Collected Materials for the Study of the War Compiled by ALBERT E. McKINLEY ^atnell Hntcerattg SItbrarg 3tl;aca, ^tm f ack BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE JACOB H. SCHIFF ENDOWMENT FOR THE PROMOTION OF STUDIES IN HUMAN CIVILIZATION 1918 Cornell University Library D 509.M15 3 1924 027 928 898 .,„ ^^. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027928898 Collected Materials for the Study of the War Compiled by ALBERT E. McKINLEY PHILADELPHIA McKINLEY PUBLISHING COMPANY 1918 A- Copyright, 1917, 1918 Mckinley publishing company Introduction The World War has led to an intense sharpening of interest among Americans in international rela- tions and world history. RaceSj countries, and poli- cies hitherto almost unknown to the great body of American citizens, have in a moment become of vital importance to all. And with this new importance has come a truly American desire to understand the significance of the new world movements. Hence, from the public generally, from students in schools and colleges, from teachers, lecturers, and conductors of classes in clubs and camps, has come the demand for information and interpretation. The aim of the compiler of the following pages has been to present in brief compass such materials as will best meet this demand. President Wilson's principal addresses in war- time have been included not only because they pre- sent the official statements upon the entrance of the United States into the war and upon the war aims of America, but also because of their incomparable style and diction. No condensations or omissions have been undertaken in any of the addresses. In Part II is presented what is by far the best analysis of the immediate antecedents and principal events of the war which has yet been prepared. Pro- fessor Harding has adopted a topical form for his study of the war, but he has so woven together the evidence, and accompanied it with such telling quota- tions that he has made a most interesting narrative. This outline has already been made the basis of study in hundreds of classes throughout the country, and it will soon, doubtless, be adopted on a still wider scale. Mr. Hoskins, in his Syllabus, in Part III, goes back to an earlier date in order to get an adequate background for the present conflict. Beginning with the Middle Ages he analyzes the steps by which modern Europe has come into existence and the man- ner in which its institutions have developed. Particu- lar attention is called to the '" problem questions " given under each topic. These thought-provoking questions will stimulate any intelligent person into a new attitude toward historical events and personages. Next to a demand for information concerning the historical origins of the war has come that for an understanding of world geography. Places and dis- tricts hitherto unnoticed by even well-informed per- sons have in a day become of world-wide im- portance. German colonies in distant parts of the world have been seized by the Allies ; battle-lines in Europe have shifted back and forth ; and German armies have occupied great districts whose very names previously were hidden within the large bulk of the Russian state. Geography has helped in an understanding of the war by showing racial bound- aries as well as political ; it has brought us to realize the value of physical land and water features in the conduct of military campaigns ; and of the economic background which has exercised such a deep influence upon German annexationists. Pro- fessors Harding and Lingelbach, in Part IV, have prepared and described a series of maps bearing upon the military, economic, racial, and political aspects of the war. To these have been added a number of outline maps which may be used in depict- ing further military and political changes. Professor Dutcher, in Part V, has prepared an ex- tensive critical bibliography of the war. While the list of seven hundred titles may seem formidable to some, yet it is so closely sub-divided that the stu- dent can readily gain an appraisal of the books upon any phase of the war". Part VI contains statutes and joint-resolutions of the Congress of the United States from April, 1917, to May, 1918. The aim has been to include those laws and parts of laws which show the manner in which the country has been legally reorganized to meet war conditions. It cannot be hoped that the selection of statutes will be satisfactory to all, but the list has been made as inclusive as space limita- tions would permit. No attempt has befn made to include all the laws on a given subject, but rather to pick out typical statutes, from which the reader or student can gain an idea of the vastly important leg- islation of the Sixty-fifth Congress. It has been im- possible, too, to print the full text of the longer statutes, some of which, like the Revenue Act of 1917, would occupy fifty of the large pages of the present work. The parts omitted have been indi- cated in the usual manner (. . .). The sections in- cluded are those which contain general principles of legislation; qualifying clauses and sections have in some cases been cut out. Persons desiring to con- sult the statutes for legal reasons rather than for general information or historical facts should read the official text published in the " Statutes at Large " or the " slip-laws " of the United States. What has been said above concerning the laws, liolds true also of the Executive Proclamations in Part VII. To save space the parts of proclama- tions which recite a statute or part of a statute have been omitted, as well as the usual form of subscription and seal by the President and Secretary. The material in Parts II, IV, and V of this col- lection was prepared in co-operation with the Na- tional Board for Historical Service of Washington, D. C. It was first published in The History Teacher's Magazine for January, March, and April, 1918, and later reprinted in pamphlet form. Acknowledgment is cheerfully made of assistance in the preparation of Part IV received from Professor G. B. Roorbach, Mr. Randolph G. Adams, Messrs. Henry Holt and Co., the C. S. Hammond Co., and the Atlantic Monthly Press. The several parts of this collection have been is- sued by the publishers in separate pamphlet form (except that Parts VI and VII are included in one pamphlet), and these separates may be obtained in single copies or in quantities for class use where the adoption of the entire collection is impracticable. Suggestions for the Use of the Materials The President's addresses should, in the case of each, be studied in their entirety. Each should be comprehended as a complete work of art. But in ad- dition to this they should be studied in a series with the purpose to discover (1) the immediate reasons for the entrance of the United States into the war; (2) the ultimate purpose of our intervention; (3) the change from our old policy of isolation (Monroe Doctrine) ; (4) our wishes concerning the Allies ; (5) a plan for a better organization of the world than existed before the war. The text of the addresses may also be studied in connection with the study- outlines given in Part II and Part III. The syllabus prepared by Professor Harding is designed as the basis for a connected study of the war and its immediate causes. The successive sections should be assigned for study and discussion. Mem- bers of the class or group should look up additional information in the references accompanying the sev- eral chapters. The outline prepared by Mr. Hoskins lends itself to a more extensive study of the conditions leading up to the war. It is designed particularly for high school and college classes in which time is available to study more in detail the historic development of the modern world. The outline should be assigned in brief sections, and pupils should be required to pre- pare for the exercise by reading in the textbooks and general works. Their reading may be carried on with a view to obtaining answers to the " problem-ques- tions " which the author has inserted under each sub- topic. The geography section should be made the basis of careful study. Too often students and teachers are content to use a map simply as a means of refer- ence to locate a specified place. In addition to such use, maps should, in class instruction, be made the basis for propounding and answering definite prob- lems. Such problems may deal with simple facts of locations and distances ; or they may take up more subtle questions of the relation of geography to mili- tary, political, and economical activities. Thus the map showing the Pangermanist plan of 1895 (page 93) may be contrasted with the races (on colored map opposite page 92) to be subjugated, or with the map of the recent territorial redistribution in Russia (page 98). The map of the German drive of March, 1918, shows the alternate attack upon the center and the flanks of the Allied position; it shows also the grad- ual slowing down of the German advance. A num- ber of excellent geographical problems are presented by Professor Lingelbach on page 85. The bibliography of war literature is inserted in this volume because it is believed that it will prove useful not only in designating books fo library pur- chase, but also because it gives an impartial valuation of each volume. Professor Butcher's bibliography is the most complete work of this character which has appeared. With its careful subdivision into topics, it should be a continual help to the historical scholar. The United States statutes and proclamations show the means by which a peaceful nation reorgan- ized its military system, its trade and industries, and its finance in order to devote all its energies to win- ning the war. Such material is somewhat difficult to use in school and college classes unless the assign- ments of topics and questions are most carefully made by the instructor. Occasionally the briefer statutes may be assigned entire for close study and analysis ; but for the longer documents a more intensive method should be used. The following suggestions will illus- trate how these and the other statutes may be so as- signed to the class that the essential parts of the laws will not be overlooked by the careless reader. From the text of the Selective Draft Act (page 137) answer the following questions: What kinds of organizations and what numbers of each is the President authorized to raise by paragraphs 1-7 of Section 1? Which of these are to be raised by voluntary enlistment and which by selective draft? What persons are liable to the draft? How are the drafted persons apportioned among the States ? May a for- eigner be drafted? Contrast the bounty provision in Section 3 with the pol- icy pursued in the Civil War. Which is the more demo- cratic? Why? Can you give satisfactory reasons why each of the classea of persons mentioned in Section 4 should be exempt? Sketch the organization by which persons are registered for the draft, and the method by which exemptions are de- termined. What official persons may the President call upon for as- sistance in the draft? What penalties are imposed for re- fusal or neglect to perform such duty? What powers are given to the President to safeguard the morals of the army? Compare the text of this Act with the proclamation of the President for the registration on June 5, 1917 (page 171). The following topics and problems are based upon the Act of August 10, 1917 (page 145), giving the President power to control food and fuel: Give in brief the purposes of the Act. What agencies may the President use to enforce the Act? What limitations concerning contracts are imposed upon these persons and agencies? Why are these imposed? What acts are made unlawful by Section 4? For what classes of acts may licenses be required under Section 5? What is the advantage of a license system? Who are exempt from the license system? Why so exempt? What punishment may be inflicted upon hoarders? What becomes of the articles hoarded? What powers does the President possess to seize and to sell necessaries? What control does he possess over the prices of neces- saries, especially wheat? Wliat restriction does the Act impose upon the manufac- ture of dit tilled liquors? Does this affect breweries? When shall the provisions of this Act cease to have effect? Outline the powers of the President over the fuel supply. State from your own knowledge or other sources how the food and fuel control has been exercised in your locality. A similar treatment of the other statutes and of the Executive Proclamations will bring out the sig- nificant parts of each document. Only by such means can a class be led to use with profit legal documents of this character. COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. CONTENTS Part I. A SELECTION FROM PRESIDENT WILSON'S ADDRESSES PAGE Address to Senate Upon Terms of Peace in Europe, January 22, 1917 9 Address to Congress Upon Germany's Renewal -of Sub- marine War Against Merchant Ships, February 3, 1917 11 Address to Congress Advising that War Be Declared Against Germany, April 2, 1917 13 Proclamation Calling Upon All to Speak, Act, and Serve Together, April 16, 1917 16 PAGE Flag Day Address, June 14, 1917 18 Address to Congress Upon War Aims and Peace Terms, January 8, 1918 20 Address to Congress Upon German and Austrian Peace Utterances, February 11, 1918 22 Address Delivered at Opening of the Third Liberty Loan Campaign, April 6, 1918 25 PART II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR BY PROFESSOR SAMUEL B. HARDING FAQK I. Fundamental Causes of the Was 27 I. General Factors; II. Militarism and Arma,- ments; III. Failure of the Hague Conferences; IV. Special Subjects of International Conflict; V. Summary and Conclusion. II. HiSTOEicAi Backgeound op the Wab 30 I. Foundation and Character of the German Em- pire; II. The Triple Alliance and the Triple En- tente; III. Three Diplomatic Crises; IV. Bagdad Eailroad and Mittel-Europa ; V. Tripolitan and Balkan Wars. III. Indications that Geemant and Austria PI.ANNED AN AGGEESSIVE StEOKB 32 I. Austria Proposes an Attack on Serbia; II. Secret Military Report on German Army; III. Changed Attitude of the Kaiser; IV. German Pub- lic Opinion; V. Extraordinary Military Measures of Germany; VI. Conclusion. IV. The Austeo-Seebian Contboveesy 36 I. Prior Relations of Serbia, Austria and Rus- sia; II. The Serajevo Assassination; III. Austrian Note to Serbia; IV. Serbian Reply; V. Austria Declares War on Serbia; VI. Conclusions. Failube of Diplomacy to Avert War I. Outline of Events, July 21 to August 5, 1914; II. Proposals for Preserving Peace; III. German Ul+'mitums and Declarations of War Against Russia and France; IV. German Responsibility for the War. 38 PAOC VI. Violation op Belgium's Neutbality Beings in Geeat Beitain 40 I. Why Great Britain Was Expected to Stay Out; II. British Diplomacy and the War; III. Neutrality of Luxembui^ and of Belgium Vio- lated; IV. Great Britain Enters the War. VII. The Wab Spbeads — Chaeacteb op the War . . 44 I. Other States Enter the War; II. World-wide Character of the War; III. Innovations in War- fare; IV. Examples of German Ruthlessness and Violations of International Law; V. Summary and Expl nation of German Policy. VIII. The United States Enters the Wab 40 I. Struggle to Maintain Neutrality; II. From Neutrality to War; III. Summary of Reasons for Entering the War. IX. Coukse op the Wab 53 I. Campaign of 1914; II. Campaign of 1915; III. Campaign of 1916; IV. Campaign of 1917. X. Proposals poe Peace; Will This Be the Last Wab? 57 I. Summary of States at War in 1917; II. American Aims in the War; III. Various Peace Proposals; IV. Will This Be the Last Great War? XI. Reading Rbperences fl2 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. PART III. A SYLLABUS FOR A COURSE OF STUDY UPON THE PRELIMINARIES OF THE PRESENT CONFLICT BY HALFORD L. HOSKINS PAGE Bbief Outline of Stllabus 65 FAOir B. Development of World Peoblems. I. Phases of Territorial Expansion 71 A. HiSTOEiCAL BACKGEOtTND. H- Events Leading to the War 73 I. Origin of the European States 66 q ^gj, ^^b. II. National Consolidation and Expansion 67 I. Opening Events 76 III. Revolutionary Period in Europe 68 11. The Course of the War 78 III. Prospectus 80 IV. Constitutional Development of the Western Powers 69 D. Bbief Bibliogeaphy 81 PART IV. SOME GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR BY PROFESSOR SAMUEL B. HARDING AND PROFESSOR W. E. LINGELBACH PAGE FAOE Bibliography of War Geography 82 The Pangermanist Plan of 1895 93 European Geography and the War 83 The Countries at War 94 Suggestions for Map Study 85 I^ates of Declarations of War 94 Topographical Map of Western Theatre of War 86 Eastern and Western Battle Lines, January 1, 1918 . . 95 ,„,_,.,„, on German Drive of March and April, 1918 96 Topographical Map of Eastern Theatre of War 87 '^ Other War Areas, January 1, 1918 97 Topographical Map of Balkan Region 88 Russian Peace Settlements 98 Topographical Map of Italian Frontier 89 Outline Map of the Western Front 99 Map Showing Areas Producing Coal, Iron and Wheat . 90 Outline Map of Russia 100 Chart Showing Wealth, Population and Armaments . . 91 . ., •„ i, t, • ^ Outline Map of the Balkan Region 101 Growth of Prussia 9 Outline Map of the Austro-Italian Frontier 102 Subject Nationalities of the German Alliance. .Opposite 92 Outline May of Turkey, Egypt and Mesopotamia 103 The Berlin-Bagdad Plan Opposite 93 Outline Map of the North Sea, etc 104 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. PART V. A SELECTED CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PUBLICATIONS IN ENGLISH RELATING TO THE WORLD WAR BY PROFESSOR GEORGE M. DUTCHER FAOE 1. Bibliography 106 41, 2. Handbooks 106 42, 3. History of the War 106 43, 4. Forecasts of the War 106 44, 5. The Background of the War 107 45, ■6. The Diplomatic Rupture 108 46, 7. Polemics, England vs. Germany 109 47. S. The Warring Nations 109 48. 9. Views of the War by European Neutrals 110 49. 10. Great Britain, Description, History, Policy 110 50. 11. Great Britain, Army and Navy, Preparedness 111 51. 12. Great Britain's Part in the War Ill 52. 13. Ireland Ill 53. 14. British Empire, Future Problems and Policies 112 15. Belgium, History, Description 112 54. 16. Beljium, German Invasion and Rule 112 55. 17. Belgium, Neutrality and International Law, Dis- 5'^. eussions 113 18. France 114 57. 19. Italy 114 -20. Portugal 114 58. -21. Alsace-Lorraine 114 59. -22. Germany, History 115 60. •23. Germany, Kaiser and Court 115 61. -24. Germany, Government and Conditions 115 62. 25. Germany, Political Thought 116 63. 26. Germany, Political Thought, Criticisms 117 64. -27. Germany, Anthologies of Opinion 117 65. -28. Germany, Weltpolitik 117 66. -29. War-time German Discussions of National Policy . 118 67. 30. Germany, Army, Navy, Secret Service 118 68. .31. Germany, Descriptions in War-time 118 69. 32. Austria-Hungary 119 70. 33. Austria-Hungary, Slavic Peoples 119 71. 34. Balkan Peninsula, History Conditions, Problems . 119 72. 35. Balkan Wars, 1912-13 120 73. 56. Serbia, Montenegro, Southern Slavs 120 74. 57. Albania 120 75. 38. Greece 120 76. 39. Ottoman Empire, The Turks 121 77. -40. Bulgaria 121 78. PAGE Eoumania 121 Poland 121 Russia, History 121 Russia. Ante-Bellum Descriptions 122 Russia, Conditions in War-time 123 Russia, Revolution of 1917 123 Africa 123 Jews, Zionism, Palestine 123 The Armenians 123 Persia and the Middle East 124 Far East, China, Japan 124 Japanese-American Relations 124 United States, History, Ideals, International Re- lations 125 United States Preparedness 125 United States, German Intrigue 126 German-Americans, Pro-German Views, and Pro- paganda 127 United States, Relations and Attitude to War, 1914-17 127 United States, Participant in the War 128 Latin-America, Pan- Americanism 128 The War on the Sea 128 International Law, Neutral Rights 129 Nationality and Its Problems 129 The War and Democracy 130 The R suits of the War, Problems of Peace 130 The War Against War 131 League to Enforce Peace, League of Nations 132 Economic Aspects of the War 133 Women and the War 134 Socialism and the War 134 Interpretations of the War : Philosophical 134 Interpretations of the War: Sociological 134 Interpretations of the War: Political 135 Interpretations of the War: Psychological 135 Interpretations of the War: Ethical and Religious 135 Interpretations of the War: By Men of Letters .. 136 Atlases 136 Pamphlet Series 136 Committee on Public Information: Publications . 136 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. PART VI. STATUTES OF THE UNITED STATES RELATING TO THE STATE OF WAR April 6, 1 91 7, to May 20, 1918 page page Declaration of War with Germany, April 6, 1917 .... 137 War Risk Insurance Act, October 6, 1917 158 Authorization of Taking Over of Enemy Vessels, May Trading with the Enemy Act, October 6, 1917 160 12, 1917 137 Declaration of War with Austria-Hungary, Decem- Selective Draft Act, May 18, 1917 137 ber 7, 1917 162 Espionage Act, June 15, 1917 141 Act to Provide Housing for Fleet Workers, March. Act to Punish Obstructing Transportation, and Estab- 1, 1918 162 lishing Priorities, August 10, 1917 145 Act to Protect the Civil Eights of Persons in the Mili- Act Authorizing Control of Food and Fuel, August tary and Naval Establishments, March 8, 1918 .... 163 10, 1917 145 Daylight Saving Law, March 19, 1918 164 Second Liberty Loan Act, September 24, 1917 150 Act to Authorize Control of Transportation Systems, Act Creating an Aircraft Board, October 1, 1917 151 March 21, 1918 164 War Revenue Act, October 3, 1917 151 War Finance Corporation Act, April 5, 1918 166 Act Permitting Foreign Vessels in Coastwise Trade, Resolution Changing Apportionment of Draft, May October 6, 1917 158 16, 1918 167 Act to Prevent the Publication of Certain Inventions, Resolution Extending Draft Provisions, May 20, 1918 . 168 October 6, 1917 158 Overman Bill, May 20, 1918 168 PART VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS AND ORDERS April 6, 1917, to April 10, 1918 page pagb Proclamation of State of War and of Alien Enemy Proclamation Announcing the Taking Over of Rail- Regulations, April 6, 1917 169 roads, December 26, 1917 174 Proclamation Concerning Treason, April 16, 1917 170 Proclamation Calling for Reduction of Consumption of Proclamation Calling for Registration Under the Draft Wheat and Meat, January 18, 1918 175 Act, May 18, 1917 1' 1 Proclamation Concerning Exports, February 14, 1918. 176 Proclamation Concerning the Panama Canal, May 23, ^ p^o^i^^ation Directing the Taking Over of Dutch Ves- sels, March 20, 1918 178 Explanatory Statement Concerning the Same 177 Proclaination Concerning the National War Labor 1917 172 Proclamation Restricting Exports of Coin, September 7, 1917 172 Proclamation Concerning Pood Licenses October 8, 1917 173 Proclamation Relating to Second Liberty Loan, Octo- Board, April 8, 1918 I77 ber 12, 1917 174 Priorities List for Supply of Fuel, April 10, 1918 178 ERRATA On page 137, in footnote 1, instead of pages 37-38, read On page 142, in footnote 5, instead of page 40, read page pages 169-171; in footnote 2, instead of page 39, read page 172. 171. On page 143, in footnote 6, instead of pages 39, 40, 44, , , j_ „ . . , 1 ,- ,c „A read pages 172, 176-177. On page 138, in footnote 3, instead of pages 35-36, read " pages 167-168- in footnote 4, instead of page 36, read page On page 146, in footnote 7, instead of page 41, read page 168. '''■ I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. PART I A Selection from President Wilson's Addresses Address to the Senate, Upon Terms op Peace in Europe, January 22, 1917. Gentlemen of the Senate: On the eighteenth of December last I addressed an identic note to the governments of the nations now at war requesting them to state, more definitely than they had yet been stated by either group of bel- ligerents, the terms upon which they would deem it possible to make peace. I spoke on behalf of hu- manity and of the rights of all neutral nations like our own, many of whose most vital interests the war puts in constant jeopardy. The Central Powers united in a reply which stated merely that they were ready to meet their antagonists in conference to dis- cuss terms of peace. The Entente Powers have re- plied much more definitely and have stated, in gen- eral terms, indeed, but with sufficient definiteness to imply details, the arrangements, guarantees, and acts of reparation which they deem to be the indispen- sable conditions of a satisfactory settlement. We are that much nearer a definite discussion of the peace which shall end the present war. We are that much nearer the discussion of the international con- cert which must thereafter hold the world at peace. In every discussion of the peace that must end this war it is taken for granted that that peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastro- phe should ever overwhelm us again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take that for granted. I have sought this opportunity to address you be- cause I thought that I owed it to you, as the council associated with me in the final determination of our international obligations, to disclose to you without reserve the thought and purpose that have been tak- ing form in my mind in regard to the duty of our Government in the days to come when it will be necessary to lay afresh and upon a" new plan the foundations of peace among the nations. It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play no part in that great enterprise. To take part in such a service will be the opportu- nity for which they have sought to prepare them- selves by the very principles and purposes of their polity and the approved practices of their Govern- ment ever since the days when they set up a new nation in the high and honorable hope that it might in all that it was and did show mankind the way to liberty. They cannot in honor withhold the service to which they are now about to be challenged. They do not wish to withhold it. But they owe it to them- selves and to the other nations of the world to state the conditions under which they will feel free to ren- der it. That service is nothing less than this, to add their authority and their power to the authority and force of other nations to guarantee peace and justice throughout the world. Such a settlement cannot now be long postponed. It is right that before it comes this Government should frankly formulate the condi- tions upon which it would feel justified in asking our people to approve its formal and solemn adherence to a League for Peace. I am here to attempt to state those conditions. The present war must first be ended; but we owe it to candor and to a just regard for the opinion of mankind to say that, so far as our participation in guarantees of future peace is concerned, it makes a great deal of difference in what way and upon what terms it is ended. The treaties and agreements which bring it to an end must embody terms which will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and preserving, a peace that will win the approval of mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the sev- eral interests and immediate aims of the nations en- gaged. We shall have no voice in determining what those terms shall be, but we shall, I feel sure, have a voice in determining whether they shall be made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal cove- nant, and our judgment upon what is fundamental and essential as a condition precedent to permanency should be spoken now, not afterwards when it may be too late. No covenant of co-operative peace that does not include the peoples of the New World can suffice to keep the future safe against war; and yet there is only one sort of peace that the peoples of America could join in guaranteeing. The elements of that peace must be elements that engage the confidence and satisfy the principles of the American govern- ments, elements consistent with their political faith and with the practical convictions which the peoples of America have once for all embraced and under- taken to defend. I do not mean to say that any American govern- ment would throw any obstacle in the way of any terms of peace the governments now at war might agree upon, or seek to upset them when made, what- ever they might be. I only take it for granted that mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves. Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now en- gaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations could face or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the organized major force of mankind. 10 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. The terms of the immediate peace agreed upon will determine whether it is a peace for which such a guarantee can be secured. The question upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world de- pends is this: Is the present war a struggle for a just and secure peace^ or only for a new balance of power.'' If it be only a struggle for a new balance of power, who will guarantee, who can guarantee, the stable equilibrium of the new arrangement.'' Only a tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There must be, not a balance of power, but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but an organized common peace. Fortunately we have received very explicit assur- ances on this point. The statesmen of both of the groups of nations now arrayed against one another have said, in terms that could not be misinterpreted, that it was no part of the purpose they had in mind to crush their antagonists. But the implications of these assurances may not be equally clear to all — may not be the same on both sides of the water. I think it will be serviceable if I attempt to set forth what we understand them to be. They imply, first of all, that it must be a peace without victory. It is not pleasant to say this. I beg that I may be permitted to put my own inter- pretation upon it and that it may be understood that no other interpretation was in my thought. I am seeking only to face realities and to face them with- out soft concealments. Victory would mean peace forced upon the loser, a victor's terms imposed upon the vanquished. It would be accepted in humilia- tion, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which terms of peace would rest, not per- toanently, but only as upon quicksand. Only a jieace between equals can last. Only a peace the "very principle of which is equality and a common participation in a common benefit. The right state ■of mind, the right feeling between nations, is as necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settle- ment of vexed questions of territory or of racial and national allegiance. The equality of nations upon which peace must be founded if it is to last must be an equality of rights; the guarantees exchanged must neither recognize nor imply a difference between big nations and small, between those that are powerful and those that are weak. Right must be based upon the common strength, not upon the individual strength, of the nations upon whose concert peace will depend. Equality of territory or of resources there of course cannot be; nor any other sort of equality not gained in the ordinary peaceful and legitimate development of the peoples themselves. But no one asks or ex- pects anything more than an equality of rights. Man- kind is looking now for freedom of life, not for equipoises of power. And there is a deeper thing involved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not recog- nize and accept the principle that governments de- rive all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property. I take it for granted, for in- stance, if I may venture upon a single example, that statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be a united, independent, and autonomous Poland, and that henceforth inviolable security of life, of wor- ship, and of industrial and social development should be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived hitherto under the power of governments devoted to a faith and purpose hostile to their own. I speak of this, not because of any desire to exalt and abstract political principle which has always been held very dear by those who have sought to build up liberty in America, but for the same reason that I have spoken of the other conditions of peace which seem to me clearly indispensable — because I wish frankly to uncover realities. Any peace which does not recognize and accept this principle will inevitably be upset. It will not rest upon the affections or the convictions of mankind. The ferment of spirit of whole populations will fight subtly and constantly against it, and all the world will sympathize. The world can be at peace only if its life is stable, and there can be no stability where the will is in rebel- lion, where there is not tranquillity of spirit and a sense of justice, of freedom, and of right. So far as practicable, moreover, every great people now struggling towards a full development of its re- sources and of its powers should be assured a direct outlet to the great highways of the sea. Where this cannot be done by the cession of territory, it can no doubt be done by the neutralization of direct rights of way under the general guarantee which wiU as- sure the peace itself. With a right comity of ar- rangement no nation need be shut away from free access to the open paths of the world's commerce. And the paths of the sea must alike in law and in fact be free. The freedom of the seas is the sine qua non of peace, equality, and co-operation. No doubt a somewhat radical reconsideration of many of the rules of international practice hitherto thought to be established may be necessary in order to make the seas indeed free and common in practically all cir- cumstances for the use of mankind, but the motive for such changes is convincing and compelling. There can be no trust or intimacy between the peo- ples of the world without them. The free, constant, unthreatened intercourse of nations is an essential part of the process of peace and of development. It need not be difficult either to define or to secure the freedom of the seas if the governments of the world sincerely desire to come to an agreement concern- ing it. It is a problem closely connected with the limita- tion of naval armaments and the co-operation of the navies of the world in keeping the seas at once free and safe. And the question of limiting naval arma- ments opens the wider and perhaps more difiicult I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 11 question of the limitation of armies and of all pro- grams of military preparation. Difficult and deli- cate as these questions are, they must be faced with the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real accommodation if peace is to come with healing in its wingSj and come to stay. Peace cannot be had with- out concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense of safety and equality among the nations if great preponderating armaments are henceforth to con- tinue here and there to be built up and maintained. The statesmen of the world must plan for peace and nations must adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned for war and made ready for pitiless contest and rivalry. The question of arma- ments, whether on land or sea, is the most imme- diately and intensely practical question connected with the future fortunes of nations and of mankind. I have spoken upon these great matters without re- serve and with the utmost explicitness because it has seemed to me to be necessary if the world's yearning desire for peace was anywhere to find free voice and utterance. Perhaps I am the only person in high au- thority amongst all the peoples of the world who is at liberty to speak and hold nothing back. I am speaking as an individual, and yet I am speaking also, of course, as the responsible head of a great government, and I feel confident that I have said what the people of the United States would wish me to say. May I not add that I hope and believe that I am in effect speaking for liberals and friends of humanity in every nation and of every program of liberty.'' I would fain believe that I am speaking for the silent mass of mankind everywhere who have as yet had no place or opportunity to speak their real hearts out concerning the death and ruin they see to have come already upon the persons and the homes they hold most dear. And in holding out the expectation that the peo- ple and Government of the United States will join the other civilized nations of the world in guarantee- ing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I have named I speak with the greater boldness and confidence because it is clear to every man who can think that there is in this promise no breach in either our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a fulfil- ment, rather, of all that we have professed or striven for. I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other na- tion or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own polity, its own way of de- velopment, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful. I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances which would draw them into competitions of power; catch them in a net of in- trigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with the same purpose all act in the common interest and are free to live their own lives vmder a common protection. I am proposing government by the consent of the governed; that freedom of the seas which in inter- national conference after conference representatives of the United States have urged with the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty; and that moderation of armaments which makes of armies and navies a power for order merely, not an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence. These are American principles, American policies. We could stand for no others. And they are also the principles and policies of forward looking men and women everywhere, of every modern nation, of every enlightened community. They are the principles of mankind and must prevail. Address to Congress Upon Germany's Renewal of Submarine War Against Merchant Ships February 3, 1917. Gentlemen of the Congress: The Imperial German Government on the thirty- first of January announced to this Government and to the governments of the other neutral nations that on and after the first day of February, the present month, it would adopt a policy with regard to the use of submarines against all shipping seeking to pass through certain designated areas of the high seas to which it is clearly my duty to call your attention. Let me remind the Congress that on the eighteenth of April last, in view of the sinking on the twenty- fourth of March of the cross-channel passenger steamer Sussex by a German submarine, without sum- mons or warning, and the consequent loss of the lives of several citizens of the United States who were pas- sengers aboard her, this Government addressed a note to the Imperial German Government in which it made the following declaration: If it is still the purpose of the Imperial Government to prosecute relentless and indiscriminate warfare against ves- sels of commerce by the use of submarines without regard to what the Government of the United States must consider the sacred and indisputable rules of international law and the universally recognized dictates of humanity, the Gov- ernment of the United States is at last forced to the con- clusion that there is but one course it can pursue. Unless the Imperial Government should now immediately declare and effect an abandonment of its present methods of sub- marine warfare against passenger and freight-carrying ves- sels, the Government of the United States can have no choice but to sever diplomatic relations with the German Empire altogether. In reply to this declaration the Imperial German Government gave this Government the following as- surance: The German Government is prepared to do its utmost to confine the operations of war for the rest of its duration to the fighting forces of the belligerents, thereby also in- suring the freedom of the seas, a principle upon which the German Government believes, now as before, to be in agree- ment with the Government of the United States. 12 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. The German Government, guided by this idea, notifies the Government of the United States that the German naval forces have received the following orders: In accordance with the general principles of visit and search and destruc- tion of merchant vessels recognized by international law, such vessels, both within and without the area declared as naval war zone, shall not be sunk without warning and without saving human lives, unless these ships attempt to escape or offer resistance. " But," it added, " neutrals cannot expect that Germany, forced to fight for her existence, shall, for the sake of neutral interest, restrict the use of an effective weapon if her enemy is permitted to continue to apply at will methods of warfare violating the rules of international law. Such a demand would be incom- patible with the character of neutrality, and the Ger- man Government is convinced that the Government of the United States does not think of making such a demand, knowing that the Government of the United States has repeatedly declared that it is determined to restore the principle of the freedom of the seas, from whatever quarter it has been violated." To this the Government of the United States re- plied on the eighth of May, accepting, of course, the assurances given, but adding, The Government of the United States feels it necessary to state that it takes it for granted that the Imperial Ger- man Government does not intend to imply that the main- tenance of its newly announced policy is in any way con- tingent upon the course or result of diplomatic negotiations between the Government of the United States and any other belligerent Government, notwithstanding the fact that certain passages in the Imperial Government's note of the 4th instant might appear to be susceptible of that construc- tion. In order, however, to avoid any possible misunder- standing, the Government of the United States notifies the Imperial Government that it cannot for a moment enter- tain, much less discuss, a suggestion that respect by German naval authorities for the rights of citizens of the United States upon the high seas should in any way or in the slightest degree be made contingent upon the conduct of any other Government affecting the rights of neutrals and noncombatants. Responsibility in such matters is single, not joint; absolute, not relative. To this note of the eighth of May, the Imperial German Government made no reply. On the thirty-first of January, the Wednesday of the present week, the German Ambassador handed to the Secretary of State, along with a formal note, a memorandum which contains the following statement: The Imperial Government, therefore, does not doubt that the Government of the United States will understand the situation thus forced upon Germany by the Entente-Allies' brutal methods of war and by their determination to destroy the Central Powers, and that the Government of the United States will further realize that the now openly disclosed intentions of the Entente-Allies give back to Ger- many the freedom of action which she reserved in her note addressed to the Government of the United States on May 4, 1916. Under these circumstances Germany will meet the illegal measures of her enemies by forcibly preventing after Febru- ary 1, 1917, in a zone around Great Britain, France, Italy, and in the Eastern Mediterranean all navigation, that of neutrals included, from and to England and from and to France, etc., etc. All ships met within the zone will be sunk. I think that you will agree with me that, in view of this declaration, which suddenly and without prior intimation of any kind deliberately withdraws the sol- emn assurance given in the Imperial Government's note of the fourth of May, 1916, this Government has no alternative consistent with the dignity and honor of the United States but to take the course which, in its note of the eighteenth of April, 1916, it announced that it would take in the event that the German Gov- ernment did not declare and effect an abandonment of the methods of submarine warfare which it was then employing and to which it now purposes again to re- sort. I have, therefore, directed the Secretary of State to announce to His Excellency the German Ambassador that all diplomatic relations between the United States and the German Empire are severed, and that the American Ambassador at Berlin will immediately be withdrawn; and, in accordance with this decision, to hand to His Excellency his passports. Notwithstanding this unexpected action of the Ger- man Government, this sudden and deeply deplorable renunciation of its assurances, given this Government at one of the most critical moments of tension in the relations of the two governments, I refuse to believe that it is the intention of the German authorities to do in fact what they have warned us they will feel at liberty to do. I cannot bring myself to believe that they will indeed pay no regard to the ancient friend- ship between their people and our own or to the sol- emn obligations which have been exchanged between them and destroy American ships and take the lives of American citizens in the wilful prosecution of the ruthless naval program they have announced their intention to adopt. Only actual overt acts on their part can make me believe it even now. If this inveterate confidence on my part in the so- briety and prudent foresight of their purpose should unhappily prove unfounded; if American ships and American lives should in fact be sacrificed by their naval commanders in heedless contravention of the just and reasonable understandings of international law and the obvious dictates of humanity, I shall take the liberty of coming again before the Congress, to ask that authority be given me to use any means that may be necessary for the protection of our seamen and our people in the prosecution of their peaceful and legitimate errands on the high seas. I can do nothing less. I take it for granted that all neutral governments will take the same course. We do not desire any hostile conflict with the Im- perial German Government. We are the sincere friends of the German people and earnestly desire to remain at peace with the Government which speaks for them. We shall not believe that they are hostile to us unless and until we are obliged to believe it ; and we purpose nothing more than the reasonable defense of the undoubted rights of our people. We wish to serve no selfish ends. We seek merely to stand true I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 13 alike in thought and in action to the immemorial prin- ciples of our people which I sought to express in my address to the Senate only two weeks ago — seek merely to vindicate our right to liberty and justice and an unmolested life. These are the bases of peace, not war. God grant we may not be challenged to de- fend them by acts of wilful injustice on the part of the Government of Germany ! Address to Congress Advising that War Be Declared Against Germany, April 2, 1917. Gentlemen of the Congress: I have called the Congress into extraordinary ses- sion because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its sub- marines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports con- trolled by the enemies of Germany within the Medi- terranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, what- ever their flag, their character, their cargo, their des- tination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hos- pital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely be- reaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle. I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be re- spected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free high- ways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meagre enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be ac- complished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind de- manded. This minimum of right the German Govern- ment has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world, I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale de- struction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The chal- lenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our char- acter and our motives as a nation. We must put ex- cited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion. When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms,, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has as- sumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity, indeed, to en- deavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intima- tion is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as be- yond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual 14 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war with- out either the rights or the effectiveness of belliger- ents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are in- capable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life. With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesi- tating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States ; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense tut also to exert all its power and employ all its re- sources to bring the Government of the German Em- pire to terms and end the war. What this will involve is clear. It will involve the iutmost practicable co-operation in counsel and action 'with the governments now at war with Germany, and, -as incident to that, the extension to those governments ^f the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs. It will involve the organization and mobilization of all -the material resources of the country to supply the ^materials of war and serve the incidental needs of -the nation in the most abundant and yet the most .economical and efficient way possible. It will involve -the immediate full equipment of the navy in all re- spects but particularly in supplying it with the best .