'b\o\ cm BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF 1891 ..d.Z^.JZJ./..^. J.^/ Cornell University Library PF 3101.C41 3 1924 026 540 991 The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026540991 SHOET HISTOKICAL GRAMMAR OF THE GERMAN LANGUAGE SHORT HISTORICAL GRAMMAR GERMAN LANGUAGE OLD, MIDDLE, AND MODERN HIGH GERMAN ALBERT J. W. QERF, M.A. FIR'^T SENIOR MODERATOR AND LARGE GOLD MEDALLIST IN MODERN LITERATDRE, TR.IN. COLL. DUBLIN PART I. INTRODUCTION AND PHONOLOGY WILLIAMS AND NORGATE 14 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON AXD 20 SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH 1894 r >-S Edinburgh : T. and A. Constablk, Printers to Her Majesty PREFACE Already, a considerable time ago, when preparing pupils for the Higher University Examinations, I formed the intention of writing a Grammar which would at the same time contain Old, Middle, and Modern German. But though I set to work at once, yet T had so little time at my disposal that the Grammar progressed only very slowly. At the beginning of last year, when about two-thirds of the Phonology were written, I received the first number of Professor Wil- manns' Deutsche Grammatik, which, though on a larger scale, proceeded on the same lines which I had marked out to myself. I resolved, however, to go on with my work, the more so as my book was intended for English students, to many of whom a less exhaustive treatise of the German language would be more de- sirable. At the same time, I did not fail to avail myself of the advantages which Professor Wilmanns' excellent work afforded me. With regard to Old High VI PREFACE German I priucipally followed Professor Braune's Althochdeidsche Grammatik. I now give to the public the First Part of my Grammar, and hope that the little work, unpretentious as it is, may prove useful to some. The Second Part, containing the Accidence, will, I trust, soon follow. ALBERT J. W. CERF. 10 St. Mary's Koad, Dublin, Awjunt 1894. EEEATA. Page 11, line 3 (foot-note), read iahan for ishan. ,, ,, ,, ,, omit cp. Lat. frangere. ,, ,,4 ,, rea•««(? er 6ictet, for er Sietet; 32, „ 9, ««<; O.H.G. lihan/oj- O.H.G. bi-llban. 34, last line, read Srcsct/o?- ffcEoel. 42, line 18, read hoitii, for hoTta,. 45, ,, 21, read e\i for OTi. 54, ,, 18, column 2, resf^laetan/or laetan. 55, last line, insert scaz from third col. to fourth. 57, line 26, ««•««, „ reai^ e25an/or e^jan. ,, ,, ,, „ 19, read evydriip for 6vya0^p. 62, § 73, line 5, col. 4, read bitten for biddan. 63, § 74, Obs. 2, line 1, read "before a consonant " /or "after a consonant." ERRATA. Page 68, § 84, line 3, read ehaft/oc ehaft. „ 70, line 13, insert , after gruonmat, and ; after grungemd^t, ,, ,, ,, 27, r«(!!(i ejjih/OT- ezzih. „ 71, „ 2, read beraht/of beraht. I, 74, „ 5, rearfsliojan, f(^ttepcn,/or slijan, ft^Icifen. „ ,, „ 6, read cp. L. claudo/or op. French eclater. ,, 77, ,, 3, >■««(? slaf en /or atafen. ,, ,, ,, 9, read slepan/or slepan. „ 80, last line, read wafen/or wafen. ,, 84, line 21, read daj for daz. „ 88, ,, 9, >•«« = becomes. < = derived from. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION PAGE Chapter I. — The Indo-Germanic Languages . I „ II. — The Germanic or Teutonic Languages . 3 „ III. — High German .... . 4 „ IV. — High German — continued ... 5 PART I.— PHONOLOGY. A. — Vowels. Chapter I. — General Remarks on the Vowels in Accented Syllables . . .9 Primitive Germanic Vowel System, § ]. Umlaut, § 2, Riiok- umhaut, § 3. Interchange of i and e, u and o (Brechung), § 4. Ablaut, § 6. Change of ei to f, § 6. Change of ou to 5, § 7. AMaut series, § 8. Chapter II. — History of the Germanic Vowels in Accented Syllables in High German 19 a, S, ae, § 9-12 ; e, i, e, i, § 13-17 ; o, k, 5, i", § 18-24. Chapter III. — Diphthongs . . . 28 ai (ei), § 25 and § 26; a% (m), § 27-29 ; ev (iu), § 30. Synopsis of Vowel changes, § 31. CONTENTft PAGE Chapter IV. — Change of the Quantity or Vowels . 34 Lengthening of Vowels, § 32-34. .SliorteJiing of Vowels, § 35. Signs of Length or Shortness, § 36 and § 37. Chapter V. — Vowels in Unaccented Syllables . 38 Vowels in Final Syllables, § 38-44. Vowels in Middle Syllables, § 45-47. Vowels in Compounds, § 48 and S 49. Development of New Vowels, § .50-52 B. — Consonants. Chapter VI. — The First Sound-shifting ... 46 General Rules, § 55-57. Verner's Law, § 68. Time of First Sound-shifting, § 69. Examples, § BO, Chapter VII. — Development of Consonants in West Germanic .... . .51 Gemination, § 61. Change of Voiced Spirants to Mediae, § 62. Chapter VIII. — Second (High German) Sound- shifting . . . . 53 Rules and Examples of Second Sound-shifting, I 63-66. Change of th to il, § 67. Notker's Law, § 68. T.ables of Sound- shiftings, § 60-70. Chapter IX. — Gemination, § 71-7S . 61 Chapter X. — Application of Verner's Law (Gram- matischei- Wrfhsel), § 79-82 . . 6.') Chapter XL — Various Conson antic Chancjes . 67 Changes before (, § 83-84. Changes of Final Consonants in M.H.G., § 85-87. Assimilation, § 88. Metathesis, § SS. Insertion and Addition of Consonants, § 90-92. Omission of Consonants, §93-90. Chapter XII. — The Explosives and the Spirants . 76 The Labials, § 07-103. Dentals, § 104-110. Guttur.ils, § 111-118. Velars, § 119-120. CONTENTS XI PAGF Chapter XIII. —The Semi-vowels ... 97 w, § 121-126 ; j, § 127-129. Chapter XIV. — The Liquids and the Nasals . . 103 r, § 130-131 ; I, § 133 ; m, § 133-134 ; n, § 185. C. — I'he Accent. Chapter XV. . 106 The Accent in Simple Words, § loO-13S. In Compound Word.?, § 139-143. Secondary Accent, § 148. INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I. THE INDO-GERMANIC LANGUAGES. All the European languages, with the exception of Hungarian, Turkish, Finnish, and the Basque language, the old Etruscan and Hebrew, are descended from the same original language. This language is called the Indo- Germanic, Indo-European, or Aryan ^ language. The origi- nal language itself does not exist any longer : its forms can be only partly conjectured from those of the offshoots. The following are the branches of the Indo-Germanic family : — A. — The Eastern or Aryan branch. 1. The Indian group. The oldest Vedas date probably as far back as 1500 before Christ. Next come Sanskrit proper and Prakrit, the vulgar language, from which latter most of the present Indian dialects are descended. 2. The Persian or Iranian group, the oldest languages of which are Old Persian and Old Bactrian, also called Zend or Avesticj^ to this group also belong Modern Per- sian, Afghan, and other Caucasian dialects. ^ The term Aryan is better restricted to the Eastern branch. ^ From Avesta, the sacred book of Zoroaster. A 2 HISTORICAL GERMAN GRAMMAR 3. The Armenian language is closely connected with the former group, and by some included in it. B. — The Western or European branch. 4. The Greek family with its various dialects. 5. The Albanian, included by many in the Greek group. 6. The Italic family. The original Italic dialect has not been preserved, but its offshoots, Latin, Umbrian, Oscan, etc. From Latin the Romance languages are descended : Italian, French (Langue d'Oil), Provengal (Langue d'Oc), Spanish, Portuguese, Walachian, Rhaeto-Eomanic or Eou- mansch. 6. The Celtic family. The monuments extend beyond the ninth century. There are three groups : (a) the Gallic, (b) the Britannic, including Cymric or Welsh, Cornish, Bas Breton or Armoriean, (c) the Gadhelic or Gaelic, including Erse or Irish, the Gaelic of the Scotch Highlands, and the Manx dialect. 7. The Slavonic family. The oldest dialect of this group is Old Bulgarian, also called the Church Slavonic. To the South-Eastern branch of this family belong Russian, Ruth- enian, Servian or Illyric, Croatian, Slovenian (spoken in Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola), and Modern Bulgarian; to the Western branch Polish, Bohemian or Czechian, Mora- vian, Slovakian and the dialects of the Slaves in Germany (Wendish or Sorabian). 8. The Baltic languages: — Lithuanian, Lettic, and Old Prussian. 9. The Germanic or Teutonic family. Obs. — It is not certain which of these languages first branched off from the mother tongue. Some assert that the Celts were the first INTRODUCTION 3 to migrate from the original home. It may however be assumed that Indian and Persian stand in many, though not in all, respects nearer to the original language than the European languages. Schleicher places them in the following order : — Nearest to the original language Indian and Persian, then Greek, Italic, Celtic ; farthest, Slavonic, Lithuanian, German. CHAPTER II. THE GERMANIC OR TEUTONIC LANGUAGES. The Germanic dialects may be arranged in the following subdivisions : — 1. The Gothic (more correctly spelt Gotic), now extinct. Gothic possesses the oldest Teutonic records. It had a middle voice, a dual of the pronoun and of the verb, and formed the passive, at least the present of it, without an auxiliary. On tlie other hand, it has almost entirely lost the instrumental case, which still exists in Old High Ger- man. The oldest record extant is the translation of part of the Bible by the Gothic bishop Ulfilas, dating from the fourth century. 2. The Norse languages. (a) East Norse, including Swedish, Gutnish, Danish. (b) West Norse, including Norwegian and Icelandic. 3. West Germanic. (A) Low German, {a) Frisian, (b) Lower Franconian (Old Dutch) till the sixteenth century. Modern Dutch. (c) Flemish. {d) Old Saxon (Old Low German, properly so called), (e) Anglo-Saxon or Old English. Modern English. (B) High German, 4 HISTORICAL GERMAN GRAMMAR CHAPTER III. HIGH GERMAN. The principal difference between High and Low German is caused by the second sound-shifting (§§ 64-66). Those dialects which have shifted the Old Germanic tenuis to the spirant or affricate, especially i to 3 or z, belong to High German. Lov/ German was spoken in the North, High German in the South. Modern (High) German is now spoken all over Germany, Low German exists only as dialect. High German is divided into three periods, ^ — Old High German, Middle High German, and Modern (High) Ger- man. Old High German dates from the beginning of the earliest monuments to about the end of the eleventh century. The transition from Old High German to Middle High German was not sudden, but gradual, consequently no particular date can be assigned when O.H.G. ceased and M.H.G. commenced. The weakening of the full final vowels to e is generally considered a criterion. This refers princi- pally to the short final vowels, for in Alemanic the long final vowel had not become e at the beginning of the fourteenth century, whilst the change of the short final vowel to e had commenced before 1100, and was completed in the different dialects at different times. The Middle High Gerinan period is generally counted from the twelfth century till Luther's appearance. As difference between Middle High German and Modern High German one generally considers the lengthening of the short vowels of the former in open syllables, when the INTEODUCTION 5 accent falls on them, also some long vowels of M.H.G. have become diphthongs, and, on the other hand, some diphthongs have become simple vowels. Many of these changes commenced already at an earlier time. High German dialects may be arranged in the following subdivisions :— 1. Upper German. (a) The Alemanic dialect. It is sometimes subdivided into the Swabian, Lower Alemanic (in Alsace, Brisgau, Basle), and Upper Alemanic (in the remainder of German Switzerland). (ft) The Bavarian dialect, which afterwards extended to Austria. 2. Middle German. (a) The East Franconian dialect, which comes nearest to Upper German, (ft) The Rhenish or South Franconian dialect. (c) The Middle Franconian'^ dialect. To these come in the M.H.G. period the following East Middle German dialects which had no existence in the older time : — (d) The Thuringian dialect. (e) The Upper Saxon dialect. (/) The Silesian dialect. CHAPTER IV. HIGH GERMAN— Continued. There existed no general Old High German language which stood above the dialects. Many dialects perished ' Lower Franconian was, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, a Low German dialect. 6 HISTOKICAL GERMAN GKAMMAH early, leaving but few traces, e.g. those of the Burgundians, Vandals, Langobards, West Franks. At the time of the Strassburg Oaths, 842, Louis the German swore in French, to be understood by the men of Charles the Bald, whilst the latter used the German (R.F.) language. The O.H.G. records do not go back beyond the eighth century. The oldest are documents, names and glosses, partly inter- linear translations, partly vocabularies of German and Latin words. The oldest glosses are those of the monas- teries of Eeichenau, St. Gall, Fulda. Some knowledge, especially of German proper names, we owe to Tacitus. To the ninth century belong especially the translation of the Gospel by Tatian (E.F.), St. Emeramer Gebet (B.) ; to the tenth century belong the works of Notker (Al.) ; to the eleventh the paraphrase of the Song of Solomon by Williram (E.F.). The oldest poem is the Hildebrandslied, written in a mixture of Low and High German, belonging to the eighth or ninth century ; from the ninth century date Otfrid's Krist (R.F.), Muspilli (B.), das Ludwigslied (E.F.). Though many -have asserted that there was a general German language in existence in the M.H.G. period, some considering that the Swabian dialect prevailed over the others, some that there was a Court language in the time of the Hohenstaufen, yet this statement is hardly correct. No doubt, the poets of the twelfth century strove to attain a certain unity of language. As many of them moved from Court to Court, as several of them were able to read, it was but natural that many pecularities of their native dialect should be absent from their writings. It was even a long time uncertain to which part of Germany Walter von der Vogelweide and Hartmann von der Aue belonged, INTRODUCTION 7 yet a careful study of tteir works will reveal some dialectic differences. In the fifteenth century a still more important movement towards unity of language took place. It pro- ceeded from the Imperial Chancery (^otferti(^e Sanjiet), which strove to free itself from dialectic differences, and especially to use the same language in all documents where- ever they emanated. For some time the Imperial Chancery was at Prague, where the Upper German (the Austro- Bavarian dialect) and Middle German met. Towards the end of the century the Chancery of Electoral Saxony fol- lowed the example set by the Imperial and strove to assimilate its language to that of the latter. At last Luther came and made this official language the basis of his own, the Modern High German (bte beutfc^e ©d^rift- jprad^e). Yet one must by no means believe that Luther's language was at once adopted by the whole of Germany, or that it was quite the same as that at present in use. Certainly, in the Protestant North it made rapid strides, but not so in the Catholic countries of the South, nor in Calvinistic Switzerland. Into the latter country it did not penetrate till the end of the sixteenth century, and was not generally established till the seventeenth. In Southern Germany, opposition to Luther's language was still offered as late as the beginning of the eighteenth century. Both in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the language underwent many changes, and it may be said that the real unity of language and our modern form of bie beutfd^e @d^riftj:prod^e was not finally established till the classical period of the eighteenth century. Even now, though it is used by the educated classes, the dialects still flourish, especially among the rural population. 8 HISTORICAL GERMAN GRAMMAR In ancient times the Germans used as signs the so-called Runes 1 (9?unen), from Got. and O.H.G. rwia, secret, spell. ^ These runes were scratched into wood, metal, stone, or other materials, hence the English word to write, A.S. wltan, O.H.G. nz'san, rei^ett, ri|en. As the letters were frequently scratched into wood, the German word S3uif|[toBe, letter of the alphabet, is probably connected, SSud^ettftoB, stick of beechwood. At an early time the Germans adopted the Latin charac- ters, which at different times underwent various modifica- tions. Our present printed and written characters are derived from them. Towards the end of the thirteenth century two modifications of the Latin letters developed themselves. From one of these, called the Gothic or Mmacal, which avoided round forms as much as possible, come the German printed characters. The other was the so-called MimisJcel-Cwsive, in which the letters were put close to- gether and joined, often also written with loops ; it was probably of Italian origin. This form of writing prevailed during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries ; from it comes the present German handwriting.^ ^ For further information on the Runes I refer the reader to E. Sievera in Paul's Grundriss, pp. 2,38-250. ' From it raunetl, to whisper ; O.H.G. rtinen. ^ More on this subject. See Arndt in Paul's Orundriss, pp. 260- 263. PART I. PHONOLOGY A.— THE VOWELS. THE VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES. CHAPTER I. General Remarhs. I. — The Primitive Germanic Vowel System. § 1. The Primitive Germanic had the following vowels : — Short — a (Got. a), e (Got. i, ai before r and /*), i (Got. i or ai), (1), u (Got. u, au before r and h). Long — a, ae (Got. open e), e (Got. closed e), i (Got. ei), (Got. 0), u (Got. tt). Diphthongs — ai (Got. ai), au (Got. au), eu (Got. iu). Obs. — Already in Primitive Germanic Idg. e had in certain cases become i (§ 4) ; also the change of Idg. u to o, under certain conditions (§ 4), probably belongs to that period. Except this o that has arisen from u no other o is found in accented syllables, for Idg. o had become a in primitive Germanic, as Lat. hostis. Got. gasts, O.H.G. gast. Long a was only found before h when the nasal n had fallen out, causing a lengthening of the preceding vowel,i for Idg. a had become 6 in primitive Germanic, as Lat. frdter, Got. hrC\iar, A.S. brSScn: 1 In primitive Germanic the nasal fell out in the syllables anit, ink, mill, causing a lengthening of the preceding vowel. O.H.G. fahan, vooi fanh, cp. Lat. frangere, cp. Lat. pangere, and pax, pads, O.H.G. hrdhta pret. of bringan, O.H.G. gidihan, root \>enh, cp. A.S. participle gei>ungen, O.H.G. duhta, pret. of dunchan. 