-heads presented to, 167; blesses children, 168; hears news of Christians, 173; sees traces of Christians, 175 ; sure signs of Christians, 183 ; overtakes Christ- ians, 183 ; are confounded at the sight of him, 183 ; is ordered to be taken to their chief, 184 ; Alcaraz's statement to, 184 ; obtains certificate of date and manner of his appearance, 184 ; unable to convince Indians that he belongs to Christians, 187 ; gives glowing account of the country, 187 ; afBrms it is the fault of the Christians if Indians do not build tovyns, 188; hospitably entertained by the chief alcalde, 190 ; detained at San Miguel, 196 ; entertained by Governor Nuiio de Guzman, 196; some time before he is reaccustomed to the habits of civilization, 196 ; arrived at Mexico, 196 ; distance traveled, 196 ; leaves Mexico vcith Dorantes, 197 ; sets sail from Vera Cruz, 197 ; his escape from being captured, 199 ; instructions given to, for his observance, as treasurer to the king of Spain in the army of Narvaez for the conquest of Florida, 318-223 ; missionary's allusion to, in the ill-starred expedition into Florida, 233, 325; petitions of, 231, 333 ; his life, 333-254 ; the eminence of his family, 333 ; traditionary origin of the name, 233, 234 ; his neglect to record the direction of his journeyings, 234 ; terrible severity of his sufferings, 334 ; his route traced by Mr. Smith, 235 ; his description of finding towns with habit- ations confirmed by Mr. Bartlett, 236 ; evidences of his pas- sage found by Spanish explorers, 386 ; his narrations fortified by Ternaux Compans, 336, 237 ; Ulrich Schmidel's records of incidents in the life of, 238 ; selected as governor, 338 ; ex- pended his entire fortune in the enterprise of conquest, 238 ; his compensation, 238 ; put to sea, but compelled to return to Cadiz, 238; arrived at St. Catharine's, 338 ; remains at St. Ca- therine's for more than seven months, 238 ; his explorations while at St. Catharine's, 238, 239 ; eloquent in eulogies of the in- habitants and their territories, 339 ; his sagacious manceuvres avert a catastrophe, 339, 240 ; arrives at Assomption, 340 ; finds colonial troops unfavorable to his pretensions, 240 ; Irala's en- mity to, 341 ; colonists require him to exhibit his authority, but refuses, 241, 343;' submits his brief of authority to priests, 242 ; reviews and musters his army, 243 ; orders expeditions to search the country for traces of the route to El Dorado, 342 ; INDEX. 271 Cabe^a de Vaca, Alvar Nunez, directs Irala to execute Achkcre, 342 ; makes war upon the Guaycurus, and liis arrest, Schmiders story of, 343, 344 ; coincides witli Schmidel in tlie cause of his abandonment of the campaign, 245; his unpopularity, what attributed to, 345 ; conspiracy formed to seize his person, 246 ; his property confiscated, 246 ; hurried to prison, 346 ; the rigid- ness of liis guard, 246 ; taken from his cell more dead than alive, 346 ; his thankfulness for being once more permitted to behold the sun, 246 ; Irala's rigor towards, 246 ; his friends aid him in secret, 346, 347 ; incident in his imprisonment, 347 ; delegates Captain Saluzar as his lieutenant in the government, 348 ; slightly wounded in a melee, 348 ; hurried on board the vessel to save his life, 348 ; chained to the deck, but released when vessel was supposed to be foundering, 348; strictly guarded, 248; attempts to poison him, 248; remorse in his jailors, 349 ; sea and winds were appeased when his chains were removed, 349 ; arrival at Madrid, 349 ; the machinations of his enemies prevailed, 349 ; awaited his trial in prison for more than six years, 349 ; only appeared before the council ex- cept to receive his sentence, 349 ; severity of his treatment in prison, 350 ; councillors of the Indies deliver their judgment eight years after his seizure, 250 ; his sentence, 350 ; the ob- scurity of his subsequent fate, 350 ; probably pardoned, 350 ; transcript of his judgment, 350, 351 ; Charlevoix on his acquit- tal, etc., 351 ; the attention his Relation excited as to his mi- raculous cures and divine interpositions, 252, 353 ; abridged translation of his works, 253 ; various opinions of historians and writers regarding the character of, 354. Cabe9a de Vaca, Dona Teresa, 205. Cabrera, Alonzo, 344 ; death of, 249. Cabo de Santa Cruz, port, 14. Cabot, Juan, land discovered by, 57. Cabot, Sebastian, 57 ; mappemonde by, 56. Cacama, 42, 43. Cacine, 139. Cacique, refuses to entrust his person with Soto, 34. Cactus, 178. Cadiz, expedition returns to, by contrary winds, 338. Cahoques, Indians, 137. Calabashes, presented, 159. Cale river, 34. California, gulf of, 336 ; Spanisli settlements on the, Cabe^a de Vaca arrived at, 13. Cambridge Law School, 250. 272 INDEX. Camoles, Indians, 137. Camones, Indians, 113. Campo, page to Ant6n Perez, 97. Canadian river, 335. Canaries, 305. Canarreo, shoals, 19. Cancer, notice of, 363. Cancer, tropic of, 18. Cane, joints of, in Indian's ears, 66 ; mats, houses of, 167. Canoes, broken up for fuel,' 54. Canvas found, 38. Caoques, 139. Capricorn, tropic of, country of the Susacusis under the, 343. Captain general, Narvaez petitions for the position of, 308 ; salary of, 310. Cape Sant Anton, 30. Capogues, 83. Caravallo, alcalde, appointed lieutenant of the ships, 38 ; Lieut., 303. Carlos (Guaranos) Indians, 343. Carob, mezquiquez like unto the, 140. Carolano, new voyage to, 148. Carpenter, only one in the company, 47. Cartier's voyage, papers relating to, 360. Cases containing dead bodies, 34, 303. Castile, king of, 334. Castilla, 97, 303, 303, 308, 310. Castillo, Captain, 41,336 ; went inland to the Yguazes,103 ; died, 118. CastUlo, Doctor, 304. Castro-Ferrel, 334. Catholic faith, conversion of natives to, responsibility rests on the royal conscience for, 308. Cattle, 106, 107; killed and slaughtered, 160. Cavallerias of land, two, Narvaez petitions for, to be given to the first conquerors, 309. Cavalleros, x. Cedars, 36. Cedar stream, 178 ; see Arroyo de Cedros. Cemola, Indians' food, 169. Ceris, Indians, 178 ; their gi-eat savagery, 179. Chacan, Indians' food, 160 ; its pungency, 161. Chalchi, indefinable, 171. Chalchinite, 170 ; see turquoises. Chalchiuhiximatqui, signification of, 170. Chalchiuitl, definition of, 170. INDEX. 