-means of dealing with the enemy's submarines. It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, ■who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the princi- ple of universal liability to service, and also the au- -thorization of subsequent additional increments of -equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training. It will involve also, of course, -the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived -taxation. I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxa- tion because it seems to me that it would be most un- wise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by vast loans. In carrying out the measures by which these things ,are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty — for it will be a very practical duty — of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there. I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of the Government, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have men- tioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war and safe- guarding the nation will most directly fall. While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty- second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third of Feb- ruary and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our ob- ject now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will hence- forth ensure the observance of those principles. Neu- trality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic goverimients backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the indi- vidual citizens of civilized states. We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were pro- voked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. Self- governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 15 designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask ques- tions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression^ carried, it may be, from generation to gen- eratioHj can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind the care- fully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs. A steadfast concert for peace can never be main- tained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner cir- cles who could plan what they would and render ac- count to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own. Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the inti- mate relationships of her people that spoke their nat- ural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose ; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their native majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor. One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the pres- ent war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our na- tional unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed, it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the in- dustries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the per- sonal direction of official agents of the Imperial Gov- ernment accredited to the Government of the United States. Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most gener- ous interpretation possible upon them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Govern- ment that did what it pleased and told its people noth- ing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the in- tercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence. We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a government, follow- ing such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what pur- pose, there can be no assured security for the demo- cratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to lib- erty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democ- racy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of man- kind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them. Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to de- fend our right and our honor. The Austro-Hun- garian Government has, indeed, avowed its luiquali- fied endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without dis- guise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of post- poning a discussion of our relations with the authori- ties at Vienna. We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights. 16 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or dis- advantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. We are, let me say again, the sin- cere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early re-establishment of inti- mate relations of mutual advantage between us — ^how- ever hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts. We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship — exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without coun- tenance except from a lawless and malignant few. It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus ad- dressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civiliza- tion itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who sub- mit to authority to have a voice in their own govern- ments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free people as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our for- tunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other. Proclamation Calling Upon All to Speak, Act AND Serve Together. April 16, 1917. My Fellow-Countrymen: The entrance of our own beloved country into the grim and terrible war. for democracy and human rights which has shaken the world creates so many problems of national life and action which call for im- mediate consideration and settlement that I hope you will permit me to address to you a few words of earnest counsel and appeal with regard to them. We are rapidly putting our navy upon an efficient war footing, and are about to create and equip a great army, but these are the simplest parts of the great task to which we have addressed ourselves. There is not a single selfish element, so far as I can see, in the cause we are fighting for. We are fight- ing for what we believe and wish to be the rights of mankind and for the future peace and security of the world. To do this great thing worthily and success- fully we must devote ourselves to the service without regard to profit or material advantage and with an energy and intelligence that will rise to the level of the enterprise itself. We must realize to the full how great the task is and how many things, how many kinds and elements of capacity and service and self- sacrifice, it involves. These, then, are the things we must do, and do well, besides .fighting — the things without which mere fight- ing would be fruitless : We must supply abundant food for ourselves and for our armies and our seamen not only, but also for a large part of the nations with whom we have now made common cause, in whose support and by whose sides we shall be fighting; We must supply ships by the hundreds out of our shipyards to carry to the other side of the sea, sub- marines or no submarines, what will every day be needed there, and abundant materials out of our fields and our mines and our factories with which not only to clothe and equip our own forces on land and sea, but also to clothe and support our people for whom the gallant fellows under arms can no longer work, to help clothe and equip the armies with which we are co-oper^ ating in Europe, and to keep the looms and manufac- tories there in raw material ; coal to keep the fires going in ships at sea and in the furnaces of hundreds of fac- tories across the sea ; steel out of which to make arms and ammunition both here and there; rails for worn- out railways back of the fighting fronts; locomotives and rolling stock to take the place of those every day going to pieces ; mules, horses, cattle for labor and for military service ; everything with which the people of England and France and Italy and Russia have usually supplied themselves but cannot now afford the men, the materials, or the machinery to make. It is evident to every thinking man that our indus- tries, on the farms, in the shipyards, in the mines, in the factories, must be made more prolific and more efficient than ever, and that they must be more economically managed and better adapted to the par- ticular requirements of our task than they have been; and what I want to say is that the men and the women who devote their thought and their energy to these things will be serving the country and conducting the fight for peace and freedom just as truly and just as effectively as the men on the battlefield or in the trenches. The industrial forces of the country, men and women alike, will be a great national, a great I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 17 international, Service Army — a notable and honored host engaged in the service of the nation j-nd the world, the efficient friends and saviors of free men everywhere. Thousands, nay, hundreds of thousands, of men otherwise liable to military service will of right and of necessity be excused from that service and assigned to the fundamental, sustaining work of the fields and factories and mines, and' they will be as much part of the great patriotic forces of the nation as the men under fire. I take the liberty, therefore, of addressing this word to the farmers of .the country and to all who work on the farms: The supreme need of our own nation and of the nations with which we are co- operating is an abundance of supplies, and especially of food stuffs. The importance of an adequate food supply, especially for the present year, is superlative. Without abundant food, alike for the armies and the peoples now at war, the whole great enterprise upon which we have embarked will break down and fail. The world's food reserves are low. Not only during the present emergency but for some time after peace shall have come both our own people and a large pro- portion of the people of Europe must rely upon the harvests in America. Upon the farmers of this coun- try, therefore, in large measure, rests the fate of the war and the fate of the nations. May the nation not count upon them to omit no step that will increase the production of their land or that will bring about the most effectual co-operation in the sale and distribution of their products? The time is short. It is of the most imperative importance that everything possible be done and done immediately to make sure of large harvests. I call upon young men .-,nd old alike and upon the able-bodied boys of the land to accept and act upon this duty — ^to turn in hosts to the farms and make certain that no pains and no labor is lacking in this great matter. I particularly appeal to the farmers of the South to plant abundant food stuffs as well as cotton. They can show their patriotism in no better or more con- vincing way than by resisting the great temptation of the present price of cotton and helping, helping upon a great scale, to feed the nation and the peoples everywhere who are fighting for their liberties and for our own. The variety of their crops will be the visi- ble measure of their comprehension of their national duty. The Government of the United States and the gov- ernments of the several States stand ready to co- operate. They will do everything possible to assist farmers in securing an adequate supply of seed, an adequate force of laborers when they are most needed, at harvest time, and the means of expediting ship- ments of fertilizers and farm machinery, as well as of the crops themselves when harvested. The course of trade shall be as unhampered as it is possible to make it, and there shall be no unwarranted manipulation of the nation's food supply by those who handle it on its way to the consumer. This is our opportunity to demonstrate the efficiency of a great Democracy and we shall not fall short of it! This let me say to the middlemen of every sort, whether they are handling our food stuffs or our raw materials of manufacture or the products of our mills and factories: The eyes of the country will be espe- cially upon you. This is your opportunity for signal service, efficient and disinterested. The country ex- pects you, as it expects all others, to forego unusual profits, to organize and expedite shipments of supplies of every kind, but especially of food, with an eye to the service you are rendering and in the spirit of those who enlist in the ranks for their people, not for them- selves. I shall confidently expect you to deserve and win the confidence of people of every sort and sta- tion. To the men who run the railways of the country, whether they be managers or operative employees, let me say that the railways are the arteries of the na- tion's life and that upon them rests the immense re- sponsibility of seeing to it that those arteries suffer no obstruction of any kind, no inefficiency or slackened power. To the merchant let me suggest the motto, " Small profits and quick service ; " and to the ship- builder the thought that the life of the war depends upon him. The food and the war supplies must be carried across the seas no matter how many ships are sent to the bottom. The places of those that go down must be supplied and supplied at once. To the miner let me say that he stands where the farmer does: the work of the world waits on him. If he slackens or fails, armies and statesmen are helpless. He also is enlisted in the great Service Army. The manufac- turer does not need to be told, I hope, that the nation looks to him to speed and perfect every process ; and I want only to remind his employees that their ser- vice is absolutely indispensable and is counted on by every man who loves the country and its liberties. Let me suggest, also, that everyone who creates or cultivates a garden helps, and helps greatly, to solve the problem of the feeding of the nations; and that every housewife who practices strict economy puts herself in the ranks of those who serve the. nation. This is the time for America to correct her unpardon- able fault of wastefulness and extravagance. Let every man and every woman assume the duty of care- ful, provident use and expenditure as a public duty, as a dictate of patriotism which no one can now ex- pect ever to be excused or forgiven for ignoring. In the hope that this statement of the needs of the nation and of the world in this hour of supreme crisis may stimulate those to whom it comes and remind all who need reminder of the solemn duties of a time such as the world has never seen before, I beg that all editors and publishers everywhere will give as promi- nent publication and as wide circulation as possible to this appeal. I venture to suggest, also, to all adver- tising agencies that they would perhaps render a very substantial and timely service to the country if they would give it widespread repetition. And I hope that clergymen will not think the theme of it an un- worthy or inappropriats subject of comment and homily from their pulpits. 18 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. The supreme test of the nation has come. We must all speak, act, and serve together! WooDRow Wilson. Flag Day Address, Washington, D. C. June 14, 1917. My Fellow Citizens: We meet to celebrate Flag Day because this flag which we honor and under which we serve is the emblem of our unity, our power, our thought and pur- pose as a nation. It has no other character than that which we give it from generation to generation. The choices are ours. It floats in majestic silence above the hosts that execute those choices, whether in peace or in war. And yet, though silent, it speaks to us — speaks to us of the past, of the men and women who went before us and of the records they wrote upon it. We celebrate the day of its birth; and from its birth until now it has witnessed a great history, has floated on high the symbol of great events, of a great plan of life worked out by a great people. We are about to carry it into battle, to lift it where it will draw the fire of our enemies. We are about to bid thousands, hundreds of thousands, it may be millions, of our men, the young, the strong, the capable men of the nation, to go forth and die beneath it on fields of blood far away — for what? For some unaccustomed thing? For something for which it has never sought the fire before? American armies were never before sent across the seas. Why are they sent now? For some new purpose, for which this great flag has never been carried before, or for some old, familiar, heroic purpose for which it has seen men, its own men, die on every battlefield upon which Americans have borne arms since the Revolution? These are questions which must be answered. We are Americans. We in our turn serve America, and can serve her with no private purpose. We must use her flag as she has always used it. We are accountable at the bar of history and must plead in utter frank- ness what purpose it is we seek to serve. It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. The extraordinary insults and aggressions of the Im- perial German Government left us no self-respecting choice but to take up arms in defense of our rights as a free people and of our honor as a sovereign gov- ernment. The military masters of Germany denied us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspect- ing communities with vicious spies and conspirators and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in their own behalf. When they found that they could not do that, their agents diligently spread sedition amongst us and sought to draw our own citizens from their allegiance — and some of those agents were men connectfd with the official Embassy of the German Government itself here in our own capital. They sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. They tried to incite Mexico to take up arms against us and to draw Japan into a hostile alliance with her — and that, not by indirection, but by direct suggestion from the Foreign Office in Ber- lin. They impudently denied us the use of the high seas and repeatedly executed their threat that they would send to their death any of our people who ven- tured to approach the coasts of Europe. And many of our own people were corrupted. Men began to look upon their own neighbors with suspicion and to wonder in their hot resentment and surprise whether there was any community in which hostile intrigue did not lurk. What great nation in such circum- stances would not have taken up arms? Much as we had desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our own choice. This flag under which we serve would have been dishonored had we withheld our hand. But that is only part of the story. We know now as clearly as we knew before we were ourselves en- gaged that we are not the enemies of the German peo- ple, and that they are not our enemies. They did not originate or desire this hideous war or wish that we should be drawn into it; and we are vaguely conscious that we are fighting their cause, as they will some day see it, as well as our own. They are themselves in the grip of the same sinister power that has now at last stretched its ugly talons out and drawn blood from us. The whole world is at war because the whole world is in the grip of that power and is trying out the great battle which shall determine whether it is to be brought under its mastery or fling itself free. The war was begun by the military masters of Ger- many, who proved to be also the masters of Austria- Hungary. These men have never regarded nations as peoples, men, women, and children of like blood and frame as themselves, for whom governments ex- isted and in whom governments had their life. They have regarded them merely as serviceable organiza- tions which they could by force or intrigue bend or corrupt to their own purpose. They have regarded the smaller states, in particular, and the peoples who could be overwhelmed by force, as their natural tools and instruments of domination. Their purpose has long been avowed. The statesmen of other nations, to whom that purpose was incredible, paid little at- tention; regarded what German professors expounded in their classrooms and German writers set forth to the world as the goal of German policy as rather the dream of minds detached from practical affairs, as preposterous private conceptions of German destiny, than as the actual plans of responsible rulers ; but the rulers of Germany themselves knew all the while what concrete plans, what well advanced intrigues lay back of what the professors and the writers were saying, and were glad to go forward unmolested, filling the thrones of Balkan states with German princes, put- ting German officers at the service of Turkey to drill her armies and make interest with her government, developing plans of sedition and rebellion in India and Egypt, setting their fires in Persia. The demands made by Austria upon Servia were a mere single step in a plan which compassed Europe and Asia, from Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped those demands might not arouse Europe, but they meant to press them whether they did or not, for they thought themselves ready for the final issue of arms. Their plan was to throw a broad belt of German I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 19 military power and political control across the very center of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean into the heart of Asia; and Austria-Hungary was to be as much their tool and pawn as Servia or Bulgaria or Turkey or the ponderous states of the East. Austria- Hungary, indeed, was to become part of the central German Empire, absorbed and dominated by the same forces and influences that had originally cemented the German states themselves. The dream had its heart at Berlin. It could have had a heart nowhere else ! It rejected the idea of solidarity of race entirely. The choice of peoples played no part in it at all. It contemplated binding together racial and political units which could be kept together only by force — Czechs, Magyars, Croats, Serbs, Roumanians, Turks, Armenians — the proud states of Bohemia and Hun- gary, the stout little commonwealths of the Balkans, the indomitable Turks, the subtle peoples of the East. These peoples did not wish to be united. They ardently desired to direct their own affairs, would be satisfied only by undisputed independence. They could be kept quiet only by the presence or the con- stant threat of armed men. They would live under a common power only by sheer compulsion and await the day of revolution. But the German military statesmen had reckoned with all that and were ready to deal with it in their own way. And they have actually carried the greater part of that amazing plan into execution ! Look how things stand. Austria is at their mercy. It has acted, not upon its own initiative or upon the choice of its own people, but at Berlin's dictation ever since the war began. Its people now desire peace, but cannot have it until leave is granted from Berlin. The so-called Central Powers are in fact but a single Power. Ser- via is at its mercy, should its hands be but for a mo- ment freed. Bulgaria has consented to its will, and Roumania is overrun. The Turkish armies, which Germans trained, are serving Germany, certainly not themselves, and the guns of German warships lying in the harbor of Constantinople remind Turkish statesmen every day that they have no choice but to take their orders from Berlin. From Hamburg to the Persian Gulf the net is spread. Is it not easy to understand the eagerness for peace that has been manifested from Berlin ever since the snare was set and sprung? Peace, peace, peace has been the talk of her Foreign Office for now a year and more ; not peace upon her own initiative, but upon the initiative of the nations over which she now deems herself to hold the advantage. A little of the talk has been public, but most of it has been private. Through all sorts of channels it has come to me, and in all sorts of guises, but never with the terms dis- closed which the German Government would be will- ing to accept. That government has other valuable pawns in its hands besides those I have mentioned. It still holds a valuable part of France, though with slowly relaxing grasp, and practically the whole of Belgium. Its armies press close upon Russia and overrun Poland at their will. It cannot go further; it dare not go back. It wishes to close its bargain before it is too late and it has little left to offer for the pound of flesh it wiU demand. The military masters under whom Germany is bleeding see very clearly to what point Fate has brought them. If they fall back or are forced back an inch, their power both abroad and at home wiU fall to pieces like a house of cards. It is their power at home they are thinking about now more than their power abroad. It is that power which is trembling under their very feet; and deep fear has entered their hearts. They have but one chance to perpetuate their military power or even their controlling political influ- ence. If they can secure peace now with the im- mense advantages still in their hands which they have up to this point apparently gained, they will have jus- tified themselves before the German people ; they will have gained by force what they promised to gain by it: an immense expansion of German power, an im- mense enlargement of German industrial and eommer- cia] opportunities. Their prestige will be secure, and with their prestige their political power. If they fail, their people will thrust them aside; a government ac- countable to the people themselves will be set up in Germany as it has been in England, in the United States, in France, and in all the great countries of the modern time except Germany. If they succeed they are safe and Germany and the world are undone; if they fail Germany is saved and the world will be at peace. If they succeed, America will fall within the menace. We and all the rest of the world must re- main armed, as they will remain, and must make ready for the next step in their aggression; if they fail, the world may unite for peace and Germany may be of the union. Do you not now understand the new intrigue, the intrigue for peace, and why the masters of Germany do not hesitate to use any agency that promises to effect their purpose, the deceit of the nations ? Their present particular aim is to deceive all those who throughout the world stand for the rights of peoples and the self-government of nations ; for they see what immense strength the forces of justice and of liberal- ism are gathering out of this war. They are employ- ing liberals in their enterprise. They are using men, in Germany and without, as their spokesmen whom they have hitherto despised and oppressed, using them for their own destruction — socialists, the leaders of labor, the thinkers they have hitherto sought to silence. Let them once succeed and these men, now their