11 12 GERMAN PHONOLOGY II. — Umlaut. Ruckumlaut. § 2. Umlaut is the modification of an accented ^ vowel through the influence of an i orj in the following syllable. The i orj that had caused the Umlaut may have disappeared, but the effect remains. In O.H.Gr. the Umlaut, with a few exceptions in later O.H.G., is limited to a, the Umlaut of which was mostly written e, as gast, plural gesti, M.H.G-. geste, ©cifte; lang, comparative lengiro, M.H.G. lenger, (attger. In M.H.G. the Umlaut was extended to the following vowels and diphthongs ; ^ — O.H.6. M.H.G. Mod. H.G. d Umlaut i ae 7mmi naeme na^nte 6 locliir lodier So^er oe hOhir hoeher pfier u u hunni kunne — . u iu husir hiuser §oufer ou uu hougen bijugen beugen uo ile kuoni hiiene tu^n Ohs. 1. — The Umlaut of a to e, a kind of assimilation of a to the following i, commenced in the eighth century and was generally established in the ninth. As the Umlaut of the other vowels in M.H.G. took place at a time when the i or j that produced Umlaut had mostly disappeared, there 1 Umlaut in unaccented syllables is rare ; it occurs in the Germ. suffixes ari, O.H.G. ari (U.G. ), ari, eri (Franc. ), M.H.G. aere or ere, as wahklri (U.G.), wahteri (Franc), in M.H.G. walUaere ovwaJUere. 2 It must not be believed that the above signs for the Umlaut are those always employed in M.H.G. ; they were much more varied, sometimes the Umlaut was not expressed at all. VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 13 seems much probability for the conjecture of some philo- logists, that the Umlaut took place in the older language, but was not expressed in writing till a later period. The Umlaut of some other vowels besides a is occasionally found in later O.H.G-., especially that of u, perhaps also that of u and uo. Obs. 2. — The Umlaut of a in O.H.G. did not take place before ht, hs, cons. -fw; in U.G. not before 7i, Z4->ions., and only sometimes before r+cons. ; thus U.G. and Franconian nahti, but Franc. Jcelbir, ehir correspond to U.G. chalhir, ahir. In M.H.G., especially after the twelfth century, the exceptions from that rule become more and more numer- ous, nehte appeared besides nahte, Mod. H.G. Stcidjte, but SSei^nad^ten {ze wlhen nahten). The Umlaut of « did not take place before Id, It, as huldi; before nasal -f cons, it fluctuates. Obs. 3. — Sometimes analogy prevented the Umlaut. Thus in the declension of n stems (weak declension) the vowel of the nominative remained before the i of the gen. and dative sing. : hano, gen. lianin. For the same reason the adjectival termination iu did not cause Umlaut. Obs. 4. — The Umlaut took place, for example, in the ja declension in the plurals of i stems and of neuters adding ir, also in the second and third person sing. pres. ind. of the strong verbs, in comparatives and superlatives, in derivation especially before 7 suffixes. Ohs. 5. — Sometimes an i of the third syllable produced Umlaut ; in O.H.G. only after the assimilation of the vowel of the second syllable, thus apliul, 2(pfel, plural ephili ; likewise negili, edili, plurals to nagal, adal. 14 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Ohs. 6. — In Mod. H.G. Umlaut is often found, owing to analogy, without i or j ever following ; this is especially the case in the plural of the strong declension of mascu- lines, after the analogy of the plural of i stems, as bie §6fe, M.H.G. hove (but still S6mg§[;ofert, etc.); also in the p.ret. of weak verbs with long root syllable Umlaut appears in Modern German where the M.H.G. had Eiickumlaut: td^ fiorte, M.H.G. horte. § 3. Biickumlaut is a term used by Grimm to indicate that owing to the early disappearance of an i or _; the Umlaut did not take place and the original vowel was retained. This, for example, was the case in the preterite and past participle of weak verbs of the first class, the root syllable of which was long by nature or position (see 1st weak conjugation). Examples : M.H.G. hoeren, pret. huria; brennen, pret. hranta. Likewise in the sing, of the mascu- lines of the i declension and the adverb of the ja stems, adv. fasto, adj. festi. The Interchange of e and / ; Brechung (a Umlaut). § 4. Grimm and others employed the term Brechung to indicate the change of « to « and m to o before a, o, e in the next syllable, unless a double nasal or nasal-|-consonant intervened. Modem philologists admit the Brechung of M to 0, but that of i to 6 only in a few cases. They lay down the rule for O.H.G. as follows : — 1. u became o before the vowels a, o, e in the next syllable, unless it was protected by a double nasal or nasal 4- consonant. 2. Idg. e became i before double nasal, nasal -f con- sonant, or when followed by an i or j in the next syllable, VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 15 sometimes also before u. In Gothic every Idg. e has be- come i except before r or h where ai appears. ^ 3. Idg. i has become Vin a few cases (§ 13, Obs. 1). Examples — 1. Without Brechung gibundan, ge6itnben, with Brechung giholfan, gefjolfen. 2. Lat. ventus, O.H.G. wint; L. est, O.H.G. ist ; L. septem, O.H.G. sibun. 3. Lat. vir, O.H.G. wer; L. is, O.H.G. er. Thus the present of neman is nimu, nimis, nimit, nememes, mmd, nemant. Ohs. 1. — J. Grimm, Schleicher, and other older philologists, as- sumed OS, i, u to be the primitive vowels from which European e, o developed themselves. Their reason was that in the Indian lan- guage (Sanskrit), which they considered nearest to the original Indo-Germanic language, the vowel a corresponds to European a, e, o, as, for example, Sansk. madhya, Lat. medius ; Sansk. aham, L. ego ; Sansk. bharami, L. fero. Brugmann^ was the first to show that instead of Idg. a having divided itself into the vowels a, e, o, on the contrary Idg. a, e, o had fallen together in Indian aj Obs. 2. — The change of e to i before u seems to be of later date than that before nasals or i, nor is it so general. Paul (in Paul and 1 We use the sign e to indicate the e interchanging with i, that is to say either original Idg. c or e derived by Brechung from Idg. i, in order to distinguish it from c. Umlaut of a. 2 In 1876. '■> The following may serve as a proof of this. Idg. o has become a in Germanic, as hostis, O.H.G. gast, whilst Idg. d has become Ger- manic 0, as/rater, Got. hrolpar. Now the velars (§ 119), which de- veloped in Germanic, Latin, Greek, and a few other Idg. languages, a labial before the vowels a, e, i, but not before o and u, have labialisation before Germ, a from Idg. a, but not before Germ, a from Idg. ; likewise before Germ, o from Idg. a, but not before Germ, a from Idg. 6, thus proving that o existed in the original Indo-Germanic. 16 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Braime'a Beitrcige, vi. pp. 78-82) tries to prove that the change did not take place before any vowel but i (j), and that in this case it was assimilation. Still we find i for e frequently before u, not only in the first person of the present indicative (nimu), which Paul wishes to explain by analogy. About i for e in foreign words see § 15, Ohs. 1. Ohs. 3. — As to the time when this change of e to i took place, it seems that it had not yet taken place in the first century after Christ, for we find in Latin authors of that time forms like Segimnndus for later Sigimunt (Kluge in Paul's Grundriss, p. 357). On the other hand, Paul {P. Bh. vi. p. 82) shows that it is older than the i Umlaut, and even older than the syncope of i in the pret. of weak verbs with long root syllable, for while the syncope has affected the Umlaut (Riiokumlaut, § 3), the i that has arisen from e has not been affected by it. 06.S. 4. — About the Brechung of i much difference of opinion prevails. Most modern philologists declare their inability to account for it. Schleicher, who still assumed the three principal vowels a, i, u, asserted that, besides the Idg. i and u, there were in Germanic also an i and u which had developed themselves out of a, that this i became s before a unless protected by a nasal + consonant, but that the Idg. i mostly remained. Paul (P. Bb. vi. p. 82) assumes that i became e in O.H.G. before an a, e, o of the following syllable if these vowels were still preserved at that period.^ In Gothic i> ai before i or h, also in O.H.G. i becomes frequently c before rovh; er L. «.«, wer, L. vir, htoSr quis, loehscd, L. vice's, wehha ; before an a in liihara, A.S. lifer, E. Hrer, Ob.i. 5.— The Brechung of u is very general ; the o thus produced was the only one in O.H.G. accented syllables, for Idg. o had become a in primitive Gennanic. Ohs. 6. — Also Prim. Germ, cu is affected by the following vowel, becoming either iu or eo ; see § 30. 1 In A.S. Umlaut must have preceded the syncope; cp. A.S. sende from aendan with M.H.G. sante from senden. VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 17 Ablaut (Vowel Gradation). § 5. We see that many words and forms, whilst contain- ing the same or nearly the same consonants, have different vowels. Thus we have in German btnbett, Banb, geBunbeit, SSonb, 93inbe, SSunb, in E. bind, bound, bond, band, bundle, L. vello, vulsi, Gr. Xeyw, \6yos, etc. The vowels vary within certain series of vowels called Ablaut-series. Brugmann gives the following definition of Ablaut : — Ablaut are such quantitative, qualitative, and accentual differences of the sonantal elements of a root or suffix syllable as were not called forth by sound laws which were in operation at the time of the individual development of the Indo-Germanic languages, but had their origin either directly or indirectly in primitive Indo-Germanic differences. In O.H.G. there are six Ablaut series, which are besides modified by Umlaut and Brechung (including the change of e to i). There are besides two other changes to be mentioned, which cause some modifications in the O.H.G. Ablaut-series. § 6. Instead of ei (older ai) e appears before r, h, w. Thus whilst the preterites of scrlban, snidan are screib, sneid, the pret. of lihan, spiwan are Uh, speo {spe). § 7. Instead of ou (older au) 5 appears before all dentals (d, t, z, s, n, r, I) and before h. Thus whilst the preterites of liogan, hlioban are long, hloub, those of biotan, Jciosan, ziohan are bot, kos, zoh. § 8. The Ablaut appears particularly in the conjugation of the strong verbs ; the infinitive and present, the singula^ of the preterite, the plural of the preterite, and the past B 18 GERMAN PHONOLOGY participle, showing different vowels. In declension Ablaut has left few traces, but Ablaut plays an important part in derivation. Here follow the six O.H.G. Ablaut series, together with the corresponding ones in Gothic : — OLD HIGH GERMAN. Inf. Prea. Pret. sing. Pret. pi. Past Part. 1. I ei (e § 6) i i 2. eo, iu 2 ou (''§7) u o{W 3. i (e)^ a M «, (B) 4. e, i a a 0(B) 5. e, i a a e 6. a no uo a GOTHIC. 1. ei ai i i (ai before r, hf 2. iu au u u {ail, before ?•, h) 3. i (ai) a u u {a{i) 4. i(ai) a e u (aii,) 5. i (ai) a c i (ai) 6. a a Ohs. 1. — In M.H.G. the Ablaut series have remained the same, except that eo (io) in the second series has become ie. In Modern German, however, many changes have taken place, partly on account of vowel changes (§ 31, Table II.), partly by levelling. Thus the difference of the vowel of the singular and of the plural of the preterite of strong verbs has entirely disappeared, the vowel of the singular (except in the case of iBUvbe for lt)orb) having •* B means o for u by Breohung. See § 4. ^ For the interchange of e and i see § 4, for eo and iu see § 4, Ohs. 6, and § 30. ^ In Gothic i becomes ai, and u becomes au before an h or r. VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 19 replaced that of the plural. More about these changes in the Chapter on the strong verbs. Obs. 2. — It is now generally accepted that the cause of the Ablaut is to be looked for in the old Indo-Germanic accentuation. The strong and weal: grades (f)O0ilufcn, Siicfjiufen), as they are called, depended entirely on the accent ; the former were those of accented, the latter those of unaccented, syllables. Jacob Grimm's theory of Ablaut was the following : — He believed that the different forms were connected with the meaning, and were obtained by prefixing each of the presumed three primitive vowels to the other ; he thus obtained three series — a ia ua i ai ui u m au from which he derived the Ablaut series. Schleicher offers another very ingenious theory for Ablaut, which, like that of Grimm, has now only historical interest. He assumed that a was prefixed to the three vowels a, i, u ; this he called first gradation ((Srfle ©tcigeriltig), then a was prefixed a second time, second gradation (^WEtte ©tetgerUJig), besides a was weakened to u (@tf}e ©(i^njOC^Ung) and also to i (3tt>eitC ©^Wa^ung). From these forms he deduced the difi'erent forms of Ablaut. CHAPTER II. THE HISTORY OP THE GERMANIC VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES IN HIGH GERMAN. Oily oily a6> § 9. Germanic a (from Idg. a or o) has generally re- mained in O.H.G., also in M.H.G. and Modern German ' As has already been mentioned in the Introduction, most accented vowels in open syllables have been lengthened in Modern German ; thus the diflference between short and long vowels is no longer the same as in the older language. See §§ 32, 33. 20 GKKMAN PHONOLOGY except in the cases of Umlaut. Ex. : halg, ber 93alg, Got. halgs; gast, ber ©aft (Got. gasts) ; hadOn, babett, A.S. badian. § 10. a in O.H.G. arose either from anh by the suppres- sion of the nasal, as in fdhan, brtlhta (§ 1 footnote ^), or from Germanic ae (Got. e), as slafan, jii)tofen, Got. slepan, A.S. sldepan; li'irjcm, loffett, Got. Ieta7i, A.S. Weton. O.H.G. (i remained unchanged in M.H.G., except where it suffered Umlaut. § 11. Already in O.H.G. u, > o iu a few cases, as fona, »0n, for older fana ; mohta, mo6)U, beside mahta ; scol or sol, foil, for seal, E. shall; zota, 3ottC, besides zata. In Modern German the change of a or a to (Srubutig) has somewhat extended, especially in the case of «. Ex. bet fjagcftolj, O.H.G. liagiislaXt, M.H.G. hagestok, for older hagestalt ; botb for bald in compounds, as Srunf eubotb ; bcr SlrgWO^ll, M.H.G. arcwan (but ber ^a^n); bie So^Ie, M.H.G. d&hele tale, O.H.G. taha; ber SKot;n, M.H.G. man, Tlonai, O.H.G. manot, A.S. 7n.07ia\>, E. month; bcr 5D?0nb, O.H.G. indno, A.S. mona, E. moon; O^m (a measure), M.H.G. dme; O^ne, O.H.G. ano, M.H.G. dne ; also D(mmnc(;t for dmaht ; ©(^lot, O.H.G. slat ; S^On (clay), O.H.G. ddha; mo, M.H.G. wa; bie SOSoge, M.H.G. der vide. Obem exists besides Sltetlt. In a few words a has become short o in Modem German, as bie Srombeere, O.H.G. brdmberi; ©pc^t, O.H.G. tdht; bie Otter, O.H.G. ndtara. § 12. It was stated in § 2 that in M.H.G. the Umlaut of a was written e, the Umlaut of a ae. In Modern German this difference is no longer observed, a is mostly written where it is still felt to be the Umlaut of a or d, thus always in the plural of nouns with a or a in the singular, in the comparatives and superlative, and in the conjugation, as ber SBcitl, btc Scitle; (aiig, longer; t$ troge, bu trfigfl. In derivation the rule is not so strictly observed ; \ye write (ingllltri) (3tng|l), act)jen (a^i), but ebet (Stbet), bepeiibe (^anb), 5)enne {^at)n), ©Cfeac (©anl), yet it might be said that these derivations are somewhat obscure. On the other hand, a is written in some VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 21 words of which it was certainly not generally known that they contained an Umlaut of a, thus in %t)te, O.H.G. ahir, Tla^Xd O.H.G. merlha or marha. We also find a in Tta^ne, M.H.G mane, btc S^rdne, M.H.G. trene plural of traheii, 3a^tf, M.H.G zaher, a^nlic() (Luther cnltt^). a is found in some words which were written with e in M.H.G., so in bcr Sor (but ©eriil^arb), M.H.G. ber; |)dOcr, M.H.G. heher; jtcifer, M.H.G. /.«•«?■; bet (S(|abcr, M.H.G. schedel {1) ; ©C^rodjcr, M.H.G. siveher ; gd^nen, M.H.G. ginen or genen; gdrcil, M.H.G. gem ; geboteil, M.H.G. gehSni; getvd^tCH, M.H.G. gewern. 2l4)t instead of td)t, O.H.G. Shaft, ia now antiquated. Obs. — In foreign words « represents Greek or French ai, or Latin ae : berSfimOll, Gr. dai/j-av ; TlUitaX, Fr. militaire ; (Sdfat. e, i, e, i, § 13. We have seen, § 4, that O.H.G. e may arise either from Germanic e or from Germanic i, and that there is also an e Umlaut of a. Obs. 1. — In the following words e arises by Brechung from i: quiick (fed), E. quirh ; Uhen, lebeii, E. to live ; liiceOn, ledeil, E. to lick ; wehha (wohha), 2Boc()e, A.S. vdcu, E. %oeelc; Ubara, Seber, A.S. lifer, E. liver ; wcr, Lat. rir ; wiihsal, SGBcd^fet, cp. Lat. I'ices; hwer, VCitx, Lat. quis ; iir, er, Lat. is ; nest, 9?c|l, Lat. nidus. In some words older i became e in Modern German, or later M.H.G., as Se|ne, M.H.G. Une or line, O.H.G. Una, If^nctl, beben, M.H.G. biben. Lernen appears already in later O.H.G. besides lirnen. Also in a few words derived from Latin i has become e, as O.H.G. behhar. Seeder, from L.L. bicarinm, E. beaker; miissa, fWejTe from Lat. missa ; SWennig, M.H.G. menig or minig from Lat. minium. Obs. 2. — In a few words e has become o in M.H.G. or later O.H.G. especially after w. Ex.: odo, ober, for older er&fo or etio, wola, ttJ0!)I, for wela, E. well, wolta, tvottfe, for welta, u-oche, 3Bo(|e, for loehha ; also que became in later O.H.G. ko as kommen, fommeil, for qucman. lu Mod. German IVODcil has superseded wellen. Obs. 3. — In some Modern German words c (Umlaut of a) has be- come 6' (3:rubung), for example in .^6((p, M.H.G. Iielle, E. hell; 22 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Siiffel, M.H.G. Uffel, gtij^, U.'R.G.vUlze, ©ewolbe, M.H.G. gewelbe, ©doffe, M.H.G. scheffe. Cp. Fr. dchevin, ber ©4)6pfer, JWolf, O.H.G. zioelif, M.H.G. zioelf, E. twelve, t6fc|en (trans, verb), M.H.G. leschen, f^Opfen, M.H.G. schepfen, fcjropfen, M.H.G. schrepfen, fc{)tt)6rcn, M.H.G. sioerw, trotben, gcttio^nen, M.H.G. wenen, ergo^en,' older form crgc^Ctl. In crlofc^cn, M.H.G. erleschen, c > 6, probably after the analogy of the trans, verb lijfc^en. With regard to .Scter, O.H.G. querder, and .SrotC, 7;re o. § 19. In some words « > o in Modern German, especially before nn, thusinberSo^H, M.H.G. ran, bit ©OntlC, M.H.G. simne ; SGSoilllC, M.H.G. wunne, in past part, like geronncji, begoniicti, gewoniicn, gcfomiCll, etc., M.H.G. girunnen, etc. ; before mm in fromill, M.H.G. vrum, ©omitier, M.H.G. suiner, in the past part. gefdjTOOni' men, geglommcn, geflommen, M.H.G. gesimmmen, etc. Before n followed by another consonant only in fonfl, M.H.G. sunut, fotlberil, M.H.G. sunder, bcfonbfr^, ®te 2lnttt)0rt, O.H.G. antwurti, has been formed by analogy with ba^ 2Bort. On the other hand o has be- come « in some O.H.G. words derived from Latin, as Lat. pondus, O.H.G. phund, *Pfunb; Lat. monasterium, O.H.G. munistar, 3)?un« fieri Lat. moneto, O.H.G. muni^sa, ^Kunje; Lat. jwnna, O.H.G. 26 GERMAN PHONOLOGY nunna, Mod. Germ. ^TJonne. In gutc^t, M.H.G. vorhte, id) butfte, O.H.G. dor/la, o > uhy analogy. In boppctt o represents French o« {double). § 20. In M.H.G. the Umlaut of o and u are respectively and u. As o only arose by Brechung from u before a, e, 0, it should not have had any Umlaut, but have become il in M.H.G. (m in O.H.G.). We have seen that this was partly the case, but not, for example, in declension, where we have hob, holzir, M.H.G. Mlzer, loch, locher. In deriva- tion we find sometimes both forms, M.H.G. hiibesch and hovesch to hof, loch but lucke, gelilbede but loben. Obs. — A peculiar change is that through which some of the so- called preterite presents passed. In the infinitive u remained before a in unnan, kunnan, on account of the double nasal ; by analogy also durfan kept the u, and besides magan we also find niugan. But in the preterite the u of minan and Icunnan became 0, onda, Iconda (Got. famj'a), perhaps after the analogy of mohta, dorfta, solta, etc. Of course the plural of the present preserved the It : unnun, Inmnim, durfmi, also sculun, mugun, besides magun. In M.H.G. the ?