273 Charles V, king of Spsiin, of tlie Sicilies, etc., 11, 79, 98, 99, 211 ; Cabe^a de Vaca's appearance before, x. Cliarlevoix, 139, 249, 251, 254 ; statement by, 55. Charts, ancient, 56. Chastisement of Indian infants, rat teeth used for, 158. Cliata, Indians, 171. Chavavares, Indians, 137. Chaves, Indians, 17 ; visits Cabe^a de Vaca, 84. Chiapa, bishop of, his account of Pilnpliilo de Narvilez, 99. Chianietla, town of, 177. Chicamastl, his oratory, 177. Chicasas, Indians' custom of mourning for tlaeir dead, 78, 79. Chichimecas, Indians, 206. Chief of the Heavens, Indian deity, 168. ChUdi-en, Indian, nursed till twelve years old, reason of, 131. Chorucco, Indians, 137. Chi'istians, hospitable reception of, recorded by a missionary, 223. Churches, Indians commanded to build, 193, 194. Chuse, bay of, 64. Cibola, city, 165, 235, 237; invasion of, 178. Cinaloa, 78, 178, 231, 230 ; historian of, 179. Cinaloa, Indians, 181. Civet iQarten, robe of, secured, 54 ; fragrance of, 54. Civola, 177. Climate, condition of the, 176. Clothing, Indians' scanty, 180. Clubs, Indian, 59 ; astonishing precision of, 152. Coa, signification of, 229. Coayos, Indians, 121. Cohuanatco, 42, 43. Colican, 182. CoUeccion de Varios Documentos Para la Historia de la Florida y Tierras adyacentes, 259. Colorado, river, 178. Comanches, symbols of the, 171. Combs, article of barter, 126. Comite d'Archeologie Americaine of Prance, 56. Commentaries, vii. Commissions laid before the governor, 21. Comos, Indians, 137. Compans, Temaux, 236, 252 ; his edition of the Relation in French, viii. Comparison of authorities, 20. Compostela, 196. 85 274 INDEX. Comptroller, 113. Concessions made to Narvaez by the Council of Indias, 310. Conches used for cutting, 86 ; article of traffic, 85. Conchos, Indians, 163, 169. Conchos, river, 163, 165. Cones, article of traffic, 85. Constabulary of lands, Narvaez petitions for, 308. Contratacion in Sevilla, 88. Cooliing, Indian mode of, 161, 163. Copper, hawkbells of, 153 ; traces of, seen, 176. Corals presented, 167. Corazones, 181 ; town of, 177 ; temperature of, 178 ; valley of, 178. Cordero, Lieut. Col. Antonio, 163 ; report of, 169. Cordillera of the Andes, 43, 169. Coronado, Spanish explorer, 153, 163, 336 ; march of, 178. Corral, dead body of, eaten, 74. Corrientes, cape, storm at, 30. Cortambert, M. Richard, 56. Cortes, Hernando, 97, 181 ; his conquest of Mexico, 99 ; unscrupu- lousness of, 43 ; warned of an element of his ruin, 99, 100. Cotton-shawls presented, 163, 166. Council of Indias, 307, 308 ; Cabe^a de Vaca summoned before, viii. Council, order of, 333. Cow nation, Indians, 163 ; description of, 160. Crabs, 93, 95. Cross, sign of the, cure for Indians' diseases, 117. Cramps cured, 130. Cronica de Mechoacan, x. Cricket, music of a, prevents a ship from striking on the rocks, 353, 353. Cross, adoration of the, 336. Crosses, symbols of peace, 193. 9uaque, Indians, 181. Cuba, island of, 18, 71, 73, 79, 97, 98, 99, 304, 313. Cuba, Cabe9a de Vaca left, 13. Cuchendados, 137. Cuellar, 33. Cuenca, bishop of, 349. Cuenca de Huete, 303. Cuervo, island, 198. Culican, 337. Culia9an, town, 188. Culiacan, province of, 178, 386. Cuitlahuac, 43. INDEX. 275 Cultacliulclies, Indians, 137. Cumanclie, Indians, 103. Cumberland island, Ga., 355. Cures, miraculous, animadversions on, and advocacy of, 353. Custom, Indian, not naming the dead, 71 ; killing cliildi-en to serve deceased chief, 71 ; wailing for dead, 70 ; disposing of their dead, 70 ; abstaining from food, 77 ; nether lip opened to dis- tinguish a brave, 78 ; of mourning among the Ohicasas, 78 ; of marriage among the Chatas, 79 ; weeping before speaking, 83 ; life taken on account of dreams, 103 ; daughters killed at birtli, 103, 109 ; of taking meat, 137 ; of salutation, 180 ; in pregnancy, etc., 131 ; nursing childi'en till twelve years old, reason of, 131 ; leaving wives when there is no conformity, 131 ; forsaking sick in the desert, 131 ; in domestic disputes, 133 ; in night attacks, 133 ; in war generally, 134, 135 ; of tea drinking, 138 ; when women are indisposed, 189 ; in battle, mode of retiring, 130 ; of divesting Indian patient, 143 ; plundering, 144, 145, 147, 148 ; of bestowing any thing, not to take it back, 150 ; faces turned to the wall at a reception, 100 ; singing and weeping at morn and eve, 171 ; sing when going into battle 171. Cutalches, Indians, 137, Cutalchiches, Indians, 139. Cuthalchuches, Indians, 131 ; their generosity, 133. Davis, W. W. H., 137. Deer, hearts of, presented, 173. Deaguanes, Indians, 88. De Alcaraz, Diego, alcalde, 178, 184, 185. De Alvaniz, Hieronymo, 84, 87. De Anasco, Juan, the patent to, 300 ; Bahia de los Caballos, visited by, 55 ; searches for letters of adventurers, 56. De Bry's Voyages and Discoveries, 78, 189. De (Jebreros, Captain Lazaro, 184. De Cueto, Diego, alderman, 18. Dedication to Charles V. emperor of Germany, king of Spain, as Carlos I ; see Proem. Deer, 30 ; dung of the, food of the Yguazes, 103 ; overtaken in the chase by Indians, 104 ; mode of encircling them with fire, 106 ; quantity killed, 109 ; mode of killing, 110 ; kinds of, 173. Deer-suet, handful of, a daily ration, 160. De Espejo, Antonio, 163 ; his report extant, 163. DeEsquivel, Hernardo, of Badajoz, 93; lives on human flesh, 94, 96 ; accompanies Indian, 94. 276 INDEX. De Figueroa, Vasco Porcallo, lieutenant-general to Soto, 18 ; see Porcallo, Vasco, and Figueroa. De Gayangos, Don Pascual, the orientalist, 56, 259. De Guij6n, Juan, alderman, 18. De Guzman, Novemor Nuno, 189, 194, 196 ; Noticias Historicas, 100. De Guzman, Padi-e Diego, 176, 330. De Herrera, Alonzo, alderman, 18. De Huelva, Diego, killed for diversion, 87 ; visits Cabeija de Vaca 84 ; killed in slavery, 103, 108. De Irala, Martin Dominick, 341, 343, 243, 246, proclaimed governor, 244. De la Cerda, Alvara, in charge of vessel, 19 ; his ship to be sought for, 23. De Las Casas, Bartholomew, 245, 249 ; see Las Casas. Del Castillo, Alonzo, native of Salamanca, 30, 81, 84, 87, 90, 91, 93 95, 112, 118, 116, 125, 158, 159, 173, 184, 185, 304, 205 ; embarks in open boat, 49 ; boat capsized, 73 ; visits Cabe^a de Vaca, 84; cures Indians with the sign of the cross, 117, 130, his fame spreads, 117 ; a timid practitioner, 121 ; see Castillo. De Leon, Francisco, visits Cabe(;a de Vaca, 84. De los Cobas, Frco, 317. De los Covos, Francisco, 323. De Lumbreras, Miguel, alderman, 18. Del Valle, Marquis, 196. De Mayorga, Juan, alderman, 18. De Mendoca, Don Antonio, 236. De Molina, dictionary of the Mexican language, by, 239. De Morti, Father Juan Augustin, his Memoria for the history of Texas, 154. De Naro, Don Diego Lopez, 334. De Narvaez, Governor Panphilo, 64, 113, 311, 315, 330, 234, 236, 258 ; attempt to'trace the route of the army of, v ; in command of expedition, 13 ; his instructions, 13 ; procured supplies, 14 ; sets out for Trinidad, 14 ; waits at Cabo de Santa Cruz, 41 ; ar- rives at Trinidad, 17 ; stays through the winter there, 17 ; gives the fleet into Cabef;a de Vaca's charge, 17 ; arrived at the port of Xagua, 19 ; arrived at Guaniguanico, 19 ; anchored on the coast of Florida, 20 ; debarked with his people, 21 ; raised ensigns for the emperor, 21 ; acknowledged commissions, 31 ; lands horses and men, 33 ; resolves to explore the land, 33 ; his company, 23 ; consults with his officers, 35 ; warned not to quit the ships before securing them, 25 ; asks notary for a certi- ficate, 27 ; begs Cabe^a de Vaca to take lieutenantcy of the ships, 27, 38 ; victuals his men for their march, 29 ; INDEX. 