tools, will be ground to power beneath the weight of the great military empire they will have set up; the revolutionists in Russia will be cut off from all succor or co-operation in western Europe and a coun- ter revolution fostered and supported; Germany her- self will lose her chance of freedom; and all Europe will arm for the next, the final struggle. The sinister intrigue is being no less actively con- ducted in this country than in Russia and in every country in Europe to which the agents and dupes of the Imperial German Government can get access. That government has many spokesmen here, in places high and low. They have learned discretion. They 20 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. keep within the law. It is opinion they utter now, not sedition. They proclaim the liberal purposes of their masters; declare this a foreign war which can touch America with no danger to either her lands or her institutions; set England at the centre of the stage and talk of her ambition to assert economic dominion throughout the world; appeal to our ancient tradition of isolation in the politics of the nations; and seek to undermine the government with false pro- fessions of loyalty to its principles. But they will make no headway. The false betray themselves always in every accent. It is only friends and partisans of the German Government whom we have already identified who utter these thinly dis- guised loyalties. The facts are patent to all the world, and nowhere are they more plainly seen than in the United States, where we are accustomed to deal with facts and not with sophistries; and the great fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is a People's War, a war for freedom and justice and self- government amongst all the nations of the world, a war to make the world safe for the peoples who live upon it and have made it their own, the German peo- ples themselves included; and that with us rests the choice to break through all these hypocricies and patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set the world free, or else stand aside and let it be domi- nated a long age through by sheer weight of arms and the arbitrary choices of self-constituted masters, by the nation which can maintain the biggest armies and the most irresistible armaments — a power to which the world has afforded no parallel and in the face of which political freedom must wither and perish. For us there is but one choice. We have made it. Woe be to the man or group of men that seeks to stand in our way in this day of high resolution when every principle we hold dearest is to be vindicated and made secure for the salvation of the nations. We are ready to plead at the bar of history, and our flag shall wear a new lustre. Once more we shall make good with our lives and fortunes the great faith to which we were born, and a new glory shall shine in the face of our people. Address to Congress Upon the War Aims and Peace Terms of the United States January 8, 1918. Gentlemen of the Congress: Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of the Central Empires have indicated their desire to discuss the objects of the war and the possible basis of a general peace. Parleys have been in progress at Brest-Litovsk between Russian representatives and represenatives of the Central Powers to which the attention of aU the belligerents has been invited for the purpose of ascertaining whether it may be possible to extend these parleys into a general conference with regard to terms of peace and settlement. The Russian representatives presented not only a perfectly definite statement of the principles upon which they would be willing to conclude peace, but also an equally definite program of the concrete appli- cation of those principles. The representatives of the Central Powers, on their part, presented an out- line of settlement which, if much less definite, seemed susceptible of liberal interpretation until their specific program of practical terms was added. That pro- gram proposed no concessions at all either to the sovereignty of Russia or to the preferences of the populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant, in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep every foot of territory their armed forces had occu- pied — every province, every city, every point of van- tage — as a permanent addition to their territories and their power. It is a reasonable conjecture that the general prin- ciples of settlement which they at first suggested originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force of their own people's thought and purpose, while the concrete terms of actual settlement came from the military leaders who have no thought but to keep what they have got. The negotiations have been broken off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in earnest. They cannot entertain such proposals of conquest and domination. The whole incident is full of significance. It is also full of perplexity. With whom are the Russian representatives dealing? For whom are the repre- sentatives of the Central Empires speaking.^ Are they speaking for the majorities of their respective parliaments or for the minority parties, that military and imperialistc minority which has so far dominated their whole policy and controlled the affairs of Tur- key and of the Balkan states which have felt obliged to become their associates in this war? The Russian representatives have insisted, very justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of modern democracy, that the conferences they have been hold- ing with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be held within open, not closed, doors, and all the world has been audience, as was desired. To whom have we been listening, then? To those who speak the spirit and intention of the resolutions of the Ger- man Reichstag of the 9th of July last, the spirit and intention of the Liberal leaders and parties of Ger- many, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and in open and hopeless contradiction? These are very serious and pregnant questions. Upon the answer to them depends the peace of the world. But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest- Litovsk, whatever the confusions of counsel and of purpose in the utterances of the spokesmen of the Central Empires, they have again attempted to ac- quaint the world with their objects in the war and . have again challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are and what sort of settlement they would deem just and satisfactory. There is no good reason why that challenge should not be responded to, and responded to with the utmost candor. We did not wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 21 laid our whole thought and purpose before the world, uot in general terms only, but each time with suflS- cient definition to make it clear what sort of definite terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within the last week Mr. Lloyd George has spoken with admirable candor and in admirable spirit for the people and Government of Great Britain. There is no confusion of counsel among the adver- saries of the Central Powers, no uncertainty of prin- ciple, no vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the only failure to make definite statement of the objects of the war, lies with Germany and her allies. The issues of life and death hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has the least conception of his respon- sibility ought for a moment to permit himself to con- tinue this tragical and appalling outpouring of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure that the obj ects of the vital sacrifice are part and par- cel of the very life of Society and that the people for whom he speaks think them right and imperative as he does. There is, moreover, a voice calling for these defini- tions of principle and of purpose which is, it seems to me, more thrilling and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with which the troubled air of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian people. They ' are prostrate and all but helpless, it would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which has hitherto known no relenting and no pity. Their power, apparently, is shattered. And yet their soul is not subservient. They will not yield either in principle or in action. Their conception of what is right, of what is humane and honorable for them to accept, has been stated with a frankness, a largeness of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human sympathy which must challenge the admiration of every friend of mankind; and they have refused to compound their ideals or desert others that they them- selves may be safe. They call to us to say what it is that we desire, in what, if in anything, our purpose and our spirit differ from theirs; and I believe that the people of the United States would wish me to respond, with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace. It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit hence- forth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked- for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still Lnger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow now or at any other time the objects it has in view. We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing; peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own in- stitutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program ; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this: 1. Open covenants of peace, openly ar- rived at, after which there shall be no pri- vate international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. 2. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. 3. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace u,nd associat- ing themselves for its maintenance. 4. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest points consistent with domestic safety. 5. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the princi- ple that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the popula- tions concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. 6. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affect- ing Russia as will secure the b^st and freest co-operation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the inde- pendent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assist- ance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment ac- corded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her 22 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. needs as distinguished from their own in- terests, and of their inteUigent and un- selfish sympathy. 7. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must he evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enj oys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. 8. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made tecure in the interest of all. 9. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recog- nizable lines of nationality. 10. The peoples of Austria- Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be ac- corded the freest opportunity of autonomous development. 11. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another deter- mined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and national- ity; and international guarantees of the po- litical and economic independence and ter- ritorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into. 12. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of au- tonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all na- tions under international guarantees. 13. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the terri- tories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and ter- ritorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant. 14. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial in- tegrity to great and small states alike. In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be inti- mate partners of all the governments and peoples as- sociated together against the imperialists. We can- not be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. For such arrangements and covenants we are will- ing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to pre- vail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do -not wish to in- jure her or to block in any way her legitimate influ- ence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of jus- tice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world — the new world in which we now live — instead of a place of mastery. Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alter- ation or modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination. We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evi- dent principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peo- ples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak. Unless this principle be made its foundation no part of the structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle; and to the vindication of this princi- ple they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they possess. The moral climax of this the culminating and final war for human lib- erty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integ- rity and devotion to the test. Address to Congress Upon the German and Austrian Peace Utterances February 11, 1918. Gentlemen of the Congress: On the eighth of January I had the honor of ad- dressing you on the objects of the war as our people conceive them. The Prime Minister of Great Britain had spoken in similar terms on the fifth of January. I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 23 To these addresses the German Chancellor replied on the twenty-fourth and Count Czernin, for Austria, on the same day. It is gratifying to have our desire so promptly realized that all exchanges of view on this great matter should be made in the hearing of all the world. Count Czernin's reply, which is directed chiefly to my own address of the eighth of January, is uttered in a very friendly tone. He finds in my statement a sufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his own Government to justify fiim in believing that it furnishes a basis for a more detailed discussion of purposes by the two Governments. He is represented to have intimated that the views he was expressing had been communicated to me beforehand and that I was aware of them at the time he was uttering them; but in this I am sure he was misunderstood. I had received no intimation of what he intended to say. There was, of course, no reason why he should com- municate privately with me. I am quite content to be one of his public audience. Count von Hertling's reply is, I must say, very vague and very confusing. It is full of equivocal phrases and leads it is not clear where. But it is cer- tainly in a very different tone from that of Count Czernin, and apparently of an opposite purpose. It confirms, I am sorry to say, rather than removes, the unfortunate impression made by what we had learned of the conferences at Brest-Litovsk. His discussion and acceptance of our general principles lead him to no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply them to the substantive items which must constitute the body of any final settlement. He is jealous of inter- national action and of international counsel. He ac- cepts, he says, the principle of public diplomacy, but he appears to insist that it be confined, at any rate in this case, to generalities and that the several par- ticular questions of territory and sovereignty, the several questions upon whose settlement must depend the acceptance of peace by the twenty-three states now engaged in the war, must be discussed and set- tled, not in general council, but severally by the na- tions most immediately concerned by interest or neigh- borhood. He agrees that the seas should be free, but looks askance at any limitation to that freedom by international action in the interest of the common order. He would without reserve be glad to see eco- nomic barriers removed between nation and nation, for that could in no way impede the ambitions of the military party with whom he seems constrained to keep on terms. Neither does he raise objection to a limitation of armaments. That matter will be settled of itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which must follow the war. But the German colonies, he demands, must be returned without debate. He will discuss with no one but the representatives of Russia what disposition shall be made of the people and the lands of the Baltic provinces ; with no one but the Government of France the " conditions " under which French territory shall be evacuated ; and only with Austria what shall be done with Poland. In the de- termination of all questions affecting the Balkan states he defers, as I understand him, to Austria and Turkey; and with regard to the agreements to be en- tered into concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the present Ottoman Empire, to' the Turkish authorities themselves. After a settlement all around, effected in this fashion, by individual barter and concession, he would have no objection, if I correctly interpret his statement, to a league of nations which would under- take to hold the new balance of power steady against external disturbance. It must be evident to everyone who understands what this war has wrought in the opinion and temper of the world that no general peace, no peace worth the infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical suffering, can possibly be arrived at in any such fashion. The' method the German Chancellor proposes is the method of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not return to that. What is at stake now is the peace of the world. What we are striving for is a new inter- national order based upon broad and universal prin- ciples of right and justice — no mere peace of shreds and patches. Is it possible that Count von Hertling does not see that, does not grasp it, is in fact living in his thought in a world dead and gone? Has he utterly forgotten the Reichstag Resolutions of the nineteenth of July, or does he deliberately ignore them? They spoke of the conditions of a general peace, not of national aggrandizement or of arrange- ments between state and state. The peace of the world depends upon the just settlement of each of the several problems to which I adverted in my recent address to the Congress. I, of course, do not mean that the peace of the world depends upon the accept- ance of any particular set of suggestions as to the way in which those problems aTe to be dealt with. I mean only that those problems each and all affect the whole world; that unless they are dealt with in a spirit of unselfish and unbiased justice, with a view to the wishes, the natural connections, the racial as- pirations, the security, and the peace of mind of the peoples involved, no permanent peace will have been attained. They cannot be discussed separately or in corners. None of them constitutes a private or separate interest from which the opinion of the world may be shut out. Whatever affects the peace affects mankind, and nothing settled by military force, if settled wrong, is settled at all. It will presently have to be reopened. Is Count von Hertling not aware that he is speak- ing in the court of mankind, that all the awakened na- tions of the world now sit in judgm'ent on what every public man, of whatever nation, may say on the issues of a conflict which has spread to every region of the world? The Reichstag Resolutions of July them- selves frankly accepted the decisions of that court. There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damages. Peoples are not to be handed about from one sovereignty to another by an inter- national conference or an understanding between rivals and antagonists. National aspirations must be 24 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. respected; peoples may now be dominated and gov- erned only by their own consent. " Self-determina- tion " is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative prin- ciple of action, which statesmen will henceforth ignore at their peril. We cannot have general peace for the asking, or by the mere arrangements of a peace con- ference. It cannot be pieced together out of indi- vidual understandings between powerful states. All the parties to this war must join in the settlement of every issue anywhere involved in it; because what we are seeking is a peace that we can all unite to guar- antee and maintain and every item of it must be sub- mitted to the common judgment whether it be right and fair, an act of justice, rather than a bargain be- tween sovereigns. The United States has no desire to interfere in Eu- ropean affairs or to act as arbiter in European terri- torial disputes. She would disdain to take advantage of any internal weakness or disorder to impose her own will upon another people. She is quite ready to be shown that the settlements she has suggested are not the best or the most enduring. They are only her own provisional sketch of principles and of the way in which they should be applied. But she entered this war because she was made a partner, whether she would or not, in the sufferings and indignities in- flicted by the military masters of Germany, against the peace and security of mankind; and the condi- tions of peace will touch her as nearly as they will touch any other nation to which is entrusted a leading part in the maintenance of civilization. She cannot see her way to peace until the causes of this war are removed, its renewal rendered as nearly as may be im- possible. This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small nations and of nationalities which lacked the union and the force to make good their claim to determine their own allegiances and their own forms of political life. Covenants must now be entered into which will render such things impossible for the future; and those covenants must be backed by the united force of all the nations that love justice and are willing to maintain it at any cost. If territorial settlements and the political relations of great popu- lations which have not the organized power to resist are to be determined by the contracts of the powerful governments which consider themselves most directly affected, as Count von Hertling proposes, why may not economic questions also? It has come about in the altered world in which we now find ourselves that justice and the rights of peoples affect the whole field of international dealing as much as access to raw materials and fair* and equal conditions of trade. Count von Hertling wants the essential bases of com- mercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by com- mon agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect that to be conceded him if the other matters to be determined by the articles on peace are not handled in the same way as items in the final accountings He cannot ask the benefit of common agreement in the one field without according it in the other. I take it for granted that he sees that separate and selfish compacts with regard to trade and the essential mate- rials of manufacture would afford no foundation for peace. Neither, he may rest assured, will separate and selfish compacts with regard to provinces and peoples. Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental ele- ments of peace with clear eyes and does not seek to obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland, made up of all the indisputably Polish peoples who lie contiguous to one another, is a matter of European concern and must of course be conceded; that Bel- gium must be evacuated and restored, no matter what sacrifices and concessions that may involve; and that national aspirations must be satisfied, even within his own Empire, in the common interest of Europe and mankind. If he is silent about questions which touch the interest and purpose of his allies more nearly than they touch those of Austria only, it must of course be because he feels constrained, I suppose, to defer to Germany and Turkey in the circumstances. Seeing and conceding, as he does, the essential prin- ciples involved and the necessity of candidly applying them, he naturally feels that Austria can respond to the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States with less embarrassment than could Germany. He would probably have gone much farther had it not been for the embarrassments of Austria's alliances and of her dependence upon Germany. After all, the test of whether it is possible for either government to go any further in this comparison of views is simple and obvious. The principles to be applied are these: First, that each part of the final settlement must be based upon the essential justice of that particular case and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be permanent; Second, that people and provinces are not to be bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now forever discredited, of the bal- ance of power ; but that Third, every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned, and not as a part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims amongst rival states ; and Fourth, that all well defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing new or perpetuat- ing old elements of discord and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and consequently of the world. A general peace erected upon such foundations can be discussed. Until such a peace can be secured we have no choice but to go on. So far as we can judge, these principles that we regard as fundamental are already everywhere accepted as imperative except among the spokesmen of the military and annexation- ist party in Germany. If they have anywhere else been rejected, the objectors have not been sufficiently numerous or influential to make their voices audible. I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 26 The tragical circumstance is that this one party in Germany is apparently willing and able to send mil- lions of men to their death to prevent what all the world now sees to be just. I would not be a true spokesman of the people of the United States if I did not say once more that we entered this war upon no small occasion, and that we can never turn back from a course chosen upon princi- ple. Our resources are in part mobilized now, and we shall not pause until they are mobilized in their entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fight- ing front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put into this war of emancipa- tion — emancipation from the threat and attempted mastery of selfish groups of autocratic rulers — what- ever the difficulties and present partial delays. We are indomitable in our power of independent action and can in no circumstances consent to live in a world governed by intrigue and force. We believe that our own desire for a new international order under which reason and justice and the common interests of man- kind shall prevail is the desire of enlightened men everywhere. Without that new order the world will be without peace and human life will lack tolera- ble conditions of existence and development. Having set our hand to the task of achieving it, we shall not turn back. I hope that it is not necessary for me to add that no word of what I have said is intended as a threat. That is not the temper of our people. I have spoken ihas only that the whole world may know the true spirit of America — that men everywhere may know that our passion for justice and for self-government is no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once set in action, must be satisfied. The power of the United States is a menace to no nation or people. It will never be used in aggression or for the aggrand- izement of any selfish interest of our own. It springs cut of freedom and is for the service of freedom. Address Delivered at Baltimore on the Opening OF THE Third Liberty Loan Campaign April 6, 1918. Fellow-Citizens : This is the anniversary of our acceptance of Ger- many's challenge to fight for our right to live and be free, and for the sacred rights of free men every- where. The nation is awake. There is no need to call to it. We know what the war must cost, our ut- most sacrifice, the lives of our fittest men, and, if need be, all that we possess. The loan we are met to discuss is one of the least parts of what we are called upon to give and to do, though in itself imperative. The people of the whole country are alive to the necessity of it, and are ready to lend to the utmost, even where it involves a sharp skimping and daily sacrifice to lend out of meagre earnings. They will look with reprobation and con- tempt upon those who can and will not, upon those who demand a higher rate of interest, upon those who think of it as a mere commercial transaction. I have not come, therefore, to urge the loan. I have come only to give you, if I can, a more vivid con- ception of what it is for. The reasons for this great war, the reason why it had to come, the need to fight it through, and the is- sues that hang upon its outcome are more clearly dis- closed now than ever before. It is easy to see just what this particular loan means because the cause we are fighting for stands more sharply revealed than at any previous crisis of the momentous struggle. The man who knows least can now see plainly how the cause of justice stands and what the imperishable thing is he is asked to invest in. Men in America may be more sure than they ever were before that the cause is their own, and that if it should be lost, their own great nation's place and mission in the world would be lost with it. I call you to witness, my fellow countrymen, that at no stage of this terrible business have I judged the purpose of Germany intemperately. I should be ashamed in the presence of affairs so grave, so fraught with the destinies of mankind throughout all the world, to speak with truculence, to use the weak lan- guage of hatred or vindicative purpose. We must judge as we would be judged. I have sought to learn the objects Germany has in this war from the mouths of her own spokesmen and to deal as frankly with them as I wished them to deal with me. I have laid bare our own ideals, our own purposes, without reserve or doubtful phrase, and have asked them to say as plainly what it is that they seek. We have ourselves proposed no injustice, no ag- gression. We are ready, whenever the final reckon- ing is made, to be just to the German people, deal fairly with the German power as with others. There can be no difference between peoples in the final judg- ment if it is indeed to be a righteous judgment. To propose anything but justice, even-handed and dispas- sionate justice, to Germany at any time^ whatever the outcome of the war, would be to renounce and dishonor our own cause. For we ask nothing that we are not willing to accord. It has been with this thought that I have sought to learn from those who spoke for Germany whether it was justice or dominion and the execution of their own will upon the other nations of the world that the German leaders were seeking. They have answered, answered in unmistakable terms. They have avowed that it was not justice, but dominion, and the unhin- dered execution of their own will. The avowal has not come from Germany's states- men. It has come from her military leaders, who are her real rulers. Her statesmen have said that they wished peace, and were ready to discuss its terms whenever their opponents were willing to sit down at the conference table with them. Her present chan- cellor has said — in indefinite and uncertain terms, in- deed, and in phrases that often seem to deny their own meaning, but with as much plainness as he thought prudent — that he believed that peace should be based upon the principles which we should declare will be our own in the final settlement. 26 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. At Brest-Litovsk her civilian delegates spoke in similar tones, professed their desire to conclude a fair peace and accord to the peoples with whose fortunes they were dealing the right to choose their own alle- giance. But action accompanied and followed the profes- sion. Their military masters, the men who act for Ger- many and exhibit her purpose in execution, pro- claimed a very different conclusion. We cannot mis- take what they have done — in Russia, in Finland, in the Ukraine, in Rumania. The real test of their jus- tice and fair play has come. From this we may judge the rest. They are enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph in. which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride. A great people, helpless by their own act, lies for the time at their mercy. Their fair professions are for- gotten. They do not here set up justice, but every- where impose their power and exploit everything for their own use and aggrandizement; and the peoples of conquered provinces are invited to be freed under their dominion. Are we not justified in believing that they would do the same things at their western front, if they were not there face to face with armies whom even their countless divisions cannot overcome? If, when they have felt their check to be final, they should propose favorable and equitable terms to Belgium and France and Italy, could they blame us if we concluded that they did so only to assure themselves of a free hand in Russia and the east.'' Their purpose is undoubtedly to make all the Slavic peoples, all the free and ambitious nations of the Bal- tic peninsula, all the lands that Turkey has domi- nated and misruled, subject to their will and ambi- tion, and build upon that dominion an empire of force, upon which they fancy that they can then erect an empire of gain and commercial supremacy; an empire as hostile to the Americas as to the Europe which it will overawe; an empire which will ultimately master Persia, India and the peoples of the far east. In such a program our ideals, the ideals of justice and humanity and liberty, the principle of the free self-determination of nations upon which all the mod- ern world insists, can play no part. They are re- jected for the ideals of power, for the principle that the strong must rule the weak, that trade must follow the ilag, whether those to whom it is taken welcome it or not; that the peoples of the world are to be made subject to the patronage and overlordship of those who have the power to enforce it. That program once carried out, America and all who care or dare to stand with her must arm and prepare themselves to contest the mastery of the world, a mastery in which the rights of common men, the rights of women and of all who are weak, must for the time being be trodden under foot and disregarded, and the old age-long struggle for freedom and right begin again at its beginning. Everything that America has lived for and loved and grovm great to vindicate and bring to a glorious realization will have fallen in utter ruin and the gates of mercy once more pitilessly shut upon mankind. The thing is preposterous and impossible; and yet is not that the whole course and action the German armies have meant wherever they have moved? I do not wish, even in this moment of utter disillusion- ment, to judge harshly or unrighteously. I judge only what the German arms have accomplished with unpitying thoroughness throughout every fair region they have touched. What, then, are we to do ? For myself, I am ready, ready still, ready even now, to discuss a fair and just and honest peace at any time that is sincerely pur- posed ; a peace in which the strong and the weak shall fare alike. But the answer, when I proposed such a peace, came from the German commanders in Russia, and I cannot mistake the meaning of the answer. I accept the challenge. I know that you will ac- cept it. All the world shall know that you accept it. It shall appear in the utter sacrifice and self-forget- fulness with which we shall give all that we love and all that we have to redeem the world and make it fit for free men like ourselves to live in. This now is the meaning of all that we do. Let everything we say, my fellow-countrymen, every- thing that we henceforth plan and accomplish, ring true to this response till the majesty and might of our power shall fill the thought, and utterly defeat the force of those who flout and misprize what we honor and hold dear. Germany has once more said that force, and farce alone, shall decide whether justice and peace shall reign in the affairs of men ; whether right, as America conceives it, or dominion, as she conceives it, shall determine the destinies of mankind. There is, therefore, but one response possible from us: Force, force to the utmost, force without stint or limit; the righteous and triumphant force which shall make right the law of the world, and cast every selfish dominion down in the dust. II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 27 Topical Outline of the War BY SAMUEL B. HARDING, PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN INDIANA UNIVERSITY. PREPARED IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOARD FOR HISTORICAL SERVICE AKD THE COM]VnTTEE ON PUBLIC rNFOKMATION.* I. FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES OF THE WAR. I. Genebai, Pactobs. 1. The constitution of the German Empire permits its for- eign policy to be determined by the Emperor alone, who is at the same time, by "divine right," King of Prus- sia, — the State which possesses an overwhelming terri- torial, political, and military predominance in the Empire. " The Emperor declares war with the consent of the Bundesrat, the assent of the Reichstag not being required. Not even the Bundesrat need be consulted if the war is defensive, and as the HohenzoUems have always claimed to make defensive warfare it is not surprising that even the imrepresentative Bundesrat was officially informed about the present war three days after the Emperor declared it." (Charles D. Hazen, The Oovernment of Oermany, Committee on Public Information publication.) (See War Cyclopedia, under "Autocracy," "Kaiserism," "William n.") 2. Profit derived from war in the past by Prussia (Ger- many). (a) Through increase of territory (cf. maps). (b) Through indemnities (e. g., from France, 1871). (c) Through increased prestige and influence. Hence justification of the " blood and iron " policy of Bismarck, and his predecessors. War as " the national industry " of Prussia. " The Great Elector laid the foundations of Prus- sia's power by successful and deliberately incurred wars. Frederick the Great followed in the footsteps of his glorious ancestor. . . . None of the wars which he fought had been forced upon him; none of them did he postpone as long as possible. . . . The lessons of history thus confirm the view that wars which have been deliberately provoked by far-seeing states- men have had the happiest results." (Bernhardi, Oermany amd the Ulext War, 1911.) 3. Germany's demand for " a place in the sun.'' (a) Meaning of the Kaiser's phrase (" a place in the sun ") not clear. It covers vaguely colonies, com- merce, and influence in international affairs in proportion to Germany's population, industrial importance, and military power. (b) Obstacles. The German Empire was a late- comer in the family of nations; the best regions for colonization and exploitation, especially in the temperate zones, were already occupied by other Powers. (o) Examples of the demand. (See Conquest and KuUur, sees. 6, 10; War Cyclopedia, under "Place in the Sun," "Pan-Germanism," etc.) " We need colonies, and more colonies, than we have " Tbia outline was prepared with the active aid of the Committee on Pablio Information (Department of Civic and Kducational Co-opera- tion), 10 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C. Frequent reference ia made herein to the publications of this committee, which with a few •lacptlons are distributed tree upon application. already, to give vent to our surplus energies without losing them and to make the motherland economi- cally independent." (Manifesto of the Colonial League. ) " We need a fleet strong enough not only to protect the colonies we now have, but to bring about the ac- quisition of others." (Manifesto of the Navy League.) "A progressive nation like ours needs territorji, and if this cannot be obtained by peaceful means, it must be obtained by war. It is the object of the De- fense Association [Wehrverein] to create this senti- ment." (Lieut.-General Wrochem in speech to the Wehrverein in March, 1913.) "Without doubt this acquisition of new lands will not take place without war. What world power icas ever established without bloody struggles?" (Al- brecht Wirth, Tolkstum und Weltmacht in der Oeschichte, 1904. Quoted by Andler, Le Pangerman- isme continentale, 1915, p. 308.) "It is only by relying on our good Qerman sword that we can hope to conquer that place in the sun which rightly belongs to us, and which no one will yield to us voluntarily. . . . Till the world comes to an end, the ultimate decision must rest with the sword." (German Crown Prince, in Introduction to Oermany in Arms, 1913.) 4. Biological argument for war. (a) Darwin's theory of the " struggle for existence " as a chief factor in the evolution of species. (b) Development in Germany of the theory that States are of necessity engaged in such a " strug- gle for existence." (c) Hence war is an " ordinance of God for the weed- ing out of weak and incompetent individuals and States." Corollary: "Might makes right." (d) Examples of such arguments from TreitschJce, Bernhardi, etc. (See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 1, 2, 4; War Cyclopedia, imder " Bernhardi," " Treitschke," "War, German View;" Vernon Kellogg, "Headquarters' Nights," in Atlantic Monthly for August, 1917.) " War is a biological necessity of the first im- portance, a regulative element in the life of mankind which cannot be dispensed with, since without it an unhealthy development will follow, which excludes every advancement of the race, and therefore all real civilization. . . . ' To supplant or be supplanted ii the essence of life,' says Goethe, and the strong Ufe gains the upper hand. The law of the stronger holds good everywhere. Those forms survive which are able to procure themselves the most favorable con- ditions of life, and to assert themselves in the uni- versal economy of Nature. The weaker suc- cumb. . . . " Might gives the right to occupy or to conquer. Might is at once the supreme right, and the dispute Copyright, 1917, MoKinley Publishing Company. 28 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. as to what is right ia decided by the arbitrament of war." (Bemhardi, Oermany and the Next War, 1911, pp. 18. 23.) " They fight, not simply because they are forced to, but because, curiously enough, they believe much of their talk. That is one of the dangers of the Ger- mans to which the world is exposed; they really be- lieve much of what they say." (Vernon Kellogg, in Atlantic Monthly, August, 1917.) 6. Idea of the German mission in the world, and the Ger- man demand for world influence and prestige (Pan- Germanism). (a) Ardent belief in the superiority of the German race and German " Kultur " over all other races and civilizations. (b) Hence the duty to promote the Germanization ' of the world, and to oppose the absorption of Germans by other nationalities. (o) Examples of these ideas in writings of Treit- Bchke, Kohrbach, Bernhardi, etc. (See Conquest and Kultur, sees. 1, 2; War Cyclopedia, under "Bernhardi," "Hegemony, German Ambition," "Kultur," " Pan - Germanism," " Treitsohke," " William U." "I hope that it wUI be granted to ovtr German Fatherland to become in the future as closely united, as powerful, and as authoritative as once the Koman Empire was, and that just as in old times they said Civis Bomanus sum, one may in the future need only to say, ' I am a German citizen.' " " Ood has called us to civilize the world; we are the missionaries of human progress." "The ocean is indispensable for Germany's great- ness, but the ocean also reminds us that neither on it nor across it in the distance can any great decision be again consummated without Germany and the German Emperor." (Speeches of Emperor William n.) "The Oerman race is called to bind the earth un- der its control, to exploit the natural resources and physical powers of man, to use the passive races in subordinate capacity for the development of iti Kultur." ( Ludwig Woltmann, Politische Anthropologie, 1913.0 "If people should ask us whether we intend to be- come a world power that overtops the world powers so greatly that Oermany would be the only real World Power, the reply must be that the wUI to world power has no limit." (Adolph Grabowsky, in Da* neue Deutschland, Oct. 28, 1914.) " By German culture the world shall be healed, and from their experience those who have only heard lies about German culture will perceive, will feel in their own bodies what German means and how a nation must be made up, if it wishes to rule the world."' (Benedikt Haag, Deutschland und der Weltkrieg, 1914.) " With the help of Turkey, India and China may be conquered. Having conquered these Germany should eiviUze and Germanize the world, and the German language would become the worid language," (Theo- dor Springman, Deutschland und der Orient, 1915.) "Our next war will be fought for the highest in- terests of our country and of mankind. Tliis will invest it with importance in the world's Iiistory. 'World power or downfall 1' will be our rallying ery." (Bemhardi, Oermany and the Next War, 1911, f. 164.) n. MnJTABiBii Aim AsMAMiarrB. 1. Definition of militarism. It is a state of mind; not the having of an army, no matter how large, but the ex- altation of it to the chief place in the state, the sub- ordination to it of the civil authorities. Joined to thlt is the reliance upon military force in every dispute. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Militarism," "Prussian- ism," etc.) 2. Militarism and the military class dominant in Germany. (a) Historical reasons for this: lack of defensible frontiers; hostile neighbors, etc. Relation also to topics under heading I. (b) The Zabern Incident (1913) as a practical ex- ample of military domination. (See War Cyclo- pedia, under " Zabern," " Luxemburg, Rosa." (c) Quotations showing German exaltation of war and army, etc. (See Conquest and Kultur, leci. 4,5.) "Because only in war all the virtues which mili- tarism regards highly are given a chance to unfold, because only in war the truly heroic comes into play, for the realization of which on earth militarism ia above all concerned; therefore it seems to us who are filled with the spirit of militarism that war is a holy thing, the holiest thing on earth; and this Iiigh esti- mate of war in its turn makes an essential ingrediemt of the military spirit. There is nothing that trades- people complain of so much as that we regard it as holy." (Werner Sombart, Handler und Helden, 1915.) " War is the noblest and holiest expression of hu- man activity. For us, too, the glad, great hour ol battle will strike. Still and deep in the German heart must live the joy of battle and the longing for it. Let us ridicule to the utmost the old women in breeches who fear war and deplore it as cruel and revolting. No; war is beautiful. Its august sublim- ity elevates the human heart beyond the earthly and the common." (Jung-Deutschland, official organ of Young Germany, October, 1913.) " War is for us only a means, the state of prepara- tion for war is more than a means, it it an end. If we were not beset with the danger of war, it would be necessary to create it artificially, in order to strengthen our softened and weakened Germanism, to make bones and sinews." (Ernst Hasse, Die Zukunft des deutschen Tolkstums, 1908.) " It is the soldier and the army, not parliamentary majorities and votes, that have welded the German Empire together. My confidence rests with the army." (Emperor William II.) Otfried Nippold, a University professor and jurist, was shocked to observe, on his return to Europe from a residence of several years in Japan, the extra- ordinary growth in Germany of militarism and the " jingo " spirit. At the end of a book which he com- piled, made up of statements by prominent Germans In 1912-13 advocating war and conquest, he said: " The evidence submitted in tliis book amounts to an irrefutable proof that a systematic stimulation of the war spirit is going on, based on the one hand on the wishes of the Pan-German League and on the other on the agitation of the Defense Association IWehrverein}. . . . War is represented not merely a» a possibility that might arise, but as a necessity that must come about, and the sooner the better. In the opinion of these instigators, the German nation needs a war; a long-continued peace seems regrettable to II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 29 them just because it is a peace, no matter whether there is any reason for war or not, and therefore, in case of need, one must simply strive to bring it about. . , The desire of the political visionaries in the Pan-German camp for the conquest of colonies suits the purpose of our warlike generals very well; but to them this is not an end, but only a means. War as such is what really matters to them. For if their theory holds good, Germany, even if she con- quered ever so many colonies, would again be in need of war after a few decades, since otherwise the Ger- man nation would again be in danger of moral de- generation. The truth is that, to them, war is a quite normal institution of international intercourse, and not in any way a means of settling great interna- tional conflicts — not a means to be resorted to only in case of great necessity." {Der deutsche Chau- vinismus, 1913, pp. 113-117; quoted in Conquest and Kultur, 137-139.) t. The competition in armaments. Europe an " armed camp " following 1871, with universal military service, and constantly increasing military forces and expendi- tures. The trained forces at the beginning of the war were estimated approximately as follows: Russia, 4,100,000; Germany, 4,250,000; Austria, 3,600,000; Friance, 4,000,000; Great Britain (including its "Terri- torials" or trained militia), 707,000. 4. Germany, already the first of military powers, planned a Navy to rival that of England. Her first Naval EUl was introduced in 1898; Great Britain's reverses in the Boer War (1899-1902) greatly stimulated German naval activities. nX Failube of the Haque Peace Confeeences op 1899 akb 1907, and of the navai confebenck op London (1908-9). 1. History of the Hague conferences. Agency of Russia and the United States in calling them. Their positive results in formulating international law and establish- ing a tribunal at the Hague. (See War Cyclopedia, under " Hague Conferences," " Hague Conventions," "Hague Regulations," "Hague Tribunal." 2. Plans therein for disarmament and compulsory arbitra- tion defeated by Germany and Austria. 3. General policy of Germany with reference to arbitration. Refusal to enter into an arbitration treaty with the United States. (See Conquest and Kultur, sees. 4, 5; War Cyclopedia, under " Arbitration, German Atti- tude," "Peace Treaties.") 