( was introduced into the preterites gunde,^ htnde ; in the fourteenth and fifteenth century the o began again to replace the u, and at the same time the Umlaut came in, first in the sub- junctive, then also in the inf. and plural of the present. In Modem German 6 is written in the infinitive and plural of present in lonnen, gonnen, tnogeil ; foUcn has o without Umlaut ; the preterite has 0, fonntf, mot^te, fotttf. Only biirfen has preserved the m, with Umlaut in inf. and plural of the present, bfirfeil, blirfte. § 21. Germanic (Got. w) developed in O.H.G. into uo through the intermediate stages oa, ita. This change com- '■ M.H.G. gunneii is a compound of tmnen, O.H.G. giunnen; the simple verb is not found in M.H.G. In Modern German, goiltutl, not being an auxiliary of mood, is conjugated like a regular weak verb : id; goniK, bu goniifl, ct goiint, goiinte, gcgonnt. VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 27 menced in the Alemanic dialect in the second half of the eighth century, though o is met with till about the year 800. In the ninth century ua prevails, at the end of that century uo has become fixed.^ In the Bavarian dialect the change began later ; in the Franconian ^ the middle form oa is not found. In M.H.G. w remained except where affected by Umlaut. In Modern German uo>u; traces of this m are found in M. G. as early as the eleventh century. Ex. ; bnwder (Got. bro])ar), ber Sruber ; fluot (Got. flodus), bte glut ; guot (Got. gods), gut. Obs. 1. — The change from o to tto took place in accented syllables. In unaccented syllables it was very rare ; we have however armnoti besides armoti, M.H.G. armuof, bicSlrmut; diomuti, M.H.G. diemuot or demuot, bte Sctttut, and a few others. Ols. 2. — In a few words no > short u in Mod. German, thus in TluHn, gutter, mug, and in flunb (for flanb). In a few other words it became o, thus in Sllmofen, in the sixteenth century still Sllmufen, M. H. G. almuosen from the Greek IKcrnioaiv-q, through the Latin ; in the preterites Job (M.H.G. huop) and f^iwor (M.H.G. siouor), but sometimes we find ^llb, f(^lt»lir. § 22. In M.H.G. the Umlaut of uo was ue, which in Mod. German became ii : guot, gut, but gilete, @iite ; huoch, 93u(j^, pi. biiecher, SSiic^er. In berfo^uen o appears for u, but the subst. is bte ch, SJuc^. 28 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Germ. .^oil§ ; L. murus, O.H.G. milra, M.H.G. mare, Mod. Germ. SDtaiter. Obs. — au for u appears in the Bavarian- Austrian dialect aa early as the twelfth century. § 24. The Umlaut of ft was iu, which appears already in the later O.H.G. ; in Mod. Germ, it became eu, written ciu when the relation to au was still felt, as kus, pi. hiuser, ba§ §au§, bie ^oufer ; hut, pi. hiide, bie §aut, pi. bie ^aute ; but in £)eute, to-day (M.H.G. Mute, eu is the old diph- thong). CHAPTER HI. THE DIPHTHONGS. ai (ei). § 25. It has already been mentioned in § 16 that Ger- manic ai became e before r, h, w as early as the seventh century, as O.H.G. leren, Got. laisjan; O.H.G. seo. Gen. seuvs, Got. saiws. The same change took place at the end of words we (Got. wai), ttie^. Only a few words are excepted, as zwei. It must however be borne in mind that ai>e, before a Germanic h, not before O.H.G. h or hh, arising from Germanic k by the second sound shifting, as O.H.G. zeihhen, Setd^eu, Got. taikns, E. tolcen; O.H.G. eik, (£i^e, E. oak. Strange is e for ei in icenag, luenig, Got. wainags, zwene, jtreen, masc. to swei, hede, beibe besides heide. § 26. In all other cases the diphthong remained in O.H.6., but towards the end of the eighth century it gradually be- came ei, probably by assimilation of the first vowel to the VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 29 second ; ein, eitt, Got. wins ; stein, Got. stains ; teil, ber £eil, Got. dails. Ohs. — In Mod. Germ, ei has remained and has fallen together with ei arising from i. At first there may have been a difference in pronunciation. In some parts of Germany a distinction still exists, but in general no difference is now made between ei < ei and ei < i. The pronunciation is that of ai, in a few cases at is written instead of ti, especially to distinguish some words which have become alike in consequence of i becoming ei, as ber Saib, the loaf, M.H.G. leip, but bet Seib, body; M.H.G. lip; ©atte, M.H.G. seite, ©eite, M.H.G. site ; SBatfe, M.H.G. weise, Sffieife, M.H.G. loise; and a few others, ai is besides written in f)ain, SKatb, in some proper names, as SSfliern (sometimes Sa^evn), Stain, bet SKain, 3)?ainj, SWailanb, and in the loan words Satfct, Sate, ?afat, 5Kat, Tlaii, SSat, $ai. ai and ei fluctuate in atc^en or etc^en, to gauge, SBoibmatin and SBeib' mann ; the spelling ei now prevails in Oetretbe, §etbe, SBci^ett. au (ou). § 27. The Germanic diphthong au (Got. au) became o in the eighth century before dental consonants (d, t, z, s, n, r, I) and before Germanic h, as Got. hauhs, O.H.G. Jioh, I)Oc| ; Got. dau^us, O.H.G. tod, ber %oi; Got. hausjan, O.H.G. horen, ^orett; L. caulis, O.H.G. M, ber ^oiji; also in the sing, of the preterite of the strong verbs of the 2nd Ablaut series, hot, Ms, zoh. § 28. In all other cases au remained till about the ninth century, when it became ou, the first vowel becoming assimilated to the second. The intermediate stage ao is only found in the Bavarian dialect, ou remained in M.H.G. In Mod. German ou became again ^ au : Got. aucjo, O.H.G. 1 au for ou prevailed in the Bavarian dialect already in the thirteenth century. 30 GERMAN PHONOLOGY ouga, Sluge ; Got. auk, O.H.G. ouh, aud^ ; likewise O.H.G. mwa, bie 9lvie, O.H.G. /rowwa, bie grau (see § 126, h). Obs. — In the singular of the preterite of the verbs of the 2nd Ablaut series ou, as in loug, boug, has by analogy become o in Mod. German, ix tog, cr bog. § 29. In M.H.G. the Umlaut of ou was om, but it did not take place before labials.^ In Mod. German it became eu, written ou when it was still felt to be the Umlaut of au. In modern formations the Umlaut is found before labials. Examples : O.H.G. bougen, M.H.G. hougen or bougen, Beugeit ; M.H.G. frouda ov frewida, greube. Without Umlaut before labials we have O.H.G. haubit, M.H.G. houbel, boS ^OUjit, but plural bie §au^ter; Got. galaubjan, O.H.G. gilouben, M.H.G. gelouben, glauben but glaubig. There is no differ- ence in the pronunciation of eu and du. 06s.— In ©rctgni^, ftc() creigncn Su has become ei in Mod. German, M.H.G. erougnis from ouge, Slligc. eu (iu). § 30. Germanic eu (Got. m) appears in O.H.G. in two difiFerent forms. 1. Before a, e, o in the following syllable, ew, unless pro- tected by nasal + consonant, suffers Brechung to eo, which afterwards became io. At least this was the case in the Franconian dialects ; in Upper German Brechung took place only before a dental or Germanic h.^ 2. Before i (j), u in the next syllable or nasal -j-consonant eu > iu, in Upper German also before a labial or guttural ^ iju appears before labials from the fourteenth century. ' After the tenth century io (ie) appeared in U.G. before labials or gutturals. VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 31 (except Germ, h), even with a, e, o in the following syllable. m remained in M.H.G-., but in Mod. German it became again w;i io became ie in M.H.G., also in the later O.H.G. In Mod. German the spelling ie is mostly retained, but it is pronounced *. Ex. : Got. hiudan, O.H.G. hiotan, M.H.G. Ueten, bieten; 3rd pers. sing. O.H.G. Uutit, M.H.G. hiutet, er Beut, afterwards er fctetet ; after the analogy of the plural, Got. liuha'p, O.H.G. leoht, lioht, M.H.G. liecht, Sid^t; Got. liuktjan (?), O.H.G. Uuchten, leud^tett ; Got. ])iudo, O.H.G. diot, M.H.G. diet, preserved in ®ietrtc^ ; Got. piudisk, O.H.G. diutisk, M.H.G. diutsch, beutfd^; Got. liufs, U.G. Hup, Franc. Hob, M.H.G. lieb, litb ; U.G. fliugan, Franc, fliogan, M.H.G. fliegen, ftiegen. The sound of eu is like that of oi, whether it represents M.H.G. iu or ou. Synopsis of Vowel Changes. §31. The following tables will show the various changes of the vowels ; the first compares the Idg. vowels with the primitive Germanic, the second traces the development of the vowels from Primitive Germanic to Modern German. Table I. Indo-Germ. Germanic. a a Gr. Trarijp Got. fadar cl L. f rater • Got. bropar e e Jj.ferre O.H.G. beran e eh. mensis Got. mena ' eu for iu appears in the Bavarian dialect already iu the twelfth century. 32 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Indo-Germ. G( jnnanic. i i L. piscis Got. fishs i t L. sUis O.H.G. sU a L. hostis Got. gasts a Gr. yi/toTOS Got. knop u u Sansk. dur O.H.G. turi ■a u Sansk. L. mus O.H.G. mils ai ai Gr. aiiuv Got. aiws oi ai Gr. oiSa Got. loait ei i Gr. AciV(o O.H.G. JJ-^jJam au au L. < lugere Got. aukan ou au Idg . roudhos Got. j-awfs eu eu Gr. evy(i) O.H.G. Jgttg'M Table II. Prim. Germ O.H.G. M.H.6. Mod. German. '{ a a a U e{Vy e e(o) {a ?) ae ) a ( d a 1 ae (U) a (e) e { e i e i e i e ie ie ie=* i { i e (B)i i e t e % 1 % ei (0?) — — — 6 uo ■ uo u { ««(U) u ' B for Brechung, U for Umlaut, VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 33 eu O.H.G. M.H.(i. Mod. German. { u U 11 il (U)i VL . o{BY { «(U) 6 _ u au tt iu (U) eu (au) f ei I «(§25) ci ei (ai) c e ou { ou im (U) au eu (au) 6(^27) { oe(U) 6 c iu m eu . eo, io (B) ie i(ie) Obs. We see from the above table that fM.H.G. or O.H.G. u Mod. Germ, au-^ ,^ „ ^ ^ tt /^ iM.H.G. or O.H.G. ou Mod. Germ, eu-^ lO.H.G. u iM.H.G. OM O.H.G. ou ^^ J „ . rM.H.G. or O.H.G. ei Mod. Germ, et -^ ,^ ^^ ^ ^ tt /^ I M.H.G. or O.H.G. l rM.H.G. or O.H.G. m Mod. Germ, u {^^„ „ /^ tt ^ IM.H.G. or O.H.G. uo ^^ J r, ■■ rM.H.G. u O.H.G. M Mod. Germ, n {^^-.^ „ ^ tt ^ IM.H.G. iie O.H.G. uo ' B for Brechung, U for Umlaut. 34 GERMAN PHONOLOGY CHAPTER IV. CHANGE OF THE QUANTITY OF VOWELS. Lengthening of Vowels. § 32. It has already been mentioned in the Introduction that one of the principal characteristics of Modern German compared with the older dialects is the lengthening of short vowels in accented syllables (®e^nuttg). However, this lengthening of vowels did not in every case take place suddenly at the beginning of the Modern German period, the commencement of this change being already found in the older language. The process was gradual ; it com- menced in the Middle German dialects, and proceeded southwards. § 33. This lengthening took place in open syllables. In monosyllabic words ending in a vowel, and in syllables ending in a vowel followed by another, a short vowel was already lengthened in O.H.G. : du or du; Got. /a, O.H.G. ja for older ja; Got. fijands, O.K.G. fiand, ber %tmi>. Of later date is the lengthening of vowels in open syl- lables when followed by a consonant. This movement commenced in Middle German ; the first traces are found in Heinrich von Veldeke. The change took place before single consonants, rarely before m or t; it was prevented by a combination of two consonants, to which we must reckon the spirants resulting from the second or High German sound-shifting. Ex. : M.H.G. s'ehen Mod. German fel)ett ,, hase „ ^afe „ vrevel • „ f^febel VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 35 Ex. : M.H.Gr. giiben gehen Mod. German gefien wagen'- , , SBagen (carriage) adel Sbet main-' (O.H.G. tna^Ien (to grind vmlen) in a mill) varn (O.H.G. faran) „ fafiren mane- „ bie aKa£)tte Ohd. 1. — Before m the short vowel is often preserved; this is always the case when m is followed by the suffixes ct or ct. Ex.: long la^ni, M.H.G. lam; SUamc, M.H.G. name; faltl (but gefommcn), ne^men (but er nimmt), short btr jammer, bie jlammfr, bcr Sommct/ bet 5>.imntel, M.H.G. hamer, kamer, sumer, himtl. Obs. 2. — Before t the short vowel is found more frequently than the long one. Lengthening takes place in bteteil, ber 33otf, bie Sotfc{)aft, bet 33afet (but SSetter and ©euattet), Satct, fMe, and a few others. Obs. 3. — The suffix et in some cases prevents the lengthening of a vowel not only before m, but also before other consonants. Thus we find with a short vowel; SOlinet, M.H.G. doner; SEBibbet, M.H.G. loider; ©ijttet, M.H.G. sOlre. The short vowel is also preserved in (Jiitteit, M.H.G. viilin; in Sfeffe, M.H.G. neve, and in man$, M.H.G. manec. § 34. The lengthening of short vowels in closed syllables is in most cases the result of analogy. Thus the nom. sing, generally takes the long vowel of the inflected forms, as ber ©ofiit, M.H.G. sun, on account of be§ (3of)rte§. In a few words the pronunciation fluctuates, thus in §of, ®Ia§, %&%. Also in weak verbs the long vowel of the infinitive finds its way into forms with closed syllables, legen, it|r tegt. In Modern German the difference between the sing. ' M.H.G. wagen, to dare. -^ M.H.G. malen, to paint. 36 GERMAN PHONOLOGV and plural of the preterite of strong verbs has disappeared. M.H.G. nam, namen, Mod. German nal^m, na£)men. In other forms of strong verbs the long vowel of the open syllables has, in general, only been introduced into the closed syllables, if the vowels were of the same kind, tragett, er trogt, faliren, er fafirt, likewise ^e^en, bu fiel^ft, lefen, er lieft, £)aben, if)r l^aBt, but treten, bu trittj't, nel^nten, bu nimmft. In- stead of bu gtelift, er gie6t, one also hears bu gibft, er gi6t with a short vowel, but the long vowel predominates. Also compounds and derivatives often adopt the long vowel of the simple, if the vowels are alike, fc^Iageit, obfdiiagtit^, tragen, tragfiar, but gefien, ®ift, gefoben, ©elilbbe. Before d^t the vowel is always short (see § 35), |(^Iagen, @(i)ta(|t, tragen, 2:rad^t, etc. Except where produced by analogy, the lengthening of a short vowel in closed syllables takes place (with very few exceptions) only before r, even if this consonant is followed by a dental ; er, M.H.G. er, Dor, mlr, toer, 9trt, SSart, Srbe, SSert, ©(^tuert, and many others. The vowel is short in Urtetl, SSorteit, fertig, gebiirtig, irben, irbif^, ^erjog. We find besides the lengthened vowel in luo^t (also in SBoIitleben, but not in SOSoEu[t), hiem, toen, bent, ben, it;)m, ifin, and in glenb, M.H.G. ellende^ Shortening of Vowels. § 35. In some words a vowel long in M.H.G. has been shortened in Mod. German, especially before (|t or a nasal followed by another consonant; thus in baS Stc|t, M.H.G. Ueht, niii^tern, M.H.G. niiehtem, brod^te, M.H.G. brahie, er ' From O.H.G. eli-lenti in another country, banishment, then misery. VOWELS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 37 gtng, fing, M.H.G. gienc, fienc. In geinb and greunb the long vowel remains, likewise in SKonb, Sienft, Iei(^t, SJeid^te, and in leud^teit. Other examples of the shortening of a long vowel are rare: Slofter, M.H.G. Milfter; elf for older eilf, M.H.G. eilf, einlif ; titgett, M.H.G. t'digen. In most cases the shortening had already taken place in M.H.G. : ber §err, M.H.G. herre, besides here, O.H.G. herro, lieriro, l^errfd^eit, M.H.G. hersen or hersen, O.H.G. herisOn, l^eftig, M.H.G. heftec (heifte), O.H.G. heifiig. Obs. 1. — In compounds the vowel of the first part is often shortened, especially if its meaning is obscured, thus Srombeerf, M.H.G. bramber; Sorbcer, M.H.G. lorher ; ©rummet, aftergrass, M.H.G. griienmat, mowed green; ber 3Ja(5bar, M.H.G. ncichgebnr, O.H.G. iiahgtbur; f)0(^Jtit, |)Oifabrt M.H.G. hochvart; jwatljig, M.H.G. zweinzic ; ©crtrub {ger, spear), for a like reason the short vowel remains in ^erbcrge, $erjOg, from M.H.G. here, iai 5eer. Oba, 2. — The shortening of long vowels is also frequent, even be- fore a single consonant, when the suffixes cJ, en, CV, follow ; thus in TluittX, M.H.G. muoter, gutter, vuoter, SSlntter, blatcr, gjiifffl, M.H.G. rilezel, bic SBflffe, M.H.G. daz wafen. Obs. 3. — Shortening of long vowels occurs in bu JoP, er 1)at, ^Ottf, M.H.G. hast, hat, hate, laffen, lazen, ©eilOfTe, genoze, 3ia(i)e, niche, and a few others. § 36. The length of a vowel is often not marked at all, so in mtr, SSogen, Saben. Sometimes it is marked by doubling the vowel, as in bo§ ^eer, ber <3aal, bo§ SKoor. Frequently by the insertion of an ^, as in fe^r, Stu'^m, ber 9Ko^r, %^at,^ tfiun, S^or, Sfiron, i^m. ' Formerly th was much more frequent, but by the last reform in spelling t is in most cases written for tJi. Th is now only written for Greek $, as in ber %^XOX\i in tjlin, and its derivatives, in S^on, S^cr, S:pre, SEbat Sbaler, S^rone. 38 GERMAN PHONOLOGY The length of i is often indicated by the addition of an e, as \)a^ 2teb, ber @ieg. § 37. The shortness of a vowel originally followed by a single consonant is, in the middle of a word, marked by the doubling of that consonant (©c^arfuttg), as in ^ntnter, aitutter, §imntel, SSetter, Sonner. CHAPTER V. VOWELS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES. A. — Vowels in Final Syllables. § 38. Although compared with M.H.G-. and Modern German, O.H.G. show^s very full terminations, yet the final syllables, even of the oldest monuments, have less full forms than Primitive Germanic. It is now generally as- sumed that Prim. Germanic possessed the same full ter- minations as Greek or the Indian languages. According to Westphal and Scherer these full forms, existing at first, were already shortened in Primitive German (Stuglautgefe^). Sievers admits these laws only to a limited extent. Paul rejects them altogether, and maintains that the shortening process, although often identical, took place in the different Germanic languages after their separation. In the following brief remarks on the shortening of the vowels I have principally followed Kluge (Paul's Qrwndriss, pp. 358-367). § 39. Already in primitive German, final a, c, o disap- peared, unless formerly followed by a nasal : Gr. oTa-Oa, Sansk. vcitJui, Germ, ivaist ; Idg. pempe, L. qwhiqtie, Germ. Jimf; also final i in the third syllable fell out; Sansk. VOWELS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES 39. bharanti, Got. hairand. Final a disappeared even if it had formerly been followed by a nasal. Except these and a few other cases, the treatment of final syllables is different in East Germanic and "West Germanic. § 40. In Prim. High German (and mostly in West Ger- manic), final pure! i, o, u were shortened to i or u, 6 becoming u:^ Lat. velU, O.H.G. wili, Gr. epa), O.H.G. biru. At a later period also the long final vowels, after which an n (or g) had fallen out (see footnote ^) were shortened, and the diphthongs ai>e and au > o, as Got. ahtau, O.H.G. ahto, Got. nimai, O.H.G. neme. § 41. We have seen in § 39 that syncope of final a and also of i in third syllable took place at a very early period. After the shortening of the long vowels mentioned in § 40, syncope of final i and u took place after a long syllable (whether long by nature or by position) ; but after a short syllable these vowels remained. Thus we have O.H.G. gast for an older gasti (cp. L. hostis) ; O.H.G. ist, Gr. eo-Tb ; O.H.G. min for an older minniT, ; O.H.G. fluot, Got. flodus; O.H.G. lust, Got. lustus. § 42. Already from an early time formations made by analogy or levelling interfered with the above-mentioned process, and continued to do so. It follows from what has been said above, that final long vowels are hardly to be met with in O.H.G., as transmitted to us. Long final vowels are found, for example, in the nom. sing, of the wa ^ It is supposed that in many cases a final n has fallen out, leav- ing to the vowel, which thus became final, a nasal sound ; these vowels with a nasal sound resisted better than the vowels not so affected, which ai-e called pure vowels. ^ shows often a tendency to become u, especially before a nasaL 40 GERMAN PHONOLOGY roots, as U, contraction of Uo (older hUo) ; in geba, Got. gihos, nom. plural of the feminine 6 declension ; probably also in taga, Got. dagos, nom. plural of the masc. a declen- sion ; in holii, sing, of feminine abstract nouns in i for older in. The only diphthong that is found at the end of a word is m in the nom. sing, of the feminine, and nom. and ace. plural of the neuter in the strong declension of the adjec- tive, as (blintiu), for which the Franconian dialects have frequently u (blinlu). But before a final consonant all vowels, short or long, may occur in O.H.G. However, al- ready in the tenth century the decay of the final syllables as we have them in older O.H.G. begins, and already in the eleventh century we find « to a great extent representing the vowels of final syllables, especially short vowels fol- lowed by a consonant. §43. In M.H.G. the e of final syllables has increased ; however, the adjectival termination iu persists. In many forms the e has disappeared altogether, especially after I and r preceded by a short vowel, and after the syllables el, er, en, em, as Icils (kiles), engels (engeles). Often the e was preserved when the word was accented, and dropped when unaccented, thus herre, but her Slfrit ; hence many double forms, as wide and mid, wande and wan. Also other double forms may be referred to the change of the accent in the sentence, as ar^U and arzet, dberost and dberest, heilic and heilec (O.H.G. heilag). § 44. During the latter part of the M.H.G. period the suppression of the final unaccented e increased in the U.G. dialects ; it was less frequent in the Middle German dialects. When therefore in the sixteenth century the influence of VOWELS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES 41 Middle German increased, the suppressed e often reappeared. Above all, Modern German tries to protect the final syl- lables, which serve to distinguish the different forms in declension and conjugation. Thus the e of the first person is never omitted, tc^ faiire, M.H.G. often var, also the e of the Inf. is mostly preserved, except in the verbs in ellt and em, as l^anbetn, !Iettern (but gel^en, fe^en, ft(f) freuen, etc.) ; Sifiun is an exception. The e of the plural disappears only after the unaccented syllables, el, ett, er (also after c^en and tein) ; far more frequent was the suppression of e in the genitive and dative singular. The e of the nom. sing, disappears regularly after another sufSx : bie SinfterniS, M.H.G. vin- sternisse; ber ©d^reiBer, M.H.G. schnbaere; bie S^onigtn, M.H.G. Miniginne; ebet, M.H.G. edele; ge6enb, M.H.G. gebende. Where e follows the root syllable, it remains generally after those consonants which are differently pro- nounced when final, and disappears after the others ; obe, tru6e, toetfe, M.H.G. oede, triiehe, wise, but f|)at, tn% leer, M.H.G. spaete, kiiele, laere. Adjs. in ng fluctuate: lan'g, ftreitg, eug, and enge. Adverbs have now the same form as the adj., except laitge, as adverb of time. Obs. 1. — The termination m, which still persisted in M.H.G., has disappeared in Modern German ; for diu we find bie, likewise fcltnbc for blindm ; ' o appears in beflO, M. H. G. dMe, 0. H. G. des diu. Diph- thongs appear in final syllables in Modern German, in Jlrbeit, Opeim, the diminutives in Ictll, nouns in pett and feit. Ohs. 2.— In some words Modern German shows a fuller final syllable than M.H.G., thus ber (gtbam, M.H.G. tidem, O.H.G. eidum, Sifam, M.H.G. Umm. Pull vowels are also in iJteinOb, M.H.G. 1 diu, hlindiu did not become bte, fctinbe, but in the feminine the accusative die has superseded the nominative diu, whilst the form of the masculine plural supplied that of the plural of the neuter. 42 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Mdnot ; Slrmilt, M.H.G. armuot, O.H.G. armuoti ; |)eitnat, M.H.G. heimuot, O.H.G. heinmoti ; Tlonai, M.H.G. mdrwt. Cp. gtnobe (O.H.G. einodi), Weitonb, M.H.G. wUent, O.H.G. wUom. The ter- mination fal fluctuates with fet, Sriibfal, ©^iiffat, gfiUfcI, SRiitfrt. B. — Unaccented Vowels in Middle Syllables. § 45. As the treatment of these vowels varies very much, only a few remarks shall' find their place here. Long vowels protected by consonants and having a secondary accent persisted best ; the short vowels, and they are the most frequent, vary much more, and have a tendency to become e. Assimilation frequently took place, especially the vowel a was assimilated to the vowel of the termination, as kaisar, kaiseres. Umlaut is rare ; if a is affected by a follow- ing i it is mostly assimilated, as nagal, negili. Syncope of a medial vowel took place only in the pre- terite, and the inflected form of the past participle of the weak verbs of Class I., provided the stem syllable was long by nature or position, as hortd, gihorier, h-anta, gi- branter, but nerita, gmeriUr. § 46. In M.H.Gr. the syncope of the medial vowel ex- tended also to the preterite and past participle of Class I. with short stem syllables, and also to the weak verbs of Class II. and III, which in O.H.Gr. have still o and (', as weinde, O.H.G. weinota ; trurte, O.H.G-. trureta. Also other cases of syncope are not rare, thus in many superlatives, as crste, schoenste, also in the syllable isch, as hcrschen. § 47. In Modern German the syncope of the medial vowel of preterite and past participle of the weak verbs is VOWELS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES 43 the rule. Only after a d, t, and the combinations /«, gn, chn, tm, the e is preserved : er babete, er fegnete. Also in the superlative syncope of the e talces place, except after a dental 1 or hissing sound: ber fi^OTifte, but ber ftotjefte. Syncope in the syllable isdi is found only in ^bfd^ (but !^oftfd§), beutfc^, O.H.Gr. diutise, loelid^, O.H.G. welMsc, SOlenjd^, O.H.G. mennisco, also in l^errfd^eit. Syncope has also taken place in the following words : bo0 ^embe, O.H.G. hemidi, M.H.G. hemede; fremb, O.H.G. fremidi, M.H.G. wemede; in tnond^, O.H.G. manag, M.H.G. manec (but man- nigfacfi) ; in SRebner, (Partner, Sungting, etc. 0. — Unaccented Vowels in Compound Words. § 48. Prefixes are unaccented in verbs, accented in nouns (§ 138). Consequently the former have suffered considerably. The verbal prefixes ga, m, ant, ur, fur, bi, have already in O.H.G. become gi (later ge), d (««), int (in), ar (ir, later er), far Q.a,ter fir, fer), be. In Modern German they appear as ge, ent, er, tier, be ; jer has replaced za. In nouns the fuller form has often been preserved, entgef)en but Stntlt^, eriaitben but Urtaub, begelien but S8eif^)iet, UrtJieit but ert^eifen, etc. Obs. — In many cases the vowel of the prefix has disappeared altogether, consequently many verbs which are originally com- pounds are now treated as simple verbs. Already in O.H.G. we find glouben, gndda ; in M.H.G. syncope was very frequent. In Mod. German they occur in words the simples of which do no longer exist, as gotinen, M.H.G. gunnen, O.H.G. giunnan; ©nabe, M.H.G. gndde or genade, O.H.G. ginada ; Olailbe, M.H.G. gelouben, O.H.G. gilouhen, cp. E. to believe; glei^, M.H.G. geluh, cp. E. like; ®U\i or ®clci«, M.H.G. geleis; ©lieb, M.H.G. gelit; @Iu(f, ' After a dental the e is often omitted. 44 GERMAN PHONOLOGY M.H.G. geHicke, cp. E. lucJe; binticn from bi-innan, also in A.S. binnen ; bange, cp. eiige, perhaps also in ctbormen (?(rm ?), in bictbeil, M.H.G. beliben, O.H.G. biliban, cp. E. to leave; fteffen, M.H.G. vre^^en, 0. H. G. /re35are, from an older /rae33C??, cp. E. to fret. § 49. Also the less accented second parts of compounds undergo a great many alterations, especially shortening of vowels. O.H.G, weralt becomes lo&rold, M.H.G. werelt, Mod. Germ. SEBeft; hagustalt is M.H.G. hagestoU, now |)agcjlolj ; niowiht is now n\(S)t; bfutf, O.H.G. hmto, Is from hiu tagti; ^eiter, O.H.G. hiuro, from hiujdru; JWOlf is M.H.G. zirelif; ctf older ctif, M.H.G. einiif; Stbler, M.H.G. adel-ar; ^wnoHtX, juncfro^iwe; ©C^llflcr, sckuohsiltaej-e; we havereicb, rich, but in proper names we find ric^, as ^etlirt^, jjttebrii^, etc. D. — Development of New Vowels. § 50. The consonants I, r, n (sometimes m), which in Gothic may immediately follow another consonant, de- veloped in the West Germanic dialects an a at the end of a word, when preceded by a mute : Got. fugls, O.H.G. fogal, SSoget ; Got. ma]il, O.H.G. mahal, assembly; Got. ahs, O.H.G. achar (adar) ; Got. ihns, O.H.G. eban, e6en, E. even. This a soon found its way into the inflected forms and the derivations, at first only after a short syllable, afterwards also after a long one : mahal, genitive mahales, but O.S. mahles; eban, adv. ebano, O.S. e/no ; fogal, fogales, O.S. fugles; but at first ackres, later ackares, altres, afterwards altares. This a becomes e in M.H.G. and Modern German, M.H.G. acker, SIcEer; M.H.G. eben, eben; mahal has become in Modern German maf){, in ber @emaf)I, M.H.G. gemahele. § 51. In O.H.G. a new vowel was also developed in the middle of a word, but it was not so firm as the one men- tioned in the preceding paragraph, and forms without it VOWELS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES 45 are found as well. This secondary vowel appears before an A or to preceded by r or I, sometimes also between w and preceding s. The vowel was sometimes a or o, but it mostly took its form from a preceding or following vowel. Ex. : b'eraht, E. bright ; forhta and forahta, gurd^t ; durh, durah, duruh, bltrd). Thus we have in the conjugation of befelhan or befelahan, 16efet)Ien, bifiluhu, Ufilihit, etc. From garo, gar, we have the inflected forms garwer or garawer, the verb garwen or garawen, to prepare (cp. modern gerBett, to tan) ; melo, 9Jle^t, gen. melwes or melaives, from it iniliwa, SHitbe, etc. Already in later O.H.G. this secondary vowel begins to disappear, or appears as e. This e is rarely found in M.H.Gr., and has disappeared in Modern German. § 52. Whilst the secondary vowel mentioned in § 51 is found in all O.H.G. dialects, that developed between r and a following guttural or labial is confined to Upper German, and only to its oldest period, thus we find starach or starach besides stark, eriho besides erbo, M.H.G. erhe, ia^ ®rbe. § 53. To Modern German, although already appearing in M.H.G., belongs the development of an e between the diphthongs au, ou, ei, and an r following: M.H.G. bur, ber SBauer; M.H.G. viur, bo§ Seuer, E. fire; M.H.G. sur, fauer ; M.H.G. mure, SKauer; M.H.G. mre, bie ^div, etc. § 54. Already from the twelfth century appeared some- times an inorganic e at the end of nom. and ace. sing, of a and i stems and in the nom. and ace. plur. of the neuters. The latter e has been preserved in Modern German : bie Stere, bie ^ferbe, etc. 46 GERMAN PHONOLOGY B._CONSONANTS. CHAPTER VI. THE FIRST (GERMANIC) SOUND-SHIFTING. § 55. The Indo-Germanic language had the following system of consonants : — 'J Tenues, voiceless stops Mediae, voiced stops Tenues aspiratae^ v Mediae aspiratae'J_ ' Voiceless ^r-^-'y a I Voiced t(^.^-^' Nasals Liquids Semivowels w j % 56. Labials are stops produced between the upper and lower lip. Dentals are stops through the articulation of the fore part of the tongue against the inner wall of the upper teeth or against their sockets. Gutturals'' arc stops through the articulation of the middle part of the back of the tongue against the back part of the palate. bials. Dentals. Gutturals or Palatals. P t h b d 9 ph th kh bh dh s gh V z J m n (nasal) n 1 In the aspirates the 7i was pronounced separately from the pre- ceding consonant, as in the English imthook, shepherd. In Greek we find instead of the Idg. aspirates the spirants , Got. ahtati. CONSONANTS 49 thus in the plural of the preterite and past participle of strong verbs, where the original accent fell on the termina- tion, the voiced spirant (or rather the media) appears. This change is called in German ©ranttiiatifcEier SQSedEifel (§ 79). Also in derivation we find Verner's law operating. § 59. It is not known when the first sound-shifting took place ; it must have been after the Germanic had separated from the Indo-Germanic, but before it divided into the various Teutonic languages. With regard to the order in which the difi'erent changes took place, it may be presumed that the tenues had changed to spirants before the mediae became tenues, else the old and the new tenues would have fallen together; also the change of the Germanic voiced spirants (whether arising from mediae aspiratae or from tenues) to mediae must probably have taken place after the mediae had become tenues, though the change to voiced spirants might have preceded that of the mediae to tenues. § 60. Examples of the First Sound-shifting. 1. The mediae became tenues : — b > p As b was a rare sound in Indo-Germanic, especially at the beginning of a word, there are few instances of this change. Idg. root slub (cp. L. luhricus for sluhricus). Got. sliupan, E. to slip. d > t Gr. SctKpu Got. tagr E. tear Lat. duo ,, twai „ two „ decern ,, taihun ,, ten D 50 GERMAN PHONOLOGY fif > /f Lat. genu Got. Jcniu E. knee „ ego „ ik ,, genus „ kuni „ kin 2. a. The tenues became the voiceless spirants : P >/ Lat. pes, pedis Got. /ofes E. /ooi! „ pater „ /atZar „ /aiA«r t > f (!!A) Lat. tenuis Got. f ary'a E. ■ h (ch) Lat. copw^ Got. haubi\> E. head „ pecu „ faihu „ fee „ canis „ hunds „ A0MW(Z 2. b. The tenues became the voiced spirants (mediae, §58): p > 6 Lat. septem Got. sihin E. seven ,, caput „ hauU]i t> d Lat. pater G. fadar „ {in)chtus Got. Ate(? E. loud k > g Lat. oculus Got. awgrw A.S. %« Gr. TiKVOV n ]>^'?» S > 3 (In West Germanic r in middle of a word.) Sansk. snusd A.S. snoru O.H.G. snur Gr. oi5s ,, 6arc ,, ora CONSONANTS 51 2. c. The combinations st, sp, sh remain unchanged, like- wise t in the combinations ^<, U (Germ, ft,'^ lit) : Lat. est Got. ist O.H.G. ist „ spuere „ speiwan „ sptwan „ piscis „ jisks „ fish „ captus „ hafts „ haft „ octo „ ahtau „ ahto 3. The mediae aspiratae become the voiced spirants (mediae) : bh ^ b Sansk. bhiddmi, to split Got. beitan E. to bite „ Mbhyami Lat. lubere „ liuba „ lief „ gdrbhas, embryo „ kalbo „ culf „ bhdrclmi Lat. fero „ bairan „ to bear dh ^ d Sansk. root bandh ^ Got. bhidan E. to bind „ mddhyas A.S. midd „ mid (in gfi ^ 9 midnight) Sansk. ni-ddghas, summer Got. dags E. day „ ghas, to eat „ gasts „ guest CHAPTER VII. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONSONANTS IN WEST GERMANIC. § 61. Many Germanic simple consonants were doubled in West Germanic before j, also before r, I, w. Thus, ^ Germanic/and^ in the combinations/!!, ht,f/), hs are not affected by Verner's law. ^ The Idg. root was bhendh, but in Sanskrit, as in Greek, two consecutive syllables cannot begin with an aspirate (spirant). 52 GERMAN PHONOLOGY double consonants, which formerly had been rare, became numerous. More about these geminations, see § 73. § 62. It has already been stated in § 57, Ohs. 1, that the voiced spirants, whether arising from Indo-Germanic tenues or Indo-Grermanic mediae aspiratae, had a tendency to become voiced mediae. The change to mediae was not uniform in the various dialects. a. In Gothic S '^ became the media d at the beginning of a word and after a consonant, else the voiced spirant re- mained, except at the end, where it became f. In West Germanic all the voiced dental spirants have become the mediae d.'^ Got. dauhtar O.S. dohter E. daughter „ hindan „ bindan „ to bind „ Uudan, bau]i „ biodan, bod „ to bid „ nwiip „ nimid b. In Gothic b became the media b at the beginning of a word and after m, I, r, else the voiced spirant remained, except at the end of a word, where it became /. West Germanic followed the same course, except that in gemi- nation the mediae bb appeared.^ 1. Got. bairan O.S. b'eran E. to bear lamb „ lamb swerban, but ,, to swerve geban{gehan),fiaf „ to give sibun(sit)im,sivun) „ seven sibbia „ sib ' The signs "6, if, g are here used to indicate the voiced spirants in distinction to the mediae b, d, g. Neither Gothic nor Old Saxon distinguishes the voiced spirants in writing from the mediae, but the final )), /prove the spirantio sound. 