277 De Narvilez, sends Cabe(ja de Vaca to look for the sea, 30 ; sends Valenijuela to seek an harbor, 81 ; presented with a painted deersliin, 31 ; procures Indians as guides, 33 ; orders Cat)e(,'a de Yaca to enter the town of Apalaclien, IJo ; detains a cacique, 37 ; begs Cabei,'a de Vaca to look for the sea, 41 ; afflicted with a malady, 41 ; plot for abandoning, 45 ; seeks advice, 46 ; cm- barks in open boat, 49 ; Indians offer hospitalities to, 58 ; pre- sents cacique with trinkets, 58 ; struck with a stone and wounded, 54 ; noticed by Charlevoix, 55, 56 ; Indians demand hostages of, 58; his selfishness, 62; noticed by Biedma, 64; Lope Hurtado on the search after, 79 ; Figueroa's account of his fate, 93, 94 ; covered with spots, 97 ; portrayed by Bernal Diaz, 97 ; government of Florida conferred on, 97 ; expended and lost all his treasure, 97 ; place of nativity, 97 ; his mar- riage, 97 ; had an eye put out, 97 ; his gentle breeding, 97 ; the character of his wife, 98 ; entreats for justice and single combat with Cortes, 98 ; date of his disappearance, 98 ; account of, by the bishop of Chiapa, 99 ; cautioned not to go inland, 302 ; greater part of his property lost, 207 ; imprisoned and detained five years, 207 ; entreats the king to requite him in New Spain, 207 ; his intention to traflic with the natives and plant the Christian faith, 207 ; reminds the king of his responsibility for the conversion of the natives, 208 ; the extent of country he wishes to be given him, 208 ; privileges, etc., he wished the king to bestow, 208, 209, 210 ; his autograph, 210 ; memoran- dum of orders made in Council of Indias on the back of en- closure of petition, 210, 211 ; petitions of, to the king of Spain with notes of concessions made to him by the Council of In- dias for the conquest of Florida, 207-211 ; memorials of the expedition of, 260 ; relation o'f what befel the persons that attended him, 260. De Nica, Marcos, friar of the order of St. Francis, 177. De Oiiate, Juan, 163. De Oveido, Lope, 84, 86, 90 ; with the Indians, 65. De Rios, the editor of Oviedo, 259. De Palos, Juan, lay brother, 99, 100 ; accompanies expedition, 29. De Paz, Augustin, printer of books, 205. De Salazar, Juan Velazquez, first commission for mayor in Florida, 18. De Silveira, Diego, 199. De Solis, Alonzo, distributor, and assessor, 18, 66 ; accompanies the governor to explore the land, 38 ; consulted by the governor, 25 ; assails the town of Apalachen, 35 ; embarks in open boat, 49; drowned, 68. 278 INDEX. De Soto, Hernando, 55, 64 ; expedition of, 34, 43, 06 ; his letter from Florida, 358 ; the will of, 260 ; misunderstanding with De Fig- ueroa, 18 ; narratives of the career of, 363 ; relation of the march of, 43. De Tapia, Padre Gonzalo, struck down by a sorcerer, 154. De Tejada, Don Lerdo, 357. De Urdaide, Diego Martinez, 334. De Valencia, prelate, 99. De Valenzuela, Maria, 97 ; compared to Penelope, 98. De Varnhagen, F. A., 58. De Venegas, Garcia, 348 ; death of, 349. De Vera, Francisco, 305. De Vera, Pedro, conqueror of the Canaries, 305. Devoropa, missionary station, 154. Diabolical practice, 139. Diaz, Bemal, his portraiture of Panfilo de Narvaez, 97. Diaz, Melchior, alcalde, 188, 191. Disease and hunger, number of men died of, 50. Doctrina Christiana y Confesionario, in the Pima language, 361. Documents, accompanying President's message, 127 ; proper mode of printing, 259. Dodge, Hon. Augustus C, minister to Spain, 359. Dog, fatal bite by a, 339. Dogs bought for food, 125. Doguenes, Indians, 137, 189. Don Carlos, emperor, 57, 215. Don Pedro, a lord of Tescuco, killed, 38. ■Don Philippe, infanta of Spain, 236. Don Theodoro, Greek, 48 ; killed, 64. Dorantes, Andres, 33, 41, 81, 84, 87, 90, 92, 95, 107, 109, 112, 118, 115, 131, 133, 125, 150, 184, 185, 197, 304, 236 ; alderman, 18 ; embarks in open boat, 49 ; in ambuscade, 54 ; his boat cap- sized, 72 ; visits Cabei;a de Vaca, 84 ; escaped from slavery, 103, 103 ; shown articles of Esquivel, 102 ; presented vsdth open hearts of deer, 173 ; sailed for Spain, 206 ; put back, 306 ; invited by Mendopa to the capital, 306 ; joyfully receives ap- pointment to retrace on discoveries in company with some religious fathers, 206. Dorantes, Diego, 95 ; visits Cabe9a de Vaca, 84 ; killed for diversion, 87; killed in slavery, 102, 108. Dorantes, Pablo, 204. Dorantes, Pedro, 331. Dreams, Indians' superstition of, 180 ; life taken by the Indians in obedience to, 103. INDEX. 279 Drunkards, Indians, 104 Dry scratching, punisliment for Indian boys, 165. Ducks, 3G. Duero, 97. Dulclianchellin, Indian chief, 32. Dumont, 139. Duran, Padre, his account of a ball in Mexico, 78. Duty, free, on horses, arms, etc., NarvAez petitions for, 309. Duyckinck's Cyclopedia of American Literature, 362. Dwarf fan-palm, 33. Dwellings, Indian, several stories in height, 236. Dyeing hair of deer for tassels, 85. Eagles, 58. Earth, food of the Yguazes, 103; a constituent in food, 140 ; houses of, 167. El Dorado, expedition ordered to search for, 343. Electioneering among slaves, prediction, 261. Elia, 6 la Espafia Trienta Afios ha, 139. Emasculated Indians, 139. Emeralda basta, 170. Emerald arrow heads presented, 167 ; lost, 186. Emeralds, x. Encomienda, Indians to be excluded from the tribute of, 338. English version of the Relation in, the only, viii. Enrriquez, Alonzo, comptroller, 13, 44, 89, 95, 109 ; landed on an is- land in Florida, 31 ; barters with Indians, 31 ; consulted by the governor, 35 ; petitions governor, 30 ; embarks in open boat, 49 ; his boat found, 92 ; Figueroa's account of his end, 93 ; his coinmission recalled, 93. Ensayo Cro, 20. Espanola, 30, 66, 313, 213, 319 ; storm at, 18 ; wretchedness in, 18. Espanola, audiencia of, 205 ; letter to, ix. Espiritu Sancto bay, 57, 87, 89, 234; identical with Mobile bay, 335. Espiritu, Sancto river, 96. Espiritu Santo Bay, work by Buckingham Smith, 358. Esquivel, 89, 93, 113 ; slain by the Mariames, in consequence of a dream, 87, 102, 107; relation received from, 101. Estevanico, a black, 91, 113, 131, 122, 158, 159, 205, 336 ; visits Ca- be9a de Vaca, 84 ; went inland to the Yguazes, 103 ; parted with to the Viceroy, 306 ; killed, 337. Estrada, visits Cabe^a de Vaca, 84. Estuary entered, 55. Eudeve language, 178 ; dialect of the Pima, 88 ; vocabulary of, 360. 