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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL STUDIES 
 VOL. V. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES 
 TO THE PRESENT DAY 
 
 BY 
 
 MAKTIN A. MEYER, Ph.D. 
 
 SOMETIME FELLOW OP THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF OEIENTAI. 
 STUDY AND RESEARCH AT JERUSALEM 
 
 Nefa gorft 
 
 THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 1907 
 
 All rights reserved 
 1) 
 
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Copyright, 1907, 
 By the COLUMBIA UNITEESITT TEES8. 
 
 Set up and electrotyped. Published August, 1907. 
 
 KTorinaoti ^uee 
 
 J. B. Gushing Co. — Berwick & Smitli Co. 
 
 Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 
 
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m DEEP GRATITUDE 
 
 TO MY BELOVED PARENTS 
 
 WHOSE SELF-SACRIFICE MADE POSSIBLE 
 
 ALL THE GOOD IN MY LIFE 
 
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Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028591331 
 
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NOTE 
 
 The city of Gaz;a has not had the glamour thrown around it 
 which has brought so many cities on the coasts of the Mediter- 
 ranean into great prominence. But it has had an importance 
 all its own. As the objective point of the caravans that brought 
 the merchandise of southern Arabia and of the far East to the 
 Mediterranean, as the distributing center of this merchandise 
 into Syria, Asia Minor, and Europe, as well as the connecting 
 link between Palestine and Egypt, the city of Gaza is inter- 
 esting to the student of history. Since K. Stark in 1852 first 
 made the attempt to write the history of the city, a large mass 
 of material dealing with ancient Semitic civilizations has come 
 to light — Assyrian, Egyptian, Sabsean, and Minsean. Stark 
 also closed his account with the year 634. Dr. Martin A. 
 Meyer has taken up Stark's work, and has presented a picture 
 of the life of the city and of its varying fortunes from the 
 earliest times down to the present day. He has carefully col- 
 lected and sifted all the available material. The importance 
 of the city of Gaza will be more and more emphasized as the 
 eastern shores of the Mediterranean are opened up to the 
 commerce of the world, and as the projected railroads bring 
 the inner parts of hither Asia into direct connection with 
 
 the sea. 
 
 RICHARD GOTTHEIL. 
 
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PREFACE 
 
 The preparation of this thesis has developed from a matter 
 of duty into a labor of love. The subject, which was suggested 
 by my friend and teacher, Professor R. J. H. Gottheil, made 
 its appeal to me chiefly because of its relation to the Holy 
 Land, where I had spent a memorable year in investigations 
 similar to those now called for. There I had learned the 
 outlines of that wide subject which I had heard Mr. R. A. S. 
 Macalister, of the Palestine Exploration Fund, term " Pales- 
 tinology." Its literature and problems had since become 
 familiar to me, so that when, in the spring of 1904, 1 undertook 
 the preparation of this dissertation, I was already more or less 
 at home on my theme. 
 
 Begun on strictly Semitic lines, the work has led one far 
 afield ; for the successive strata of Palestinian history form, 
 as it were, a cross-section of the history of the world at large. 
 One has been brought into contact with all the races of man- 
 kind, which had their habitat in the Mediterranean region, 
 with their successive empires and cultures ; Semite and Aryan 
 have rubbed shoulders, exchanged customs and manners, deities 
 and cults; trade interests, cultures, military endeavor, and 
 literary accomplishment have intermingled in one great com- 
 plex ; and through it all has run, like a thread, the rise, growth, 
 and disintegration of the city of Gaza. 
 
 Stark's monumental work, " Gaza und die Philistaische 
 Kiiste," has naturally been my guide; but, splendid as it is, 
 it has its decided limitations. When Stark wrote (1852), the 
 remarkable discoveries of Assyriology and, in a large part, 
 too, of Egyptology were still in the future. He knew nothing 
 of the pre-Israelitish history of the Philistine coast. His de- 
 pendence was entirely on the later Greek historians and on 
 
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PREFACE 
 
 the few isolated notices in the Bible. Moreover, his use of 
 Scripture may well be characterized as unscientific. If he had 
 any knowledge of Biblical criticism, he applied its results to 
 his work but little, if at all ; so that it may well be claimed, 
 yet modestly, that the following chapters on these early periods 
 are new ah initio. 
 
 In the period from Alexander the Great to the capture of 
 Gaza by the Moslems, I have done little but summarize the 
 results presented by Stark. This period lay rather in the field 
 of Grseco-Roman civilization ; and here Stark was preeminent. 
 His knowledge of the classics was wide ; and I could not hope 
 to add anything to his contributions. Here and there I have 
 been able to uncover new facts ; but these have been so unim- 
 portant as to leave the general trend of his conclusions un- 
 affected. The Christian mortuary inscriptions and the 
 inscription of Ptolemy, son of Serenes, are about the only new 
 items of importance in this field. 
 
 Stark's work ended with the capture of the city by the 
 Moslems. Here again I have been able to add something ; 
 and the investigations have been brought down to the present 
 day. With the advent of the Arabs the old culture passed 
 away, and the field again became Semitic. In this era of the 
 city's history I had none to follow; pioneer work had to be 
 done, the only materials available being widely scattered notices. 
 The problem presented itself of setting in the general history 
 of the Orient the particular facts relating to Gaza ; of putting 
 each fact in its proper place and bringing it into connection 
 with the whole. Given the point of contact, one was asked 
 to find the larger circumference which it indicated. 
 
 The limitations of such a work must be apparent. I have 
 had access to no manuscript sources, but have had to depend 
 on printed editions and reports. To the inaccessibility of 
 many valuable works are due lacunae, which I hope at some 
 future time to be able to fill in. 
 
 I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Gottheil, who 
 has taken more than a passing interest in the work, for his 
 constant assistance and valuable suggestions; to Dr. William 
 
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PEEFACE 
 
 Popper, formerly Gustav Gottheil Lecturer at Columbia Uni- 
 versity, who kindly assisted me in the work of culling refer- 
 ences from Arabic sources; to the librarians of the State 
 Library at Albany and of Columbia University for their kind- 
 ness in procuring books for my assistance ; and to the librarian 
 of Hamilton College for the loan of special works bearing on 
 the subject. 
 
 MAETIN A. MEYER. 
 Brooklyn, New York, 
 April, 1907. 
 
 ix 
 
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ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE SUBSEQUENT 
 
 PAGES 
 
 Arch. Researches . . Archceological Researches, Clermont-Ganneau. 
 
 Ab. Zar Abodah Zarah (Talmud). 
 
 Bab. Gesch Babylonische Geschichte, Tiele. 
 
 B.B. & D Brown, Briggs, and Driver, A Hebrew and English 
 
 Lexicon of the Old Testament. 
 
 C.I.Gr Corpus Inscriptionum Grmcarum. 
 
 C.I.S Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. 
 
 Chron. Pasch. . . . Chronicon Paschale, ed. Dindorf. 
 
 E.B Encyclopaedia Biblica, Cheyne and Black. 
 
 @ Septuagint; Swete, The Old Testament in Greek. 
 
 Gesch. B. & A. . . . Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, Wincklet. 
 
 Gl Eduaid Glaser. 
 
 H.E Historia Ecclesiastica. 
 
 Hor Horayot (Talmud). 
 
 J.A.I Journal of the Anthropological Institute. 
 
 J.A.O.S Jimrnal of the American Oriental Society. 
 
 J.E Jewish Encyclopcedia. 
 
 J.p History of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus 
 
 Christ, Erail Sohuerer, English version by Rev. 
 
 John Macpherson. 
 
 J.Q.R Jewish Quarterly Review. 
 
 K.B Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, E. Schrader. 
 
 LXX The Septuagint; Swete, op. cit. 
 
 Marc. Diac Vita Porphyrii by Marcus Diaconus, Bollandist's 
 
 library. 
 
 M.D.O.G Mittheilungen der deutschen Orients Gesellschaft. 
 
 M.V.G Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft. 
 
 Onomastica, or O.S. . Onomastica Sacra, Eusebius, ed. Lagarde. 
 
 P.E.F.Q.S Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement. 
 
 xi 
 
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ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE SUBSEQUENT PAGES 
 
 Q.C.R Quintus Curtius Rufus. 
 
 R.B Revue Biblique. 
 
 Sabb. Sahhath (Talmud). 
 
 Steph. Byz Stephen of Byzantium. 
 
 S.W.P Memoirs of the Survey of Western Palestine. 
 
 Rev. Arch Revue Archeologique. 
 
 Tot. Orb. Desc. . . . Totius Orbis Descriptio. 
 
 Z.A Zeitschrifte fur Assyriologie. 
 
 Z.D.M.G Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- 
 
 schaft. 
 
 Z.D.P.V Zeitschrift des deutschen Palestina Vereins. 
 
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CONTENTS 
 
 PAET I 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. Introduction 3 
 
 II. Population 13 
 
 III. Period of foreign domination 18 
 
 IV. Israelitish period 80 
 
 V. Persian period 41 
 
 VI. Hellenistic period 46 
 
 VII. Roman period 55 
 
 VIII. Moslem conquest 73 
 
 IX. Period of the Crusades 80 
 
 X. Turkish period 89 
 
 XL The modern city 106 
 
 PART II 
 
 XII. Cults and deities of Gaza 115 
 
 XIII. The calendar at Gaza 125 
 
 XIV. Inscriptions 139 
 
 XV. Antiquities at Gaza . ■ 152 
 
 XVI. Coins 157 
 
 XVII. Games, industries, trade routes 161 
 
 Index 167 
 
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PAET I 
 
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HISTOEY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Names — Site — Port of Gaza — Old and New Gaza 
 
 Gaza, as the most southwesterly town of Palestine on the route 
 to Egypt, has enjoyed from the earliest times a unique position 
 in the history of that land. All exact knowledge of its foundation 
 has been lost in the mists of legend and folk-lore; but it has 
 existed from the remotest period and has had an almost unin- 
 terrupted history down to the present day. The secret of its 
 long-continued existence is its position on the border of the 
 Egyptian desert. As the last town on the road to Egypt and 
 the first to be reached after emerging from the desert, it became 
 a provisioning point for the caravans. In early times numerous 
 trade-routes centered here; and the commercial importance of 
 the place was only rivaled by its strategic value from a military 
 point of view. The possession of Gaza became a bone of conten- 
 tion between the rulers of Egypt and those of Palestine and 
 Syria. This rivalry was particularly acute between the older 
 Pharaonic dynasties and the Assyrians, and, later, between the 
 Ptolemies and the Seleucidse; and during the medieval period 
 and in modern times the struggle was renewed between the 
 Egyptian kings and the lords of Damascus. It may be noted, 
 too, that whenever Egypt was able to conquer and hold Gaza, 
 the affairs of that kingdom were in general at the highwater 
 mark of prosperity. Only during the palmiest days of the king- 
 dom was Egypt able to hold this outpost of Palestine, whose 
 possession meant the control of the trade and military routes 
 between Asia and Africa. 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 It is interesting to note that as long as the center of history 
 remained in the Mediterranean world, the fate of nations was 
 mirrored in that of this solitary city. Gaza passed from one to 
 another of a whole procession of conquerors, each of whom strove 
 for its. possession, and in turn handed over the stronglaold to his 
 successor in the ambitious quest of world-rule. As soon, how- 
 ever, as the center of history shifted from the Mediterranean 
 coasts to the Atlantic seaboard, the city became of less and 
 less account. After the Crusades, its interest and importance 
 markedly declined; and to-day, the caravan trade having become 
 a thing of the past, and the military value of the site having 
 been diminished by this fact as well as by the comparative unim- 
 portance of the surrounding lands, Gaza is but a survival of a 
 bygone age, interesting only because of its antiquity and history. 
 
 Gaza has always been a favorite resort of the Bedouins of the 
 desert, who have frequented its markets, though they have 
 avoided Hebron. At Gaza they disposed of their plunder and 
 provisioned themselves for their desert wanderings. The com- 
 mon interests of the inhabitants of Gaza and of the Arabs of the 
 peninsula kept both friendly; the necessity of a market for 
 their spices and frankincense being just as great for the Arabs 
 as the importance of this trade was for the prosperity of the city. 
 The further fact that from the earliest times many of the popula- 
 tion were Arabs contributed to harmony. 
 
 " Gaza " is the common transliteration of the Hebrew mS, Fata 
 as found m the Septuagint, and thence adopted into all the modern 
 languages of Europe. On some of- the coins of the city the name 
 is spelled IS ^ ; but whether this was due to want of space or 
 whether the name was purposely shortened it is difficult to decide. 
 On the monuments the name of the city is found variously 
 spelled. In Egyptian it is rendered Ga-da-tu (or Ga-sa-tu),^ 
 "g" representing 5 (ayin) in Hebrew and ghayin in Arabic." In 
 the Assyrian records also it has several spellings, viz. Ha-az- 
 zu-tu,' Ha-zi-ti,' Ha-zi-it-ti,^ Ha-za-zu-at-a-a,' and Ha-za-at-a-a ;^ 
 while in the Tell el-Amarna letters Azzati " is found a most inter- 
 esting and suggestive variant. In south Arabic it is rendered 
 
 4 
 
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INTRODUCTION 
 
 ni§/° and in Arabic proper Ghazzah. The usual translitera- 
 tion in Greek was as stated above, Td^a; buf'A^a is found as 
 an alternative in Stephen of Byzantium/' The Hebrew 'ayin, 
 as in this case, was frequently represented by the gamma in 
 Greek.'^ In the "Onomastica Sacra,"" it is explicitly stated 
 that the Hebrew word began not with a consonant, but with a 
 vocal. Finally the name has been identified philologically (cf. 
 infra, ch. iv.) with the Kadytis of Herodotus." 
 
 The name of the city has been generally derived in Hebrew 
 tradition, as reported by Eusebius in his "Onomastica Sacra," " 
 from TO, "to be strong." The difficulty in accepting this tra- 
 dition grows out of the fact that the Arabic word for "strong" 
 is 'aztz, spelled with an 'ayin, the same as the Hebrew. . If 
 this tradition were correct, then we should expect the Arabic 
 name of the city to begin with an 'ayin, not with ghayin. The 
 Assyrian, Egyptian, south-Arabic, and Herodotean forms all 
 point to an initial guttural letter, as well as the usual Greek 
 transliterations. The forms Azzati, found in the Tell el-Amarna 
 letters, and the Greek "A fa (evidently based on the current 
 Hebrew pronunciation) alone bear out the Hebrew. Even in the 
 Hebrew, where the double nature of the 'ayin is well known, the 
 tradition may not be supported.'^ * But these exceptions are 
 overbalanced by the usual forms in their respective languages. 
 
 The meaning of the word "Gaza" must remain an open 
 question, subject to further investigation. In one note in the 
 "Onomastica Sacra" an old legend is reported which connected 
 it with the word jd^a,^" meaning " treasure," because treasure 
 was buried at the place by (1) Zeus " or by (2) Cambyses on 
 his way down to Egypt." The lateness of this legend, how- 
 ever, is self-evident; and it must be regarded as a product of 
 Oriental fancy rather than as an attempt to explain the name 
 on scientific grounds.'" An example of the unrehable and 
 fanciful suggestions of the Arabs in such matters is the state- 
 ment of Muhalhbi abii Said,^° who derived the name from 
 ghazza, "to make a choice." 
 
 The gentilic of the town name is "'ilTO in Hebrew.^' In 
 
 5 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Greek it was Ta^alo<! ^^ ■ and also Ta^TJvo?, a form, however, 
 which did not conform to Greek usage.^^ Stephen of Byzantium 
 also warns against the use of "Gazan" as incorrect; but he 
 gives Ta^iTT)'; as the term used by the inhabitants themselves, 
 with particular reference to the pottery made in the town. 
 The form Gazdtce is also used, according to Alexander Poly- 
 histor.^^ In EngUsh, the forms Gazite ^' and Gazathite '° are 
 both found. The former is apparently from the Greek; the 
 latter, from the Hebrew. Arrian ^' calls the inhabitants "Ara- 
 bians"; and Herodotus^' refers to them as "the Syrians of 
 Palestine." 
 
 Certain other names are occasionally found in ancient rec- 
 ords. The city is variously called "A^a^^ after Azon, the 
 son of Hercules, one of the reputed founders of the city; Minoa, 
 because Minos and his brothers .^acus and Rhadamanthus 
 settled there ; '" and lona, because lus (lo) emigrated thither.'' 
 In later times the Arab Ab<i Mundir '^ calls it Ghazzat Hdshim, 
 "the Gaza of Hdshim," because Hashim, the grandfather of the 
 Prophet, was buried there. He also connects the name with 
 that of the wife of Sur, the founder of Tyre. The "Khalil- 
 Daheri"'' gives the place the supplementary designation 
 Dehliz el-Mulk, "the threshold of the kingdom." The name 
 of the city was often confused with that of Gazara ^^ and oc- 
 casionally with Azotus.'^ Azotus was the Greek form of Ashdod. 
 The names Azotus, Azon, Azzati, etc., were sufficiently similar 
 to cause this confusion. 
 
 Gaza is situated 31° 3' N. lat. and 34° 28' E. long. It is 
 not on the coast; in fact, Askelos was the only one of the old 
 Philistine cities which was immediately on the sea. It is the 
 most southwesterly city in Palestine and about fifty miles 
 west-southwest from Jerusalem. It is on the edge of the desert, 
 and about eight days' march from the Delta. The city is now 
 about three miles from the seacoast; which agrees with the 
 account of Arrian,'" who describes it as situated twenty fur- 
 longs from the sea at the time of its siege by Alexander. It 
 was then situated on a high hill, as it is still to-day." From 
 
 6 
 
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INTRODUCTION 
 
 a number of passages found in the classical authors (cf. infra) 
 it has frequently been urged that the site of the ancient city 
 was different from that of the city of medieval and modern 
 times. This view is no longer maintained as correct. The 
 chief part of the modern city stands on a high tell, or mound, 
 the edges of which show remains of walls, etc., of a very ancient 
 character. The Roman city no doubt stretched to the sea, 
 where to-day potsherds and other fragments are still to be 
 seen.'* The Greeks say that the soil about Gaza was soft and 
 easy to work; '° and that it therefore presented difficulties 
 for the siege-machines, which sunk into it. The district im- 
 mediately about the city has always been renowned for its 
 great fertility, and travelers have praised, often immoderately, 
 its fruits and other products. But from Gaza southward 
 the land is barren and sandy, typically desert. 
 
 Although at various times of its history Gaza came under 
 Egyptian rule, it was never reckoned as a part of Egypt, but 
 rather as a city of Syria, Palestine, or Phoenicia. Geographi- 
 cally it fell naturally into the territory of Syria. Ptolemy ■'° 
 reckoned it as belonging to Judea; and Strabo " assigned it 
 to Phoenicia. The latter says: "The one remaining part of 
 the coast extending from Orthesia as far as Pelusium is called 
 Phoenicia, a narrow strip of land along the sea . . . between 
 Gaza and Antilibanus and towards the Arabians is called Judea." 
 Herodotus ^^ refers to Gaza as a city of the Syrians; but he 
 does not give the geography of the district in detail. Stephen 
 of Byzantium *^ calls it a Phoenician city, and says that in his 
 day it belonged to Palestine, though it had formerly been a 
 part of Egypt. Marcus Diaconus ^^ (fourth century a.d.) states 
 that it was in the see dP Csesarea ; Sozomen *^ (sixth century 
 A.D.), that it was in the territory of Maioumas.^" Al-Mukaddasi " 
 (tenth century a.d.) states that in his time it was in the district 
 of Filastin, one of the six districts into which the Moslems 
 had divided Syria; but during the Crusades it was a fief of 
 Arsouf.^* Details of the various changes in rulership to which 
 Gaza was subjected, involving its inclusion in different districts, 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 will be presented further on; sufficient has been said here; to 
 show that in accordance with its geographical position, the 
 city was generally reckoned with Syria rather than with Egypt. 
 The port of Gaza, Maioumas, is only mentioned in the. later 
 classical sources :'° but it no doubt existed from an early 
 period, at least from the time when trade with Greece began 
 to develop. According to Makrizi,'" "Maioumas" is an Egyp- 
 tian word meaning "maritime place." Jerome arbitrarily 
 identified Madmannah, mentioned in Joshua xv. 31, with 
 Maioumas. Modern authorities have disagreed as regards 
 the actual site of the maritime city. Gatt " claims that the 
 port was situated on the site of the present harbor. This^^ 
 is a rather insignificant bay in the low-lying sandy coast, marked 
 out by a few rocks and some ancient masonry remains. It is 
 now known as El-Mineh (Arabic for " harbor "). Sandreczky =' 
 thinks it was at the mouth of the Wadi Gaza. The remains 
 and general conditions bear out Gatt's contention. The harbor 
 was included in the municipality for political and ecclesiastical 
 purposes till the time of Constantine." That emperor sepa- 
 rated the two places, made Maioumas an independent city, 
 and, on account of its warm espousal of the Christian cause 
 and the conversion of its inhabitants, changed its name to 
 Constantia in honor of his sister (331 a.d.). Made tributary 
 by Julian the Apostate, it was restored to its independence 
 upon his death.^^ As late as the time of Sozomen, the bishop 
 of Gaza tried, but unsuccessfully, to assert his authority over 
 the harbor city.^" After its degradation by Jiilian it regained 
 its old name of Maioumas." In the Middle Ages, it was known 
 as Tida or Taida,^' which name is an apparent shortening of 
 Anthedon. The site of ancient Anthedon has not been posi- 
 tively established. There are several heaps of ruins in the 
 neighborhood of Gaza which have been identified with this 
 old city; but a tell somewhat to the north of Gaza known 
 to the natives as Tida,^" seems, according to the facts of the 
 case, to be the remains of Anthedon. I think it possible that 
 Idrisi, hearing the name Tida connected with Gaza, and find- 
 
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INTRODUCTION 
 
 ing no site with which he could associate it, gave it to the 
 harbor city. 
 
 One of the interesting problems in connection with the his- 
 tory of the city is that of Old and New Gaza. Fortunately, 
 the archaeologist and the excavator have settled what had 
 been a vexed question for centuries. They ha.ve decided that 
 modern Gaza stands practically upon the site of the old town, 
 the present elevation being due to the accumulation of debris 
 through the centuries. The passage in Polybius "" which 
 has been interpreted to indicate the existence of a second Gaza, 
 in Egypt between Rhinocolura and Barathra, is plainly an 
 error of some scribe, by whom a sentence was misplaced."' 
 The town conquered by Ptolemy Lagos in 312 b.c. is called 
 by Diodorus"^ and Porphyry"^ "Old Gaza" (according to 
 the Armenian version, "veterem Gazam"; in the Greek of 
 Lyncellus, HaXacya^a/j,). Strabo "* states that Old Gaza was 
 destroyed by Alexander, and that it has since lain waste; but 
 here he has been misled, having copied his remark from an 
 old geographer who knew nothing of New Gaza. The allusion 
 in the Acts of the Apostles (viii. 26), " Arise, and go toward 
 the south unto the way that goeth down from Jerusalem unto 
 Gaza: the same is desert," does not apply; for, if the whole 
 passage be not considered a gloss of a later hand, the word avrr) 
 must be construed to refer to the road and not to the city. 
 An explicit statement to the effect that there was a New Gaza 
 appears in an anonymous geographical fragment "^ which 
 reads as follows; 
 
 fiLETo. TO. PivoKopovpa 7/ via Td^a KfiiTai iroAis ovtra Koi avT-rj elB rj epTjfioi 
 Td^a tlra i) 'Aa-KoXwv iroA.ts k.t.X. 
 
 "After Rhinocolura lies the New Gaza, which is a city; then 
 there is the ' Desert Gaza,' and then the city Askelon." Jerome"" 
 confirms this, saying: "The site of the ancient city is hardly 
 visible; and the existing city, superseding that which was 
 destroyed, has been built in another place." Now, if there 
 ever was a New Gaza (in contradistinction to the Old Gaza), 
 it must date from the time of the rebuilding of the city by 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Gabinius (57 B.C.). Strabo is mistaken when he says that 
 the city was entirely destroyed by Alexander the Great; for 
 its final capture and destruction took place in the reign of 
 Alexander Jann^us. The rebuilt city might properly be re- 
 ferred to as "New Gaza" without implying a different site; 
 for abundant proofs are forthcoming from other excavations 
 showing several rebuildings on the old site to which the people 
 clung most tenaciously."' The fact that no trace of the site 
 of the old city was to be seen in Eusebius' time only shows 
 that the superimposition was complete. The "New Gaza" 
 of the anonymous geographer cited above may therefore be 
 dismissed as being a hterary creation rather than a historical 
 fact. 
 
 The passage in Acts (viii. 26), already referred to, calls for 
 some discussion. It is entirely out of the question to refer 
 the epr)iJio<; to the city, for at the presumable date of the pas- 
 sage, circa 34 a.d., Gaza was not destroyed; and to refer it to 
 a later date, 65-66, when the city was ravaged by the Jews 
 (cf. infra), would force the text. Further, the city was surely 
 rebuilt at the time the passage was written."* Besides, the 
 language itself suggests that the adjective refers to the 
 road rather than to the city."" It may have been the idea . 
 of the author to indicate that the evangelist was to take the 
 road which led through the desert, and which metaphorically 
 might itself be called " desert." Those who wish to adhere 
 strictly to the written word adopt this interpretation;'" but 
 the construction of this troublesome passage as a later gloss 
 seems to solve the problem 
 
 The evidence, both positive and negative, in favor of the 
 view that the modern town stands on the site of the ancient 
 Gaza is overwhelming. There are no other ruins in the neigh- 
 borhood which would indicate the existence of so large a city; 
 the location of the modern town corresponds almost exactly 
 with that assigned to the old city, namely, that it was situated 
 on a hill, at about twenty stadia (three miles) from the sea ; the 
 discovery of ancient masonry in the present tell, the height 
 
 10 
 
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INTRODUCTION 
 
 of the existing mound itself, the well-known Oriental custom 
 of rebuilding cities on their former sites, — all these indicate 
 that the site of the Gaza of to-day is that of the ancient city 
 and has been so throughout successive ages. 
 
 ' Cf. Six, Observations sur les monnaies ■pMniciennes, Numismatic Chroni- 
 cle, new series, vol. xvii., 1877, pp. 221-239, nos. 9, 12, 33. ^ W. Max 
 Mueller, Asien und Europa, p. 87. ' Ibid., p. 96. ^ Rawlinson, 
 
 Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, iii. 10, nos. 2, 20. ' Sargon's 
 Cylinder Inscription, 1. 19 {K.B., M. 42); Khorsabad Inscription, U. 25, 
 26 {K.B., ii. 54). • Sennacherib, Prism Inscription, col. iii. 1. 26 
 
 {K.B., ii. 94). ' Rawlinson, iii. 10, nos. 2, 19. » Thontafelinschrift 
 TiglathpUeser, iii. 1. 62. • Conder, Tell el-Amarna Tablets, p. 115 ; 
 
 Winckler, p. 38. '» Cf . Z.D.M.G., 1905, lix. pt. 2, p. 452. "Ed. 
 Amsterdam, 1678. " Cf. also niDy, Toiwppa (passim); Ss'y, roij3oX; n'v 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 15; 1 Chr. i. 46), TeeBan; ^niy (1 Chr. ix. 4), Tuea; -n^j 
 (Gen. iv. 18), TaiSaS; niVy (Gen. xxxvi. 40; 1 Chr. i. 51), T(o\a, etc. Some- 
 times the same word is transliterated both with and withou the gamma; 
 e.g. may (Josh, xviii. 23), 'A.<pap; 1 Sam. xiii. 7, Twipepa; myn (Josh. xv. 59), 
 Mayapud; A, G L, M.a(a)pu0. " gj. de Lagarde, 22, 18. " Ed. Raw- 
 linson, 2,159; 3,3. "p. 6, 1. 27; 22, 24; 32, 23; 51, 24,' 57, 30; 
 69, 13. " ' It is interesting here to note that the Hebrew ib?, dust, is 
 rendered Haparu in ihe Canaanite glosses of the Tell el-Amarna tablets; 
 epru in Assyrian. It seems possible, then, that Azzati may be a pure 
 Assyrian form, whereas the more usual Hazzati may be the Canaanite. 
 "p. 57, 30. " Steph. Byz., s.v. " Pomponius Mela, 1, 11; also 
 Steph. Byz. '» Z.D.M.G., 1905, lix., pt. 2, pp. 452, 718. A word nij (= nijj) 
 is found in late Hebrew (cf. <Sa66. 63*, Yoma 51", Hor. 9°, etc.), which means 
 "treasure"; and the word 7afa with the same meaning is found in Greek. 
 This latter is a loan-word, probably from the Persian, whence, no doubt, 
 the Hebrew word also came. Cf. Liddell and Scott, Greek Lexicon, s.v. 
 " Yakut, ed. Wuestenfeld, iii. 799. "^ Josh. xiii. 3 ; xvi. 2. ^' Steph. 
 Byz., s.v.; Strabo, 16, 11, 30; Alexander Polyhistor, 98-102. '^ Ibid. 
 " Loc. cit. ^ Jdg. xvi. 2. " Josh. xiii. 3. " Expedition of Alex- 
 ander the Great, ii. 27. " iii. 5. '' Steph. Byz., s.v. »» Ibid. s' Ibid. 
 '^ Yakut, loc. cit. '^ A historical compendium, cited by Quatrem^re, 
 Makrizi, History of the Mamluke Sultans, in an appendix on the City 
 of Gaza. ^1 Mace. iv. 13; xiii. 43-58, where read "Gazara" for 
 "Gaza" ; cf. too the medieval travelers, Brocardus, Theodoric, Fabri, et al. 
 ^ 1 Mace. iv. 13, Syriac version. '" Op. cit., ii. 26. " Arrian, loc. cit.; 
 also, moderns, e.g. Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, s.v. ^* M.D.O.G., 
 September, 1904, no. 23, p. 49 ; cf . infra, on the New and the Old Gaza. 
 " Q. Curtius Rufus, De Oestis Alexandri Magni, iv. 26. ^° Geographia, 
 V. 16. ^' xvi. 2, 21. " iii. 5. '^ S.v. " Vita Porphyrii, c. 12. 
 "* Ecclesiastical History, 7, 29. ^ Cf . infra. " Description of Syria 
 
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HISTORY OF; THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 including Palestine, translated by Guy Le Strange, Palestine Pilgrims' Text 
 Society, p. 11. ^' Conder, Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, p. 79. " Strabo, 
 loc. cit.; Ptolemy, 5, 16, 2. Ta^aliav \iij.-liv. «» Op. cit. Prof. W. Max 
 Mueller informs me that "Maiumas" is a Semitic word. The word a*, 
 "yam," has penetrated into Egyptian; but there is no Egyptian word ma 
 "water" (stat. constr. MOY). MA means "place"; but he queries as to 
 how this Coptic word got into this place name. *' D.Z.P.V., vii. 1-14, 
 1884. 52X)ieTFeZ<,1906, n6.Bl,pp-. 8, 9. ^^ Z.D.P.V.,loc:cit. " Eusebius, 
 Vita Constantini, 4, 38. , =* Sozomen,.op; cit., 11, 3. '° Ibid. " Marc. 
 Diac, c. 67. ^^ Idrisi, .quoted by Guy Le Strange, Palestine under the 
 Moslems. ^^ Z.D.P.V., vii.,. 1884,. pp.. 5-7, where Gatt states that the 
 ruins of El-Blaehiyya, one ■ league northwest to Gaza, were also called 
 Tida by the natives. . Cf., too, Schuerer, History of the Jewish People in 
 the Time of Jesus Christ, ii. i. 72, n. &9\ "5, 89. ■ ' "^ Stark, Gaza und 
 die Philistaeische Kueste, pp. 382 sqq. '^ 19, 80-. • "^ Eusebius, Chron., 
 ed. Schoene, 1, col. 249, 250. «^ 16, 2, 30. '^ Printed in the appendix 
 of Hudson's Dionysus Periegetes, Geographiae Vet. Scriptoi-es Greeci Miriores, 
 iv. p. 39. ™ Onomastica, p. 125. »' Cf. Tell el-Hesy, Tell el-Jezer, 
 Jerusalem ; and in classical fields, Troy, and other sites too numerous to 
 mention. i" Cf. Encyclopedia Biblica, s.v. Acts of the Apostles, § 16, 
 which assigns this book to 110-130 a.d. It was shortly after this date 
 that Hadrian visited Gaza and instituted games there. " Gf. the 
 
 construction in Acts ix. 11; 2 Sam. ii. 24. '» Stark, op. cit., pp. 509-513. 
 
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CHAPTER II 
 
 POPULATION 
 
 The first mention of the "Philistine" cities on the monu- 
 ments gives no information as to the origins of their inhabit- 
 ants. Hebrew tradition ^ relates that the 'Awim ^ settled 
 "in open villages as far as Gaza," but affords no assistance 
 in the identification of these people. The Septuagint occa- 
 sionally confuses them with the Hivvi; ' but without apparent 
 reason, inasmuch as the Mas6retic Text speaks of the latter 
 in the singular, and of the 'Avvita in the plural form. The 
 latter were probably the aboriginal inhabitants of the south- 
 Palestinian coast cities, who had made some advance toward 
 the- stage of permanent settlements. The 'Anakim (ffpJS),' 
 who are said to have remained in Gaza, Ashdod, and Gath 
 after the exploits of Joshua, are doubtless the Phihstines them- 
 selves. The Deuteronomic author uses this term Uke Re- 
 pha'im to refer to the unconquered remnants of the Canaanites.^ 
 
 Extensive remains have been found in central and southern 
 Arabia, which have been ascribed to a people called the Mi- 
 nseans. Edward Glaser ° maintains that this people existed 
 from about the seventeenth century B.C.; and that the Sabaeans 
 followed them in the occupancy of these regions. Opponents ' 
 of Glaser contend that, if the Sabseans did not precede, they 
 were at any rate contemporary with the Minseans. We are 
 impressed by the facts that Glaser has adduced, and hold with 
 him that the Mina3ans preceded the Sabseans. If this, then, 
 be allowed, it seems to follow that Gaza was founded, or at 
 least augmented, by this early Arabian people. Glaser as- 
 signs the first half of the second millennium b.c. (about 1700) 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 as the probable date of the Minsean kingdom. Now, if Gaza 
 was not founded till then, there would be time for its develop- 
 ment into the important post which it seems to have been 
 in the time of Tahutimes III. (1538-1484). The wealth of 
 the Mintean kingdom was derived chiefly from the transporta- 
 tion of frankincense and other spices from the East, and from 
 southern Arabia, which the caravans carried through the 
 desert to Gaza. Thence they were distributed to the Mediter- 
 ranean peoples; and the favorable position of the city as the 
 western terminus of the caravan route must in those early 
 times have tended more than anything else to its development. 
 The association of the Minseans with the place, as attested 
 by several inscriptions " in which the name of Gaza appears, 
 was intimate and of long standing. The later legends con- 
 cerning Gaza as reported by Stephen of Byzantium," who 
 attributed the foundation of the city to Zeus, to lo, to Azon, 
 the son of Hercules, and to Minos, show that the knowledge 
 of its actual settlers had been lost even in early times. Stark ^° 
 very properly sees in the Minos legend a confusion of the name 
 of the Minseans with that of the hero. No doubt, too, these 
 legends represent the syncretizing tendency of later Roman 
 times when, for the greater glory of Greece and its cultures, 
 all of the primitive world was brought into relations with the 
 gods and heroes of Hellas. 
 
 In the tenth chapter of Genesis (v. 14) Misraim is mentioned 
 as the proprietor (begetter) of the Phihstines; but this proves 
 nothing more than that at the author's time — probably with 
 reference to the invasion of Sheshonk — Philistia owed allegiance 
 to Egypt. Josephus " merely repeats the Genesis account. 
 About the year 1200 b.c, the Philistines made their appearance 
 in Syrian and Palestinian history." They advanced from 
 the north, where they had subdued the Hittites and the native 
 tribes, but were repulsed by the Egyptians under Rameses III. 
 and compelled to withdraw into northern Syria. After the 
 lapse of a few years, when that monarch no longer under- 
 took warlike expeditions against his enemies, and decay had 
 
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POPULATION 
 
 crept into the Egyptian kingdom, the Philistines and their 
 allies advanced again and established themselves along the 
 maritime plain of Palestine. They conquered the cities from 
 Carmel to Gaza, and maintained themselves as a foreign colony 
 in the midst of the remnants of the original inhabitants. They 
 gradually assumed the customs, language, and religion of 
 their helots and became Semitized in everything except govern- 
 ment and racial affinities. They were not a Semitic people,, 
 as is proved by their pictures on the monuments " and by the 
 fact that they did not practise the rite of circumcision. They 
 are constantly referred to in the Bible as uncircumcised." 
 The scant and doubtful remains of their language afford no 
 information on this point.'' 
 
 The Philistines maintained themselves among the aborigines 
 as a separate entity, and withstood the incursions of the Israel- 
 ites only as long as their political and military power remained 
 imbroken. When this was impaired by the people of Mis- 
 raim" (=Musri [?], a north- Arabian tribe) about the time of 
 David and Solomon, they soon lost their identity and became 
 merged in the native Semites, not, however, without leaving 
 definite traces of their influence upon the general population 
 which absorbed them. During the period of the later kings 
 in Judah and Israel constant references are found to the Arabs 
 along with the Philistines." This points to a process of Arabi- 
 zation which must have been very thorough; for, by the time 
 of Alexander the Great, the troops which defended the city 
 were called "Arabians." " 
 
 After the conquest by Alexander and the introduction of 
 Hellenism, the people of Gaza and the other Philistine cities 
 took up the new culture with the same intensity with which 
 the Philistines had assumed the Semitic. The first Greeks 
 to enter Philistia were probably the mercenaries who fought 
 under Pharaoh Necho;" and, during the so-called Persian 
 period, there is evidence of a brisk intercourse between Gaza 
 and Greece.^" Gaza became the seat of a thriving Hellenistic 
 civiUzation. At this time, the city grew more cosmopohtan; 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 as no doubt there were constant additions to its population 
 of Greeks from Hellas and from the colonies in Asia Minor. 
 Doubtless Phoenicians, too, were familiar characters in its mar- 
 kets; and Jews also resorted to its fairs.^' At a later time 
 Romans were added to this conglomerate; and Arab traders 
 and Bedouins of the desert are known to have frequented 
 the place. Egyptians must always have been an important 
 element in its population. As the introduction of Christianity 
 brought no new element into the population, it need not be 
 dwelt upon here. The Moslem conquest continued the pro- 
 cess of Arabization, which had long been in operation.^^ If 
 it is true that the Minseans were the founders of the city, this 
 would be the third time that the city became Arabian. The 
 introduction of an Arabian colony into the city to further the 
 interests of Islam and Mohammedan culture, transformed 
 one of the most intensely Hellenistic cities of the old world 
 into a thoroughly Arabian one. The Samaritans settled in 
 Gaza early, and maintained themselves as a separate com- 
 munity till the modern period. The successive occupations 
 of the city in medieval times by Crusaders, Mongols, Turks, 
 etc., have undoubtedly left their traces upon the inhabitants. 
 Gaza has thus always been a cosmopolitan place. To-day 
 the inhabitants are decidedly Arabian in character and culture, 
 though pronounced Egyptian influences are observable. 
 
 ' Dt. ii. 23. ^ The aboriginal inhabitants of the Philistine coast who 
 
 were driven out by the Caphtorim. ' Dt. ii. 23 ; Josh. xiii. 4. ■■ Josh, 
 xi, 22; Sayce (Races of the Old Testament, p. 115) thinks they were the 
 remnants of the old Amorite invaders. ' E.B., s.v. Anakim. ' Skizze d.. 
 Geschichte Arabiens, ch. 3, p. 53. According to this authority, the M'eunim 
 of 1 Chr. iv. 41 are the remnants of the Minseans, who at one time possessed 
 all the land from Hadhramaut to the vicinity of Gaza at a very early date. 
 ' D. H. Mueller, Die Burgen und Schloesser Sued- Arabiens ; Denkmaeler aus 
 Arabien; Sued-Arabische Alterthuemer ; Mordtmann, Beitraege zur Minaei- 
 schen Epigraphik; Hartmann in the Z.A., x., 1895. ' Gl. 1083. 'S.v. 
 '" Op. cit., pp. 580 sqq. " Antiquities, i. 6, 2. " Paton, Early History 
 of Palestine and Syria, ch. 8. " Sayce, op. cit., sub Philistines; also Jour- 
 nal of the Anthropological Institute, xviii., 1888, pp. 206 sqq. " Jdg. xiv. 
 13; XV. 18; 1 Sam. xiv. 6; xvii. 26 and 36; 2 Sam. i. 20; et al. « For 
 
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POPULATION 
 
 a discussion of the origin of the Philistines and a more detailed account of 
 them, see below, ch. 3. '" Schrader (Z.A., 1874, p. 53) and, after him, 
 Winckler suggested that the Misraim of the MT. need not necessarily al- 
 ways refer to Egypt, but that there were a north-Syrian and a north- Arabian 
 Musur, which are frequently referred to in the inscriptions. " 2 Chr. xvii 
 11; xxi. 18; xxvi. 7. " Arrian ii. 26 sqq.; Q. R. Curtius, iv. 26; 
 Jos., Ant., xi. 8, 3. "Herod, ii. 152 sqq,; 2 K. xxiii. 29-xxiv. 7; 
 
 Jer. xlvii. 1. ^^ Cf. use of Athenian coins for local use. Cf. infra, ch. 
 on Coins. '' Ab. Zar. ll*, where the question is discussed whether it is 
 allowable for Jews to frequent its markets, because of the idolatry of its 
 inhabitants. ^^ Cf . infra. 
 
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CHAPTER III 
 
 PERIOD OF FOREIGN DOMINATION 
 
 3500-1200 B.C. 
 
 The beginnings of history in Syria and Palestine may be 
 placed in the fourth millennium before the Christian era; for, 
 dating from about 3500 and onwards, there are found in the 
 oldest Babylonian records scattered notices of the land of 
 Martu,' which has been identified with Syria and more par- 
 ticularly with its northern part. As regards Palestine proper 
 no evidence is forthcoming that during the old Babylonian 
 supremacy (3200-2500 B.C.) it was in the power of the kings 
 of Babylon. Still, though no name which can be identified 
 with this region occurs on the monuments, the presumption 
 is strong that during this period Palestine was included in 
 the fate of its larger neighbor on the north, Syria. 
 
 In the next period (2500-2230 b.c), during which the people 
 known as the Amorites^ spread over Palestine and Syria, 
 and even to Babylon and Egypt,' there are no traces of the 
 Philistines, who later became so thoroughly associated with 
 the territory as to give their name to it. Nor are there any 
 traces of Egyptian domination in Palestine: the country took 
 its culture and poUtical coloring from Babylon; and for the 
 next several hundred years the west was in the possession 
 of the Babylonian kings. 
 
 This period was followed by the incursion of the Hyksos/ 
 Semitic nomads who, having estabhshed their base in southern 
 Palestine, entered and occupied Egypt. We should expect 
 that their relationship would have enabled the Hyksos to 
 gain a firm foothold in Palestine ; but during their reigns Egypt 
 
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PERIOD OF FOREIGN DOMINATION 
 
 made no advance in this direction. It was at this time, about 
 the middle of the second millennium B.C., that the Mintean 
 kingdom, whose remains Halevy ^ and Glaser " have discovered 
 in central Arabia, was in its most flourishing condition. Al- 
 though the date of this kingdom is still a subject of discussion, 
 the views of Glaser ' and Weber* seem to be well grounded. 
 The foundation of Gaza is most probably to be associated 
 with the Minajans in their development of the frankincense 
 trade. Thus another argument is added to the already cogent 
 ones for the priority of the Minsean over the Sabsean kingdom. 
 This was the period, too, of the decline of the old Babylonian 
 kingdom, the rise of the old Assyrian empire, and the prosperity 
 of the Egyptians under the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties. 
 
 The struggle for freedom from the yoke of the Hyksos dynasty 
 had inured the Egyptians to the usages of war, and had over- 
 come their fear of the Asiatics. They expelled these foreign 
 rulers, who took refuge at Sharuhen,' in the southern part 
 of Palestine, with their kinsmen whom they had left there 
 on their way down to Egypt. The defeat inflicted upon them 
 was so severe as to break their power completely, and to render 
 impossible the reestablishment of their rule in Egypt. 
 
 The ruler who succeeded in thus defeating them, Aahmes, 
 made no attempt at a permanent establishment of Egyptian 
 rule in Palestine; nor is there any record that his successor, 
 Amenhotep, I. (c. 1553 b.c), led any expedition into Palestine. 
 Yet the fact that the latter's successor, Tahutimes I. (c. 1544 b.c), 
 claimed this region, and regarded its inhabitants as rebels, 
 makes it likely either that Amenhotep did conduct such a 
 campaign or that the victories of Aahmes were far-reaching' 
 enough to make this territory tributary to Egypt. Tahu- 
 times I., finding that the people of Sjo-ia and Palestine (Ruten 
 on the monuments) were in rebellion against him, invaded 
 the country, subdued the rebellion, and penetrated even as 
 far as the Euphrates. 
 
 Tahutimes III., on his accession to sole authority in Egypt 
 (he had shared the throne with his sister),'" found, the whole 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 of northern Palestine and Syria in revolt. Southern Palestine 
 remained loyal. Tahutimes marched against the rebels by 
 way of Gaza, where he celebrated by a banquet the twenty- 
 third anniversary of his accession to the throne." This is the 
 first mention of Gaza found on the monuments. That it was 
 already then a flourishing city is evident from its selection 
 by Tahutimes as the base of his Syrian campaigns. He as- 
 sembled his army at Gaza, and he set out thence on his victo- 
 rious campaign. This monarch made, in all, fourteen cam- 
 paigns into Syria, spending almost every summer in the Syrian 
 territory. The rule of the Egyptian was hard to bear. Trib- 
 ute was exacted with the most rigid severity in return for 
 the protection of the suzerain. The frequency with which 
 expeditions into Syria had to be made shows how unpopular 
 the Egyptian rule really was. Hardly had Tahutimes died, 
 when the Syrian provinces revolted, and his son, Amenhotep II., 
 was compelled, at the very beginning of his reign, to under- 
 take an expedition against the rebels. His success was so 
 great that nothing is heard of any further uprisings during 
 his reign. His successor, Tahutimes IV. (c. 1436 b.c), led an 
 expedition against Naharina (the Aram Naharayim of the 
 Bible), which seems to have been successful. 
 
 It was during the reign of his son, Amenhotep III., a most 
 peaceful and prosperous period, that the first of the famous 
 Tell el-Amama letters was written. These letters, three 
 hundred in all, were found in Egypt at Tell el-Amarna, the 
 site of the capital of Amenhotep IV. They were written in 
 cuneiform and were sent by the kings of various Asiatic coun- 
 tries and by Egyptian vassals or officials in Palestine and Syria 
 to the king of Egypt. They show that the language of inter- 
 national diplomacy was Babylonian, due no doubt to the long 
 continuance of Babylonian domination in the west. Though 
 most of them were addressed to his son, Amenhotep IV., several 
 name the father; and it is likely that many of the anonymous 
 ones, written before the decline of Egyptian rule, were ad- 
 dressed to the older sovereign. 
 
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PERIOD OF FOREIGN DOMINATION 
 
 Of this large mass of correspondence, the letter of Yabriti 
 of Gaza and Jaffa is of most interest, as bearing upon the early- 
 history of this monograph. The general conditions presented 
 in the letters hold equally true of Gaza as of the other cities. 
 This chief Yabriti, a Palestinian by birth, was brought to Egypt 
 as a youth by one Yankhama and reared there under the in- 
 fluence of Egyptian customs and ideas. '^ Thus the future 
 rulers of their dependencies were trained in a thoroughly Egyp- 
 tian atmosphere. Yabriti was educated in the army, and 
 was gradually advanced till he was made chief of the two cities 
 in question. This would seem to indicate that there was no 
 regular succession in the rulership, but that the Egyptian 
 monarch designated for the position men selected from the 
 natives who had been trained in Egypt. In various cities, 
 however, different usages obtained. Besides designated rulers, 
 like Yabriti, hereditary chiefs, female rulers, elective chiefs, 
 and municipal government are found." In this letter (cf. 
 supra) Yabriti informs his master that he is zealously guard- 
 ing the cities intrusted to his care. Several fragments deal 
 with the relations of Addu-Mikhir of Gaza and his suzerain. 
 Addu-Mikhir does obeisance " to the king . and states that 
 the city is secure and loyal : '^ Abdkhiba of Jerusalem bewails 
 to his king " the fact that all the country to the south and 
 west of Jerusalem, including Gaza, has been taken by the Kha- 
 biri ; he complains that the garrison sent by Khaya, the Egyp- 
 tian commissioner, has been taken by Addu-Mikhir to Gaza; 
 and therefore threatens to surrender his city. From this 
 it would appear that the Egyptian, realizing the importance 
 of Gaza, had allowed the forces intended for the relief of Jeru- 
 salem to be diverted to its defense, though with but little suc- 
 cess, according to the text of this letter. After the loss of 
 Gaza, notwithstanding the aid of his purloined forces, Addu- 
 Mikhir seems to have left Gaza and become an enemy of the 
 king; for in another letter," one Biridiya, a native prince 
 who wished to ingratiate himself with the Egyptians, charges 
 another, named Zurata, with allowing Addu-Mikhir to escape. 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Abdkhiba writes again of further encroachments of the in- 
 vaders, and mentions that Puuru is at Gaza." Puuru had 
 been the Egyptian commissioner in northern Palestine, and, 
 after its loss to Egypt, was sent south. The Khabiri did not 
 gain more than a temporary footing in the city. The Khabiri 
 were an Ai-ameean tribe, who invaded Palestine about the 
 time of the writing of these letters. They were no doubt related 
 to the Hebrews in the wider sense of the word, though it is 
 not likely that they were Israelites, as the Exodus did not take 
 place as early as this; and the record of the operations of the 
 Khabiri does not tally with that of the Israelites when they 
 entered Palestine.'' 
 
 The death of Amenhotep III. had seen the beginning of 
 the decay of Egyptian domination in Palestine and Syria; 
 the religious contentions under Amenhotep IV. had weakened 
 Egypt at home and abroad; and the invasion of the Hittites 
 and the Khabiri in the fourteenth century introduced a new 
 element of confusion into native politics, and further weakened 
 Egyptian rule. Instead of bringing the full force of the Egyp- 
 tian army to bear upon these warlike intruders, the king satis- 
 fied himself with sending mere companies for pxmitive pur- 
 poses, or intrusted this duty to the few friendly chiefs who 
 remained in the land; consequently Palestine fell into the 
 hands of the Khabiri and the Bedouin. Under the rule of 
 the usurper, Horemheb (c. 1370 B.C.), the tenure of Egypt in Pal- 
 estine was hardly more than nominal; yet in this vigorous 
 reign she was regaining internal strength for the reconquest 
 of her lost provinces. 
 