4. British vs. German views of the " freedom of the seas," as revealed at the Hague Conferences and the Naval Conference of London. (See War Cyclopedia, under " Freedom of the Seas," " Declaration of London," etc. ) " The German view of freedom of the seas in time of war was that a belligerent should have the right to make the seas dangerous to neutrals and enemies alike by the use of indiscriminating mines; and that neutral vessels should be liable to destruction or seizure without appeal to any Judicial tribunal if in the opinion of the commander of a belligerent war- vessel any part of their cargo consisted of contra- band. On the other hand, Germany was ever ready to place the belligerent vessels on the same footing as neutral vessels, and to forbid their seizure or de- struction except when they vrere carrying contraband or endeavoring to force a blockade. In this way ehe hoped to deprive the stronger naval power of its principal weapon of offense — the attack upon enemy commerce — while preserving for the weaker power every possible means of doing harm alike to enemy or neutral ships. At the same time she was anxioua to secure to belligerent merchant-ships the right of transforming themselves Into warships on the high seas." (Ramsey Muir, Mare lAberum: The Freedom of the Seas, pp. 8-13.) IV. Some Special Subjects op Intebnational Conplioi. 1. French desire to recover Alsace-Lorraine, taken by Ger- many in 1871. (See War Cyclopedia, imder "Alsace- Lorraine," "Franco-German Rivalry.") 2. Desire of Italy to reclaim its " unredeemed " lands held by Austria. (See lUd., "Italia Irredenta.") 3. Colonial and commercial rivalry among the Great Pow- ers over Central and Northern Africa (Morocco espe- cially) ; Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Persia; China and the Far East; South America, etc. (See Ilnd., un- der "Morocco Question," "Franco-German Rivalry.") 4. Increased gravity of questions concerning the Balkjui Peninsula after the Turkish Revolution of 1908. Plan* for Austrian and German domination in these regions (Drang nach Osten) conflicted with Russia's desire to secure Constantinople and an outlet to the Mediter- ranean, and threatened the security of Great Britain'* communications with India. ( See IMd., " Balkan Prob- lem," " Drang nach Osten," etc. ) 6. Grouping of the Great Powers into the Triple Alliance (1882) and the Triple Entente. Germany's fear of being " hemmed in " ( alleged policy of " encircle- ment"). (See IMd., "Encirclement, Policy of," "Triple Alliance," "Triple Entente.") 6. The Anglo-German Problem. (See Sarolea, The Anglo- Oerman Problem, 1911; Conquest and Kultur, tea. 16.) Due to— (a) Menace to Great Britain's industrial and mari- time supremacy through Germany's rapid indus- trial development since 1870. (b) Colonial and trade rivalry in Africa, Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, etc. (c) Hostility to Great Britain taught by Treitschke and others. Doctrine that England was decrepit — " a colossus with feet of clay " — and that her empire would fall at the first hostile touch. Toasts of German officers to " the Day " — when war with Great Britain should come. (See War Cyclopedia, under " Der Tag," " Treitschke," etc.) " If our Empire has the courage, to follow an inde- pendent colonial policy with determination, a col- lision of our interests with those of England is in- evitable. It was natural and logical that the new Great Power in Central Europe should be compelled to settle affairs with all Great Powers. We have set- tled our accounts with Austria -Hungary, with France, with Russia. The last settlement, the settlement with England, will probably be the lengthiest and the most diflicult." (Heinrich von Treitschke.) (d) Attitude of Great Britain on the whole one of conciliation. (e) Failure of the two Powers to arrive at an agree- ment as to naval armaments and mutual rela- tions. Great Britain proposed (in 1912) to sign the following declaration: "The two Powers being naturally desirous of se- curing peace and friendship between them, England declares that she will neither make, nor join in, any unprovoked attack upon Germany. Aggressions uptni Germany is not the subject, and forms no part, of any treaty, understanding, or combination to whtefa 30 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. England is now a party, nor will she become a party to anything that has such an object." Germany refused to sign a, similar declaration un- less Great Britain would agree to stand aside and fie neutral in any war which might break out on the Continent, i. e., to abandon her new friends, France and Russia, and aUow Germany to attack them un- hampered by fear of British interference. V. SUMMABT AND CONCLUSIOIf. For forty years political and economic theories and gov- ernmental policies, especially in Germany, had been bring- ing a great European war ever nearer. Forces making for peace were also in operation, and at times it seemed that these would continue to control the situation. But in 1914 the influences making for war definitely triumphed in Ger- many and Austria, and precipitated the Great World War. For reading references on Chapter I, see page 62. n. mSTOEICAL BAOKGROUND OF THE WAR (1870-1914). I. Foundation and Chabacteb of the Pbesent Gixman Emfibe. 1. Franco-German War (1870-71), and the Treaty of Frankfort. France to pay an indemnity of one bil- lion doUars and to cede Alsace-Lorraine. 2. Formation of the German Empire; its undemocratic character. (See C. D. Hazen, The Government of Ger- many; War Cyclopedia, under "Autocracy," "Bundes- rat," "German Constitution," "Kaiserism," "Reichs- tag.") (a) The number of States in the Empire is twenty- five, with one imperial territory (Alsace-Lor- raine). The list includes four kingdoms, six grand duchies, five duchies, seven principalities, and three free cities. Each of these States has its separate State government, subordinate to that of the Empire. (b) The king of Prussia is hereditary " German Em- peror," with fuU direction of military and for- eign affairs. (c) The Federal Council (Bundesrat) Is a council of. ambassadors appointed by the rulers of the sepa- rate States, and responsible to them. It over- sees the administration and initiates most legis- lation, and is the most powerful body in the Em- pire. The States are represented unequally in It. Prussia, which contains two-thirds of the popu- lation of Germany, has 17 votes out of a total of 61. (If we include the three votes allotted to Alsace-Lorraine in 1911, which are "instructed" by the Emperor, Prussia has 20 votes in the Bundesrat.) Bavaria has six votes. Saxony and Wurttemberg four each, and the other States fewer. (d) The Reichstag is the representative chamber of the legislature. It is composed of 397 members, of whom Prussia elects 236. Representative dis- tricts are very unequal in population. "A Berlin deputy represents on the average 125,000 votes; a deputy of East Prussia, home of the far-famed Junkers, an average of 24,000." The members are elected by manhood suffrage for a term of five years; but the Emperor may (with the con- sent of the Bundesrat) dissolve the Reichstag at any time and order new elections, (e) The administration of the Empire Is in the hands of a ministry, headed by the Imperial Chancellor. Unlike the ministers of true pailla,- mentary governments, the German ministers are responsible to the Emperor, and not to the legis- lative chamber. They do not need, therefore, to resign their ofiBces when defeated in the Reichs- tag. n. The Teipi^ Au^ance and the Tbipu: Entente. 1. The Triple Alliance formed by Germany, Austria,, and Italy (1882). Germany's main object was to safeguard herself against an attempt by France to recover Alsace-Lorraine. As France recovered strength Ger- many plotted new aggressive designs against her. 2. Germany attempted in 1904-05 to form a secret alliance with Russia and France against Great Britain. Failure of the attempt owing to France's unwillingness to give up hope of recovering Alsace-Lorraine. The evidence of this attempt was published in 1917, in a series of letters signed "Willy" and "Nicky" which passed be- tween the Kaiser and the Tsar, and which were discoT- ered in the Tsar's palace after his deposition. (See War Cyclopedia, under " Willy and Nicky Correspond- ence.") 3. Formation of the Triple Entente. (a) Dual Alliance of France and Russia formed (1891-94) as a counterpoise to the Triple Al- liance. (b) Settlement of England's disputes with France over certain African questions, etc. (1904), and with Russia over Persia, etc. (1907), estab- lished the Triple Entente ("good imderstand- ing") between those powers. " France and England were face to face like birds in a cockpit, while Europe under German leadership was fastening their spurs and impatient to see them fight to the 'death. Then suddenly they both raised their heads and moved back to the fence. They had . decided not to fight, and the face of European things was changed." (Fullerton, Problems of Power, p. 57.) m. Thbee biPLOMATio Ceises : 1905, 1908, 1911. 1. First Morocco crisis, 1905-06. (See Conquest and Eultur, 120-126; War Cyclopedia, under "Morocco Question," etc.) (a) French interests in Morocco; slight Interests of Germany. (b) The Tangier incident. The Kaiser, landing from his yacht in Tangier, challenged France's policy in Morocco. (c) DelcassS, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, dis- missed on Germany's demand. " We are not con- cerned with M. Delcassfi's person, but his policy is a menace to Germany, and you may rest as- sured we shall not wait for it to be realized." (German ambassador to France, in published in- terview. ) (d) France brought to the bar of Europe in an inter- national conference at Algeciras— which, in the main, sanctioned her Moroccan policy. (e) The purpose of Germany in this crisis, as in those which follow, was to humiliate France and to test the strength of the Triple Entente. These were struggles to increase German prestige. 2. Crisis over Austria's annexation of Bosnia and Herze- govina in 1908. See War Cyclopedia, under "Bosnia- Herzegovina," "Congress of Berlin," "Pan-Slavism," "Slavs," etc.) II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 31 (a) These provinces freed from direct rule of the Turks by Serbia and Russia, but handed over by the Congress of Berlin to Austria to administer (1878). (b) Austria seized the occasion offered by the " Young Turk " Revolution of 1908 to annex Bos- nia and Herzegovina, and refused to refer the question to a European congress for settlement. (o) Russia (as yet unrecovered from the Russo- Japanese War) was forced to acquiesce when the Kaiser " took his stand in shining armor by the side of his ally." Humiliating submission im- posed on Serbia. (See below, ch. iv, I 2 a.) *, Second Morocco crisis, in 1911. (See Conquest and Kultur, 120-126; War Cyclopedia, under "Morocco Question." ) (a) Agadir Affair: German cruiser "Panther" sent to Agadir as a protest against alleged French in- fractions of the Algeeiras agreement, and " to show the world that Germany was firmly re- solved not to be pushed to one side." (Speech of the German Chancellor to the Reichstag.) (b) Great Britain, in spite of political difficulties at home, warned Germany that in case of war she would help France. (c) Adjustment of the Moroccan question. Germany accepted compensation from France elsewhere in return for recognition of French protectorate over Morocco. (Treaty of November 4, 1911.) (d) Furious resentment of the German military party at this outcome. " The humiliation of the Empire is so much the greater, since it is the Emperor himself who had engaged the honor of the German people in Morocco." {Bheinisch- WestfaliscJie Zeitung.) ^ 4. Hardening of the German resolve not to accept another diplomatic defeat. " It is not by concessions that we shall secure peace, but by the German sword." (Speech in Reichstag, applauded by the German Grown Prince.) IV. Bagdad Rallwat and the " Middle Eubopb " Pboject CONSTITtTTE OTHEE GEOTINDS OF COKFLICT. i. Germany supplants England as the protector of Turkey against Russia. Speech of the Kaiser at Damascus, 1898 : " The three hundred million Mohammedans who live scattered over the globe may be assured of this, that the German Emperor will be their friend at all times." i The Bagdad Railway. Designed to connect Bagdad with Constantinople and the Central European railways. Germany obtains concession from Turkey for its con- struction in 1902-03. Political as well as economic motives involved. Threat to British rule in India by proposed extension to the Persian Gulf. (See the President's Flag Day Address tcith Evidence of Ger- many's Plans, note 15; Conquest and Kultur, sec. 8; War Cyclopedia, under " Berlin to Bagdad," " Corridor," etc.) 8. The "Middle Europe" Project. This may be defined briefly as a plan for " a loosely federal combination for purposes of offense and defense, military and economic, consisting primarily of the German Empire and the Dual Monarchy [Austria-Hungary], but also including the Balkan States and Turkey, together with all the neutral States — Roumania, Greece, the Scandinavian kingdoms, and Holland — that can be drawn within Its embrace." (W. J. Ashley, in Introduction to F. Nau- mann's Central Europe, translated by Christabel M. Meridith, 1916.) The plan includes the domination of this group State by Germany through (a) its control of the common financial and economic policy, and (b) its control of the military forces, based on universal military service. (Compare Prussia's control within the German Empire.) (See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 8; War Cyclopedia, under " Mittel-Europa," etc.; The President's Flag Day Address, notes 15-17.) 4. Union of the Middle Europe project and the Bagdad Railway project in a Berlin-to-Bagdad plan. " Their plan was to throw a broad belt of German military power and political control across the very center of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean into the heart of Asia; and Austria-Hungary was to be as much their tool and pawn as Serbia or Bulgaria or Turkey or the ponderous States of the East. Au»- ' tria-Hungary, indeed, was to become part of the cen- tral German Empire, absorbed and dominated by the same forces and influences that had originally cemented the German States themselves. The dream had its heart at Berlin. It could have had a heart nowhere else! It rejected the idea of solidarity of race entirely. The choice of peoples played no part in it at all. It contemplated binding together racial and political units which could be kept together only by force — Czechs, Magyars, Croats, Serbs, Rou- manians, Turks, Armenians — the proud States of Bohemia and Hungary, the stout little common- wealths of the Balkans, the indomitable Turks, the subtile peoples of the East. These peoples did not wish to be united. They ardently desired to direct their own affairs, would be satisfied only by undis- puted independence. They could be kept quiet only by the presence or the constant threat of armed men. "^ They would live under a common power only by sheer ■ compulsion and await the day of revolution. But the r German military statesmen had reckoned with all that and were ready to deal with it in their own ^ way." (President Wilson, Flag Day Address, June 14, 1917.) " Across the path of this railway to Bagdad lay Serbia — an independent country whose sovereign alone among those of southeastern Europe had no marriage connection with Berlin, a Serbia that looked toward Russia. That is why Europe was nearly driven into war in 1913; that is why Germany stood so determinedly behind Austria's demands in 1914 and forced war. She must have her ' corridor ' to the southeast; she must have political domination all along the route of the great economic empire she planned. She was unwilling to await the process of 'peaceful penetration.'" (The President's Flag Day Address, with Evidence of Germany's Plans, note 16.) V. Tbipoiitan and Balkan Wabs, 1911-13. (See War Cyclopedia, under " Balkan Wars," " Constantinople," "Drang nach Osten," "Young Turks.") 1. War of Italy with Turkey over Tripoli (1911-12). Qaims of Italy on Tripoli; weakness of Turkey follow- ing Young Turk revolution of 1908; unfavorable atti- tude of Italy's allies (Germany and Austria) to the war as endangering their relations with Turkey. Treaty of Lausanne (Oct. 15, 1912) transfers Tripoli from Turkish to Italian rule. 2. War of Balkan Allies against Turkey (1912-13). (a) Secret league of Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro to expel Turkey from Europe aa4 82 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. liberate their fellow Christians from Turkish misrule. War declared Oct. 16, 1912. (b) Inability of the Great Powers, because of their own divergent aims, to restrain the Balkan allies. (c) Success of the allies. By the Treaty of London (May 30, 1913) Turkey was to surrender all territories in Europe except Constantinople and a small strip of adjacent territory (Enos-Midia line). ; ;j| 3. War among the Balkan Allies (June 30 to July 21, 1913) . (a) Bulgaria (with Austria's support) attacked her allies as a result of disputes over division of con- quered territory. (b) Boumania joined Serbia, Greece, and Montene- gro in defeating Bulgaria. Turkey recovered Adrianople. (c) Treaty of Bucharest (Aug. 10, 1913). Most of the conquered territory was given to Greece, Ser- bia, and Montenegro, though Serbia was denied (through Austrian, German, and Italian pres- sure) an outlet to the Adriatic. A smaller share was given Bulgaria. Koumania secured a slice of Bulgarian territory. Albania was made a principality under a German ruler. 4. Some wider features of these conflicts: (a) A general European war was prevented (though with difficulty) by statesmen of the difTerent countries working through the agency of (1) diplomatic notes, and (2) diplomatic conferences held especially at London. Sir Edward Grey, British Minister of Foreign Affairs, the chief agent in maintaining peace. (See Wttr Oyclo- peAia, under "Grey, Viscount.") (b) Austrian and German influence was seriously impaired, for they " had guessed badly and sup- ported the losing side — first Turkey and then Bulgaria." Their Balkan domination and Mid- dle Europe project alike were threatened by the events of 1912-13. Corresponding increase of Kussian and Serbian power. (o) A new assertion of power on the part of Ger- many and Austria, principally against Kussia and Serbia, to recover the ground lost through the Balkan Wars and the Treaty of Bucharest ' was made practically certain. Forjjreading references on Chapter II, see page 63. III. INDICATIOlSrS THAT GERMANY AND AUSTRIA PLANNED AN AGGRESSIVE STROKE BEFORE JUNE 28, 1914. I. AuSTBiA. Peoposed AN ATTACK ON Seebia IN 1913. See War Cyclopedia, under "Austria and Serbia, 1913.") 1. Austria's Proposal to Italy (Aug. 9, 1913 — the day be- fore the Peace of Bucharest.) " Austria has communicated to us and to Germany her intention of taking action against Serbia, and defines such action as defensive, hoping to bring into operation the causus foederis of the Triple Alliance. ..." (Italian Minister of Foreign Aflfalrs, In dis- patch of Aug. 9, 1913. Revealed by ex-Prime Minis- ter Giolitti in speech of Dec. 5, 1914. See Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 401.) 2. Italy declined the proposal, as (apparently) did Ger- many also. The declination of the latter was probably due to the fact that German military preparations were not yet completed. (See below, VI.) "If Austria intervenes against Serbia, It is dear that a causus foederis cannot be established. It U • step which she is taking on her own accounti sine* there is no question of defense, inasmuch as no one is thinking of attacking her. It is necessary that a declaration to this effect should be made to AustrUl in the most formal manner, and we must hope for action on the part of Germany to dissuade from this most perilous adventure." (Reply of Prime Minister Giolitti to above dispatch. Ibid.) n. SECBET MiLITABT REPOBT on STBENQTHENINO THJt Gebman Abmy (Mabch 19, 1913). This report came into the possession of the French Min- ister of War in some unexplained way soon after it was drawn up; it is published in French Yellow Book, No. 2; Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 130-133. The following extracts occur in the part headed "Aim and Obligations of Our National Policy, of Our Army, and of the Special Organizations for Army Purposes": 1. Minds of the people must be prepared. (See Conquest and Kultur, sees. 15-16; War Cyclopedia, tmder "Pan- Germanism," " Pan-Germans Urge War in 1913," etc.) " We must allow the idea to sink into the minds of our people that our armaments are an answer to the armaments and policy of the French. We must ac- custom them to think that an offensive war on our part is a necessity in order to combat the provoca- tions of our adversaries. . . . We must so manag* matters that under the heavy weight of powerful armaments, considerable sacrifices, and strained po- litical relations, an outbreak [of war] should be con- sidered as a relief, because after it would come de- cades of peace and prosperity, as after 1870. W» must prepare for war from the financial point of view; there is much to be done in this direction." (Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 131.) 2. " Stir up trouble in the North of Africa and in Russia." "We must not be anxious about the fate of onr colonies. The final result in Europe wUI settle their position. On the other hand, we must stir up trouble in the north of Africa and in Russia. It is a means of keeping the forces of the enemy engaged. It is, therefore, absolutely necessary that we should open up relations, by means of well-chosen agents, with influential people in Egypt, Tunis, Algeria, and Morocco, in order to prepare the measures which would be necessary in the case of a European war. . . . The first attempt which was made some years ago opened up for us the desired relations. Unfor- tunately these relations were not sufficiently consoli- dated." {lUd., p. 132.) 3. Small states to be coerced. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Neutralized State," "Netherlands, German View," etc.) " In the next European war it will also be necessary that the small States should be forced to follow us or be subdued. In certain conditions their armies and their fortified places can be rapidly conquered «r neutralized; this would probably be the case with Belgium and Holland; so as to prevent our enemy in the west from gaining territory which they could use as a base of operations against our flank. In the north we have nothing to fear from Denmark and Scandinavia. ... In the south, Switzerland forms an extremely solid bulwark, and we can rely on her energetically defending her neutrality against France,, and thus protecting our flank." (IMd., p. 132.) 4. No guarantee to Belgium for security of her neutrality. II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 33 (See Conquest and Kultur, see. 11; War Cyclopedia, un- der "Belgium, Neutralization of.") " Our aim must be to take the offensive with a large superiority from the first days. ... If we could induce these States [on our northwestern frontier] to organize their system of fortification In such a manner as to constitute an eflfective protection for our flank we could abandon the proposed inva- sion. ... If, on the contrary, their defensive organi- zation was established against us, thus giving definite advantage to our adversary in the west, ice could in no circumstances offer Belgium a guarantee for the security of her neutrality." {Ibid., p. 133.) C. Short-term ultimatum to be issued. (See War Cyclope- dia, under "Serbia, Austrian Ultimatum.") "The arrangements made with this end in view allow us to hope that it will be possible to take the offensive immediately after the complete eoncentra- tiwi of the army of the Lower Khine. An ultimatum with a short time-limit, to be followed immediately by invasion, would allow a suiBcient justification for our action in international law." {IMd., p. 133.) •• Prizes of the war. (See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 17.) "We will . . . remember that the provinces of the ancient German Empire, the County of Burgundy [Franche Comtfi, acquired by Louis XIV] and a large part of Lorraine, are still in the hands of the French; that thousands of brother Germans in the Baltic : provinces [of Russia] are groaning under the Slav yoke. It is a national question that Germany's for- mer possessions should be restored to her." (Ibid., p. 133.) in. CShanoed Attitude of the Kaiskb: Ihtebview with Kestq Albeet of Belgium (Novbmbeb, 1913). 1. Circumstances of the interview;' held in the presence of General von Moltke (chief of the German General Staff) and reported to Jules Cambon, the French Am- bassador at Berlin, " from an absolutely reliable Boin-ce." Published in French Yellow Book, No. 6; Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 142-3. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Albert I," "William H," etc.) fl. War with France regarded by the Kaiser as inevitable. (See War Cyclopedia, imder "William 11, Ambitions.") " This conversation, it appears, has made a pro- found impression on King Albert. I [Cambon] am in no way surprised at the impression he gathered, which corresponds with what I have myself felt for some time. Enmity against us is increasing, and the Emperor has ceased to be the friend of peace. "The person addressed by the Emperor had thought up tiU then, as did all the world, that William 11, whose personal influence had been exerted on many critical occasions in support of peace, was BtlU in the same state of mind. He found him this time completely changed. The German Emperor is no longer in his eyes the champion of peace against the warlike tendencies of certain parties In Germany. William II has come to think that war with France is inevitable, and that it must come sooner or later. . . . "General von Moltke spoke exactly in the same strain as his sovereign. He, too, declared war to be necessary and inevitable, but he showed himself still more assured of success, 'for,' he said to the King [Albert], 'this time the matter must be settled, and your Majesty can have no conception of the Irreslgtl- ble enthusiasm with which the whole German pe<^»U will be carried away when that day comes.'" (Col- lected Diplomatic Documents, p. 142.) 3. Cambon's comment on the interview. "As William II advances in years, family tradi- tions, the reactionary tendencies of the court, and especially the impatience of the soldiers, obtain • greater empire over his mind. Perhaps he feels some slight jealousy of the popularity acquired by hla boo, who flatters the passions of the Pan-Germans, and who does not regard the position occupied by tha Empire in the world as commensurate with its power. Perhaps the reply of France to the last increase «f the German Army [German army law of 1913, cit« . against putting in force Irish Home Rule act. Organi- zation of armed forces under Sir Edward Carson; " gua running" from Germany. 3. Widespread labor troubles, especially among the railwajF workers. 4. Unrest in India, following administrative division of th» province of Bengal; boycott movement; revolutionary violence attending Nationalist (Hindu) agitations. 6. Unwarlike character of the British people; a " nation of shopkeepers" supposedly unready for the sacrifices of war. Progress of pacifist opinions ("Nonnan-Angell- ism"). 6. Lack of an army adequate for use abroad. Composed of volunteers ("mercenaries") instead of being based au compulsory service, it was regarded (in the Kaiser'a phrase) as " contemptible." n. Bkitish Diplomacy and the Wab. 1. Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, labored unremittingly for peace. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Grey and British Policy, 1914.") " Sir Edward Grey deserves more than any other the name of the ' peacemaker of Europe.' , . . Hia efforts were in vain, but his merit in having served^ the cause of peace with indefatigable zeal, with skill and energy will remain inextinguishable in history."' (/ Accuse, pp. 247-8.) "No man in the history of the World has ever labored more strenuously or more successfully than. my right honorable friend. Sir Edward Grey, for that which is the supreme interest of the modern world — a general and abiding peace. . . . We preserved by every expedient that diplomacy can suggest, strain- ing to almost the breaking point our most cherisfaeA friendships and obligations, even to the last makingr effort upon effort and hoping against hope. Then,, and only then, when we were at last compelled t» realize that the choice lay between honor and dia- II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 41 honor, between treachery and good faith, and that we had at last reached the dividing line which makes or mars a nation worthy of the name, it was then, and only then, that we declared for war." (Prime Minister Asquith, at the Guildhall, London, Septem- ber 4, 1914.) " Shoulder to shoulder with England we labored in- cessantly and supported every proposal," etc. {Ger- man White Book; in Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 410.) Similar admissions that Great Britain strove sincerely and energetically for peace are found in other passages in the German White Book. Later the German Chancellor, von Bethmann Hollweg, de- clared: " The inner responsibility [for the war] lies on the Government of Great Britain. . . . England saw how things were moving, but did nothing to spoke the wheel." (Speech in Reichstag, December 2, 1914.) This statement, however, is palpably false. 8. British fleet kept together after the summer manoeuvres (July 27). Importance of this step. " I pointed out [to the Austrian ambassador] that our fleet was to have dispersed to-day, but we had felt unable to let it disperse. We should not think of calling up reserves at this moment, and there was no menace in what we had done about our fleet; but, owing to the possibility of a European conflagration, it was impossible for us to disperse our forces at this moment. I gave this as an illustration of the anxiety that was felt [over the Serbian question]." (Sir Edward Grey, in British Blue Book, No. 48; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 43.) S. Her liberty of action reserved; Great Britain was free from engagements (July 29). "In the present case the dispute between Austria and Serbia was not one in which we felt called to take a hand. Even if the question became one be- tween Austria and Russia we should not feel called upon to take a hand in it. It would then be a ques- tion of the supremacy of Teuton or Slav — a strug- gle for supremacy in the Balkans; and our idea had always ieen to avoid ieing dravm into a war over a Balkan question. If Germany became involved and France became involved, we had not made up our minds what we should do; it was a case that we should have to consider. . . . We were free from ' engagements, and we should have to decide what ' British interests required us to do. I thought it necessary to say that, because . . . we were taking all precautions with regard to our fleet, and I was about to warn [the German ambassador] not to count on our standing aside, but that it would not be fair that I should let [the French ambassador] be misled into supposing that this meant that we had decided what to do in a contingency that I still hoped might not arise." (Sir Edward Grey to the French Ambassador, in British Blue Book, No. 87; Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 65-66.) 4. Germany's "Infamous Proposal" of July 29 (following the Potsdam council of that date, at which war appar- ently was resolved upon). In return for British neu- trality in case of war between Germany and France, the German Chancellor promised: (o) Not to aim at "ter- ritorial acquisitions at the expense of France" in Europe; (6) a similar undertaking with respect to the French colonies was refused; (c) the neutrality of Holland would be observed as long as it was respected by Germany's adversaries; (d) in case Germany was I obliged to violate Belgium's neutrality, " when the war was over Belgian integrity would be respected if ah« had not sided against Germany." " He [the German Chancellor] said that should Aim- tria be attacked by Russia a European conflagrationt' might, he feared, become inevitable, owing to Ger- many's obligations as Austria's ally, in spite of his continued efl'orts to maintain peace. He then pro- ceeded to make the following strong bid for British neutrality. He said that it was clear, so far as h* was able to judge the main principle which governed British policy, that Great Britain would never stand by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict there might be. That, however, was not the objeoi at which Germany aimed. Provided that neutrality of Great Britain were certain, every assurance would be given to the British Government that the Imper- ial Government aimed at no territorial acquisitions- at the expense of France should they prove victorious- in any war that might ensue. "I questioned his Excellency about the French colonies, and he said that he was unable to give a simi- lar imdertaking in that respect. As regards Holland,, however, his Excellency said that so long as Ger- many's adversaries respected the integrity and neu- trality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to- give His Majesty's Government an assurance that she would do likewise. It depended upon the action . of France what operations Germany might be forced to enter upon in Belgium, but when the war was over, Belgian integrity would be respected if she had not sided against Germany." (British Ambassador at Berlin, in British Blue Book, No. 85; Collected- Diplomatic Documents, p. 64.) 5. This proposal was emphatically rejected by (Sreat Britain. "What he asks us in effect is to engage t»- stand by while French colonies are taken and France^ is beaten, so long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the colonies." (Sir Edward Grey, in British Blue Book, No. 101; Collected Diplo- matic Documents, p. 77. Compare Germany's attitud* over Great Britain's proposal for a compact in 1912 — - see ch. i, IV 6 c.) The proposals of July 29 may be regarded as " the. first clear sign of a general conflict; for they pre- sumed the probability of a war with France in which Belgium, and perhaps England, might be involved,, while Holland would be left alone." (J. H. Rose,. Development of the European Nations, 5th ed., n, p 387.) 6. Grey holds out the prospect of a League of Peace (July 30). In his reply to the foregoing proposals, the Brit- ish Foreign Secretary adds: " If the peace of Europe can be preserved, and the- present crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will- be to promote some arrangement to which Qermann could be a party, by which she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her allies by France, Russia, and our- selves, jointly or separately. I have desired this aod worked for it, as far as I could, through the last Balkan .crisis, and, Germany having a corresponding object, our relations sensibly improved. The idea has hitherto been too Utopian to form the subject of definite proposals, but if this present crisis, so much more acute than any that Europe has gone through' for generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that the relief and reaction which will follow may make- possible some more definite rapprochement between 42 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. the Powers than has been possible hitherto." {Brit- ish Blue Book, No. 101; Collected Diplomatic Docu- ments, p. 78.) Germany made no reply to the above suggestion. 7. Would Great Britain keep out if Germany respected Belgium's neutrality? (August 1.) " He [the German Ambassador] asked me [Sir Edward Grey] whether, if Germany gave a promise not to violate Belgium's neutrality, we would engage to remain neutral. "I replied that I could not say that; our hands were still free, and we were considering what our attitude should be. All I could say was that our at- titude would be determined largely by public opin- ion here, and that the neutrality of Belgium would appeal very strongly to public opinion here. I did not think that we could give a promise of neutrality on that condition alone. " The Ambassador pressed me as to whether I could not formulate conditions on which we would remain neutral. He even suggested that the integrity of France and her colonies might be guaranteed. " I said that I felt obliged to refuse definitely any promise to remain neutral on similar terms, and I could only say that we must keep our hands free." {British Blue Book, No. 123; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 93.) *. Great Britain not to come in if Russia and France re- jected reasonable peace proposals; otherwise she would aid France (July 31). " I said to German Ambassador this morning that if Germany could get any reasonable proposal put forward which made it clear that Germany and Aus- tria were striving to preserve European peace, and that Russia and France would be unreasonable if they rejected it, I would support it at St. Petersburg and Paris, and go the length of saying that if Russia and France would not accept it His Majesty's Gov- ernment would have nothing more to do with the consequences; but, otherwise, I told German Am- bassador that if France became involved we should be drawn in." (Sir Edward Grey, in British Blue Book, No. Ill; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 86.) fl. Great Britain gives Naval assurance to France (August 2), following the German declaration of war on Russia ( August 1 ) and the invasion of Luxemburg. " I am authorized [by the British Cabinet] to give an assurance that, if the German fleet comes into the Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hos- tile operations against French coasts or shipping, the British fleet will give all the protection in its power." (Sir Edward Grey to the French Ambassador, in British Blue Book, No. 148; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 105.) This assurance was given as the result of an ar- rangement of several years' standing whereby the French fleet was concentrated in the Mediterranean and the British in the North Sea. " It did not bind us to go to war with Germany unless the German fleet took the action indicated." (Sir Edward Grey to the British Ambassador at Paris, in British Blue Book, No. 148; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 105. ) m. NEOTBALITT op LUXBMBtJBO AJST) OP BELGIUM Violated. 4. Luzembiu-g Invaded by German troops (August 2). This was \d violation of the Treaty of London (1867), as well as of her rights as a neutral state in general. (See Hague Convention of 1907, Articles 2-0; War Cyclopedia, under "Luxemburg," "Neutral Dutiea," "Neutrality," "Neutralized State.") 2. Special status of Belgium as a Neutralized State. Based upon the Treaty of London (1839), by which Belgium became " an independent and perpetually neutral state, . . . bound to observe such neutrality towards all other states," and Prussia, France, Great Britain, Aus- tria, and Russia became the " guarantors " of her neutrality. The German Empire was the successor to Prussia in this guarantee. Confirmation of Belgium'l neutrality in 1870, by treaties between Great Britaiii and Prussia and Great Britain and France. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Neutralization.") "Had Belgium been merely a email neutral na- tion, the crime [of her violation] would still have been one of the worst in the history of the modem world. The fact that Belgium was an international- ized State has made the invasion the master tragedy of the war. For Belgium represented what progress the world had made towards co-operation. If It could not survive, then no internationalism was pos- sible. That is why, through these years of horror upon horror, the Belgian horror is the fiercest of all. The burning, the shooting, the starving, and the rob- bing of small and inofltensive nations is tragic enough. But the German crime in Belgium is greater than the sum of Belgium's misery. It is a crime against the basis of faith on which the world must build or per- ish." (Walter Lippman, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, July, 1917). 3. German reassurances to Belgium in 1911 and 1914. " Germany will not lose sight of the fact that the neutrality of Belgium is guaranteed by international treaty." (German Minister of War, in the Reichstag, April 29, 1911. See Belgian Grey Book, No. 12; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 306.) " The troops will not cross Belgian territory." (German Minister to Belgium, early on August 2, 1914, to Brussels journalists. In H. Davignon, Belgium and Germany, p. 7.) " Up to the present he [the German Minister to Belgium, on August 2] had not been instructed to make us an official communication, but that we knew his personal opinion as to the feelings of security which we had the right to entertain towards our eastern neighbors." (Belgian Minister for Foreign Afi'airs, in Belgian Grey Book, No. 19; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 309.) 4. France officially assured Great Britain and Belgium of her resolve to respect Belgium's neutrality (July 31 and August 1), in response to an inquiry addressed by Great Britain to both France and Germany. {British Blue Book, No. 115 and 125; Belgian Grey Book, No. 15; Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 87, 94, 307.) 5. Germany declined to give such an official assurance (July 31) — apparently on the" ground that "any reply they might give could not but disclose a certain amount of their plan of campaign in the event of war ensuing." {British Blue Book, No. 122; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 92.) 6. Germany demanded (August 2 at 7.00 p. m.) permission to pass through Belgium on the way to France, alleging (falsely) that France intended to march into Belgium, and offering to restore Belgium and to pay an indem- nity at the end of the war. Should Belgium oppose the German troops, she would be considered " as an enemy," II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 4» and Germany would " undertake no obligations " towards her. (Belgian Orey Booh, No. 20; Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 309-311.) 7. Belgium refused such permission (August 3). "The Belgian Government, if they were to accept the pro- posals submitted to them, would sacrifice the honor of the nation and betray their duty towards Exirope." (Belgian Orey Book, No. 22; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 312.) 8. German armed forces entered Belgium on the morning of August 4. Belgium thereupon appealed to Great Britain, France, and Russia, aa guaranteeing Powers, to come to her assistance in repelling the invasion, i. Germany's justification of her action. (a) Plea of necessity. "Gentlemen, we are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no law. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and per- haps have already entered Belgian territory. Gentlemen, this is a breach of international law. . . . We know . . - that France stood ready for an invasion [this statement was false]. France could wait, we could not. . . . The wrong — I speak openly — the wrong we thereby commit we wUl try to make good as soon as our military arms have been attained. He who is menaced as we are and is fighting for his highest possession can only consider how he is to hack his way through." (Chancellor von Bethmann HoUweg, in the Reichstag, August 4, 1914. See War Cyclopedia, under " Bethmann HoUweg," " Kriegs- Eaison," " Notwendigkeit." (b) CSiarge that Belgium had violated her own neu- trality by concluding military conventions with England in 1905 and 1912 directed against Ger- many. This claim is based on a willful mis- interpretation of documents discovered by Ger- many in Brussels after the taking of that city. (Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 350-367.) " That a wrong was done to Belgium was originally openly confessed by the perpetrator. As an after- thought, in order to appear whiter, Cain blackened Abel. In my opinion it was a spiritual blunder to rummage for documents in the pockets of the quiver- ing victim. ... To calumniate her in addition is really too much." (Karl Spitteler, a Swiss, quoted In / Accuse, p. 234.) (c) Military expediency was the real reason. This is shown, among other indications, by an inter- view (August 3, 1914) between the German Min- ister for Foreign Affairs and the Belgian Minister to Germany. German Minister: "It is u question of life or death for the Empire. If the German armies do not want to be caught between the hammer and the anvil they must strike a decisive blow at France, in order then to turn back against Russia." Belgian Minister: "But the frontiers of France are sufficiently extended to make it possible to avoid passing through Belgium." Foreign Minister: "They are too strongly forti- Ifled." (H. Davignon, Belgium and Oermamy, p. 14.) IV. Gbeat Britain Entebs the Wab. 1. Appeal of King Albert of Belgium to King George (August 3). "Remembering the numerous proofs of your Majesty's friendship and that of your predecessor, and th» friendly attitude of England in 1870 and the proof of friendship you have just given us again, I make a supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention of your Majesty's Government to safeguard the integ- rity of Belgium." (Belgian Grey Boole, No. 25; Col- lected Diplomatic Documents, p. 313.) 2. Great Britain's ultimatum to Germany (August 4) ask- ing assurance by midnight that " the demand made upon Belgium will not be proceeded with, and that her neutrality will be respected by Germany." (British Blue Booh, No. 153, 159; Collected Diplomatic Docu- ments, pp. 107-109.) 3. War declared by Great Britain (about midnight, August 4). The "scrap of paper" utterance. The account of the last interview (about 7.00- p. m., August 4) of the British Ambassador with the German Chancellor is instructive : " I found the Chancellor very agitated. His Excellency at once began a harangue, which lasted for about twenty minutes. He said that the step taken by His Majesty's Government was terrible to a degree; Just for a word — 'Neutrality,' a word which in tear time had $o often heen disregarded — )ust for a scrap of paper Great Britain was going to make war on a kindred nation who desired nothing better than to be friends with her. All his eiforts in that direction had been rendered useless by this last terrible step, and the policy to which, as I knew, he had devoted himself since his accession to office had tumbled down like a house of cards. What we had done was unthinkable; it was like striking a man from behind while he was fighting for his life against two assailants. He held^ Great Britain responsible for all the terrible events that might happen. I protested strongly against that statement, and said that, in the same way as he and Herr von Jagow [German Foreign Minister] wished me to understand that for strategical reasons it wat a matter of life and death to Germany to advance through Belgium and violate the latter's neutrality, so I would wish him to understand that it was, so to speak, a matter of ' life and death ' for the honor of Oreat Britain that she sJiould heep her solemn en- gagement to do her utmost to defend Belgium's neu- trality if attacked. That solemn compact simply had to be kept, or what confidence could anyone have In engagements given by Great Britain in the futxu-et The Chancellor said, ' But at what price will that compact have been kept? Has the British Govern- ment thought of that 1 ' I hinted to his Excellency as plainly as I could that fear of consequences could hardly be regarded as an excuse for breaking solemn engagements, but his Excellency was so excited, so evidently overcome by the news of our action, and so little disposed to hear reason that I refrained from adding fuel to the flame by further argument (British Blue Book, No. 160; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 111. See War Cyclopedia, under "Scrap of Paper.") 4. Great Britain's reasons for entering the war. (a) Her obligations to Belgium under the treaty of 1839. (b) Her relations to France growing out of the En- tente Cordiale (1904). These ties were strength- ened in subsequent years by consultations of- British and French naval experts, but no promise of anything more than diplomatic support wa» given until August 2, 1914. "We have agreed that consultation between ex- perts is not, and ought not, to be regarded as an en- gagement that commits either Government to action in any contingesney that has not yet arisen and may 44 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. never arise. The disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement to co- operate in war. " You have, however, pointed out that, if either ■Government had grave reason to expect an unpro- voked attack by a third Power, it might become es- sential to know whether it could in that event depend upon the armed assistance of thfe other. " I agree that, if either Government had grave rea- son to expect an unprovoked attack by a third Power, or something that threatened the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression and to preserve peace, and if so, what measures they would be prepared to take in com- mon." (Sir Edward Grey to the French Ambassador, November 22, 1912; see New Tork Times Current History, I, p. 283.) "There is but one way in which the Government •could make certain at the present moment of keeping outside this war, and that would be that it should immediately issue a proclamation of unconditional neutrality. We cannot do that. We have made the commitment to France [of August 2, 1914] that I have read to the House which prevents us doing that." (Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons, August 3, 1914; New Tork Times Current History, I, p. 289.) (e) Self-interest — the realization that Germany's hostility to her was implacable, and that if Great Britain was not to surrender her position as a Great Power in the world, and possibly a goodly portion of her colonial possessions, she must ultimately fight Germany; if so, better in alliance with France and Russia than alone at a later time. Great Britain's declared war aims. " We shall never sheathe the sword which we have not lightly drawn until Belgium recovers in full measure all and more than all that she has sacrificed, until France is adequately secured against the menace of aggression, until the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe are placed upon an unassail- able foundation, and until the military domination of Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed." (Prime Minister Asquith, November 9, 1914.) " I say nothing of what the actual conditions of peace will be, because those are things which we must discuss with our allies and settle in common with them. But the great object to be attained. . . . is that there shall not again be this sort of militar- ism in Europe, which in time of peace causes the whole of the continent discomfort by its continual menace, and then, when it thinks the moment has come that suits itself, plunges the continent into war." (Sir Edward Grey, House of Commons, Jan- uary 26, 1916.) " What we and our allies are fighting for is a free Europe. We want a Europe free, not only from the domination of one nationality by another, but from hectoring diplomacy and the peril of war, free from the constant rattling of the sword in the scabbard, from perpetual talk of shining armor and war lords. In fact, we feel we are fighting for equal rights; for law, justice, peace; for civilization throughout the world as against brute force, which knows no re- straint and no mercy. "What Prussia proposes, as we understand her, is Prussian supremacy.. She proposes a Europe mod- elled and ruled by Prussia. She is to dispose of the liberties of her neighbors and of us aU. We say tliat life on these terms is intolerable. And this also 1b what France and Italy and Russia say. We are fighting the German idea of the wholesomeness, al- most the desirability, of ever recurrent war. Ger- many's philosophy is that a settled peace spelU degeneracy. Such a philosophy, if it is to survive as a practical force, means eternal apprehension and unrest. It means ever-increasing armaments. It means arresting the development of mankind along the lines of culture and humanity. . . . "The Allies can tolerate no peace that leaves the wrongs of this war unredressed. Peace counsels that are purely abstract and make no attempt to discrimi- nate between the rights and the wrongs of this war are ineffective if not irrelevant. "... The Prussian authorities have apparently but one idea of peace, an iron peace imposed on other nations by German supremacy. They do not under- stand that free men and free nations will rather die than submit to that ambition, and that there can be no end to war till it is defeated and renounced." (Sir Edward Grey to correspondent of Chicago Dailn News, in June, 1916.) For reading references on Chapter VI, see page 64. VII. THE WAR SPREADS — CHARACTER OF THE WAR 1. Otheb States Enteb the Wab. 1. Montenegro declares war (Aug. 7, 1914), aa an ally e( Serbia. 