280 INDEX. Europeans, slow introcluction of American fruits and vegetables among, 165. Exchequer, provisions for the security of the, 312, 313, 314, 315, 330, 331, 333. Falcons, 37, 58. Factor of Florida, no appointment to the office of, seems ever to have been made, 311 ; instructions to the, 360. Farinaceous food, abundance of, 339. Feathers, bunches of, found, 34 ; presented, 191, 194. Feather work presented, 163. Feet cut with oysters, in wading, 30. Females marry, etc., again, when their husbands went inland, 303 ; Indian, destroyed at birth, 180. Fernandez, Alvaro, Portuguese carpenter, 73. Fernandez, Bartolome, consulted by the governor, 35. Fernandez, Pero, vii. Fernandina, island of, 308, 313. Fessenden, Judge, 356. Fessenden, William Pitt, of Maine, vi, 356. Festival, Indian, hearts of brutes prepared for, 177. Pidalgo of Elvas, 34. Figueroa, 73, 93, 94, 95, 96, 107, 116 ; received relation from Esquivel, 101 ; eseaped, 101 ; heard from, 134. Fires, Indian, 179. First-land-seen, 57. Fish, Indian mode of taking, 181 ; in great plenty, 304. Florencia, notice of, 363. Florida, 43, 100, 139, 181, 303, 307, 308, 335, 336, 355, 361 ; Cabe9a de Vaca summoned before the Council of Indias to declare, x ; Cabeca de Vaca landed in, 13 ; cape of, boundary of conquest, 13 ; first mayor and aldermen for, 18 ; coast of, expedition ar- rived on the, 30 ; coast of, explorations on the, 33 ; cape of, 30, 71, 83, 310, 315 ; description of Indians in, 39 ; peninsula of, 58 ; government of conferred on Panphilo de JSTarvaez, 97 ; cat- tle in, 107 ; Romans's history of, 139 ; instructions to the factor of, 311 ; incubus on the prosperity of, 357 ; documents relating to the history of, 357 ; history of, Buckingham Smith's earnest- ness in collecting materials for the, 359 ; mild climate of, 363. Flints, valuable, presented, 131. Fly-catchers, 37. Font, unijublished journals of, 358. Fontaneda, Hernando de Escalante, 83 ; memoir of, 358. Force, Peter, library of, v. INDEX. 281 Forests, vast, 33. Fortifications, custody of lands for, Narvaez petitions for, 309. Fortresses to be made at Narvftez's cost, 210. Fragrance of tke civet-marten skin, 54. Franciscan monks, 154, 236. Franco, Bartholome Hernandez, alderman, 18. French, single edition of the Relation in, viii. Friars accompany expedition, 13. Fruit, abundance of, 389. Fuel, thiity canoes broken up for, 54 Funes, 354. Galena, pulverized, presented, 150. Galisteo, valley of the, 170. Galvano, Antonie, 73. Garay, 30, 88. Garces, unpublished journals of, 358. Garcia, Bartholome, friar, 153. Garcilasso de la Vega, 18, 34, 55. Gardner, Elizabeth M., 357. Gardner, Julia G., 357. Gardner, Reuben G., 357. Garfish teeth, scratching with, punishment for Indian boys, 164 165. Geese, 36. Gelves, 36. Genealogia de la noble y antiqua de Cabe^a de Vaca, 333. General Historia de las Yndias, por Don Frai Bartolome de las Casas, 99. Geograf ea de las Lenguas y Carta Etnografia de Mexico, 163. Georgia, state of, 66. Gerfalcons, 37. Germany, 308. Giants, natives likened to, 39. Gibbs, George, 356. Gibraleon, 304. Glass broken, scratching with, punishment for Indian boys, 164. Gliph of Don Pedro Tetlahuehuetzquititzin, 44. Gold, traces of, 24, 176 ; tinklets of, found, 31 ; appearance of, 153 ; from barter and from mines, the tenth, Narv4ez petitions for, 209. Gomara, Monarchia Indiana, 100. Gomez, Estevan, voyage of, 361. Goodman, Edward, 356. 36 282 INDEX. Gourds, bored, sacred instruments of the Indians, 142 ; presented, 149, 191. Governor and chief justice for life, Narv&ez petitions for, 308 ; salary of, 210. Grand del Norte, river, 89. Grass, houses of, 163 ; seed of, Indians' food, 169, 179. Guadalquiver, river, 143, 163. Guadalupe, delta of the, 89. Guaniguanico, storm at, 19. Guanin, definition of, 319. Guaranis, Indians, 339, 344. Guasaves, 330. Guaycones, Indians, 137. Guaycarus, warlike Indians, 343, 345. Guatimo, emperor, 43. Guaymas, 178. Gulf of Mexico, 30. Gum, sweet, 43. Gutierrez, visits Cabei;a de Vaca, 84. Guzman, 181. Hadaibs, Indians, 137. Hakluyt's Voyages and Discoveries, 138, 164. Han, Indians, 83, 137. Hand, pictures of the, Indian symbols, 171. Hare-hunting, 153. Hares, 36. Harlot, M. Tho., 163. Harrisse, Mr., 351. Harvest, Indian festivals at, 177. Havana, Cuba, 30, 33, 304 ; vessel left on the shore of, 19 , harbor of, 198. Haven of Bahia de Caballos, 51. Hawk-bell of copper, presented, 1 50. Hawkbells given to Indians, 66, 67 ; given to Indian chief, 31. Hawkins, 83. Hearts, town of, description of, by Benavides, 177. Hernandez, Cabeija de Vaca's secretary, 346, 250. Herrarn, 34, 73, 181, 346, 251, 254; quotation, 18. Heve, language, 178 ; dialect of the Pima, 188 ; Indians of Sonera, grammar of the language of, 360 ; see Eudeve. Hiaquis, Indians, 330. Histoire de la Floride la Port d'Aute, 55. Historia Apologetica de las Yndias Occidentales, 177. Historia General y Natural de las Indias, 33. INDEX. 283 Histoiia de la CompaHii, do Jesus en Nueva Espana, 178. Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espana y Islas de Tierre Finne, 78, 300 ; relation given in the, ix. Historia de los Chicliimecas, 43. Historia Verdadera dc la Conquista de Nueva Espana, 97. Historiadores Primitives de las Indias Occidentalcs of Barcia, viii, 353. Historical Collection of Ramusio, viii. Historical Magazine, 300. Historical Society of New York, 154. History, Language, and Arcliajology, of the Pimos of the River Gila, New Mexico, 358. History of Paraguay, 351. Horcasitas, captain general of Cuba, 71. Hornachos, a Moorish woman of, 303. Horses, bottles made from the legs of, 48 ; all consumed, 49 ; number of, killed for subsistence, 50. House of Contratacion of the Indias, 313, 318. Houses, Indian, how constructed, 104. Huehotzinco, 44. Huehue, old man, 44. HuexotzLnco, convent of, 100. Huitztiliputzli, 44. Hurricane at Trinidad, account of, 16 ; visited the Antillas, 18. Hurtado, Lope, 79 ; killed, 181. Ibtjbkas, invasion of, 43. Idolatry called in question, 34, 38. Ilex vomitiva, 139. Imj)rint, first of the Relation, vi. Indians, small pox among the, 18 ; first appearance of, 31 ; captured, 34 ; their evidence of a vessel lost, 38 ; insult expedition, 39 ; seen wearing many plumes, 31 ; hostility of, 33 ; serve as guides, 33 ; clothing of, 35 ; attack from behind trees, 38 ; con- test the passage of a lake, 39 ; their archery, 89 ; personal ap- pearance, 39 ; fell upon the rear guard, 40 ; assault by, 41 ; con- tentions with, 48; attack expedition, 48, 53, 54; powerful archery of, 48 ; abandon canoes, 51 ; fishermen, 53 ; well formed, 53 ; demand hostages, 59 ; huts of the, tenantless, 65 ; pledge of friendship, 66 ; bring food, 67 ; are besought for shelter, 69 ; hospitality of, 70 ; their duty to mourn with friends in bereavement, 70 ; custom of not naming the dead, 70 ; destitution among, 74 ; great commotion among, for Christ- ians eating their dead, 74 ; visited by a disease of the bowels, 74 ; their nipples and lips bored, 75 ; 2S4 INDEX. Indians, their women accustomed to excessive liard labor, 75, 79 ; precarious mode of subsistence, 75 ; their love of offspring, 75; matrimony among, 76; customs, 75, 76, 77; nether lip opened, the sign of a brave, 78; live on oysters three months of the year, 79 ; their idea of increasing their wives' line and not their own, 79 ; their physicians, 80 ; their use of cauteries, 81 ; kind treatment by the, 81 ; go naked, 83 ; theii' mode of healing early observed, 82 ; generosity of the, 83 ; in- capable of exertion in the winter, 86 ; cruelty of, 87 ; locality of walnut eating, 88 ; subsist on walnuts one-sixth of the year, 90 ; blind, 93; Christians slaves to, 101 ; abused Christians, 101 ; their habit of running, 104 ; cured by having made over them the sign of the cross, 117 ; ignorant of time, 134 ; bestow all their time in obtaining food, 136; food scarce among, 139; custom of leaving sick to perish, 131 ; mode of settling quarrels, 133 ; their strategy against their enemies, 133, 138 ; women sometimes the cause of war, 133 ; gross barbarity of, 134 ; vigi- lance of, in war, 135, 136 ; method of fighting, 135 ; their effectual manoeuvering, 135 ; advice to those who would fight them, 136 ; keener senses than any other in the world, 136 ; produce stupefaction with smoke, 138, 139 ; their tea, 138, 139 ; emasculated and impotent, 189 ; bored gourds sacred in- struments of the, 143 ; clouded of an eye, and blind, 145 ; great liars, 148 ; their astonishing precision with clubs, 153 ; their great fear, 155, 157 ; sicken from privation and labor, 156, 157 ; great sympathy of relations when suffering, and no feeling dis- played when dead, 157; their mode of cooking, 161 ; fear and superstition of, instance of by Harlot, 163; their arcanum against all diseases, 165 ; their punishment to boys, 165 ; rapid introduction of vegetables among, 165 ; instruction to, 169 ; originally worshipers of the sun, 171 ; flee to the mountains from the Christians, 174, 175; to become Christianized must be won by kindness, 175; carried away by Christians in chains, 175 ; regard silver and gold with indifference, 177 ; fes- tivals with hearts of brutes, 179 ; Ceri, tribe of, in a state of great savagery, 179 ; their protection against the weather, 179 ; Cabe9a de Vaca's remarks on, 179, 180 ; Christianized, 195. Indians to be made slaves, NarvAez petitions for, 309. Indias, Council of, Cabe9a de Vaca summoned before, x. Indisposition, custom in Indian woman's, 189. Infants, Indian, rat teeth used for chastising, 158. Instruction, given to Cabe^a de Vaca for his observance as treasurer to the king of Spain in the army of Narvlez for the conquest of Florida, 318-338; to the factor of Florida, 311-315. INDEX. 285 Iron found, 38 ; manufactured, 47 ; scoria of, 150 ; traces of, seen, 176 ; nails of, Indian ornaments, 181. Italian, translation of tlie Relation published in, viii. Itenerario del Nuevo Mundo por Mendoca, 102. Ito, termination, generally misspelled etto, 33. lumanos, Indians, 103; description of, 162. Ixtlilxochitl, 43, 44. Jamaica, island of, 213. Jai'amillo, Captain, 163, 181. Jerusalem artichoke, 178. Jesuit mission of Sonora, 82. Jesuits, 71. Joana, Dona, queen, mother of Spain, 18. Jomard, ancient charts published by, 56. Jornada, length of a, 18. Joust of reeds, with bulls, 196. Juego de herradura, 64. Juego de la ban-a, 64. Kalo, Jesuits, visit to the, 71. Kelly's Universal Cambist, 49. Keith, Prof., U. S. N., tabular statement of old and nevr styles, 114. Keys, three different, to be used to obviate fraud, 214, 223. Kin, Indian, 180. Kingsborough, 44. Ladder, dwellings ascended by, 336. Lakes in the country of Apalachen, 36; troublesome of fording, 36. Land, twenty leagues square of, Narvaez petitions for, 209. Landoniere, 83. Lanegados, Indians, 112. Language of signs, 168, 171. Languages, Indian, differences in, 168. Larramendi, 188. Las Casas, Friar Bartolome de, 177 ; his General Historia de las Tndias, 99. Laudonniere Rene, his second voyage, 127. Laurel trees, 36. Lawson, John, surveyor general of North Carolina, 148. Lead, traces of, seen, 176. League distance of a, in the narrative, 18. Le Moyne, 83, 139. Le premier voyage de Amerigo Vespucci, 58. 286 INDEX. Letter, from a missionary to tlie Provincial of New Spain, respecting the arrival of Indians in Cinaloa from tlie Pimeria Baja in quest of friends, who, eiglity years before had followed Alvar Nunez and his comrades, 233-231 ; of the survivors under Narv&ez, ix. Liars, Indians, 104. Library of Peter Force, v. Libro de la Florida de Oapitulaciones, Asientos, 218. Linnets, 58. Linen cloth discovered, 24 Lions, [Cougar], 36 ; skin used, 59. Lip bored, Indian fashion, 75. Lipstones, fashion of the, 78. Liquid amber trees, 36. Lisbon, port of, 200. Lizards, Indians' food, 79 ; food of the Yguazes, 103. Locusts, Indians' food, 179. Lonja, manuscript in the, x. Lopez, Diego, dead body of, eaten, 74. Lopez, Geronimo, aldei-man, 18. Los Cerillos, turquoises obtained among, 170. Louisiane, memoires Historiques sur la, 139. Macana, club, 154. Madrid, 249, 359 ; Academy of History at, 18. Magdalena, river of the, 41. Magnetism, animal, Indian jugglers' knowledge of, 82. Magrimi, desert of, 163. Maine, 356,357. Maize, brought from Aute, 47 ; fields in the country of Apalachen, 36, 37 ; flour of, 347 ; found, 34, 29, 35 ; not planted for want of rain, 160 ; planted three times a year, 172. Maldonado, Castillo, 236. Maldonado, Dona Aldon9a, 304. Malicones, Indians, 131, 135, 137. Malhado, island of, 73, 75, 92, 104, 113, 116, 131, 137, 180; discovery of, 89. Mallards, 36. Manual para administrar los Santos Sacramentos, 154. Mappemonde by Sebastian Cabot, 56. Maps and notes, attempt to trace the route of the army of Narvaez with, V. Mares to be taken from the Islands, Narvaez petitions for, 209. Mariame, Indians, 101, 103, 116, 137, 179, 180, 335. INDEX. 287 Marians, Indians, 9S. Mariarves, Indians, 93. Maniage state, among Yguazes, 103; its duration, 103. Marten-skins, cloals of, given for passage, 84. Marquesite, presented, 150. Marquez, Pedro Menendez, a letter of, 260. Matachin dances of the ancient Mexicans, 44. Matagorda, bay of, 89, 335. Mats, articles of barter, 126 ; tribute paid in, 193. Maury, M. F., letter from, 113, 114. Mavila, town of, 64. Mayor for the flret town in Florida, 18. Meat, raw, better for digestion than roasted, 137. Medina del Campo, 205. Megre, Father, 178. Melon, early introduction of, among the Indians, 165. Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda, 258. Menaces from the natives, 23. Men, old, held by the Yguazes in little esteem, 104. Mendez, 73, 93 -, killed in consequence of a dream, 87. Mendica, Indians, 137. Mendocja, his project, 206 ; letter of, to the kiug, 306 ; his Itenerario del Nuevo Mundo, 162 ; requires of the survivors, a map of the territories over which they traveled, ix. Merlins, 37. Mexicans, Matachin dances of the ancient, 44. Mexico, ix, 100, 196, 197, 305, 324, 233,231, 336, 355, 356 ; coast of, 165 ; description of a ball in, 78 ; gulf of, 30, 88 ; retreat from, 43 ; Mr. Smith appointed secretary of legation to, 357. Mezquiquez, wholesome food when eaten with earth, 140 ; method of preparing, 140 ; see Mezquite. Mezquite, its classification, 143. Mimosae, 143. Miracles, 353, 253. Miruelo, bay, 58. Miruelo, Diego, 20. Miruelo, pilot, his knowledge of the position of the river Palmas, 19 ; puts, vessels among the shoals, 19 ; his ignorance of lo- cality, 23. Mississippi, river, 64, 143. Mitote, mystic singing and dancing, 79. MobUe bay and Pearl river, territory between, probably the scene of Cabe?a de Vaca's six years' captivity, 235 ; identical with the Bay Espiritu Sancto, 335. 288 INDEX. Moctezuma, 43, 43, 193. Moles, seed eaters, 160. Monarchia Indiana 3a P. Gomara, 100. Monge, unpublished journals of, 358. Moors, Christian army advances against the, 234. Moquis, territory of the exploring expedition to the, 235. Mortars, for cracking maize, 35. Morton, Jackson, senator from Florida, vi. Mosquitos, plentiful supply of, 77 ; mode of protection against, 105, 106 ; their tormenting qualities, 106. Motonia, Padre, 306. Mountains, none seen, nor information of any whatsoever, 49 ; seen, 145. Mulatos, stream, 178. Mulberries, 93. Mullet, 181 ; dried, found, 51. Munoz's Collection, 18. Murphy, Hon. Henry C, of Brooklyn, iv, 363. Muscle shoals, 335. Musetti, Juan Pedro, book merchant of Medina del Campo, 205. Muskokes, Indians, 164. Nacabbba, 154. Nagadoch, Indians, 43, 114. Nachitoches, river, 137. Nagera, Castenada, Relations of, 336. NarvSez and Florida, 360. Navajos, Indians, 170. Navarra, yeomen of, exercise of juego de la barra among, 64. Navarre, king of, 234. Navarrete Viages Menores, 30. Navas, battle of, 233. Navigation, want of knowledge of, 49. Needle, scratching with, punishment for Indian child, 165. Negroes, aged and infirm, Buckingham Smith's humanity to, 361. Nets, articles of barter, 136. Netzahualcoyotl, 43. Netzaxualpilli, 43, 43. Nevomes, Indians, 178, 380 ; evidence of their early attachment to the Spaniards, 334 ; their settlements, 334 ; information of, the earliest and most accurate, 333 ; character of, 333,334; their modesty and honesty, 324 ; ask holy baptism and residence among Christians, 324, 335. New England Historic-Genealogical Society, 259. INDEX. 289 New Galicia, 183 ; province of, 184. New Mexico, 236. New Spain, 66, 69, 97, 303, 204, 305. New York Historical Society, 359, 363. Nieremberg, Juan Eusebio, 230. Night herons, 37. Nipples bored, Indian fashion, 75. Nisa, Melchior Diaz, Spanish explorer, 236. Nora Typis Transacta Navigatio Novi Orbis Indies Occidentalis, 353. North America, discovery of the northern coast of, 360. North sea, 145, 148, 163. Noticias Historicas de Nuno de Guzm&n, 100. Nuevo Mexico, 168. Oaks, evergreen, 36. Oars, made from savins, 48. Obligation, admissions of, to patrons, vi. Ocean sea, 308. Ochete, 43. Ochile, Indian chief, 34. Ochre presented, 145. Ohque, 163 ; see San Juan. Oiua-Slalike-uche, river, 34. Ojuelos, 184. OUd, 43. Opata, language, 188. Oran, Africa, penal colony, 250, 351. Orange tree, culture of the, 363. Orden Real, 154, 323. Orozco y Berra, 163 ; his map of Mexico, 169. Orthnesens, Indians, 243. Osachile, Indian chief, 34. Oviedo, 17, 18, 33, 33, 34, 64, 66, 98, 107, 116 ; text of, tangled, 95 ; translator's strictures on, ix, Oviedo, Lope, returns with the Deaguanes, 88. Oysters, 81 ; abundant, 41 ; feet cut with, 30 ; Indians' food for quar- ter of the year, 77, 79. Pacific Ocean, 148. Palache, 43. Palachen, differently spelled, 38 ; gold in, 34. Palacios, dead body of, eaten, 74. Palmas, river, 51, 218 ; boundary of conquest, 13 ; pilot Miruelo's knowledge of the position of, 19. 37 290 INDEX. Palmitos, 39, 86; usecl for tow, 47, 48. Palou, Father Francis, letter of, 360. Panama, 148. Pantoja, Captain, 61, 93 ; ordered to go for stores, 14; lieutenant go- vernor, 94; his severity, 94 ; killed, 94. Panuoo, 30, 36, 73, 89, 93, 94, 95, 96, 303. Panzacola, 64. Parabol, river, 344. Paraconsi, Floridian, 137. Paraguay, 351. Parana, river, 339. Pardo's exploration of South Carolina and Georgia, 360. Pareja, notice of, 363. Pariembos, fierce tribe of Indians, 338. Parrots, feathers of, article of barter, 167. Partidos of the island of Santo Domingo, 14. Partridges, 37, 58. Passaguates, Indians, 163. Patarabueyes, Indians, 162 ; see Jumanos, 163. Patronato of the Lonja, Sevilla, 163. Pearls, 195. Pearl river and Mobile bay, territory between, probably the scene of Cabe9a de Vaca's six years' captivity, 335. Pensacola bay^ 116. Pensaoola, the siege of, in 1781, 360. Penaloza, Captain, 63, 113 ; in ambuscade, 54. People of the Figs, Indians, 116, 134, 137. People-of-the-Flat-Roof-Houses, Indians, 163 ; see Querechos. Pequeno, signification of, 66. Perez, Anton, pilot, 97. Perez, Father Martin, 154, 330; visitant, 335. Perrillo pequeno, signification of, 66. Perro mudo, 66. Persian turquoise, 170. Petaan, 193. Petachan, river, 191. Petatlan, river, 178, 181, 184, 193, 236 ; fort erected on the banks of, for safety, 334. Petition of Cabe^a de Vaca, governor of La Plata, to the Council of the Indias, 231. Petlatitlan, meaning of, 193. Petlatl, meaning of, 193. Petutan, river, 176. Philiponas, Father Honorio, 353. INDEX. 