2 Primitive Old High German (before the second sound-shifting) must have agreed with Old Saxon. lamb , swairban, swarb , 2. giban, gaf sibun , 3. sibja , CONSONANTS 53 c. With regard to the pronunciation of g, we know nothing certain, as g and not h appears at the end of the word. Some suppose that the spirantic sound g existed in West Germanic; though perhaps less in primitive O.H.G., following in this the analogy of the dentals and labials. d. Germanic 3,1 arising from Indo-Germanic s, has re- mained in Gothic in the middle of a word ; at the end it became s. In West Germanic it became medially r, and fell out at the end of a word, except in the second person singular of the verb, where it became s ; and in the mono- syllabic pronominal forms, O.H.G. w'6r, Got. hvas, Sansk. kas. Got. maizo O.S. mero O.H.G. mem E. more „ dius, diu^is „ tior „ deer „ swius „ sunu ., sunu „ son but ,, nimis „ nimis CHAPTER VIII. SECOND (HIGH GERMAN) SOUND-SHIFTING. § 63. After the first sound-shifting the Germanic conso- nantal system was as follows with regard to explosives and spirants : Voiceless Explosives — Tenues Voiced Explosives — Mediae Voiceless Spirants Voiced Spirants ' As .s remained initially, 5 arising from s (§ 57) would not occur at the beginning of a word. ^ Dentals are produced through the articulation of the fore part of the tongue against the inner wall of the upper teeth or against their sockets. Interdentals are produced when the edge of the tongue stops up the fissures between the rows of teeth. — (Brugmann. ) Labial. Inter- dental.3 Dental. Guttm-al. P t k b d ff f ]' s h b s 3 9 54 GERMAN PHONOLOGY § 64. High German differs from the other Germanic languages especially by a second sound-shifting. This High German sound-shifting was a gradual movement, which extended from the fifth to the seventh century. The change commenced in the Upper German dialects in South Germany, and thence spread northward ; the higher north it went, the less effective it became. This second sound-shifting was not so complete as the first; it most affected the tenues on the one hand and the dentals on the other. § 65. The following are the changes effected by the High German sound-shifting : — 1 . a. The Germanic tenues t, p, k, if medial or final after a vowel, became the double spirants 53, ff, hh (ch). This change extended to all High German dialects. ^ t > 33 Got. A.S. E. O.H.G. Man Idetan to let la^^an taffen Uan Man to eat e^san effen yata Tpaet that da^ ba§, ba| ut ut out M3 QU§ P > ff sUpan sldepan to sleep slaffan fd^Iafen greipan gripan to grip gnffan gretfett open open offan offen up up ¥ auf ' The pronouns that, it, h{wat) in the Middle Franconian dialect, in which the i remains unshifted, form an exception. CONSONANTS 5 k > hh (ch) Got. A.S. E. O.H.G. akrs aecer acre nhhar {achar) Mtx wahan wakan to wake wahhan toatfien auk Sac, ic {eke) ouh and) boka bdc book buoh 93uc^ b. The Germanic tenues t, p, /,-, at the beginning of a word, or in the middle or end after a consonant, and also the double consonants tt, pp, kk, were shifted to the affri- cates i tz (written «2=modern j), p/(also written ph), and kh (ch). The change of i to « extended to all High German dialects ; p became pf only in Upper German and in the East Franconian dialect, but remained in Ehenish and Middle Franconian. However, in the former (R.F.) dialect pf is found after an I or r. In Modern German pf has become / after Z or r. The change of k to kh took place only in Upper German, perhaps also in South Franconian, but even in Upper German k soon reappeared, in the Alemanic dialect already in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The affricate was longest preserved in the Austrian-Bavarian dialect. It is doubtful whether k written instead of kh was at first pronounced as tenuis. After the fifteenth century kh is rarely found. Examples : t > Z {tz) Got. A.S. E. O.H.G. iaihun Hen ten zehan je^n tiuhan tiohan ziohan gie^tt hairto heorte heart herza §erj satjan settan to set setzan ie|en skatts sceatt scaz Sd^oi ' Affricate is the combination of a tenuis and the homorganic spirant. ^ Also written c before e and i. 56 GERMAN PHONOLOGY P " Pfip) Got. A.S. E. O.H.G. pimd pimd pound pfiind ^fitnb pliigan [plegian to play] pfl'egan (R.F.M.F. plegan) :pflegen hilpan helpan to help i j- (M.F. helpan) £)elfen {thorp) thorph {doi-f, M.F. dorp) ®orf skephen (R.F.M.F. skeppen) fc^affett U.G. Franc. torn yaurp \,orp {t horp) skapjan k ^kh (k). Got. A.S. E. kaiirn corn com weork work rkhorn\ .chorni corn werch wiirk wecchan weccan SBerl wakjan to wake wecchan weccan ioeden Ohs. — The tenuis was not shifted in the combinations st, sp, sk, nor t in the combinations tr, ft, ht, as Got. steigan, O.H.G. stlgan ; Got. Jisks, O.H.G. Jisk ; Got. ahtau, O.H.G. ahto; Got. triggws, O.H.G. gitriuwi. § 66. 2. a. We have seen that S had become d in West Germanic (§ 62 a). In O.H.G. the media d was shifted to the tenuis t in Upper German and East Franeonianj^ d remained in Middle Franconian and partly in Ehenish Franconian. Otfried, who wrote in the South Rhenish Franconian dialect, puts t initially and d medially ; some philologists however believe that the difference in writing does not necessarily imply a difference of pronunciation. ' About the tendency of this t to become again d after n see § 109. CONSONANTS 57 del became U in all High German dialects. Examples : Got. A.S. E. U.G. Franc. 1 {ana) biudan hiodan to hid biotan (biodan) Bteteit blinds blind blind Mint (plint) blind blinb dauhtar dohtor daughter tohter dohter Sod^ter bidjan biddan bittan bitlan Bitten 2. b. We have seen (§ 62 b) that in West Germanic the voiced spirant b became initially the media 6 ; likewise in the middle or at the end of a word after m. In all other cases the spirant b remained. Of all High German dialects only the Middle Franconian preserved this spirant; the East Franconian as well as the Rhenish Franconian had in all cases b. In the Alemanic dialect the West Germanic 6 (initially or after m) was shifted to the tenuis p, for West Germanic b we find b ; in the Bavarian dialect b as well as b were shifted top. bb became pp in U.G. ; the Franconian dialects had bb. At a later time the p arising in U.G. from b (b) became again b, first in the Alemanic, afterwards also in the Bavarian dialect ; in the eleventh century b is found almost exclusively. Only in gemination pp has been preserved to the present day, bb is only found in loan words taken from Low German. Examples : Got. A.S. E. U.G. Eranc.= bairan b'eran tobear piiran beran (ge) borett A.L. Bav. giban (gihan) gifan to give h'eban k'epan geban geben sibun (sibun) sdofen seven sibun sipwi sibun fieben U.G. sibja sibb sib sippa sibba ®ippt 1 In this case (2. a) U.G. stands also for the East Franconian, and Franc, only for the Middle and Rhenish Franconian, but in 2. b U.G. is only used in its strict meaning for the Alemanic and Ba- varian dialects. ^ In Middle Franconian the spirant remains. 58 GERMAN PHONOLOGY 2. c. West Germanic g remains in the Franconian dialects ; in Upper German h frequently appears instead of g, espe- cially at the beginning of a word, and always in gemination. Gradually however the g reappears, and in the eleventh century it has entirely superseded the k ; only in gemina- tion Ick has been preserved to our time. The Franconian dialects had gg. Got. A.S. E. U.G. Franc. gihan gifan to give kepan, g'eban g'eban geben augo dage eye ouka, ouga ouga 3luge hrycg ridge riicki ruggi SRiirfen § 67. The West Germanic spirants th (]>), /, h, were not affected by this High German sound-shifting. At a later time however th was shifted to d. This change commenced in the Bavarian dialect. Already in the records after the middle of the eighth century d appears more frequently than th. In the second half of the eighth century the change spread to the Alemanic dialect, in the ninth century to the East Franconian, in the tenth and eleventh centuries to the other High German Franconian dialects. Finally the change extended to the Saxon and Lower Franconian dialects. Thus the change of th to d differs from the High German sound-shifting in two points, — firstly, it took place at a later period, in historic times ; secondly, it extends to all German dialects,^ High German as well as Low German. Example : Got. A.S. E. O.H.G. Mod. Germ. L.G. yata \aet that dir-, ba§, ba§ bat \reis yrie three dri brei bret ' English was of course not affected by this change, as the Anglo- Saxons left Germany in the fifth century. CONSONANTS 59 Notker's Law (Notkers Anlautgesetz). § 68. At the beginning of a word Notker interchanges the consonants p, t, k and b, d, g in the following manner. At the beginning of a sentence, likewise in the middle of a sentence if the preceding word ends in an explosive or spirant {p, t, k, h, d, g, /, h, 3, s), he writes p,t,k; if how- ever the preceding word ends in a liquid, nasal or vowel, he writes h, d, g. The change between d and t does not however affect O.H.Gr. t arising from Germanic d, but only O.H.G. d arising from Germanic th. Medially Notker always puts &, d, g. About the interchange of/ and v see §97. Ex. : Ter bruoder — ii,nde des pruoder — Tes kdldes — unde demo gdlde. Obs. — Philologists do not agree about the sound of Notker's b, d, g. Some (Wilmans) consider that b, d, g represent voiced explosives, others (Braune) are of opinion that they represent voiceless tenuis lenis in opposition to tenuis fortis. § 69. The following table will give a summary of the result of the High German sound-shifting. Prim. Germ. Got. A.S. R. Fr. E. Fr. U.6. Mod. G. p p P n-^pipf) pf ^2./ / Pf ff ff,f rl. z z *^2. 33 33 (1. k k I2. hh hh 2 35 ch (k) hh 5 ! ' 1 means either at the begimiing of a word or medially after a consonant ; 2 means medially after a vowel. 60 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Prim.Germ Got. A.S. R. Fr. E. Fr. U.G. M. G. ^2. b h h,p b S d (f) d, S d (t) ' ' " [ll t t [g § 70. The following table may serve for a comparison of words in the various Indo-Germanic languages : — Idg. Sanskrit,! Latin, or Greek. Got. A.S. English. OH.G. Mod. Germ. Pi* pater L. pes L. , TTois Gr. napat S. , nepos L. fadar fotus faeder fot nefa father foot nephew fatar fuo5 nefo SSatcr Sue 5lcffe P:; saptan S., septem L. upari S., super L. sibun ufar seofon ofer seven over sibun ubar fiieBen ubct ti twam S., tu L. bhratar S. , frater L. >u brohar thu bro'Sor tliou brother du pruoder or bruoder bit Stiitet t. pitar S., pater L. oatim S. , centum L. eKarbv Gr. fadar hund faeder hund father hund(red) fater hunt, later hundert Safer t>unb(ett) ki caput L. picu S., pecu L. ovaciiras S. , socer L. haubijj faihu swaihra h^afod feoh swtor head fee liaubit fihu swehur k„ cvagru, S. , soorus L. Seras Gr. tigus sweger tig -ty swiger -zig (zog) ©ttiwicget (mutter) its (in jwaiijia «i santi S., sunt L. sind sint S,"''^ nasus L. naese nose nasa 5«afe ' In this table S. stands for Sanskrit, L. for Latin, Gr. for Greek, Lith. for Lithuanian. * Pi ti kj Si stand for p, t, k, s, either at the beginning of a word or in the middle of a word, if the preceding vowel has the principal accent ; pj tj kj Sj stand for p, t, k, s in the middle of a word if the preceding vowel does not bear the principal accent. CONSONANTS 61 Idg. Sanstrit, Latin, or Greek. Got. A.S. Eoglish. 0. H.G. Mod. Germ. eT]p 6r. dius gen. d^or deer tier Ster S2 Idg. root dhus (?) diuzis ausis Lith. auso ^are ear ora D^v b lambere lapian to lap laSan duo L. tvai tw4 two zwei JlBCi d cordem L. hafrto herta heart herza f)erj edere L. itau etan to eat e53an effen gelidus L. kalds ceald, cold chalt, talt (gelatus) cald kalt ager L., d,ypit Gr. akrs aecer acre aochar, tdtx g ackar egoL. ik io I ih i* frangere L. brikaa breoan to break brehhan brc(^en Idg. root bhreg. bhratar S., frater L. brojiar bro'Sor brother pruodar, SSrubcr bh bruodar L. f budhnd (for bhudh- botm bottom podam, Sobcn (iv. (p n!l)S. fundus L. bodam dh duhitri for dhuhi- dailhtar dohter daughter tohtar Scoter L.f,d Gr.e tri S., euyadiip 6r. baudh (S. root) bindan binden to bind bintan binben (Idg. root bhendh^ i\ ghas ' S. root gasta gyst guest gast, ®afl hostis L. giest least Gr.x Idg. ghomon guma guma gomo gam in homo L. Srautigom ' It is by no means certain that the Sanskrit root ghas, to eat, is con- nected with @of}. CHAPTER IX. GEMINATION. § 71. A double consonant had the vahie of a long con- sonant, belonging as well to the preceding as to the follow- ing syllable. Geminations are of various origin and of different age. 62 GERMAN PHONOLOGY A. — Gemination in Primitive Germanic. § 72. Gemination existed already in Prim. Germ. The most frequent were nn, mm, rr, II, ss ; also pp, hk, tt oc- curred. Their origin is not always clear. In many cases the gemination was caused by assimilation ; thus nn often arises from nw (nu), as O.H.G. dunni, biiun, E. thin, L. tenuis ; II from In ; ss from ts or from a dental before the suffix t. Cp. § 88. B. — West Germanic Geminations. § 73. Geminations were frequent in West Germanic. a. Every consonant except r was doubled before j after a short vowel, originally also after a long vowel. Got. O.S. A.S. O.H.G. bidjan biddian biddan biddan bitten satjan sittian settan sezsen fe^en sibja sibbia sibb sippa ©if 136 halja hellia hell liella ^m b. The tenues t, p, k were doubled before r, occasionally also before I. Got. snuirs A.S. snottm- O.H.G snottar ^ Norse baitrs „ bittor „ bittar bitter Got. hlutrs „ hluttor ., lattar touter „ akrs ,, aecre „ acchar 9lc!ec Norse eple „ aepple „ apful m^i See § 109, footnote 1. CONSONANTS 63 0. — Old High German Gemmation. § 74. a. By the High German sound-shifting, the Ger- manic tenues p, t, k became medially after a vowel the double spirants ff, 33, hh. Obs. 1. — At first the double consonants were written after long vowels as well as after short ones, but soon the tendency showed Itself to write a simple consonant after a long vowel, and to preserve the gemination only after a short vowel. Instead of hh, ch was written after a long vowel. 06s. 2. — At the end of a word, and after a consonant, a single consonant was written, as brennen, branta, e^^an, ij. b. Double consonants appear also owing to the falling out of a vowel between two consonants, as herro for heriro. This was especially the case in the preterite of weak verbs ending in t, as scutta besides scutita. C. About gemination arising from assimilation, cp. § 88. D. — Middle High German Gemination. § 75. On the whole, M.H.G. agrees with the O.H.G., though perhaps the tendency, already existing in O.H.G., to reduce double consonants in unaccented syllables to simple ones has increased. E. — Modern High German. § 76. In Modern German the treatment of double con- sonants differs considerably from that of the older period. In most parts of Germany the double consonants are no longer pronounced as they were in the older language, that is to say, that the first part belongs to the preceding, the second part to the following syllable ; they are now. 64 GERMAN PHONOLOGY pronounced as simple consonants. But the double con- sonants are not only written where they were found in the older language, but as most short words, followed by a single consonant, have become long in Mod. German, if they have the principal accent, double consonants are generally written after accented short vowels, even where M.H.Gr. had simple consonants. Thus M.H.Gr. biten, buter, betelen, Meter, breter, schaie, site, spoten, veiere, w'eter, ziteren, hamer, himel, sumer, doner, etc., are in Mod. German fitttett, aSutter, bettein, SSfatter, SSretter, ©gotten, ©itte, j^jotten, aSetter, SBetter, jittern, jammer, §immet, §ammel, ©ommer, ®onner, etc. § 77. As double consonants are no longer pronounced double as before, there is no reason why they should not appear at the end of a word or before a consonant, and they are now written in these cases whenever the word has a double consonant between two vowels. M.H.G. brennen, branie, gebrant, Mod. Germ, firennett, fironnte, gebronnt; M.H.G. C33«», 13, Mod. Germ, effen, i^; M.H.G. rinnen, ran. Mod. Germ, rinnen, rann. § 78. We have seen that in the High German sound- shifting the double tenues jip, it, kk were only shifted to the affricates, whilst the simple tenues became medially after a vowel the double spirants. We also know that pp and kk which arose from Germanic bb, gg,^ remained, whilst simple p and k arising from Germanic J or ^ changed back to the media. Hence arise many double forms from the ' bh, dd, gg found in Modern German words were mostly intro- duced from Low German dialects. CONSONANTS 65 same root. Thus we find toac^en (O.H.G. wahhen), and toedm {wecchen, G. wakjan), §og and ^ede, ^ad) and bedeit, Sod^ and Sude, |i|en and '\a% erg6|en and bergeffett,^ ne^en and tta% a|en and effett, l^e|en and ;^a^, ^i|e and l^ei^, loiffen and SSi|, likewise Snofie and Sna^Jjje, 3flabe and ^appt, ri|en and ret^en, etc. Compare also ^ai)n and §enne, @aoI and ©efette, etc. CHAPTER X. APPLICATION OP VERNER'S LAW {®tammaii^i^tt SEBeiiftfel). § 79. Verner's law has already heen explained, § 58. It was there mentioned that as the accent originally varied in declension, conjugation, and derivation, sometimes the voiceless spirant, sometimes the voiced spirant (media) ought to be expected, — that this, however, was not the case in declension, as there the diflference was eliminated by analogy and levelling out. Not so in the conjugation. There the difference was preserved, at least till the end of the M.H.Gr. period, and is called by German grammarians ©rammattfc^er SBecfijel. In the infinitive, the present and the singular of the preterite, the accent was on the root- syllable, in the plural of the preterite and past participle on the termination. Thus the voiceless spirant of the former tenses interchanged with the media in the latter, and s with^ r (West Germ, for 3). As in High German, Germanic 'p> d, and Germanic d> t; O.H.G. h, /, d, s of the infinitive interchange with g, b, t, r of the plural of the preterite and past participle. See § 13, Ohs. 3, footnote. 