 Under the strenuous rule of the kings of the nineteenth 
 dynasty, Egypt regained what she had lost. Seti I. fell upon 
 the Bedouins who had established themselves in southern 
 Palestine, captured their strongholds, slew large numbers 
 of them, took many captive, and drove the others back into 
 the desert. Egyptian supremacy was thus restored in the 
 south of Palestine, which once more paid tribute to the kings 
 of Egypt. Seti's ultimate object was to drive the Hittites 
 
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PERIOD OF FOREIGN DOMINATION 
 
 out of Syria also; but he found them too strong for him. He 
 therefore retired, and contented himself with erecting forts 
 at Megiddo, Gaza, and other places.^" It was left to his son, 
 Rameses II. (1340-1273 b.c), to restore Egyptian prestige 
 in Syria, and to make the whole land once more Egyptian 
 territory. His brilliant exploits against the Hittites, though 
 scarcely germane to this account, cannot pass entirely un- 
 mentioned; for it was by defeating these arch foes that Egypt 
 was once more restored to its former splendid state. In the 
 second and fourth years of his reign Rameses advanced through 
 Palestine and Syria; reestablished Egyptian authority there; 
 and later he found his long-desired opportunity to try con- 
 clusions with the Hittites, with what success is known. Gaza 
 is found mentioned in the inscriptions of this monarch, upon 
 the walls of the temple at Karnak,^' as one of the cities which 
 he captured during his Asiatic campaigns. In the reign of 
 Merneptah another brief mention occurs; it is in the diary 
 of a frontier officer ,^^ in which it is related that "a servant 
 of Ba'al-r(e)-ti-y, the son of Sa-pu-ira of Ga-sa-y," carried two 
 letters to Palestine. Professor W. Max Mueller, who has sup- 
 plied me with this reference, suggests that the "y" in "Ga-sa-y" 
 is a copyist's error for "ti." It is possible that Ba'al-r(e)-ti-y, 
 like Yabriti, was a Palestinian carried to Egypt and there 
 trained for the Egyptian diplomatic service.^' 
 
 The exodus of the IsraeUtes occurred, no doubt, in the period 
 immediately following the death of Merneptah, a time of great 
 confusion, during which in the course of less than twenty years 
 four kings reigned in rapid succession (Seti II., Amenmessu, 
 Siptah, and Arisu). This was naturally a period in which 
 a captive people, seeing the internal weakness of the kingdom, 
 might shake themselves free from the Egyptians and betake 
 themselves to the desert without much fear of molestation. 
 Order was restored out of the confusion by Setnekht, the founder 
 of the twentieth d3masty, who was followed, after a brief reign, 
 by his son, Rameses III. The latter represents himself on the 
 inscriptions as the veritable restorer of the empire of his great 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 namesake, Rameses 11." (c. 1204 B.C.). He mentions the names 
 of the various cities which he fictitiously conquered, among 
 them being Gaza.^^ It was during his reign that the PhiUstines 
 entered Palestine. Among the "Sea People," mentioned- in 
 the records of this reign, who sought a new home in Syria were 
 the Shakalsa, the Danauna (= Danaoi?), the Zakkala, the Was- 
 hasha, and the Purasate or Pulasate.^^ The last-named are 
 doubtless identical with the Philistines of the Bible, whose 
 origin, as well as their position and power in Palestine, may 
 here be briefly discussed. 
 
 According to the Biblical account, our chief authority, the 
 Philistines were not a native people .^° Hebrew tradition is 
 constant in declaring that they emigrated from Caphtor," 
 whatever land that may be. The representations upon the 
 Egyptian monuments of the inhabitants of the so-called Philis- 
 tine cities, portray a different race from those of the other 
 cities of Palestine.^' They are fairer in complexion than and 
 otherwise different in physiognomy from the Semitic peoples 
 of Palestine and Phoenicia, resembling in general those races 
 called European.^' Their armor, too, is of a Western type.'" 
 The Biblical account states that the Caphtorim dispossessed 
 the 'Awim," the aboriginal inhabitants of the country, "as 
 far as Gaza." The Caphtorim and the Philistines are no doubt 
 identical.'^ The Philistines are constantly referred to in the 
 Bible as "uncircumcised," ^^ which shows that they were the 
 only one of the peoples with whom the Israelites came in contact 
 who did not practise that rite. Unfortunately, no remains 
 of their language have come down. The few Bible names 
 which are supposed to be Philistine, such as Achish,'^ Phichol,^' 
 Maoch,^" Ittai," and Goliath,^* tell little or nothing of their 
 origin. The Egyptian and Assyrian records are silent, giving 
 no personal names, and using the Semitic town-names. The 
 one title pp,^° • probably a word of their own language, sug- 
 gests affinities with the Greek Tvpavvo^, by which word seren 
 is rendered in the Targum and the Peshitta. That the Phi- 
 listines were not Semites seems well established. 
 
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PERIOD OF FOREIGN DOMINATION 
 
 But where was Caphtor? The generally accepted inter- 
 pretation of the name is Crete; and this is borne out by several 
 considerations. There was a people in southern Palestine 
 called □Tll^/'' who, if not identical with the Philistines, were 
 closely related to them. David's body-guard is known to 
 have consisted of Cherethim and Pelethim ; " and there is 
 no reason for thinking that the former of these are different 
 people from the south-Palestinian tribe just referred to. And 
 in Jer. xlvii. 4, the Philistines are spoken of as the "rem- 
 nant of the isle of Caphtor." "Pelethim" is probably a form 
 of "Pelishtim," employed to correspond with "Cherethim." 
 It is known also that David was on terms of more or less in- 
 timacy with the Philistines ; *^ and they, being fond of fighting, 
 would be the probable source of mercenaries for the Judean 
 ruler. This seems then to identify the Philistines and the 
 Cretans; indeed, in this sense the Septuagint interprets the 
 Zephaniah (ii. 5) and Ezekiel (xxv. 16) passages. Moreover, 
 the later legends which connect Crete with Gaza lend semblance 
 to this theory. 
 
 Others *^ think that Caphtor was the southern coast of Asia 
 Minor, for KEFTO is the name on the Egyptian monuments 
 for the western part of Asia Minor as early as Tahu times III. 
 Indeed, W. Max Mueller ' finds K{a)ptar in an Egyptian in- 
 scription of a recent period, a copy of an old geographical list, 
 enumerated among a number of Asiatic nations.^^ Besides, 
 the migrations of the Moschi, the Phrygians, the Dorians, 
 and other Aryan tribes at this time from their ancestral homes 
 into Asia Minor would give a reason for the emigration of the 
 Purasate and others at the period when we find them men- 
 tioned on the monuments for the first time. This theory 
 does not account for the final "r" in the Hebraized form of 
 the name. Eusebius in his " Onomastica " ^^ connects these 
 newcomers with Cappadocia; W. Max Mueller thinks Lycia 
 or Caria was the original home of the Philistines ; " while the 
 Encyclopedia Biblica decides for Cilicia." In view of the 
 elastic meaning of the Hebrew ''S, "coastland" or "island," I am 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 inclined to hold that while part of the Philistines undoubtedly 
 came from the island of Crete (the testimony for this identi- 
 fication is too strong to be brushed aside), other elements came 
 from the coastlands of Asia Minor. It would not be difficult 
 to suppose that the Hebrew writers confused the name of the 
 island with tliat of the coastland, or vice versa, as their knowl- 
 edge of Philistine traditions was apparently very meager. 
 Or, on the other hand, we may suppose that the name of the 
 near-lying island was later transferred to the opposing coast- 
 land, or vice versa. The close relations between Crete and 
 the mainland are now so well known and demonstrated that 
 we need feel no surprise in thus finding two parts of the same 
 people inhabiting these two contiguous pieces of land. 
 
 A third theory identifies Caphtor with the Egyptian Kaft-ur, 
 "Great Kaft," greater Phoenicia, like Magna Grsecia. Ebers,^' 
 who is the chief exponent of this theory (supported by Sayce)," 
 states that Kaft was the name given to the Phoenician colonies 
 of the Delta, and later to Phoenicians and Phoenicia — a "Magna 
 Phoenicia." However, on Egyptological grounds, there is no 
 justification for this theory. The statement that the Caph- 
 torim are "sons of Egypt" '" merely shows that at the time 
 of the writing of the chapters, Philistia was subject to Egypt 
 (under Sheshonk?). Toward the solution of this problem 
 much assistance may be looked for in further Egyptological 
 discoveries and in the decipherment and interpretation of 
 the new-found Cretan inscriptions. 
 
 The Philistines were hardly settled in the land before the 
 Israelite invasion, notwithstanding Ex. xv. 14, which can hardly 
 be held to be an early document, as many are inclined to claim. 
 That they were not in Palestine at the time of the Tell el-Amarna 
 letters is an established fact. When, then, did they enter the 
 land ? The formation of the Israelitish kingdom was directly 
 due to the pressure which the Philistines were exerting upon 
 the tribes.^' A full generation before this time the Samson 
 cycle shows the Philistines in possession of the Maritime Plain 
 and exercising a more or less severe rule over Judah. It has 
 
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PERIOD OF FOREIGN DOMINATION 
 
 been suggested that the migration of the Danites ^^ was caused 
 either directly or indirectly by the Philistine conquests. Now 
 the' Philistines must have entered Palestine between these 
 two dates; and none fits the facts of the case better than the 
 reign of Rameses III. 
 
 References to the Philistines in Palestine before this time 
 must be considered anachronisms, due to a lack of historical 
 knowledge on the part of the writer. The reference to them 
 in Gen. xxvi. 21 merely shows that the territory in which Gerar 
 was situated belonged to the Philistines at the time of the 
 author or at the time when these narratives first began to cir- 
 culate. Similarly, Ex. xiii. 17 and Josh. xiii. 3 are not proofs 
 of the settlement of the Philistines at that date, but merely 
 a mode of expression adopted by the author in whose time 
 the conditions in question actually existed. 
 
 The migration of the Philistines was either the removal of a 
 whole people — they are represented on the monuments as 
 moving in ox-vans with their families — or the' forward move- 
 ment of a body of mercenaries who had served under the Hittites, 
 and, having discovered the weakness of the Egyptians, pressed 
 on into their territory. They advanced from the north, leaving 
 no traces behind of their occupation of the territory of the Hitr- 
 tites, whose kingdom they seem to have disintegrated by their 
 victories. In the early years of the reign of Rameses III. they 
 were established in the northern part of Palestine, near the 
 Lebanon. Later, at the height of their power, they and their 
 allies in the course of their advance controlled the whole coast 
 from Carmel to Egypt. The Sakkala (variously spelled Tak- 
 kara, Zakkala) held the northern part; but the Philistines 
 pressed onward and occupied the south. The Cherethites oc- 
 cupied territory a little to the south and inland, in what was 
 known as the Negeb. This was no doubt the disposition of the 
 invaders when the Greeks first became acquainted with the land. 
 They must have been the most important of its inhabitants; 
 for from the name of the Philistines, the Greek name of the land 
 HaXaia-Tivri was derived. Eventually the Philistines were confined 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 to their five cities, Gaza, Ekron, Ashdod, Gath, and Askelon, 
 known as the Pentapohs. In the process of time they became 
 more and more Semitized, adopting the language, rehgion, and 
 customs of the conquered. They were great warriors, having an 
 organized army ^' with chariots,^* and boasting of the superior 
 excellence of their bowmen. ^^ Politically they were gathered 
 in a loose confederation, each city maintaining its autonomy. 
 The ruler of the city was called Seren.^" No one city enjoyed any 
 hegemony over the others, though Ashdod " seems to have been 
 the oldest and the most important. 
 
 Rameses administered a severe defeat to the "Sea People" 
 somewhere along the Phoenician coast, both on land and on sea ; 
 and before his arms they were compelled to retreat into northern 
 Syria. He did not, however, pursue them. The limits of Egyp- 
 tian territory were now the same as they had been under Rame- 
 ses II. at the conclusion of peace with the Hittites. The rest 
 of the reign of Rameses III. was peaceful; but even under his 
 rule Egyptian power began to decline; and the final settle- 
 ment of the Philistines in Palestine took place no doubt in 
 these later inactive years. From this time onward Egyptian 
 rule in Asia was at an end, the Pharaohs being occupied with 
 home affairs. Syria and Palestine were left in peace by the 
 great powers from 1200 to 876 b.c. This enabled the indigenous 
 peoples to settle their quarrels between themselves and to develop 
 according to their own ideas and institutions. 
 
 ' Paton, op. cit., pp. 15, 16. ' A Semitic people who occupied the 
 greater part of the west-Jordan land before the Israelitish invasion. Amos 
 (ii. 9) uses the word, as does the Elohist, to designate all the pre-Israelitish 
 inhabitants of Canaan. According to Gen. x. 16, they were descended from 
 Canaan; but this would indicate little more than that the Israelites looked 
 upon them as they did upon all the inhabitants of Canaan, as inferior peoples 
 with whom they were unwilling to claim kinship. The land and people of 
 Amur are referred to frequently in both the Egyptian and the Assyrian 
 inscriptions; but, as W. Max Mueller points out in his article in the Jewish 
 Encyclopedia (s.v.), it is difficult to establish the connection between the 
 Biblical Amorites and those of the monuments. Petrie {Racial Types from 
 the Egyptian Monuments) identifies them with a blond non-Semitic people ; 
 but in the present confused and incomplete state of our information, it 
 
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PERIOD OF FOREIGN DOMINATION 
 
 is virtually impossible to enter upon any further speculations as to their 
 origin, etc. ' Paton, op. cit., pp. 25 sqq. * Paton, op. cit., pp. 66 sqq. 
 On the other hand, W. Max Mueller thinks that they were non-Semitic 
 (J.E., V. p. 56; E.B., s.v. Egypt). But the generally accepted opinion is 
 and has been that upheld by Paton. As early as Josephus {Contra Apio- 
 nem i. 14), the Hyksos were associated with the Semitic world. * Etudes 
 sabienes. ' Opera citata. ' Cf. supra. ' Studien in Sued-Ara- 
 
 bischen Alterthumskunde. ' Paton, op. cit., pp. 67, 72 (where the inscrip- 
 tion of Aahmes, the admiral, found in his tomb at El-Kab, is quoted in ex- 
 tenso. Cf., too, Renouf, Jiecords of the Past, vi. p. 5). '" Some hold it 
 was his aunt ; but as above, Paton, p. 77. " Cf . Birch, Records of the 
 Past, ii. pp. 17-65. •^ Wiijckler, 214, which reads as follows: — 
 
 "To the King, my Lord, my gods, my sun: Yabriti, thy servant, the 
 dust of thy feet ; at the feet of the King, my Lord, my gods, my sun, seven 
 times seven times, do I prostrate myself. Furthermore, behold I am a 
 faithful servant of the King, my Lord. I look hither and thither, but there 
 is no light ; a brick under my feet may yield, but I shall never yield while 
 under the feet of the King, my Lord. Let the King, my Lord, ask Yanhama, 
 his officer. When I was a child, he brought me to Egypt, and I served the 
 King, my Lord, and stood at the gate of the King, my Lord. Let the 
 King ask his officers how I guard the gate of Gaza and the gate of Jaffa. 
 I am also with the troops of the King, my Lord. Wherever they go, I am 
 with them; therefore I am with them now. The yoke of the King, my 
 Lord, is upon my neck, and I carry it." " Peters, Syria and Egypt from 
 the Tell el-Amarna Letters, pp. 137-138. " Winckler, 187. '* Ibid., 188. 
 '« Z6id., 185. " Ibid., 19&. ^^ Ibid., 182. '« Paton, op. cii., pp. 113, 
 114. ^° Paton, op. cit., pp. 125 sqq. ^' Birch, Records of the Past, 
 
 pt. vi. p. 27. '' Communicated by Prof. W. Max Mueller to the author; 
 found in Anast. 3, 6, rev. 1. ^* Does the element Ba'al in the name point 
 to a local Baal cult? See below on Cults and Deities. ^ Birch, op. cit., 
 pt. vi. p. 41. '^ For the change of "r" and "I," cf. the modern El-Farama, 
 for the older Pelusium. Cf. J.A.I., xviii., 1888, pp. 206 sqq. ^ Gen. x. 
 14;Dt. ii. 23; Amos ix. 7; Jer. xlvii. 4. ^1' Ibid. '^ S&yce, loc. cit. ; 
 E.B., s.v. Philistines. '' E.B., ibid. »» E.B., ibid. " Dt. ii. 23. 
 
 ^- Cf. Gen. X. 14, where the phrase di-d ins< tj-n should follow Caphtorim. 
 33 Cf. supra. 34 I gam, xxvii. 2. ^5 Qg^ ^xi. 22. ^e i gam. xxvii. 
 2. "2 Sam. xv. 19. '8 i gam. xvii. passim. '» Jdg. iii. 3; xvi. 
 30; 1 Sam. vi. 4 et al. *" 1 Sam. xxx. 14; Ezek. xxv. 16; Zeph. ii. 5. 
 « 2 Sam. viii. 18. *^ 1 Sam. xxvi. 27. ^ Cheyne, in E.B., s.v. 
 Caphtor; W. Max Mueller, op. cit., pp. 337, 390; also J.E., s.v. " J.E., 
 s.v. Caphtor. ^' Op. cit., p. 125. ^° Op. cit., also Die Urheimat der 
 
 Philistaeer, in M.V.G., 1900. " Sub Caphtor; Philistines. "^ Aegypten 
 und die Buecher Mosis, pp. 130 sqq. ■" Criticism and the Monuments, 
 p. 136. '» Gen. x. 14. " 1 Sam. iv. 9, 18. " Jdg. xviii. *' 1 Sam. 
 xxix. 2. " 1 Sam. xiii. 5. ** 1 Sam. xxxi. 3. 5" hoc. cit. 
 
 " 1 Sam. V. 1-7. 
 
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CHAPTER IV 
 
 ISRAELITISH PERIOD 
 
 1200-539 B.C. 
 
 While the Israelites, in their conquest of the trans-Jordanic 
 region and the parts of Palestine proper immediately adjacent 
 to it, were advancing westward, the Philistines, who were ac- 
 tively engaged in subduing the coast, were pressing steadily east- 
 ward. The two were bound to come into conflict. Although 
 the PhiUstine coast was allotted to the tribe of Judah ' according 
 to the pragmatic historian of the Book of Joshua, it is known 
 that this territory had not been conquered or even so much as 
 entered by the Israelites.^ The Shamgar incident' is evidently 
 misplaced ; or a doublet of Samson's exploits or those of David's 
 heroes.^ 
 
 The first real contact of the Philistines with the Israelites took 
 place in the days of Samson. Behind the whole cycle of nar- 
 ratives, no matter how interpreted, one fact is firmly established ; 
 namely, that Israel and the Philistines now met for the first 
 time, and that now began their long conflict, which was not to ter- 
 minate till the time of David. This period of contact may be 
 divided into three general subdivisions : ' (1) the heroic period, 
 including such characters as Samson, Saul, and David ; (2) the 
 peaceful period, the reign of Solomon; and (3) the period of 
 desultory raids on both sides to about 800 B.C. 
 
 Interesting as the accounts of Samson's exploits are from the 
 folklorist's point of view, all that can be derived from them for 
 historical purposes is the suggestion of a desultory border war- 
 fare, in which the personal prowess of the Israelite champions 
 made a deep impression upon the otherwise successful Philistine 
 
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ISRAELITISH PERIOD 
 
 lords. The Seren of Gaza was no doubt included among the 
 "lords" ° who went to Delilah to induce her to betray her lover. 
 The captive was taken to Gaza/ the southernmost of the five 
 cities (to preclude the possibility of a rescue by his friends?), 
 to slave for his captors.* There, later, the Philistines assembled 
 to rejoice before their great god Dagon for the fall of their enemy ; 
 and there the hero revenged himself upon his captors for his 
 humiliation. ° Mr. Macalister, the excavator of Tell el-Jezer, in 
 his report on his excavations,^" advances an explanation of the 
 structure of the Dagon temple, on the basis of his discoveries 
 at Gezer, whereby he shows that it was possible for Samson to 
 have performed the feat ascribed to him of overturning the 
 Temple of Dagon. If it be necessary to vindicate the details of 
 tales of this nature, I think that it is safe to accept the view of 
 Mr. Macalister. His wide experience in interpreting archaeo- 
 logical remains, in which he has brought to bear not only his 
 large architectural and engineering knowledge, but also actual 
 work in many fields, makes him a safe guide in such matters. 
 Samson, as the Danite hero typifies his tribe ; and his overthrow 
 may be interpreted as the defeat of his tribe at the hands of the 
 Philistines. The Danites had penetrated to the coast at the 
 time of the composition of the Song of Deborah." When 
 Philistine expansion began, this was the first tribe that lay in 
 the way. The remarkable chain of victories which the Philis- 
 tines won must be attributed to the confederation of their forces, 
 to their use of chariots, and to the marvelous impulse given them 
 by their first contact with the new land as well as to a lack of 
 organization among the Israelites. Newcomers usually win in 
 their first fights. Enthusiasm born of their new surroundings, 
 the prospect of plunder, the desire for new homes, — all these act 
 upon invaders and usually bring them victory. 
 
 After the defeat of the Danites the way lay clear for the Philis- 
 tine advance against the Israelites of the highlands. The Phil- 
 istines — and no doubt the city of Gaza participated in all the 
 movements of their fellows — pressed forward and encamped 
 at Aphek. A battle took place at Ebenezer, and after two 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OP GAZA 
 
 days' fighting the Israelites were defeated and the Ark of Yhwh 
 was captured.'^ The Ark was taken to the Temple of Dagon at 
 Ashdod," and the Philistines spread over the land, devastating it 
 as they went. They established garrisons," and doubtless used 
 these posts not only in the military control of the land but in 
 the collection of taxes, etc. Gaza contributed one of the golden 
 hemeroids and a golden mouse when the Ark was returned to 
 the Israelites after having caused so much mischief in Philistia.'''^ 
 
 Philistine domination and oppression finally caused the 
 scattered Israelitish tribes to unite.'" Samuel anointed Saul 
 king over them ; " and, fired with prophetic inspiration, they 
 began a campaign against the Philistines and the other enemies 
 of Israel. One of the first acts of the new king was to fall upon 
 the garrison at Geba.'* This aroused the Philistines, and war 
 followed. Victory rested with the Israelites after the battle of 
 Michmash ; " but the power of the enemy was as yet unbroken, 
 and "there was sore war against the Philistines all the days of 
 Saul." '" 
 
 The feats of David belong to a more general account of Philis- 
 tine history than this pretends to be. Attention may, however, 
 be directed to the close relations which existed between Israel and 
 the Philistines at that period. Israelites participated in some 
 of the raids of the Philistines;^* David, when hard pressed by 
 Saul, fled to the court of Achish ; ^^ and he also held Ziklag as 
 a fief from the Philistine king.^' The final event in Saul's reign 
 was the disastrous defeat at the hands of the Philistines which 
 he and his sons sustained at Mt. Gilboa.^^ Saul was killed, and 
 whatever advantages he had gained were lost; the Philistines 
 again overran the country ; and Israel was once more tributary 
 to them. Indeed, it is more than likely that Ish-baal ^^ and Da- 
 vid ^^ ruled as vassals of the conquerors ; and it is safe to assume 
 at least that they ruled with the consent of the Philistines. It 
 was not till after the murder of Ish-baal," when David was 
 anointed king of all Israel,^^ that the Philistines again moved 
 against Israel. At Baal-perazim,^^ at Rephaim,^" and at various 
 other localities various " victories of the Israelites under David 
 
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ISRAELITISH PERIOD 
 
 are recorded. Peace must, however, have finally obtained 
 between Israel and the Philistines; for David drew from the 
 forces of the latter for his body-guard.^^ 
 
 During the reign of David the Misrim began to invade the 
 Philistine territory (in 1 Kings ix. 18 Gezer is seen to be in 
 the possession of the Pharaoh of MSRYM, to have obtained 
 which this people must have already subdued the southern cities 
 and broken the power of the Philistine confederacy) ; and doubt- 
 less to this diversion were due the continued victories of David. 
 Moslem tradition makes Gaza the birthplace of Solomon.^' The 
 gift of the Canaanite fortress Gezer to Solomon by the Pharaoh 
 of MSRYM,'^ is the first record of foreign interference in Pales- 
 tinian affairs since the time of Rameses III. The Philistine 
 power was now broken; and peace again obtained between 
 Israel and its old-time enemy. 
 
 In the fifth year of Rehoboam (c. 926 b.c), Shishak, king 
 of Egypt, invaded Palestine.'^ Among the towns which he 
 enumerates in his inscription on the south wall of the temple 
 at Karnak is found Gaza. But this was no permanent occu- 
 pation; rather a raid of the old sort, by which a warlike ruler 
 sought to replenish his treasury with the plunder gathered in 
 such an expedition. 
 
 At the beginning of the ninth century b.c. the old Assyrian 
 power began once more to assert itself. Under Ashurnasirpal,'" 
 the Euphrates was crossed, and all' of northern Syria came under 
 Assyrian dominion (876 b.c). During the reign of Jehoshaphat 
 (d. 850 B.C.) some of the PhiUstines are said to have brought 
 him tribute voluntarily.^' Under his successor, Jehoram, Judah 
 was invaded by the Philistines and the Arabians, who carried off 
 great plunder as well as the members of the king's family.^' 
 Ashiu-nasirpal's son and successor, Shalmaneser II. (d. 825 b.c), 
 was actively engaged in maintaining Assyrian power over the 
 regions that his father had conquered; but there is no record 
 that either penetrated as far as Philistia. The rise of the Ar- 
 menian power during the closing years of this reign diverted the 
 attention of the Assyrians for a number of years. In 815 b.c 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Hazael, king of Damascus, who had been harassing Israel and 
 Judah, penetrated as far as Gath and captured it.'" By 806 B.C. 
 the Assyrians had sufficiently recovered themselves for Ramman- 
 nirari III. to enter Syria and Palestine, as far south as and in- 
 cluding Philistia, and to subject them to his rule." His succes- 
 sors undertook a number of punitive expeditions to the west; 
 but Assyrian power steadily declined, and the various states 
 regained their independence. About this time Uzziah led a 
 campaign against the Philistines." Under the rule of this king, 
 the prophet Amos *' denounced Gaza for selling to Edom slaves 
 taken in the course of raids into Judean territory, and threatened 
 the city with destruction. 
 
 The rise of Tiglath-pileser III. brought new strength to the 
 Assyrian realm; and northern Syria was reconquered and 
 annexed by this powerful monarch.^' In 735 b.c. an alliance 
 was formed between the king of Israel, the king of Damascus, 
 Tyre, and the Philistine cities against Assyria." The allies 
 wished Judah to join them, but she held back ; and to compel 
 her to unite with them, the allies entered her territory. The 
 Philistines invaded the south country and captured a number 
 of towns from the feeble Ahaz.^^ Ahaz appealed to Tiglath- 
 pileser for assistance ; *^ and that monarch, only too glad of 
 an excuse to interfere in Palestinian affairs, marched to his aid 
 (734 B.C.). 
 
 Tiglath-pileser entered the land of Israel," took a number of 
 towns, and then directed his march into Philistia. He went 
 toward Gaza, whose king, Hanno, must have been active in the 
 attack on Judah. "Gaza as the end of the Arabian caravan 
 route and the chief market of the goods of southern Arabia was 
 one of the most important and richest places in Palestine. Its 
 possession was, therefore, of great importance for Assyria, both 
 for its rich income, and also as a surety for the good behavior 
 of the Arabian tribe?." ^* Tiglath-pileser's anxiety to hold the 
 city can therefore be easily understood. Nor should the am- 
 bition of the Assyrian to control Egypt be forgotten. With 
 Gaza as a base, he would gain a foothold of inestimable value b 
 
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ISRAELITISH PERIOD 
 
 that direction. Hanno did not await the coming of the As- 
 syrian, but fled to the land of Musri (probably northern Arabia, 
 rather than Egypt) . The Assyrian captured Gaza, carried away 
 its gods,''" and set up his own statue in the city.^° Tribute was 
 exacted from the conquered city; and it is interesting to note 
 the list of materials which Gaza was made to furnish as its levy : ■''■ 
 "Gold, silver, lead, iron, A.BAR, colored cloth, KU.KUM, uten- 
 sils of the land (pottery ?, for which Gaza was famed), purple, 
 . . . products of the sea and of the dry land, products of the 
 land, royal treasure, horses, mules for harness. ..." The 
 prophecy against the Philistine cities in Zeph. ii. 4r-Q was 
 probably spoken at this time.^^ In 727 b.c. Tiglath-pileser III. 
 died, and his son, Shalmaneser IV., ascended the throne. 
 
 During the siege of Samaria, Shalmaneser died, and Sargon, a 
 usurper, ascended the throne. Encouraged by the rising of 
 Merodach-baladan in Babylonia, and the distraction of Sargon's 
 attention in that direction, the various Palestinian states once 
 more formed an alliance against Assyria.^' Hanno, who had fled 
 before Tiglath-pileser III., seems to have been restored to the rule 
 of Gaza, probably by means of the assistance of Sib'i, the tartan 
 of Pir'u, king of Musri. Almost all the states of Palestine and 
 southern Syria joined the alliance, except Judah, which remained 
 loyal to Assyria." It cannot be determined whether Merodach- 
 baladan had any hand in forming this alliance or not. As soon 
 as Sargon heard of this uprising, he marched against the allies 
 before they had time to collect their forces. Yau-bidi was 
 defeated at Qarqar, and Hamath, his city, submitted. Sargon 
 then marched against the allies in the south. He met Hanno 
 and Sib'i at Raphiku (Raphia) to the south of Gaza, and admin- 
 istered a severe defeat to them. Sib'i fled to his native land; 
 Hanno was taken captive and sent to Assyria. The gods of 
 Gaza were carried away a second time (read in 2 Kings xviii. 34 
 "Gaza" instead of "Iwah").'' Instead of the rebel kings, 
 Assyrian partisans were appointed to rule, and no doubt, heavier 
 imposts were imposed, and a more severe regime was instituted. 
 All Syria was now subject to Assyria. 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 In 711 B.C. a further revolt against the Assyrian power took 
 place in PhiHstia. It was supported by the king of Musri ; ^^ but 
 Gaza did not join in it. The uprising was quickly quelled by 
 the promptness of Sargon's movements. Sargon died in 705 b.c. 
 and was succeeded by his son, Sennacherib. Soon after the 
 latter's accession to the throne, the Palestinian states were again 
 in open revolt. Hezekiah, king of Judah, was now the leading 
 spirit in the uprising, owing probably to his cordial relations 
 with Merodach-baladan." Those of his neighbors who would 
 not join with him, Hezekiah set out to compel; and this ex- 
 plains his expedition into Philistia as far as Gaza, referred to in 
 2 Kings xviii. 8. Sennacherib did not find himself free to move 
 against the rebels in the west till 701 b.c. He put down the 
 uprising among the allies, and rewarded those who had remained 
 loyal by presents of the captured cities. Among those thus 
 rewarded was Silbel, the Assyrian ruler of Gaza, who received a 
 number of the captured cities of Judah.^^ It is impossible to 
 avoid contrasting the petty r61e played by Gaza in international 
 affairs during the reigns of Sennacherib and his successor with 
 its importance during other periods of its history. 
 
 During the reign of Esarhaddon (680-668 b.c.) Silbel of Gaza 
 paid tribute to that king.'^' In 674 b.c. Esarhaddon undertook a 
 campaign against the Arabian tribes, put an end to the Minsean 
 kingdom, and secured control of the spice trade route."" In 
 673 B.C. he marched against Egypt, but with Httle success; in 
 670 B.C. he once more marched against the Pharaoh and swept all 
 before him; and in 668 b.c. he undertook another expedition to 
 the same country, but died in the midst of it. His son and suc- 
 cessor, Assurbanipal, repeated the success of his father and made 
 Egypt an Assyrian dependency. A Sil-Ba'al " of Gaza paid trib- 
 ute to Assurbanipal."^ Whether this is the same that paid trib- 
 ute to his father and grandfather, it is impossible to determine. 
 It would seem that it is not, but that all bearing this name 
 belonged to the successive generations of one family. As late 
 as Nabuna'id a Sil-bel is found paying tribute to the Babylo- 
 nian monarchy."^ 
 
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ISRAELITISH PERIOD 
 
 In 652 B.C. a great revolt in all parts of the Assyrian empire, 
 Elam, Syria, Palestine, Arabia, etc., was planned by Shamash- 
 shumukin, the ruler of Babylon, and brother of the Assyrian 
 king." But the capture of Babylon by Assurbanipal put an end 
 to the uprising; and the provinces returned to their allegiance 
 (648 B.C.). After the successful siege of Babylon, Assurbanipal 
 set out to reduce the Arabian tribes which had sided against him. 
 On his return from this expedition, in which he won several 
 fruitless victories, he passed through the Palestinian coast cities 
 on his way to chastise Akko and Tyre-on-the-mainland for their 
 persistent rebellion, they being the only cities which had not 
 returned to their former allegiance. 
 
 The decline of the Assyrian power now set in, never to be 
 revived again. The Scythian invasion which swept over Asia 
 Minor and extended to the borders of Egypt (624 b.c.) broke up 
 what remained of the Assyrian empire. Psammetichus I., king 
 of Egypt, bought off the Scythians from entering Egypt.'^ The 
 statement that Psammetichus besieged Ashdod *" rests upon 
 very doubtful authority; it is not at all likely that he ever 
 entered Palestine. This monarch was the first Egyptian ruler 
 to use mercenary troops. He attached a body of Carian and 
 Ionian ■ mercenaries to his army." These troops first entered 
 Palestine under his son. After the death of Psammetichus, his 
 son Necho II. invaded Palestine. The Philistine cities sub- 
 mitted to his sway;"' but not so Judah. Josiah, loyal to his 
 Assyrian master, opposed Necho's advance at Megiddo and fell 
 there."' Necho acted as overlord of Judah for some years follow- 
 ing this victory.'" 
 
 The occupation of Gaza by Necho " is also probably referred 
 to by Herodotus,'^ who says that "after this battle [Megiddo?] 
 he [Necho] took Kadytis, which is a great city of Syria." 
 His defective chronology may be taken ' for granted; for 
 Gaza submitted before Megiddo. But the identification 
 of Kadytis with Gaza has been a crux for scholars for many 
 years. 
 
 KaSuTts has been identified (a) with Jerusalem, the sup- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 porters " of this view assuming that it was referred to 
 then, as now, as Kuds, or by a similar name; 
 (6) with HierapoUs '"■ ntrip n"lp; 
 
 (c) with the Carcemish of the Hittites," Kadesh on the Orontes; 
 
 (d) with Gaza.'" 
 
 The facts of the case, the description of the city, all apply 
 best to Gaza. The difficulty had been to connect the 
 names philologically. This can be reasonably well estab- 
 lished. Herodotus was better acquainted with Egyptian 
 forms — due, no doubt, to his prolonged visit in that land. 
 It is therefore safe to assume that he heard the Egyptian 
 form of the city's name Ga-da-tu (Ga-sa-tu). "G" and 
 "k," being palatals, may be interchanged;" and likewise 
 "d" and '^1 "(or "s"), similar dental forms.'' The end- 
 ing is presents no difficulty, as it is a common Greek 
 terminative, and is so used by Herodotus in Hellenizing 
 the name. Interesting is the comparison with the Hebrew 
 nS"137, "foreskin" (Arabic ghurlatun), represented by the 
 Egyptian Kamatha (Gamatha) J'^ If, on the other hand, 
 Herodotus rendered the name direct from the Hebrew, 
 the identification would be somewhat more difficult, 
 though not impossible. Fortunately we find at least one 
 other word in the Old Testament, with an 'ayin and 
 spelled with a kappa in the Greek. The word D^IS, 
 'Anat,^" is transliterated Kevad in the Codex Alexandrinus 
 of the Septuagint. The 2 (ds dz) (1) of the Hebrew is 
 easily represented by the Greek delta, particularly in the 
 Ionian dialects. '' The 't," which in this scheme seems 
 more difficult to account for, is the now well-recognized 
 feminine ending, which later softened into Ht.'^ It is 
 quite certain that Herodotus was not acquainted with 
 the Assyrian form of the word; for the Greek renders 
 words which begin with "h" in Assyrian, with chi; e.g., 
 -nnn = Habur = Xa^cop.^^ 
 Whatever success Necho attained was swept away by his 
 severe defeat at Carcemish at the hands of Nebuchadnezzar, 
 
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ISRAELITISH PERIOD 
 
 the Babylonian king. The destinies of Palestine now lay in the 
 hands of the Babylonian, and all the states submitted to the new 
 master (605 b.c). But Egypt was not so ready to submit. In 
 588 B.C. Hophra, and again in 570 b.c, Amasis, stirred up revolts 
 against the Babylonians, with disastrous results to themselves 
 and their allies. There is no record as to whether Gaza joined 
 in these expeditions against the Babylonians; but it is not un- 
 likely that it did, especially as it was necessary for the Egyptians 
 to hold Gaza as their base of supplies for their advance, as well 
 as in case of a retreat. After the death of Nebuchadnezzar 
 (562 B.C.) the empire, which he and his father had built up, dis- 
 integrated rapidly. One of his successors, Nabuna'id (555 b.c), 
 lost Babylon to the Persians in 539 b.c, and the hegemony of 
 Asia was transferred from the Semites to the Aryans. In 
 one of his inscriptions ** Nabuna'id calls upon all his tributaries 
 as far as Gaza to contribute to the building of the temple of Sin 
 at Harran, so that, even if the city had joined in the Egyptian 
 uprisings, it had by this time returned to its loyalty. 
 
 ' Josh. XV. 4. 'Josh. xiii. 3; Jdg. i. 18, where read with the LXX.; 
 "not." 2 Jdg. iii. 31. ^ Cf . Moore, Judges, p. 105. On Jdg. x. 7, 
 which represents the Israehties as delivered into the hands of the Phihs- 
 tines, see Moore, op. cit., ad loc, where it is stated that the introduction of 
 the Philistines into this passage is due to a later writer, who included them 
 in order to form an introduction to the Samson-Philistine cycle. ' George 
 Adam Smith, Historical Geography of Palestine, pp. 173 sqq. ' Jdg. xvi. 5. 
 ' Jdg. xvi. 21. « Ibid. " Jdg. xvi. 22-30. '» P.E.F.Q.S., July, 1905, 
 p. 195. " Jdg. V. 17. " 1 Sam. iv. 1-10. " Ibid., v. 1 sqq. " Ibid., 
 xiii. 3. "^ Ibid., vi. 17, 18. '" Ibid., ix. 16; cf. Renan, History of the 
 People of Israel, pt. i. ch. 3. " Ibid., x. 1. '" Ibid., xiii. 2. "Ibid., 
 
 xiv. 31. '" Ibid., xiv. 52. " Ibid., xiv. 21. '^ Ibid., xxvu. 2. 
 
 ^Ibid., xxvii. 6. ^ Ibid., xxxi. '^2 Sam. ii. 8, 9. ^ Ibid., ii. 1-4. 
 " Ibid., iv. 5. '' Ibid., v. 1 sqq. '" Ibid., 5, 17-21. '<> Ibid., v. 22-25. 
 31 Ibid., xxi. 15, 17, 18, 19-22; xxiii. 8 sqq. '^ Ibid., viii. 18. '' Mak- 
 rizi, op. cit. '* 1 K. ix. 16. == Ibid., xiv. 21 sqq. '« K.B., i., 
 
 pp. 50 sqq. " 2 Chr. xvii. 11. ^» 2 Chr. xxi. 16 sqq. ™ 2 K. xii. 17. 
 " K.B., i. p. 190. " 2 Chr. xxvi. 6-8. "^ Am. i. 6-7. « K.B., ii. 
 pp. 2 sqq. ^ K.B., loc.cit.; 2 K. xvi. 5; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18. « 2 Chr. xxviii. 
 18. ^2 K. xvi. 7 et al. "2 Chr. xxviii. 20; also K.B., loc. cit. 
 " Winckler, Geschichte Babylonien und Assyriens, p. 229. ■" E.B., s.v. 
 AW A; with Cheyne, read nty in 2 K. xvii. 24; xviii. 34; xix. 13; 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 and Is. xxxvii. 13; cf., too, Winckler, Gesch. B. & A., pp. 228, 333. 5» K.B., 
 ii. p. 32. " jjjiii^ p 20. 52 Winckler, Geschichte Israels, i. p. 221. 
 
 " K.B., ii. pp. 42, 54. " Paton, op. cit, p. 247. ^^ K.B., ibid. =« E.B., 
 s.v. Oaza; Philistines; Assyria. " 1 K. xx. 12. *' K.B., ii. p. 94. 
 
 ^° X.iJ., ii. p. 148. "" Cf. supra; Gaza was the Mediterranean end of that 
 
 valuable trade-route. " K.B., ii. p. 239. "^ Whether this family was 
 native or Assyrian, the present state of our knowledge does not permit us 
 to ascertain. Schrader, K.B., ii. p. 239, n. 6, thinks that the family was 
 native, and so reads the second element of the name Baal, and not Bil. 
 The form of the name is not unusual either as Ass3nrian or Palestinian. We 
 find Sil-Asur, Sil-Istdr, TAb-Sil-Samas, et al. Delitzsch, Assyrisches Hand- 
 woerterbuch, s.v. sillu; and accepting the interpretation found in Gesenius's 
 Thesaurus of the name ^rhi, 1 Chr. viii. 20; xii. 21, as n' nSx, it would 
 appear as well established on Palestinian ground. Is it possible that the 
 name of Zillah, the wife of Lamech, Gen. iv. 19-23, was such a theopho- 
 rous name also ? "' Pinches, Old Testament in the Light of the Historical 
 Records of Assyria and Babylonia, p. 411; New International Encyclopedia, 
 s.v. Oaza; E.B., s.v. Gaza. '■' K.B., ii. pp. 182 sqq. '= Herodotus, i. 
 
 105. <« Idem., ii. 157. " Diodorus, i. 67. '« Jer. xlvii. 1. «» 2 K. 
 xxiii. 29, 30. "2 K. xxiii. 33-36. "Jer. xlvii. 1. " ii. 159. 
 
 " Dahlman, Keil, Baehr, Niebuhr, Mueller. ^ Oppert. " Moevers. ■ 
 ™ Heyse, Hitzig, Ewald, Stark, pp. 220 sqq., and most moderns. 
 " Kautzsch, Gesenius Grammar, 27th ed., p. 31. '» Ibid. It is interesting 
 to note that in the vulgar dialect of the second century a.d., such forms as 
 Zogenes and Zonysius are found for Diogenes and Dionysius. (Cf. Brewer, 
 Kommodian von Gaza, in the Forschungen zur christlichen Literatur- und 
 Dogmengeschichte, vi. p. 345.) " Brown, Briggs, and Driver, Lexicon, s.v. 
 
 «» Jdg. V. 6. «' Stark, op. cit., p. 224. s^ See Margolis, The Feminine 
 Ending " T" in Hebrew, in The American Journal of Semitic Languages and 
 Literatures, xii. nos. 3 and 4. *' B.B. & D., s.v. ^ K.B., iii. 2, 98. 
 
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CHAPTER V 
 
 THE PERSIAN PERIOD 
 (to the conquest of GAZA BY ALEXANDER THE GREAT) 
 
 539-332 B.C. 
 
 Despite the minor role which it had played in international 
 politics during the Babylonian domination, Gaza at the close 
 of that period was still an important city. Hecatsus ^ and 
 Herodotus ^ called it "a great city"; and the latter compared it 
 with Sardis. According to Arrian ^ it was a great city when 
 attacked by Alexander; and Plutarch states that it was the 
 largest city of Syria at the time of its capture by that king.^ 
 It was the only city which set up any opposition to Cambyses 
 on his way into Egypt, though it finally submitted to his rule.^ 
 He then made it the base of his expedition against Egypt. 
 Later tradition claimed that, as stated above, the place received 
 its name from the treasiu-e ° which Cambyses buried there. 
 
 In the provincial organization of the Persian empire of Darius, 
 Palestine was included in the fifth satrapy.' During this period 
 Gaza was practically autonomous and continued to be very 
 prosperous. Its history is marked by growing trade with Greece 
 and the pressing forward of the Arabs to the coast. This Arabi- 
 zation is proved by the number of Arabs mentioned in the ac- 
 counts of the siege of Gaza by Alexander * (ten thousand Persians 
 and 7\jabs, mostly the latter, fell during the siege). Herod- 
 otus's observation, that the Palestinian Syrians were circum- 
 cised," seems to show that the non-Semitic Philistines had been 
 absorbed in the general population and that Arabs had taken 
 their place.'" The Arabs had settled on the coast south of Gaza, 
 their chief city being Jenysos, and they were already there 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 at the time of Cambyses's campaign." The first mention of the 
 Arabs (Bedouins) in Philistine territory, according to Hoelscher/^ 
 is in Zeph. ii. 5, 6, which reads, "Woe unto the inhabitants of the 
 seacoast, the nation of the Cherethtes ! the word of the Lord 
 is against you ; Canaan, the land of the Philistines, I will even 
 destroy thee . . . and the seacoast shall be dwellings and cot- 
 tages for shepherds, and folds for flocks." The Septuagint reads 
 this latter part "and Cherath shall be cottages of shepherds." " 
 Cherath here surely means the Philistine country, not the island 
 of Crete. A further indication of the Arabization of this region 
 is found in 2 Chr. xiv. 8-14, where the inhabitants of the regions 
 of Gerar are called Cushim. Gerar is the present Jerar, south of 
 Gaza." An Arabian Cush has been fairly well established by 
 the investigations of Winckler.^^ 
 
 The coins dating from this period, which are found with either 
 nt!? or IS on them, were minted according to Athenian stan- 
 dards," and were no doubt made specially for the trade with 
 Greece. Athenian coins first came into Palestine in the fifth 
 century B.C.; and thenceforward the local coins were minted 
 after their pattern." And beside these commercial relations 
 with Greece, the presence of Greek mercenaries in the armies of 
 the Egyptian and the Persian ^^ added to those Greek influences 
 which were already beginning to make themselves felt in the 
 life of Philistia. 
 
 Whether the Philistine cities were engaged in any of the various 
 revolts of the Western lands against their Persian masters {e.g. 
 445 B.C. Megabyzus in Syria revolted against Artaxerxes Lon- 
 gimanus; 353 b.c, revolt in Cyprus, Judea, and Phoenicia 
 against Artaxerxes III.) the sources do not state. At least, they 
 must have sympathized with the rebels, who counted ^ much 
 upon the neutrality of these parts. Among the records " 
 from the reigns of Artaxerxes I. and Darius II. (464-405 b.c.) 
 there is mention of a city or locality, named (alu) Hazatu. 
 This appears to be the name of a suburb of Nippur. In view of 
 the fact that a large proportion of the inhabitants of Nippur 
 were wesl^Semitic ^° at that time, it is highly probable that 
 
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THE PERSIAN PERIOD 
 
 this suburb was named after the coast city Gaza by the traders 
 who came from there and settled in Nippur.^' Gaza had been 
 spared the humihation of a Persian garrison ; but after the great 
 Phoenician uprising, one was placed in the city to keep the native 
 population well under control. Another reason for placing a gar- 
 rison in Gaza at this time was the general advance of the Arabs 
 into this territory. This did not take place till about 351 b.c.^^ 
 From now on, the inhabitants are no more referred to as Syrians, 
 but as Arabians. 
 
 In the final struggle with the Macedonians Gaza proved true 
 to its Persian allegiance. When Alexander approached the 
 city (332 b.c), it offered a stubborn resistance to his assaults 
 for two months. It was defended by the Persian eunuch Betis ^^ 
 with a company of Persians and Arabs. He had apparently 
 prepared for a long siege, having provisioned the city and repaired 
 the walls. The siege was begim on the south side, which seemed 
 to be the weakest ; but the city was protected by a high wall ^* 
 upon which the siege-machines seemed to make no impression.^" 
 Alexander's engineers thought the wall was too high and too 
 strong to be taken by force, so he was all the more anxious to 
 take the city to add to his prestige. He thereupon ordered a 
 rampart to be built about the city.^' The soil was easy for 
 the digging of mines ; " but because of its soft, sandy nature it 
 offered difficulties for the siege-machines. The rampart was 
 finally finished and the machines were mounted on it. Alex- 
 ander, because of an imfavorable omen while sacrificing,^* de- 
 layed the assault which he had planned, and determined upon a 
 slow siege. The Persians made an assault, pressing hard the 
 engineers and those who supported them; and in the fray 
 Alexander was wounded in the shoulder^" or in the knee.^° 
 The Macedonians withdrew, and Betis, mistaking this for a 
 retreat, celebrated his advantage.^^ More engines were now 
 brought down from T5Te, and the rampart completed about 
 the city. When finished, it was about twenty stadia in length and 
 about two hundred and fifty feet high. After four more attacks,' 
 a breach was made in the wall; Alexander took the city by 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 assault; the garrison was put to the sword; and the women 
 and children were sold as slaves.^^ About ten thousand Persians 
 and Arabs fell in the siege. Betis even in his defeat defied the 
 conqueror. Alexander, eager to emulate Achilles, dragged his 
 body behind his chariot till life was extinct.'^ A colony of 
 people from the vicinity was planted on the site of the city by 
 Alexander, and a Greek garrison was stationed there.^^ The 
 booty was immense. Portions of it were sent to Olympias, 
 Cleopatra, and Alexander's many friends, including his pre- 
 ceptor Leonidas, to whom, in memory of an incident of his youth, 
 he gave five hundred talents' weight of frankincense and one 
 hundred talents of myrrh. ^^ Having been prodigal with the 
 incense at a sacrifice, his preceptor had cautioned him to be more 
 careful of it till he should be master of the land which produced 
 it. Now, he was able to do as he would; for the land was his. 
 Gaza at this time was the chief center of frankincense trade. 
 
 Here the history of the old Philistine city ceases. Gaza now 
 becomes a Hellenistic city, whose fate is closely identified with 
 the fortunes of the Western world; but it never loses its im- 
 portance as the strategic point on the high road between Asia 
 and Africa. 
 