291 Physicians witliout diplomas, 80. Piahi, 64. Picai'do, Juan, printer of books, 305. Pilte, 57. Pima nation, 178, 330 ; or Nevome, language, 188, 199 ; grammar of the, 360. Pimentel, fifth Count of Bonevente, 306. Pimos, territory of the, exploring expedition to the, 335. Pin, scratching with, a punishment for Indian child, 165. Pine, seed of, for food, 150 ; how prepared, 150 ; trees, 36. Pineda, 30 ; first voyage of, 88. Pinole, Indians' food, 169. Pipkins, Indians' ignorance of the use of, 161. Pitaha}'a, prickly pear, 179. Pitchers, clay, 53. Pitchlynn, Peter P., chief of the Chatas, 70, 79, 171. Placer ridges, 170. Plantations destroyed at Espanola, and Portorico, 18. Plautus, Caspar, abbot, 353. Plot to abandon the governor and the sick, 45. Poison for Indian arrows, 173; eifect on deer, 173; used to catch fish, 181. Poisoning, Indian method of curing, 83. Porcallo, Vasco, of Cuba, 94 ; gift of provisions, 14. Port, the best in the world, 304. Portorico, letter to the emperor from, 18 ; storm at, 18. Portuguese, discoverers, 57 ; explorers massacred, 339 ; navigators, usage of in measuring, 18. Practice, a diabolical, 139. Pregnancy, custom in, 131. Presidio del Norte, 165, 169. Prickly pears, 116, 117, 118, 119, 130, 133, 135, 136, 147, 150, 153, 179 ; description of, 91 ; food for Indians quarter of the year, 93, 109, 111 ; several kinds of, 113 ; season of, the happiest time for the Indians, 104, 110 ; mode of preparing, 105 ; leaves of the, for food, 139, 130. Priests, brief of authority submitted to, 343. Primahaitu, 187. Proclamation to, and requirement to be made of, the Inhabitants of the countries and provinces that there are from Rio de Palmas to the Cape of Florida, 315-318. Procyon lotor, 66. Proem, 11. Property, depreciation of, through the Southern war, 261. 292 INDEX. Ptolomeus, 57. Pueblo cle los Corazones, 172 ; founded, 178. Pumpkins, 88, 41 ; Indians' food, 159; presented, 159, 161,166; early- introduction of, among the Indians, 165. Purchas, 353. Qtjaera, valley of, 163. Quarrels, Indian, how settled, 132. Quetzalitztli, derivation of, 171. Quevenes, Indians, 88, 93, 97, 133, 137, 163. Quitoks, Indians, 137. Quivara, 153. Rabbits, 36. Raccoon, 66. Rain prayed for, 160. Rain vrater, beverage of Indians, 112. Ramirez, Jose Fernando, 78, 100, 257. Ramusio, 261 ; his Historical Collection, viii. Ranjel. 34. Rat, sharp teeth of, Indian instrument of chastisement for infants, 158. Rats, Indians' food, 79. Recopilacion Mejico, 205. Red-oaks, 36. Reeds, joust of, with bulls, 196. Rela9am Verdadeira, 42 ; by the Knight of Elvas, 43. Relation, first imprint of the, vi ; its title page and colophon, vi, vii ; next edition, in black letter, connected with a work in another hand, vi ; its title page, vi ; diflference in the two editions, vii ; title of the third and last issue in Spanish, viii ; translation of published in Italian, viii ; single edition of, in French, viii ; only literal version in English, viii. Relation du Voyage de Cibola entrepris en 1540, 236. Repartimientos, Indians to be set free from, 238. Report of the U. S. Coast surveyor, 1859, 89. Reptiles, Indians' food, 179. Republic, the freest among the Indians, 181. Residents, duty free for ten years, NarvSez petitions for, 309. Resin, 48. Review of force to date, 50. Ribas, Padre, 143, 330; missionaiy in Cinaloa, 78 ; account of Indian, physicians, 83. Riggs, George W"., Jr., v, 358. Rio Bravo del Norte, 143, 170. INDEX. 293 Rio de las Palmas, 208, 311, 315, 318, 219 ; latitude of, 17. Rio de la Plata, 338, 354 ; province of, 231, 350. Rio Grande, river, 165. Rios, port of, 245. Rochefort, notice of, 363. Rockweed, 93, 95. Roes, dried, found, 51. Romans, 78, 164 ; History of Florida, 139. Romen, Don Garcia, 234. Ropes made of horse hair, 48. Royal Audience of Sevilla, 351. Royal ducks, 37. Royal rents, Narv&ez petitions for the tenth of, 309. Rudo Ensayo, tentativa de una prevencional Descripcion de la Pro- vincia de Sonora, 261. Ruiz, Goni;alo, dead body of, eaten, 74. Rush, powder of, Indians' food, 172. Russell, Prof. William C, 256. Sails, made from shirts, 48. St. Andrews, 116. St. Augustine, Pla., 255, 256, 260 ; harbor of, 138. St. Catharine's, Brazil, 338, 340, 341. St. Francis, order of, 177. Saint lago, vespers of, 196. Saint John's day, 33. Saint Lawrence, 300. St. Thomas, 343. Sabine, river, 127. Salamanders, food of Yguazes, 103. Salmon, 57. Salt, duty free for ten years, Narvaez petitions for, 209 ; from the lakes, 162. Salt water, men crazed with drinking, 52. Saluzar, captain, delegated lieutenant in the government, 348. San Antonio, mission of, 154. San Antonio, bay of, 89. San Bartolome, valley of, 163. Sand mounds, 89. San Juan, island of, 18, 313, 313 ; town, 163. San Llicar de Barrameda, fleet sailed from, 13. San Marcos de Apalache, 55. San Miguel, town, 184, 194, 196. San Saba mountains, 148. 294 INDEX. Santa Barbara, mines of, 163. Santa Fe, 170 ; river, 128. Santa Fee, Historia de los Triumphos de nuestra, 143. Santander, 332. Sant Joan, island, 57. Bant Miguel, strait, 51. Santo Domingo, 99 ; number of men left fleet at, 50 ; island of, fleet arrived at, 13, 13 ; ship bought at, 14. Santiago de Cuba, 79, 212, 353, 358 ; municipality of, 34 ; port of Cuba, supplies obtained at, 14. Satouriova, 137. Savin trees, 36. Sawane river, 34. Saya, root, 178. Scarcity, year of, 325. Schmidel, Ulrich, 240, 341, 243, 343, 245, 254; relation of, 337. Schoolcraft, Mr., 358 ; Indian tribes, 165. Sea beads, article of traflBc, 86. Sea snail, pieces of, articles of trafiSc, 85. Seed time, Indian festivals at, 177. Seminole, 34. Seminole and Mickasulce tongues, vocabularies of the, 360. Senora, valley of, 177. Senses, Indians', Iceener than any other in the vporld, 136. Sevilla, 143, 162, 318, 333 ; Archivo de Indias at, 207, 215, 218 ; arri- val of Alvar Nunez at, x ; city of, 211, 212, 313, 314. Seville, 351 ; archives explored at, 359 ; Archivo general de Indias at, 311. Sexual intercourse, Indian, not permitted in his own nation, 180. Shawls presented, 174, 193. Shea, John Gilmary, iv. Shoals, dangerous, 19. Shoes, pieces of, found, 38. Ships lost on tlie breakers, 303. Shirts, Indian, 167. Sibola, herds of, 163. Sierra, dead body of, eaten, 74. Sierra Madre, 43. Signs, language of, 168,171. Siguenza, notice of, 363. Silver, bags of, [small pearls] presented, 145. Simancas, archives explored at, 259. Sinaloa, 178, 330, 358 ; province of, 333. Sins, weight of, a prevention to heal, 131. INDEX. 295 Skins, cast like serpents, 125. Slavery amongst the Indians, 101, 103 ; Indian, in Narv&ez's petition, 309 ; abolition of, 354. Slings, Indian, 59. Small-pox finished the Indians in Espanola, 18. Smith, Thomas Buckingham, 351, 353; admissions of obligation to patrons, vi; fills an oflScial position in Mexico, vi; finds a field for historical investigation, vi; holds a position near the court of Madrid, vi ; strictures on Oviedo, ix ; letter from M. P. Maury, 114; memoir of, 255-264; of New England origin, 255 ; his parentage, 255 ; in Mexico in his youth, 256 becomes the ward of his uncle at the death, of his father, 356 placed in Trinity College, Hartford, 256 ; his friendships, 356 entered the Cambridge Law School, 256 ; studied law in Maine, 356 ; returned to St. Augustine and practiced his pro- fession, 256; entered the field of politics, 356; elected to the Florida assembly, 356 ; took a decided stand against the party of inflation, 257 ; taste for historical studies developed itself, 257 ; his marriage, 357 ; withdrew