66 GEKMAN PHONOLOGY Examples : Infinitive. Pret. sing. Pret. plural. Past Participle. dihan, to thrive deh digwn gidigan ziohan to draw zoh zugun gizogan snldan, to cut sneid snitun gisniian iv'erdan, to become ward wurtun wortan kiosan, to choose kos kurun gikoran w'esan, to be was wdrun heffen, to raise huobun Ohs. — hw became gw, but whilst w disappeared after the h, g fell out before the iv, so that in this case h corresponds with w (op. § 120, 3). Thus we have Inf. lihan, to lend, Pret. sing, leh, Pret. plur. liioun, Past Part, giliwan. § 80. In M.H.G. this arrangement has been preserved, except that finally the media d > the tenuis t (§ 85), thus O.H.Gr. sneid, ward, are written in M.H.G-. sneit, wart. Likewise ch is finally written for h, deck for O.H.G. deh (§ 86). § 81. In Modern German the difference between the consonants (and also of the vowels) of the sing, and plural of the preterite has been removed by levelling. Either the consonant of the plural has been introduced into the singular,! as ic| jog, gejogen, t(^ fd^nitt, gefd^nitten, \^ toor, tDtr iDOreit, or the consonant of the singular is introduced into the plural and past participle, id^ gebtet), Wir gebiel^eii, gebie^en,^ i^ tourbe, toir tourben, getoorben. In a few cases ' Already in O.H.G. this is the case in slahan, shiog, sluogun, gislagan, and in heffen, huoh, huobun. " The g is preserved in the verbal adjective gebtegen. CONSONANTS 67 the media has even found its way into the infinitive and present, as jc^tagen (O.H.G. slahan), jd^Iug, gef(^tagen; ^eben^ (OH.Gr. heffen) t|oB, ge{)o6en, erfiiren (sometimes erftefen), er!or, er!oren. § 82. In many Idg. words where the accent of the masculines was not fixed, the feminine forms had the accent always on the last syllable, hence O.H.G. sivehw, ®^Wa^tX (now ®(if)t»icger»atcr), father-in-law, awigur, ©c^witgcr (now ©C^Wiegcrmutter), mother-in- law. Causative verbs generally had the accent on the termination, hence we have nd^rcn and gfticfen, fetlben, O.H.G. senten, to send, and O.H.G. sin\>an, to go, batbcit and biirfcn. Other instances of the application of Verner's law are je^n lltlb Jtg (in JtVOtljig), tOt and 2:0b, $trtc and fiectbf, Ollf and ubcr, etc. CHAPTER XI. VARIOUS CONSONANTIC CHANGES. Changes before t. § 83. Also in other Indo-Germanic languages t affects the preceding consonant. Often the media before t (also before s) changed into the tenuis; for example, we have in Latin ago, actum, labor, lapsus. In Germanic the Idg. pt, M appear as ft, ht, the dental appears as st (ss). These combinations have not been affected by the High German sound-shifting nor by Verner's law, and exist still in Modern German. We may therefore say that in German before t every labial becomes /, every guttural h (ch), every dental s. Thus we have §aft from !^atien, Srift from txtibm, ^Pftid^t from ))flegen, Zvad^t from tragen, Soft from toben, id^ bad^te from benfen ; cp. Got. toissa from mtan. ^ Already in M.H.G, the infinitive is heben. 68 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Obs. 1. — If, however, the consonant comes to stand before t, owing to the falling out of a vowel in later times, the above rule does not apply, and the consonant remains; unchanged before t ; ^ thus we have §eft, but il^r \^i, %xa&js.,, but i^r tragt, t^r ntogt, but id^ tniic^te, ©tft, but it)r geSt. Obs. 2. — However, in O.H.G., especially in the Alem. dialect, the weak verbs with ck, as dechen, wecken, rechen had in the preterite, besides ct, also forms with ht, as dacla and dahta, wacta and wahta, racta and rahta. M.H.G. still shows these double forms, but in Mod. Germ, the forms with ht have disappeared, and we have only betftf, mitt, xtdtt, § 84. In Modern German (partly already in M.H.G.) the Low German cht has in some words superseded ft. Thus we have ed^t, genuine, O.H.G. ehaft; bie S^Jic^te, niece, O.H.G. niftila; befd^toid^ttgen, O.H.G. swiften; ba§ ©eriic^t, rud^Sor, fieriii^tigt, etc., from rufen; bie ©d^Iuc^t, ravine (now seldom ©(^tuft) from schliefen; fad§t besides fanft, ©d^ad§t, already, M.H.G. schaht, besides ©d^aft, ben Slnfer lid^ten ; ^ cp. E. to lift. Changes of Final Consonants in Middle High German. § 85. In M.H.G. a media at the end of a word or before a consonant is changed into the corresponding tenuis, as O.H.G. tag, M.H.G. tac, genitive tages; nlgen, preterite neide; O.H.G. grab, M.H.G. grap, genitive grabes; O.H.G. bad, M.H.G. bat, genitive bades. In Modern German the media is again written. Sog, 1 About it, see § 74, d. ^ According to some K^ltcn is considered to be connected with Icicflt, or rather the Low German Ugt, ligten, to heave (the anchor). CONSONANTS 69 ttetgte, ®raB, SBab, but at least b and d have preserved the pronunciation of p and i; g is pronounced like k only in some parts of Germany, Ohs. — In a few cases the M.H.G. tenuis has not only been pre- served in Mod. Germ., but has even been introduced into the inflected forms before a vowel, as iai SWorf, bcS TtarUi, M.H.G. marc, marges, O.H.G. marg or marag (cp. auSmergcIn), bcr 2Bett, bC« SBtrteS, M.H.G. wSrt, werdes, O.H.G. werd (cp. IDiirbig). Also bit SSBcIt is in M.H.G. werlt, werlde, but O.H.G. werait. § 86. h became ch in M.H.Gr. when final or before a con- sonant. Before t and s, h was written till the fourteenth century, though pronounced like ch; after that time, cM and chs were written sehen, sack, siht afterwards sicht. In Modern German the difference is only preserved in f)o(^, which drops the c before a vowel, !^ot|en ; we have besides the double forms jaf) and jac^, vauf), rough, and SJoud^toer!, fur, jc^mafien and bie wer totx, hwaa > waz tDO§. Thus our Sot^ar (Sutl^er) comes from hlut, famous, and hari, army ; SubtDtg ^ from hlut and wic, war. Got. hneiwan, A.S. hnigan, O.H.G. nlc/an, netgen. w before a cons, (l or r) disappeared in O.H.G., at least in the U.G. dialects previous to the oldest records. Thus we have A.S. wringan, E. to wring, and O.H.G. ringan rtngen, Got. wrikan, A.S. vrrecan, O.H.G. recchan, rod^en ; E. io wrench, Germ, reitfen, E. to write, Germ, rei^en and ri|ett. Some words begin, in Idg. languages, sometimes ^ From the M.H.G. forma iezuo and iezunt, we find in Mod. German the now rather archaic forms je^O and jc^unb. ^ In familiar conversation, nu for nun is often heard; we also say still tm 3?U, in a trice. ' The old form was Hluodowig, or in Franc. Ohlodowig ; cp. French Clevis. 74 GERMAN PHONOLOGY with s, sometimes without it, a proof that in the latter (3ase an s has disappeared, cp. E. to smelt and to melt : cp. also ftreden (root srak) and reden (root rak). Ohs. — In (Snjian, L. gentiana, a g has fallen out. § 94. EcthUpsis.^ In O.H.G. slizan, fi^Ieifen, i has probably fallen out between the s and I, cp. French iclater. In O.H.G. /rosi, A.S. /rose, (5)^0 W? s^ guttural must have disappeared before the s, as is proved by the related Anglo-Saxon word frogga, E. frog. A guttural has also fallen out in the following words : ©(^IDailJ from fc^mingcn, 23Ii^, M.H.G. hUtze and Uicze (older form Uic), (Sljler, M.H.G. egreZster, fKat^ilbC for 3)?a^t^itbC, JJcIte («esfe?Kn), ©enfe, M.H.G. seinae or segense, O.H.G. segansa; Sraum connected with ttiigcn, 3aum, connected with jie^en ; in the foreign words Stnte, Lat. tincta and butlt, Lat. punctus. h has likewise disappeared in befc^Ienr M.H.G. befelhen, gii^re, M.H.G. fo,-he, f(|)ielen, M.H.G. sclielhen, in SD?arfc(;att and SKarfiaO from marah, horse, in ©pelTott for spHhteshart, literally woodpecker's wood. d has disappeared in Sllbrec^t for AdalbrecJti, Utrtcf>, Uolrich for Uodalrich from uodal, native estate ; U^Iatlb from uodal land. r has disappeared in SSelt, M.H.G. welt or w'M ; O.H.G. weralt (from w'ir, man, and alt, age) in fobern besides forbern, in ©ifen, M.H.G. isen ; O.H.G. isan or isarn ; Sober, M.H.G. kijder, keder, qmrder. s has fallen in jed^jel^tt and fed^jtg from fec^g. TO has fallen out in ©itonb for einland, elf from einlif, Uertetbtgen from tagedinc; Sontg, O.H.G. chuning, pfennig for pfenning, §ontg, O.H.G. honag or honang. § 95. Apocope.— The cons, r has fallen out in ba, E. there; ^ Falling out of a consonant. ^ Some consider the h before the r or Z in go^re, bcfc()len, as caused by metathesis iromforhe, befelhen ; others consider that the h after the consonant fell out, and that the present h is only an ortho- graphic sign to indicate the length of the preceding vowel. . CONSONANTS 75 too, E. where. We say seldom I)ie for titer. Already in M.H.G. we find da, wa, hie. The r is, however, preserved in compounds before a vowel, baritt, toorau§; also in barnad^, and in the verbal prefix bar, barbieten, barfteEen. The t of the third person plural present indie, disap- peared gradually in M.H.Gr. O.H.G. nemant or nement; M.H.Gr. nemen, fie ne'^mett. In qucr the final guttural has disappeared, cp. JWer^. Already in O.H.G. we meet with the form tuier, § 96. Syncope in Middle High German. — In M.H.Gr. g, less frequently b or d, fell out in verbal forms between two vowels, especially before i. It might be said that the consonant was softened and then contracted with the following vowel. Thus we have du list, er lit, for ligest, liget, du gist, er git, for gihest, gibt, er treit for treget, er reit for redet, lum, hast, hat, for hdben, habest, liahet, quit for quidet, seit for saget. In Modern German these contracted forms have again disappeared, except bu l^oft, er {|ot, which, however, are pronounced short. On the other hand, the contracted forms of the nouns which show similar abbre- viated forms in the later M.H.G. are preserved in Modern German. Thus we have (Stbec^fe, limrd, M.H.G. egedehse; ©etretbe, cwn, M.H.G getregede from tragen ; ©ewei!^, antlers, M.H.G. gevnge from wig to fight j Ttaih and SKogb for M.H.G. maget, N.H.G. magad; §atn besides ^ag, fofteten, M.H.G. hastigen from L. castigare ; ^(.ix(f)axi (ragin''- hart), Derteibtgen from tagedinc. Perhaps 3teif)en besides iReigen, M.H.G. reie or reige may be added. In SOieifter the g has already disappeared in O.H.G. meistar from L. magister, in the A.S. maegster the g is preserved. * ragin meant counsel ; hart, strong, bold. 76 GERMAN PHONOLOGY CHAPTER XII. THE EXPLOSIVES AND THE SPIRANTS. A. — The Labials. /> u, Pf, ph; p; b. § 97. We have seen that Germanic /, which arose from Idg. p, was not aifected by the High German sound- shifting. By the latter change, however, a second / was created, arising from Germanic p in the middle or end of a word after a vowel.^ At first these two /'s seem to have been pronounced differently, besides that the younger / was pronounced long (ff). Braune and some others consider that the Germanic / was labio-dental,^ whilst the new / was bilabial. Some philologists are of different opinion, but all agree that the pronunciation of these /'s was different. To mark this difference, one began to write u (afterwards v) for the Germanic /. At first this was not the case at the beginning of a word, where the new / could not stand, Germanic j? becoming initially j?/, but u was frequently written medially after vowels, very seldom after consonants, never for _ff, nor for / in the combinations fs, ft, nor at the end of a word. Thus we find keffu, hevis,^ hevit, nevo, fravili, wolf, wolves, durfan, einlif, kraft. From the tenth or eleventh century, v is fre- ' An / caused by the second sound-shifting was also found medially after I and r, as j3/>/ after these consonants in the ninth century, werfan, helfan. ' The labio-dental / is formed by articulation of the lower lip against the upper teeth, the bilabial/ is a stop between the upper and lower teeth. ' Older form heiiis ; in this book v is written for consonantic u. CONSONANTS 77 qiiently written for / at the beginning of words. Even in M.H.G. the / and v are pronounced differently ; thus graven would not rhyme with stdfen, §,98. In Modern German the difference in the pro- nunciation of the two /'s has disappeared ; only in some parts of Germany the (Germanic) / between two vowels has in some words a sound very near that of Modern German w. So in ®rafen, §ofe§, Safer (M.H.G. kever), etc., but the / in fc^tafen (Got. slepan), rufen (A.S. hropan), never has this soft pronunciation. In ^xfotl (O.H.G. fravili) the v is still written and mostly pronounced soft. In the following words v is written, but pronounced/: aSater, Setter, ©ebatter, the prefix tier, SStef)/ biel, bier, SSogel, aSoIt, boH (but fiitten), Don, bor, born, ber borbere (but fiirbern), finally only in ©uftab. In foreign words, especially those derived from the Romance languages, v is pronounced like German w, so in Sftabe, Slabter, Veteran, Snbibtbuum, etc. It is pronounced like / in SSeitd^eti, SSeit, aSe§^)er, aSogt, SStte§;/is written for v in geHeijen (Ev.mlise, M.H.G. velis), SSrtef (L. brevis), Safig (L. cavea). The pro- nunciation of V fluctuates in 5|SuIber, Sarbe, and at the end of a word, as a!tib, Brab, though the sound / pre- dominates. Ohs. — In a few words /stands for older 6, owing to Low German influence, thus in |)flfen, M.H.G. hahen, |)Ofer, rarely f)obet, M.H.G. haber or habere, O.H.G. liabaro, f)uff, M.H.G. Imobe (but f)uben, proper name), and a few others. § 99. We have seen, § 65, 1 b, that in Upper German, and East Franconian Germanic, p at the beginning of a iCp. E./ee. 78 GEEMAN PHONOLOGY word or after a consonant, likewise pp ^ became in'High German pf (also written ph). This pf is generally pre- served in Mod. German, as ^flegeit, O.H.G. phlegcm, O.S. pl'egan, gltm^jfti^ from O.H.G. gilimphan ; f^o^fen, O.H.G. schepfen, O.S. skeppian; Sl^jfel, O.H.G. aphul, E. apple. We have already seen that after r and I, pf mostly became /, S)orf, !§etfen, hjerfert; ^/continued to be written throughout the M.H.G. period till Luther's time in scharpf, gelpf,^ harpfe, karpfe. Now we write fdjorf and §arfe; only in Sarjjfe (O.H.G. carpo and charpho) pf has persisted. As few Germanic words begin with p,^ most High German words commencing with pf are of foreign origin : ^Pfunb, Lat. pondus; ^Pflonje, Lat. plania; 5Pfji|e, O.H.G. phuzzi, Lat. puteus ; ^forte,* O.H.G. pforta or porta, Lat. porta; ^Pfetl, Lat. pilum and others. Of course words received after the p had been shifted to pf have preserved their p, as $od^t, Lat. pactum ; ^Pro^jft, Lat. propositus ; ^jrebigen, Lat. praedicare, etc. Obs. 1. — As the pronunciation of pf requires a certain effort, / was frequently pronounced instead of pf in Middle Germany, especially in the eastern part of it. This was already the case in M.H.G.. In our days it is often done in careless pronunciation. In glaum, M.H.G. phlume, Lat. pluma,f is even written instead of older pf {ph). Obs. 2. — At present ph is only written in one common noun: bet ©(J^eu, E. ivy. In proper names, as Slbol^^, 1 If pf occurs after a vowel, as in SnOpf, %0^f, it always arises from Germanic pp. ^ This word no longer exists in Mod. German. " Few Indo-Germanio words begin with 6. ■• See § 108, Obs. 1, footnote 2, CONSONANTS 79 3lt^)^on§, SRuboI^)!^, SBe'\ip'i)alm, either ph or / is written. ph is however written in many foreign words, especially in words derived from the Greek, as Sataftro^3|e, 5p^og:p|or, ^pi^ilofo^!^, Slepl^ant, in ^Boip^a, etc. Some of them occur also with /; gafan is mostly written with /. In Mod. German ph is always pronounced /. § 100. We have seen (§66, 2 b) that Germanic b was in Upper German shifted to p, in the Alemanic dialect only at the beginning of a word, or in gemination, but in the Bavarian in every position ; b remaining unshifted in the other dialects. Already from the tenth century b begins to make its reappearance in U.G., though p was still found initially (about Notker's law, see § 68). In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries p reappears, especially in the Bavarian dialect and in some parts of Middle Germany, especially in Silesia, where the inclination to pronounce p for b is still prevalent. During the M.H.G. period great confusion reigns with regard to p and 5. Perhaps the difference between them was only that of fortis and lenis. Even foreign words in which the p had not been shifted to pf or / were written with b,^ thus we find babest, baradis, bech, hischof, bredigen, etc., whilst on the other hand many words with original b have p. In Luther's older works we find spelling like peycht (SSetd^te), prauch (93roud^). In Modern German p is again written in most of the foreign words which originally had p; thus we write 5pa:(3ft, 5parabt§, 5Ped5, ^jrebtgen, 5prie[ter. Only in the following words b has replaced p : 93tfd§of, Lat. episcopus ; SBimSffetn, Lat. pumex; iBiid^fe, Gr. jrogis, E. box; SStrne, 1 Perhaps because there was no p in O.H.Gr. corresponding to the sound of Latin p. 80 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Lat. pinim, E. pern; bunt, Lat. pundus, and a few more. We also find p in some words which have come from Low German, as ^JSrattger, Xolptl (connected with Sotf), fnei))ett, \taipeln. § 101. Where b existed originally, it is now written. Only in a few words, mostly of foreign origin, p is now found instead of original b, thus in ^pattier besides SBanner (Fr. bannilre) ; ^abian, till the sixteenth century SBoDian, cp. E. babom; S^titU (Lat. bidellus); ^icEel^auBe, M.H.G. beckenhube, from the Lat. bacinetum; ^pifj, M.H.G. billez (Lat. boletus) ; ^otcd (Ital. boccale) ; ^o\annt, cp. E. bassoon (M.H.G. busune, from Ital. buccina); ptt\\tn, Low Germ. brassen, in *|5ettfc^e, from Bohemian bic, or Polish bicz; 5Pefefd§e, Polish behiesza ; ^Po^janj, Bohemian bobak ; also in ptopl^ern, cp. E. to blab; :plaubertt, M.H.G. bladeren or Modern, \a,iev pludern ; ^jottern, late M.H.G. buldern; ^laut, M.H.G. blahe; ^JJoIfter/ O.H.G. bolsiar, cp. E. bolster; ^jroffen, Low German brassen ; ^jroffellt, M.H.G. prasteln or brasteh, connected with O.H.G. brestan; ^rac^t, M.H.G., O.H.G. praht or braht, cp. E. bright ; pXi^tn, late M.H.G. butzen ; 5(5rii= get, M.H.G. brilgel; purjelit from 93iirjet, in §ou)Jt (M.H.G. houbet) ; in em^or (en-bor), and its derivative eml^oren. § 102. The High German gemination pp, arising from Germanic bb, has remained to the present day, as ©ip^Je, E. sib ; "Siippi, E. rib ; §nappe. In a few words pp is of Low German origin, corresponding to High German /, as in ^appt to jaufen, f^Iepjjen to jd^tetfen, SSajj^jen besides SBoffe (M.H.G. wafen, E. weapon); St)3)3e besides Sefje, also ^ Perhaps connected with Scitg (Kluge's Mym. WSrterhmh). CONSONANTS 81 in tnappf ^xnppd, Happm. In bo|3:|3eIt, Fr. douhle, pp stands for single I. hb is found in words of Low German extraction, thus in ®b6e, ^abhe, SRoBBej SofiBot and SRaBBtner are of Hebrew origin. § 103. With regard to the pronunciation of b, it is pro- nounced in North Germany and Silesia at the beginning and in the middle of a word as voiced media. In South Germany and Middle Germany it is pronounced as voice- less tenuis initially, partly also in the middle of a word ; in some parts of Germany, however, it has the sound of a voiced spirant. Final b has the sound of p. Initial p is generally pronounced with a slight aspiration. B. — The Dentals. S (W), 3 (ff, fe, §). Z, t, d. § 104. Germanic s, arising from Idg. s, remained un- changed in O.H.G. and M.H.G. It is not exactly known what was its pronunciation. In Mod. German s followed by a vowel is pronounced soft,i a little sharper than E. z ; medially before a consonant and at the end of a word it is pronounced sharp like s in E. sea. Obs. 1. — At the beginning of a word s has become sch (pronounced like sh in E. ship), before the consonants I, m, n, w, as f(^Iofen, E. to sleep; ©d^itee, O.H.G. sneo, E. snow; ©d^nur, O.H.G. snuor, cp. E. snare; ©centers, O.H.G. smerzo, cp. E. to smart : fc|mal, O.H.G. smal, cp. E. small ; fd^hJtnt- 1 For exceptions see § 107. 