 ' S.v. Kanutis in Steph. Byz. ' ii. 159. ' ii. 106. " Alex- 
 
 ander, c. 25. * Polybius, xvi. 40. ' Pomponius Mela, i. 11; Steph. 
 Byz., s.v. : "for thus [Gaza] do the Persians call 'treasure.' " ' Herodo- 
 tus, iii. 91. * Arrian, ii. 26; Curtius, iv. 6, 15. ° ii. 102; cf. Jos., 
 Ant. viii. 10, 3. '° Hoelsoher, Palaestina in der persischen und hel- 
 
 lenistischen Zeit, p. 19. " Herodotus, quoted by Steph. Byz., s.v. Ac- 
 cording to Steph. Byz. this city was south of Gaza and three days' march 
 from Kasion and Sirbonis. If these were only ordinary stages, and not 
 forced marches like those of Titus referred to by Josephus {B.J., iv. 11, 5), 
 the time referred to is too great from Kasion to Rhinocolura, provided we 
 identify it with Jenysos. The site must be looked for nearer Raphia; 
 maybe at Khan Junes. Cf. Stark, p. 647; Hoelscher, p. 18. " Hoelscher, 
 p. 18. " Wellhausen, Die Kleine Prophen, ad. loc. " Hoelscher, p. 19. 
 '^E.B., S.M.; M.V.G., 1898; Glaser, Skizze ii. 326 sqq. ^'' E.B., s.v. 
 Philistines; also Six, op. cit. " Schuerer, J. P., ii. 1, 68; Six, op. cit. 
 '» Diodorus, xvi. 45. '» A. T. Clay, Business Documents of Murasu Sons 
 in Nippur. 2" Aramaeans settled in large numbers in the chief cities of 
 Assyria and Babylonia, as they were very active merchants. The large num- 
 
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THE PERSIAN PERIOD 
 
 ber of docket inscriptions on weights and other objects found in Mesopotamia 
 points to the importance of these western Semites, whose language thus 
 received official recognition. ^' Dr. A. T. Clay, in a special communica- 
 tion to the author. '' Hoelscher, p. 19. '' Babemeses, in Josephus, 
 Ant., xi. 8, 3. " Mr. Macalister found the city walls of Gezer from five and 
 a half to eleven feet thick. P.E.F.Q.S., 1903, p. 114. =» Quintus Curtius 
 Rufus, ii. 26. ^s Arrian, ii. 26. " Q.C.R., il. 26. '' Arrian, loc. cit. 
 " Arrian, ii. 27. '» Q.C.R., ii. 27. " Q.C.R., loc. cit. '^ Arrian, ii. 
 27. =' Arrian, loc. cit. ^ Q.C.R., ii. 28. ^^ Plutarch, Alexander, c. 26. 
 
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CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD 
 
 323-324 B.C. 
 
 Alexander had hardly passed away (323 b.c.) before Phil- 
 istia became a bone of contention between his successors. Be- 
 tween his death and the battle of Ipsiis (301 B.C.) there were 
 many struggles for the mastery of this strip of land, whose strate- 
 gic importance all seemed to have recognized. In the first 
 assignment of the empire, immediately after the death of the con- 
 queror, Syria was allotted to Laomedon; but he did not long 
 retain it.' In 320 b.c Ptolemy I. of Egypt seized Philistia 
 with the rest of Palestine and Syria. He garrisoned Gaza and 
 Jaffa, the former having quickly revived after its conquest by 
 Alexander, and become a Macedonian garrison town. A great 
 arsenal was established there ; and troops were quartered in the 
 city, which was now thoroughly Hellenized.^ 
 
 In 315 B.C. Antigonus, who considered himself the sole suc- 
 cessor of Alexander, easily took these cities fro.^a Ptolemy; 
 but he was not allowed to hold them undisturbed many years. 
 In the year 312 B.C., "the eleventh year after the death of 
 vVlexander," ' the opposing forces met at Gaza; and there the 
 fate of Syria and Egypt was decided. On the one side were 
 Ptolemy and Seleucus with a large force of Macedonians, Greek 
 mercenaries, and a number of natives, part armed, part suttlers 
 and carriers. On the other side were Demetrius, son of An- 
 tigonus, Nearchos, and Peithon with another large force, in- 
 cluding a number of elephants. The Egyptian army was well 
 able to hold back the elephants, and soon turned Demetrius's 
 left. A few initial successes gave the victory to the Egyptians. 
 
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THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD 
 
 Demetrius fled through Gaza to Azotus, without even contesting 
 the outcome of the fight. His losses are said to have amounted 
 to about eight thousand, though this is no doubt an exaggeration.^ 
 The country fell into the hands of Ptolemy ; but in the autumn 
 of the same year he was driven out by Antigonus and Demetrius. 
 In his retreat he dismantled the fortifications of Akko, Jaffa, 
 and Gaza.* Peace was concluded in 311 B.C. and Antigonus 
 was left master of the coast as far as Egypt. The attempts of 
 Antigonus at this time to gain control of the incense trade- 
 route ° and the asphalt trade ' of the Dead Sea region, with a 
 view to harass Egypt, miscarried. Gaza was the base of Antigo- 
 nus's expedition against Egypt in 306 b.c, the failure of which 
 assured that kingdom to Ptolemy permanently.* A retaliatory 
 expedition by Ptolemy was soon expected; but for some un- 
 known reasons it did not take place for fom- years. In 302 b.c. 
 Ptolemy invaded Syria and advanced to an attack on Sidon. 
 He, however, withdrew on hearing that T^tigonus was hastening 
 to its relief; and, retreating, left garrisons in all the towns he 
 had captured, including Gaza. 
 
 When, after the battle of Ipsus (301 b.c), in which Antigonus 
 fell, the four generals met to divide the Macedonian empire, 
 this coast was at the disposal neither of Ptolemy nor of Seleucus; 
 but was in the possession of the garrisons of Demetrius. The 
 disposition which was then made of it was highly unsatisfactory ; 
 for in later times both Egyptians and Syrians claimed that the 
 coast territory had been assigned to them. Ptolemy in a very 
 short time secured for himself whatever power Demetrius still 
 retained in these parts, and acquired all of southern Palestine 
 as Egyptian territory. The Syrian wars ' of 275-274 b.c, 261- 
 250 B.C., and 246-240 b.c, were fought in the north of Syria, 
 and therefore left Philistia unaffected. As a final outcome, 
 after having changed masters back and forth with confusing 
 rapidity and manifold complications, the whole of Philistia 
 became a Ptolemaic dependency. No attempt was made to 
 deprive Egypt of this territory till 219 b.c, when Antiochus III. 
 Magnus advanced through Syria against the Egyptians. The 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 latter fortified Gaza, using it as the base of their operations. 
 All of southern Palestine, together with Gaza, must have fallen 
 (218 B.C.) into Antiochus's hands ; '° for in the next year he is 
 found using Gaza as his base for an expedition against Egypt. 
 In the spring of 217 b.c. one of the greatest battles of antiquity 
 was fought at Raphia, between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philo- 
 pator. The former was completely defeated, and the latter 
 regained the mastery of Philistia, which he had lost in the pre- 
 ceding years." But the Seleucidae had not yet given up hope 
 of controlling this coast. 
 
 In 201 B.C. Antiochus renewed operations in this region with 
 the ultimate idea of invading Egypt. He met with little or no 
 resistance in all Syria and Palestine till he reached Gaza. Gaza 
 defied him, and was only subdued after a long siege. The next 
 year the Egyptians attempted to recover what they had lost in 
 201 B.C. They met with some success, and occupied Palestine; 
 but a severe defeat at Paneion (modern Banias) at the source of 
 the Jordan (198 b.c.) put an end to all their hopes in that direc- 
 tion. The Ptolemies had enjoyed the rule of Syria with fre- 
 quent interruptions for a full century; but the region now 
 became part of the Seleucidan kingdom. To cement the peace, 
 Antiochus married his daughter Cleopatra to the young prince 
 of Egypt. He gave her as her dowry the rich province of Coele- 
 syria,'^ according to the Egyptian claims ; but, according to the 
 Syrians, she was only to enjoy certain revenues from it during 
 her life." 
 
 After the death of Cleopatra, her brother, Antiochus IV. 
 Epiphanes, who had usurped the Syrian throne, set out to 
 reclaim this region for Syria. He encoimtered the Egyptian 
 army under Ptolemy Philometor in the desert between Raphia 
 and Mt. Casius, and administered a severe defeat to the Egyp- 
 tians. He then had himself crowned king of Egypt." He soon 
 withdrew from Egypt, whereupon the loyalists crowned Ptolemy 
 Physcon. Hearing of this, Antiochus made a second expedi- 
 tion into Egypt, ostensibly on behalf of his nephew Philometor ^' 
 (170-169 B.C.). His success in this campaign was suddenly cut 
 
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THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD 
 
 short by the demands of the Romans through their envoy PopUius 
 Lffinas (168 B.C.). The Romans had just won a great victory 
 at Pydna, and put an end to the Macedonian iiingdom. They 
 now attempted to exercise authority over the affairs of the 
 Oriental world. Lsenas demanded that Antiochus restore to 
 Egypt all of Palestine and Ccele-Syria. Antiochus asked for 
 time for consideration, but an immediate answer was demanded. 
 It was given ; Antiochus returned to Egypt all the fruits of his 
 victories.'" This was a severe set-back to Syrian power and 
 ambition; and besides, it established the principle of interven- 
 tion by this new Western power in the affairs of the Orient. 
 
 The internal struggles which now took place under Antiochus, 
 and which are known as the wars of the Maccabees, affected the 
 Philistine coast but little. Lysias, to whom the conduct of the 
 war against Judea was intrusted by Antiochus, made Philistia 
 the base of his operations; and it is related that he invited the 
 natives of this region to accompany him against the Jews as pro- 
 spective purchasers of the captives that he felt sure of making." 
 The old racial antagonism could hardly have died out ; for men- 
 tion is also made of men "of the land of the Philistines" in the 
 Syrian army.'* The latter operated from the plain country on 
 the coast; and the defeats inflicted on it at Beth-horon and 
 Beth-zur — defiles, which led from the plain up into the moun- 
 tain land of Judah — sufficed to free Israel from her oppressors. 
 The Hasmonean brothers finally established the independence 
 of their fatherland, and set up a kingdom of their own, carved 
 out of the Syrian empire. 
 
 In the time of Judas Maccabeus forays had been made into 
 the land of Philistia ; " and his successors followed up these till 
 they finally occupied the land of the Philistines and made it 
 part of their territory. The Hasmoneans took part in the dynas- 
 tic quarrels which followed the death of Antiochus IV., and in 
 this way added to their prestige both at home and abroad;, their 
 fortunes rising and falling, of course, with those of their par- 
 tizans. They were sought after by the rival claimants to the 
 throne, and titles of honor and respect were bestowed upon them. 
 
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 Jonathan, who had succeeded his brother at his death (161 B.C.), 
 had at first been an ally of Demetrius in his struggle with An- 
 tiochus, son of Alexander Balas. But, owing to Demetrius's 
 treachery, he had gone over to the side of Trypho and Antiochus, 
 and been made a "friend of the king" by the former. Antio- 
 chus also appointed Simon, Jonathan's brother, military com- 
 mander of the king from the ladder of Tyre to the borders of 
 Egypt.^" Whereupon Jonathan and Simon endeavored to make 
 good their title to this territory.^' Askelon submitted to them 
 without a conflict; but Gaza resisted stoutly, whereupon Jona- 
 than besieged the city. Not that Gaza was of Demetrius's party ; 
 but the citizens opposed Jonathan rather than submit to their 
 old-time enemies, the Jews. The besieging army laid waste the 
 territory surrounding the city; and the inhabitants of Gaza, 
 being hard pressed and seeing that no aid came to them from 
 Demetrius, opened up negotiations with Jonathan. He made 
 a league of friendship with them, taking as hostages for its 
 observance the sons of the " princes "^^ of the place, whom he 
 sent to Jerusalem^' (145-143 b.c). 
 
 These victories were not of the nature of permanent occupa- 
 tions. The aspirations of the Hasmoneans were as yet limited 
 to the preservation of the integrity of their fatherland, and the 
 free and unmolested maintenance of its institutions. Under 
 Jonathan, however, these first steps toward ultimate indepen- 
 dence and territorial expansion were taken. 
 
 In 135 B.C. Antiochus VII. Sidetes invaded Judah with the 
 object of wresting from it such Syrian towns and territory as it 
 had acquired during the confusion attendant upon the civil wars 
 of the period. His expedition was entirely successful; and 
 Syrian suzerainty over Judah and her dependencies was rees- 
 tablished.^* But under Alexander Jannseus the Jews recovered 
 all that they had lost in the previous reigns, and more. 
 
 The first act of vMexander after his accession (104 b.c.) was 
 to besiege Ptolemais (Acco), which, besides Gaza, Dora, and 
 Strato's Tower, was the only coast city not controlled by the 
 Jews. The inhabitants of these towns called to their aid Ptolemy 
 
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THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD 
 
 Lathyrus, who was then in Cyprus, whither he had gone after 
 being exiled from Egypt by his mother, Cleopatra. On the 
 approach of Lathyrus, Alexander abandoned the siege of Ptole- 
 mais, and concluded a treaty of peace with him. At the same 
 time he treacherously informed Lathyrus's mother of her son's 
 intention to intrench himself in Palestine and make it his own. 
 Carrying out the terms of his treaty, Lathyrus had vanquished 
 the tyrant Zoilus, who held Dora and Strato's Tower; but when 
 he heard of Alexander's treachery, he fell upon his forces and 
 defeated them. He then overran the whole country. Cleo- 
 patra now marched against Lathyrus both by land and by sea. 
 Thinking that Egypt would be unprotected, Lathyrus made a 
 countermove against it. He was mistaken, however; and the 
 army which Cleopatra despatched drove him back into Gaza, 
 where he spent the winter. Unable to maintain himself any 
 longer in Palestine, Lathyrus returned to Cyprus. ^^ 
 
 When Alexander Jannseus was free of his Egyptian allies and 
 their common opponent, he proceeded to wreak vengeance upon 
 Gaza for its part in inviting Lathyrus into the coimtry. He 
 ravaged the surroimding territory and besieged the city. Apol- 
 lodotus, general of the Gaza army, made a night attack upon the 
 besiegers with ten thousand native troops and two thousand 
 mercenaries. During the darkness, thinking that Lathyrus 
 had attacked them, the Jews were sorely discomforted; but in 
 the morning, when they discovered their mistake, they returned 
 to the attack and drove the townspeople back into the city with 
 severe losses. But this did not daimt the people of Gaza : they 
 were prepared to resist to the utmost, especially as Aretas, king 
 of the Arabians, had promised to come to their aid. Before his 
 arrival, however, Apollodotus was slain by his brother Lysima- 
 chus, who surrendered the city to the Jews. Alexander gave 
 the city over to plunder ; and here again the inhabitants showed 
 they were no cravens. They fought with the Jews in the streets ; 
 many burned their property rather than allow it to fall into the 
 hands of the enemy ; and others killed their families and them- 
 selves to avoid their being sold into slavery. The senate hap- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 pened to be in session in the Temple of Apollo at the time of 
 the surrender ^' (96 B.C.) ; and its members, numbering five hun- 
 dred, were all slain by Alexander." The conqueror had spent 
 a year in the siege. When his active military operations ceased, 
 three years before his death (78 B.C.), Alexander was in possession 
 of all the coast from Carmel to the River of Egypt except the 
 city of Askelon.^' The growing participation of the Arab tribes 
 (Nabatgeans) in the affairs of Palestine from this time onward is 
 of particular interest. 
 
 After the death (69 B.C.) of Alexandra Salome, who had suc- 
 ceeded her husband, Alexander Jannseus, their sons Aristobulus 
 and Hyrcanus fell out about the succession. Pompey, the Ro- 
 man general, was near at hand in Asia Minor, engaged in his 
 successful war against Mithridates of Pontus. Hearing of the 
 quarrels of the brothers, he sent his general, Scaurus, into Judea 
 to investigate (65 B.C.). Scaurus decided in favor of Aristobulus ; 
 but the matter was reopened before Pompey himself at Damascus 
 in 63 B.C. Owing to disturbances incited by Aristobulus, Pom- 
 pey advanced against Jerusalem, captured it, freed the maritime 
 cities, Gaza, Joppa, and Strato's Tower, and joined them to the 
 newly created province of Syria (62 B.C.), of which Scaurus was 
 made the first governor .^° Several years later (57 B.C.) Gabinius, 
 Pompey's general, ordered the rebuilding of Gaza together with 
 others of the destroyed cities.^" Pompey celebrated his Oriental 
 triumph in Rome in 61 b.c, from which year the inhabitants 
 of Gaza dated their era (cf. infra). 
 
 In 56-55 B.C. Gabinius, against the wishes of the Roman 
 Senate, made an expedition into Egypt to restore Ptolemy 
 Auletes to the throne. He returned to Palestine in 55 B.C. 
 During the period of the civil wars the history of Rome was 
 reflected in the history of Palestine. Five times the country 
 changed masters — Pompey, Caesar, Cassius and Brutus, An- 
 thony, and finally Octavian, successively holding sway. In 
 47 B.C. Caesar was in Syria on his way from Egypt to Pontus. 
 The neglect of the preceding years was in part atoned for by 
 setting up an orderly government in the province. In 41-40 b.c. 
 
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THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD 
 
 the Parthians invaded Syria and conquered all Palestine and 
 Phoenicia." They were driven out in the following year by Ven- 
 tidius Bassus.'^ In 34 b.c. Anthony, infatuated with Cleo- 
 patra, presented her with Coele-Syria, the coast below the river 
 Eleutherus, probably as far as Egypt, and other parts of Judea 
 and Arabia.^' This was done without the approval of the 
 Senate, and the gift was never formally made. In 32 B.C. a 
 severe earthquake was reported in Judea which may have been 
 felt even in Philistia.^* 
 
 Herod the Idumean, who had risen to power in Judea and 
 had made himself king in place of the Hasmoneans, had main- 
 tained his position despite the changes of rulers at Rome. In 
 30 B.C. he visited Augustus, who was then in Egypt. The 
 latter presented him with a number of cities, among them Gaza ; 
 and these were added to the Judean kingdom.^' The particularly 
 friendly relations which existed between Herod and the Philistine 
 cities were due to two causes : (1) he was of Philistine origin, 
 in fact, the descendant of a hierodule of the Apollo temple in As- 
 kelon ; '° and (2) his father Antipater had won the good-will of 
 these cities by his frequent gifts to them during the time of his 
 leadership in Judea. He accompanied Augustus on his return 
 from Egypt as far as Antioch." Herod appointed Costobarus 
 governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome 
 to wife.^' In the year 25 b.c. pestilence and a severe famine 
 ravaged Judea, and doubtless the Philistine country suffered 
 also.'' Herod at his death (4 b.c.) left his son Archelaus the 
 kingdom, but Augustus changed the dispositions of the will. 
 He removed the Greek cities Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos from 
 Archelaus's rule, and restored them to the province of Syria.'" 
 
 ' E.B., s.v. Philistines. ^ Jos., B.J ., xi. 6, 3. ' Idem, Contra 
 Apionem, i. 22. ■• Diodorus, xix. 80. The Seleucid era began in this 
 notable year. ' Idem, xix. 93. " Cf. supra. Gaza owed a great deal 
 of its importance to its being the Mediterranean terminal of the incense 
 trade-route, which crossed the Arabian desert and ended at Gaza. 
 ' The commercial value of the asphalt of the Dead Sea was early recog- 
 nized, and the transportation of this valuable article brought wealth 
 and importance to southern Palestine. The Dead Sea was frequently 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 referred to as Lake Asphaltites. ' Diodorus, xx. 73. ° Pausaniat, 
 i. 7, 3. '» Polybius, v. 68 sqq. " Idem, v. 82-86. " Polybius, 
 xxvii. 19. " Idem, xxviii. 20. " 1 Mace. i. 16-19. " 2 Mace. v. 1; 
 Polyb. xxviii. 19. " Polyb. xxix. 27 ; Livy, xlv. 12. " 1 Mace, 
 
 iii. 41. ^« Ibid. '» 1 Mace. v. 68. '" 1 Mace. xi. 53-59; Jos., Ant. 
 xiii. 5, 3-4; Schuerer, J. P., i. 1, p. 248. " 1 Mace. xi. 60-62. '' 1 Maec. 
 xi. 61, 62. 23 jog^ j^nt. xiii. 2, 5. '* Jos., Ant. xiii. 8. ^ Jos., Ant. 
 xiii. 12, 2-6; 13, 1-2. '' Ibid., xiii. 13, 3; B.J. i. 4, 2-3. "A coin 
 from this period (Six, op. cit., no. 21) with the inscription niy i'jd, "king 
 (or ruler) of Gaza," indicates its autonomy, as well as the character 
 of its communal government. The Semitic melek may be a loose rendering 
 of the older title seren, or of the Greek S.pxav, — -the usual title of the heads 
 of autonomous Greek cities. The constitution seems to have been 
 modeled on that of the Greek cities ; but of this see further details in the next 
 chapter. '' Ant. xiii. 15, 4. ^' Ant. xiv. 4, 4. ^'' Ant. xiv. 5, 3. '' Dio 
 Cassius, xlviii. 24-26. ^^ Idem, xlviii. 36-41. ^^ Ant. xv. 3, 8; B.J. 
 i. 18, 5. ^* Ant. XV. 5, 1; B.J. i. 19, 3. ^'' Ant. xv. 7, 3; B.J. 
 
 i. 20, 4. 36 Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. i. 6, 7. " ^^i ^v. 9, 1. ^^ Ant. 
 XV. 7, 9. '» Ant. XV. 9, 1. "4?i<. xvii. 11, 4; B.J. ii. 6, 3. 
 
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CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 4 B.C.- 600 A.D. 
 
 From the death of Herod to the capture of the country by the 
 Arabs in 634 a.d., the period is characterized by the practically 
 uninterrupted growth of the coast cities. A whole series of im- 
 perial coins of Gaza from Augustus to Elagabalus is extant.* 
 The cities remained under Roman rule, either in the Eastern or 
 Western empire, and developed internally along the lines of Hel- 
 lenistic culture. With the progress of Christianity a new ele- 
 ment was added to the complex of forces which were at work in 
 the Philistine towns ; but the new faith had barely sufficient time 
 to establish itself before Islam swept it away from this part of 
 the world forever. 
 
 Gaza maintained its prominent position during the whole of 
 this period. Pliny,^ Pomponius Mela,^ Quintus Curtius,* Arrian,' 
 and Eusebius ° all speak of its importance. It maintained itself 
 as a free and independent city.' Later it no doubt became a 
 Roman military colony, for there is a brief inscription in Wad- 
 dington and Le Bas * which reads KoXoavia'; Td^T]<;. And the 
 "Gazensis Duumvir" mentioned by Jerome ° also points to a 
 Roman constitution. These military colonies were directly 
 under the emperor of Rome, who appointed a legate to take 
 charge of the cities in his name. The Senate had nothing to do 
 with such colonies, as their form of government was but the 
 extension of the military ideal.^" 
 
 Further interesting notices occur concerning the inner consti- 
 tution of the city of Gaza, which is constantly referred to as 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 ttoXk, reminiscent of the old Greek free city-state. For example, 
 there are frequent references to the "demos," the people as a 
 body. They seem to have been recognized as an entity, many 
 of the coins bearing the inscriptions S>5/tto? Ta^aiav ,- rmv 
 iv Td^r) ; Tal^CTcov ; Va^eaTwv. As citizens of the city, only 
 the old native elements are recognized: thus Pompey gives 
 the city to the 'yvrjinoi TroXtrat, and the . Jews seem not 
 to have enjoyed equal rights with them." Again reference is 
 made to a /3oi»X^, a council, or senate, which formerly was com- 
 posed of five himdred members.'^ These were elected from 
 an inner circle of the inhabitants, the best families of the 
 city,'' and represented the aristocratic elements in the govern- 
 ment. From the Suidas passage it may also be inferred that 
 citizenship could be bestowed upon strangers by a vote of the 
 people. The members of this senate are often referred to as 
 7r/>wTot," and later as primores,'-^ curiales,^^ and decuriones}'' 
 Finally, there occur the apxai, who corresponded to the 
 magistrates of the West. Sozomen *^ distinguished between the 
 apxovre'i and the aTparrj'yoi, which at the first glance would 
 appear to indicate a division of magisterial powers between 
 military and civil fimctionaries. On closer examination, how- 
 ever, this does not seem to have been the case. The duumvir 
 mentioned by Jerome " is merely a municipal magistrate, the 
 title being variously rendered in Greek by the two words used 
 above.^" This seems to have been the highest position to which 
 a citizen could be elected. Alongside of these there are met with 
 in Gaza the Irenarchse,^' whose functions were to "preserve 
 public good order and to correct morals," ^^ and who were known 
 as the "guardians of the peace." ^' They corresponded to the 
 prefects in Western cities and were selected each year from ten 
 names submitted to the head of the municipality. The police 
 power was intrusted into their keeping. A "defensor populi" ^* 
 is also mentioned as a city official. He was probably a citizen 
 elected by his fellows to look after their rights in a city other- 
 wise governed by the "better classes." A "curator of the 
 sanctuary" {emn,eXr}Tri<i tov lepov) is also mentioned in the 
 
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THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 inscription of Gordianus : ^^ he seems to have had charge of 
 the city temples and sanctuaries. The aja)pdvofio<; mentioned 
 on several inscriptions ^° was a petty market official. 
 
 The years following the death of Herod were quiet ones for 
 the Philistine coast. The cities were well satisfied with their 
 Roman masters, who were content to allow them to pursue their 
 own way tmhindered. In 66, at the beginning of the Jewish 
 war with Rome, the Jews were ruthlessly slaughtered in 
 Csesarea and other coast towns, no doubt with the connivance 
 of Florus the procurator ; and in revenge they set fire to Askelon 
 and Ptolemais and burned Anthedon and Gaza.^' This, how- 
 ever, could hardly have been a widespread destruction in the 
 case of Gaza ; for the city seems to have continued on its usual 
 way with little interruption. The course of the war left the 
 Philistine cities untouched. In 68 they no doubt joined with 
 the other Hellenistic cities of Syria in sending deputations and 
 crowns to Vespasian in Beirut and in acclaiming him emperor.^' 
 In 69 Titus passed through Gaza on his march from Egypt 
 to Palestine," and again on his return the year after the fall of 
 Jerusalem.'" 
 
 As the cities of Judea declined, those of the Philistine coast 
 increased in importance. The campaign of Cornelius Palma 
 (105) to Bostra and Perea, and the establishment of the prov- 
 ince of Arabia made Gaza all the more secure, and restored its 
 old trade with Petra and Aila. The first severe persecution 
 of the Christians in Palestine occurred in the reign of Trajan, 
 about 106-114. Christianity had been introduced into Gaza 
 by Philip." The progress of the new faith was very slow; 
 for even at the end of the fourth century the heathen temples 
 still stood in Gaza and their oracles were consulted.'^ Though 
 there is no record that the Christians of Gaza suffered in the 
 persecutions, there can be little doubt that their experiences 
 were similar to those of their fellow-believers elsewhere during 
 the early days of the Church. 
 
 The reign of Hadrian was a halcyon period in the history 
 of the coast cities. He visited the East several times during 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 his reign — in 123-125; 129-130; and, finally, in 135, after 
 the close of the war with the Jews under Bar Kokhba. Gaza 
 in particular was favored by the emperor ; and during his 
 second visit a new local era, the Hadrianic, was instituted (cf. 
 infra); thus 1 anno Hadrianis = 190 anno Gazse=129 a.d. 
 Some confusion as to the exact year of this second visit to Pal- 
 estine has existed; but the dates given above seem to be well 
 established by the imperial coins of the period as well as by the 
 historical notices.^' There was another general persecution of 
 the Christians under Hadrian in 128. 
 
 In 135, after the close of the Bar Kokhba rebellion, Hadrian 
 sold some of his Jewish captives at the rate of a horse apiece. 
 He took the rest to Gaza, where he instituted games, at which 
 he caused the Jews to be torn to pieces. These games, known 
 as the Travijyvpi'i 'ASpcav^, were famous throughout Syria. 
 The author of the " Chronicon Paschale" ^* (circa 629 a.d.) men- 
 tions them,^'^ as does also the unknown author of the "Totius 
 Orbis Descriptio" (fourth century).^" In that century they 
 were the most famous games in all Syria, their chief features 
 being the pammacharii (an athletic display which included box- 
 ing and wrestling) and oratorical and rhetorical contests (the 
 "bonos sudi tores" of the "Totius Orbis Descriptio" is 
 a poor translation of uKpoafiariKoi of the original text). 
 Jerome " mentions also the celebration of some Circensian 
 games in this place, probably as part of the Hadrianic 
 foundation. 
 
 Till then, Syria, not including Palestine, formed but one 
 province of the Roman Empire. Hadrian conceived the idea 
 of dividing it together with Palestine into two great provinces; 
 but this was not finally put into definite form till the time of Sep- 
 timius Severus. After his defeat of Piscennius Niger, at the 
 beginning of his reign (about 195), Severus divided the prov- 
 ince into Syria Magna and Syria Phoeniciana, which was some- 
 times merely referred to as Phoeniciana. This latter included 
 the littoral from Gaza to Laodicea, and Syria Centralis. The 
 ruler of Syria Magna was known as crvpLapxn'i and that of Syria 
 
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THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 Phoeniciana, as ^oiviKapxvf. This division lasted till the time 
 of Arcadius, the first emperor of the East ^* (395-408) . 
 
 The emperor Gordianus III. (238-244) was a special favor- 
 ite in the Oriental provinces (Africa, Syria, and Arabia). 
 After his defeat of the Persians he stopped at Gaza, and prob- 
 ably showed special favor to the local cults. The inscription 
 found on the base of his statue at the Portus Trajanus, erected 
 by the citizens of Gaza, points to some such favor to the city 
 and its gods.'° The inscription of the rhetorician Ptolernseus, 
 the son of Serenus, the Phoinikarch, foimd at Eleusis," dates 
 from the end of the third century as evidenced by the epigraphy. 
 No other reference to either Ptolemseus or Serenus is foimd. 
 The former must have been an important personage to have 
 merited the glowing words of the inscription." Where Serenus 
 exercised his functions cannot be determined, since the pro- 
 vincial assembly met at Tyre, Sidon, Damascus, or Emessa. 
 It may be that Ptolemaeus was not a native of Gaza, but had 
 been trained in the schools of that city, which produced a long 
 list of rhetoricians and philosophers. 
 
 The interest in Gaza now shifts from its political fortunes 
 to its religious beliefs. The city became a veritable storm 
 center in the struggle between heathendom and the new faith, 
 Christianity. It has been noted above that the first messenger 
 of the Gospel to Gaza was Philip ; *^ and tradition asserts that 
 the first bishop of the city was Philemon, the same to whom 
 Paul indited an epistle.*^ This would indicate that Christi- 
 anity was introduced into Gaza shortly after the death of Jesus 
 and the dispersion of the apostles and evangelists. But its 
 progress at best was slow. The importance of Gaza in this 
 connection cannot be overestimated. Jerome" ranks the 
 temple of Mamas, the chief local deity, next to that of Serapis, 
 the famous god of Egypt. The struggle was long and bitter; 
 and in the course of it Gaza added not a few to the list of early 
 Christian martyrs. 
 
 The names of a number of the bishops of Gaza have been 
 preserved, among them those of Sylvanus," who in 285 suf- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 fered martyrdom; Asclepas/" who was removed in 341 for his 
 anti-Arian tendencies, Quintian " being appointed the same 
 year in his stead; Irenios/' who was present at the council 
 of Antioch in 363 ; Porphyrius,*" who succeeded in closing the" 
 heathen temples of the city (395); also Natiras,^" Cyrillus, 
 Marcianus, and, during the last quarter of the fifth century, 
 one Enos." The struggle developed a number of keen advo- 
 cates of both Christianity and philosophy in the city, among 
 the former being Procopius, Choricius, Johannes, and Irenseus; 
 and among the latter, Proclus, Olympianus, and Isidorus.^^ 
 
 The first Christian martyr of Gaza whose name is known 
 is the bishop Sylvanus,^^ who met his death in 285. In 293, 
 the ninth year of Diocletian,^* persecutions of the Christians 
 broke out afresh; in the following year, Timotheus, Agapus, 
 and Thecla suffered martyrdom at Gaza; and in the same 
 year, Alexander, a young Christian of the city, was beheaded 
 at Csesarea for professing his faith.^^ In 299 the Christians 
 who had assembled at Gaza to hear the Scriptures read were 
 seized and mutilated;^" and from 303 to 310 persecutions 
 were continuous throughout the Roman Empire. 
 
 The official recognition of Christianity by the emperor Con- 
 stantine (321) gave the new faith but little prestige in this 
 stronghold of Hellenism and philosophy. Gaza was repre- 
 sented by its own bishop at the council of Nice (325) ; " 
 but the citizens generally remained true to their native gods. 
 The inhabitants of the harbor city, Maioumas, at this time 
 went over to Christianity in a body (331); and out of re- 
 spect to this change of faith, it was made an independent 
 bishopric and renamed " Constantia ". in honor of the emperor's 
 sister.^* Julian the Apostate (361) made Constantia, because 
 of. its Christian character, again tributary to Gaza; but on 
 his death its independence was restored.^" The rivalry of 
 the two places, bound together by all ties and common in- 
 terests, became most intense. Every one took sides; and for 
 years to come Hellenism maintained itself in the city of Gaza. 
 
 In the controversy between Arian and Athanasius, the bishop 
 
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THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 of Gaza, Asclepas,"" took sides with the latter. For this and 
 because of an accusation of having destroyed an altar, he was 
 deposed by the Arian party, and Quintian was appointed in 
 his stead (341). Asclepas was accused at the synod of 
 Tyre of false teaching; and at the synod of Sardis he with 
 Athanasius and Marcellus was brought to trial. The charges 
 were dismissed and Asclepas was restored to his bishopric. 
 The Christian church west of the city was generally attributed 
 to the zeal of this bishop for building."^ 
 
 Important at this time, too, was the settlement of the as- 
 cetic Hilarion, the first of his kind, in the neighborhood of 
 Gaza, between the sea and the swamps, just off the highroad 
 to Egypt. Hilarion had been born at Tabatha, a village about 
 five miles from Gaza, had received a splendid education at 
 Alexandria, and had then gone to Antonius in the desert for 
 further instruction. Returning to his home, he distributed 
 his goods, and betook himself to a solitary life, near Maioumas. 
 People flocked to him for advice and aid. He is said to have 
 discredited the heathen deities by working marvelous cures 
 in the name of Christ. A chariot race took place at that time 
 between a pagan driver and a Christian. The Christian won; 
 and his partizans interpreted his success as a victory for the 
 new faith, and took up the cry, "Mamas victus a Christo est." 
 (Mamas has been conquered by Christ.) The example of 
 Hilarion was followed by many others; and in a brief space 
 of time the neighborhood of Gaza was filled with hermitages."^ 
 
 But a reaction was bound to come in the very constitution 
 of things against this excess of religious zeal. The accession 
 of Julian the Apostate (361) gave the looked-f or .opportu- 
 nity. The citizens of Gaza brought suit against the inhabit- 
 ants of Maioumas for the restoration of the harbor to the 
 city. The case was tried before Julian, and awarded to the 
 plaintiffs. The two cities were to have but one civil govern- 
 ment, though ecclesiastically they remained separate. The 
 bishop of Gaza tried in vain to assert his authority over the 
 city of Maioumas."' About the same time many of the her- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 mitages of the adjacent desert were destroyed and their in- 
 habitants were murdered. Hilarion mysteriously disappeared."^ 
 
 While in this state of excitement the people gave way to 
 the maddest excesses. The mob seized three Christian brothers, 
 Eusebius, Nestabis, and Zeno, who had been thrown into prison, 
 dragged them through the streets of the city, beheaded them, 
 and burned their bodies in the place outside the city used for 
 the disposal of dead animals. Their cousin Nestor was saved 
 from a similar fate by the compassion which his beauty awakened 
 in the hearts of his persecutors; but he did not survive the 
 maltreatment to which he was subjected. The governor im- 
 prisoned some of the townspeople for these outrages; and 
 for so doing was removed by Julian, who held that he had no 
 right to arrest citizens for "merely retaliating upon a few Gali- 
 leans injuries that had been inflicted by them and their gods.""' 
 The "Chronicon Paschale""" records that under Julian old 
 men and young girls were killed, and their mangled remains 
 thrown to the beasts. And Gregory Nazienzen," writing 
 about this time, asks, with reference to these horrors, "Who 
 does not know of the madness of the Gazseans?" The death 
 of Julian (363) put an end to these violent outbreaks, and 
 a reaction followed. The martyrs of the preceding years were 
 now greater in their deaths than in their lives: churches were 
 erected over their remains, and miracles were supposed to have 
 been worked by their intervention."* Cloisters were rebuilt 
 by the disciples of Hilarion, and the solitary places swarmed 
 more than ever with hermits and ascetics."" 
 
 In 363 Irenius was bishop of Gaza, and represented 
 the city in the council of Antioch.'" During his term of office, 
 the episcopal mansion was built; also a church, known as 
 that of the Irenes, and so designated either from the name of 
 the builder or because that section of Gaza was called Irene 
 after the capture of the city by Alexander." It is worthy 
 of note that at this time all the churches of the East except 
 that at Jerusalem were in the hands of the Arians.'^ The 
 year 382 is interesting as marking the date of the visit 
 
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THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 to Gaza of Paula, the first Christian pilgrim, i.e. the first per- 
 son to visit the country because of its religious (Christian) 
 associations. She was accompanied by Jerome, who left a nar- 
 rative of the trip — an ecstatic idealization of the religiosity 
 and virtue of Paula^rather than a sober account of places visited 
 and events witnessed/" 
 
 The accession of Theodosius I. (379), or, more exactly, 
 his conversion and baptism in the following year, marked 
 a more rigorous policy in the suppression of the old faith and 
 a corresponding extension of the new. The destruction of 
 the Serapeum at Alexandria in 391 sent many into the 
 Christian fold. Only a few heathen shrines remained; and 
 of those by far the most important and influential was that of 
 Mamas at Gaza. Jerome wrote to Lseta,'* "Now that Serapis 
 has become Christian, Marnas, shut up in his temple, deplores his 
 solitude, and tremblingly awaits the time when they will come 
 to destroy him also." At this time the Christian community of 
 Gaza was small ^^ (about two hundred and eighty assembled at 
 a festival), poor, and without influence; Christians were not 
 allowed to hold office; and the church was insignificant.'" 
 But in the year 395 there came to Gaza as its bishop. Por- 
 phyry, who was destined to change the course of affairs. A 
 drought which occurred at the time of his entrance to the city 
 was ascribed by the heathens to his presence. Their prayers 
 to Marnas and their sacrifices availed nothing. Under the 
 guidance of their bishop, the Christians retired to their church, 
 west of Gaza, and offered prayers," but on attempting to return 
 to the city, were shut out by the citizens. When, however, 
 rain fell, as it was believed in answer to the Christians' prayers, 
 a number of persons were converted ; '* the gates were opened ; 
 and the people cried : "Christ alone is God ! He has conquered." 
 Some time after this event, the Christians carried a dead body 
 into the city, which was contrary to Gazsean custom, '' the 
 burial-place being without the walls. This offended the towns- 
 people, who attacked the Christians. Thereupon the "De- 
 fensor Populi" ("defender of the people"), with the Ire- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 narchse ("police captains"), and two "primores" (senators), 
 reproved the Christians for their behavior/" For their brave 
 participation in this matter Barochas and Marciis were made 
 deacons.*' 
 
 Porphyry sent his trusted deacon Marcus *^ to Constanti- 
 nople and obtained from the emperor a decree closing the 
 temples of Gaza.*^ Hilarius came to the city with Christian 
 police from Azotus and Askelon ; the temples were closed ; 
 and the consultation of their oracles was forbidden ** (398). 
 Idolatry did not cease, however: the oracles were still con- 
 sulted, though surreptitiously, for permitting which Hilarius 
 was said to have received a large amount of gold.*^ The Chris- 
 tians were still persecuted; and Porphyry therefore determined 
 on further measures. He went to Csesarea, consulted with 
 the archbishop John, and both of them set out for Constanti- 
 nople- (401). Through the offices of Amantius, the cham- 
 berlain, they were presented to the empress Eudoxia.*^ They 
 prophesied for her the birth of a son; and the empress vowed 
 a church for Gaza if the prophecy should be fulfilled. The 
 promised son was bom; and, true to her word, Eudoxia inter- 
 ceded with the emperor for a rescript closing the Gazsean temples. 
 For reasons of state the emperor hesitated to grant the request. 
 "Though the city is idolatrous," he said, "it is peaceful, and 
 pays its taxes regularly. If it is disturbed, it is to be feared 
 that its inhabitants will desert it and its trade be ruined." 
 He therefore suggested mild means for winning the city to 
 Christianity.'' The rescript was obtained from the emperor 
 at the baptism of his infant son, being issued as the first decree 
 of the new prince.*' Before the bishops left Constantinople, 
 Eudoxia provided them with funds for building a church and 
 a hospice in Gaza; and the emperor added gifts on his own 
 accoimt.*' 
 
 The enforcement of the decree was intrusted to Cynegius,°" 
 who arrived at Gaza ten days after the bishop, with a force 
 of soldiers and a body of civil officers. When the order for 
 closing the temples was read, the citizens protested; but the 
 
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THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 soldiers carried out the imperial commands " and proceeded 
 to destroy the eight temples of Gaza; viz., those of the Sun, 
 Venus, Apollo, Kor4 (Proserpina), Hecate, the Tychseon, the 
 Hiereion, and the Marneion."^ They were aided by the Chris- 
 tians and the sailors. The fiercest opposition was encountered 
 at the Marneion, where the priests blocked the entrance with 
 large stones. Seeing, however, that their defense was vain, 
 they buried the temple treasures and escaped."^ The Marneion 
 was then burned; "* it took ten days to complete the destruc- 
 tion of all the temples. °^ Naturally many conversions followed 
 these events.^" After the site of the Marneion had been 
 purified, a cruciform church was built on it out of the 
 funds furnished by Eudoxia, after whom it was named the 
 Eudoxiana." Its construction was intrusted by Porphyry 
 to the architect Rufinus. The church was dedicated on Easter 
 Day,°* 406. The courtyard of the church was paved with 
 stones taken from the Marneion, and the women of Gaza re- 
 fused to walk in it because of their strong attachment to the 
 old cult.*"" Stones were also taken from the mound Aldioma, 
 a place associated with heathen practices, from outside the 
 city for the building of the Christian church.'"" Even now 
 the Christian conquest of the city was not complete; for per- 
 secutions continued, though with diminishing force and fre- 
 quency."" Porphyry died in 419 or 420.'°^ Gaza is given a 
 prominent place in the famous medeba mosaic map, which is 
 generally assigned to this century.'"^" 
 
 In 431, at the council of Ephesus, the bishop of Gaza, Nes- 
 torias, supported Juvenalis of Jerusalem, who was accused of 
 certain irregularities of ecclesiastical practice. After the coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon (451), during this very troublous period, Peter 
 Iberus '"' was appointed bishop of Gaza and Maioumas by the 
 Alexandrian -party. Toward the end of the fifth century Enos 
 (iEneas) was bishop of Gaza. He had been a Platonist, a 
 disciple of Hierocles, but was afterwards converted to Christian- 
 ity. He wrote a dialogue entitled "Theophrastus," in defense 
 of the dogma of bodily resurrection.'"' In 485 died Proclus 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 (b. 412), a Neo-Platonist. He was a disciple of Olympiodorus 
 at Alexandria, and a fellow-student of Ulpianus, also of Gaza. 
 In his hymns Proclus celebrated the various Greek deities, and 
 also the Gazsean Marnas."^ 
 
 The time of Justinian, coincident with that of the bishop 
 Marcianus, was one of the brilliant periods in the history of Gaza. 
 The imperial troops once occupied the city on the occasion of 
 an uprising of the Samaritan "" inhabitants of the district, and 
 the townspeople were greatly disturbed thereby. The bishop 
 stepped into the breach, and settled the affair by organizing a 
 militia to which the matters in dispute were referred. The 
 imperial troops were withdrawn, and peace was restored. When 
 the schools at Athens were closed by order of Justinian (529), 
 those of Gaza still continued their activities; and the Neo-Pla- 
 tonists taught there till the end of the sixth century. 
 
 Marcianus by his numerous building activities made Gaza 
 a place of great beauty and splendor. He was a native of the 
 city, of prominent family, and educated in the schools of the 
 poets and the rhetoricians, especially in that of his compatriot 
 Procopius. One of his brothers was the civil head of Gaza, and 
 other brothers held positions of trust in Philistia.^"' He rebuilt 
 the wall of Gaza and provided it with towers and a moat;'"^ 
 completed the stoa and the bath ; "" restored the .Church of 
 the Apostles, which stood near the market-place, and a smaller 
 one situated at fifty stadia without the city; probably that 
 of the martyr Timotheus; "° and erected several new churches, 
 among which those of Stephen the Protomartyr and of St. 
 Sergius were the most important."* 
 
 The dedication of these various buildings furnished occa- 
 sions for brilliant festivals, to which the interest which had cen- 
 tered in the old heathen games was transferred. Of course, 
 the revolting features pertaining to the Circenses were omitted, 
 as were also the pantomimes which had been forbidden by Ancs- 
 tasius I. (438-518). Deputations from other towns honored 
 the festivities."^ The city was decorated, and illuminated at 
 night; and as at all such affairs in the Orient, a lively trade 
 
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THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 Was carried on. The fairs of Gaza were famed throughout 
 Palestine."' The theaters were crowded by those anxious to 
 hear the orations of the scholars and the addresses of the rheto- 
 ricians. In this way the new faith took over the outer trappings 
 of the old cult, and wrought all the forces of the life and culture 
 of the times to its own advancement and stabihty. 
 
 Christian fimerary inscriptions of this period have been 
 found in numbers, dating from 505 to 609."* Till 539 the 
 names of the bishops of Gaza were preserved in the records 
 of the council of Jerusalem."^ In 541 a council was held at 
 Gaza, which was attended by Pelagius, the first pope of that 
 name, then a deacon, who came as an envoy from Rome with 
 an order from Justinian for the deposition of Paul, bishop of 
 Alexandria. The order was carried out by the coimcil.'" 
 
 There are no traces of an active literary life in the early part 
 of the Hellenistic period at Gaza; on the other hand, literary 
 activities concentrated themselves there during its closing years. 
 Dm-ing the reigns of Anastasius I. and Justinian a whole galaxy 
 of names prominent in poetry, rhetoric, and philosophy is met 
 with. In the fourth century, according to the "Totius Orbis 
 Descriptio," Gaza was famed for its school of rhetoric, which 
 at that time was the basis of all higher education. There were 
 no professional schools in the city as at Csesarea ; and philosophy 
 was hardly more than apologetic or polemic, as the person was 
 for or against Christianity. The former are to be described as 
 "Christian Sophists" rather than as philosophers, for the union 
 of the Church with Neo-Platonism was made here early. Poetry 
 never reached a very high standard in local circles. The rheto- 
 ricians of Gaza, who were numerous and representative in their 
 art, excelled in laudatory addresses, delivered in the theaters 
 on great occasions, in which the emperor, the military com- 
 mander, the civil dignitaries, or the bishop were extolled. Eu- 
 logies of the dead were common; but there was little or no 
 judicial or legal oratory. 
 
 The first well-known rhetorician of Gaza was Zosimus, who 
 lived during the reign of Anastasius I. He composed a com- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 mentary on Demosthenes and Lysias, and an alphabetical 
 "Rhetorical Lexicon." Toward the end of the fifth century 
 lived Isidor Gazseus, a friend and disciple of Proclus. He was a 
 Neo-Platonist, and head of the school at Athens after the death 
 of Marinus."^ When the schools were closed in 529, Isidorus 
 together with many others went into voluntary exile into 
 Persia; but when a more liberal policy obtained at home they 
 all returned. Isidorus's activity is connected more with Athens 
 than with his native city. He is to be differentiated from 
 another Isidorus, the theurgist. Commodian of Gaza, a rheto- 
 rician and poet, flourished during the middle of the sixth cen- 
 tury."' " Though born in Gaza, he spent the greater part of 
 his life at Aries, in southern France. He had first been con- 
 verted to Judaism, but later went over to Christianity, and 
 became one of its zealous advocates. He was what we might 
 term a "lay brother," technically known as an ascetic. A few 
 fragments of his writings have been preserved and have recently 
 been edited by Brewer."^ 
 
 The most prominent as well as the most influential of the 
 Gazffian school was Procopius, who was born at the end of the 
 fifth century. He spent the greater part of his life in his native 
 city, except a short period at Csesarea, where he went to compete 
 for a great prize. He was a prominent Christian apologete, and 
 had much intercourse with the rhetoricians of Tyre, Antioch, and 
 Egypt. He collected a great library, and his panegyrics were 
 later used as models of their kind. He wrote extensive com- 
 mentaries on parts of the Old Testament as well as a rhetoric 
 about the year 520. His works include a commentary on 
 Isaiah,"' scholia on Kings,'^" and explanations of the Proverbs 
 of Solomon ; '^^ sixty of his letters, none of them of any great 
 import, are found in a "Collection d'epitres" issued by Aldus, 
 Venice, 1499. What little is known of him is garnered from 
 the eulogy pronounced on him by his disciple Choricius. An 
 older contemporary of Procopius was ^Eneas, the Platonist, who 
 later embraced Christianity and became bishop of Gaza. Cho- 
 ricius was a native of Gaza and the most brilliant of his master's 
 
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THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 disciples and successors. He was little of a philosopher, but a 
 brilliant word-painter, being able to describe scenes and build- 
 ings with marvelous fluency and picturesqueness. He, also, 
 was a convert to Christianity. Choricius wrote a great deal; 
 but few of his compositions have survived to the present day. 
 These have been published by Boissonade."^ His most impor- 
 tant writings were his "Orations," and "Descriptions of Work, 
 of Art," which he composed in imitation of the works of Phi- 
 lostratus. There is an inedited manuscript of his works in the 
 Biblioteca Nazionale, Madrid. Of Gazaean poets may be men- 
 tioned Timotheus, who flourished at the time of Anastasius I., 
 and who wrote several panegyrics and an epic poem in four 
 books on the natural history of the four-footed beasts of foreign 
 lands. '^^ John Gazseus, a contemporary of Procopius, author 
 of a number of anacreontics, and Georgius, the grammarian, 
 another author of anacreontics, complete this brief list of native 
 poetical authors. 
 
 Mention is made of Gaza by Theodosius in his "De Terra 
 Sancta" "* (530), and in the "Notitia Antiochiffi ac lero- 
 solymte Patriarchatum " ^" of the sixth century, in which 
 reference is made to a suffragan of Gaza. In 570 the city 
 was visited by Antoninus Martyr,'^" who says, "Gaza is a 
 splendid and beautiful city; its men most honest, liberal in 
 every respect, and friendly to the pilgrims." He also men- 
 tions Maioumas of Gaza as the resting place of St. Victor, the 
 martyr. These latter mark the beginning of the pilgrim stream 
 which set in thus early and has continued almost up to the 
 present day. From the sixth to the twelfth century Gaza 
 was an episcopal see of the Latin Church. 
 