from active political life, 257 ; appointed to the post of secretary of legation to Mexico, 257 ; by aid of Mends began to collect documents relating to the history of Florida, 257 ; his fitness for Spanish diplomacy, 257 ; represented the United States as charge d'affaires, 357 ; resumed duties as secretary, 357; recalled, 257; his English version of the narrative of Alvar Nunez Cabe^a de Vaca, 358; translated with care, 358 ; his notes on the memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda, 258 ; his summary of Soto's expedi- tion, 258 ; contributed a series of Mexican extracts for Mr. Schoolcraft's work, 258 ; enrolled as corresponding member in various learned societies, 259 ; appointed secretary of lega- tion to Spain, 259 ; his zeal in exploring archives, etc., for his history of Florida, 359 ; always compared his proof with the original document, 259 ; recalled, 259 ; death of his mother, 260; his contributions to history, 360, 361, 362; bereaved of his wife, 361 ; did not share in the enthusiasm of the South in the late war, 361 ; his property depreciated tlirough the war, 261 ; maiutained aged family slaves after emancipation, 361 ; visits Spain and was successful in seeking new material for historical discussion, and imported the best varieties of the orange tree, 363 ; acted as tax commissioner in Florida, 262 ; never satisfied with his labors, 262; shrank from responsi- bility, 262 ; consumption had made fatal progress, 263; urged by his physician to return at once to his rooms, 363 ; became bewildered, hurried to an hospital and died, 263; eulogy on, 363. 296 INDEX. Smith, Hannah [Anita], 355. Smith, Josiah, 255. Smith, Robert, 256. Smoke, used by Indians to produce stupefaction, 138, 139 Snakes, food of the Yguazes, 103 ; Indians' food, 79. Socorro, 163. Socorinos, Indians, 244. Sole, 57. Song of spring, extract from the, 43. Sonora, 177, 178, 179 ; Jesuit mission of the, 82 ; Indians of, 143 ; province of the valley of, 177. Soto-Mayor, camp-master, kills Pantoja, 94 ; died, 94 ; eaten by Es- quivel, 94. South America, Spanish conquests in, 238. South, enthusiasm of the, 261. South sea, 148, 152, 176, 177, 182, 195. Southern states, 139. Spaniards, discoveries, 67 ; the Nevomes always kept good faith with the, 233. Spanish, the third and last issue of the Relation in, viii ; settlements on the gulf of California, Cabe^a de Vaca arrived at, 13; goods, price of, raised through war with France, 18 ; cases containing dead bodies, 24, 203 ; navigators, usage of, in mea- suring, 18 ; conquest of New Mexico, 137 ; diplomacy, Smith's fitness for, 257. Spain, 36 ; fleet from, 13 ; number of men sailed from, 50 ; exercise of juego de la barra in, 64 ; court of, urgent entreaties sent to the, for succor, 338 ; Buckingham Smith appointed secretary of legation to, 359. Sparrow-hawks, 37. Spelling of Indian names, difference in, vii. Spiders, food of the Yguazes, 103 ; Indians' food, 79 ; presented to be blessed, 153. ■ Statue, covered with blood, 177. Stick, curved, of the bird hunter of the Nile, 154. Stone and lime, houses of, 163. Stone, scarce for ballast, 48. Stone, Gen. Carlos P., his map, 168. Stony mountains, 170, 171. Straw, armful of, tied at the top, Indians' only protection from the weather, 179 ; powder of, Indians' food, 167, 173. Strait Sant Miguel, 51. Stupefaction produced by smoke, 138, 139. Styles, old and new, tabular statement by Prof. Keith, 114. INDEX. 297 Sugar -works destroyed at Espanola, 18. Sun, children of the, cognomen, 133 ; Indians originally worshipers of the, 171 ; salutation to the, 171. Sarucusis, island of, 343 ; Indians, 343, 343, 344, 345. Susolas, Indians, 131,137. Sivan, Major Caleb, 164. Sweet gum, 43. Tablb-tipping, Indian jugglers' knowledge of the force of, 83. Tabvla Prima, referred to in chart, 56. Tabula Secvnda, referred to in chart, 56. Tampa bay, 34, 58, 358 ; expedition represented to have landed at, 335. Tangier, Arab boys darting sticks in, 154. Taraumar, 169. Tavera, died, 73. Tudela on the Duero, 97. Tea, Indian, 188, 139 ; Charlevoix's account of preparing, 139. Techo's Historia Provincise Paraguarise Leodii, 353. Tegueca, Indians, 181. Teguacan, town of, 305. Tekora, town of 178. Tellez, Captain, 63, 113 ; in ambuscade, 54. Temastian (Temachtiani) 330 ; signification of, 335. Tempest, calmed miraculously, 349. Temochula, river, 181, 183. Teneriflfe, 163. Tenessee river, 335. Tepeguajes, 143; see mezquiquez andmezquite. Terceira, island, 300. Ternaux, M., 333. Tescuco, 38. Tetlahuehuezquiziti, prince (Don Pedro), 43 ; his gliph, 44. Tetzcoco, city of, 43, 43. Texan lagoons, 181. Texas, 89, 179,235. Texas, memoria for the history of, 154 ; warring savages in, 153. Tezaico, 43. Tezcucano, 44. Thatch used for covering houses, 35. Thebes, tombs of, representations on, 154. Theodoro, 116 ; Dorotheo, Greek, accompanies Indians, 55. Theology, Indians instructed in, 193, 193 ; their ideas of, 193. Thieves, Indians, 104. 38 298 INDEX. Thirst, seven men died of, 188. Thread, mantelets of, 35. Tierre firma, 66. Tiger [jaguar], one of the expedition liilled by a, 340. Tiguex, province of, 153. Tillandsia usneoides,' covering for Indians, 83. Timuquan tribe, 42, 189 ; fac simile of a petition of the, 260 ; book printed in the, 260. Tinklet of gold, found, 31. Tla^otetl, definition of, 170. Tlaltelalco, convent of, gallery of paintings, 100. TlascSla, Indians of, 330. TlatoUi, signification of, 239. Tobosos, Indians, 163, 163. Tocobaga, bay, 58. Toledo, 98 ; council in, 308. Topia, mountains of, 78, 181. Torquemada, 99, 100, 239. Torre del Oro, 143. Tostado, visits Cabe9a de Vaca, 84. Totontzin (Lion arm), 48. Tow, palmitos used for, 47. Town of Hearts, 177. Towns burned by the Christians, 174 ; with habitations, 336. Translados de la Florida, Capitulaciones, Asientos, 315. Translation, tirst, of the Relation, v. Treasurer of Rio de las Palmas, the duties of his oflBce, 318-333. Trees, astonishingly high, 33; river from top to bottom, 33. Triana, 143. Tribute, assessed anew on the Indias, 306. Trinidad, port of, 14 ; terrible storm at, 16 ; arrival and stay of De NarvSez at, 17 ; number of men lost in the ships at, 50. Tr'iumphos, 330. Tropic of Cancer, 18. Truffles, Indians' food, 79. Turkey, no mention made of the, 43. Turquoises, x, 337 ; account of, 170 ; presented 167. 191. Tzinaloa, 184. UgACHiLE, Indian chief, 84. United States, Buckingham Smith represented the, near the govern- ment of Mexico, 357. Urdaide, captain, 381. Urican at Espanola, and Portorico, 18. INDEX, 299 Ulina, Olata Ouae, 128. Uzachil, ludiau chief, 34. Vagubros, Indians, 163. Valdivieso, Pedro, 95 ; visits Cabe9a de Vaca, 84 ; killed for diversion 87, 102, 108. Valen