82 GERMAN PHONOLOGY men, E. to swim. The pronunciation of s=sch existed already in M.H.G-., especially before?. About sS see § 115. Obs. 2jl— At the beginning of a word before ^ or /, s is written but pronounced sch ■)'^ ©feitt pronounced like S^tetn, fptelen like fc^^Jtelen. Only in Hanover, Bruns- wick, and some other parts of North Gerinany, the s in -the combinations sp and st is pronounced like English s. Obs. 3. — Only in some Southern dialects medial or final s is pronounced like English sh, especially before r. How- ever in the following words sch has superseded a former s : birfd^en, M.H.G. birsen; l^errfd^en, M.H.G. hersen; S3ar[c§, M.H.G. bars, and in the loan words : S3lirfc|e (from Lat. bursa, but S36rfe); Strfi^e, M.li.G. Mrse or kerse (from Lat. cerasus) ; Surfd^iter, M.H.G. Mrsenaere ; untnirf^, M.H.G. unwirs. But s is written and pronounced as such, soft in ^tx\i, §irfe, and sharp in the combination rst, as SSiirfte, ®erfte, Surft, SBurft. Sch for s is also found in ®ijd^t, M.H.G. jest, cp. E. yeast ; fettfd^ett, O.H.G. feilison, M.H.G. veilschen; ©roj^ett, M.H.G. gros or grosse, Lat. grossus; §arnif^, M.H.G. harnas or harnasch (from Fr. harnais), cp. E. harness ; Ibfi^ett,^ to unload a boat, from Low German 1 With regard to the reason why we write sclil, schm, schn, schw, but sp, st, and not schp, schl, I should like to' ofifer the following suggestion : before I, m, n, w the soft s can very well be pronounced, it is therefore necessary to indicate by the spelling that s is to be pronounced not like the usual s, but like sch. Before p or J it would be impossible to pronounce a soft s, it is therefore unnecessary to indicate by the spelling that s had not its usual sound. ^ Iof(^en, to extinguish, is M.H.G. UscMn. CONSONANTS 83 Jossen ; fatjd^,^ Lat. falsiis. In some loan words sch repre- sents French ch, so in S3rojd§e, getijd^, ®atef(j§e, SKanfc^ette, ajiafc^me, etc. 06s. 4. — In ^trfcf, scA seems to have arisen from 3 or z, M.H.G. Hrj or hirz, O.H.G. hiru^, hir^ or hirz, cp. E. 7tarf. § 105. — The 32 arising (§ 65, 1 a) from Germanic t, was in O.H.G. not distinguished in writing from the affricate z.^ Its sound was dififerent from that of s ; it was probably pronounced in the fore part of the mouth, verging towards the sound of English th, whilst the s was pronounced farther back, perhaps tending towards the sound of sch, which it afterwards often took. As late as the M.H.G. period, rhymes between s and 3, ss and 33, were avoided, at least till the fourteenth century. § 106. In Modern German, however, the s, where it re- mained voiceless, has entirely fallen together with the spirant 3 ; no difference is made, either in pronunciation or in writing. With regard to the writing, great confusion exists; the present spelling is not in keeping with the etymology, and has besides different signs for the same sound. The following are the rules for writing the voice- less s sound, whether arising froin older s or 3 : a. ff is written in the middle of a word between two vowels, the former of which is short; examples: fiiffen, ' If falff^ does not come direct irora. falsiis, but is connected with O.H.G. gifalscon from Lat. falsicare; sch is explained by § 115 (see Kluge, Etym. Worterbuch). " As the Germanic 3, arising from Idg. s (§ 57), has in West Germanic fallen out or become r, all 5 in O.H.G. arise from Germanic t by the second sound-shifting. 5 Only Isidor writes medially zss, finally ,zs, for the spirant 3. 84 GERMAN PHONOLOGY M.H.G. Missen, E. to Jciss; miff en, M.H.G. missen, E. io miss; laffen, M.H.G. la^^en, E. to let; effett, M.H.G. e^sen, E. to eat; SKeffe, Lat. missa ; ^Jttffett, Fr. passer. b. § ^ is written in the middle of a word between two vowels, the former of which is long ; before a t and at the end of words ^ which have medially ff or % Examples: au^en, M.H.G. u^en, f|et§en, M.H.G Jieiyn, grii^en, M.H.G. griieyn, E. to greet ; er i^t from effeit, er la^t from loffen, glu^, plur. gtuffe, gu^, plur. gjige, SOlag from meffen, 9fli^ from rei^ett, ber 5}5rDje^, be§ 5Projeffe§, ber Sural, be§ tiiroffeS. c. Simple § is written at the end of those words which have simple f medially. Examples: ba§ @Ia§, be§ ©lofel, M.H.G. glas; aitl, M.H.G. M3, E. 0M<; 6t§, M.H.G. W3; e§, M.H.G. 63 ;3 bieg, M.H.G. dis; ba§ Soo§, M.H.G. I03, E. Zo<; Io§, M.H.G. hs, E. Zoose; gute§, neuter, M.H.G. gute^; gute§, genitive, M.H.G. gwtes. Obs. — The distinction between bflS (article or pronoun) and ta6 (conjunction) dates only from the sixteenth century, M.H.G. al- ways daz. § 107. After 6 and^, s is written for older 3, but this s has the sharp pronunciation of E. s, even before a vowel, ber ffreB§, M.H.G. krebe'}, be§ Sre6fe§ (pronounce beS trefr • When using the Roman (English) characters most people write ss for sz. '^ The newest spelling is mi for nif, as ©cJeitHntlS (formerly ©e^etmtiif), bc3 ©eJcimnifTc^. ' 63 was the Nom. and Ace. neuter, as the genitive. In phrases like tc^ Jflbe ii fatt, CS is a remnant of the old genitive, wrongly taken for the accusative. CONSONANTS 85 fee§) ; bie Srbfe, M.H.G. envk or areweiz ; ber ©(!^o})§, M.H.G. schopez. Also in Dbft, M.H.G. 0663; @am§tag, M.H.G. sam^tac ; feift, M.H.G. vei^t, a sharp pronounced s represents older 3. In the following words soft s has replaced older 3 : Slmetje, M.H.G. amei^e ; !reifen, lofen, bertoetfeit,^ M.H.G. ver- wiyn; 93infe, M.H.G. Une^; @emfe, M.H.G. gam^; emfig, em^ic. Obs. — The spelling toci^fflgen, O.H.G. wi^agon, to prophesy, rests on a false derivation from fogcn ; already in O.H.G. we find wis- sagon, § 108. We have seen, ^ 65, 16, that the O.H.G. affricate z arose from Germanic initial t, from t after a consonant or the gemination tt ; t remaining unchanged in the com- binations, tr, ft, ht, St. This change applies to all O.H.G. dialects. The sign of the affricate was g (also c before e or i) ; for the gemination zz, less frequently tz, was written medially. At the end of a word simple z was written ; thus, scaz, scazzes, ©^a§, @(|o^e§. No change took place in M.H.G. In Modern German simple 3 is written ; only after a short vowel the gemination is expressed by tz whether medial or final ; thus, geit, retjen, Sol^en, ©c^a|, ft|ert. Obs. 1. — In the older loan words t has been shifted to x, thus : ziagal, 3tcgct, L. tegula, E. tile; phlanza, 5>ffanjC, L. planta, B. plant; minza, 2)JinjC, L. menta, E. mint; puzzi ot: pfazzi, ^fii^e, L. putem. Besides Imrz from curtus, hurt is also found. In later loan words t has remained : tempel, Scmpel, L. templum ; tunihha,' Siincjje, L. tunica ; pJiorta ' or porta, ^fortc, L. porta. ' Berlt»cifen is not a compound of IBCifen, M.H.G. iBisen. '^ From the fact that in phorta and tunihha, t remains unchanged, whilst^ and A(c) are shifted, we may conclude that the shifting of 86 GERMAN PHONOLOGY • Ohs. 2. — ;In still later loan words received after Latin c had ceased to be pronounced like Jc before e or i, German g represents Latin c before e or i, thus in zins, 3iu§, L. census; hruzi, Kreuj, L. crucem, etc. Z likewise represents, c in Sejember, Dfflater, 5J5rin5, ^rinsijjat, ©^jejereten, 3irM, Sonjert, 3Kebijin, 5Proje§, SReje^Jt ; several of these words are also written with c as Secemfiet, ©^jecereien, etc. In some words z represents L. ti before a vowel, thus in ©tffereitj (differentia), SDiftanj, fjjajieren (L. spatiari), ©njtan (L. gen- Uana). The suffix otton is now written with t, Station. § 109. We have seen that except in the combinations tr,^ st, ft, ht, Germanic t was shifted to the spirant or affricate. As by the second sound-shifting Germanic d>t and at a later period Germanic th > d, it would seem that every t now existing, except in loan-words, arises from Germanic d and every (i from th. But though this is mostly the case, there are numerous exceptions. After n, t mostly became again d, already towards the end of the O.H.G. period. Also in Modern German we find d after n, except in ^inten, M.H.G. 7»ncien, Jtntcr, (but verb ^itlbem, to prevent, O.H.G. hintaron), itntcn, untct, munter, SBintcr, by analogy in the t was accomplished previous to that of p and Je. According to Kluge {Etym. WSrlerbueh), the change from < to z was completed in the seventh century, whilst phorta was received into O.H.G. in the eighth century; ^ As < is not shifted in words like bittar, bitter, luttar, lautcr, eitar, Siter, etc., where a secondary vowel (§ 50) intervenes between the t and r, one would feel inclined to believe that this secondary vowel was developed aftef the High German shifting of < to a or 33 was completed, were it not for the fact that the secondary vowel was common to all West Germanic dialects, and occurs in the oldest High Germanic monuments. Probably the analogy of the inflected form prevented the shifting of t in these words. CONSONANTS 87. preterites, n«nnfc, tonntc, fanntc, rannte, '5tonnte and in the ordinal numbers, tit ncuntc, JC^ntC. Also after I, d is often found for t, thus in ©cbulb, butbcn, M.H.G. didten, ®elti (but gelten), O.H.G. gMt, milb, M.H.G. milte, t)tt ®tS)iVs>, O.H.G. scill, after r only in ^itxtt, flock, O.H.G. herta. Also in the following words Modem German has d for t, partly owing to Low German influence ; ©amitt, M.H.G. tarn ; ©ampf, M.H.G. tampfaxiAdampf; baucm (butteuer), M.H.G. turen; ©O^If^ M.H.G. dahele or tale, ©olbc, M.H.G. tolde, ©Otter, M.HIG. toter; ®uft, M.H.G. tuft; bltmm, M.H.G. turn or tump, cp. E. dumb ; 'fan' fel, M.H.G. tunlcel; ©utljj, M.H.G. tunst and dunst; nteblic^, M.H.G. adv. nietUche ; SIctnOb compound with sufBx ot ; 55rOb, besides SBrot. ' • The following words are taken from Low German : Sounf, ©line, SrO^ne, M.H.G. trene. Also in the following words of foreign origin d is found : ©Otttltttvitb, L. da,ma; baucrn, to last, L. durare ; bii^ten, L. dictare, io^\)fU, Tr. double ; ®ra(^e, L. draco, ©ragoncr, Fr. dragon; ©it^enb, Fr. douzaine; S5orb (but 93orte) ; ©tronb ; also, in ®0l($ (Slav, tulich); ©rof^fe, cab (Pol. drozka), ©oImetf(^, M.H.G. tolmetsche, a word of Turkish origin. In the following words t in Modern German represents Germanic i, the words having been introduced from the L. Gerinan : %aM, E. tacMe ; Zttx, E. tar ; SSeute, E. looiy ; flott, cp. E. to float; fett, E. fat (O.H.G. feii'^it, feift); ©Jjrotte, E. sprat. Ohs. 1.— Germanic dr having become tr, Germanic (Zr and irfell, together in High German ; as, treu, O.H.G. triuwe, E. true ; triufcn, O.H.G. trinchan, E. to drink. Ohs. 2. — Germanic dd having become tt by the second sound-shift- ing, all words in Modern German containing dd are of Low German origin. 05s. 3.— In Modern German initial t is mostly pronounced with a slight aspiration. 8 110. It has been stated in § 67 that the Germanic 88 GERMAN PHONOLOGY spirant th passed through dh to d, and that this change commenced in historic times in the Bavarian dialect, and finally extended even to the Low German dialects. Con- sequently in those dialects where Germanic d had not been shifted to t, it fell together -with the d arising from Ger- manic th. After the eleventh century this latter d became t in some words. In the following words t arises from Germanic th : toufenb, O.H.G. thusimf, dusent or iusend, Got. yusunde, E. thousand; S^ott, O.H.G. daha, Got. "paho; t|auen or tauen, O.H.G. dowwen, A.S. yiwan, E. to thaw ; Sriimmer, O.H.G. thrum, drum; tofen, O.H.G. dozon; loi^d, M.H.G. dorper from 3)orf, A.S. "pffrp; S^^iiringen, M.H.G. Duringen. In M.H.G. tiutsch is found beside diutsch, O.H.G. diutisc, now again beutjd^. Also ia§ Sod^t, connected with Old Norse ydttr, was in O.H.G. and M.H.G. taht. Luther wrote Sod^t. Obs. 1. — Germanic thw became in O.H.G. dw, in later O.H.G. this dw>tw and thus fell together with tw arising from Germanic dw. In Modern German tw became zw, thus Modern zw may represent Germanic tw, dw, or thw. Example : M.H.G. O.H.G. Got. Eng. 5ttitngen twingen dwingan ywingan jtuei zwei zwei twai two ^toerg twerc tw'erg A.S. dwem-h dwarf Obs. 2. — O.H.G. dioerch, A.S. ]fioeorh, became in M.H.G. twer and qmrch, Mod. Germ, quer or ^mxij in 3tt>cr^felt. Ohs. 3. — The Germanic gemination \>]>, which occurred only in a few words, shifted over dd to tt; as, gitti(^, O.H.G. fSttah, older /eddah, still oliei fethdhah. Gothic ai\>\>au became however in O.H.G. (ido, now Obev. CONSONANTS 89 Obs. 4.— In fje^en, O.H.G. flehon, and flte^cn, O.H.6. Jliohan, High German^ corresponds to Gothic ]>l, ga]>lailmn, l>liulian, pro- bably also in f[a(^, O.H.G. Jlah (Got. \>lagus, soft) ; fl seems in these cases common to all West Germanic dialects, and to Old Norse, O.Yi.Gc. jliohan, is A.S. fiion, E. to flee, Old Norse flyja. ©Cttta^t, O.H.G. gimahale, is derived from O.H.G. mahal, assembly, which is in Gothic mai>l, A.-S. mastel. C— The Gutturals (Palatals). h, ch, k, sh {sch), g. § 111. Germanic h was not affected by the second sound- shifting. Originally h was a hard, guttural spirant. We can see this, for example, from the names of the kings of the Franks, Ghlodowig or Chlodwig, Fr. Cloms, derived from hlot or hlut, famous, and wig or wic, war, O.H.G. Hluodowig, now SubtDtg, Ghlothar, Fr. Clothaire, from hlot and hari, army, O.H.G. Hluthari, now Sotliar (Sutl)er, etc.). In the beginning of a syllable h became at an early period a mere aspiration, like our modern h. Owing to its weak pronunciation before a consonant, it was omitted after the ninth century ^ and re- mained initially only before vowels. Also in the middle of a word between two vowels it became a mere aspiration, so that it was often left out in writing, as sean for sehan ; and, on the other hand, h was sometimes written where there was originally none. But medially before a conson- ant or when final, h preserved the sound of a guttural spirant, . sah (pronounce sack), brahta (pronounce hrdchta). Now and then we find ch written in the later O.H.G. 1 h before a consonant remained longest in Hludwig, which is still found in the Ludwigslied, end of ninth century. In huosto for older hwtiosto (A.S. hw6sta, op. E. to wheeze), h remained because the w disappeared at an early period. 90 GERMAN PHONOLOGY In M.H.G-. cJi was written for h at the end of a word, sehan, sack (§ 86), tw'erch, twerhes. Before i and s, h was written till the fourteenth century, though pronounced ch, after that time cht, chs ^ were written for ht and hs. § 1 1 2. In Modern German h before a vowel is still pro- nounced like the spiritus asper. At the beginning of the second part of a compound it has a less distinct sound. It has fallen out in ^unfer (junc-herre), and in the suffix Iceit for ic-heit. It is sometimes written in proper names, as @unt!^er or ®unter, ©iintfier (from gund, war, and hari; aSoItlier or SBotter (walt-hari) ; Siet^er (diot, people— Aan); aSerner or SBernfier (warin-hari); SKat^itbe (maht-hUde, fight). Between vowels h is not pronounced except in compounds like balder, too^itt.^ Consequently vowels formerly separ- ated by h were often contracted, as S^re, M.H.G. eher; ®o^Ie, M.H.G. tdhele; gef)be, M.H.G. fehede; ertogl^iten/ M.H.G. gewehenen ; ©eitto^I, M.H.G. gemahel ; Waf)l, M.H.G. mahel; Sta^t, M.H.G. stahel; je^n, M.H.G. zehen. In the Infinitive of the verb, however, analogy prevents this con- traction, and we write mostly je'^eit, Ieif)en. About the h in Befefifen, i^oi)U, see § 94 ; about the absence of h in \d)id, fc^ielen, quer, § 95 ; about the h in ^eifdien, § 90. At the end of a word h has become ch in burd^, bo(^, nad), also in t)OC^ (§ 86), noc^, ©dEima^ (but fd^mci^en), and always before t, as ©efic^t from fel^en, ©efd^id^te from gefd^el^en. 1 chs is now pronounced like x. Already in O.H.G. and particu- larly in the later M.H.G., hs has sometimes this sound, thus : bet X)a^S, ber IJu^S, E. fox, etc. ch preserves its soft sound in formsi like bu reit^li, bu macj|l, where e has fallen out. ^ ^ is also pronounced between two vowels, in U^a, @^u^U, and some foreign words as Sllfo^ol. ^ (Sttt)a!)nen is not a compound of IDci^tien, M.H.G. loaenen. CONSONANTS 91 Ohs. 1. — An Ji is found in Modern German in some words between two vowels which were formerly separated by j or w; it has been assumed by some grammarians that 1i has replaced the j or w. As, however, most of these words are already in M.H.G., and some- times even in 0. H. G. , written without J or w, it is more probable that h was inserted to separate the vowels which followed each other iminediately on account of the falling out 'of the J- or w. Such words are blii^Cn/M.H.G. blilejen or blilen, O.H.G. bluojan or hluoen, A.S. hl&wan, E. to blow, brejctl, M.H.G. draejen, draen, A.S. \>rdwan, E. to draw; ftiiJC; M.H.G. ■urfiefc; gluten, M.H.G. gluejen, gliien, O.H.G. gluoen, A.S. gUwan, E. to glow; frfijcn, M.H.G. hraen or hraejeni O.H.G. hrden, A.S. crdwan, E. to 'crow, Sro^e; ttia^cn, M.H.G. maejen, O.H.G. mden, A.S. mdwan,'E. to mow; mu^cn, M.H.G. miiejen or miien, O.H.G. muoen, 3)ZuJc ; na^cn, M.H.G. naejm, O.H.G. najan; ttJC^en, M.H.G. t«a«/em, O.H.G. wajan, A.S. wdwan. An A is also inserted in @^f, M.H.G. e, ewe ; ' t^ixn, M.H.G. erln; ge|cn, M.H.G. gen or j/dn ; jiejen, M.H.G. Stan. In Jctlrf/ M.H.G. verhel, verhelin, h has become i already in M.H.G. Obs. 2.— About h as sign of length (©e^nutigSjeic^en) see § 36. Final h is mute in Modern German. , § 113. The rare Grermanic hh has fallen together with the hh which arose from ' Germanic k by the second sound-shifting; thus, tac^etl, O.H.G. lahhen, older hlahhan, Got. hlahjan, A.S. hlyhhan, E. to laugh, and bte Soc^e, O.H.G. lahha, from L. kcMS {laieus), E. /afe ; madden, O.H.G. mahhSn, O.S. makon, A.S. macian, E. to mafe. § 114. 