 ' Cf . infra, chapter on Coins. ^ v. 4. ' Geographia, i. 1 1. ■" iv. 6, 7. 
 5 Loc. cit. ' Onomastica, p. 125. ' Cf. infra, inscription of Gordian 
 III. of 238-244 A.D., in which the city is referred to as "sacred, and 
 an asylum and autonomous," C.I.Gr. 5892; as well as the lettering on 
 several coins. 'iii., n. 1904. This inscription was found, curiously 
 enough, in Syria. ° Vita Hilarionis. '" Marquardt, Roemische Staats 
 Verwaltung, i. 429. " B.J. i. 7, 7; Ant. xx. 8, 7. '^ Ant. xiii. 13, 3. 
 " Cf. Suidas, s.v. Eutokios. " Ant. xix. 6, 3. '" Marc. Diac, op. cit., 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 cc. 3, 4. " Idem, c. 12. " Jerome, Vita Hilarionis. " Hist. 
 Eccl., V. 3. " Loc. cit. ^'' Marquardt, in Becker, Roemische Alterthueme, 
 iii. 388. 2' Marc. Diac, o. 25. '' Digest, 1. 4, 18. ^s Arist., i. 523, 
 quoted by Stark, p. 531, n. 5. ^ Marc. Diac, loc. cit. ^' Vide infra. 
 ^' Vide infra, chapters on Calendation and Inscriptions. ^' B.J. ii. 18, 
 1. ''B.J. iv. 6; Tacitus, ii. 81. '" B.J. iv. 11, 5. ^'' B.J. vii. 
 5, 2. *' Acts viii. 26. '" Marc. Diac, passim. ^' Clinton, i^asii 
 Romani, i. 116 ; Duerr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian, pp. 62, 63 ; Schuerer, 
 J. P. i. 2, 295, n. 76. '* An anonymous chronicle compiled in part from 
 the Paschal canons (rules for the Easter festival) of various towns and dis- 
 tricts and containing a summary of events from Adam to the twentieth 
 year of Heraclius, 629. It is sometimes known as Alexandrinum, because it 
 was erroneously attributed to a writer of Alexandria. It is sometimes 
 called Fasti Siculi because it was found in an old library in Sicily, whence 
 it was taken to Rome. ^^ Section 254. '« § 32. " ^gg g^f_^ 20. 
 '' Revue Archeologique, July-Aug., 1899, series 3, pp. 36 sqq. ^' C.I.Gr. 
 5893. *" Rev. Arch., loc. cit. " See below, section on Inscriptions. 
 
 *' Acts viii. 26. ■^ Cf. E.B., s.v. Philemon. " Epistola ad Loetam. 
 ^^ Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica, viii. 13, 4-5. ^° Epiphanius, Hoer. 
 
 Ixix. 4; Harnack, Expansion of Christianity, ii. pp. 259, 262. It is in- 
 teresting to note that both Sylvanus and Asclepas are referred to as 
 "bishop of the churches round about Gaza" (loc. cit.). This shows that 
 the Christian community in Gaza was very small, and that the pagan 
 element was so strong as to forbid the presence of a bishop in the 
 town. Harnack, ibid. " Sozomen, H.E. ii. 8. ^' Idem, vi. 4. <» Marc. 
 Diac, op. cit. ^° All the names of the bishops appear to be Grseco- 
 Roman except this one, which is Semitic. Cf. ni^e:3 ; also Sn— id2 in 
 Lidzbarski, N ordsemitische Epigraphik, Text, s.v., where he cites also 
 TOTopijXos, Wadd. 2351. It may be the Semitic equivalent of iTia-Koiros, 
 " a bishop." *' Names of many of the bishops of Gaza are found in the rec- 
 ords of the council of Jerusalem up to 536. Schaff, s.v. Gaza. . " Cf. 
 infra. '* Schaff-Herzog, A Religious Encyclopedia, s.v. Gaza. " Euse- 
 bius, Life of Constantine, iv. ch. xxxviii. " Idem, Martyrs of Palestine, 
 ch. iii. 56 Idem, ch. viii. " Harnack, op. cit., p. 259, n. 5. s' Euseb., 
 Life of Const., iv. 38. " Sozomen, op. cit., v. 9. «» Sozomen, op. cit., 
 ii. 8. " Marc. Diac, op. cit., c 20. "^ Jerome, Vita Hilarionis. 
 "^ Sozomen, v. 3. " Idem, v. 10. According to some reports, he 
 
 migrated to Sicily. ™ Sozomen, v. 9. ™ § 295. " Oratio 3, in 
 Julianum. "« Sozomen, v. 7, 8. "' Idem, vii. 31. '" Idem, vi. 4. 
 
 " Marc. Diac, op. cit., c. 18. " Sozomen, vii. 2. " Pilgrimage of Holy 
 Paula, by Jerome. '< Epistola ad Lcetam. " Harnack, op. cit., ii., 
 p. 262. " Marc Diac, op. cit., c. 40. " Idem, c. 20. '« Ibid., c. 21. 
 "/bid., c 23. »» /bid., c. 25. »' /bid. '^ The same that later wrote the 
 excellent history of Porphyry's life, which remains to this day one of the 
 most important documents for the history of Gaza, and of this whole period 
 of the contest between Christianity and Paganism. '* Ibid., c 26. ** Ihid., 
 cc. 23-31. "' Ibid., c. 32 ; Jerome, Epist. ad Lactam. ™ Marc. Diac, op cit., 
 
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THE ROMAN PERIOD 
 
 cc. 32, 34, 38, 39. " Lasaulx, Untergang d. Hellenismus, pp. 116 sqq. 
 »«Maro. Diao.,op.a«.,cc. 43, 50. *" /bid., cc. 53, 54. '<> Ibid., o. 51. ^^ Ibid., 
 cc. 63,64. "2 poj. pigtails, of . m/ra. »^ Marc. Diac, op. cii., c. 65. "* Ibid., 
 cc. 69, 70. «5Z6id., 0. 65. »' /bid., c. 72. "Ibid., cc. 66, 76. 
 
 "UbU., cc. 78, 92. »» Ibid., c. 76. '»» /bid., c. 92. '»' /bid., cc. 95- 
 100. ""■ Ibid., c. 103. ™a ;j^^ ^pj.^ jggy. jggg^ j 617-644; P.E.F.Q S., 
 1897, pp. 213 sgg., 1898, pp. 85, 177 sqq. ; J.Q.R., xiii. 251. '» Chabot, 
 
 Pierre, I' Iberien, tvtque de Gaza: see also the Syriac version of his 
 life, edited by Richard Raabe, Leipzig, 1893, with translation, 
 "Petrus der Iberer." "" Chastel, Histoire de la destruction du pdga- 
 nisme dans V empire d' Orient, p. 269. "^ M^rinus, Vita Prodi. 
 
 "» A word or two as to the settlement of this peculiar sect in 
 Gaza. A complete history is impossible because of the meagerness of the 
 records, and because it would lead far afield from the subject of this 
 investigation, belonging rather to a history of the Samaritans in Palestine, 
 cf. Montgomery "The Samaritans," Philadelphia, 1907. It is remarkable 
 how this little sect spread all over Palestine and even into Egypt. There 
 are records of the Samaritans in Gaza from the fourth to the seven- 
 teenth century. According to the Samaritan Chronicle of the High Priest 
 Eleazar (Heidenheim, Vierteljahrschrift, iv. 362; Neubauer, Samaritan 
 Chronicle), the territory of Palestine and other parts of Syria and Egypt 
 were assigned to various Samaritan families at the time of Baba the Great 
 (end of 4th cent.). That extending from Gaza to the River of Egypt was 
 given to Israel ben Machir, and Shalum was assigned to it as priest ; the 
 territory from Carmel to Gaza to Laib ben Becher, with Joseph as its 
 priest. AU the Samaritans who settled at Gaza were of the tribe of Beij- 
 jamin, except Mouzaf ben Mitpalel, of the tribe of Ephraim. The martyr, 
 Paul of Gaza (300 circa) , before his death at Caesarea, prays for the Samari- 
 tans of his native town, together with the other non-ohristian population. 
 (Montgomery, p. 149, n. 25: Euseb., Martyrs of Palestine, -vm. 9.) There 
 were many Samaritans at Gaza in the seventh century (Collectanea Historice 
 SamaritancE of Christopher Cellarius, 1687). After the Moslem conquest, 
 634 A.D., the Samaritans of Gaza deposited their property with their high 
 priest and fled to the east. (Chronicle of ab<i'l Path; Montgomery, p. 127.) 
 In 943, Masudi, the historian, in his Meadows of Gold probably referred to 
 the Samaritans of Gaza. (Montgomery, p. 135, n. 35.) Circa 1137, the 
 five hundred Samaritans who had been captured at Schechem by Bazawash, 
 governor of Damascus, were redeemed by a co-religionist of Acco. Many 
 of these settled in Gaza. (Montgomery, p. 132.) This colony was men- 
 tioned by many writers, among them Petrus della Valle (1616) and Richard 
 Simon in his supplement to R. Leo Mantinensis's book, De Ritibus Jud- 
 ceorum; also in a letter written by a Samaritan to Scaliger (1590). In 
 1674, the Samaritans living at Gaza addressed a letter to Robert Hunting- 
 ton, who was deeply interested in their literature and religion. (Mont- 
 gomery, p. 6.) 
 
 Among the prominent Samaritans at Gaza were Ab Galug ( 1 1th century), 
 a philanthropist, who rebuilt the Samaritan temple there, and also that at Si- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 don (Adler and Seligsohn, Une nouvelle chronique samaritaine, p. 96) ; and a 
 certain Selemiah ben Phineas, who came to Gaza and settled there, a man of 
 ascetic tendencies, and something of an exhorter {Ibid., pp. 104, 105). The 
 poet Matuah of the family of Bel'abar Benjamin was a resident of Gaza. He 
 married a descendant of the above-mentioned Mouzaf, and had five children 
 by her (c. 1137) (Neubauer, pp. 65, 73). A son of Joseph ben Barak ben 
 Abraham of the sons of Na'in, and Joseph ben Helef ben Abraham, 
 father of the sons of Hofni, are also mentioned as prominent members of 
 the local Samaritan colony {Ibid., p. 77). One of the most prominent 
 families of the colony was that of the sons of Rumaih of whom numerous 
 traces are found in the city after 600a.h.(=1203 a.d.). A copy of the Samari- 
 tan targum to the Pentateuch which was written in Gaza in 761 a.h. (= 1359- 
 60) was given by Jacob ben Yatronah of the Benai-Fukah to his wife Sim- 
 hah, daughter of Abraham of the Benai-Rumaih in 797 a.h. (=1394—95); 
 and the Samaritan Pentateuch of the Bibliotheca Lindesiana, which was 
 written 608 a.h. (1211-12), was bought at the end of the ninth century a.h. 
 (c. 1494) from Shet of the Benai-Rumaih of Damascus, by n'nina of 
 Shechem, who had bought it of Sa'adah ben 'Abdallah of Gaza in 801 a.h. 
 (=1398-99) (Z.A., xvi. p. 91). The west suburb of the city, often called 
 Harat es-Sum&rA, was no doubt the part of the city inhabited by the 
 colony. Meshullam of Volterra (Luncz, Jerusalem, iii. 50), who visited Gaza 
 in 1481, says there were but four Samaritan families residing in the 
 city at that time. Clermont-Ganneau {Arch. Researches, ii. 420 sqq.) re- 
 ports the finding of a Samaritan liturgical inscription at Gaza, but does not 
 produce it either in the original character or in translation. Abel also reports 
 a fragment of a decalogue in the Samaritan script of the Mohammedan 
 period. (K.B., 1906, p. 84: Montgomery, p. 277.) No niention of the 
 colony is found in modern times. "" Choricius, Oraiiones, p. 45. 
 
 '"^Ibid., 111. '"^ Ibid., 23. ''"Ibid., 112. '"For detailed descriptions 
 of these edifices, cf. Stark, op. cit., pp. 626-630. "^ Choricius, loc. cit., 
 p. 124. "' Talmud Yerushalmi, ' Abodah Zarah, i. 39 d. "* Cf. infra, 
 where these are discussed. "^ Cf . supra, where the names of these bishops 
 are inserted in the text at their proper places. "° Smith, Dictionary of 
 Christian Antiquities, s.v. Oaza. "' Le Orand Dictionnaire Universel, 
 s.v. "" Older scholars have assigned Commodian to the third century, 
 but Brewer (see below) has settled this moot question. {T.L.Z., 1907, no. 3, 
 p. 80.) "' Heinrich Brewer, Kommodian von Gaza, in Forschungen zur 
 Christlichen Literatur- und Dogmengeschichte, 1906, vi. pts. 1 and 2. 
 "» Greek and Latin, Paris, 1580. '^o Fq^p y^i^^^ Latin, Leyden, 1670. 
 '" MSS. in the Bibliothfeque Nationale, Paris. '" Paris, 1846. '^s yot 
 all these authors, consult Stark, op. cit. ''' Tobler, Itineraria Hierosoly- 
 mitana, Theodosius, De Terra Sancta, § 23. "* Ibid. ™ Ibid. 
 
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CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE MOSLEM CONQUEST 
 
 634-1049 
 
 Gaza from the earliest times had had relations of more or 
 less intimacy with the Arabs of the Arabian peninsula. They 
 had always resorted to it, rather than to Hebron, had there 
 sold their plunder, and had also carried on their legitimate busi- 
 ness by means of its harbor and its market. It has been aptly 
 called "the port of the desert." The Minseans, an Arab tribe, 
 always looked upon Gaza as their headquarters, and disposed 
 of their precious incense there. In fact, Gaza must be con- 
 sidered an Arab city from the earliest times. The name Minoa, 
 by which Stephen of Byzantium says it was also known, and which 
 he connected with the name of the Cretan hero Minos, points 
 rather to its association with the Minseans, who were in all proba- 
 biUty its first inhabitants. A few references to the city are found 
 in the Minsean inscriptions. The relations between the city and 
 the surrovinding tribesmen must have been close and cordial; 
 otherwise, its chief source of trade would have been cut off. 
 Indeed, the hostility of their Arab neighbors would have made 
 life for the people of Gaza very precarious. The capture of the 
 city by the Arabs under the impetus of their missionary faith 
 was largely in the nature of a reconquest by a related people. 
 Thoroughly Hellenized as Gaza must have been, there was yet 
 ever present a substratum of its Semitic descent and ideas. 
 The very worship of Marnas must have presented to the minds 
 of the Gazseans this dual personality of Hellenist superimposed 
 on Semite. 
 
 With the intuition of the greatest military genius,' the Arabs 
 set out to secure Gaza and the coast of Palestine even before 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 securing Egypt. As the hordes issued forth from their native 
 deserts, they were confronted by the old city with its command- 
 ing site and strong fortifications, which offered itself as the firsts 
 fruits of their extra- Arabian conquests. In 634 Gaza, though 
 defended by Heraclius's army which was gathered there under 
 the general Patricius, fell an easy prey to 'Amr ibn el-' As. Here 
 it should be stated that the city had no doubt shared the fate 
 of the rest of Palestine and Syria, and fallen into the hands of 
 the Persians under Chosroes, 611-614. The coimtry re- 
 mained under their rule for ten years, when it was won back by 
 the Byzantines; but their enjoyment of the fruits of their con- 
 quest was destined to be short-lived. In the time of the Jahiliy- 
 yah ^ — i.e. before 622 — Omar ibn Khatt^b, who after- 
 ward became calif, lived and grew rich in Gaza, which was a 
 great market for the people of the Hij^z.' Reference is also 
 foimd to the presence of the family of the Prophet in Gaza in 
 earlier times. The tomb of Sidna Hashim is still shown, he 
 having died at Gaza while on one of his mercantile expeditions.^ 
 According to Tabari,^ Hashim was a son of 'Abd Munaf and the 
 father of 'Abd al-Mutallib, uncle of the Prophet. General tra- 
 dition has it that Hashim was the great-grandfather of Mo- 
 hammed. It would thus appear that there must have been a 
 considerable Arabian colony in Gaza at the time, and to this 
 fact may be attributed the easy victory which the Arabs gained. 
 Baladhuri " states that all the country from the Hijaz to 
 Arabah fell into the hands of the Arabs without any opposition 
 whatsoever. Gaza had premonitions of its fate at the hands of 
 the Arabs. Ibn Harb ' tells the following story. "There was 
 strife between Mohammed and the merchants, because he had 
 reduced us to the last extremity. Then, when a truce was made 
 between the Prophet and ourselves, we did not believe that we 
 should enjoy perfect amnesty. So I and a body of Kuraish 
 merchants set out for Syria, Gaza being the goal of our ex- 
 pedition. We came to Gaza just when Heraclius had gained his 
 victory over the Persians (624^628) who were in his land. 
 He had driven them out of his land, and he had recaptured from 
 
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THE MOSLEM CONQUEST 
 
 them the large cross of which they had robbed him." The 
 re-Arabization of the city began long before the Moslem con- 
 quest. The arrival of so large a colony of foreigners must have 
 been looked upon as ominous by the Byzantine rulers. For 
 the present discussion the movement is interesting as evidence 
 of a general Arabic migration, which found its greatest mani- 
 festation in the conquest of the Mediterranean world. 
 
 This battle at Gaza, which took place in the califate of Abli 
 Biki', was, as stated above, the first conflict between the Arabs 
 and the Byzantines. 'Amr ibn el-As advanced against Syria 
 and camped at Tadun, a village of the province of Gaza, on the 
 side which looks toward the Hijaz.' This Tad^n must have 
 been on the south, and cannot be identified with the modern 
 Tida, somewhat to the north of Gaza, which has been accepted 
 as the site of the ancient Anthedon. Here he received the news 
 that an army of Heraclius was gathered at Gaza, and that Hera- 
 clius himself was at Damascus. It would seem that 'Amr was 
 afraid to proceed, and wrote to Abu Bikr for aid. Khalid ibn 
 Walid was sent to his assistance ; and the two advanced against 
 the city. Before giving battle, Patricius, who was in command 
 of the Byzantine forces, sent for a legate with whom to carry 
 on negotiations." Abti Sufyin " states that he was in Gaza 
 during these proceedings ; but he gives no further details or side- 
 lights. He merely states that the Sahib al-Shurta, the captain of 
 the guard, came before the ruler and told him all about the 
 Prophet. Eutychius " and al-Makin ^' state that the legate 
 was none other than 'Amr himself. During these proceedings 
 'Amr found himself in great danger, and would have been 
 killed but for the presence of mind of his freedman. Warden. '^ 
 The parley was imsuccessful, and the battle followed. The 
 general account is that the battle took place at Gaza itself. 
 Baladhuri " states that the first fight took place at Dathin, near 
 Gaza ; he probably refers to the above-mentioned Tadun which 
 'Amr used as his base. He quotes also a divergent opinion that 
 this battle took place at Arabah. Tabarl " gives an interesting 
 variant, to the effect that 'Alkama ibn Mujazziz besieged Fikar 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 ibn Natus, a general of Heraclius in Gaza. The name "Fikar" is 
 probably a corruption of Patricius; and that no later event 
 is referred to is proved by the mention of the emperor Hera- 
 clius. No other source, however, mentions 'Alkama ibn Mu- 
 jazziz or a siege of the city. On the contrary, the victory of the 
 Arabs is represented as a very easy one. The Christians were 
 driven back, and the Moslems entered the city. The latter con- 
 verted the church into a mosque; and, naturally, the greater 
 part of the city became Mohammedan. From this time onward 
 the Christians of Gaza became a negligible quantity, and the 
 place was noted for the number of prominent Moslems it pro- 
 duced. The citizens who remained faithful to Christianity were 
 subjected to a poll-tax; and for the security of the city and to 
 hasten its conversion to Islam, a military colony of Arabs was 
 planted in Gaza. In 672 the city was visited by an earth- 
 quake,^" but details of its effects are wanting. 
 
 A brief notice in the itinerary of St. Willibald," who visited 
 the city on his journey through the Holy Land, 723-726, is 
 interesting, as it shows that the Christians " still maintained 
 their house of worship in the city. He relates that he heard 
 mass at Gaza at the Church of St. Matthias ; but when and by 
 whom this church was built is unknown. St. WiUibald also 
 chronicles the fact that he lost his eyesight at Gaza. This is 
 unusually interesting, for even to-day the inhabitants of Gaza 
 suffer greatly from diseases of the eye," so much so as to be 
 noticeable in a country where such affections are general. 
 St. Willibald may have been affected by the prevalent eye dis- 
 eases of the country, which finally resulted in his blindness. 
 
 The interminable internecine conflicts, whose story forms 
 the chief interest of these early centuries of Arabian rule, af- 
 fected the fate of Gaza individually but little one way or the 
 other. Each change of dynasty was followed by a new set 
 of local officers, new taxes, and a new conscription. Not only 
 was the country torn by the rival claims of aspirants for politi- 
 cal power and preference, but the multiplication of Moslem 
 sects, many of them with decided political aspects, only added 
 
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THE MOSLEM CONQUEST 
 
 to the existing confusion. Naturally the Byzantines also made 
 efforts to restore themselves to power in this territory; but 
 they never again penetrated as far south as Gaza. 
 
 Under the rule of Yezid III. (744) there was a revolt in 
 Palestine. His brother Ibrahim succeeded in keeping him- 
 self in power for a few months; but he was unseated in the 
 following year by Merw4n II. There was, however, no cessa- 
 tion of the disturbances which upset Syria from end to 
 end. Finally, in 750, Merw^n was himself defeated by the 
 Abbassids at the battle of Z4b; and the center of Moham- 
 medan power was transferred to Bagdad. Again, in 780-781, 
 'Ahmed ibn Tuliin, governor of Egypt, conquered the whole 
 of Syria. The close of the eighth century found Gaza wasted 
 as a result of the constantly recurring conflicts. 
 
 In 767 Mohammed ibn Idris al-Shaffi'i, foimder of one 
 of the four orthodox schools of the Sunnites, was born at 
 Gaza. He was of the Kviraish, probably a descendant of the 
 company of Kuraish merchants which had settled in that 
 city before its capture. He lived till manhood with the Bed- 
 ouin tribe of the Beni-Hudhail, from whom he acquired his 
 pure classical Arabic. In 786 he went to Medina and 
 listened to the teachings of Malik. Because of his intrigues 
 with the 'Alid party, he was summoned to the court of the 
 calif Harun at Rakka. While there, he attended the lectures 
 of Mohammed al-Shaibani. In 804 he went to Egypt and 
 met with a favorable reception there. Later he returned to 
 Bagdad and was quite successful in the teaching of his partic- 
 ular doctrine. He returned to Egypt in 813, made a pil- 
 grimage to Mecca, and died at Old Cairo in 820. Of the one 
 hundred and nine works he published none are now extant, ex- 
 cept a few as yet unpublished manuscripts scattered about 
 in the libraries of Cairo, Constantinople, Leyden, and Berlin.^" 
 He founded what is known as the Eclectic School of jurispru- 
 dence. He attempted to fuse the historical school of Malik 
 and the speculative and more philosophical teaching of Abu 
 Hanifah.^^ 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Bernard, "the wise," who visited the city in 867, described 
 it as "rich in all things." In 985 Mukaddasi ^^ writes of 
 Gaza, that it was one of the chief cities of the district of 
 Filastin, whose capital was at al-Ramleh. (There were then 
 six districts in Syria under the rule of the FEltimite sovereigns 
 of Egypt.) Gaza, together with the rest of Palestine, had 
 given its allegiance in turn to the Ommiads (c. 661-750), to 
 the Abbassids, to the Fatimites (who gained the upper hand 
 in 969), and (to anticipate) finally to the Seljuks (1086), 
 who supplanted all the minor dynasties that had sprung 
 up. At the time of Mukaddasi, Gaza was still a large 
 town, prominent in the Egyptian caravan trade, and famed 
 for its fine mosque and a monument to Omar (no longer ex- 
 isting). The same author speaks of an interesting institution 
 known as "ribat." This was a system of protective towers 
 along the coast. The Byzantines used to come to these towers 
 in ships for the purpose of redeeming captives. When a ship 
 arrived at one of these stations, it was signaled to the capital 
 by means of a chain of beacons. The captives were redeemed 
 at the rate of three for one hundred dinars. Gaza was 
 one of the seven coast stations at which this ransoming took 
 place. 
 
 Gaza played a very minor part in the history of these times. 
 It was passed back and forth, very much as it had been in the 
 days of the rivalry of the Ptolemies and the Seleucidae. In 
 1047 the traveler Nasir-i-Khusrau passed through the city 
 from Askelon on his way to Egypt. Only a few Arabic 
 writers came from Gaza. Prominent among them may be 
 mentioned the poet, Abti Ishak Ibrahim ibn Yahy4 al-Kalbi 
 al-Ghazz), born in 1049. He went to Damascus in 1088 
 and studied law under the famous jurisconsult Nasr al- 
 Makdisi. Later he went to Bagdad and studied in the Niza- 
 miyya college, meanwhile composing elegies and panegyrics. 
 He found much more appreciation in Khurasan, to which place 
 he later migrated. He collected the best of his poems in a 
 volume containing some five thousand lines. He traveled a 
 
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THE MOSLEM CONQUEST 
 
 great deal during the closing years of his life, and died in 1130 
 on the road between Merv and Balkh, being buried in the latter 
 place. ^' 
 
 ' Cf. Napoleon's opfnion of the strategic value of Gaza. ^ I.e. the 
 "Time of Ignorance," the term applied by Arabic authors to pre-Mohamme- 
 dan times, which had not the benefit of the new revelation found in the 
 Koran. ' Al-Ishtakhrl, p. 58; Ibn Haukal, p. 113, quoted by Guy Le 
 Strange, Palestine under the Moslems. * Ibn Saad, ed. E. Mittwoch, pp. 
 43,45. 5 Op. cii., pp. 1083, 1091. According to Ibn Saad, p. 61, Abdallah, 
 the father of Mohammed, was returning from a caravan trip to Gaza when he 
 died in Medina. ° Page 109, ed. De Goeje, Leyden, 1866. ' Quoted 
 by Tabari, p. 1561. ' Eutychius, Annates. Eutychius, known in Arabic 
 as Sa'id ibn al Batrik (876-939), was a Christian physician. He was 
 born at Old Cairo and was a great student of history. He composed a 
 universal history, called Nazm el-Jauhar ("Pearls ranged in order"), which 
 was translated into Latin by E. Pococke. Cf . Huart, History of Arabic Lit- 
 erature, p. 187. » Ibid. " Quoted by Tabari, p. 1563. " Loc. cit. 
 '2 History of the Saracens, p. 12. " Ibid., pp. 19, 20. » p. 109. 
 
 " p. 2396. " Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. pp. 45 sqq. " Tobler, Itine- 
 
 raria Hierosolymitana. '* In dealing with conquered peoples, the Moslem 
 policy was to offer death, tribute, or Islam. Although Christian churches 
 were frequently changed into mosques (cf. The Dome of the Rock of 
 Jerusalem, St. Sophia at Constantinople, and the Great Mosque at Gaza), 
 the policy of the conquerors, except in times of stress, was mild and liberal. 
 The tribute which flowed into the coffers of the Caliphs was not incon- 
 siderable, and the toleration and protection extended to the subject peoples 
 added not a little to the general peace and welfare of their extensive 
 domain. " Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, s.v. Gaza. *" Huart, op. 
 cit., pp. 237 sqq. ^'^Ibid.; also Slane, Ibn Khallikan, s.v. ^^De- 
 
 scription of Palestine. ^' Huart, op. cit., pp. 109, 110. 
 
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PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 1096-1300 
 
 Barely ten years had elapsed after the establishment of 
 the Seljuk power in Syria when the Crusades began to form, 
 which were to pour a flood of Europeans into the Orient for 
 the next three hundred years. Unfortunately the Seljuks 
 were unable to maintain unity among themselves for any length 
 of time; for after the assassination of the vizier Niz^m al-Mulk 
 (1092) the kingdom was subdivided, and the endless conflicts 
 between the petty rivals to thrones and kingdoms once more 
 plunged Syria and Palestine into the horrors of civil war, and 
 made the Moslems an easy prey to the oncoming Crusaders. 
 The jealousies of the various Moslem rulers enabled the Chris- 
 tians to gain a good foothold in the country and to maintain 
 themselves there for many years. It was not till Jerusalem 
 was captured by the Crusaders (1099) that the Moslems 
 awoke to the realization of the invaders' power. 
 
 The First Crusade (1096-99) affected the extreme south 
 of Palestine but little. The farthest point south to which 
 the Christians penetrated was Askelon, at which place they 
 administered a severe defeat to the Egyptians, who retired 
 to their own country. Gaza was thus beyond the range of 
 operations. On the establishment of the Latin kingdom of 
 Jerusalem by the Crusaders, Palestine was divided into a num- 
 ber of feudal fiefs. Gaza fell in the territory of the fief of Ar- 
 souf.' In 1100, as soon as the Christians had firmly established 
 themselves in the land, they advanced to Gaza, and rebuilt 
 the castle on the hill, which they found deserted and fallen 
 
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PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 to ruin. They did not restore the commercial importance of 
 the city; for they made Askelon the chief Christian center 
 in Philistia. Nor did they make much of Gaza as a military 
 station, preferring Darom, immediately to the south, as their 
 outpost towards Egypt. 
 
 By 1118, under Baldwin II., the European conquests in the 
 East reached their utmost bounds; and in 1136 they were 
 effectually checked by the defeat of the Christians by Zengi. 
 Zengi united the scattered parts of the Moslem power, and at 
 his death bequeathed to his son Nureddin a powerful kingdom 
 in Mesopotamia and Syria. The capture of Edessa in 1146 
 by Nureddin gave rise to the second Crusade (1147-49). This 
 crusade, so fruitless for the Franks, hardly affected Palestine 
 proper. However, Baldwin III. (1143-62) is found restoring 
 part of the wall of Gaza in 1149.^ His object was to check 
 the Egyptian garrison in the neighborhood, and to put a stop 
 to its almost daily incursions into the territory of the kingdom 
 of Jerusalem and plimderings on the caravan route. The 
 work was carried out by his brother Amaury (Almarich), who 
 practically rebuilt and fortified the city, and then turned it 
 over to the care of the Knights Templars, who erected the 
 Church of St. John the Baptist, the present mosque.^ The 
 Mohammedan traveler Idrlsi (1154) mentions Gaza as a very 
 populous station and as in the hands of the Crusaders.^ In 
 March, 1158, the Egyptians, under Dirghdm, won a decided 
 victory over the Franks at or near Gaza.^ In 1165 a holy war 
 was preached by the Sunnee Califs of Bagdad, and Shirkuh 
 and Saladin, the Kurd, were ordered by their master, Nured- 
 din, to proceed to Egypt. Shawir, the vizier of Egypt, con- 
 veyed information of this to Amaury (1162-73), who sent the 
 Christian army to Gaza to watch the Syrian advance; for the 
 Christians had made an alliance with Egypt." 
 
 Saladin soon conquered Egypt, and then turned his atten- 
 tion to Syria. In 1170 he attacked Gaza, and razed part of 
 the city : but he was unable to force the citadel, which was 
 defended by Milon de Plausy. By 1173 Saladin, taking advan- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 tage of the dissensions again prevalent among the Christians, 
 had made himself master of Syria also and thus became a serious 
 menace to the little kingdom of Jerusalem. Gaza was visited 
 in 1172 by Theodoric, who states that it was then called 
 "Gazara";' but this rests upon an old confusion due to the 
 similarity of the two names. 
 
 In a curious communication of the year 1173, addressed 
 by Joubert, Grand Master of the Hospitallers, — which corps 
 of knights had received Gaza from the Templars,' — ^to Meletus 
 the Syrian, of the monastery of St. George, Greek archbishop 
 of Gaza and Eleutheropolis, some interesting facts are pre- 
 served. It is related that "Eleutheropolis" was a recent 
 addition to the title of the bishop of Gaza; that at this time 
 the city of Gaza was in the hands of the Moslems ; that when- 
 ever the Crusaders took a city they replaced the Greek priests 
 with Latins; that many of the Greek priests were serving at 
 Gaza and Jerusalem in menial positions; and, finally, that 
 Meletu?, after treating with the Hospitallers for the retention 
 of his monastery for life, affiliated with their order." 
 
 In 1187 Saladin administered a severe defeat to the Christians 
 at Kurn Hattin in Galilee, having been drawn into the conflict 
 by some slight breach of truce by Guy of Lusignan, king of 
 Jerusalem. He followed up this victory by the conquest of 
 all Palestine, including Jerusalem. Gaza opened its gates and 
 submitted to his rule. 
 
 The Third Crusade (1189-91) followed upon this capture 
 of Jerusalem ; and under Frederick Barbarossa, Philip Augustus 
 of France, and Richard Coeur de Lion, the most brilliant of all 
 the conflicts between the Moslem and the Christian in Palestine 
 was waged. The advantages won by the Christians were slight 
 — the permission for pilgrims to visit Jerusalem, and the pos- 
 session of a narrow strip of the coastland. In 1191, after 
 the capture of Acre, a great part of Saladin's armies having 
 been destroyed, he despaired of being able to defend the other 
 coast cities, among them being Gaza. Richard took and re- 
 paired the latter and gave it to the Templars, to whose care 
 
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PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 it had formerly been intrusted. But the treaty between 
 Richard and Saladin, concluded when the Crusaders saw there 
 was no chance of their capturing Jerusalem, stipulated that 
 Gaza, among many other places, should be dismantled.*" The 
 terms of the treaty were carried out; and it is very likely that 
 the great heaps seen to-day about the central eminence of the 
 city represent the old walls of the Crusading period. 
 
 Toward the end of the twelfth and at the beginning of the 
 thirteenth century, Gaza was visited by a number of pilgrims; 
 Al-Herewy," Gunther of Paris,'^ who, in his "De Solymariis," 
 speaks of Gaza as "perfida," with reference to the Samson 
 legends, and Abu al-Fid£i," who speaks of it as a city of medium 
 size, with gardens of great extent. He mentions the palms 
 and the vines, and notices the ridge of sand-dunes between 
 the city and the shore. He says that there was a small castle 
 dominating the city. In 1217 the Hebrew poet Al-Harizi 
 also paid the city a visit." A little earlier (c. 1200) Amaury, 
 brother of Simon de Montfort, was a prisoner there. In 1222-23, 
 it is recorded that the Emir Sanjar al-Jaw&ly ('Alam al-Din Abu 
 Sa'id) who was mukaddam (ruler) of Syria, inspector of the two 
 Harams, and nd'ib (governor) of Jerusalem, Hebron, and Gaza, 
 built a race-course at the last-named city. He highly favored 
 Gaza, made it a flourishing town again, and built a bath, a 
 mosque, a madrasah (college), a khan, a mdristan (hospital), 
 and a castle for the city.*^ 
 
 The fourth (1201-4) and the fifth (1228-29) crusades added 
 little to the glory of the Christians or to the advancement of 
 the cause of the Cross. Palestine was scarcely affected by 
 them. In 1239 Thibaut I., king of Navarre, who led an abor- 
 tive expedition to gain a foothold for France in this country, 
 received a severe defeat at the hands of the Moslems near Gaza. 
 His generals, the duke of Burgundy and the count of Bar, 
 by losing the battle, also lost for the Christians all the tem- 
 porary advantages which Frederick II. had gained by obtain- 
 ing possession of Jerusalem in 1229.*° An interesting side hght 
 is thrown upon upon the internal affairs of the Christian sects 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 in Palestine by the following incident. In 1235, Cyril, son 
 of Laklak, Jacobite patriarch of Alexandria, was thrown into 
 prison. In 1239, he was released under certain conditions, among 
 them this: that the metropolitan of Jerusalem, recently ap- 
 pointed by Cyril, should acquire no authority beyond Gaza, 
 which was the boundary of Egyptian authority." 
 
 Meanwhile a new power was appearing in the Orient. The 
 Kharezmians, a Tartar tribe from the east of the Caspian Sea, 
 began to devastate Syria in the year 1240. They settled at 
 first in northern Syria, but were driven toward the south, and 
 captured Jerusalem. These wild soldiers had been invited 
 to aid the Egyptians in their wars with the Syrians ; and they 
 proved themselves a terrible scourge to all who met them. 
 The Templars and the forces of the Emir Malik al-Manstir of 
 Emessa, encountered the combined forces of the Egyptians 
 and their allies at Gaza on Oct. 17, 1244. During the battle 
 the Hospitallers, under Walter of Brienne, count of Jaffa, 
 were on the left; the Templars together with the Patriarch 
 and the Holy Cross, which accompanied them into battle, held 
 the center; and the right was intrusted to the Moslems under 
 Mansur. After two days of sharp fighting, the Christians and 
 their allies were completely defeated, being driven back with a 
 loss of about thirty thousand men. Only the Patriarch, the 
 prince of Tyre, three Teutonic Knights, twenty-six Hospitallers, 
 and thirty-three Templars escaped. The Egyptians overran 
 Palestine; and the Kharezmians devastated the Jordan valley 
 and the plains of Askelon.'* 
 
 At about this time (1250) the first Mameluke dynasty was 
 founded in Egypt by Eibek, known also as Al-Malik al-Mu'izz. 
 He had to undergo many conflicts with Malik al-Nasir of Da- 
 mascus, a descendant of Saladin, for the possession of Syria. 
 In August, 1250, Nasir besieged Gaza, Eibek sent his general 
 Aktai to relieve the city. A victory over the Syrians at 'Ab- 
 basa gave the Egyptians courage; and Aktai was urged to 
 press the siege. He succeeded in doing this by February, 
 1251, and turned over Gaza and all the coast of Palestine to 
 
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PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 his master Mu'izz." The son of Ndsir, Saladin Ytisuf, had 
 tried to obtain Egypt for his own. He succeeded in obtaining 
 possession of the maritime territory as far as Gaza; but here 
 he was met and defeated by Eibek's forces under Aktai, who 
 compelled him to retreat from Gaza and give up all the coast 
 as far as Nabllis. Hostilities might have continued indefi- 
 nitely, had not the calif intervened and arranged a peace be- 
 tween the combatants, the attention of all being demanded 
 by the approach of a new and terrible enemy, the Mongols. 
 These had already put an end to the rule of the califs at Bagdad 
 (1253-58) and were now advancing threateningly toward 
 Syria and the South. This led Mu'izz and Nasir to contract 
 a treaty uti possidetis in April, 1253.^" They had already 
 concluded treaties of peace with their Christian neighbors 
 in 1250 ; ^^ and in 1256 the treaty between the Egyptians and 
 the Syrians was renewed.^^ By 1260 the Mongols under Hti- 
 lagu had penetrated as far as Gaza, devastating the country 
 as they advanced. From Gaza, Hulagli sent an embassy . to 
 Kutuz, sultan of Egypt, demanding his submission.^' The 
 sultan cut off the messenger's head, and sent his general, Bei- 
 bars, against the Mongols. Hulagti was recalled by the death 
 of the Mongol emperor, and left his army before Gaza with 
 his general, Ketboga, who gave battle to the Egyptians. Bei- 
 bars drove the Mongols out of Gaza and again defeated them 
 at Beisan (Scythopolis) . On his return from the wars with 
 the Mongols Kutuz was assassinated by his emirs, and Beibars 
 was chosen as his successor .^^ 
 
 Beibars, with a view to the maintenance of the integrity of his 
 kingdom, now entered upon a series of wars against the Mongols 
 and the Christians, which made the history of his reign one long 
 record of military expeditions : hardly a year passed, up to the 
 time of his death (1277), that he did not personally under- 
 take some campaign. On his way to do battle with the Chris- 
 tians, Beibars passed through Gaza in 1263,^^ and again in 
 1265 (Feb. 9).^" He returned to Cairo by way of Gaza 
 later in the same year, and celebrated a triumph at Cairo on 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 May 22." In April, 1266,^* he led another campaign against 
 the Christians ; and in March of the following year, he returned 
 to Syria with a further one.^° This time, he was met at Gaza 
 by the Christian envoys, bearing presents, and with a large num- 
 ber of Moslem prisoners for exchange. In 1268 '" he set out on 
 another successful expedition against the Christians at Shakif 
 (Beaufort), by way of Gaza; and finally, in February, 1269, he 
 left Cairo and proceeded via Gaza for Arsouf and Damascus." 
 
 After the death of Beibars, his son ruled for two years, when 
 the throne was seized by the powerful emir Kilawiin, 1279. This 
 Kilawun has perpetuated his memory in an inscription over the 
 door of the Great Mosque at Gaza.'^ On June 19, 1280, Kilawun 
 marched against the Mongols and encamped at Gaza for fifty 
 days.^^ When news of their advance reached him, he returned to 
 Egypt. Later in the same year (Oct. 29), a battle took place 
 between the Mongols and the Egyptians and their allies at Hims 
 (Emessa). The Egyptian left was badly defeated, but the right 
 and center pressed forward and turned the fortune of the day. 
 The sultan followed the retreating Mongols with his Mamelukes 
 and seriously harassed them, inflicting heavy loss. Thus defeat 
 was turned into victory, and the Egyptian left, which had fled 
 to Damascus, Safed, and Gaza, was put to shame by reason of 
 its precipitate flight.'^ The Egyptian sultan, Malik Nasir Mo- 
 hammed ibn Kilawtin (1293-1340), made Gaza a separate gov- 
 ernment and set up a naib (governor) there, who had the title 
 Malik al-umara (" King of the Emirs ").^^ Prior to this, Gaza 
 had been a village of the territory of Ramleh. In 1299 Gaza was 
 the center of a conspiracy against the sultan of Egypt, which 
 was detected and crushed ; '" and in the same year, Moulay and 
 thirty thousand soldiers laid waste the whole country from Jeru- 
 salem to Gaza." This year found the last of the Frank strong- 
 holds, Acre (Acco), in Moslem hands ; and from this time onward 
 there were no further pretensions to European domination in the 
 Orient till the rise of Napoleon. The last two Crusades (1248-54 ; 
 1270-72), not to mention numerous minor ones, came to naught, 
 and added nothing to the power of the Christians in the Orient. 
 
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 DimashkJ,^' who flourished at the beginning of the fourteenth 
 century, gives interesting information about the city of Gaza. 
 He states that from the time of Saladin, Syria had been divided 
 into nine maml&kS,t (kingdoms). South of the kingdom of Da- 
 mascus was Gaza. " It is a city," he says, " so rich in trees that it 
 looks Uke a cloth of brocade spread out on the land." To the 
 kingdom of Gaza were accounted Askelon, Jaffa, Csesarea, Ar- 
 souf , Darum, and Al-Arish ^° of the coast cities. Of the towns 
 between the coast and the mountains belonging at times to 
 Gaza were Tell al-Safiyeh, Karatayj^a, Bait Jibrail (Beit Jibrin), 
 Madinat Khalil (Hebron), Bait al-Mukaddas (Jerusalem), though 
 each of these had its own governor. Gaza marks the extreme 
 boundary of the mild climate, and is the last town in Palestine 
 toward Egypt in the country of Jif^r. 
 
 The anonymous Masalik al-Absar dates from this same period 
 (1301). This author gives some general information about the 
 city, but adds nothing new to what has already been said. His 
 notes on the local government are, however, of decided value : 
 they have been abstracted by the author of the Diwan alinsha, 
 quotations from whom are given here. The city of Gaza was 
 under the rule of the n&'ib of Syria, but had a government of its 
 own. The nd'ib of Gaza was sometimes called "The commander 
 of the Army." He was presented at his induction into office 
 with special robes of honor, and a special commission. Among 
 the military officers of the city may be mentioned the following : 
 (1) Ha jib Kebir; (2) Mihamander, two in number, of whom one 
 was named by the sultan; (3) Nakib alnokaba, who was named 
 by the sultan ; (4) Shad al-dawanin (inspector of bureaus) ; and 
 (5) Emir akhor alberid (chief of the port, though of late the post 
 no longer existed). The walis of the city, and the country 
 were named by the nd'ib. Those of Gaza included the follow- 
 ing : (1) a Cadi Shafi'i; (2) a Cadi Hanefi; (3) a Cadi Maliki — 
 one for each sect; (4) a Wakil beit almdl, a treasury agent; 
 and (5) a Mohtesib.*" Among the administrative officers were a 
 Katib derj (secretary) and a Nader jeisch (an inspector of troops) . 
 There was formerly a vizier ; but the post had been suppressed. 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 In 1310 Gaza was one of -the places which returned to their 
 allegiance to the legitimist, Nasir, who had exiled himself to 
 Kerak. At Gaza he drove back the troops of Beibars II., who 
 had been sent against him. Beibars submitted to Nasir, but, 
 being in doubt as to the intentions of the latter, fled to Gaza, 
 where he was made prisoner." 
 
 ' Conder, Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, p. 78. ' Jacques de Vitry, 
 History of Jerusalem, xl. ' Conder, op. cit., p. 137. ■* Conder, op. cit., 
 p. 122. 5 Quoted by Le Strange, loc. cit. : "Gaza is to-day very popu- 
 
 lous and in the hands of the Christians. The port of Gaza is called Tida 
 or Taida." ° Stanley Lane-Poole, History of Egypt, The Middle Ages, 
 
 p. 175. ' Description of the Holy Places, xxxvi. * Conder, op. cit., 
 p. 202. ° Archives de la Society de I'Orient Latin, i. pp. 410, 413, 414. 
 '" Jacques de Vitry, op. cit., xcix. " Archives de I'Orient Latin, i. pp. 608, 
 609. '2 Ibid., p. 559. " Quoted by Guy Le Strange, loc. cit. » Ar- 
 chives de I'Orient Latin, i. p. 239. '^ Makrizi, Khitat, ii. 397, quoted 
 by Ganneau, Arch. Researches, ii. 389 sqq. " Conder, op. cit., p. 315. 
 '' Renaudot Historia Patriarchorum Alexandrinorum Jacobitarum, Paris, 
 1713, p. 581. '* Conder, op. cit., p. 317. " Archives de I'Orient Latin, i. 
 p. 635. ^° Lane-Poole, pp. 257,258. " Archives de I'Orient Latin, ii. p. 370. 
 22 Ibid. 23 /t,irf._ i; p. 636. ^4 Lane-Poole, p. 261. ^s Archives de I'Orient 
 Latin, ii. p. 372. 2" Ibid., p. 377. " j;,^^^ p 381. 28 md_^ ^ 332. 
 "> Ibid., p. 387. 30 /^j^^ p 339. 31 ihid., p. 395. ^^ cf ^^fra, chapter on 
 Inscriptions, especially the communication from Van Berchem. '^ Ar- 
 chives de I'Orient Latin, i. p. 638. 3"' Ibid., p. 640. ^s Makrizi, loc. cit. 
 ■?" Archives de I'Orient Latin, i. p. 644. " Ibid., p. 647. '* Quoted by 
 Le Strange, p. 40. '° This place has come into prominence recently in 
 connection with the dispute between the sultan of Turkey and the English 
 government of Egypt, as regards the boundary line between the two coun- 
 tries. It is the site of the ancient Rhinocolura. "' The commissioner of 
 markets, weights, measures, and public morals. ■" Lane-Poole, loc. cit. 
 
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CHAPTER X 
 
 THE TURKISH PERIOD 
 1300-1900 
 
 Now follows a period of but little interest in Palestine. The 
 rivalry of the Mamelukes and the other native princes continues 
 incessantly; but there is hardly one sultan worthy of note or 
 even of passing comment. The records are little more than a 
 continuous recital of notices of Gaza by pilgrims and travelers 
 from western Europe. Political considerations do not enter into 
 their remarks. The center of their interest is mainly religious. 
 Some visit Gaza because of its traditional association with the 
 flight of the Holy Family to Egypt ; others for its legendary con- 
 nection with Samson; others again merely as a station on their 
 journey to or from Sinai, or on the road from Cairo to Jerusalem, 
 or vice versa. Pilgrims landed at Jaffa or at Alexandria. If at 
 the latter point, they proceeded to Cairo, the starting-place of 
 the caravans, and thence across the desert to Gaza and the 
 Holy Land. Occasional political remarks vary the monotony 
 of this period; but they are from outside sources. The safe- 
 conduct assured to pilgrims encouraged their visits to the holy 
 places ; and the works they have left are legion, though too often 
 but the merest sketches of the journeys, and of the holy places 
 visited. 
 
 Buchard of Mt. Zion' (1280) begins the list of the visitors to 
 Gaza. He merely repeats the old confusion of the name with 
 that of Gazara. Marino Sanuto (1321), in his "Secrets of True 
 Crusaders," ^ shows Gaza on his map (square 77), and locates it 
 in his text with reference to Askelon, Darom, etc. Maundeville 
 (1322) gives it as four days' journey from Acco, and says of the 
 
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 city that it was "fair and full of people." Wilhelm von Bol- 
 denselle ^ (1333) visited the city on his way to Sinai. Ludolphus 
 de Sudheim (1347), in his "De Itinera Terre Sancte," * mentions 
 it as the only one of the Philistine cities not in ruins, and as 
 "well inhabited." He associates it with the Samson cycle, and 
 mentions the distance of the city from Acco, and its being on 
 the road to both Cairo and Sinai. About the same time, Ru- 
 dolph de Fraymensburg and Jacque de Verone,^ went from 
 Gaza to Sinai and thence to Cairo. They give the distance 
 between Cairo and Gaza as seven days' journey. They associate 
 Gaza with the Flight to Egypt. 
 
 In 1355 Gaza was visited by the Mohammedan traveler Ibn 
 Batutah,* who speaks of it as "large and populous, with many 
 mosques, and no walls." He says (incorrectly) that the mosque 
 was built by the Emir Jfiwaly ' and mentions its beautiful white 
 marble pulpit. In 1376 Hans von Bodeman and Diethelungen 
 der Schilter * visited Gaza on their way from Cairo to Jerusalem. 
 Of this period is preserved a document ° of some little interest 
 giving the terms of the contracts drawn up between the pilgrims 
 and the dragomans. For the journey to Sinai, the dragoman 
 promised to furnish the pilgrim with his company, to pay all 
 tributes and customs as far as Gaza, to provide an ass and a 
 Christian mukari (mule driver) for each, to provide all food 
 except wine as far as Gaza, camels in Gaza for the further trip, 
 and a substitute as far as Cairo. For this each pilgrim was to 
 pay twenty-three ducats, one-half at Jerusalem and one-half 
 at Gaza before the desert trip. 
 
 Of the internal affairs of the city during all this time very little 
 is known. Only an occasional reference to such matters is 
 found in Arabic authors; e.g. in the year 1381 (784 a.h.) it is re- 
 corded that Muwaflfik al-Din-Ajamt, a sufi of the monastery of 
 Sheikhun, was named Haniflte Cadi of Gaza. He was the first 
 Hanifite in Gaza. About this same time, the n&'ib of Gaza, Emir 
 Akboga Safawi, plotted treason against Sultan Barkuk of Egypt. 
 He was detected, exiled to Kerak, and replaced by Hus^m al- 
 Din ibn Bakish. Soon after, the place fell into the hands of 
 
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 Ilboga Ndsiri, who revolted against Barkuk. Ilboga won a 
 bloodless victory here, as, when he approached Gaza, Husdm 
 came out to meet him with gifts and proposals of peace. In 
 1388 died the famous Emir Ytinus, whose khan, just south of 
 Gaza, was a well-known station on the journey through the des- 
 ert. Meanwhile Barkuk, who had been unseated, regained his 
 throne; and the first city he took after this event, in order to 
 win back his Syrian possessions, was Gaza (1389)." In 1399- 
 1400 the army of Timur devastated Syria ; and this country was 
 added to his already vast possessions. He was diverted from 
 his campaign in Syria, by his larger designs against India. Mean- 
 while Barkuk died (1399). His successor, Faraj, waged war 
 against the Mongols, but with little success. At the moment 
 when Timur had him at his mercy, the latter died (1405) without 
 ever having entered Egypt or exercised even a nominal sovereignty 
 over it. There is no record that Timur penetrated as far south 
 as Gaza. 
 
 The closing years of Faraj 's reign were made miserable by 
 the attempt of various Mamelukes to overthrow him. The two 
 emirs, Shaikh al-Mahm<idi and Nawruz at Damascus, were par- 
 ticularly violent in their opposition. Faraj surrendered to 
 Nawruz and was treacherously put to death (1412)." The 
 next sultan, Mustaein, was a mere "dummy," and in the few 
 months of his reign the two great emirs tried to settle who 
 was master, meanwhile upsetting all of Syria.^^ Mahmudi 
 succeeded in having himself made sultan in 1412 with the 
 name of Mu'ayyid. During these struggles Gaza was in the 
 hands of Nawruz in 1405; but later it again fell into the pos- 
 session of the Egyptians. This year was also marked by a 
 severe pestilence in the city, which decimated the inhabitants.*' 
 In 1419 occurred the death of Shihab al-Din Ahmad ibn Ab- 
 dallah, a native of Gaza and a prominent advocate of the doc- 
 trines of al-Shafi'i." 
 
 John Poloner (1421) mentions Gaza in his "Description 
 of the Holy Land"; and Antoninus de Cremona, about the 
 same time, says that he spent fifteen days in the desert between 
 
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 Gaza and Sinai. In 1432 Betraudon de la Brocquerie/^ after 
 praising the fine situation of the city, complains of the harsh 
 treatment which the pilgrims received there. He himself 
 was arrested three times for wearing his sword (this, no doubt, 
 being permitted only to Moslems), and because of quarrels 
 with his mukari; it would have gone hard with him had not 
 the governor been set upon doing justice. He cites a case 
 in which pilgrims were made to pay five ducats for an ass, while 
 others could secure one for two ducats. In 1433 the city was 
 visited by Philip von Katzenellenbogen ^° on his way to Sinai 
 from Jerusalem; and later (1460) the author of "Descriptio 
 Parrochiffi Jerusalem," '' mentions Gaza as being situated 
 in the archbishopric of Csesarea. On the other hand, the Rus- 
 sian merchant Basil,'* who visited the city in 1465-66, states 
 that it belonged to the see of Jerusalem. He adds that the 
 city was near the Mer Blanche, no . doubt being influenced to 
 give this name to the Mediterranean in contrast to the Mer 
 Rouge. The church was dedicated to the "Very Pure {i.e. 
 the Holy Virgin)," and the name of the then metropolitan 
 was Michael. Christians were numerous at that time in Gaza 
 according to this traveler. Tucher, Rieter, and Spiegel (1479) 
 and Bernhardt von Breitenbach "" (1483) were among the 
 less important pilgrims of this period. 
 
 In 1481 the city was visited by Meshullam of Volterra,^" 
 an Italian Jew, whose account of the city at this period is very 
 interesting. His descriptions vividly portray the life of the 
 times; and they are filled with interesting details of the state 
 of the country at the close of the fifteenth century, just before 
 the advent to power of the Ottoman Turks. The following 
 quotation is from his itinerary : — 
 
 " We [i.e. he and his companions with whom he had crossed the 
 desert from Cairo] left Khan Yunus [a desert station, south of Gaza] 
 Wednesday, July 21, and proceeded toward Gaza. About a mile 
 from that city we heard that the Syrians [meaning the Arabs of 
 Syria] had spread over the land, so that no one dared leave his 
 house ; that they had killed three men about a mile from Gaza, 
 
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 and had captured two camels laden with merchandise. When we 
 heard this we were greatly frightened till we came to a place 
 where we heard the road was safe. We were told we could not 
 leave Gaza till a company of 4Q00 or 5000 men should have been 
 gathered together with whom we could travel. But, praise be to 
 God ! we arrived at the city in safety. When we reached Gaza 
 we saw a khan called Elhyonos, where the caravans stopped in- 
 stead of in camps. There was a great courtyard, and men were 
 standing about under the sheds which surrounded the court. We 
 saw that all the places were filled, for all the caravans had stopped 
 in the city on account of the disturbances. There ere then in 
 Gaza more than 7000 men and 10,000 camels bound for Damas- 
 cus. We put up at a nearby inn called Yeroka, and learned that 
 all the city was in great excitement because the nd'ib was pro- 
 ceeding against the Bedouins to assist the nd'ib of Ramleh, the 
 Bedouins having attacked Ramleh and burned parts of it. . . . 
 The Arabs call the city Gaza. It is a goodly and praiseworthy 
 land, and its fruist are very well spoken of. Good bread and wine 
 are to be had there. The latter is made only by the Jews.^' The 
 circuit of the city is four miles; but it has no wall. It is situated 
 about six miles (somewhat exaggerated) from the sea, built partly 
 upon a hill and partly in the valley. The inhabitants are numerous, 
 including sixty Jewish and four Samaritan families. These live 
 on the slope of the hill." 
 
 * 
 
 He then mentions the house of Delilah and the temple of 
 Dagon, whose ruins are pointed out to visitors, and continues :— 
 
 " The emir of Gaza, as mentioned above, went out to aid the 
 emir of Ramleh. He sent the heads of eleven Arabs, stuck upon 
 spears, to Gaza. He proceeded toward Ramleh, and on the very 
 same day the Bedouins fell upon him and killed all the troops of 
 the nd'ib of Gaza, numbering about 23,000 men. None escaped 
 but the emir and one hundred horsemen, and had not another 
 troop of Bedouins come to his aid — the latter hate each other 
 fiercely — -he too would have been killed. He returned to Gaza in 
 deep mourning. All the roads were very dangerous, and we knew 
 not what to do. In Gaza there are about fifty ^^ Jewish families, 
 most of whom are artisans. Some of them are highly respected. 
 
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 They have a beautiful httle synagogue, and own vineyards and 
 fields and houses. They have already begun to make wine. 
 They honored me greatly, especially R. Moses ben R. Judah, a 
 Sephardi, who was a goldsmith. . . . The Jews live in the upper 
 city.^^ The house of Delilah is shown in the Jewish quarters." 
 
 Meshullam^* remained in Gaza till Monday, July 27, when 
 he left for Jerusalem. 
 
 Two years later (1483) Felix Fabri visited the city. He 
 gives an interesting account of his experience there, recording 
 how the captains of the pilgrims, with whom he was at Jaffa, 
 quarreled, and how the Moors threatened to send them to 
 Gazara (by which name he constantly refers to Gaza) as pris- 
 oners, awaiting the disposition of the sultan, if they did not im- 
 prove their behavior." He also describes their departure from 
 Bethlehem; and how they "went on till we came to the parting 
 of the ways, where one road goes down to the right across 
 the plain into Palestine, towards Gazara. . . . Another way 
 leads to the left into the hill-country to Hebron. From He- 
 bron, it fetches about and leads down into the plain-country 
 of Palestine to Gazara. This route to Gazara, by the left- 
 hand road, is two German miles the shorter." His observa- 
 tions on the roads to Gaza are borne out by modern travelers 
 as approximately correct. Arriving at Gaza towards night- 
 fall, they feared to enter the city by daylight ^^ lest they should 
 be tormented by the little Moslem boys, who threw stones at 
 them and broke their wine-jars. They therefore camped 
 outside the city, without any fire, till night. Fabri's party 
 almost came to grief owing to illnesses which laid hold of 
 them. Many wished to turn back; the others quarreled 
 among themselves as to the course to be pursued. Finally 
 all agreed to continue on their way through the wilderness 
 and to support each other under all circumstances." Figs 
 were very abundant; and Fabri tells how he was poisoned 
 through eating some. The Greek Catholics refused to allow 
 a Latin mass in their church. The ruins of the temple of Dagon 
 
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THE TURKISH PERIOD 
 
 were pointed out to them, and the gates of the city which Sam- 
 son had carried away. Near the gate is a mosque which marks 
 the site of the inn in which Samson was entertained by Dehlah. 
 Fabri makes the striking statement ^* that Gaza was then 
 the chief city of Palestine, and twice as large as Jerusalem. 
 "It is populous and flourishing; and all things needful for 
 human life are abundant and cheap. There is a great palm- 
 grove around the city. The houses are wretched and made 
 of mud [as to-day]; but the mosques and baths are costly. 
 The city is without walls, but there are numerous towers in it. 
 The town is a German mile [about correct] from the sea, and 
 at night the sound of the waves is audible." There were many 
 merchants at Gaza, and at that time it still was a cosmopolitan 
 city ; for Fabri mentions Ethiopians, Arabs, Egyptians, Syrians, 
 Indians, Jews, and Eastern Christians as among the inhabit- 
 ants of the city. But, he adds: "There are no Latin Chris- 
 tians here. The people in general are well disposed toward 
 the pilgrims." This is quite likely to have been the case; 
 for Gaza was the provisioning-point for the desert, either com- 
 ing or going, and native sagacity would suggest that prospective 
 buyers be well treated. It is stated that there were large 
 numbers of sick persons in the city in 1486, owing to the great 
 heat and the prevalence of fever.^' 
 
 In 1488 the city was visited by the Jewish rabbi and author, 
 Obadiah of Bertinoro. He was entertained by a German 
 Jew, Moses of Prague, who had fled to Gaza from Jerusalem 
 to escape petty persecution. On the Sabbath of his so- 
 journ there, Obadiah dined with a large company of his 
 coreligionists.^" The end of the century is marked by the 
 visit of Brocardius; and during a visit to the Orient (1496- 
 99) Arnold von Harff was imprisoned at Gaza for three 
 weeks." 
 
 The year 1496 witnessed a battle at Gaza between the rival 
 emirs, Akberdy and Kansowah Khamsieh. Khamsieh had 
 usurped the throne of Egypt in accordance with the prevail- 
 ing policy of the Mamelukes, but failed in his attack upon 
 
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 the citadel of Cairo. He fled to Palestine, and made his last 
 stand at Gaza, but with no success.^^ 
 
 The beginning of the sixteenth century saw the power of 
 the Ottoman Turks well established throughout Asia Minor 
 and in southeastern Europe. They coveted the possession 
 of Egypt; and, though for a time they had been nominal vas- 
 sals of the Mameluke sultans, they were now openly their rivals. 
 The Mamelukes had almost run their course in Egypt. More 
 and more their rulers became mere puppets in the hands of 
 the court cabal, and held less and less of real ' power. They 
 had lost everything except their reputations as patrons of art 
 and learning. Fearing the power of the Turks, the Egyptians 
 posted an army near the border of Syria to watch their advance. 
 Selim II. regarded this as a hostile move on the part of the 
 Egyptians. Acting on the advice of his vizier, Selim advanced 
 into Syria and gave battle to the Mameluke army near Aleppo. 
 The Egyptians suffered a terrible defeat and withdrew. Selim 
 followed up his success, and pressed on through Syria to Gaza. 
 An army imder Yan Berdy set out on Dec. 17, 1516, from 
 Cairo for the relief of Gaza ; but it moved too late to be of any 
 assistance to the city.^' A false rumor shortly after spread 
 through the city that the Egyptian army had been victorious 
 in a fray with the Turks. The inhabitants thereupon arose 
 and massacred the Turkish garrison; but, to their sorrow, 
 it was soon learned that the rumor was unfoimded. Selim 
 ordered large numbers of the citizens slain as an act of retalia- 
 tion.^* A final battle was fought in the neighborhood of 
 Cairo, with the same result as the previous ones, and Egypt 
 became a Turkish province. The Othmans now ruled the 
 whole Mohammedan world, and added the religious title of 
 "Khalifah" to the others of worldly power and dominion which 
 they enjoyed. 
 
 Gaza was visited in 1507-8 by Martin von Baumgarten.'^ 
 About this time (1523) David Reubeni traveled from Cairo 
 to Gaza with a party of merchants, among whom was one 
 Abraham Dumatz of Beirut; at Gaza he lodged with Rabbi 
 
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 Daniel, the richest Jew in the city.^° Reubeni was an Arabian 
 Jewish adventurer (1490-1535) who came to western Europe 
 with a supposed mission to the Pope. He endeavored to in- 
 terest his western coreUgionists in the supposed lost tribes 
 and to arouse interest in the establishment of a Jewish quasi- 
 Messianic kingdom.^^ 
 
 In 1548 the city is mentioned by Pierre Belon/^ who 
 praises its fruits; in 1561, by Emanuel Oertel and David Fur- 
 tenbach;^" in 1565, by Johann Helffrich;" in 1598, by Frei- 
 herr Christopher Harant von Polschiz and Wesenz ; " toward 
 the end of the sixteenth century, by Ghillebert de Lannoy ; *^ 
 in 1601, by Henry Timberlake ; '^ in 1604, by Sebastian Schach ; " 
 in 1606, by Cyprianus Eichovius ; " and in 1625, by Friederich 
 Eckher am Kaempfing and Karl von Gruenning.^" The last- 
 mentioned two were arrested at Gaza on their way to Syria 
 for trying to evade the customs, and were fined one thousand 
 piasters each. In 1641-42 Gaza was visited by the Jew Samuel 
 ben David, a Karaite,^' who speaks of it as "a beautiful city, 
 wherein the Jews have a synagogue, a bath, and a khan." He 
 says there were about one hundred shops kept by Jews who 
 dealt in food and merchandise. In 1654r-55 the city was visited 
 by Moses ben Elijah,*^ the Levite, who identified Gaza with 
 Ramleh — an identification for which there appears to be no 
 basis. In 1659 Fra Juan Bautista visited the city.^" 
 
 About 1660 a new era of prosperity set in for Gaza, under 
 the beneficent rule of Hussein Pasha. At that time the Che- 
 valier D'Arvieux,^" who resided at Sidon as a quasi-French 
 consul, visited Gaza; and Pater Morone, who was interested 
 in local antiquities, kept him company.^^ Hussein Pasha had 
 borrowed a large sum from the French in order to meet the 
 heavy imposts levied on the city by Hassan Aga, the governor 
 of Sidon. The commerce of the city had fallen off to such an 
 extent that it took a longer period to repay the loan than had 
 been expected. When pressed to pay (1659) Hussein made 
 great efforts to meet the demand. He proceeded to Rama 
 (Ramleh?), where he was met by D'Arvieux and his companions; 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 and the money was paid over. The French presented the pasha 
 with rich presents of cloth and robes.^^ D'Arvieux then went 
 to visit the pasha at Gaza. There he was lodged at the house 
 of the latter's secretary, one Assalan, who was the son of Greek 
 Catholic parents, but had been compelled to become a Moslem.^' 
 Hussein was very popular with the Arab chiefs who came 
 daily to his court to pay their respects." He had succeeded 
 his father as pasha, the office apparently being hereditary in 
 his family .^^ His influence over the restless Arabs was very 
 marked; they ceased their raids and plundering expeditions 
 into the land; and all things prospered under his rule. Hus- 
 sein was a native of the country, and a man of sterling character. 
 He was friendly to the Christians, especially to the French; 
 honest and reliable in all he did and said; and famed for his 
 charities and his hospitality. He was very friendly to the 
 religious orders in his territory, exempting all that they im- 
 ported from the usual customs duties and even allowing the 
 members to repair their churches and to build hospices.^" He 
 gave permission to those residing at Gaza to erect a church 
 on the site of the temple of Dagon, which had been destroyed 
 by Samson." His son Ibrahim was pasha of Jerusalem.^^ 
 In 1663 Hussein was ordered to assist the emir Tur Bey in his 
 war upon the Arabs of the White Banner, who were then in rebel- 
 lion. From this war he was ordered home in disgrace.^" He 
 was then commanded to appear at Constantinople; and there 
 his enemies succeeded in having him executed for alleged Chris- 
 tianizing tendencies. His brother M<isa was appointed his 
 successor.*" Musa was. kind and friendly by disposition, but, 
 remembering the fate of his brother, he inaugurated a severe 
 and stern regime, whose harsh effects the French were quick 
 to notice. The inscription over the small mihrab in the Great 
 Mosque was set up by Musa Pasha in the year 1663. 
 
 D'Arvieux gives the following account of the Gaza of his 
 visit: Gaza was the capital of the province of Palestine, and 
 its pasha was ruler of the land." The city was without walls, 
 but was protected by a series of earth mounds, which were 
 
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THE TURKISH PERIOD 
 
 probably ruins of the early walls. In the center of the city 
 was a castle with a stout round central tower, and four corner 
 ones; this dated probably from the period of the Crusades. 
 There were also the remains of an old Roman castle of which 
 the Saracens had built the Serai (government house). The 
 chevalier speaks of the magnificence of the Serai, and of the 
 private dwellings of the time, particularly of the residence 
 of the pasha. There were six mosques besides the Great Mosque, 
 and numerous oratories. The splendor of the baths, and the 
 size of the bazaars, which are said to be not inferior to those 
 of Paris, are spoken of in terms of the warmest praise. Turkish, 
 Arabic, and Greek were the current languages of the inhabitants 
 of the city. The pasha was widely known for his charities, 
 which he bestowed upon all regardless of religion. There 
 were two Christian churches in Gaza : one Armenian, the other 
 Greek. The latter was the larger and the more popular, as 
 legend connected it with the flight of the Holy Family into 
 Egypt. The site of the temple of Dagon was shown at the 
 summit of the hill upon which the Serai was situated; and 
 the hill to which Samson carried the city gates was pointed 
 out, to the east. 
 
 Pater Morone relates that the pasha also conducted some 
 excavations on the site of the temple of Dagon, and that a head 
 of porphyry with eyes of crystal was found. Besides, the frag- 
 ments of many statues were uncovered. The abundance of 
 pillars and columns in all stages of preservation and destruction 
 is noted ; also that the whole city was decorated with beauti- 
 ful and precious marbles. Already, however, the townspeople 
 were allowed to carry off these precious antiques on payment 
 of small sums to the kadi."'" It is therefore not surprising 
 that the antiquities uncovered by this enterprising pasha have 
 disappeared. 
 
 In 1664 one Nathan, son-in-law of Samuel Lisbona, a rich 
 Portuguese Jew who lived in Gaza, allied himself with the 
 pseudo-Messiah Shabbethai Zebi. In his zeal for his master, 
 for whom he played the role of the pre-Messianic prophet, he 
 
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 pretended to have dug up at Gaza a manuscript which sub- 
 stantiated Zebi's claims to the Messiahship; though, accord- 
 ing to other accounts, it was Shabbethai himself who dug up 
 the manuscript and gave it to Nathan to convince him of the 
 authenticity of his mission. Nathan made himself persona 
 non grata with the government by preaching about the coming 
 subjugation of the Turkish empire, the establishment of a 
 Jewish kingdom, etc. He remained in Gaza till the apostasy 
 of his master; then, leaving Palestine, he wandered about, 
 preaching his wild doctrines till the time of his death (in Sophia) 
 1660."' 
 
 This is a barren period in the history of the land; but the 
 importance of Gaza seems to continue. In 1733 there is record 
 of a large synagogue in the city."' About the middle of this 
 century the Bedouins disposed of the plunder of the Meccan 
 caravan, consisting of thirteen thousand camel loads of stuff, in 
 the markets of Gaza."* They were led to loot the caravan as an 
 act of reprisal upon the Turks, because of the removal of the 
 pasha Ezadi of Damascus, to Aleppo. Ezadi had made himself 
 very popular with the Bedouin tribes, who resented his transfer 
 as a slight to their interests."^ 
 
 A general unrest seems to have laid hold of a large part of 
 the Turkish possessions at the opening of the next decade; 
 for one hears of troubles in Cyprus, Georgia, Arabia, and Egypt 
 at about this time. Ever ready to respond to the slightest 
 stimulus of unrest, Gaza in 1763 revolted against the Turkish 
 rule."" At this time the career of Ali Bey in Egypt was attract- 
 ing general attention in the Orient. Khallil Bey, an ally of 
 Hussein Bey, whom Ali had exiled from Cairo, took refuge at 
 Gaza with a company of followers. The city gave him asylum, 
 for in the following spring Khallil Bey set out from Gaza with 
 a body of troops to oppose Ali, but met defeat at the latter's 
 hands."' Ali then occupied the city with a body of five hundred 
 Mamelukes (1766)."' Gaza had had a Turkish aga (ruler) 
 whose jurisdiction extended to Khan Ytanus. The aga of Gaza 
 was subordinate to the ruler of Jaffa, who in turn was under 
 
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THE TURKISH PERIOD 
 
 the pasha of Acco. Ali Bey had a most remarkable career. 
 He drove the Turks out of Egypt, made himself ruler of that 
 land, conquered Syria and Arabia, held the holy city of Mecca 
 for a short time, and even made treaties with Russia and Venice 
 against Constantinople. But treason undid his work; and 
 he died of his wounds in Cairo. In 1776 Gaza once more fell 
 into the hands of the Turkish general, Mohammed Bey."" 
 
 The history of Gaza now tecomes associated with the military 
 operations of Napoleon. Having established himself in Egypt, 
 he set out to gain possession of Palestine and Syria. He crossed 
 the desert and advanced on Gaza, it being the first post of im- 
 portance after leaving the desert, and on entering Palestine 
 on Feb. 25, 1799, his army defeated Abdallah Pasha of Askelon 
 near Gaza. In his memoirs Napoleon published a proclama- 
 tion which he had issued to the people of Syria, informing them 
 that he came to Syria merely to repress Jezzar Pasha, who 
 had invaded the territory of Gaza and captured El-Arish.'" 
 His real idea in conducting this campaign was to prevent Egypt 
 from returning to its Turkish allegiance, and to form protective 
 alliances with the numerous petty peoples throughout Syria. 
 In a letter to the Directory, he says of the battle of Gaza : "Next 
 morning we advanced on Gaza, and found three or four thousand 
 cavalry marching toward us. General Murat commanded 
 our cavalry. Kleber advanced on the left, and General Lannes 
 supported the cavalry with the light infantry. We charged 
 the enemy, who did not even wait for our attack, but fell back." 
 The French entered Gaza without striking a blow, although 
 a few of the enemy were killed. They captured a large amount 
 of forage, provisions, and munitions of war, including six can- 
 non. Most of the inhabitants fled. At the suggestion of the 
 French a native divan was established. Most of the Jews who were 
 in the city fled at this time; and in 1811 there were none left.'^ 
 Their synagogue stood idle, and their cemetery was deserted. 
 Napoleon emphasized the importance of Gaza in the defense 
 of the Nile, and spoke of it as " the outpost of Africa, the door 
 of Asia." " The French left Gaza on Feb. 28 for their advance 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 through Palestine." Later in the same year, in the month 
 of May, the French army passed through Gaza on its retreat 
 from Acco. Napoleon seized and fortified El-Arish as the 
 outpost of Egypt. 
 
 During the nineteenth century Gaza shared the fate of the 
 rest of Palestine. Mohammed- Ali, who had been sent to Egypt 
 by the sultan in 1798 to oppose the French, — after their with- 
 drawal, — succeeded in reviving the land by fostering its re- 
 sources. He finally made himself so strong as to be practically 
 independent of his master. He then demanded of the Turks 
 that his position be made hereditary in his family, which was 
 promptly refused. This led him to contemplate war upon 
 the Turks. He soon found an excuse for taking up arms. The 
 rise of Abdallah Pasha In Syria gave him a powerful neighbor 
 and rival on the north. He needed no further pretext for in- 
 vading Palestine and declaring war against the Turks (1831). 
 Gaza surrendered to Mohammed's forces without any resistance, 
 November, 1831.'^ Mohammed's son Ibrahim and his general 
 defeated the Turkish forces in several conflicts in northern Syria ; 
 and they would have continued on their victorious way to Con- 
 stantinople, had not the European powers intervened and 
 established peace between the Turks and the Egyptians. 
 
 Palestine remained under Egyptian rule, but the people 
 fretted and were dissatisfied because of the burdensome taxes 
 and the military conscription. Mohammed was tyrannical in 
 his attitude toward the Syrians; and this led to an uprising 
 (1834). This rebellion was speedily quelled; but the Turks 
 were not satisfied to let these provinces go thus easily. In 
 1839, at Nisib, Ibrahim again achieved a splendid victory 
 over the Turks. In 1840 the Lebanon revolted against Moham- 
 med; and in the same year, consequent on the renewed inter- 
 vention of the European powers, Palestine and the whole of 
 Syria were returned to Turkish rule, under which they have 
 since remained. 
 
 Ibrahim began his retreat from Damascus with an army 
 of 62,499 soldiers and camp followers in four columns. The 
 
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THE TURKISH PERIOD 
 
 Egyptians suffered greatly from hunger during their march, 
 and also from being harassed by the natives, who were goaded 
 on by the Turks under General Jochmus. The armies kept 
 from open conflict during the whole march, except at Nejdel, 
 near Gaza, where the cavalry forces opposed each other. The 
 Egyptians were defeated and continued on their way to Gaza, 
 which was still in their hands. Their reception here was very 
 cool, the people evidencing no sympathy for their former mas- 
 ters, even in their present fallen state. The army had been 
 reduced by about 20,000 by the hardships of the retreat. Or- 
 ders were given for the evacuation of Gaza on the arrival of 
 Ibrahim. The difficulties of embarking the troops were nu- 
 merous and were increased by the heavy seas and the total 
 lack of harbor facilities. Most of the troops returned to Egypt 
 by sea, but the cavalry under Ibrahim proceeded overland. 
 In an incredibly short time the evacuation was completed; 
 the last traces of the Egyptians were lost in the desert sands; 
 and the last town of Palestine went into the hands of the Turks.'^ 
 With the exception of the Lebanon province, which has enjoyed 
 a quasi-independence since the French expedition in 1866, 
 all Syria and Palestine have been Turkish possessions since 
 1840. In 1839 a great plague broke out in Gaza and carried 
 off large numbers of its inhabitants.'" 
 
 The nineteenth century will be known in the history of Pal- 
 estine as the century of scientific exploration. In previous 
 centuries the land had been visited largely for religious reasons 
 and because of its associations with the Bible. But in this 
 century a real scientific interest manifested itself in the journey- 
 ings of many travelers. A number of scientific men visited 
 and explored the territory and attempted to place the study 
 of Palestine antiquities and geography on an equal footing 
 with Egyptology, Assyriology, and kindred studies. Even 
 to-day, however, the religious motive is not entirely lacking; 
 the substantiation of the Biblical accounts of manners and 
 customs; the identification of Biblical sites, flora, and fauna, 
 all receive a large amount of attention. 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Among the numerous travelers who have visited the Holy 
 Land in the interest of such studies, only a few of the most 
 important need be mentioned here. Johannes Burckhardt 
 (d. 1817); Irby and Mangles (1817-18); Edward Robinson, 
 the prince of explorers (1832-33); Sepp, Thomson, Titus 
 Tobler (1825, 1845-46; 1863, 1870, 1875); Renan (1860-61); 
 Tristram (1863-64); and Clermont-Ganneau, than whom no 
 living man is better able to speak on Palestinian antiquities. 
 Mention should be made here of the invaluable work of the 
 Deutscher Palastina Verein, and more particularly that of the 
 Palestine Exploration Fund of London, whose survey of western 
 Palestine stands first in the contributions to modem knowl- 
 edge of the country, and whose accounts of its several ex- 
 cavations have furnished a basis for further archgeological 
 work there." • 
 
 » Page 96. ^ Bk. iii., pt. xiv., chs. 2, 3, 12. ^ Roehricht, Deutsche 
 Pilger Reisen, p. 89. * xxvii., xxviii. Archives de VOrient Latin, ii., pp. 
 341 sqq. ^Archives de VOrient Latin, ii., pp. 345, 348. ° Le Strange, 
 op. cit. ' Cf. supra. ' Roehricht, op. cit. ° Roehricht, op. cit., 
 p. 23. '» Cf . Muir, Mameluke Dynasty of Egypt, p. 109. " Lane-Poole, 
 op. cit., p. 335. " Ibid. '^ Makrizi, op. cit. " Slane, Introduction 
 to Ibn Khallikan, p. xiv. '* Roehricht, op. cit. " Ibid. " Tobler, 
 Itineraria Hierosolymitana. '* Archives de VOrient Latin, Serle Geogra- 
 phique, v., p. 249. ^' Roehricht, op. cit. '" Published by Luncz, in 
 his yearbook, Jerusalem, i. " The use of wine is forbidden the Moslem 
 by the Koran, and as a consequence, the pious among them refrain from 
 its manufacture. '' Cf. supra, where the number is given as sixty. 
 '2 Probably where the present quarter, Harat el-Jahtid, is situated. Cf. 
 infra. '* Most of Meshullam's statements are verified by Felix Fabri 
 and other travelers who visited Gaza at this time. ^* Fabri, ii., 407. 
 ™ Ibid., ii., 429. " Ibid., ii., 429 sqq. '> Ibid., p. 450. ^9 Roehricht, 
 op. cit., pp. 95 sqq. '" Neubauer, Zwei Brief e Obadiah's de Bertinora. 
 " Roehricht, op. cit. ^' Muir, The Mameluke Dynasty of Egypt, p. 183. 
 "Muir, op. cit., p. 203. ^* Ibid., p. 204; La Grande Encyclopedic, s.v. 
 Gaza. '* Roehricht. ™ Neubauer, Mediceval Jewish Chronicles, ii., 
 pp. 143, 148. " Cf. J.E., s.v. 38 Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi., pp. 45 sqq. 
 '" Roehricht, Zoc. ci«. "> Ibid. ^^ Ibid. ^^ Archives de VOrient Latin, 
 ii., pp. 89, 92, 94. « Roehricht, Bibliotheca Geographica Palcestince. 
 " Roehricht, Deutscher Pilger Reisen. ^= Roehricht, Bibliotheca Geogra- 
 phica Palcestince. « Roehricht, Deutscher Pilger Reisen; Z.D.P.V., 
 viii., 69. " Ginze Yisr&H, p. 11. " Ibid. " Roehricht, Bibliotheca 
 
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THE TURKISH PERIOD 
 
 Geographica Palmstince. ^'' Memoires du Chevalier d' Arvieux, par le 
 
 R. P. Jean Baptiste Labat, Paris, 1735, six vols. Only copy in America 
 at Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. '' Reland, Palmstina, pp. 787 sqq. 
 52 D' Arvieux, ii., pp. 1-33. '^ Ibid., p. 43. " Ibid., p. 57. '* Ibid., 
 p. 63. '» Ttid., pp. 62-66. "Ibid., p. 67. ^' Ibid., p. 41. ^^ Ibid., 
 p. 68. "> Ibid., p. 70. "Ibid., ii., 46-56. «'» Reland, he. cit. 
 '2 Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, x., pp. 217 sqq. "' Kohut, Ezra Stiles and 
 the Jews, p. 131. " George Adam Smith, Historical Geography of Palestine, 
 pp. 169 sqq. '^ William Deans, History of the Ottoman Empire, p. 144. 
 "' Makrizi, loc. cit. "' Hammer, Geschichte des. Osmanlichen Beiches, viii., 
 323. "' Makrizi, loc. cit.; also Resumi de V Histoire de I'Egypte, par E. 
 Amelineau, p. 289. "Makrizi, loc. cit. '"The ancient Rhinocolura; 
 a military outpost on the border between Egypt and Palestine. " Jos. 
 Schwarz, Das Heilige Land, s.v. Gaza. '^ Guerre dans I' Orient: Cam- 
 pagnes d' Egypte et de Syrie, par Napoleon lui-meme, ii., ch. 7. " Paton, 
 History of the Egyptian Revolution, i., 251. '* Paton, op. cit., ii., 95. 
 " Paton, op. cit., ii., pp. 207-213. '" Narrative of a Mission to the Jews, 
 Edinburgh, 1843, pp. 101 sqq. " Cf. Bliss, The Development of Palestine 
 Exploration. 
 
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CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE MODERN CITY 
 
 Modern Gaza is situated on a hill, one htindred and eighty 
 feet above sea-level and one hundred feet above the surround- 
 ing country/ It is practically on the site of the ancient city, 
 which, however, extended farther to the south and east, as 
 shown by the remains. The mounds about the central emi- 
 nence probably indicate the fortifications erected by the Cru- 
 saders. Moslem tradition points to a group of seven pillars 
 near the Bab el-daruna as the center of the old city;^ others 
 claim that the city extended as far as the hill El-Muntar.^ It 
 is known that in the time of Alexander the city stood on a hill.^ 
 The present height of the eminence is no doubt due to the 
 successive demolitions of the city, and the resulting accumu- 
 lations of debris. It is necessary to dig from nine to twelve 
 meters to strike "mother earth." The sea is not visible from 
 the modern city, because of the intervening line of sand-dunes.' 
 The prevailing winds are from south to north; and this has 
 caused the sand to heap up and to form this ridge of hills. The 
 city is situated about three miles from the coast, in the midst 
 of the most fertile gardens in Palestine. These gardens ex- 
 tend four miles from north to south and are about two and 
 one-half miles in width. Fruits are varied and abundant, 
 the apricot and mulberry being generally cultivated. The 
 olive trees here appear to be very old. There are fifteen wells 
 in the neighborhood, having a depth of one hundred to one 
 hundred and sixty feet. Most of them, except those to the 
 north, are slightly saline to the taste. Water is abundant; 
 and this explains the wonderful fertility of the region." 
 
 The ancient caravan traffic which gave Gaza its primary 
 importance is now a thing of the past. The markets of the 
 
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THE MODER^r CITY 
 
 place, somewhat Egyptian in character, are still resorted to by 
 the Bedouins in great numbers. But the new commerce of Gaza 
 is of no little importance. In 1905, the exports filled twenty- 
 five large ships, besides many sail-boats. These amounted 
 to about $1,500,000 in one season. Its chief exports are barley, 
 durra (Egyptian wheat), wheat, colocynths, sesame, dates, 
 fruits, poultry, eggs, wool, skins, and hides. There are fifty 
 potteries in the city, besides a number of weaveries, and dyeing 
 establishments, which also contribute to the trade of the city. 
 Tanning and soap-making add to the number of local industries, 
 and there is some manufacture of abayes (native mantles of 
 striped cloth), shoes, and sieves. These are mostly for local 
 use and inland trade. Olives and olive oil are an increasing 
 staple of commerce. There are a number of steam flour-mills 
 and oil-mills of recent establishment. As Gaza exports food- 
 stuffs, living is cheap there; and house rent is also lower than 
 in Jerusalem or Jaffa. Gaza imports cotton goods, manu- 
 factured clothes, shoes, saddles, carpets, hats, woolens, calico, 
 handkerchiefs, socks, building materials, petroleum, soap, 
 coal-sacks, indigo, coffee, tobacco, rice, sugar, and butter to 
 the amount of $750,000 annually. 
 
 The harbor accommodation is wretched. A road was built 
 in 1902 connecting the port with the city; but this is already 
 in bad need of repair (1906). Only a few rocks mark the site 
 of the port on the flat, sandy coast. A pier is now contem- 
 plated, to facilitate shipping, as at present larger vessels have 
 to drop anchor out in the stream, the merchandise being trans- 
 ported by means of small boats to and fro. The months of 
 July and August are the busiest, as the sea is calmest and the 
 barley and wheat harvest is over. Gaza owes its commercial 
 importance to-day to the fact that it is the center of a great 
 agricultural region. The flat character of the land about 
 Gaza makes it very accessible for the agriculturist. 
 
 The growth of the city has been remarkable in the last few 
 years, all the more so when it is remembered that it is almost 
 an entirely Moslem city, with few if any European influences 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 at work. In 1840 there were 2000 inhabitants; in 1882, 16,000 ; 
 in 1897, 36,000; and to-day (1906), 40,000. Of these only 
 750 are Christians (700 Greek Catholics, and 50 Roman Cath- 
 olics), and 160 Jews (of whom 30 are Sephardim). The growth 
 of the city is traceable to the long period of peace which it has 
 enjoyed, as well as to its favorable position as the port of trade 
 for a large agricultural country. The growth of native indus- 
 tries has kept pace with the general progress of the city. The 
 English, Greeks, and Italians maintain consulates at this point.' 
 The English Protestants and the Roman Catholics maintain 
 missions. The Greek Catholics support a church. The Jews, 
 who have but recently returned, have a small synagogue and 
 a school which is subsidized by the Alliance Israelite Univer- 
 selle. Gaza is the seat of a Mimmakdm (an inferior officer 
 of the government), and a small garrison is maintained 
 there. The town is semi-Egyptian in character ; e.g. the 
 face veil of the women suggests Egyptian influence.* The 
 town is to-day, as it was in ancient times, the connecting link 
 between Egypt and Syria. 
 
 The city is divided into nine quarters,' namely, Harat el- 
 Zeitun ("olive quarter") to the south, on the side of the mound; 
 Harat el-Jahud ("Jews' quarter"); Harat el-Nasara ("Chris- 
 tian quarter"); Harat el-Muslimin ("Mohammedan quarter"); 
 Harat el-Fawakhin ("potters' quarter"); Harat el-daraj 
 ("quarter of the steps^'), on the western slope of the hill; H^- 
 rat bani 'Amir ("quarter of the sons of 'Amir"); H^rat el- 
 tufen ("apple quarter"), on the flat ground to the north; and 
 Harat el-sajjaiyya ("mixed quarter"), to the east, on the lower 
 ground. The last two quarters are decidedly modern, and 
 are not included in the city wall." The quarter near the El- 
 Muntar is sometimes known as Bab el-d4rlim. A market is 
 held there yearly." The Christian Arabs claim that the name 
 is a corruption of Bab Deir el-Rtim, "Gate of the Roman mon- 
 astery." ^^ But this is rather far-fetched: "south gate" is 
 correct and sufficient. The western suburb is sometimes 
 called the Harat el-Sumara, "the Samaritan ciuarter,' 
 
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THE MODERN CITY 
 
 niscent of the time when numbers of this peculiar sect dwelt 
 here. There is none left to-day in Gaza. The city is some- 
 times roughly divided into an upper and a lower city." There 
 are seven gates " to the modern city, known as follows : bab 
 el-bahr ("sea gate"); bab el-darum ("south gate"); bab el- 
 mimtar ("gate of the hill, el-munt^r"); b^b el-Khalil ("He- 
 bron gate"); bab el-'AskaUn (" Askelon gate ") ; bdb el-bald- 
 chiye ("gate of el-Blachiyyah " "); and bab el-maim^s ("gate 
 of Maioumas"?). 
 
 One-quarter of an houl- distant to the southeast of the city 
 rises the Jebel el-Mimtar (two hundred and seventy-three feet). 
 It is covered with a number of tombs; " and a number of inter- 
 esting legends and speculations cluster ^bout the place. The 
 name is variously interpreted. The Moslems explain it as the 
 name of a saint; or as a compound of the proper name Mun, 
 and the verb tar, — a far-fetched explana,tion, — " Mun has flown." 
 Christians derive it from the Syriac or Aramaic mutran, "bishop," 
 "metropolitan,"" and tell the following tale of the place: 
 There was once a bishop of the city who was greatly hated by 
 the townspeople. They plotted to accuse him falsely of un- 
 chastity, but he heard of the schepie, and, pronouncing his 
 curse upon the plotters, foiled thepi.'' It is said that the 
 Wely of 'All el-Muntar, on the hilltop, contains the tomb of 
 a former bishop of Gaza, who ruled over Gaza, Askelon, Ash- 
 dod, and Bait Jibrin. The Moslems tell a tale of the ghost 
 of a monk which walks about the wely nightly and scatters 
 incense. Is this possibly the tomb of Porphyry, who, it is 
 known, was very impopular with his fellow-townsmen, and 
 who destroyed the pagan temples? Or is it the site of one 
 of these temples ? ^° A feast is celebrated in honor of this 
 bishop on the Oriental Maundy Thursday. His name, how- 
 ever, is unknown." The most likely explanation of the name 
 of the hill, which is too simple to satisfy Oriental fancy, is 
 that it is derived from the root NTR, "to watch," i.e. it is 
 the hill of the lookout, the watchtower. Because of the Cre- 
 tan interests and influences in Gaza, an arbitrary deriva- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 tion of Muntdr from Minotaur was established, but without 
 any foundation.^^ 
 
 The houses of the city are mostly of dried mud.^' There 
 are two large mosques and several smaller ones.^* The Serai 
 on the east side of the town dates from the thirteenth century .^^ 
 It is in a very dilapidated condition, and is used as the resi- 
 dence of the Kaimakam. Near by is the Great Mosque, El- 
 Jami' el-KebJr. This mosque is no doubt the Crusaders' church 
 of St. John the Baptist, altered and disfigured by the Moslems 
 for the needs of their worship.^" 
 
 The church was built out of old materials; but as it is not 
 orientated exactly, it is doubtful if the original plan was fol- 
 lowed. The right boundary wall was destroyed and rebuilt 
 by the Moslems, who carried it further south, giving it a slant- 
 ing direction. They destroyed the apses, and in place of the 
 central one they erected a minaret (it has five minarets at 
 present). The church has three aisles, the middle one being 
 somewhat higher than the others. This was effected by super- 
 imposing two orders of pillars. On the four sides of the pillars 
 columns of blue-gray marble with Corinthian capitals are 
 engaged. In the left boundary wall are three openings, two 
 of which were cut in later, as but one is a true door. Above 
 one of these openings is a fine pointed window with deep re- 
 veals. The west door is decidedly mediaeval in character. 
 The church has four bays one hundred and ten feet long. The 
 nave is twenty- two feet wide and the north aisle thirteen feet. 
 A wall was built across the east end of the nave and the north 
 aisle by the Moslems. It is possible that the capitals of the 
 pillars are of Byzantine workmanship; and the pillars them- 
 selves are heavier than the usual Crusading work. The roof 
 and windows are certainly mediaeval. The arches are pointed 
 throughout the building. Mention is made below of the in- 
 scribed pillar and of the pillars containing apertures for hold- 
 ing crosses. Robinson " thought that the church as it stands 
 was the altered church of the fifth century as built by Rufinus 
 — the Eudoxiana ; but the character of the architecture is 
 
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THE MODERN CITY 
 
 against such a view, though it is no doubt true that much of 
 the old material, even from the preexisting heathen temple, 
 is still in the building. Over the door of the mosque is an 
 Arabic inscription containing the name of Kelawtin (cf. above; 
 d. 1290), and over the small mihrdb, a later inscription of Musa 
 Pasha (see above) of the year 1663. Stanley Lane-Poole 
 also reports inscriptions of the Bahri Mamelukes, Ldgln (1294- 
 99) and Nasir Mohammed (1300-41) and of the Circassian 
 Mamelukes, Barkuk (1383-90), Mu'ayyad (1412) and Mo- 
 hammed b. Kait Bey (1496) in the Great Mosque.^* 
 
 West of the Great Mosque is a small Greek church contain- 
 ing two crude Byzantine columns. It is said to be about four- 
 teen to fifteen centuries old, and to have been built by a By- 
 zantine emperor. The register, now in Jerusalem, contains 
 entries a thousand years old. The present church was erected 
 by the Crusaders on the site, according to the plan, and from 
 the materials of the previously existing Byzantine church. 
 Ancient marbles are used as bonding-pieces for the walls and 
 as horizontal courses. The bases of the columns, the capitals, 
 and some of the columns belong to the Crusading period.^* 
 Southwest of the Great Mosque is a splendid caravansary 
 known as the Kh^n el-Zet.'° 
 
 On the northwest side of the town, on the side of the hill, 
 stands the wely of Sheikh Sha'b^n, in which is the tomb of 
 Sidna Hashim, the grandfather of the Prophet." It was re- 
 stored in the last century, mostly with the older materials. 
 On the north of the town is the wely of the Sheikh Nabak,^^ 
 and to the east of the Serai is a small modern building said 
 to contain the tomb of Samson.'^ This, or at any rate a tomb 
 of Samson, was shown throughout the Middle Ages, as is re- 
 ported by all visiting pilgrims. A site is pointed out to the 
 southwest of the city as the spot to which Samson carried 
 the gates of the city. He is known in Gaza as Shemshtin 
 abti '1-Azam ^* and Shamshtin el- Jabbar ( = mnin ptnatr ) .'' Near 
 the Bab el-dar<im, the south gate, not far from the quarantine 
 station, is a Moslem graveyard.^" In it is found a group of 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 seven pillar-shafts, on one of which is ^n Arabic inscription 
 some seven hundred years old. These pillars were no doubt 
 taken from some older building of Roman times.^' Moslem 
 tradition points to these pillars as the center of the old city. 
 In the Maidan el-Zaid,^* "Meadow of Zaid," is a racecourse 
 built by the Saracens. Four pillars at right angles mark out 
 the course. These also were taken from some old building; 
 and one of them bears a funerary inscription. '° 
 
 ' Baedeker, Syria and Palestine, p. 142. ^ P.E.F.Q.S., 1875, p. 161. 
 ' Ibid. * Cf. supra. * Buhl, Palaestina, p. 190. " Baedeker, loc. 
 
 cit. ' Die Welt, 1906, no. 31, pp. 8, 9. » Baedeker, loc. cit. ' Gatt 
 in Z.D.P.V., xi.', pp. 149-159. '» Z.D.P.V., vii., pp. 1-14. " Qermont- 
 Ganneau, Archceological Researches, ii., pp. 379 sqq. " Ibid. " Z.D.P.V., 
 vii., loc. cit. " Ibid. An excellent map of the diflferent quarters of 
 
 the city and its general topography is found in the Z.D.P.V., ix., pp. 149-159, 
 in an article by Gatt. '- Ibid. '" There is a town el-Blachiyyah, 
 north of Gaza {Z.D.P.V., vii., loc. cit.), by some supposed to mark the site 
 of Anthedon, which no doubt gives this gate its name. The difference in 
 the vocalization is no doubt due to faulty transcriptions. " Baedeker, 
 
 loc. cit. ^' Z.D.P.V., vii., loc. cit.; also, Ganneau, op. cit., p. 434. 
 
 " Ganneau, op. cii., p. 434. ''"Ibid. '' Z.D.P.V., vii., loc. cit. ^^ Ganneau, 
 loc. cit. '^ Memoirs of the Survey of Western Palestine, iii., p. 238. " Ibid. 
 '^ Baedeker, loc. cit. ™ Clermont-Ganneau, op. cit., pp. 383 sqq.; P.E. 
 
 F.Q.S., 1875, pp. 161 sqq. " Quoted by P.E.F.Q.S., loc. cit. '» On 
 the Arabic inscriptions of Gaza, see below, section on Inscriptions, and in 
 particular the communication from Van Berchem. '' Clermont-Ganneau, 
 op. cit., p. 381; P.E.F.Q.S., loc. cit.; Memoir^, S.W.P., p. 248. " Bae- 
 deker, loc. cit. " Baedeker, loc. cit. et passim. '^ Baedeker, loc. 
 cit. ^^ Ibid. '* Ganneau, op. cit., p. 380. 'A^oto is probably an Arabic 
 corruption of the name Azon. Stephen of Byzantium reports that accord- 
 ing to one legend, Gaza was founded by Azon, the son of Hercules. The 
 confusion of Hercules and Samson is a natural one, which accounts for the 
 present name. It is likely too that this name js derived from the adjective 
 A'zam, " the powerful one." ^^ Samson is frequently referred to in Hebrew 
 literature as "ii3Jn ivi'DC', Samson, the hero. This is no doubt a corruption 
 of the Hebrew original. ^' Z.D.P.V., vii., loc. cit. ^'' Memoirs, S.W. P., 
 iii., pp. 248-251. "^ Ibid. ^' Cf. infra, Inscriptions. 
 
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PAET II 
 
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CHAPTER XII 
 
 CULT AND DEITIES OF GAZA 
 
 DcLgon — Religious Influences — Manias — Name — Meaning 
 — Identified with Zeus Kretagenes — Dominus Imbrium — 
 Kosmos — Zevs Aldemios — Connection ivith Crete — The 
 Mameion — Other Heathen Temples and Cults at Gaza 
 
 According to Baethgen * the Philistines manifested no origi- 
 nality in religious matters. They borrowed from the Phoeni- 
 cians, the Assyrians, and the Syrians, and later from the Greeks. 
 Dagon is the god identified with Gaza in the Bible .^ Mention 
 is made of a temple of this god at Ashdod also.' Several place- 
 names contain the element DGN,* which may indicate that 
 this cult was formed in these places also. The divine name 
 Dagan is found among the Babylonians and Assyrians also. 
 Among these latter, Dagan was associated with Anu and Ninib 
 and was probably the earth god.^ It is possible that the As- 
 syrian Dagan and the Philistine Dagon were both originally 
 an Aramean deity connected with fertility ; " or that during 
 the long period of Assyrian influence in southern Palestine 
 the Dagon cult was introduced from this source.' Note, too, 
 the Assyrian proper name Dagan-Takala.^ All that is known 
 of the peculiar cult of Dagon is, that at his temple at Ashdod, 
 care was taken not to step upon the threshold.' He had his 
 own priests ; " and it is possible that his image was carried 
 into battle by his worshipers, as were the other Philistine gods." 
 