'W^e have seen, § 65, 1 a, that Germanic A (also written c, except befpre e or i) became in O.H.G. after a vowel hh. From the ninth century ch was medially written for hh, whilst h remained at the end of a word till the eleventh century, after which time ch was mostly written for it. We have also seen that Germanic initial k, k after 92 GEEMAN PHONOLOGY a consonant and in gemination, became hh (ch, cch). This change was, however, confined to the Upper German dialects, and hh was gradually replaced by k (§ 65, 1 b). Ohs. 1. — In some Modern German words where ch appears after a consonant a vowel has fallen out before it, so in 3Kttc^ (but mtltfn), O.H.G. miluh ; Sctc^, O.H.G. helih, from L. ccdicem ; ©tOtC^, O.H.G. storah. In SBtrfe k appears both in Modern German and in M.H.G., but the O.H.G. form was hircha or iirHiha, E. birch. Obs. 2. — In the following words introduced from L.G. i cor- responds to Germanic Jc : 8otcn (M.H.G. lachen), Su(c (but Socf)), ©puf ; Sorfe, cp. E. bark; Sflrfbotb, cp. E. back; Sloif, M.H.G. block; Ic(f, Sffirarf. Obs. 3. — In some words ig is written for older ich; thus in the adjectives flbelig/ bittig (M.H.G. and still in the last century billich), untabtttg, unjajltg, also in Sffig, M.H.G. e^sich (from L. atecum for ctcetum) ; 3?etttg or fRtttii^, M.H.G. retich, from L. radicem ; Sleifig or Sleijtl^, M.H.G. rlsech; SRcifigc, troopers, M.H.G. reisec. g is likewise written in ©org, M.H.G. sarc or sarch, O.H.G. saruh, and in SEScrg, M.H.G. iverch or werk, O.H.G. werah or werk. § 115. The combination sJc was not affected by the High German sound-shifting (§ 65, 1 b, Obs.) ; thus. Got. shaidan, O.H.G. sJceidan, Got. skauns, O.H.G. sconi. But already in the eleventh century sk (sc) became sch, though sc is found as late as the twelfth century, i Probably k became already in O.H.G. the hard palatal spirant ch, for the forms scheidan, mennischo occur in the old manuscripts. In Modern German sch (pronounced like E. sh) is written. Examples : %\\^, from L. discus; gletf(^, M.H.G. vleisch, O.R.G. fleisk ; gifd|, O.H.G. Jlsk ; ajfenf(|, O.H.G. mennisco ; fd^oit, fd^etbett, ©^4, M.H.G. schuoch, O.H.G. scuoh; Sd^ulb, O.H.G. ' Also in English sk has become sh, cp. flesh, fish, sheath, shcUl, etc. CONSONANTS 93 sculda, etc. In foffen, Got. skal, inf. shdan, E. shall, the c has disappeared already in O.H.G. Obs. — The combination sk is now only found in words introduced into German at a later period, as TiaSh, Vt. masque ; >eo, se, Gen. seives, ©ee ; sneo, sue, Gen. snewes, ©(f)nee. In Modern German the diphthong aw (eio) appears medially for dw, as bte 93roue, M.H.G. brclwe or brcl, O.H.G. brdwa, E. brow; grau/ M.H.G. grdo, gra, inflected form gnlwer; 6Iau, M.H.G. Wrt, hlciwer; bie ®Iaue, M.H.G. kla or kUwe, E. claw, etc. 06s. — lu elDig, O.H.G. «««(/, w was preserved, but not in bie pa, @i^3^e. In the Old Saxon dialect the j remained : minnia, sibbia. Only after r, preceded by a short vowel, j remained after the ninth century. Braune conjectures that j got the sound of a palatal spirant sooner after r than after another consonant ; O.H.G. nerian or neren, M.H.G. iierigen or nern, not)reit, Got. nasjan, O.S. nerian, A.S. nerigan. Obs. 1. — If j preceded by a consonant came to stand at the end of a word it became i. This i remained long after the j in the middle of the word had disappeared : kunni, Gen. kunnes. Final ja (ja) became e iu the beginning of the O.H.G. period. Ohs. 2. — In Modern German £/ is written after a consonant for former j in gerfle, M.H.6. verge or verje, O.H.G. ferio ; in SattVCrge, M.H.G. latwerge or latwerje, from Lat. electuarium ; and in ©c{)erge, M.H.G. seherge or scherje, O.H.G. scario or scerio. Medially between the vowels j occurs only in a few foreign words, as j?ajute, Sojc, Soje, all derived from Low German. CHAPTER XIV. THE LIQUIDS AND THE NASALS. r. § 130. Germanic r mostly remained in O.H.G. ; only at the end of monosyllables it disappeared after a long vowel from the eleventh century, as da,''- wa, hie, e, Eng. there, where, here, ere. In O.H.G. the number of r's was increased by 1 But we say banim, bcirrcic|en, roatum, ivorau^, ^tx, etc. 104 GEKMAN PHONOLOGY those derived from Germanic 3 (for s, Verner's law). In Modern German, Germanic s sometimes became r by analogy, as i(f) tear, tcir tooren, O.H.G. was, loarun, Eng. I was, we were. § 131. In some loan-words r became I, thus in pilicrim, L. peregrinus, E. pilgrim ; martolon besides martoron, maxitxn from L. martyrum; murmulon besides murmwon, from L. murnmrare ; seldom chilicha is found for chiricha, from Gr. KvptaKov, bte ^rd^e, E. church. The change is more frequent in M.H.G. and in Modern German : besides $pilger, mur= mettt, we find also bie SKouIbeere, M.H.G. mulber, E. mulberry from L. inorus (O.H.G. murberi or morberi) ; bie 5|3f(aunte, M.H.G. pfluma, E. plum, from L. prunum (O.H.G. pfruma) ; ber SOlortet, M.H.G. mortel or morter, E. mortar, from L. mor- tarium. Sometimes, especially in poetry, we find SKarttiet fteitt for 9Jlormor, M.H.G. marmel, O.H.G. marmul, E. marble. About the metathesis of r, see § 89. Obs.—Bh is only found in foreign words, as 9tf|eutnati§= mu§, Satarr^, in the proper names ber SR^ein, bie Sdfione, sometimes in 9t^ebe, Sfl^eber, from L.G. /. § 132. Germanic I has remained unchanged. In Modern German (sometimes in M.H.G.) I has become 11 in a few words by dissimilation, thus in ber ©nciuel, M.H.G. Jcniuwel or kliuwel, a diminutive of M.H.G. hliuwe (O.H.G. hliuwe), E. clew; ber Snobtoud^, M.H.G. hndbelouch or klobelouch, O.H.G. Jdobolmh or Mofolmh, cp. E. clove (of garlic). Also in the adv. frebenttic^ from M.H.G. adj. frevele, but the noun is ber Srebel. CONSONANTS 105 m. § 133. Germanic m mostly remained unchanged at the beginning and in the middle of a word, if followed by a vowel ; also finally whenever m belonged to the root. In the terminations of the declensions and conjugations, however, final m became n from the ninth century, as tagun for older tagum, bin for older pirn, in for im, x^mn. In M.H.G. en began to supplant older em ; Modern Ger- man shows en. Examples : ber S3efen, M.H.G. h'esen and lesem, O.H.G. b'esamo ; ber SBoben, M.H.G. bodeii and bodem, O.H.G. hodwm, E. bottom ; ber SSujen/ M.H.G. buosen and buosem, O.H.G. buosam or buosum, E. bosom ; ber 3oben, M.H.G. vaden and vadem, O.H.G. fadam or fadum, 'E. fathom ; also the now obsolete word ber ©aben^ or (Sabem, O.H.G. gadam, gadum. m is preserved in ber Sltein and ber Dbem. § 1 34. Before consonants m has mostly become n. Al- ready in Prim. Germanic m became n before d, Got. skande, from sik shaman, O.H.G. scanta, Got. taihun, O.H.G. z'ehan, from Idg. dSkmt, cp. ©unb and fd^tDtttimen. m remained in O.H.G. before the labials b and ph, but became n before Germanic /, as umbi, lembir, kempho, but finf for older Jlmf, zunft for older zumft, from zeman. In Modern German m is found before the labials b, p, pf, as S3om6e,^ Sottt^Je, ®ain)3f, Sani|)f. If m occurs before another consonant, syncope of a vowel may be assumed. Thus we find er ntmmt, M.H.G. nimet, be§ Camm§ for be§ £amme§, ba§ 9ttnt, 1 Luther uses bcr Sofam. ^ A room, originally a one-roomed house. ' As mb became mm in Modern German (§ 88), m occurs before h only in foreign words, or for n in words like Slmbog, Smbtg, etc. 106 GERMAN PHONOLOGY M.H.G. ammet or amhet, O.H.G. ambahti, fremb, M.H.G. vremede or wenide, O.H.G. fremidi ; bag §embe, M.H.G. hemde or hemede, O.H.G. hemedi ; famt, M.H.G. samt, older sament, O.H.G. samant ; ber Samt, M.H.G. samit (Gr. e^d/jmov). m occurs thus frequently before s, as SimSftettt, M.H.G. hilmex, O.H.G. humiz; bie SSremfe, the gadfly, from L. brimissa; SSremJe, the break, from L.G. premese; bie ©entfe, M.H.G. geme'^e or geni'^e ; emftg, M.H.G. em^ec or eni'^ic, O.H.G. ema^- ^ig or emi^^ig; §am[ter, O.H.G. hamastro ; ©amStog, M.H.G. sam^tac, O.H.G. sambapag; ber ©tin§, M.H.G. sjm3 or siTO«3 ; SSotttS, M.H.G. wambeis or wambes. Unexplained is the m in bie Slmfet, O.H.G. amsala. Obs. Of course m occurs before the suffixes (^tn and leitl like 5)eimc|cn, Sciumtein. n. § 135. Germanic n mostly remained in High German. About the change of n to m before a labial (except labio- dental Germanic/), see § 88. In a few cases I is found for older n, thus in O.H.G. esil, ®fel, Got. asihis, from L. asinus; himil, §tmmel, Got. Mmins ; igil, ^Qd, cp. Gr. ex^vos ; he'^iil, Seffel, from L. catinus ; kumil or kumin, Siimmet, from L. aiminum. Obs. — Before a guttural m is a guttural nasal. C— THE ACCENT 1 (Stress). CHAPTER XV. § 136. Since the discovery of Verner's law (K. Z. xxiii. p. 97) it is generally acknowledged that the Indo-Germanic ' As only the most important points are given here, especially with regard to the secondary accent, we refer those who wish to ACCENT 107 accent was perfectly free, neither limited to certain syllables nor restricted by a question of quantity, so that it could fall on the root-syllable or on a suffix. At the same time Verner proved that this free Idg. accent still existed in the oldest Germanic period, and that it influenced the change of the Idg. tenuis to either voiceless or voiced spirant. The connection between Ablaut and Idg. accent was like- wise established by him. But at an early prehistoric period this free accent gave way to another accent which fell on the first syllable of the word. Verner attributes this change to the prevalence of words with accented first (root) syllable. Brugmann, Grdr. § 667, finds this reason insufficient, but cannot assign a better one. Kluge, in Paul's Grdr. p. 317, proves that the new accent must have already existed at the time of Tacitus. Scherer tried to establish a logical motive for the new accent, and assumed that it always fell on the root-syllable. Against this assumption Kluge, Paul, etc., put forward that although this is mostly the case, the first syllable being generally also the root-syllable, yet Scherer's rule would hardly meet every case. As proof against Scherer's opinion they quote words like Got. and O.H.G. slint, finb, Sansk. s\cmti, root es; Got. t\un]>us, O.H.G. z\and, ber Qai^n, Sansk. d\at, root ed, to eat; Got. kn\m, O.H.G. kn\w, Sansk. jdnu, Gr. ■ydi'ii, which are accented on the first syllable though the vowel of the root has previously disappeared. The strongest proof against it is however presented by the redu- plication, the first and not the root syllable having in that enter more deeply into these rules of the accent to Wilmanns' Seutfc^e ©ranmiattf, §§ 337 to 368, also to Sievers' 2(ccent= iitit Saut(fl;re ber gtrmanifcijen ©prac^cn. 108 GERMAN PHONOLOGY case the principal accent, as Got. haihait, lailot, O.H.G. teta. I. — The Accent in Simple Woeds. § 137. It may be assumed that, with the exception of foreign words and of words with a foreign termination, the accent of a simple word rests on the first syllable. A few words in Modern German form an exception to this rule, and have the second syllable accented. They are : bie gore'tte, diminutive to M.H.G. fdrhen. M.H.G. O.H.G. Eng. ber ^oHu'nber, Mlunder Mluntar bie ^ornx'ffe, hdi-ni], li6rnei hdrnef. fefie'nbig was already in M.H.G. accented on either first or second syllable. Iutf)e'rifdE) probably after the analogy of fat{)o'Iifd^, {noU-- \ta'rdi\ci). Also in ©d)tora'ife, M.H.G. slur-affe, and S!Ba^£)o'Iber, O.H.G. w'ehhaliar, which are no longer felt as compounds, the stress is on the second syllable. § 138. Foreign words received in the O.H.G. period have adopted the German accentuation : SJJii'itfter, monasterium, gie'gel, tegula. Foreign words received in the M.H.G. period sometimes followed the German accentuation, sometimes they pre- served their own. Frequently both accentuations exist side by side, as bdnier and haniir, from Fr. la lannUre, now bo§ SSa'nner or bal ^Panie'r. In modern times the tendency prevails, especially in North Germany, to pronounce foreign words with their original accent, as §Ote'{, Soitft'n, but many words have ACCENT 109 adopted the German accentuation : ber 2ieu'tnant, ber E^a'r= latan. In some words the pronunciation fluctuates as in Sa'Datterte and SatiaHeri'e, Sii'reou and Surea'u. "Words with the foreign suffixes ei (Fr. ie), ieren, alien (L. alia), have the accent on the suffix, as SBciderei', ©d^Iogerei', ftotjie'reit, regte'ren, 3!JJuftfa'(ien, Sa)3^3a'(ten. ■ II.— The Accent in Compound Words. § 139. The accentuation of compounds is somewhat more complicated than that of simple words. It may however be considered, as a general rule, that compound nouns, with a few exceptions, have the principal accent on the first syllable of the first part, compound verbs on the first syl- lable of the second component part, compound adjectives more frequently on the first part than on the second. Especially those compounds the first part of which does not essentially modify the second, but at most expresses a degree of it, have a tendency to accentuate the second part. § 140. Compound Nouns. — In compound nouns the prin- cipal accent was in O.H.G. generally on the first syllable of the first component part, as dblaz STBIa^, imbis S'tnBi§, zurgang (but zergdngen), fr&tat, dntimrti, M.H.G. Antwurt St'nttoort, Mspel SSei'f^iet, Mntberi, M.H.G. Mntber ^t'mbeere, urhundi, M.H.G-. lirkunde llrfunbe (but erle'nnen). Already in O.H.G. the prefixes ga, fra, and sometimes bi, showed a tendency to become unaccented, except when in position, thus gdstad, gdscaft, but gabirgi. In M.H.G. the unaccented syllables ver and be took the place of fra and bi, following the analogy of the verbs. 110 GERMAN PHONOLOGY Also ill Modern G-erman the principal accent (§0(f)ton) is generally on the first syllable of the first component part, yet the rule is less strictly adhered to. In some nouns the first part of which only expresses the degree of the second, the latter part has the accent, thus we ac- centuate ^erjtie'bc^en, @rjfd|e'(iii, but ^e'rjfeliler, E'rjBtfd^of. The second part has also the accent in §an§tDU'rjl (Jack Pudding), go^r^u'nbert, ber @ef|eimera't,i ba§ ^ofielte'b, ber §D^eprie'j'ter, bte Sangetoet'te, bo§ SSateru'nfer, in compounds like Sitbo'ft, Jiorbfte'lten, and in geographical names, as @c^afft)au'fen, ©ropee'ren, Sfleulrie'b, ©iefienfiii'rgen, etc. Also a few words consisting of three parts have the accent on the second component, 2ttttDet'6erfommer, Sorfrei'tag, grontei'c^nam, @riinbo'nner§tag, Uro'^it^err. This is especially the case where Ober or Unter are prefixed to a compound noun, D6erf)o'fmeifter, DBerftaa'tSanlralt, else the accent is generally on the first syllable, D'fierlel^rerfteHe, §au'§t;of= meifter, U'rgrofebater. Compound nouns with all (ala), had in O.H.G. generally the accent on the first syllable. This is mostly, but not always the case in Mod. German, Sl'Hinac^t, St'Egetnatt, but Sttlge'getttoart, 3I'atDt'ffenI)eit. If the noun is derived from a compound verb the accent is on the second component part the same as in compound verbs, but not if the compound noun only corresponds to a compound verb; thus we say, S5Sieber!^o'Iung, Unterl^a'Itutig, 1 Words like ber ©ejeitticrat, iai |oo|)etieb, ber ^o()e)3rie|lcr, bie SangcTOCttC, can hardly be considered real compound nouns, for the first part is declinable, beS ^jo^enliebes, ber SaiigeniBetle. In fact they may be written separated. The short forms are accented : Sa'iifliuettc, ®r^ei'mrat, likewise Su'rjTOctt ACCENT 111 areife^a'nbtung, SSoEe'nbnug, but Sffii'berfi^rud^, U'ttter^tt, 9Jlt'praud^, SBo'Emac^t. Already in M.H.G. this was the case, as erloesunge bie Srlij'fung. § 141. Compound Verbs. — The monosyllabic verbal pre- fixes were in O.H.Gr. unaccented ; the dissyllabic aba, ana, furi, were nearly always accented ; hintan, itndar, umbi, were either accented or not (the latter was especially the case before transitive verbs) ; untar, ubar, duruh were unac- cented. Towards the end of the O.H.G. period diirh was sometimes accented. In M.H.G. durh, under, iiber, and also bi were sometimes accented and separable. In Modern German the verbal prefixes fie, ge, er, tier, jer, ent, f)tnter, lt)tber are unaccented; um, unter, iiber, buri^ either accented and separable or unaccented and insepar- able. The prefix bott is unaccented, as bolle'nben, i)oU-- bri'ngen, except in the few cases where boll has its literal meaning, as in t)o'IIj(|enfen, bo'Htna^en ; nti§ is mostly unaccented, mi^fa'tten, mi^a'c^ten, it is accented in ntt'§= berfte^en, tnt'PtHigen, nti'§rec^nen, the accentuation fluctuates in mil^onbeln and miprauc^en. All other prefixes bear the principal stress. If a verb is derived from a compound noun, the first syllable has the accent, IM.H.G. hdlsslagen from hdlsslac, Antwwrten from dntwurt, Mod. German a'ntloorten, ra'tf(f|tagen, frii'^ftiicEen, etc. § 142. Compound Adjectives. — In compound adjectives the accent varies very much, we find ei'gen^onbig and eigentii'mlic^, u'rfunblid^ and urjjto'lltd^ ; sometimes the accentuation fluctuates, as bief betounbert and bielbetou'nbert. As already mentioned, if the first part is intensive, the second part has generally the accent, erjbu'mnt, eiSfalt, 112 GERMAN PHONOLOGY grunbfa'Iji^. Slu'tarm, is poor in blood ; bluto'rm, very poor ; ftei'nreid^, rich in stones ; fteinrei'(^, very rich ; yet the in- flected form is etit ftei'nrei(fier SKenfc^. The prefix un is generally accented when it expresses the contrary of the simple adjective, utt'ecflt, u'ntDaf)r, yet we find unmo'gttc^, unbegrei'fttd^. If the second part is no longer used as an adjective, un is generally, but not always, unaccented, unfa'gttd^, ungel^eu'er, but u'nge[tiim, u'nBejd^otten. The adjectival prefix aU (ala) was already in O.H.G. un- accented, alafSsti, allma(|tig. Compound numeral adjec- tives have the accent on the last part, bierunbjlDa'njig ; only the suffixes, jig, tel, jeiltt are never accented, t)t'erjet)n, brei'^ig, etn brl'ttel. § 143. Compound pronomis generally have the accent on the first syllable, O.H.Gr. ioman, nioman, iowedar, Mod. Germ, ^e'ntanb, SJtie'monb, jie'gttc^er, Se'bermann, be'rientge, yet we find O.H.G. dehein, niweder, Mod. Germ. berfe'Ibe, but e'6enberfeI6e. § 144. Compound Adverbs, Prepositions, etc. — Most com- pound adverbs have the principal accent on the second part, iifiera'C, O.H.G. ubardl, nad^be'm, begtoe'gen, gegenii'Ber, fofo'rt, etc. The following accentuate the first syllable : o'ljo (O.H.G.(tto),e'ben!o,be'nnod), ba'mote,^i'nterrii(I§, immer (O.H.G. iomer), nt'ntmer, tjo'rgeftern, ii'bermorgen, and those compounded with mat, jeit, toartS; bo'rmate, e'^entat^, o'b- feitS, ie'nfeit, tio'rloartS, rii'dwartS. Sometimes adverbs, generally accented on the second part, have the accent on the first syllable if particular emphasis is expressed, as metitetlDe'gen, may be, for all I care, mei'netwegen, for my ACCENTS 113 III. — The Secondary Accent (Siefton). § 145. As in compound nouns the principal accent is mostly on the first syllable of the first component part, a secondary accent is generally found on the first syllable of the second, as ©o'nnenfcEiei'n, ©o'minerr'egen. If either of the parts is a compound, there may be several secondary accents ; if the first part is a compound, the strongest secondary accent will be on the first syllable of the third part ; if the second part is a compound, on the first syllable of the second part, as D'berie'f)rerj'te'"IIe,©c§u'f)ma'c§erie'f|rItng, but^augei"- gentu mer, §a'nblt)D"rterJiu~d^. In compound verbs, with the principal accent on the second part and a dissyllabic prefix, the first syllable of the prefix has the secondary accent, as ^Vnterge'^ett, u'nterla'ffen. The secondary accent occurs also in simple words ; but as the opinions are so varied, it may only be mentioned that heavy suffixes like dri, nissi, unga, etc., generally had the secondary accent. There also was a tendency to put the secondary accent on the third syllable, if the syllable bearing the principal accent was short, or the second syllable short and the third long. H Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to Her Majesty at the Edinburgh University Press \Jii iH-'nt}':-iitn,-MH^m