 As to the appearance of this deity or of the representa^- 
 tions made of him nothing definite is known, except that the 
 idol had a head and hands extending from his body, such 
 as would be broken off by a fall." The generally accepted 
 
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 opinion, that he was part fish, rests upon a bold deduction 
 from a poor text in 1 Sam. v. 4,'^ and upon a popular ety- 
 mology connecting the first element of the name with dag, 
 the Semitic word for fish." Nor does Josephus give us any 
 hint on this subject. Berosus nientions a sea-creature named 
 Odakon, half-fish, half-man, which many '^ identify with Da- 
 gon."^' Rashi " imagined that he was represented under the 
 form of a fish. Kimhi ^^ crystallized the current Jewish tradi- 
 tion on the-subject thus: "They say that. Dagon' had the form 
 of a fish from his navel downward, and from his navel upward 
 the form of a man." Nicolas de Lyra " and Isaac Abarbanel ^° 
 thought he had a fish's head. Philo Bybliu&, generally very 
 helpful, says nothing of the appearance of the idol; but inter- 
 prets the name as airav, "corn," and connects this god with 
 agriculture. It should here be noted that the Hebrew word for 
 corn grain, JH, may also be connected with the name of this 
 deity. This may prove correct, if the identity above suggested 
 with the Assyrian god be estabhshed; or if we identify 
 Dagon with the later god Marnas, who, we are told, was 
 connected with the rain-producing power and with the idea 
 of fertility. The generally accepted tradition is the first here 
 stated, which, assisted by the etymology already given, trans- 
 ferred to the god Dagon Lucian's description of Derceto, a god- 
 dess also worshiped on the coast of Palestine and Syria. 
 
 Hitzig ^^ calls attention to the prominent part that sea traffic 
 played in Gazsean life, and to the probable inclusion of a marine 
 deity in its pantheon. He also suggests, apparently without 
 much basis of fact, the identity of Dagon with Marnas, the 
 local deity of the Hellenistic period. Following up his theory 
 that the Phihstines were Aryans, he suggests the further equa- 
 tion of Marnas and Varuna, the Indian god of the sea. But 
 more to the point is his contention that the traditional idea 
 of Dagon is correct. He calls attention to the fact that, ac- 
 cording to certain ancient authorities, Minos was part fish, 
 a sort of Poseidon ; ^^ and he bids one recollect the zooanthropic 
 form of the Minotaur.^^ He also calls attention to the fact 
 
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 that Artemios of Phygalia had a fish's tail; and that on the 
 coin of Itamos in Crete a human figure with a fish's tail is 
 shown. As the home of the Philistines was probably Crete, 
 some such influence may have operated on their god-concepts. 
 
 The cult of Dagon seems to have been widespread among 
 the Philistines; for, according to Jerome,^* "Dagon is the idol 
 of Askelon, Gaza, and the other Philistine cities," as is also 
 evidenced by the place-names already cited, to most of which 
 Philistine influence extended. It is interesting, too, to note 
 that in rendering Isaiah xlvi. 1 the Septuagint ^^ reads 
 "Dagon" instead of "Nebo." Philo Byblius gives Dagon 
 a place in the Phoenician theogony;^" and Sayce " mentions 
 a cylindrical seal of the seventh century B.C., now in the Ash- 
 molean Museum at Oxford, with the words "Ba'al Dagon" 
 in Phoenician characters; but it would be unwarrantable to 
 infer from this scant evidence that the god was worshiped 
 among the Phoenicians also. Something of the importance 
 of Dagon in the Philistine pantheon may be inferred from 
 the gathering of the Philistine rulers in his temple at Gaza to 
 offer sacrifice and to celebrate the capture of their great enemy 
 Samson.^* This cult persisted in Ashdod, and possibly in 
 Gaza also, till very late times; for it is recorded in 1 Mace. x. 
 83, 84, that Jonathan burned the temple of Dagon at Ashdod, 
 where the troops of Apollonius had taken refuge. 
 
 Between the last mention of Dagon as the special deity 
 of Gaza and the first reference to a later divinity for that 
 city a wide gap occurs in the religious history. The sources 
 are silent for the whole interval; and what took place in the 
 thought and life of the people during the period can only be 
 conjectured. Judaism never made any impress upon the 
 Philistines.^" The two peoples remained in open conflict 
 throughout the ages; and although now and then there were 
 temporary alliances, as a general rule they were to be foimd 
 on opposite sides in every matter of import for their national 
 life. It is possible that excavations at Gaza may show that 
 in the earlier years Egyptian religious influences were marked. 
 
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 The turning-point in the reUgious history of Gaza was the 
 conquest of the East by Alexander, and the subsequent Hel- 
 lenization of the surrounding regions. The long struggle 
 between the Ptolemies and the Seleucidse for the mastery 
 of this territory was not only a battle between their respective 
 armies, but was likewise a struggle between the Hellenized- 
 Egyptian forms of thought and life and the more nearly origi- 
 nal forms of Greek thought as transplanted to Antioch and devel- 
 oped there. A third element in the conflict was the persistence 
 of the old native cults which represented to the people a form 
 of patriotism {irdTpiot deol). It is easy to imagine the keen- 
 ness of the contest in Gaza, situated as it was at the very thresh- 
 old of the two kingdoms; and, anticipating the bitter struggle 
 which the people made later against Christianity and for their 
 native gods, one can realize that no puny conflict took 
 place here. Josephus '" speaks of a temple of Apollo at Gaza 
 (96 B.C.) at the time when the city fell into the hands of Alexan- 
 der Jannseus; and the prevalence of Greek worship in general 
 is evidenced by the representations of Greek deities on its 
 coins. The first mention of any indigenous cult or deity is 
 upon a coin of Hadrian, which contains the words "Gaza Marna" 
 together with a distyle temple with figures of Apollo and Diana .^' 
 
 The Mamas (the Hellenized form of the Semitic Marna) 
 cult is found firmly established in Gaza, and desperately de- 
 fended in the final conflict with Christianity. The cult was 
 not confined exclusively to Gaza; for there is a reference to 
 a temple in Ostia.'^ A Mamas temple may also have been 
 established at the Portus Trajanus ; '^ and a Greek inscription 
 from the Hauran reads Att Mapva tw Kvptm.^* The name is 
 generally explained as meaning "Our Lord," from the Aramaic 
 root xia, na,'' plus the suffix X3. Selden, Bdchart, Reland, 
 Noris, and Mimter tried to explain it as Mar + nas ('''nia -I- tl>3) 
 "Lord of men"; but the form of the name is "Marna," only 
 Marnas in Greek. The temple is spoken of as the Mameion,'^ 
 a form which could not have been derived from Marnas. Men- 
 tion need only be made of Hitzig's bold conjecture, already stated 
 
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 above, that Marnas is the equivalent of Varuna, the Indian 
 god of the sea. The inscription already quoted from the Hauran 
 shows how the title, at first purely descriptive, in later times 
 crystallized into a proper name. Here may be cited also the 
 town-name Burmarna.'' The proper names Abd Marna^' and 
 Bal Mamay'' are found also. Trere fj,apvi<: is also found; but 
 it is changed to Trere fiaper]<; by Brugsch." The temple of 
 Marnas is cited together with the Serapeion as a stronghold 
 of heathendom. ^^ 
 
 Marnas was identified with Zeus Kretagenes. A legend, 
 reported by Stephen of Byzantium,^^ states that Zeus founded 
 the city and buried his treasure there (ya^a). That author 
 also states that "Minos with his brothers settled there [Gaza], 
 whence there is a temple of the Cretan Zeus among them, which 
 among us is called Marnan, which is interpreted 'Cretan-bom' 
 (Kretagene) ; for the Cretans called the virgins thus 'Marnan' " 
 (read mamans)}^ Marcus Diaconus" also says: "They [the 
 heathen Gazaeans] say that Marnas is Zeus." The identifica- 
 tion was apparently generally accepted, as all our sources 
 are unanimous in asserting it. Marnas appears as a Semitic 
 deity in Greek dress. In Lampridius ■*' he is addressed to- 
 gether with Jupiter as his equal or equivalent. 
 
 Marcus Diaconus^" calls Marnas "dominus imbrium" (lord 
 of rain), in which function he may be compared to Jupiter 
 Pluvius ; and he adds that in times of drought the people prayed 
 for him at a place outside the city called "Oratio." He prob- 
 ably corresponds to Jupiter as the sky-god (Kosmos, 'Oura- 
 nos)," as the rovmd form of his temple would indicate.*' Com- 
 parison may be made of the circular temples mentioned by 
 Chwolson, the Temple of the First Cause, and Temple de 
 rOrdinance du Monde." In his fimction of rain-god Marnas 
 is also looked upon as the god of fertility, and 'is identified 
 with Zeus Aldemios or Aldos, whose name is derived from the 
 Greek root aXSaivm, "to grow." A place outside the city was 
 called Aldioma,^" which name may have some connection 
 with the cult of Zeus Aldemios, probably worshiped in the 
 
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 open. We also suggest that the vhw (Atlaz) of Gaza men- 
 tioned in the Talmud ^' may be in some way connected with 
 this spot.^^ It is not impossible to connect the words philo- 
 logically; and the fact that the Aldioma was outside the city, 
 just where a bazaar or fair would be held, lends some sem- 
 blance of truth to this suggestion. It is not very likely that 
 the title Aldemios is a Hellenization of ba'al halodim, as sug- 
 gested by Renan ^^ and Movers.'^^ Marnas was consulted 
 for oracles just as Zeus was at various shrines in the Hellenic 
 world.'^^ 
 
 The connection of the Marnas cult with Crete is attested to 
 by the statement of Marcus Diaconus that the Marneion is 
 a temple of Zeus Kretagenes.^" Epiphanos, Ancoratos," makes 
 Marnas a servant of the Cretan Asterios. This points to some 
 relations with this child-eating god, and also emphasizes his 
 function as sky-god.^' If all these legends of the connection 
 of Gaza with Crete, and the identification of Marnas with 
 Zeus Kretagenes be accepted as genuine, they considerably 
 strengthen the argument that Crete was the home of the Philis- 
 tines. But it is an open question whether these identifications 
 are not the result of late Roman influence, and in particular 
 of the legend of the founding of Gaza by Minos, the result 
 of a natural confusion with the Minseans, those Arabs who 
 early settled in Gaza. Tacitus relates that the Jews come 
 from Crete; ^^ this is doubtless a confusion with the Philistines."" 
 . The Marneion was a round structure, built of marble, with 
 two porticoes. It was open in the center for the escape of 
 smoke and vapors; it faced the north, and was very high. 
 It was considered one of the finest temples of its day."^ No 
 doubt connected with the local cult was the law of the Gazgeans 
 forbidding the bringing of a dead body into the city "^ (cf. 
 the Jewish custom which forbade burials within the city limits "' 
 and the general aversion to contact with the dead). Inter- 
 esting also is the aversion which the native women entertained 
 against walking in the courtyard of the new Christian church 
 which was built on the site of the Marneion."* This may have 
 
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 been a survival of the older custom of not treading upon the 
 threshold of the Dagon temple ; or only a general feeling against 
 the desecration of the old temple by treading its remains under 
 foot. 
 
 Besides the temple of Mamas there were seven heathen 
 temples in Gaza; namely, those of the Sun, Venus, Apollo, 
 Proserpine, Hecate, the Hierion, and the Tychseon."' Mention 
 has already been made of the temple of Apollo "* (96 b.c). 
 This purely Greek cult was no doubt fostered by the Selucidse, 
 whose favorite form of worship it was; it may be noted that, 
 in true Greek fashion, the cult of the Sun was differentiated 
 from that of Apollo. The Tychseon was erected to the Fortune 
 of the City. This goddess appears on several coins."' 
 
 Marcus Diaconus °* gives a very interesting account of the 
 Venus-worship carried on in the city. Placed above a marble 
 altar in the public square, called Tetramphodos (four roads), 
 was a marble statue said to be that of Venus. It was the 
 image of a nude woman, with her pudenda exposed. It was 
 held in high esteem by all the citizens, especially the women, 
 who kindled lights and burned incense in its honor. It was 
 said the goddess replied to her devotees in their sleep, especially 
 those who wished to enter into matrimony. Marcus adds 
 some unimportant details, and relates that the statue fell to 
 pieces when the cross was exhibited before it, and that many 
 of its devotees were injured. This no doubt was a statue of 
 Venus Anadyomene, born of the sea, goddess of sexual life. 
 She was also honored at the harbor festival of Maioumas 
 and praised by the Gazsean orators." In the Talmud '" men- 
 tion is made of a place within the boundaries of the city, called 
 J^riTJD sn3"nn. Raslji " explains it as the "Ruin of the Leper" ; 
 but this is evidently a late attempt to translate the name by 
 one who knew nothing of local antiquities. The present writer 
 suggests that it was the name given by the Jews to the public 
 square, i.e. the Tetramphodos, to express their horror of the 
 offensive worship which took place there. 
 
 It is also probable that Hercules was worshiped in Gaza, he 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 being the favorite Ptolemaic hero. This is attested by the legend 
 that Gaza was foiuided by his son Azon," and by a great piece of 
 art work in the city,'' of which Hercules was the central figure. 
 Several coins have been found with the head and club of Her- 
 cules.'* 
 
 In accordance with later syncretistic tendencies, one may 
 safely identify Proserpina with lo, and Hecate with Artemis. 
 'lepeiov is no doubt a late form of 'Hpatov.''^ So that here in 
 Gaza, too, we find a Hera sanctuary alongside of that of Zeus. 
 
 The relation of the Tyche (Fortune of the City) to the Dea 
 Syria is unknown, though suggested as likely.'^ The Tyche 
 appears on the coins as a woman's head, with a turreted crown, 
 consisting of three towers, one of which is pierced by a door, 
 and with a veil over the back of her head. As a full figure she 
 is dressed in the stole, crowned as above, and holds in her hand 
 either a pair of scales, a horn of plenty, ears of corn, a branch, a 
 wreath, a palm, a trident or lance, and sometimes a head, usually 
 that of the reigning emperor. Often a cow crouches at her feet." 
 
 This leads to a consideration of the second female figure so 
 often found hand in hand with the Tyche; namely, lo. First, 
 under Trajan, there is a coin of Gaza with the inscription, EIQ 
 TAZA; and imder Hadrian, v^ntoninus, M. Aurelius, Commodus, 
 Septimius Severus, Julia Domna, Caracalla and Elagabalus, 
 coins are found similarly inscribed. The second figure on these 
 is a young woman holding out her right hand. It can hardly 
 be questioned that this is lo. Stephen of Byzantium " says Gaza 
 was also called 'Icoijv, because lo settled there. Eustathius 
 (on Dionysius Periegetes) and Stephen of Byzantium record that 
 the sea from Gaza to Egypt was called 'loviov IleXayo';. lo 
 was represented by the figure of a cow. She was worshiped 
 throughout Syria and as far as the Egyptian delta, where she was 
 identified with Isis Pelagia. 
 
 ' Beitrcege zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte, p. 65. ^ Jdg. xvi. 
 25 et al. » 1 Sam. v. 2. ■■ Beth-dagon in the territory of the tribe of 
 Judah, in the Shephelah (Josh. xv. 41). The site of the modern Beit 
 Dejan, southeast of Jaffa, does not meet the requirements for an iden- 
 
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CULT AND DEITIES OF GAZA 
 
 tiflcation with the old site. Another Beth-dagon was in the tribe of 
 Asher (Josh. xix. 27) and may be identified with the modern Beit Dejin, 
 near Acco. Jerome {Onomastica Sacra, 235, 104) mentions a Caferdago 
 between Diospolis and Jamnia. Josephus {Ant. xiii. 8, 1) mentions 
 a town Dagon, near Jericho, which may be identical with the modern Beit 
 Dejan, mentioned in the S.W.P. map seven miles east of Nablus. ' Jas- 
 trow. Religion of Babylon and Assyria, p. 209; Barton, Sketch of Semitic 
 Origins, pp. 230 sqq. ' Jastrow, op. cit., p. 208. ' Barton, loc. cit. 
 * Tel el-Amarna Letters, 215, 216; also the name Isme Dagan, king of Isin, 
 K.B., iii., pt. i., p. 87; and Ishme Dagan, Isakke of Assur (Rogers, History 
 of Babylon and Assyria, ii. 2). '1 Sam. v. 1-5. The Hebrew author en- 
 deavors to explain the avoidance of the threshold by the incident related in 
 these verses. It was no doubt an example of a common religious phenome- 
 non among the Semites (of. Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant). Reference 
 is again made to this rite in Zeph. i. 9, and there can be little or no doubt 
 that even the Hebrews themselves recognized this rite in their own cult; 
 but for fuller details, consult Trumbull. Interesting is the Targum of the 
 Zeph. passage, which renders it " All who walk in the way of the Philistines," 
 showing that at the time of that translation the rite had been entirely as- 
 sociated with Philistine worship. Wellhausen (Die Kleine Propheten, ad 
 loc.) thinks it refers to a similar respect for the threshold of the royal palace, 
 and does not associate it with the cult. In the Talmud Babli, 'Abodah 
 Zarah 41^, the custom is agaia referred to in connection with the Dagon 
 cult. "They let alone the Dagon [the statue of the god] and worshiped 
 the miftan [the threshold], for they said his princes [genius] had left the 
 Dagon and had come to sit upon the miftan." And in the Palestinian Tal- 
 mud, 'Ab. Zar. iii. 42 *, it is stated that they revered the threshold more than 
 the Dagon (statue). " 1 Sam. ibid. "2 Sam. v. 21; 1 Chr. xiv. 12. 
 
 " 1 Sam. V. 2-5. '' The Hebrew text " And only his Dagon was left on him " 
 makes no sense as it stands. Wellhausen suggests that the final nun of 
 Dagon is a dittography and that the text should read " And only his fish, 
 i.e. his fish-like part, was left." This would solve the difficulty ariH confirm 
 the tradition that the god was half man, half fish ; but no support for it can 
 be found in any of the versions. The LXX renders "And only his chine 
 pixis was left," but Driver, Notes on the Text of Samuel, ad loc, thinks that 
 the Greek word used is due to a similarity with the Hebrew pi and 
 cites a number of parallel cases. " The comparison is made with the 
 Hebrew word jv.i'Dif, Samson, which is derived from is-db', "the sun." 
 '5 Selden et alii. '* By the omission of the initial " O " and the inter- 
 change of the similar letters " k " and " g," as well as to the general agreement 
 of the description of Odakon with that of Dagon. "' Jewish exegete of 
 the eleventh century. " Jewish exegete of the thirteenth century. 
 " French exegete, 1270-1340; member of the Franciscan order. 2" Jew- 
 ish exegete, 1437-1508. " Urgeschichte, § 129. ^^ Hitzig, § 132. 
 " Ibid., § 130. " Commentary on Isaiah xlvi. 1. ^^ (5naq. « gg 
 states that he is a son of Ouranos and Ge, and a brother of Elos (El) 
 or Kronos, Baitulos, and Atlas. " Higher Criticism, 327. " Jdg. xvi. 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 '' Cf. Brewer, op. cit., p. 202, where the number of converts to Judaism is re- 
 ferred to. ='» Ant. xiii. 13, 3. ^' Cf. infra. '^ Preller, Boemische 
 Mythologie, ii. 399. '« C.I.G. 5892. '* Waddington, 2412 g. ^^ Tor- 
 rey, in J.A.O.S. xxv., pt. 2, p. 323, Palmyrene Epitaphs, finds the name 
 mn 13 Niay, 'Abda bar Marah. This last name he compares with the 
 more general xnc. ™ Marc. Diac, c, 64 et al. '' Tiele, Bah. 
 
 Gesch., p. 197. ''C.I.S. ii. 1, 47, no. 16». '' C.I.S. vi. 16, Citium. 
 *" Roscher, s.v. Mama. ^^ Jerome, Epist. ad Lcet. *'' S.v. Gaza. 
 " Marc. Diac, c. 19. " Ihid. *^ Vita Alex. Serv., c. 17. ^' hoc. cit. 
 " Moevers, pp. 662, 663. " Marc. Diac, c 75. *' Sabaeer, ii. 381. 
 '^"Maro. Diac, c 79. " 'Abodah Zarah, 11^ et al. " ps^y or iiSay 
 has been variously explained. Levy (Chaldaeisches Woerterbuch, s.v.) de- 
 rives it from the Greek KardXvcns, "a place where horses are outspanned; 
 and M. Cassel (quoted in Rauemer, Palaesiina) connects it with 66\os," 
 " a rotunda," and suggests that it refers to the round temple of Marnas. We 
 follow Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, etc., who, s.v., explains it as a 
 "fair," a "bazaar." ^^ Mimoires de I' Academic des Inscriptions Nou- 
 
 velles, 1873, xxiii., pt. 2, p. 257. ^^ Die Phoenizier. They try to explain 
 this title as referring to Zeus as the universal god. They suggest that 
 heled, which originally meant " life," " age," afterward came to have the sig- 
 nificance of "world," "eternity." The Hebrew word 'olam had a similar 
 development; but all basis for finding this in heled is wanting. ^^ Marc. 
 Diac, 0. 71. ^^ Ibid., c. 64. *' Page 109, quoted by Roescher, s.v.; 
 Moevers, p. 663. " ^f supra. ^o Hist. v. 2. «» Cf. Jer. xlvii. 4; 
 
 Am. ix. 7. "" Marc Diac, c. 75 et al. "' Ibid., c 23. "^ Saba 
 Kamma, 82^. " Marc Diac, c 76. "= /&id., c. 64. "" Jos., Ant. xiii. 
 13, 3. "' Cf. infra, section on Coins; cf. also- De la Saussaye, Manual 
 of the Science of Religion, p. 317: "These gods (Beltis, Astarte, et al.) are 
 partly great nature gods . . . and partly protectors of the nation, as shown 
 by their names, and as the castle-crown on the heads of the goddesses 
 proves."-- »'C. 59. "Stark, op. cit., p. 588. '« Sanhedrin, 71«. 
 " So a;lso, Jastrow, op. cit., s.v. " Steph. Byz., s.v. Gaza. " stark, 
 op. cit,, pp. 601, 602; a remarkable clock, in which each of Hercules' twelve 
 labors represented an hour of the day., '« Mionnet, v., n. 152, 162. 
 '^ Cf. Procopius, De ^def. i. 3; Hist. Arch. 15, nav ti? 'Hpaicji fiirep 'lepeioc 
 (ta\oO<ri Tai/Oi/ ktX.; also Steph. Byz., s.-y. "Hpaio. " Z.D.M.G. xxxi., p. 101. 
 " Cf. coins, Mionnet, v., n , 122, 125, 134, 141, 147, 149, 150, 151, 158, 160, 
 169, 171, 181; viii. 51, 60, 63; also Steph. Byz., s.v. 'Uytov Yie\ayos. " S.v. 
 Gaza, 
 
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CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE CALENDAR AT GAZA 
 
 In no part of the Roman Empire was there such diversity in 
 systems of calendation as in Syria. Eras dated back to the Se- 
 leucidse, to Pompey, to Gabinius, to Csesar, or even to later em- 
 perors, whose special favor was enjoyed. From Gaza there is 
 a long series of coins dated, according to a local calendar, up to 
 the year 280, under Elagabalus. Of these, the only one the date 
 of which can be fixed is that of Plautilla, " the wife of Caracalla," 
 264 A.G. There is also the definite statement, contained in the 
 " Chronicon Paschale," ^ to the effect that the fourth year of Olym- 
 piad 179 was the starting-point of the Gazaean era, i.e. 61 b.c. At 
 Leyden and at Florence are preserved manuscript copies of a 
 Latin hemerologium ^ which gives, day by day, the correspond- 
 ing Roman, Syro-Hellenistic, Tyrian, Arabian, Sidonian, Helio- 
 politan, Lycian, Asian (i.e. of the province of Asia, whose 
 capital was Ephesus), Cappadocian, Askelonite, and Gazsean 
 calendars. Unfortunately, the months June and July are miss- 
 ing in both manuscripts. 
 
 In general, throughout Syria, the year was limar, and began on 
 October 1, with the usual intercalary month so as to make it 
 agree with the corresponding solar year. It was quite different 
 at Gaza, where the year was solar, corresponding to the old 
 Egyptian solar year, with twelve thirty-day months and five 
 intercalary days {eTrayo/j.evai,) , to which a sixth was added 
 every four years. The Gazseans used the Macedonian names of 
 the months, not the Egyptian ones, and began their year at the 
 end of October, on the twenty-eighth, not the end of August, as 
 the Egyptians did. Nevertheless, they intercalated the epagom- 
 enal days just as the Egyptians did, i.e. after the twenty- 
 fourth day of August. 
 
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 Besides the coins, the reference in the " Chronicon Paschale," 
 and the Hemerologium, there are a number of notices in the life 
 of Porphyry by Marcus Diaconus, and a large number of Chris- 
 tian mortuary inscriptions which throw interesting light upon 
 this matter and give valuable assistance in determining the date 
 of the beginning of this era/ 
 
 According to the Hemerologium, the Gazsean year was con- 
 stituted as follows : — 
 
 The first day of the month Dies corresponded to October 28 of 
 
 the Roman calendar, and the month lasted 30 days. 
 1st of Apellaios = November 27, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Audynaios = December 27, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Peritios = January 26, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Dystros = February 25, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Xanthikos = March 27, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Artemesios = April 26, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Daisies (Desios) = May 26, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Panemos = June 25, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Loos = July 25, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of the Epagomenai = August 24, these lasting but 5 days. 
 1st of Gorpaios = August 29, the month lasting 30 days. 
 1st of Hyperbereteos = September 28, the month lasting 30 days. 
 
 From Marcus Diaconus ^ it is learned that Dios was the first 
 month, Apellaios the second month, and that Audynaios cor- 
 responded to January ; that the Gazsean months anticipated the 
 Roman ones five days ; that the feast of the Epiphany (January 
 6) fell on the eleventh day of Audjoiaios ; ° that April 18 
 corresponded to the twenty-third of Xanthikos; ' that Por- 
 phyry died on the second day of Dystros, 480 a.g.,' which, 
 according to the hagiology of the Greek church, falls on Febru- 
 ary 26. Porphyry died on the second of Dystros, 480 a. g., after 
 having been bishop twenty-four years, eleven months, and eight 
 days ; ' i.e. he became bishop of Gaza in the spring of 455 a.g. It 
 is known, too, that he was elected after the dismissal of John 
 of Cffisarea,'" and that Gelasius, the predecessor of John, was 
 present at the synod of Constantinople in September, 394 a.d. 
 
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THE CALENDAR AT GAZA 
 
 Thus thd earliest date at which John could have been appointed 
 bishop of Cffisarea was 395. Now if, according to the "Chroni- 
 con Paschale," 1 a.g. corresponds to 61 B.C., then 455 a.g. = 
 1147-1148 A.u.c. = 394-395 a.d. John was appointed and 
 removed from his charge the same year, and Porphyry was ap- 
 pointed to the bishopric of Gaza immediately after, also in the 
 same year. 
 
 Further, the coin of Fulvia Plautilla " proves that the era 
 began, as stated above, in 61 b.c. This coin is dated 264 a.g. = 
 956-957 a.u.c. = 203-204 a.d., an equation which corresponds to 
 the historical fact that in 203 Caracalla married Plautilla and 
 bestowed upon her the title of "Sebaste." 
 
 Sanclemente ^^ tries to show that the marriage of Plautilla took 
 place in the tenth tribunicial year of Septimius Severus, the fifth 
 of Caracalla, which would be 955 a.xj.c. = 202 a.d., holding that 
 coins exist from that year, on which Plautilla is referred to as 
 "Augusta." The next year Plautianus was murdered and his 
 daughter banished. Accordingly, Plautilla could not be referred 
 to as Sebaste on a coin of Gaza of the year 203-204 a.d. ; therefore 
 the era of Gaza must have begun in 62 b.c. He argues further 
 that the notices in Marcus Diaconus are not handed down cor- 
 rectly, and that Porphyry must have been made bishop of Gaza 
 several years later than is commonly held. He argues as fol- 
 lows : Porphyry must have entered upon his office immediately 
 after his election ; ^^ in the same year the drought, due to his 
 presence in the city, as the heathens allege, lasted through Dios 
 and Apellaios ; " rain came in answer to the prayers of the Chris- 
 tians ; " because of this, many converts were made and persecutions 
 of the Christians followed ; the case of Barochas ; " Marcus and 
 Barochas are made deacons ; " Porphyry decides to send Marcus 
 to Byzantium in order to close the heathen temples at Gaza ; '' 
 Marcus goes to Byzantium with letters to John, the bishop; 
 through the chamberlain, Eutropius, the decree is obtained 
 from the emperor. Now John was made bishop February 26, 
 398 ; and Eutropius was deposed at the beginning of 399. Hence 
 Marcus's mission must have taken place in 398 ; Porphyry was 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 made bishop in 397, the miracle of the rain taking place ia 
 January, 398, and Marcus's mission being in the same year, 
 Sanclemente adds still another argument. Jerome" says that 
 Gelasius, bishop of Csesarea, had not published any works till 
 the year of Jerome's book, which Sanclemente dates 393. Noris 
 assigns the death of Gelasius to 394, which would allow 
 too brief a time for the production of the latter's works. 
 Therefore all these dates, including that of Porphyry, must be 
 put later. 
 
 But Sanclemente is mistaken.^" Jerome wrote in 392, not 393 ; 
 and the period between 392 and 394 gave Gelasius ample time 
 in which to produce his brief works. Nor does the preceding 
 argument hold; for there is nothing in the life of Porphyry to 
 show that the events named above follow so closely upon each 
 other as Sanclemente forces them to do. So the opinion is main- 
 tained that Porphyry was made bishop in 395, and that Marcus 
 was sent to Byzantium in 398. 
 
 And now as to the argument based on the coin of Plautilla, 
 as advanced by Sanclemente. Does it not prove his contention 
 beyond all question ? It is correct that the marriage of Caracalla 
 and Plautilla took place in the year 202 (not 203) ; for there 
 exists a coin with the legend "P. Aug. Pon. Tr. P.V. Cos." and on 
 the reverse, "Plautillse Augustse" ; and the fifth tribunicial year 
 of Caracalla was 202. But Sanclemente and the others misin- 
 terpret the Dio Cassius passages bearing on this matter, and as- 
 sign the banishment of Plautilla to the year immediately follow- 
 ing her marriage. This is evidently incorrect. Dio Cassius 
 does not mean it to be taken thus; for he does not follow a 
 strict chronological order in his account of the rise and disgrace 
 of Plautianus. He anticipates his story, and gives the account 
 of the daughter's marriage in § 76, 1 and of the father's fall in 
 § 75, 16. And this has caused the misunderstanding which 
 is so prevalent. Further, Bordmann " shows from an inscrip- 
 tion which reads "L. Septimo Severe — Trib. Potest. XII. — 
 M. Aurelio Antonio — Trib. Potest. VII.," which is evidently of 
 the year 204, that the name of Fulviffi Plautillse Augustse had 
 
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THE CALENDAR AT GAZA 
 
 been erased from the original. Hence it seems likely that 
 Plautilia was exiled in 205. 
 
 Another argument may be advanced to substantiate this date 
 for her banishment. Dio Cassius ^^ has it that one Korianos, a 
 dependent of Plautianus, was exiled at the time of his master's 
 death and remained in exile seven years. In 212 a general 
 amnesty was extended to all exiles ; " and, as there is no record 
 of special clemency to Korianos, he must have returned at that 
 time. Hence; having been in exile for seven years, he must have 
 been banished in 205. The "Chronicon Paschale" agrees with 
 Dio Cassius in giving the date of the death of Plautianus as Jan- 
 uary 22, though the year is incorrectly stated. Dio Cassius ^* 
 says that Plautianus was put to death during the time of the 
 theatrical plays of the Ludi Palatini, which lasted from January 
 21 to January 23. Hence it seems certain that the death of 
 Plautianus took place January 22, 205. These arguments 
 holding true, the chief objection to the assignment of the begin- 
 ning of the era of Gaza to the year 61 b.c. disappears. 
 
 Appended is a complete list of the imperial coins ^^ of Gaza, 
 with their dates, according to the local era. These dates 
 also bear out the contention of those who hold with the present 
 writer that the era of Gaza began 61 b.c. 
 
 Augustus (reigned 27 B.C.-14 a.d.) Ef 63 a.g. 
 
 E>^ 66 A.G. 
 Caligula (reigned 37^1 a.d.) P 100 a.g. 
 
 Claudius (reigned 41-54 a.d.) PI 110 a.g. 
 
 Vespasian (reigned 69-79 a.d.) PA 130 a.g. 
 
 PAB 132 A.G. 
 
 ePA 135 A. G. 
 Trajan (reigned 98-117 a.d.) PNG 159 a.g. 
 
 Hadrian (reigned 117-138 a.d.) BQP 192 a.g. 
 
 TQP 193 A.G. 
 
 AQP 194 A.G. 
 
 GQP 195 A.G. 
 
 g-QP 196 A.G. 
 
 ZQP 197 A.G. 
 
 HQP 198 A.G. 
 K 129 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Antoninus Pius (reigned 138-161 a.d.) AC 201 a.g. 
 
 BC 202 A.G. 
 rC 203 A.G. 
 AC 204 A.G. 
 eC 206 A.G. 
 ZC 207 A.G. 
 HC 208 A.G. 
 0C 209 A.G. 
 
 IC 210 A.G. 
 
 AlC 211 A.G. 
 
 BIC 212 A.G. 
 
 nC 213 A.G. 
 
 AlC 214 A.G. 
 
 eiC 215 A.G. 
 
 5IC 216 A.G. 
 
 ZIC 217 A.G. 
 
 HIC 218 A.G. 
 
 0IC 219A.G. 
 
 KC 220 A.G. 
 
 AKC 221 A.G. 
 
 Marcus Aurelius (reigned 161-180 a.d.) AKC 224 a.g. 
 
 ZKC 227 A.G. 
 
 0KC 229 A.G. 
 
 AC 230 A.G. 
 
 A AC 234 A.G. 
 
 Faustina Jun. (d. 175 a.d.) wife of H KC 228 a.g. 
 
 Marcus Aurelius ' 
 Marcus Aurelius et L. Verus 
 (161-169 A.D.) AKC 224 a.g. 
 
 HKC 228 A.G. 
 
 0KC 229 A.G. 
 
 Lucius Verus AKC 224 a.g. 
 
 e KC 225 A.G. 
 
 HKC228A.G. 
 
 0KC 229 A.G. 
 
 Faustina Junior et Lueilla AKC 224 a.g. 
 
 (Lucilla married Verus 164 a.d.) 
 
 HKC 228 A.G. 
 
 0KC 229 A.G. 
 
 Commodus (Caesar, 166 a.d., 5 AC 236 a.g. 
 
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THE CALENDAR AT GAZA 
 
 Imperator, 176 a.d.) 
 Commodus, sole ruler 
 (reigned 180-193 a.d.) 
 
 Pertinax (reigned Jan.-Mar. 
 
 193 A.D.) 
 
 Septimius Severus (reigned 
 193-211 A.D.) 
 
 Julia Domna (died 217) 
 
 Caracalla (Csesar, 196 a.d., 
 Augustus, 198 A.D.) 
 
 Plautilla 
 
 Geta, Csesar, 198 a.d. 
 Elagabal (reigned 218-222 a.d.) 
 Paula, wife of Elagabalus 
 Maesa 
 
 The dates of most of these coins correspond to the equation 
 1 A.G. = 693-694 a.u.c. = 61-60 b.c. ; e.g. the date of the coin 
 of Antoninus Pius, 201 a.g. = 893-894 a.u.c = 140-141 a.d. 
 The two coins of Pertinax, which are badly preserved, are uncer- 
 tain in their reading. It may be that they ought to be attributed 
 
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 ZAC 237 
 
 A.G. 
 
 HAC 238 
 
 A.G. 
 
 0AC 239 
 
 A.G. 
 
 MC 240 
 
 A.G. 
 
 AMC 241 
 
 A.G. 
 
 GMC 245 
 
 A.G. 
 
 HMC 248 
 
 A.G. 
 
 (?) ANC 254 
 
 A.G. 
 
 (?)eNC 255 
 
 A.G. 
 
 ANC 254 
 
 A.G. 
 
 ZNC 257 
 
 A.G. 
 
 HNC 268 
 
 A.G. 
 
 EC 260 
 
 A.G. 
 
 AZC 261 
 
 A.G. 
 
 TEC 263 
 
 A.G. 
 
 GEC 265 
 
 A.G. 
 
 HEC 268 
 
 A.G. 
 
 AEC 261 
 
 A.G. 
 
 GEC 265 
 
 A.G. 
 
 cEC 266 
 
 A.G. 
 
 eOC 275 
 
 A.G. 
 
 HNC 258 
 
 A.G. 
 
 0NC 259 
 
 A.G. 
 
 AEC 261 
 
 A.G. 
 
 AEC 264 
 
 A.G. 
 
 AEC 264 
 
 A.G. 
 
 ? EC 26 5 
 
 » 
 
 TEC 263 
 
 A.G. 
 
 TTC 280 
 
 A.G. 
 
 TTC 280 
 
 A.G. 
 
 ATTC 281 
 
 A.G. 
 
HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 to Septimius, one of whose cognomens was also Pertinax; but 
 this is at best questionable. The coin of Vespasian PA,^° even 
 though inscribed 2e/3ao-To?, does not offer an exception. For 
 it must not be forgotten that Vespasian was acclaimed by the 
 Egyptian legion July, 69, and by the Syrian legion soon after. 
 Again, as regards the coin of Hadrian, dated 198 a.g. (= 137- 
 138 A.D.), it is known that Hadrian died July, 138. Now, if the 
 date of the beginning of the Gazsean era is set later than 61 e.g., 
 this coin could not have been struck until after his death. Like- 
 wise, with the last coin attributed to Antoninus Pius, which is 
 dated 221 a.g. (= 160-161 a.d.), as Antoninus died March 7, 161, 
 the coin could not have been minted after his death. Further, 
 with the coin of L. Verus, dated 229 a.g. (= 168-169 a.d.), Verus 
 died early in 169, and were any later date than 61 e.g. adopted 
 for the beginning of the era of Gaza, the date of this coin would 
 fall after Verus's death. 
 
 Further verification of the date October 28, 61 e.g., as the 
 beginning of the Gazsean era, is afforded by a number of mor- 
 tuary inscriptions on Christian tombstones found at Gaza/ which 
 give the day, month, and year of the Gazeean era, and the in- 
 diction year. These inscriptions are as follows : — 
 
 (From 
 ®r]Krj Tov fjuiKapL 
 oTa TOV Ztjvovos vi 
 a BaA,vos xai Meya 
 Xi;s. tKartTcOri 
 jLUjvt YneplSepeTeov 
 
 jSk tov €$(j) iTOVS. 
 
 iv8 yt 
 
 evSaSe 
 KaTtTtOrj 
 ^aKapiot 
 VepovTio^ Tt) 
 
 (From 
 
 Bevue Biblique, 1892, 240) 
 
 A monument of the most blessed 
 Zeno, daughter of 
 Balys and Megale. 
 She was buried in the 
 month Hyperbereteos 
 22d day of the year 565 
 Ind. 13 
 
 II 
 
 Bevue Biblique, 1893, 203) 
 Here 
 
 was buried 
 the blessed 
 Gerontios on the 
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THE CALENDAR AT GAZA 
 
 KJ3 fjLT] A(oov ivB S 22d day of the month Loos 
 
 Ind. 4 
 
 Tou ao<^ cTODs of the year 571 
 
 III 
 
 (From Clermont-Ganneau, Arehmological Besearches, xi, 403) 
 
 O-qKr] rr)<s [jixa/capias] 
 
 ®eo)8oT?^s 6(yyaTpo'i) 
 
 Tov iiaKdpLoiraTov) [BaXuosJ 
 
 Kai MeyaXiys a[i'e] 
 
 ira-q jxr) Hav9tKo[ . . . 
 
 Tov diT<ft eTov(s) 
 
 ivSt, ^ 
 
 Aecrto) rj Lv 
 
 8. )8. TOV 
 0Q4' ETOVS 
 
 Monument of the blessed 
 Theodote, daughter 
 of the most blessed Balys 
 and of Megale. She died 
 ... in the month Xanthikos . 
 
 of the year 689 
 indiction, 7 
 
 IV 
 (From Bevue Biblique, 1893, 204) 
 
 , On the eighth of Desios 
 of the indiction 2 
 of the year 599 
 V 
 
 (From Bevue Biblique, 1893, 204) 
 
 ic(-upi)e avaTraucrov O Lord, grant rest to 
 
 TTjv SovXrjv (TOV thy servant Digounthas, child of 
 
 AiyowOav Aeov Leontios. Here she was 
 
 Tiov. evOaSe Ka buried in the month Loos 
 
 TtTtdr] 1X1] Aojou the 21st day of the year 601 
 
 Ko. TOV o^ tvS. 8 ind. 4 
 
 VI 
 
 (From Bevue Biblique, 1893, 204) 
 Here 
 lies the 
 
 servant of Christ, 
 and among the saints, 
 Abraamios 
 sou of Patricius 
 the deacon 
 on the fourth of 
 the Epagomene, of the year 
 601 
 Ind. 4 
 
 iv6a.Sc 
 
 KITE O TOV 
 
 li.(pia'TOv) Sov 
 Aos ic(ai) £v 
 aytots 
 A-Ppaaju 
 OS TLaTpi 
 Kiov SiaK(ovoi) 
 Trj ETrayo 
 /xtvr] 8 TOV 
 
 a)( ETOVS 
 
 iv8. 8 
 
 133 
 
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Ml^T/DttS Ka . . . 
 
 irwv TO Xonro[y . . 
 jSetou avTOV ei'[^aj 
 §£ Trapayev€TO 
 avfTrarj Se ck 
 To>v fjuoyBtiiv 
 cv /xj; rop7ri(atov) 8 
 Tov aT( CTOws tvS £ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 VII 
 (From Beme Bihlique, 1892, 241) 
 
 . . . Metras . . . 
 
 . . . the rest . . . 
 
 of his life. Here 
 
 he grew to maturity. 
 
 He rested from 
 
 his troubles 
 
 on the 4th of the month 
 
 Gorpaios, of the year 601, 
 
 Ind. 5 
 
 VIII 
 
 (From Bemte BiUique, 1892, 243) 
 
 £v9a8e Kar 
 
 €Ty]6ri rj Tov 0(^cov) So 
 
 vkr] OvcTia ®vyaT 
 
 •qp tijxodcov €v 
 
 jxrj AaKTiov ai tov Ka 
 
 Ta ra^(aiovs) yi^X "' 
 
 8. ai 
 
 (From 
 KaTeTYjOrj rj 
 
 hovXfj TOV X(plO'To)v $€0 
 
 Scupa fj,-q AaiCTiou 
 e TOV P^x "'^ ^ 
 KaTeTrjOr] o tov 
 X(pitrTo)D 8ovA.os HXtas 
 firj YTrepjSt/aeT (atov) ^K 
 
 TOV o^x "'^ y 
 
 Here was 
 buried the servant 
 of God, Ousia, the daughter 
 of Timotheos, in the 
 month Daisios, the 11th day of the 
 year 623, according to the Gazseans, 
 Ind. 11 
 IX 
 Bevue Bihlique, 1894, 248) 
 
 Was buried 
 
 the servant of Christ 
 
 Theodora in the month Daisios, 
 
 the 5th day, of the year 662, ind. 5. 
 
 Was buried the 
 
 servant of Christ, Elias, 
 
 on the 22d of the month Hyperberetaios 
 
 of the year 669, ind. 13 
 
 Besides the months here mentioned, there are found, with less 
 accurate dating, the months Peritios," Artemesios,^* and Dios.^° 
 As Marcus Diaconus mentions Apellaios, Audynaios, and Dys- 
 tros, verification is found of all the months mentioned in the 
 Hemerologium except Panemos. It is interesting to note how 
 Inscription No. VIII specifies the Gazsean era. It may be 
 
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THE CALENDAR AT GAZA 
 
 noted here that the indiction system was of Byzantine origin. It 
 was a period of fifteen years, beginning in 312 a.d., and was reck- 
 oned from September 1 to September 1. A summary of the re- 
 sults obtained from the examination of these inscriptions may 
 now be given. In them it is found that — 
 
 Hyperberetaios 22, 565 a.g. , Ind. 13, corresponds to Oct. 19, 505 a.d. 
 
 Loos 22, 589A.G.,Ind. 4, 
 
 Xanthikos, 589 a.g., Ind. 7, 
 
 Daisies 8, 599 a.g., Ind. 2, 
 
 Loos 21, 60lA.G.,Ind. 4, 
 
 Epagomenai 4, 601 a.g., Ind. 4, 
 
 Gorpaios 4, 601 a.g., Ind. 5, 
 
 Daisies 11, 623 a.g., Ind. 11, 
 
 Daisies 5, 662 a.g., Ind. 5, 
 
 Hyperberetaios 22, 669 a.g., Ind. 13, 
 
 Aug. 15,511 A.D. 
 " Apr. ?, 529 A.D. 
 " June 2, 539 A.D. 
 " Aug. 14, 541 A.D. 
 " Aug. 27, 541 A.D. 
 "Sept. 1,541 A.D. 
 " June 5, 563 A.D. 
 " May 30, 602 A.D. 
 " Oct. 19, 609 A.D. 
 
 That the indiction year began September 1 is attested by the 
 three entries of the year 601 a.g., where the first two are indic- 
 tion 4, and the third, which is September 1, is indiction 5. And 
 further, note that between May 30, 602, and October 19, 609, 
 there is a difference of eight indiction years. As Hyperberetaios 
 22, 565 A.G. (= October 19, 505 a.d.) should be in indiction year 
 14, it is assumed that the "13" in the inscription is due to a 
 mason's error. The above results also bear out the statement of 
 Marcus Diaconus that Daisies was the first month of the Gazeean 
 year. They also corroborate the Hemerologium in that the 
 Epagomenai were intercalated before Gorpaios, in accordance 
 with Egyptian practice. There are yet three inscriptions from 
 Gaza which offer a problem to the investigator. They read as 
 follows : 30 _ 
 
 ev jM) Aa«7to) 8t tov yX £tovs wh /Si. 
 ev fj-rj Aiov ^ tov dX crovs tvS y. 
 ev fi.rj Ata) 6k tov rjir ctovs tvS ^. 
 
 The 14th of Daisies, anne 33, ind. 12. 
 The 7th of Dies, anne 39, ind. 3. 
 The 29th ef Dies, anne 88, ind. 7. 
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HISTORY OP THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 It is curious that the hundreds are omitted from the dates of 
 these three inscriptions. What is to be suppHed, chi (600) or 
 phi (500) ? Paleographically, these inscriptions correspond 
 with the above-dated ones, i.e. between the dates 565 a.g. and 
 669 A.G. If chi be supplied, it makes the dates all at variance 
 with the indiction years; and the same is true if phi be sup- 
 plied; e.g. Daisios 14, 533, corresponds to June 8, 473. But the 
 indiction began in 462, so that 473 should be 11, not 12; and 
 the same is true with all the other dates. 
 
 Clermont-Ganneau thinks that it is the era of Askelon. He 
 says that the era of the Seleucidse cannot be meant ; for in that 
 case, the indiction years would not correspond. Nor could these 
 dates be of the era of Maioumas or of Hadrian ; for these eras 
 were not so long enduring ; he therefore concludes that the era 
 must be that of Askelon. He states that the third of these in- 
 scriptions is known to have come from there, and he therefore as- 
 sumes that the others did likewise. According to the Hemero- 
 logium, the year at Askelon was little different from that at 
 Gaza, e.g. it began October 28, but with the first of Hyperbere- 
 taios; and the Epagomenai were intercalated between Panemos 
 and Loos. He begins the Askelonite cycle 104 a.d. This, 
 then, would bring about the following equations : — 
 
 Daisios 14, 533 a. a., ind. 12, corresponds to July 8, 429, ind. 12. 
 Dies 7, 539 a.a., ind. 3, corresponds to Dec. 3, 434, ind. 3. 
 Dies 29, 588 a.a., ind. 7, corresponds to Dec. 25, 483, ind. 7. 
 
 But, as Schuerer points out, the Askelonite origin of the in- 
 scriptions is doubtful; and, further, it is a question whether 
 the era of Askelon began in 104 or in 105. The problem of 
 these dates remains unsolved. 
 
 In connection with this era but one question remains to be dis- 
 cussed : From what date or event did the Gazseans reckon their 
 era? As Gabinius, the rebuilder of the city, did not come to 
 Syria tiU 57 b.c, the era does not date back to this restoration of 
 Gaza. It must begin with some event in the life of Pompey. In 
 64-63 B.C. Pompey was in Syria; in 63 b.c. Jerusalem was 
 
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THE CALENDAR AT GAZA 
 
 captured, and matters were rearranged in Judea. The coast 
 cities from Raphia to Dora, the Hellenistic cities across the 
 Jordan, Scythopolis and Samaria, were taken from the Jews 
 and placed directly under the rule of the Roman governor of 
 Syria. Many of these cities reckoned their eras from this event. 
 But the Pompeian era was not the same throughout Syria. 
 Most of the cities reckoned 63 b.c. as the beginning of their eras, 
 but as has been shown, Gaza began with 61 B.C. It may be 
 that this year was chosen because in it Pompey celebrated his 
 Oriental triumph in Rome.'^ 
 
 There is another unique era connected with the city of Gaza. 
 On several coins of the Emperor Hadrian a double dating is 
 noticeable, e.g. r. ETTl. BQP; A. ETTI. TQP; E. ETTI. AQP; 
 E. ETTI. EQP. This era dated from the time of the visit of the 
 emperor to the city, when he instituted games and showed other 
 marks of his favor to Gaza. This occurred 129-130 a.d. Accord- 
 ing to the coins, the beginning of this Hadrianic year was not 
 concurrent with that of the old local era. It must have 
 begun sometime during the middle of the old year; for it 
 is seen on the coins that the year "E" of the Hadrianic era 
 corresponds to the years 194 and 195 a.g. There are no 
 evidences that this era lasted after the death of the emperor, in 
 
 138 A.D. 
 
 ' For this whole chapter, consult Schuerer, Sitzungsherichte d. Berliner 
 Akademie d. Wissenschaften, 1896, no. 41, pp. 1065 sqq., "Der Kalendar 
 und die Aera von Gaza." ^ Ed. Dindorf, 1, 352. ^ The Leyden Ms. 
 was published by Sainte-Croix in his Histoire de I'Academie des Inscriptions 
 et Belles-Lettres, vol. xlvii., 1809, pp. 66-89. The Florentine Mss. have 
 not been edited. They are catalogued Plut. 28, cod. 16 and 26. " For 
 these inscriptions, see Clermont-Ganneau, Archceological Researches, ii., 
 pp. 400-429; Revue Biblique, 1892, p. 239; 1893, p. 203; 1894, p. 428. 
 5 Op. cit, c. 19. ' Ibid., c. 21. ' Ibid., c. 54. « Ibid., c. 103. 
 ' Ibid. '" Ibid. c. 15. " Cf. supra. " Musei Sanclementiani 
 Numismata Selecta, ii., lib. iii., pp. 252-260; iv., pp. 153-9. '^ Marc. 
 Diac, cc. 15-18. " Ibid., c. 19. " Ibid., c. 21. '« Ibid., c. 22. 
 " Ibid. c. 25. " Ibid., c. 26. '* De Viris Illustribus, c. 130. 
 '» Schuerer, op. cit. " Quoted by Schuerer, op. cit. ^^ Ixxvi. 5. '' Dio 
 Cassius, Ixxvii. 3. ^ Ibid., Ixxvi. 3. ^^ Schuerer, op. cit. » 139 a.g., 
 i.e. 69-70 a.d. " Clermont-Ganneau, Researches, ii. 405. " Ibid., 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 p. 409. 29 75j(^^ pp 412, 413. so j^cl., ii. 405, 409, 412-13. 
 
 ^' In order to change dates a.g. (Gazaean era) into their corresponding 
 dates A.D., deduct 61 from the former date, if it be between October 
 28 and December 31, both inclusive; or 60 if the date be between January 
 1 and October 27, both inclusive. 
 
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CHAPTER XIV 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 In contrast to the general scarcity of inscriptions in Palestine, 
 the number discovered at Gaza, as surface finds, is strikingly- 
 large. This fact offers a decided inducement for more detailed 
 and thorough investigation, exploration, and excavation of this 
 site. Besides the coins, whose inscriptions give them an added 
 paleographic interest, and the inscriptions noted in the section 
 on Calendation, there is quite a large number of inscriptions 
 of Gaza which will now be presented and discussed. None is of 
 any great antiquity. In fact, none is pre-Christian in date ; but 
 all are nevertheless interesting and valuable. Most of them are 
 in Greek; but a Hebrew one also, of some interest, has been 
 found and two Samaritan ones. 
 
 In the Great Mosque, on one of the columns, in the second 
 row of pillars of the center aisle, is an inscription in Hebrew and 
 Greek. It is described by Clermont-Ganneau ^ as accompanied 
 by a bas-relief of a seven-branched candlestick, inscribed in a 
 crown; and below this is a sort of cartouche containing the 
 bilingual inscription. The wreath is closed at the top with an 
 egg-shaped gem, and the fillet terminates in flowing ends of ivy 
 leaves. In the center of the wreath is a conventional picture of 
 a candlestick, flanked on either side with a horn of oil, and a 
 sacrificial knife. The inscription is about 0.48 m. in height and 
 reads as follows : — 
 
 X 
 
 ANANIA 
 
 YlfilAKfl 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 The sides of the cartouche contain conventionalized presenta- 
 tions of palm-branches. The Greek is written in the style of 
 the second and third centuries. The interest centers rather in 
 the curious form laKco, which here unquestionably represents 
 laKoa^. laKw may be a parallel form in Hellenistic Greek to 
 la/cto/S. Comparison may be made of a text found by Maspero 
 at Hadrumetium, which reads as follows : tov 6eov tov A^paa/x 
 KM TOV lam TOV TOV laKov. Maspero corrects this last to JaaKov ; 
 but perhaps laicov^ is meant ; so that laicov is from a nomina- 
 tive laKO?. 
 
 Examination of a squeeze brought from Jaffa shows m-apa 
 laKco; and a grafFitus from Mt. Sinai ^ has la/co with la^, 
 both pointing to the same form of Jacob. Moreover, the 
 form of the name ia the Romance languages should be borne 
 in mind; e.g. lago (Diego, Tiego) and Jacques, which seem 
 to indicate the elision of the final h ; also the omission of the 
 last letter in the name P|D1\ which later became >{DV; ''D1\" 
 nOV, and in Greek and Latin, Icatr???, Etoo-?;, Jose. 
 
 The dative via seems to indicate that the inscription is dedi- 
 cated to and not by Hananiah. It is not a funerary inscription, 
 but one erected in honor of Hananiah. The custom of erecting 
 such pillars existed in Palmyra. It would indicate that this 
 pillar was erected in honor of Hananiah because of his services, 
 probably to some synagogue. If this be a correct conclusion, 
 then the question arises when, if ever, did the Jews build in Gaza 
 so fine a synagogue as this pillar would seem to indicate ? No 
 record exists to show that the Jews obtained any hold there during 
 pagan times; and such a building would surely not have been 
 allowed in Christian times. It is more than likely that the pillar 
 was brought to Gaza from Alexandria or Csesarea,^ In the fifth 
 century, when Eudoxia built the basilica, she sent thirty-two 
 columns to be used in the construction.^ It is not certain whence 
 these pillars were taken. According to a tradition, the Crusaders' 
 church was built on the site of the basilica of Eudoxia ; and this 
 church in time was converted into the present mosque. How- 
 ever, there were other Byzantine churches in Gaza from the 
 
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INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 materials of which the later structures might have been built; 
 e.gf. the churches of St. Sergius and of St. Stephen, which were 
 built by the Bishop Marcianus, under Justinian. The good 
 bishop used for his churches the old materials which he found 
 at hand. Choricius of Gaza describes these churches with much 
 detail. On another column of the mosque near by is a cross 
 which. the Moslems have tried to erase, and on another the holes 
 for holding a similar crucifix are found. 
 
 In the description, given above, of the race-course at Maidan 
 el-Zaid, built by the Saracens some seven hundred years ago, refer- 
 ence has been made to an inscribed pillar.^ This is no doubt a 
 mortuary inscription of the usual type. It reads as follows : — 
 
 
 XI 
 
 
 (From P.E.F 
 
 \Q.8. 
 
 , April, 1875) 
 
 Ao/t£cmKo(s) 
 
 
 Domesticus 
 
 uirep Ao/x.£ 
 
 
 over Dom- 
 
 (TTIKOV V 
 
 
 estikus his 
 
 lov avtOrj 
 
 
 son erect 
 
 K£V. . . . 
 
 
 ed. . . . 
 
 The same number of the P.E.F.Q.S., 1875, reports a few other 
 inscriptions of more or less value. From Sheikh Rashid, four 
 miles south of Gaza, comes this brief one. It is no doubt Chris- 
 tian, and contains a number of abbreviations which we are no 
 longer able to interpret. 
 
 XII 
 
 -f-HAIN 
 
 The cover of a well containing an inscription, in bad condi- 
 tion, was foimd in the courtyard of the El Khudra" mosque at 
 Der Belch." The first line is worn away; and what remains 
 makes no sense. It reads as follows : — 
 
 XIII 
 
 ETE 
 
 MAYPE . . . APAPIANO 
 ATTO .... IN HC IOYAT0 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 A slab in the floor of the mosque, near the cenotaph of 
 St. George, contains the following inscriptions : — 
 
 XIV 
 
 iTLXJ/SlCXpaTC . . . <0 
 
 A/J,a airoWoScopo) 
 ov eKTWv ISuiiv iV)(a 
 
 In the section of this work on Antiquities,'' mention is 
 made of a weight with an inscription which reads as follows : — 
 
 XlVa 
 TAEPA 
 rOPANO 
 M0YNT05 
 AIKAIOY 
 
 Clermont-Ganneau ^ interprets it as (erou?) Sf e ayopavofiow- 
 To? j^LKMov, "The year 164, Dikaios being agoranomos." " The 
 date 164 is- no doubt of the Gazsean era, and corresponds to 
 103-104 A.D. 
 
 Several well-known flags in the floor of the Great Mosque 
 show traces of a wreath. There is another with a- Greek in- 
 scription five lines long; but only line four can be read. 
 
 XV 
 fji.rj(vi) (H)av^tKo(v), and in line five, iv8. 
 
 It is probably a Christian inscription like those discussed in 
 the section on Calendation}" 
 
 XVI 
 
 Another stone near by contained a well-worn inscription, of 
 which only the letters ON are legible. 
 
 In an outer courtyard is a flag with this remnant of an in- 
 scription and a cross: — 
 
 XVII 
 
 -|-(E)N0AAE K[EITAI]." 
 
 In the house of M. Pickard, this fragment was found: — 
 
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INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 XVIII 
 
 . . . jatOS fXiV iM]{vc) . . . ? jH<^. AfltV. 
 
 . mios in the month ... (of the year) 64?. Amen." . 
 
 12 
 
 Inscription I (section on Calendation) was found in the 
 house of 'Atdllah el-Terzy. The inscription is preceded and 
 followed by a cross ; and at the end is a conventionalized palm- 
 branch. Inscription II is also preceded and followed by a cross; 
 and III is the same as I. It also comes from the house of 
 'Atallah el-Terzy. No V. was found at the house of Saliba 
 'Awad. It is preceded by a small cross; and beneath it is 
 a cross upon a trefoil, suggesting the hill of crucifixion. 
 
 No. VI was foimd at Jirius Na'mat; it is broken in two, 
 and measures 70 cm. x 27 cm. The sign of the cross also begins 
 the first line of this inscription. No. VII was foimd at the 
 Greek convent. It measures 65 cm. x 50 cm. The right 
 corner is missing. Below the inscription is a cross and an 
 egg-shaped symbol. No. VIII is followed by the sign of the 
 cross upon a trilobed hill. No. IX was found at Yusuf Saba. 
 It measures 129 cm. x 26 cm. The first line is cropped. It 
 is interesting because it consists of two separate inscriptions. 
 Each half is preceded by a cross; and the first part is sepa- 
 rated from the second by a conventionalized palm-branch. 
 
 From the house of Saliba 'Awad came a brief line, which 
 is in all probability to be connected with No. IV. It measures 
 36 cm. x 25 cm. and reads as follows : — 
 
 XIX 
 
 " Here was buried Stephen, the most pious, in the month "... 
 
 As the fragment containing No. IV is of the same dimensions, 
 and was found in the same place, it is very likely that the two 
 form one whole. 
 
 The following inscriptions are reported by Clermont-Gan- 
 neau." From the same house came a brief and unintelligible 
 fragment, measuring 20 cm. in width and reading as follows : — 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 XX 
 
 . . . 1(0 . . . TOV . . . (I>£T0V1 
 
 "... of the year 600." 
 
 The slab bearing the following inscription is now to be found 
 in the Room of Christian Antiquities (No. 3266) of the Louvre 
 Museum. The last line is badly preserved. It no doubt con- 
 tained the day of the month, and the year of the indiction. It 
 
 reads as follows : — • 
 
 XXI 
 
 + T(yv K ■^ y-q km to + Of the Lord is the earth and the 
 
 irhqpuiixa avrrji fullness thereof. 
 
 + ETTt AXe^avSpov over Alexander 
 
 SiaKovov ETrXo deacon, was executed 
 
 KoiBri Ta (oSe this paving. 
 
 £Tovs X H-iv"-} IIcpiTiou year, 600 month Peritios 
 
 Another fragment is from the house of Saliba 'Awad. The 
 
 height of the cross which precedes it is 12 cm. It stands on 
 
 a trilobed Golgotha. 
 
 XXII 
 
 To{v) ax ivS . . . Of the year 601, ind. . . . 
 
 The Greek vicar of Gaza foimd this inscription. It measures 
 72 cm. X 29 cm. and is ornamented on the top with a large 
 cross of open work. To the right and left are two stars and 
 two palm-branches, and beneath is a small vase. A peculiar 
 lozenge surmounts the cross. 
 
 XXIII 
 
 + aveTrar) fiaKap(ia) AOavacria ff-rj(vi) ApTefji,{i)a-Lov i^ tov rjx etous + 
 
 " The blessed Athanasia died on the 17th of Artemisios, of the 
 
 year 608." 
 
 The vicar also foimd this inscription, measm-ing 36 cm. x 
 21 cm: — 
 
 XXIV 
 
 + EvSaSe KiTai r) tov XY Here lies the servant of 
 SovXn Mev'CTflp'a Christ, Megisteria, 
 
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INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 TifioOeov OvyaTtjp daughter of Timotheus, 
 
 Tov /3iov djrfle/xeve ev /xt; she lay down her life in the month 
 
 Aoto-o) 8i TOV y\ ETous Daisios, the 14th, of the year 33, 
 
 ivSs /3t. K. Ind. 12 
 
 The following is on a marble slab, 55 cm. broad, very imper- 
 fect at the top : — 
 
 XXV 
 
 77 — — 
 
 [di'oraji; 8e ex Tiav avTov iJ,o)(6(av £V /J, Aiov ^ rov 0\ erous iv8s y. 
 " He rested from his troubles on the seventh of the month, Dios, of 
 ■ ' the year 38, ind. 3." 
 
 The following is on a slab that is said to have come from 
 Askelon. It was found at the house of Abdallah el-Sarraj," 
 and has a breadth of 45 cm. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 + -^ TOV XY K(ai) T<i)v The servant of Christ 
 
 dyiaiv SovXr] 'Ava and of the saints, Anas- 
 
 cTTao-ia lamwov tasia, (daughter) of John 
 
 Map-qi^hrjvav £v Mareabdenes, was 
 
 0a8e KaTtTeOrj buried here. 
 
 ^ Ato) 6k tov tjTr ers On the 28tli of Dios, of the year 88 
 
 ivSs 1+ Ind. 7 
 
 XXVII 
 
 KE avaTrava-ov Lord, grant rest to 
 TTjv 8ov\r]v a-ov thy servant 
 Avao-Tao-tav £7rt Anastasia 
 
 IJiaxov-S4> £0"r(?) 
 
 ev^aSe Kare Here she was 
 [Ttdrj'] Buried 
 
 The Latin missionary at Gaza is responsible for the follow- 
 ing brief inscription. It consists of three lines, flanked by 
 palm-branches. The slab is of black schist, and the top is 
 cut in the shape of a semicircle. It is broken in two. The 
 letters are of the fifth century. The hollows are filled with 
 
 red pigment. 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 XXVIII 
 + Mr/va TLoajxiavri KCKriiyv-qTr}) avrov. Mena Kosmiane his sister. . . . 
 
 The house of M. Pickard furnished this fragment also. It 
 measures 35 cm. x 28 cm., is broken across, and is much worn. 
 
 XXIX 
 
 + aviTr[a.ri] _ Eested 
 
 o jtiaKap[tos] the blessed 
 
 Io)avv[)js3 John 
 
 Ajjitv . ■ . Amen . . . 
 
 7) ... id 
 
 The same house furnishes this very brief Une of 10 cm. It 
 is roughly cut and badly worn. It reads as follows : — 
 
 XXX 
 
 + dveirae o) /*aK[aptos] " Eested the blessed ..." 
 
 It is interesting to note the use of the omega as the definite 
 article ; this is probably a mason's error. 
 
 XXXI. These few words were found on a stone 21 cm. in 
 length in the house of Hajji 'Othm^n: — 
 
 lo-ttKos lov " Isaac, son of Iot. . . . 
 
 XXXII. This is an unintelligible fragment consisting of 
 only a few letters, on a slab some 23 cm. in breadth : — 
 
 tav05 
 
 XXXIII. This interesting relic came from Askelon. It 
 is a carved marble cross, 60 cm. in height, standing on a tri- 
 lobed Golgotha. The end of each branch of the cross and 
 the center is inscribed with a Greek letter in the following 
 maimer : — 
 
 * 
 
 L 
 
 UU H 
 
 LIFE 
 
 C 
 
 G 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 T 
 
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INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 XXXIV. This inscription is found on a flagstone broken 
 in three pieces. It measures 40 cm. x 45 cm. It was picked 
 up on the seashore and is very incomplete. 
 
 . . . ite sic Juvenalis 
 de omnes uno 
 aeter)na trinita (s) in 
 e dignetur 
 s Ao/[ieT(t)avos 
 ai + 
 
 There was a Juvenahs, bishop of Jerusalem under Theodo- 
 sius II. in the fifth century. Dometianos, the disciple of St. 
 Euthymios, was ordained by Juvenalis; but it seems difficult 
 on paleographic grounds to assign the inscription to the fifth 
 century. The inscription may refer to some event in the life 
 of Juvenalis when he had been consecrated bishop of the coast 
 and had asserted his supremacy of the see of Jerusalem. Nes- 
 toras, bishop of Gaza, supported Juvenalis at the council of 
 Ephesus. 
 
 XXXV. This inscription was found at Eleusis by M. Skias, 
 and was first published in the Ephemeris Archceologike 
 of 1894 and republished in the Revue Archeologique, 1899, 
 ser. 3. While not strictly a Gazsean inscription, dealing as 
 it does with a distinguished son of that city, it is entitled to 
 a place in this summary. It was inscribed on a pedestal of 
 Pentelic marble, 1.15 m. in height, 0.52 m. in width, and 0.60 m. 
 in thickness, and reads as follows: — 
 
 JlroXefiaiov 'Xepi^vov ^oiviKapxov vlov Ta^aiov 
 Kcu oAAcov TroA.eo))' iroXCnqv €vvova% kvtKiv T^s 
 £ts Ty]V troXiv xal aperrj'S Kal T^s Tr(£)pl Xoyovs 
 a.(TKTJ<7£(iK a.p.u6op.a/OL ave(TTir](Tav ot crep-voTaToi 
 AjoeoTToyiTai napa. rais deal's. 
 
 " The most august members of the Areopagus erected [this image] 
 of Ptolemaeus, son of Serenes, the Phcenikarch, a son of Gaza and a 
 citizen of other cities, because of his good-will to the city, and his 
 goodness, and his skill in speech." 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Another inscription which may be classed with this last one, 
 as it refers to Gaza though not found there, is that on the statue 
 erected to Gordianus III. (238-44) by the citizens of_ Gaza 
 in the Portus Trajanus." It reads as follows: — 
 
 XXXVI 
 
 AyaOrj TVXV 
 
 AvTOKparopa Kaurapa Good Fortune ! 
 
 M. AvTovLov The city , of the Gazseans, sacred, 
 
 TopStavov. Ev(rel3ri and an asylum, and autonomous, 
 
 Evrux'7- Se/Sao-TO)/ faithful, pious, splendid and great 
 
 Koa-p-oKparopa rj iroXts [erected this statue of] the auto- 
 
 H T(ov TaI,aLwv kpa Kai crat Caesar M. Antonius Gordi- 
 
 'AcrvXos (Cat airoi/o/ios anus, the pious and the fortunate, 
 
 Hto-Ti; 17 ewo-eySijs Xa/x,7rpa Augustus, World-ruler, by com- 
 
 Kai /xeyaXi; ii ivKXvtrtaii mand of the native deity, because 
 
 Tov irarpiov ®tov of his good works, through Ti- 
 
 Tov eavTrj's cvepycrrjv berius Claudius Papeirus, curator 
 
 Ata Tl^. KX. Uawtipov of the sanctuary 
 
 EirijUcXijTov TOV le/joti. 
 
 The Revue Biblique, 1903, p. 427, reported the following 
 inscription found at Eleutheropolis : — 
 
 XXXVII 
 
 iv p-rjiyi) Atiiov k tov ro^ erbus ivS. 0. 
 
 " On the 20th of the month Loos, of the year 576, indiction 9." 
 
 This is evidently not dated according to the Eleutheropolitan 
 calendar, as then the date would correspond with Aug. 8, 775. 
 Firstly, this would be the thirteenth year of the indiction; 
 secondly, the local calendar did not obtain till so late a date. 
 Nor is it according to the Christian calendar, which had not 
 become so general in its use at this date. It is most likely 
 dated according to the Gazsean era; the date would then cor- 
 respond with Aug. 12, 516. Probably in its original situation, 
 the inscription was so placed that there could be no doubt as 
 to the era used.'^ 
 
 The following inscription was first published in the Revue 
 Biblique, 1901, p. 580, and later discussed by Clermont-Gan- 
 
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INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 neau in his Recueil d' ArcMologie orientale, v., 57, It reads as 
 follows : — 
 
 XXXVIII 
 + AvETrae + Eested 
 
 o /xaKap(tos) the blessed 
 
 So)cr£/8is Sosibios 
 
 6Tv + oK . . . T7j the plasterer on the 
 7r£piT(tov) yi ^KL^ 13th of Peritios, 674, 
 
 ivS £ indiction 5. 
 
 This inscription belongs to the same class as those Christian 
 funerary inscriptions discussed in the previous chapter. The 
 date is apparently of the Gazsean era, and the correspondence 
 between the indiction year and the other date is correct as 
 given. Swo-e/Sis is no doubt a vulgar form of the more generally 
 known 2&)cri/8io?. The only difficulty which the inscription 
 presents is the fourth sign in the fourth line. The first editors 
 read it as a cross, and endeavored to find in the word an 
 ethnic designation, but without success. Clermont-Ganneau " 
 reads this letter as "'^," suggesting that the fancy of the stone- 
 cutter caused him to give the letter the form of the cross. He 
 finds then that the word is to be read yvyfroKof, " a plasterer " ; a 
 word formed on the analogy of d/jroKOTro?, " a baker." 
 
 A Samaritan inscription of nineteen lines is reported by 
 Clermont-Ganneau, but aside from indicating that it is of a 
 liturgical character, its contents are not made known," as he 
 failed to copy or photograph it. Another inscription in the 
 same characters is reported by Abel. It is a fragment of the 
 Decalogue, breaking off at " likeness." It is prefaced with 
 niiT ntl^D, which seems to indicate an origin in the Moslem 
 period.'* 
 
 The author is in receipt of the following brief description 
 of the Arabic inscriptions of Gaza from Max van Berchem, 
 the learned editor of the Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, 
 together with his permission to publish the same: — 
 
 "The most striking characteristic of the Arabic epigraphy of 
 Gaza is that all the inscriptions belong to the later Mameluke 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 and Ottoman sultans. The only older one which I [Van Ber- 
 chem] found is a Cufic inscription in the sanctuary of the 
 mosque 'al-Mahkama in the quarter el-Saj ja'iyya ; unfor- 
 tunately, this well-preserved text is not dated, but as it 
 contains only invocations, it is without any historical 
 information. The absence of early Arabic texts in Gaza 
 can be explained by the fact that both before and after 
 the Crusades, under Moslem rule, Gaza remained a very 
 small and unimportant place up to the time of the early 
 Mamelukes. 
 
 "In the Great Mosque the following inscriptions are pre- 
 served : Two of Sultan L^gin dated Rabf I. and Sha'ban, 697 
 A.H.; four of Mohammed el-Nasir, of the years 706, 718, 
 Muharram 730, and the fourth one undated; one of sultan 
 Mohammed, son of Kait Bay, of Ramadan, 903. The sultan 
 Skeikh has an inscription in the Mosque Ibn Othman, dated 
 Sha'ban 821. 
 
 "The other inscriptions in the Great Mosque and in the 
 numerous sanctuaries of the city belong to various emirs and 
 officers under the Mameluke sultans, several of these relating 
 to the emir Sanjar el-Jawali, the first governor of Gaza under 
 the sultan Mohammed el-Nasir. I found, besides these, build- 
 ing inscriptions, and others mentioning public works, or chari- 
 table endowments (wakf), and several decrees remitting taxes 
 (marsum). Some unimportant texts of Ottoman officials 
 are also foimd. A number of funerary and commemorative 
 inscriptions occur, mentioning the names of local sheikhs and 
 saints. The oldest of these, in fact the oldest dated Arabic 
 inscription of the city, is in the Uttle mosque of Sheikh Ilyds, 
 Safar 671 (1272 a.d.)." 
 
 ' Arch. Researches, ii., pp. 389 sqq. ' Lepsius, no. 84; Euting, no. 510. 
 ' Cf . the pillars of Egyptian granite used in the building of the church at 
 Tyre ; also the several Egyptian sarcophagi found along the Phoenician coast. 
 ^ Marc. Diac, c. 84. ^ P.E.F.Q.S., 1875. ^^ St. George and the prophet 
 Elijah are frequently referred to under this name. ' P.E.P.Q.8., 
 
 1875. ' Cf. infra. « P.E.F.Q.S., October, 1893. » A market in- 
 
 spector, whose chief function was supervision of weights and measures. 
 
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INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 '» P.S.F.Q.S., 1875. "/bid. "Ibid. '^ Arch. Researches, ii., 420 sqq. 
 " C. I. Gr., no. 5892. '* W. Kubitschek, Kalendarstudien, Jahreshefte 
 d. oesterrischischen Institutes in Wien, viii., p. 97. " Op. cit. " Arch. 
 Researches, ii., p. 430. " Montgomery, The Samaritans, pp. 276, 277; 
 
 R. B., 1906, p. 84. 
 
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CHAPTER XV 
 
 ANTIQUITIES AT GAZA 
 
 As no systematic excavations have ever been conducted 
 at Gaza, all the antiques which have come from the place have 
 been surface finds. No doubt, many valuable ones have passed 
 into the hands of the ignorant who either destroyed them or 
 did not appreciate the importance of the knowledge to be 
 gained from exact information as to the provenance of archae- 
 ological discoveries. Thus they have been absorbed into 
 the great mass of undated, unlocalized Palestinian antiques. 
 In 1660 Chevalier D'Arvieux and Pater Moronne, under the 
 patronage of the local government, made the first attempt 
 at a thorough exploration of the site of the old city, and the 
 pasha conducted some excavations on the supposed site of 
 the temple of Dagon. The general survey of western Palestine 
 made by the Palestine Exploration Fund in 1871-75 and 1878- 
 79 also included Gaza. The place was again visited and care- 
 fully examined by Clermont-Ganneau ; and Gatt has done 
 some good work here for the Deutscher Palestina Verein. 
 The number of other scientific or quasi-scientific visitors to 
 this site, as well as to other Palestinian localities, is too great 
 for more than the merest mention. A site so well determined 
 as this, in so promising a locality, where even surface finds 
 have been more abundant than in most parts of Palestine, 
 surely suggests itself as a desirable one for excavation. 
 
 The most important find yet made at Gaza and in its neigh- 
 borhood was the great statue discovered at Tell Ajjiil, one 
 and one-half hours south of Gaza, by the natives of the village 
 on Sept. 6, 1879. The statue was buried in the deep sand 
 on a hill some 50 m. high. It lay on its left side, with its head 
 to the southwest, its face toward the sea, and its lower extremity 
 
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ANTIQUITIES AT GAZA 
 
 to ihe northeast. It was only cut to the hips. The back 
 was a square block, no doubt to be attached to some building. 
 A cloak was draped over the left shoulder. The plinth was 
 roughly cut. The breast of the statue was very well preserved. 
 The head and hair were less well preserved, the nose in par- 
 ticular being broken off. The forehead also was badly dam- 
 aged; and the left arm was missing. It may be that the arm 
 was outstretched and broke off when the statue was thrown 
 down : ^ there is little or no trace of it on the body. Accord- 
 ing to the observations of another investigator ^ the left arm 
 was folded across the breast. The right arm is broken at 
 the elbow; and most of the shoulder is hidden under the robe. 
 The beard is long and full; and the hair falls in long locks to 
 the shoulder. There is no inscription upon the statue. It 
 is about 3.28 m. high, including the base upon which it stands. 
 The base is 1 m. high, 90 cm. wide, and 70 cm. thick. Beneath 
 the statue a mosaic floor was found, all trace of which has 
 disappeared. The statue does not show very high-class artistic 
 work. It is decidedly not Assyrian in character, but most 
 likely Greco-Roman. The material of which it is made is not 
 marble, but "chalesi," stone from the old town of Elasa (Cha- 
 lasa). It is a yellow sandstone, hard, and of very fine grain. 
 The statue is apparently seated. It may have been sawn 
 in two for the purpose of transportation, and buried in the 
 sand to protect it from the Christians. It was rescued from 
 the natives, who had already begun to destroy it, by the mis- 
 sionary Shapira,^ and is now in the Imperial Museum at Con- 
 stantinople. The reporter in the P.E.F.Q.S., 1882,' calls it the 
 "Gazsean Jupiter." S. Reinach ^ identifies it with Zeus. G. A. 
 Smith" mentions its likeness to the Greek Zeus, and thinks 
 it is Mamas; so also Guthe.' The Archceologische Zeitschrift^ 
 thinks it a statue of Serapis. It is more than likely that its 
 identification with Zeus-Marnas is correct. 
 
 A bas-relief is also reported in the P.E.F.Q.S., 1898, April, of 
 Byzantine workmanship, similar to those with which Choccius 
 says his town and the other coast cities of Philistia were 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 adorned. An investigator" reports the following finds: In 
 Nasara, a full hour south of Gaza, a well-built cistern was 
 destroyed whose stones were brought to Gaza. A mosaic 
 was found there some years before, somewhat to the south; 
 but it has been destroyed. The site where the Jupiter-Marnas 
 statue was foimd Was searched for dressed stones, but with 
 no results. The east wall of Maioumas, 3 m. thick, is at pres- 
 ent buried in the sand. Ten capitals are also to be seen there 
 strewn along the coast. Guerin saw the south wall of the 
 harbor, too ; but it is now no longer visible. He also observed 
 a number of pillars and capitals in the sea at this point. Just 
 north of Sheikh 'Ajlun many dressed stones of good quality 
 are found. Near the Bab el-Dirtim, by the quarantine station, 
 is a Moslem cemetery. It contains seven marble shafts, pillars 
 from old buildings. The Arabic inscriptions in this cemetery 
 are in some cases seven hundred years old. The race-course 
 at Maidan el-Zaid is marked by four stones, one of which is 
 inscribed. It was built by the Saracens some seven hundred 
 years ago. The goals were no doubt pillars removed from 
 old Roman buildings. 
 
 Clermont-Ganneau reports the following finds :^'' — 
 
 A white marble "chimera and griffin" bas-relief, with the 
 rear portions of a deer and a doe thereon. 
 
 A fish of dark green schist, 12 x 7 cm., which was no doubt 
 a votive offering. Does this point to the practice of ichthy- 
 olatry at Gaza? 
 
 A smaU figure of gold, in the Egyptian style, 2.5 cm. high, 
 with an eye in the back for suspension. 
 
 A small lion of gold, also in the Egyptian style, 2 cm. in 
 length. There is a cartouche on the base which has been 
 read " (A) men-Ra, the enneadian, god of the two lands." 
 
 A plain sarcophagus of calcareous conglomerate, 1.05 m. 
 X 40 cm. 
 
 A bronze ape, about 6 cm. long, which may also be taken 
 for a figure with human head. The feet are broken and the 
 workmanship is very rude. 
 
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ANTIQUITIES AT GAZA 
 
 Two figurines, suspensible. One is a winged Eros; the 
 other, Artemis wearing a diadem. 
 
 A bronze mirror, flat and round, about 15 cm. in diameter. 
 The back is engraved with a series of concentric circles; and 
 it is provided with movable handles. The discovery of a square 
 weight of lead is reported, " which weighs about 144 grammes 
 and is inscribed thus: — 
 
 LA Z P A 
 ro P A N 
 M Y N T05 
 A I K A I Y 
 
 This is read by Ganneau as follows: — 
 
 (cTovs) AHE, ayopavojjiovvTO^ AiKaiov 
 "The year 164, Dikaios being agoranomos." 
 
 It was found at Khirbet Lakhiyah, which is probably Bait 
 Lakhyah, just north of Gaza. The date, 164, is no doubt 
 that of the era of Gaza, which began Oct. 28, 61 b.c, so 
 that the weight dates from 103-104 a.d. For purposes of 
 comparison, reference may be made to Waddington, Inscrip- 
 tions, No. 1. 904, where the inscription 
 
 KoXmvtas Ta^J/s i^n HptoSoi) Ai.o<j>avTov 
 ("of the colony of Gaza, under Herodes Diophantes") 
 
 is found on a similar weight. On the back of this second 
 weight is a Phoenician mem, the initial letter of the name of 
 the local Gazsean deity, Marnas. The weight of this one is 178 
 grammes. On the new-found weight there are no symbols upon 
 the back, only series of parallel lines crossing each other at 
 acute angles. The Herodes weight has the letters IE or AE; 
 but they are very indistinct. It may be of the year 15, or the 
 year 35. It is Hkely that the weights were dated according to 
 the ephemeral era of Hadrian, which the emperor instituted at 
 Gaza on the occasion of his visit in 130. There are several 
 coins of this era. A few years later, a similar weight was dis- 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 Covered in the vicinity of Gaza.'^ This one is .093 m. x .089 
 m. X .0045 m., weighs 313.9 grammes, and is provided with 
 a handle at the top. On the one side is the figure of a 
 horseman and an inscription, and on the other a draped 
 female figure holding a cornucopia in her left hand and a bal- 
 ance in her right. About the figure is the word AiKaioaWri 
 ("Justice"). It may have been a model for coin artists. The 
 influences of Alexandrian art are very pronounced. The female 
 figure may be that of Isis, who was often adored under the name 
 of Justice. The legend on the obverse reads as follows-: — 
 
 ETOvs STT /8 efa/tTjvov Itti 'AXe^avSpov 'AX<f)iov ixyopavo/jLov. 
 
 " The year 86, the second semester, under Alexander Alphios as 
 agoranome." 
 
 The year 86 a.g. would correspond to 25-26 a.d. ; but the char- 
 acter of the writing is later, and the style of the figurines also. 
 If the era referred to be that of Hadrian, it would make the date 
 216, which would be too late, according to the testimony of the 
 paleography and the art. Nor was the era of Hadrian of so long 
 a duration. The question arises, is it possible that here is an 
 object whose provenance is misleading; and that its real home 
 is some other place from which it has been carried to the site 
 where it was found? For example, if the object came from 
 Askelon, where a new era was instituted in 104, the facts would 
 fit in better. No definite conclusion can be reached on this 
 point in view of present knowledge of the matter. 
 
 ' Z.D.P.V., vii., 1884, pp. 1-14. ^ j^^^^ ^^ p jgS. » Shapira's 
 connection with the finding of the statue tended at first to discredit the au- 
 thenticity of the find because of his previous share in the famous Moabite 
 forgeries. But nothing has ever been advanced to show that this statue 
 shares the character of his other discoveries. ^ p. 147. ^ Catal. du 
 Musee Imp. d'antiquitis,p. 11, no. 27. 'Op. cit.,p. 188. '' Z.D.P.V., 
 ii., p. 185. « 1879, p. 198. « Z.D.P.V., vii. (1884), pp., 1-14. " Re'-, 
 searches, vol. ii., pp. 430 sqq. " P.E.P.Q.S., October, 1893. ^' Comptes 
 Bendus, xxvi., p. 606. 
 
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CHAPTER XVI 
 
 COINS 
 
 The earliest coin attributed to Gaza is the so-called Jehovah 
 coin of the British Museum.^ On the obverse appears a head with 
 a helmet ; on the reverse, a figure seated in a chariot, with a bird 
 in his hand. Above the figure, in Phoenician characters, are the 
 three letters (1,1'') (YHW). A bearded head, wearing a mask, 
 is also to be foimd on the reverse. 
 
 Next in age are a number of coins of foreign powers, adapted 
 to the needs of the city. In particular, a number of Athenian 
 coins are foimd so adapted; e.g. No. 12 (mentioned by Six, 
 "Observations sur les Monnaies Pheniciennes," in the "Numis- 
 matic Chronicle," new series, xvii., 1877) is a copy of a tetra- 
 drachm of Athens. No. 21 is a tetradrachm of Athens ^ with an 
 inscription,' which is conjecturally read nt!J "^hfi ("king of 
 Gaza"). Nos. 1-8, with the double-headed decoration, are also to 
 be attributed to Gaza, despite their Greek dress ; ^ and No. 29 
 writes the Semitic for Gaza in Greek order, thus 5tn.^ A 
 curious passage from Berosus ° is cited which receives new mean- 
 ing from the figures on these coins. It reads as follows : — 
 
 'AvOpdirovi yewTjO^vai, (rS/xa fi€v tT^ovras ev Ke</)aA.as Be Svo avSpetav Tf 
 . Kal ywaiKeiav. 
 
 " Having one body, and two heads, a male and a female." ' 
 
 The next coin in point of age which is referred to Gaza is one 
 of Demetrius I. Soter (162-150 B.C.). It is a silver coin of 
 259.3 grammes' weight. On the obverse is a head of Demetrius, 
 diademed, and a border of laurel wreath. The reverse has the 
 letters [A, which no doubt indicate that the coin was minted at 
 
 Gaza.' 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 The oldest coins that are strictly Gazsean are two of Augustus, 
 of 63 and 66 a.g. It should here be noted that the imperial 
 coins of Gaza do not begin till after the death of Herod the Great. 
 Coins from this time onward are dated according to one of two 
 reckonings, — either that of the era of Gaza or that of the tem- 
 porary era of Hadrian. 
 
 Strangely enough, though the name of Marna, or his symbol 
 the Phoenician mem, occurs on many of the coins, a distinctive 
 figure which might assist in his description is not found. His 
 identification with Zeus may account for this. And the Zeus 
 head crowned with laurel is common on these coins. Another 
 common grouping is a distyle temple containing two figures. 
 These are usually taken for Apollo and Artemis, but De Saulcy 
 thinks them to be Marna and the Genius of Gaza (Tyche). 
 Stark ° suggests an explanation which satisfies both these theo- 
 ries : since Zeus Kasios was usually represented as Apollo, why not 
 similarly Marna ; and the Genius of Gaza as Artemis ? Another 
 familiar figure upon Gazaean coins is the head of a woman wearing 
 a turret crown, no doubt the Fortune (Tyche) of the city. It 
 may be asked what is the significance of the name Marna which 
 occurs on so many of the coins ? The present writer is of the 
 opinion that it refers to Gaza as the city of Marna, its patron 
 deity. The whole name or the initial letter in Phoenician char- 
 acter occurs on many of the imperial Gazsean coins. An inter- 
 esting passage is found among the fragments of Damascius ^'' 
 which is an exact description of the Phoenician letter as it ap- 
 pears on these coins. It reads as follows : — 
 
 TOTE 6vojiat,6f).e.vov o iariv tvOcux. opOij /lua kol rpets TrXdyioi et' avT^i rj re 
 K0pv(l>a2a Koi 8uo juer avrrjv . . . irapa Ta^aioi'i tov Aios. 
 
 "The sign of Zeus among the Gazseans is one straight line and 
 three strokes after this, and it is the chief and two after it." 
 
 The word MEINQ is also found on some of the coins, and refers 
 to Minoa, the legendary name of Gaza, as reported by Stephen of 
 Byzantium, with reference to its foundation by Minos of Crete. 
 As Stark " points out, this name may be derived from the Minffi- 
 
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 ans who, coming out of Arabia, established themselves here, 
 and made Gaza the headquarters of their incense trade. The 
 legend as reported is no doubt a late attempt to identify early 
 Greek culture with this newly Hellenized region, and grew up 
 out of the accidental likeness of the ethnic name and the name 
 of the hero. Similarly, the name EIQ appears on some of the 
 coins. Stephen of Byzantium also reports a legend identifying 
 lo with the early history of the city. He also states that the sea 
 between Gaza and the Delta was known as the Ionian Sea ; and 
 on some of the coins a cow appears, which, as is well known, 
 was associated with lo legends, and became her symbol. 
 
 Interesting, too, is the repeated occurrence of the words 
 lEP. ASY. on several coins. An interesting passage from the 
 Gordianus inscription,'^ which reads as follows, explains these 
 abbreviations : — • 
 
 ■^ TToXis TJ tZv Ta^aiiov lepa Koi acruXos Kai avT0V0)i0i iruTTt) t) rfo-e^^s 
 Xd/Jtirpa Koi fJLeydXr] kt\. 
 
 " The city of the Gazaeans is sacred, and an asylum and autono- 
 mous, faithful, pious, brilliant, and great," etc.'' 
 
 A few coins are also foimd bearing the figure of Hercules and 
 his club. This, too, is in recognition of another legend that the 
 city was foimded by a son of the hero, Azon by name. 
 
 No silver money of Gaza, i.e. of the autonomous period, is 
 extant. AH the coins treated of in this section are of copper, 
 minted in three sizes. A further distinction must be made 
 between the coins stamped with the head of the local divinities 
 and those impressed with the emperor's head. The Hadrianic 
 coins of Gaza bear only the name of the city, are dated according 
 to the two eras of the city's reckoning, and, strangely enough, 
 are without the emperor's head. The monogram of Gaza Hi 
 is as yet vmexplained. Some suggest it is a conventionalization 
 of the Phoenician mem. Others that it is a combination of the 
 gamma of Gaza and the iota of lo, to suggest the Argive origin 
 of the city, while still others associate it with the widespread 
 crux aniata. The number of imperial coins is remarkably 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 large. There is an almost complete list from Augustus to Ela- 
 gabalus. In the period from Hadrian to Caracalla there are 
 often whole series of years without a break. 
 
 ' J.Q.R. xiii., p. 588. This coin is found in the printed catalogue of 1814, 
 although purchased about fifty years previous. On paleographical and 
 archaeological grounds it is assigned to about 400 b.c. ^ The obverse: 
 a helmeted head of Pallas Athene ; the reverse : an owl and a branch of 
 olive, with the letters ty, which is either an abbreviation of the name 
 due to lack of space on the coin, or a parallel form. * The inscrip- 
 
 tion consists of the two Phoenician letters within a square, thus O'-H J"^- 
 
 It is no doubt an abbreviation for the suggested reading. ^ As these coins 
 conform to one type, the description of one may sufBce for them all. Ob- 
 verse : a double head, with a diadem ; the left-hand one, bearded ; the other, 
 without a beard, but with an earring. It is in good archaic style. Reverse; 
 deeply cut; an owl, and an ear of wheat, and the inscription "ijZO, ^^':), 
 Gaza. * Obverse : head of a woman with a fillet, the hair flowing, with 
 an earring; reverse: an owl with outspread wings, a branch of olive 
 with the lettering uirF, J"!, the whole , inclosed within a square depression 
 surrounded with a bead-like ornament. " Frag. ap. Syncell. ' " This 
 blending of male and female elements is frequently met with in Semitic 
 cults, as,' e.g., the bearded Astarte, at Paphos and Carthage; the warlike 
 Amazons of Asia Minor, the male Semiramis, the effeminate Sardanapalus, 
 and Herakles who had to perform woman's service for Omphale," De la 
 Saussaye, op. cit., p. 318. Cf. the prohibition in Deuteronomy against 
 wearing the clothes of the opposite sex. Dt. xxii. 5. Cf., too, the frequently 
 found Baal-Tanith. * Gardner, Catalogue of Coins of the Seleucid Kings 
 in the British Museum, p. 47, no. 29. ° Op. cit., pp. 575-589. " Ed. 
 Ruelle. " Op. cit., p. 581. " Cf. supra. " For a complete list of 
 these imperial coins, cf. supra, section on Calendar at Gaza. 
 
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CHAPTER XVII 
 
 GAMES AT GAZA — INDUSTRIES AT GAZA — TRADE ROUTES 
 THROUGH GAZA 
 
 The Hadrianic games (TravrjyvpK 'ASpiavr]) were instituted 
 at Gaza by the emperor Hadrian on the occasion of his 
 visit to the city in 130. Being a patron of the old culture, it 
 was his ambition to found centers from which such influence 
 might emanate, and to strengthen those which were already in 
 existence. Gaza, being the most completely Hellenized city of 
 Palestine, offered itself as a likely field for his endeavors. After 
 the defeat of Bar Kokhba, the Jewish prisoners were brought in 
 large numbers to Gaza and sold there or forced into ' the games 
 which were then instituted to celebrate the triumph of the 
 Roman arms.^ The games then became an annual event, and 
 consisted of oratorical contests ("bonos auditores" is a bad 
 translation in the "Totius Orbis Descriptio " of the Greek uKpo- 
 a/jLUTiKoi) ; Pammacharii, an athletic event which included 
 boxing and wrestling, and regular Circenses,^ were no doubt 
 part of this festival. The local TrayKpariov (the event in 
 which the pammacharii participated) is also mentioned in 
 the inscription of Aphrodisias. In the fourth century the 
 games of Gaza were the most celebrated in Syria.* With 
 modifications, they were celebrated till about the time of the 
 author of the "Chronicon Paschale" (7* century, a.d.).= When 
 Gaza became Christian, the nature of these celebrations changed 
 materially; they then were not a regular feature of Gazsean 
 life, but were celebrated from time to time to mark the dedica- 
 tion of a church, or some public work. The theaters were 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 crowded to listen to the rhetoricians who made the dedicatory 
 addresses, which were usually eulogies pronounced upon the 
 builder or the officials of the empire, province, or city; the 
 pantomimes were omitted, being held in high disfavor by the 
 Christians because of their gross character, and having been for- 
 bidden by decree of the emperor Anastasius I. The sanguinary 
 features such as those associated with the Circenses were not 
 observed ; but the occasion was made as brilliant as possible by 
 the presence of large bodies of visitors, numerous delegations be- 
 ing present from other cities; by the decoration and illumi- 
 nation of the city; and by the encouragement of the local 
 trades. The fairs of the city were famous throughout Palestine, 
 and frequent mention is made of them in the rabbinical sources.* 
 Clermont-Ganneau calls attention to an annual fair still held 
 in Gaza at the gate Ba bel-Darum. It is called 'Id el-Nas4ra 
 (" the Feast of the Christians ") by the Moslems. This may be a 
 continuance of the old games. ^ During the Middle Ages the 
 Saracens indulged in similar celebrations. At the present day a 
 plot of ground, southwest of the city, is known as the Maidan 
 el-Zaid ; it contains the ruins of a race-course built about seven 
 centuries ago. D'Arvieux * tells of the jousts which the Turks 
 indulged in on the neighboring plain. 
 
 II 
 
 Gaza was famed in antiquity for its varied industries. Pot- 
 tery made there was well known, and was called "Gazitse." ° 
 Large wine-jugs were a specialty of the local potteries, Gaza being 
 the center of the wine trade for Egypt and Syria.^" There was 
 a colony of wine-dealers in the harbor Maioumas." The wine 
 of Gaza was mentioned in the code of Justinian together with 
 the other famous wines of antiquity.'^ And in the West it was 
 well known imder the names of "Gazetum," and "Gazetinum." " 
 Besides its wines, the native grains and oils of Gaza were famous. 
 
 The city was always a busy trade-center. Indeed, it may be 
 said that Gaza owed its very existence to the commerce which 
 
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GAMES — INDUSTRIES — TRADE ROUTES 
 
 was transacted there. It was the port of the desert. All the 
 products of Arabia were transhipped there for the Western world. 
 It is spoken of as a busy city by Ammianus Marcellianus, by 
 Junior Philosophus, by Antoninus Martyr and by the author of 
 the "Totius Orbis Descriptio," and others. Though inland, it 
 had its own harbor, from which the water trade with the West 
 was carried on. This began to be marked during the Persian 
 period, as the earliest coins testify. The fact that there was a 
 temple to Marnas at Ostia testifies to the importance of the 
 GazEean trade with that port." 
 
 It is interesting to note that the wine trade, which continued 
 to be a feature of the city's business for many centuries, was in 
 the hands of the Jews in the Middle Ages.^^ To-day pottery is 
 one of the chief industries of the city. Besides brick and soap 
 making and the weaving of cotton, linen, wool, and to a small 
 extent silk manufacture is carried on. In pottery and weaving 
 Gaza excels all the other cities of Palestine." 
 
 Ill 
 
 According to Pliny " there were routes through Gaza to south- 
 ern Arabia, Petra, and Palmyra besides that to Egypt. South 
 of el-Auje, at the Wady Ruhebe, the road to Gaza divides. The 
 route which runs to the northwest, called the west road, joins 
 Aila on the Ailanitic Gulf to Philistia; and the other, the so- 
 called east road, runs through the Mahrah plateau and joins Gaza 
 with Petra.'* But of all the roads which centered in Gaza that 
 which ran to southern Arabia, the great incense road, was the 
 most important. The frankincense groves were the source of 
 the wealth and the importance of the old Minsean kingdom, as it 
 became that of the Sabseans, and even later of the Gebanites." 
 This incense was an important article in the temple rituals of 
 antiquity; and its use was confined to ecclesiastics and kings. 
 The route extended from Tomna, the capital of the Gebanites, 
 to Gaza. It was divided into sixty-five stations.^" The sta- 
 tions were somewhat as follows, though these mentioned were 
 
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF GAZA 
 
 not all on the direct route, but in many cases were alternative 
 ones. From Gaza to Petra was four marches, of which only the 
 last, Halguia, is mentioned (§ 204).^' Then follow these stations 
 on the great frankincense road : — 
 
 (§ 206) ASpov [Adruh] ; (§ 207) 'Apa/Mva [Aram] ; (§ 208) 'AkkoXt) 
 [el-Hagl]; (§ 209) Ma8ta//,a [Madyan] ; (§ 210) Ma/cva [Makna] ; 
 (§ 211) Aa/3a [el-Kiiaba]; (§ 212) 'Eypa [el-Hijr]; (§ 214) Nc/cAn 
 ['Aqabat] ; (§ 215) 'Oo-Ta/^a [Tabuk] ; (§ 216) Axpova [Akra"] ; (§ 218) 
 ®at/«i [Taima] ; TaiiToXts; (§219) O^paKa [Abrak el-Thamaidan] ; 
 (§ 222) OaTrava [Thapaya ; the road to Palmyra branches off here. 
 It is fifteen days' march from Thapaya to Palmyra] ; (§ 224) 
 PaSovKOfiri ; ^apaOa ; (§ 227) Mop^ovpa [Dhu Marwa] ; (§ 228) 'Avcrapa ; 
 (§ 229) ©OD/ira; (§ 230) 'AXovapa; (§ 231) Aa^piTrTra; (§ 232) Bai^a 
 [el-Abwa] ; (§ 234) MaKopa,8a [Makka] ; (§ 236) ®ovfmia [Thumala] ; 
 (§ 236) 'AySap.ov [Jorash] ; (§ 237) Kapfmv pa<Ti\uov; (§ 238) AaOda 
 [Laatha] ; (§ 239) Mapa M7;r/D07roA.ts [Sa'da] ; (§ 240) Na-yapa ixr)Tpo- 
 
 TToXts [Najran] ; (§ 241) 'A/xapa [a doublet of Mara ?] ; (§ 242) 2i\eov 
 [Salhyn]; (§ 244) Mapia/ia [Mariaba] ; (§ 246) %ovfLva; (§ 247) Ouo- 
 Sova; (§ 248) Sa;8/3a6la p.ryrpOTro\is [Shabwat] ; (§ 250) MaSao-a/Da; 
 (§ 251) ToSpa [Jerdan]; (§ 252) Mai^a /xT/rpoTroXts ; (§ 253) PmSa; 
 (§254) Batvovv; (§ 255) ©a^avt)-, (§ 256) Mapi/xafe; (§ 258) lovX,; ; 
 
 (§ 259) 'O/UIVOV i/JLTTOpLOV. 
 
 Wherever identification with a modern site is possible it has 
 been made ; and enough sites have been identified to enable one 
 to trace the general course of the road. 
 
 Ibn Khordadhbeh,^^ who lived in the ninth century, gives the 
 following information concerning the roads which branched out 
 of Gaza. The stations from Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean 
 were as follows: el-Rakka, Dawsar, Dakin, Jisr Manbij, Halab,^' 
 el-Ath£irib, 'Amk, Antakia, Ladhikiya, Jabala,^^ Atrabulus of 
 Syria,'= Beirut,'* Saida," Sur,'' Kadas (?) Kaisariyya,'' Arsouf, 
 Jaffa, Askelon, and Ghazza. 
 
 The route from Ramleh to Misr (Egypt or Cairo) he gives as 
 follows : Ramleh, Ashdod, Gaza, Rafa, Arish. Hence there are 
 two routes : one through the desert, by way of el-Warrada, el- 
 Bakkhara, el-Farama;'° the other, along the coast via el-Mak- 
 laasa, el-Kasra, el-Faram4. From el-Farama there are two 
 
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GAMES— INDUSTRIES — TRADE ROUTES 
 
 Toads to Cairo ; one is known as the summer route and includes 
 Jorjyr, Fakus el-Ghadhira, Masjid Kodhli'a, Bilbais, Cairo; 
 the other, known as the winter route, runs from el-FaramS, to 
 el-Marsad, to el-Ghadhira, etc. With this route may be com- 
 pared that taken by MeshuUam of Volterra at the end of the 
 fifteenth century. His ran as follows: Cairo, el-Knika, Beri, 
 Bilbis, Hatarah, Salahiyeh, Bibirro Rivayirar, Katiyeh, Be'er 
 D'Abir, 'Erari, Melhasin, Arish, Azeka, Khan Ylanus, Gaza. 
 The differences between the two are no doubt due to varying 
 nomenclature, though it is impossible to identify many of the 
 names in both accoimts. The general route is, however, fairly 
 well established; and no doubt these same lines have been fol- 
 lowed since time immemorial. The caravan from Gaza joins the 
 Hajj at Ma'in. 
 
 ' Chron. Pasch. 254. ' Ibid. ' Jerome, Vita Hilarionis, 20. 
 
 * Tot Orb. Descr. ^ Loc. cit. " Yer. 'Abodah Zarah, i. 39 d ; Bereahit 
 Rabbah, § 47. ' Researches, ii., pp. 435 sqg. ' ii., 56. ° Stephen of 
 Byzantium, s.v. Gaza. '" Tot. Orb. Descr., c. 29. " Mare. Diac, 
 c. 5. " Corp. de laud. Just. min. iii. 88 sqq. " Stark, 
 
 p. 562. ^ Preller, Roemische Mythologie, ii. 399. '= Meshullam of Vol- 
 terra, circa 1480. " Z.D.P.V., viii. 69. Cf., too, above "Modern City." 
 " Hist. Nat., V. 12. " Hildesheim, Beitraege zur Oeographie Palaestinas, 
 pp. 77, 78. " Z.D.M.G., xliv. 504. " gprenger, Die Alte Oeographie 
 
 Arabiens, ch. 2. '^ Ibid. ^ Kitdb al-MasAlik wal-Mamdlik, ed. De 
 Gceje, 1889. « Aleppo. " Gebal. » Tripolis. 2» Beirut. 
 
 " Sidon. " Tyre. " Caesarea. ^^ Pelusium. 
 
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INDEX 
 
 Aahmes, 19. 
 
 Abarbanel, Isaac, 116. 
 
 Abbasids, 77, 78. 
 
 Abdallah el-SarrS,]', 145. 
 
 Abdallah Pasha, 101, 102. 
 
 Abdkhiba, 21, 22. 
 
 Abd Mama, 119. 
 
 'Abd MunHf, 74. 
 
 Abraamios, 133. 
 
 Abraham Dunatz, 96. 
 
 Abrak el-Thamaidan, 164. 
 
 Abfl al-FidS,, 83. 
 
 Abfi Bikr, 75. 
 
 Abft Ishak Ibrahim ibn Yahya 
 
 Kaibi'al Ghazzi, 78. 
 Abft Mundir, 6. 
 AbA Sufyan, 75. 
 el-Abwa, 164. 
 Acco (Akko, Acre), 37, 47, 50, 
 
 86, 89, 101, 102. 
 Achilles, 44. 
 Achish, 24, 32. 
 Addu-Mikhir, 21. 
 Adruh, 164. 
 jEacus, 6. 
 ^neas, 65, 68. 
 Africa, 59. 
 Agapus, 60. 
 Ahaz, 34. 
 
 Ahmed ibn Tijlto, 77. 
 Aila, 57, 163. 
 Akberdy, 95. 
 Akboga Safawl, 90. 
 Akra', 164. 
 Aktai, 84, 85. 
 AXdaivw, 119. 
 Aldemios, 120. 
 Aldioma, 65, 119, 120. 
 Aleppo, 96, 100. 
 Alexander, martjT, 65. 
 
 Alexander, the deacon, 144. 
 
 Alexander the Great, 6, 9, 10, 15, 
 41, 43, 44, 46, 62, 106, 118. 
 
 Alexander Alphios, 156. 
 
 Alexander Jannaeus, 10, 50, 51, 52. 
 
 Alexandra Salome, 52. 
 
 Alexandria, 61, 63, 65, 140. 
 
 Ali Bey, 100, 101. 
 
 Ali el-Muntar, 109. 
 
 Alkama ibn Mujazziz, 75, 76. 
 
 Amantius, 64. 
 
 Amasis, 39. 
 
 Amaury (Almarich), 81, 83. 
 al- Amenhotep I., 19. 
 
 Amenhotep II., 20. 
 
 Amenhotep III., 20, 22. 
 
 Amenhotep IV., 20, 22. 
 
 Amenmessu, 23. 
 82, 'Amk, 164. 
 
 Ammianus Marcellianus, 163. 
 
 'Amr ibn el- As, 74, 75. 
 
 Amorites, 18. 
 
 Amos, 34. 
 
 'Anakim, 13. 
 
 Anastasia, 145. 
 
 Anastasius I., 66, 67, 69, 162. 
 
 Anat, 38. 
 
 Antakia, 164. 
 
 Anthedon, 8, 57, 75. 
 
 Anthony, 52, 53. 
 
 Antigonus, 46, 47 
 
 Antilibanus, 7. 
 
 Antioch, 53, 68, 118. 
 council of, 62. 
 
 Antiochus III., Magnus, 47, 48. 
 
 Antiochus IV., Epiphanes, 48, 49. 
 
 Antiochus VII., Sidetes, 50. 
 
 Antiochus, son of Alexander Balas, 
 
 50. 
 
 I Antipater, 53. 
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INDEX 
 
 Antoninus, 122. 
 Antoninus de Cremona, 91. 
 Antoninus Martyr, 69, 163. 
 Antoninus Pius, 130, 131, 132. 
 Anu, 115. 
 
 Apellaios, 126, 127, 134. 
 Aphek, 31. 
 
 Aphrodisias, inscription of, 161. 
 Apollo, temple of, 52, 53, 65, 
 121. 
 on coins, 158. 
 Apollodotus, 51. 
 ApoUonius, 117. 
 'Aqabat, 164. 
 Arabah, 75. 
 
 Arabs in Gaza, 4, 41, 42, 43. 
 Arftm, 164. 
 Aramsfeans, 22. 
 Aram Naharayim, 20. 
 Arcadius, 59. 
 dpx"", 56. 
 
 Apxovres, 56. 
 
 Aretas, 51. 
 
 Arian, 60, 61, 62. 
 
 el-Artsh, 87, 101, 102, 164, 165. 
 
 Aristobulus, 52. 
 
 Arisu, 23. 
 
 Ark of JHWH, 32. 
 
 Armenians, 9, 33. 
 
 church at Gaza, 99. 
 Arnold von Harflf, 95. 
 Arrian, 6, 41, 55. 
 Arsouf, 7, 80, 86, 87, 164. 
 Artaxerxes I., 42. 
 Artaxerxes III., 42. 
 Artaxerxes Longimanus, 42. 
 Artemesios, 126, 134, 144. 
 Artemios of Phygalia, 117. 
 Artemis, 122, 155, 158. 
 Aryans, 25, 39, 116. 
 Asolepas, 60, 61. 
 Ashdod, 6, 13,28, 32, 37, 109, 117, 
 Ashurnasirpal, 33. 
 Asia Minor, 25, 52, 96. 
 Askelon, 6, 9, 28, 50, 52, 53, 57, 
 80, 81, 84, 87, 89, 101, 104,' 
 145, 146, 156, 164. 
 
 Assalan, 98. 
 Assurbanipal, 36, 37. 
 Assyrian language, 4, 5. 
 
 records, 24. 
 Assyriology, 103. 
 Asterios, 120. 
 ■AtMlah el-Terzy, 143. 
 Athanasia, 144. 
 118, Athanasius, 60, 61. 
 el-Ath^rik, 164. 
 
 Athenian coinage at Gaza, 42, 157. 
 'Atlaz, 120. 
 Atribulusj 164. 
 Audynaios, 126. 
 
 Augustus, 53, 55, 129, 134, 158. 
 el-Auje, 163. 
 'Avvim, 13, 24. 
 "Afo, 5, 6. 
 Azeka, 165. 
 Azon, 6, 14, 122, 159. 
 Azotus, 6, 47, 64. 
 Azzati, 5, 6, 11. 
 
 Ba'al Dagon, 117. 
 Ba'al, halodim, 120. 
 Ba'al Perazzim, 32. 
 Ba'alretiy, 23. 
 Babylonia, 18, 35, 37, 115. 
 Baethgen, 115. 
 Bagdad, 77, 78, 85. 
 Bait al-Mukaddas t Jerusalem), 87. 
 Bait Jibrail (Beit Jibrin), 87, 109. 
 el-Bakkhara, 164. 
 Baiadhuri, 74, 75. 
 Baldwin II., 81. 
 Baldwin III., 81. 
 Balys, 132, 133. 
 Banias, 48. " 
 Bar, count of, 83. 
 Barathra, 9. 
 Bar Kokhba, 58; 161. 
 Barkuk, 90, 91, 111. 
 Barochas, 64, 127. 
 Basil, 92. 
 
 Bautista, Fra Juan, 97. 
 Beaufort, 86. 
 
 Bedouin, 4, 16, 22, 42, 100, 107. 
 168 
 
 164 
 
 64, 
 117, 
 
 Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
INDEX 
 
 Be'er D'Abir, 165. 
 
 Beibars, 85, 86. 
 
 Beibars II., 88. 
 
 Beirut, 57, 164. 
 
 BeisAn, 85. 
 
 Bel Marnay, 119. 
 
 Beni Hudhail, 77. 
 
 Beri, 165. 
 
 Bernard the Wise^ 78. 
 
 Bernhardt von Breitenbach, 92. 
 
 Berosus, 116. 
 
 Bertraudon de la Brocquerie, 92. 
 
 Beth-Horon,.49. 
 
 Beth-Zur, 49. 
 
 Bethlehem, 94. 
 
 Betis, 43. 
 
 Bibirro Rivayirar, 165. 
 
 Bilbais, 165. 
 
 Biridiya, 21. 
 
 el-Blachiye, 12. 
 
 Bochart, 118. 
 
 Bordmann, 128. 
 
 Bostra, 57. 
 
 BouXi), 56. 
 
 Brocardius, 95. 
 
 Brutus, 52. 
 
 Buchard of Mt. Zion, 89. 
 
 Burckhardt, Johannes, 104. 
 
 Burgundy, duke of, 83. 
 
 Burmarna, 119. 
 
 Cadi Hanefi, 87, 90. 
 
 Cadi MMeki, 87. 
 
 Cadi Shafi'i, 87. 
 
 Csesar, 52, 125. 
 
 Csesarea, 7, 57, 60, 64, 67, 68, 
 
 140, 164. 
 Cairo, 85, 164, 165. 
 Caligula, 129. 
 Cambyses, 5, 41, 42. 
 Canaan, 42. 
 Canaanites, .13. 
 Caphtor, 24, 25, 26. 
 Caphtorim, 24. 
 
 Caracalla, 122, 125, 127, 128, 131. 
 Caravan trade, 3, 106. 
 Carcemish, 38. 
 
 Caria, 25. 
 
 Carian mercenaries, 37. 
 
 Carmel, 15, 27, 52. 
 
 Cassius, 52. 
 
 Chaleedon, council of, 65. 
 
 Cherath, 42. 
 
 Cherethim, 25. 
 
 Cherethites, 27, 42. 
 
 Choricius, 60, 68, 69, 141, 153. 
 
 Chosroes, 74. 
 
 Christian, 8, 57, 58, 108. 
 
 Christianity, 16, 55, 57, 59, 60, 67, 118. 
 
 Christian Sophists, 67. 
 
 Christopher Harant, 97. 
 
 Chronicon Paschale, 58, 62, 125, 126, 
 
 127, 129, 161. 
 Cilicia, 25. 
 
 Circensian games, 58, 66, 161. 
 Claudius, 129. 
 Cleopatra, 43, 48, 51, 53. 
 Clermont-Ganneau, 104, 136, 139, 
 142, 143, 148,149, 152, 154, 162. 
 Coele-Syria, 4, 42. 
 Commerce at Gaza, 107. 
 Commodian, 68. 
 Commodus, 122, 130, 131. 
 Constantia, 8, 60. 
 Constantine, 8, 60. 
 Constantinople, 64, 98, 101. 
 
 synod of, 123. 
 Cornelius Palma, 57. 
 Costobarus, 53. 
 Crete, 25, 26, 42, 117, 120. 
 Crusade, first, 80. 
 
 second, 81. 
 87, third, 82. 
 
 fourth, 83. 
 
 fifth, 83. 
 Crusaders, 16, 80. 
 Crusades, 4, 7. 
 Curiales, 56. 
 Cush, 42. 
 Cushira, 42. 
 Cynegius, 64. 
 Cyprus, 42, 51, 100. 
 Cyril, son of Laklak, 84. 
 Cyrillus, 60. 
 169 
 
 Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
INDEX 
 
 Bsigkn, 115. 
 
 Dagan-Takala, 115. 
 
 Dagon, 31, 32, 115, 116, 117. 
 
 temple of, 93, 94, 98, 99, 115, 117, 
 121. 
 Daisies (Desios), 126, 133, 134, 135, 
 
 136, 145. 
 Dakin, 164. 
 Damascius, 158. 
 
 Damascus, 3, 34, 52, 59, 86, 102. 
 Danaoi, 24. 
 Danauna, 24. 
 Daniel, 97. 
 Danites, 27, 31. 
 Darius, 41. 
 DarClm (Darom), 81, 87, 89. 
 
 Bab el-, 106, 108, 111, 154, 162. 
 D'Arvieux, 97, 98, 152, 153. 
 Dathin, 95. 
 
 David, 15, 25, 30, 32, 33. 
 David Furtenbach, 97. 
 David Reubeni, 96, 97. 
 Dawsar, 164. 
 Dead Sea, 47. 
 Dea Syria, 122. 
 Deborah, song of, 31. 
 Decuriones, 56. 
 Defensor populi, 50, 63. 
 Dehliz el-Mulk, 6. 
 Delilah, 31. 
 
 house of, 93, 94, 95. 
 Delta, 6, 36. 
 Demetrius, 46, 47, 50. 
 
 coin of, 157. 
 Der Belch, 141. 
 Derceto, 116. 
 
 Deutsches Palastina Verein, 104. 
 Dhu Marwa, 164. 
 Diana, 118. 
 
 Diethlungen, der Sohilter, 90. 
 Digountha, 133. 
 Dikaios, 142, 155. 
 Dimashkt, 87. 
 Dio Cassius, 128, 129. 
 Diocletian, 60. 
 Dicdorus, 9. 
 Dios, 126, 127, 134, 135, 145. 
 
 Dirgham, 81. 
 
 Diwan Alinsha, 87. 
 
 Domesticus, 141. 
 
 Dometianos, 147. 
 
 Dora, 50, 51, 137. 
 
 Dorians, 25. 
 
 Dragoman, contract with, 93. 
 
 Duumvir, 55. 
 
 Dystros, 126, 134. 
 
 Ebenezer, 31. 
 
 Ebers, 26. 
 
 Eokher, Friederich, 97. 
 
 Edessa, 81. 
 
 Edom, 34. 
 
 Egyptian antiques at Gaza, 154. 
 
 monuments, 24, 25. 
 Eibek, 84, 85. 
 Eichovius Cyprianus, 57. 
 Ekron, 28. 
 Elias, 134. 
 
 Elagabalus, 55, 122, 125, 131. 
 Elam, 37. 
 Eleusis, 59, 147. 
 Eleutheropolis, 82, 148. 
 Eleuthrus, 53. 
 Elhyonos, khan, 93. 
 Emessa (Hims), 59, 84, 86. 
 Emir Akhor al-Berid, 87. 
 Enos, 60, 65. 
 
 Epagomenffi, 125, 126, 133, 135, 136. 
 Ephesus, council of, 65. 
 Epiphanos, 120. 
 Epiphany, 126. 
 Era, Arabian, 125. 
 
 Askelonite, 125, 136. 
 
 Asian, 125. 
 
 Cappadocian, 125. 
 
 Heliopolitan, 125. 
 
 Lycian, 125. 
 
 Roman, 125. 
 
 Syro-Hellenistic, 125. 
 
 Tyrian, 125. 
 'Erari, 165. 
 Eros, statue of, 155. 
 Eudoxia, 64, 65, 140. 
 Eudoxiana, 55, 110. 
 170. 
 
 Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
INDEX 
 
 Euphrates, 33. 
 Eusebius, 5, 10, 25, 55. 
 
 of Gaza, 62. 
 Eustathius, 122. 
 Eutropius, 122. 
 Eutychius, 75. 
 Exodus, 22. 
 Ezadi, pasha, 100. 
 
 Fairs at Gaza, 16, 66 125, 162. 
 
 FaMs el-GhS,dhira, 165. 
 
 Faraj, 91. 
 
 el-FaramS,, 164, 165. 
 
 FUtimites, 78. 
 
 Faustina Junior, 130. 
 
 FeUx Fabri, 94. 
 
 Fikar ibn Natus, 76. 
 
 Filastin, 7, 78. 
 
 Florus, 57. 
 
 Frankincense trade, 4, 14. 
 
 Frederick Barbarossa, 82, 83. 
 
 Gabinius, 10, 52, 136. 
 
 Gadara, 53. 
 
 Ga-da-tu (Ga-sa-tu), 4, 38. 
 
 Galileans, 62. 
 
 Gath, 13, 28, 34. 
 
 Gatt, 8. 
 
 Gaza, modem, quarters of, 108. 
 
 gates of, 109. 
 
 Great Mosque, 110, 111, 113, 
 150. 
 
 harbor of, 107. 
 
 pottery of, 162. 
 Gazan, 6. 
 Gazara, 6, 82, 94. 
 Gazatse, 6. 
 Gazathite, 6. 
 Gazetinum, 162. 
 Gazetum, 162. 
 Gazite, 6, 162. 
 Geba, 32. 
 Gebanites, 163. 
 Gelasius, 126, 128. 
 Georgia, 100. 
 Georgius, 69. 
 Gerar, 27, 42. 
 
 Gerontios, 132. 
 
 Geta, 131. 
 
 Gezer, 31, 33. 
 
 el-Ghadhira, 165. 
 
 Ghazzat H&shim, 6. 
 
 Gilboa, 32. 
 
 Glaser, Edward, 13, 19. 
 
 Goliath, 24. 
 
 Gordianus, 57, 59, 148, 159. 
 
 Gorpaios, 126, 134, 135. 
 
 Greek Catholics, 94, 98, 108. 
 
 Gregory Nazienzen, 62. 
 
 Gunther of Paris 83. 
 
 Guthe, 153. 
 
 Guy de Lusignan, 82. 
 
 Ha-az-zu-tu, and other Assyrian 
 
 forms of the same name, 5. 
 Habur, 38. 
 
 Hadrian, 57, 118, 122, 129, 132. 
 era of, 58, 136, 137, 155, 158. 
 Hadrianic games, 58, 161. 
 el-Hagl, 164. 
 Hajib Kebir, 87. 
 Hajji 'OthmHn, 146. 
 Halab, 164. 
 Halevy, 19. 
 Halguia, 164. 
 Hamath, 35. 
 Hananiah, 140. 
 142, Hanno, 34, 35. 
 
 Hans von Bodeman, 90. 
 al-Harizi, 83. 
 Harran, 39. 
 Hardn, 77. 
 Hashim, 6, 74, 111. 
 Hasmoneans, 50, 53. 
 Hassan aga, 97. 
 Hatarah, 165. 
 Hauran, 118, 119. 
 Hazael, 34. 
 Hazatu, 42. 
 Hebron, 4, 73, 94. 
 Hecatseus, 41. 
 Hecate, 65, 121, 122. 
 Helffrich, Johannes, 97. 
 Hellas, 1, 4, 16. 
 171 
 
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INDEX 
 
 Hemerologium, 125, 126, 134, 135, 
 
 136. 
 Hera, 122. 
 
 Heraolius, 74, 75, 76. 
 Hercules, 6, 14, 121, 122, 159. 
 al-Herewy, 83. 
 Herod Diophantes, 155. 
 Herod the Great, 53, 55, 57, 158. 
 Herodotus, 5, 6, 7, 37, 38, 41. 
 Hezekiah, 36. 
 Hiereion, 65, 121. 
 Hierocles, 65. 
 Hieropolis, 38. 
 Hijaz, 74, 75. 
 el-Hijr, 164. 
 Hilarion, 61, 62. 
 Hilarius, 64. 
 Hippos, 53. 
 
 Hittites, 14, 22, 23, 27, 38. 
 Hitzig, 116, 118. 
 Hivvi, 13. 
 Hoelscher, 42. 
 Hophra, 39. 
 Horembeb, 22. 
 Hospitallers, 82, 84. 
 Hftiagfi, 85. 
 
 Husam al-Din ibn Baklsh, 90, 91. 
 Hussein Bey, 100. 
 Hussein Pasha, 97, 98. 
 Hyksos, 18, 19. 
 
 Hyperbereteos, 126, 132, 134, 135, 136. 
 Hyrcanus, 52. 
 
 Ibn Batutah, 90. 
 Ibn Harb, 74. 
 Ibn Khordadhbeh, 164. 
 Ibrahim, 77. 
 
 son of Hussein Pasha, 98. 
 
 son of Mohammed Ali, 102, 103. 
 Ichthyolatry at Gaza, 154. 
 'Id el-Nasara, 162. 
 Idrtst, 8, 81. 
 Ilboga Nasiri, 91, 
 Indiction system, 135. 
 Inscriptions, Arabic, 149, 150. 
 
 Greek, 132, 133, 134, 141, 142, 143, 
 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 155. 
 
 Hebrew, 139. 
 
 Latin, 147. 
 
 Samaritan, 139, 149. 
 Intercalation, 125. 
 lo, 6, 14, 122, 159. 
 lona, 6. 
 
 Ionian mercenaries, 37. 
 Ipsus, 46, 47. 
 Irby, 104. 
 Irenaeus, 60. 
 Irenarchse, 56, 63. 
 Irene, quarter of Gaza, 62. 
 Irenes, 62. 
 Irenios, 60, 62. 
 Ish-Baal, 32. 
 Isidor Gazaeus, 65. 
 Isidorus, 60. 
 Isis Pelagia, 122. 
 Islam, 16, 55, 76. 
 Israel, 15, 30. 
 
 Israelites, 22, 23, 24, 26, 31. 
 Itamos, 117. 
 Ittai, 24. 
 lus, 6. 
 'Ivvah, 35. 
 
 Jabala, 164. 
 Jacques de Verona, 90. 
 Jaffa (Joppa), 21, 26, 47, 52, 87, 94, 
 100, 164. 
 
 council of, 84. 
 Jahiliyyah, 74. 
 Jehoram, 33. 
 Jehosophat, 33. 
 Jenysos, 41. 
 Jerar, 42. 
 Jerdan, 164. 
 Jerome, 8, 55, 56, 58, 59, 63, 117, 
 
 128. 
 Jerusalem, 6, 9, 21, 37, 52, 57, 62, 80. 
 
 council of, 67. 
 
 Latin Kingdom of, 80. 
 Jesus, 59. 
 
 Jews at Gaza, 93, 101, 108, 140, 163. 
 Jezzar Pasha, 101. 
 Jifar, 87. 
 
 Jirius Na'mat, 143. 
 172 
 
 Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
INDEX 
 
 Jisr Manbij, 164. 
 
 
 
 KhalUl, 100. 
 
 Jochmus, 103. 
 
 
 
 Khto el-Z6t, 111. 
 
 Johannes, 60. 
 
 
 
 Kharezmians, 84. 
 
 John Gazaeus, 69. 
 
 
 
 Khirbet Lakhiyeh, 155. 
 
 John of Cffisarea, 126, 
 
 127. 
 
 
 el-Khudra, 141. 
 
 John Poloner, 91. 
 
 
 
 Khurasan, 78. 
 
 Jonathan, 50, 117. 
 
 
 
 el-Kiiaba, 164. 
 
 Jorash, 164. 
 
 
 
 Kiiawfln, 86, 111. 
 
 Jordan, 48. 
 
 
 
 Kleber, 101. 
 
 Jorjyr, 165. 
 
 
 
 el-Knika, 165. 
 
 Josephus, 14, 116, 118 
 
 
 
 Kor6, temple of, 65. 
 
 Joshua, 13, 30- 
 
 
 
 Korianos, 129. 
 
 Josiah, 37. 
 
 
 
 Kuds, 38. 
 
 Joubert, 82. 
 
 
 
 Kuraish, 74, 77. 
 
 Judah, IS, 26, 30, 33, 
 
 34, 35, 
 
 36, 37, 
 
 Kurn Hattln, 82. 
 
 50. 
 
 
 
 kutuz, 85. 
 
 Judaism at Gaza, 68, 117. 
 
 
 
 Judas Maccabeus, 49. 
 
 
 
 Laatha, 164. 
 
 Judea, 7, 42, 49, 52, 
 
 53, 57, 
 
 137. 
 
 Ladhikiya, 164. 
 
 Julia Domna, 122, 131 
 
 
 
 Lajta, 63. 
 
 Julian the Apostate, 8 
 
 , 60, 61 
 
 62. 
 
 Lagin, 111, 150. 
 
 Junior Philosopher, 163. 
 
 
 Lampridius, 119. 
 
 Jupiter, 119. 
 
 
 
 Lane-Poole, Stanley, 111. 
 
 Pluvius, 119. 
 
 
 
 Lannes, General, 101. 
 
 Justinian, 66, 67, 141, 
 
 162. 
 
 
 de Lannoy, Ghillebert, 97. 
 
 Juvenalis, 65, 147. 
 
 
 
 Laodicea, 58. 
 Laomedon, 46. 
 
 Kadas, 164. 
 
 
 
 Lebanon, 27, 102, 103. 
 
 Kadesh, 38. 
 
 
 
 Le Bas, 55. 
 
 Kadytis, 5, 37. 
 
 
 
 Leonidas, 44. 
 
 Kaftur, 26. 
 
 
 
 Leontios, 133. 
 
 Kansowah Khamsieh, 
 
 95. 
 
 
 Loos, 126, 133, 135, 136. 
 
 Kaptar, 25. 
 
 
 
 Lucian, 116. 
 
 Karatayya, 87. 
 
 
 
 Lucilla, 130. 
 
 Karl von Gruenning, 97. 
 
 
 Lucius Verus, 130, 132. 
 
 Karnak, 23, 33. 
 
 
 
 Ludi Palitini, 129. 
 
 el-Kasra, 164. 
 
 
 
 Ludolphus de Sudheim, 90. 
 
 Katib derj, 87. 
 
 
 
 Lycia, 25. 
 
 Katiyeh, 165. 
 
 
 
 Lyncellus, 9. 
 
 Kefto, 25. 
 
 
 
 de Lyra, Nicholas, 116. 
 
 KetoS, 38. 
 
 
 
 Lysias, 49. 
 
 Kerak, 88, 90.. 
 
 
 
 Lysimachus, 51. 
 
 Ketboga, 85. 
 
 
 
 
 Khabiri, 21, 22. 
 
 
 
 Maccabees, 49. 
 
 Khaiid ibn Walld, 75. 
 
 
 
 Macalister, 31. 
 
 Khaltfah, 96. 
 
 
 
 Macedonians, 43. 
 
 Khalil Daheri, 6. 
 
 
 i: 
 
 Madinat Khalil (Hebron), 87 
 '3 
 
 Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
INDEX 
 
 Madmannah, 8. 
 
 Madyan, 164. 
 
 Magna Graecia, 26. 
 
 Maiden el-Zaid, 112, 141, 154, 162. 
 
 Ma'in, 165. 
 
 Maioumas, 7, 8, 60, 61, 65, 69, 121, 
 
 154, 162, 
 era of, 136. 
 el-Maktn, 75. 
 el-Maklassa, 164. 
 Makka, 164. 
 Makna, 164. 
 Makrtzi, 8. 
 Malik, 77. 
 
 Malik al-Manstir, 84. 
 Malik al-Mu'izz, 84, 85. 
 Malik al-Nasir, 84, 85. 
 Malik Na?ir Mohammed, 86. 
 Mamelukes, 84, 86, 89, 91, 95, 96, 
 
 100, 111. 
 Mangles, 104. 
 Maooh, 24. 
 Mara, 164. 
 Marcellus, 61. 
 Marcianus, 60, 66, 141. 
 Marcus Aurelius, 122, 130. 
 Marcus Diaconus, 7, 64, 119, 120, 
 
 121, 126, 127, 128, 134, 135. 
 Mariaba, 164. 
 Marino Sanuto, 89. 
 Maritime Plain, 26. 
 Marnan, 119. 
 Mamas, 59, 61, 63, 66, 73, 116, 118, 
 
 119, 120, 153, 155, 158. 
 temple of, 118, 121, 163. 
 Marneion, 65, 118, 120. 
 el-Marsad, 164. 
 Martin von Baumgarten, 96. 
 Martu, 18. 
 
 MasMik al-Abs^r, 87. 
 Masjid Kodha'a, 165. 
 Massoretic text, 13. 
 Maundeville, 89. 
 Mecca, 77, 101. 
 Medina, 77. 
 Megabyzus, 42. 
 Megale, 132, 133. 
 
 174 
 
 Megiddo, 23, 37. 
 
 Megisteria, 144. 
 
 Meletus, 82. 
 
 Melhasin, 165. ' 
 
 Mena Kosmiane, 146. 
 
 Mer Blanche, 92. 
 
 Merneptah, 23. 
 
 Merodach-Baladan, 35, 36. 
 
 Mer Rouge, 92. 
 
 Merw^n II., 77. 
 
 Meshullam of Volterra, 92, 94, 165. 
 
 Mesopotamia, 81, 164. 
 
 Metras, 134. 
 
 Michmash, 32. 
 
 Mihamander, 87. 
 
 Milon de Plausy, 81. 
 
 Minaeans, 13, 14, 16, 19, 36, 73, 120, 
 
 158. 
 el-Mineh, 8. 
 Minoa, 6, 73, 158. 
 
 Minos, 6, 14, 73, 116, 119, 120, 158. 
 Minotaur, 110, 116. 
 Misraim, 14, 15. 
 Misrim, 32. 
 Mithridates, 52. 
 Moevers, 126. 
 Mohammed, 74. 
 Mohammed Ali, 102. 
 Mohammed al-Shaibani, 77. 
 Mohammed Bey, 101. 
 Mohammed el-NS,sir, 150. 
 Mohammed ibn Idris al-Shaffi'i, 77. 
 Mohammed ibn Kait Bey, 111, 150. 
 Mohtesib, 87. 
 Mongols, 16, 85, 86, 91. 
 Months, Egyptian, 125. 
 
 Macedonian, 125. 
 Morone, Pater, 97, 99, 152. 
 Moschi, 25. 
 Moslem, 16. 
 Moses ben Elijah, 97. 
 Moses ben Judah, 94. 
 Moses of Prague, 95. 
 Moulay, 86. 
 Mt. Casius, 48. 
 Mu'ayyad, 91, HI. 
 Mueller, W. Max, 23, 25. 
 
 Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
INDEX 
 
 Muhallibi abA Said, 5. 
 Mukaddasi, 7, 78. 
 el-Muntar, 108, 108, 109. 
 
 origin of name, 109. 
 Munter, 118. 
 Murat, General, 101. 
 Mflsa Pasha, 98, 111. 
 Musri, 15, 35, 36. 
 Mustaein, 91. 
 Muwaflak al-Din-Ajaml, 90. 
 
 Nabataeans, 52. 
 NabWs, 85. 
 Nabunaid, 36, 39. 
 Nadir Jeish, 87. 
 Naharina, 20. 
 Najran, 164. 
 Nakib al-Nokaba, 87. 
 Napoleon, 86, 101, 102. 
 Nasara, 154. 
 Nasir-i-Khusrau, 78. 
 Ndsir Mohammed, 111. 
 Nasr al-Makdisi, 78. 
 Nathan Ghazzati, 99, 100. 
 Natiras, 60. 
 Nawruz, 91. 
 Nearchus, 46. 
 Nebo, 117. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar, 38, 39. 
 Necho II., 15, 37, 38. 
 Negeb, 27. 
 Nejdel, 103. 
 Nestabis, 62. 
 Nestor, 62. 
 Nestorias, 65, 147. 
 New Gaza, 9, 10. 
 Nice, council of, 60. 
 Ninib, 115. 
 Nippur, 42, 43. 
 Nisib, 102. 
 Niz^m al-Mulk, 80. 
 Nizamiyya college, 78. 
 Noris, 118, 128. 
 Nureddln, 81. 
 
 Obadiah of Bertinoro, 95. 
 Octavian, 52. 
 
 Odakon, 116. 
 Oertel, Emanuel, 97. 
 Old Cairo, 77. 
 Old Gaza, 9. 
 Old Testament, 38. 
 Olympianus, 60. 
 Olympias, 43. 
 Olympiodorus, 65. 
 Omar ibn Khattab, 74. 
 Ommiads, 78. 
 Onomastica Sacra, 5, 25. 
 Oratio, 119. 
 Orontes, 38. 
 Orthesia, 7. 
 Ostia, 118, 163. 
 Ousia, 134. 
 
 Palestine Exploration Fund, 104, 
 
 152. 
 Palmyra, 140, 163, 164. 
 Pammacharii, 58. 
 Paneion, 48. 
 Panemos, 126, 134, 136. 
 Parthians, 53. 
 Patricius, 74, 75, 76, 133. 
 Paul, the apostle, 59. 
 Paul, bishop of Alexandria, 67. 
 Paula, 63. 
 
 Paula, wife of Elagabalus, 131. 
 Peithon, 46. 
 Pelagios, 67. 
 Pelethim, 25. 
 Pelishtim, 25. 
 Pelusium, 7, 165. 
 Pentapolis, 28. 
 Perea, 57. 
 
 Peritios, 126, 134, 144, 149. 
 Pertinax, 131, 132. 
 Peshitta, 24. 
 Peter Iberus, 65. 
 Petra, 57, 163, 164. 
 Phichol, 24. 
 Philemon, 59. 
 Philip, 57, 59. 
 Philip Augustus, 82. 
 Philip Katzenellenbogen, 92. 
 Philistia, 35, 36, 46, 47, 49, 53. 
 175 
 
 Digitized by Microsoft® 
 
INDEX 
 
 Philistines, 6, 13, 14, 15, 18, 24 
 26, 30, 31, 33, 34, 115, 
 117. 
 Philo Byblius, 116, 117. 
 Phoenicia, 7, 24, 26, 42, 53. 
 Phoenicians, 16, 115. 
 Phoenikarch, 59, 147. 
 Phrygians, 25. 
 Pickard, 142, 146. 
 Pierre Belon, 97. 
 Pir u, 35. 
 
 Piscennius Niger, 58. 
 Plautianus, 127, 128, 129. 
 Plautilla, 125, 129. 
 
 coin of, 127, 128, 131. 
 Pliny, 55, 163. 
 Plutarch, 41. 
 Polybius, 9. 
 Pompey, 52, 56, 125, 136. 
 
 era of, 137. 
 Pomponius Mela, 55. 
 Pontus, 52. 
 Popilius Lsenas, 49. 
 Population of Gaza, 108. 
 Porphyry, 9, 60, 63, 64, 65, 127, 
 126. 
 
 tomb of, 109. 
 Portus Trajanus, 59, 118, 148. 
 Poseidon, 116. 
 Primores, 56, 64. 
 
 TTpuJTOt, 56. 
 
 Proclus, 60, 65, 66, 68. 
 Procopius, 60, 66, 68, 69. 
 Proserpina, 65, 121, 122. 
 Psammetichus, 37. 
 Ptolemseus, 59, 147. 
 Ptolemais, 50, 51, 57. 
 Ptolemy, 7. 
 Ptolemy I., 46, 47. 
 Ptolemy Auletes, 52. 
 Ptolemy Lagos, 9. 
 Ptolemy Lathy rus, 50. 
 Ptolemy Philometor, 48. 
 Ptolemy Philopator, 48. 
 Ptolemy Physcon, 48. 
 Pulasate, 24. 
 Purasate, 24, 25. 
 
 , 25, Puuru, 22. 
 116, Pydna, 49. 
 
 Qarqar, 35. 
 
 Quintian, 60, 61. 
 
 Quintus Curtius Rufus, 55. 
 
 Rakka, 77, 164. 
 
 Rama, 97. 
 
 Rameses II., 23, 24, 28. 
 
 Rameses III., 14, 23, 27, 28, 33. 
 
 al-Ramleh, 77, 86, 93, 97, 164. 
 
 Ramman-nirari III., 34. 
 
 Raphia (Raphiku), 35, 48, 137, 
 
 Rashi, 116, 121. 
 
 Rehoboam, 33. 
 
 Reinach, S., 153. 
 
 Reland, 118. 
 
 Renan, Ernest, 104, 120. 
 
 Repha'im (ethnic term), 13. 
 
 (place name), 32. 
 Rhadamanthus, ■ 6 . 
 Rhinoeolura, 9. 
 Riba,t, 78. 
 128, Richard Coeur de Lion, 82, 83. 
 Rieter, 92. 
 River of Egypt, 52. 
 Robinson, Edward, 104, 110. 
 Rudolph de Fraymensburg, 90. 
 Rufinus, 65, 110. 
 Russia, 101. 
 Ruten, 19. 
 
 Sabaeans, 13, 14. 
 
 Sa'da, 164. 
 
 Safed, 86. 
 
 St. Euthymios, 147. 
 
 St. George, monastery of, 82. 
 
 cenotaph of, 142. 
 St. John the Baptist, church of, 81, 
 
 110. 
 St. Matthias, church of, 76. 
 St. Sergius, church of, 66, 142. 
 St. Willibald, 76. 
 Sakkala, 27. 
 Saladin, 81, 82, 83, 84. 
 Saladin Yftsuf, 85. 
 176 
 
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INDEX 
 
 Salahiyeh, 165. 
 
 Salhyn, 164. 
 
 Saliba 'Awad, 143, 144. 
 
 Salome, 53. 
 
 Samaria, 35, 137. 
 
 Samaritans, 16, 66, 71, 93. 
 
 Samson, 26, 30, 31, 95, 96, 99, 111. 
 
 tomb of. 111. 
 
 names at Gaza, 111. 
 Samuel, 32. 
 Samuel ben David, 97. 
 Samuel Lisbona, 99. 
 Sanclemente, 127, 128. 
 Sandreczky, 8. 
 
 Sanjar al-JiwAly, 83, 90, 150. 
 Sapuira, 23. 
 Saracens, 99, 112. 
 Sardis, 41. 
 
 sjmod of, 61. 
 Sargon, 35, 36. 
 Saul, 30, 32. 
 Sayce, 26, 117. 
 Scaurus, 52. 
 Schach, Sebastian, 97. 
 Schuerer, Emil, 136. 
 Scythian invasion, 37. 
 Scythopolis, 85, 137. 
 Sea people, 24. 
 Selden, 118. 
 Seleuoidse, 3, 48, 118, 125. 
 
 era of, 136. 
 Seleucus, 46, 47. 
 Selim II., 96. 
 Seljuks, 78, 80. 
 Senate of Gaza, 51. 
 Sennacherib, 36. 
 Septimius Severus, 58, 122, 127, 131, 
 
 132. 
 Septuagint, 4, 25, 38, 117. 
 Serai of Gaza, 99, 111. 
 Serapeum, 63, 119. 
 Serapis, 59, 63. 
 Seren, 24, 28, 31. 
 Serenus, 59. 
 Seti I., 22. 
 Seti II., 23. 
 Setnekht, 23. 
 
 Shabbatai Zebi, 99, 100. 
 
 Shabwat, 164. 
 
 Shad al-dawanin, 87. 
 
 Shahuren, 19. 
 
 Shaikh al-Mahmfldl, 91. 
 
 Shakalsa, 24. 
 
 Shaklf, 86. 
 
 Shalmaneser II., 33. 
 
 Shalmaneser IV., 35. 
 
 Shamash-shumukin, 37. 
 
 Shamgar, 30. 
 
 Shapira, 153. 
 
 Shawir, 81. 
 
 Sheikh 'Ajlfln, 154. 
 
 Sheikh Nabak, 111. 
 
 Sheikh Rashid, 141. 
 
 Sheikh Sha' ban. 111. 
 
 Sheikh Sultan, 150. 
 
 Sheshonlj (Shishak), 14, 26, 33. 
 
 Shihab al-Dln Ahmed ibn Abdallah, 
 
 61. 
 Shirkuh, 81. 
 Sib'i, 35. 
 
 Sidon, 47, 59, 97, 164. 
 Sil-Ba'al, 36. 
 Silbel, 36. 
 
 Simon de Montfort, 83. 
 Simon Maccabeus, 50. 
 Sin, 39. 
 Siptah, 23. 
 
 Smith, George Adam, 153. 
 Solomon, 15, 30, 33. 
 Sosibios, 149. 
 South Arabic, 5. 
 Sozomen, 7, 8, 56. 
 Spice trade, 4, 34. 
 
 route, 36. 
 Spiegel, 52. 
 Stark, H., 14, 158. 
 Stephen the Protomartyr, 143. 
 
 church of, 66, 141. 
 Stephen of Byzantium, 5, 7, 14, 73, 
 
 119, 122, 158, 159. 
 Strabo, 7, 9, 10. 
 Strato's Tower, 50, 51, 52. 
 Suidas, 56. 
 
 Sun, temple of, 65, 121. 
 177 
 
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INDEX 
 
 Sur, 6. 
 
 Sylvanus, 59, 60. 
 Syria, 3, 8, 14, 18, 20, 23, 24, 28, 
 37, 41, 46, 52, 58, 59, 115. 
 Syria Centralis, 58. 
 Syria Magna, 58. 
 Syria Phceniciana, 58. 
 Syriarch, 58. 
 
 Tabari, 74. 
 
 Tabatha, 61. 
 
 Tabflk, 164. 
 
 Tacitus, 120. 
 
 Tadto, 75. 
 
 Tahutimes III., 14, 19, 20, 25. 
 
 Tahutimes IV., 20. 
 
 Taida, 8. 
 
 Taima, 164. 
 
 Takkara, 27. 
 
 Talmud, 120, 121. 
 
 Targum, 24. 
 
 Tell Aijm, 152. 
 
 Tell el-Amarna, 20, 26. 
 
 Tell el-Jezer, 31. 
 
 Tell el-Safiyeh, 87. 
 
 Templars, 81, 82, 84. 
 
 Tetramphodes, 121. 
 
 Teutonic Knights, 84. 
 
 Thapaya, 164. 
 
 Thecla, 60. 
 
 Theodora, 134. 
 
 Theodoric, 82, 
 
 Theodosius I., 63, 69. 
 
 Theodosius II., 147. 
 
 Theodote, 133. 
 
 Theophrastus, 65. 
 
 Thibaut I., 83. 
 
 Thumala, 164. 
 
 Tiberius Claudius Papeirus, 148. 
 
 Tlda, 8, 75. 
 
 Tiglath Pileser III., 34, 35. 
 
 Timberlake, Henry, 97. 
 
 Timotheus, father of Ousia, 134. 
 
 Timotheus, martyr, 60, 66. 
 
 Timotheus, poet, 69. 
 
 Timur, 91. 
 
 Titus, 57. 
 
 35, 
 
 Tobler, Titus, 104. 
 
 Tomna, 163. 
 
 Totius Orbis Descriptio, 58, 67, 161, 
 
 163. 
 Trade routes, 3, 46, 163. 
 Trajan, 57, 122, 129. 
 Tristram, Canon, 104. 
 Trypho, 50. 
 Tucher, 92. 
 Tur Bey, 98. 
 Turks, 16, 102. 
 
 Ottoman, 92, 96. 
 Tychajon, 65, 121. 
 Tyche, 122, 158. 
 Tyre, 6, 34, 37, 59, 68, 164. 
 
 ladder of, 50. 
 
 prince of, 84. 
 
 synod of, 84. 
 
 Ulpianus, 65. 
 Uzziah, 38. 
 
 Van Berchem, Max, 149. 
 Varuna, 116, 118. 
 Venice, 101. 
 Ventidius Bassus, 53. 
 Venus, 65, 121. 
 Venus Anadyomene, 121. 
 Vespasian, 57, 129, 132. 
 
 Waddington, 55. 
 
 Wadi Gaza, 8. 
 
 Wadi Ruhfebe, 163. 
 
 WakU belt al-mS,!, 87. 
 
 Walter of Brienne, 84. 
 
 Wardan, 75. 
 
 el-Warrada, 164. 
 
 Washasha, 24. 
 
 Weber, 19. 
 
 Wilhelm von Boldenselle, 90. 
 
 Winckler, 42. 
 
 Xanthikos, 126, 133, 135, 142. 
 
 Yabriti, 21, 23. 
 Yto Berdy, 96. 
 Yankhama, 21. 
 178 
 
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INDEX 
 
 Yau-bidi, 35. 
 
 Yeroka, khftn, 93. 
 
 Yezld III., 77. 
 
 Yflnus, emir, 91. 
 
 Yflnus, kha,n, 92, 100, 165. 
 
 Yflsuf Saba, 143. 
 
 Zab, 77. 
 Zakkala, 24, 27. 
 Zengi, 81. 
 
 Zeno, 62, 132. 
 
 Zeus, 5, 14, 119, 120, 122, 158. 
 
 Zeus Aldemios (Aldos), 119. 
 
 Zeus Kasios, 158. 
 
 Zeus Kretagenes, 119, 120. 
 
 Zeus-Marnas, statue of, 153, 154. 
 
 Ziklag, 32. 
 
 Zoilus, 51. 
 
 Zosimus, 67. 
 
 Zurata, 21. 
 
 179 
 
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BIBLICAL PASSAGES 
 
 
 Genesis 
 
 
 
 1 Samuel 
 
 iv. 18 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 iv. 
 
 116 
 
 19-23 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 1-10 
 
 39 
 
 X. 14 
 
 
 14 
 
 29 
 
 9, 18 
 
 29 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 V. 1-5 
 
 123 
 
 xxi. 27 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 1-7 
 
 29 
 
 xxvi. 15 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 122 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 2-5 
 
 123 
 
 xxxvi. 40 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 vi. 4 
 17, 18 
 
 29 
 39 
 
 xiii. 17 
 
 Exodus 
 
 
 27 
 
 ix. 16 
 
 39 
 
 XV. 14 
 
 
 • 
 
 26 
 
 x. 1 
 
 xiii. 2 
 
 39 
 39 
 
 
 Deuteronomy 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 29 
 
 ii. 23 
 
 
 16 
 
 29 
 
 7 
 xiv. 6 
 
 11 
 16 
 
 
 Joshua 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 39 
 
 xi. 22 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 31 
 
 39 
 
 xiii. 3 
 
 
 11,27 
 
 39 
 
 52 
 
 39 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 xvii. 26, 36 
 
 16 
 
 XV. 4 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 xxvi. 27 
 
 29 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 xxvii. 2 
 
 29, 39 
 
 59 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 39 
 
 xvi. 
 
 
 
 124 
 
 xxix. 2 
 
 29 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 XXX. 14 
 
 29 
 
 41 
 
 
 
 122 
 
 xxxi. 
 
 39 
 
 xviii. 23 
 
 
 
 •11 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 xix. 27 
 
 
 
 123 
 
 2 Samuel 
 
 
 Judges 
 
 
 
 i. 20 
 
 16 
 
 i. 8 
 
 
 29 
 
 ,39 
 
 ii. 1-4 
 
 39 
 
 iii. 3 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 . 24 
 
 12 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 8,9 
 
 39 
 
 V. 6 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 iv. 5 
 
 39 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 V. 1 
 
 39 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 17-21 
 
 39 
 
 X. 7 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 21 
 
 123 
 
 xiv. 13 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 22-25 
 
 39 
 
 xvi. 2 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 viii. 18 
 
 29,39 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 XV. 19 
 
 29 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 xxi. 15 
 
 39 
 
 22-30 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 17, 18 
 
 39 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 122 
 
 19-22 
 
 39 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 xxiii. 8 
 
 39 
 
 181 
 
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BIBLICAL PASSAGES 
 
 1 Kings 
 
 ix. 10 
 xiv. 21 
 XX. 12 
 
 2 Kings 
 
 xii. 17 
 xvi. 5 
 17 
 xvii. 24 
 xviii. 34 
 xix. 13 
 xxiii. 29, 30 
 
 29-xxiv. 7 
 
 33-36 
 
 xxxvii. 13 
 xlvi. 1 
 
 xlvii. 1 
 4 
 
 XXV. 16 
 
 i. 6,7 
 ix. 7 
 
 i. 9 
 ii. 4-6 
 5 
 
 Isaiah 
 
 Jeremiah 
 
 EZEKIEL 
 
 Amos 
 
 Zephaniah 
 
 39 
 39 
 39 
 
 39 
 39 
 39 
 39 
 35, 36, 39 
 39 
 40 
 17 
 40 
 
 40 
 117, 123 
 
 17, 40 
 25, 29, 124 
 
 1 Chronicles 
 
 25,26 
 
 39 
 29, 124 
 
 123 
 35, 42 
 25.29 
 
 i. 51 
 46 
 iv. 41 
 viii. 20 
 ix. 4 
 xii. 21 
 xiv. 12 
 
 xiv. 8-14 
 xvii. 11 
 xxi. 16 
 18 
 xxvi. 6-8 
 
 7 
 xxviii. 18 
 20 
 
 i. 16-19 
 
 iii. 41 
 
 iv. 13 
 
 V. 68 
 
 x. 83-84 
 
 xi. 53-59 
 60-62 
 61, 62 
 
 xiii. 43-58 
 
 2 Chronicles 
 
 1 Maccabees 
 
 V. 1 
 
 viii. 26 
 ix. 11 
 
 2 Maccabees 
 
 Acts 
 
 11 
 11 
 16 
 40 
 11 
 40 
 123 
 
 42 
 17,39 
 39 
 17 
 39 
 17 
 39 
 39 
 
 54 
 54 
 11 
 54 
 117 
 54 
 54 
 54 
 54 
 
 54 
 
 9, 10, 70 
 12 
 
 182 
 
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