2. Japan declares war (Aujg. 23), because of — (a) Alliance with Great Britain (concluded in 1903j renewed in 1905 and 1911). (b) Resentment at German ousting of Japan from Port Arthur in 1895, and German seizure of Eiao- Chau Bay (China) in 1897. Japanese ultimatum to Germany in 1914 modeled on that of Germany to Japan in 1895. (c) Japan captures Tsingtau, on Kiao-Chau Bay (Not. 17. 1914). Thenceforth her part in the military operations of the war was slight. 3. Unneutral acts of Turkey (sheltering of German war- shipB, bombardment of Russian Black Sea porta, Oct. 29, etc.) lead to Allied declarations of war against her (Nov. 3-5, 1914). It is now proved that Turkey was in alliance with Germany from August 4, 1914. (See N. Y. Times Current History, Nov., 1917, p. 334-335.) 4. Italy declares war on Austria, (May 23, 1915; on Ger- many August 27, 1916.) Due in part to — (a) Italy's desire to complete her unification by acquir- ing from Austria the Italian-speaking Trentino and Trieste (Italia Irredenta). (b) Conflicts of interests with Austria on the Eastern shore of the Adriatic. (c) Austria-Hungary's violation of the Triple Alliance agreement by her aggressive policy in the Balkans. 6. Bulgaria, encouraged by Russian and British reversee, and assured by Germany of the much coveted shore on the Aegean, makes an alliance with Austria and Ger- many and attacks Serbia (Oct. 13, 1915), Great Brit- ain, France, Russia, and Italy thereupon dedared war on Bulgaria (Oct. 16-19.) Refusal of King Constaa- tine of Greece to fulfill his treaty with Serbia. II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 4^ 6. Portugal drawn into the war (March 9, 1916) through her long-standing alliance with Great Britain. 7. Roumania, encouraged by Allied auccesaes early in 191S, and treacherously pressed thereto by Russia, attacks Austria-Hungary in order to gain Transylvania (Aug. 28. 1916.) 8. Further spread of the war: United States declares war on Germany, April 6, 1917 (see chapter ix).— Greece deposes King Constantine and joins the Entente Allies (June 12, 1917).— Siam, China and Brazil enter the war against the Teutonic Allies; Bolivia, Peru, Uruguay, Ecuador, etc., sever diplomatic relations with Germany, (See War Cyclopedia, under "War, Declarations of," n. WOBLD-WlDB CHABACTEB AND IMPORTANCE OF THT OONFIJCT. 1. The most widespread and terrible war in history. A ■core of countries involved; compare the size of the belligerent areas and populations with those remaining neutral, of the States arrayed against Germany with those on her side. "At least 38,000,000 men are bearing arms in the war —27,500,000 on the side of the world Allies and 10,600- 000 on the side of the Central Powers — according to latest War Department compilations from published reports in various countries. These figures do not in- clude naval personnel (trength, which would raise the total several millions. Against Germany's 7,000,000, AuBtria'a 3,000,000, Turkey's 300,000 and Bulgaria'i 300,000, are arrayed the following armed forces: Rus- ■ia, 9,000,000; France, 6,000,000; Great Britain, 5,000- 000; Italy, 3,000,000; Japan. 1,400,000; United States, more than 1,000,000; China, 541,000; Roumania, 320,000; Serbia, 300,000; Belgium, 300,000; Greece, 300,000; Portugal, 200,000; Montenegro, 40,000; Siam, 36,000; Cuba. 11,000, and Liberia, 400." — (Associated Press dispatch, Oct. 22, 1917.) 2. Universal disorganization of commerce and industry. Widespread suffering even in neutral countries. Pro- blems of food-supply, coal, and other necessaries of life. 3. Importance of the issues involved: Government of the world by negotiation, arbitration, and international law, vs. reliance upon military force, and the principle that "might makes right." — Humanity vs. "fright- fulness." — Democracy and freedom m. autocracy and slavery. m. Innovations in Wabfabe Due to the Pboobess of SciENCB and Invention. 1. New developments in trenches and trench fighting. Vast and complicated systems of deep and narrow trenches, inter-communicating; underground refuge chambers of timber and concrete; elaborate barbed wire entanglements; shell craters fortified with "pill boxes" of steel and concrete as gun emplacements. Defended by men with magazine rifles and machine guns; use of hand grenades, trench mortars, sapping and mining; steel helmets and gas masks. "Camouflage," the art of concealment. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Barbed- wire Entanglements," "Camouflage," "Trench War* fare," etc.) 2. Great guns (German 42-centimeter mortars, etc.) used to smash old fashioned steel and concrete fortificatioofl and bombard towns twenty-two miles distant. Enor- mous quantities of high explosive shell, fired by thou- sands of guns, for days at a time, used to destroy wire- entanglements and trenches. "Barrage" (barrier) shell- fire used to cover attack ; definition and use of "creeping barrgge"; excellence of French "75's" (quick- fire cannon with calibre of 75 millimeters — about three inches; British "tanks" (huge caterpillar motors, ar- mored and armed with machine guns and rapid-fire cannon); poison gas and liquid fire; etc., etc. (See TFar Cyclopedia, under "Barrage," "Forbidden Methods- of Warfare," "Gas Warfare," "Shells," "Tanks," etc.) 3. Great development of aeroplanes for scouting, direct- ing artillery fire, etc. Use of captive balloons. Zep- pelins used mainly for dropping bombs on undefended British and French towns; their failure to fulfill German expectations. Devices for combating aerial attacks. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Aviation," etc.) 4. Great development of the submarine and submarine warfare. Use of submarines against warships perfectly legitimate; employment against merchant shipping also entirely proper under certain limitations. Devices for combating submarines. (See War Cyclopedia under "Submarine," etc.) 5. New pi^blems of transport and communication. Gre^t use of motor trucks and automobiles for moving troops and supplies; increased difficulties of supply owing to^ great numbers of soldiers engaged, and enormous quan- tities of shells fired. Use of wireless telegraph and telephone. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Motor Trans- port.") 6. Mobilization of civilian population in all countries and national control of industry, food production and con- sumption. ' Increased participation of women in war work. In this conflict not merely armies but nationr are engaged against one another; and the side with the greatest man-power, the beat organized production and consumption, the largest financial resources, the staunch- est courage and the cloaeat co-operation between its allies will win. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Civili«B Tasks," "Food Control," "Fuel Control," etc.) rv. Examples of German Ruthmissness and Violations OF International Law. 1. War from the standpoint of International Law. "From the standpoint of the international jurist, war is not merely a national struggle between public enemies, but a condition of juridical atatus imder which such a conflict is carried on. It consists of certain legal rules- and generally recognized customs, most of which have been codified and embodied in international treaties — the so-called Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 — which nearly all the members of the international com- munity, including Germany, have signed and ratified. Now, if we were to take up the Hague Regulations in detail, we should find that Germany has violated again and again practically all of them. A bare list or enum- eration of the proved and well authenticated instances- of violation of international law by Germany in thir war would, in fact, fill many volumes. If these were- accompanied by some description or commentary, 1 46 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. ■ verily believe that the Encyclopaedia Britanniea would not contain all of them." — (Prof. A. S. Hershey, in In- diana University Alumni Quarterly, October, 1917) "Gennany does not really wage war. She assassi- nates, massacres, poisons, toTtures, intrigues; she com- mits every crime in the calendar, such as arson, pillage, murder, and rape; she is guilty of -almost every possible violation of international law and of humanity — and calls it war." — {Ibid.) 2. The German war philosophy. Conception of "abso- lute war"; ruthlessness and "frightfuhiess" advocated aa means of shortening war, and hence justified as really humane; doctrine that "military necessity" is paramount over every other consideration. International law re- garded as a selfish invention of weak states seeking to hamper the strong. Principle of "Deutschland iiber Alles." "Whoever uses force, without any consideration and ^thout sparing blood, has sooner or later the advantage if the enemy does not proceed in the same way. One cannot introduce a principle of moderation into the philosophy of war without committing an absurdity. It is a vain and erroneous tendency to neglect the ele- ■ment of brutality in war merely because we dislike it." — (Karl von Clausewitz, Vom Kriege, I, page 4.) "War in the present day will have to be conducted more recklessly, less scrupulously, more violently, more ruthlessly, than ever in the past . . . Every restric- tion on acts of war, once military operations have begun, tends to weaken the co-ordinated action of the bellig- erent . . . The law of nations must beware of para- lyzing military action by placing fetters upon it . Distress and damage to the enemy are the conditions necessary to bend and break his will . . . The com- iiatant has need of passion . . . it requires that the combatant . . . shall be entirely freed from the shackles of a restraining legality which is in all respects oppressive." — (General von Hartmann, "Militarische Notwendigkeit imd Humanitat," in Deutsche Rundschau, XIV, pp. 76, 119-122.) "Since the tendency of thought of the last century was dominated essentially by humanitarian considera- tions, which not infrequently degenerated into senti- mentality and flabby emotion, there have not been wanting attempts to influence the development of the usages of war in a way which was in fundamental con- tradiction with the nature of war and its object. At- tempts of this kind will also not be wanting in the future, the more so as these agitations have found a kind of moral recognition in some provisions of the Geneva Con- vention and the Brussels and Hague Conferences . . . The danger that in this way he [the oflBcer] will arrive at false views about the essen|ial character of war must not be lost sight of . . .By steeping himself in mili- tary history an officer will be able to guard himself against excessive humanitarian notions; it will teach him that certain severities are indispensable to war, nay more, that the only true humanity very often lies in a ruthless application of them . "Every means of war without which the object of the war cannot be obtained is permissible ... It follows from these universally valid principles that wide limits are iet to the subjective freedom and arbitrary judgment of the commanding officer." — (Official pub- lication edited by the General Staff, Kriegshrauch im Landkriege; in translation by J. H. Morgan entitled The German War Book, pp. 54-55, 64.) All the foregoing extracts are quoted in E. Lavine and C. Andler, German Theory and Practice of War, pp. 25-29. See also, D. C. Munro, German War Prac- tices, Introduction; War Cyclopedia, under "Fright- fuhiess," "Kriegs-Raison," "Notwendigkeit," "War. German Ruthlessness," "War, German View," etc.; Garner and Scott, German War Code. 3. German treatment of Belgium and other occupied ter- . ritories (Northern France, Russian Poland, Serbia, etc). Evidence found in captured letters and diaries of Ger- man soldiers and in proclamations of German com- manders, as well as in testimony of victims and witnesses. The violations of international law and the laws of hu- manity include: — (a) Deliberate and systematic massacre of portions of the civil population, as a means of - preventing or punishing resistance. Individual citizens murdered (some while hostages); women abused, and chil- dren brutally slain. Several thousand persons were so killed, often with mutilation and torture. (See Mimro, German War Practices; War Cyclopedia, under "Hostages," "Non-combatants," etc.) "Outrages of this kind [against the lives and property of the civil population] were committed during the whole advance and retreat of the Germans through Belgium and France, and only abated when open manoeuvring gave place to trench warfare along all the line from Switzerland to the sea. Similar outrages accompanied the simultaneous advance into the western salient of Russian Poland, and the autumn incursion of the Austro- Hungarians into Serbia, which was turned back at Valievo. There was a remarkable uniformity in the crimes committed in these widely separated theoUsn of war, and an equally remarkable limit to the dates within which they fell. They all occurred during the first three months of the war, while, since that period, though outrages have contmued, they have not been of the same character or on the same scale. This has not been due to the immobility of the fronts, for although it is certainly true that the Germans have been unable to overrun fresh territories on the west, they have car- ried out greater invasions than ever in Russia and the Balkans, which have not been marked by outrages of the same specific kind. This seems to show that the systematic warfare against the civil population in the campaigns of 1914 was the result of policy, deliberately tried and afterwards deliberately given up." (J. Arnold Toynbee, The German Terror in Belgium, pp. 15-16.) (b) Looting, burning of houses and whole villages, and wanton destruction of property ordered and coun- tenanced by German officers. Provision for sys- tematic incendiarism a part of German military preparations. (See Mvmro, German War Practice*; War Cyclopedia, imder "Belgium, Estates De- stroyed," "Belgium's Woe," "Family Honor and Rights of Property," "Pillage," etc.) "It is forbidden to pillage a town or locality even when taken by assault . . ■. [In occupied territory] pillage is forbidden.*'— (Hague Convention of 1907, Articles 28 and 47.) II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. ■iT (c) Excessive taxes ($12,000,000) a month, and heavy fines on cities and provinces, laid upon Belgium. Belgium robbed of its industrial and agricultural machinery, together with its stocks of food stuffs and raw materials, which were sent into Germany or converted to the tise of the German army. This was according to a "plan elaborated by Dr. W. Rath- enau in 1914 at Berlin, for the systematic exploi- tation of all the economic resources of occupied countries in favor of the military organization of the Empire." (See Munro, German War Practices, Part II; War Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Economic Destruction," "Contributions," "Requisitions.") "[1] Coal, minerals, metals, chemical products; wood and various building materials; wool, flax, cot- ton and other materials for weaving; leathers, hides and rubber, all in every possible state of industrial transformation, from the raw material to the com- mercial product and the waste; [2] further, all ma- chines,^ fixed and movable, and machine-tools (in particular, the American lathes which it is impossible to replace at present); transmission belts; wires for electric lighting and motor power; oils and grease products; [3] transport material, whether by road, railway or water, and an important part of the rolling-stock of local railway lines; all traction power, whether animal or mechanical; thorough- breds and stud animals, and the products of breed- ing; [4] agricultural products, seed and harvests, etc., — were successively immobilized, and then seized and removed from the country, as a result of legislative acts on the part of the civQ authorities, following upon innumerable requisitions by the mil- itary authorities. The value of these seizures and requisitions amounts to billions of francs . Moreover, many of the measures taken were in- spired not only by the motives of miUtary Latereat denounced above, but by the underlying thought of crushing the commercial rivalry of Belgium. This was explicitly admitted in Germany itself by several authorities." — {Memorandum of the Belgian Government on the Deportations, etc.. February 1, 1917, pp. 7-8.) The total exactions from Belgium, in money and ma- terials, are computed to be "in excess of one billion dol- lara, or nearly five times as much as aU the world has con- tribvied to keep the Belgian people from starving to death." — (S. S..McClure, Obstadea to Peace, page 116.) (d) Forcible deportation of tens of thousands of Belgian and other civilians to Germany, the men to serve practically as slaves in Germany's industries, and the women reduced frequently to worse than slavery. (See Munro, German War Practices; War Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Deportations.") "They [the Germans] have dealt a mortal blow to any prospect they may ever have had of being tolerated by the population of Flanders [which they were seeking to alienate from French-speaking Belgium]; in tearing away from nearly every humble home in the land a husband and a father or a son and brother, they have lighted a fire of hatred that will never go out; they have brought home to every heart in the land, in a way that will impress its horror indelibly on the memory of three generations, a realization of what German methods mean — not, as with the early atrocities, in the heat of passion and the first lust of war, but by one of those deeds that make one despair of the future of the human race, a deed coldly planned, studiously matured, and deliberately and systematically executed, a deed so cruel that German soldiers are said to have wept in its execution, and so monstrous that even German soliders are now said to be ashamed." — (U. S. Minister Brand Whitlock, in January, 1917.) (e) Fearful devastation of part of Northern France during Hindenburg's "strategic retreat" (March, 1917), including complete destruction of villager and homesteads, systematic destruction of vineyard* and fruit trees, etc. (See Munro, German War Practices; War Cyclopedia, under "Destruction," "Frightfuhiess," "Hindenburg Line.") "In the course of these last months, great stretches of French territory have been turned by us into a dead coimtry. It varies in width from 10 to 12 or 15 kilo- meters [6J^ to 7}4 or 8 miles], and extends along the whole of our new position, presenting a terrible barrier of desolation to any enemy hardy- enough to advance against our new lines. No village or farm was left standing on this glacis, no road was left passable, no railway track or embankment was left in being. Where once were woods there are gaunt rows of stumps; the wells have been blown up; wires, cables, and pipelines destroyed. In front of our new positions runs, like a gigantic ribbon, an empire of death." — (Berlin LokaU anzeiger, March 18, 1917; quoted in Frightfulness i» Retreat, page 5.) "Whole towns and villages have been pillaged, burnt and destroyed; private houses have been stripped of all their furniture, which the enemy has carried off; fruit trees have been torn up or rendered useless for all fu- ture production; springs and wells have been poisoned. The comparatively few inhabitants who were not de- ported to the rear were left with the smallest possible ration of food, while the enemy took possession of the stocks provided by the Neutral Relief Committee and intended for the civil population . . . It is a ques- tion not of acts aimed at hampering the operations of the Allied armies, but of acts of devastation which have no connection with that object, and the aim of which is to ruin for many years to come one of the most fertile regions of France. — (Protest of the French Government to Neutral Powers, in Frightfulness in Retreat, pp. 6-7.) (0 Wanton destruction of historic works of art — library of Louvain; cathedrals of Rheims, Soissons, Ypres, Arras, St. Quentin; castle of Coucy; town halls, etc. of Ypres and other Belgian cities. (See War Cy- dopedia, under "Louvain," "Rheims," "Works of of Art." etc.) 4. Other violations of the laws of warfare on land. (a) Use of poison gas and liquid fire (both first used by the Germans); poisoning of wells; intentional dissemination of disease germs (anthrax and glan- ders, at Bucharest, etc.); bombardment of unde- fended towns by Zeppelins, aeroplanes, and cruis* ers; bombardment of hospitals, etc. (See War Cy- clopedia, under "Bombardment," "Explosives from Aircraft," "Forbidden Weapons," "Gas Warfare," 48 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. "Poiaona,'' "Roumania, German Treachery in," "Zeppelins," etc.) (b) Civilians, including women and children, used as a screen by German forces; frequent abuse of Red Cross and white flag. (See Munro, German War Practices, under "Hostages and Screens." " 'We waited for the advance of the Germans,' states a British officer; 'some civilians reported to us that they were coming down a road in front of us. On look- ing in that direction we saw, instead of German troops, a crowd of civilians — ^men, women, and children — ^waving white handkerchiefs and being pushed down the road ia front of a large number of German troops.' — 'They «ame on as it were in a mass,' states a British soldier, 'with the women and children massed in front of them. They seemed to be pushing them on, and I saw them ■shoot down women and children who refused to march. Up to this my orders had been not to fire, but when we flaw women and children shot my sergeant said: "It is too heartrending," and gave orders to fire, which we did.' — 'I saw the Germans advancing on hands and knees towards our positions,' states another; 'they were in close formation, and had a line of women and chil- dren in front of their front lank. Our orders at that time were not to fire on civilians in front of the enemy.' " — (J. Arnold Toynbee, The German Terror in France, pp. 6-7.) (c) Wounded and prisoners killed in many instances. (See Munro, Oerman War Pradicesi War Cyclopedia, under "Hun," "Prisoners of War," "Quarter," etc.) "28th August. — ^They [the French] lay in heaps of «ight or ten wounded or dead on the top of one an- ■sther. Those who could still walk we made prison- ers and brought with us. Those who were seriously woimded, in the head or lungs, etc., and who could not stand upright, were given one more bullet, which put an end to their life. Indeed, that vas the order ■which we had received." — (Diary of a German soldier, in Joseph B^dier, How Germany seeks to JvxHJy her Atrocities, p. 45.) "By leaps and bounds we got across the clearing. "They were here, there, and everywhere hidden in the thicket. Now it is down with the enemy I And we will give them no quarter . . . We knock down or "bayonet the woimded, for we know that those scoimdrela fire at our backs when we have gone by. There was s Frenchman there stretched out, full length, face down, pretending to be dead. A kick from a strong fusilier soon tau^t him that we were there. Turning round he aaked for quarter, but we answered: 'Is that the way your tools work, you ,' and he was nailed to the ground. Close to me I heard odd cracking sounds. They were blows from a gun on the bald head of a Frenchman which a private of the 154th was dealing out vigorously; he was wisely using a French gun so as not to break his own. Tender-hearted souls are so kind to the French wounded that they finish them with .a buUet, but others give them as many thrusts and blows as they can."— (Article entitled "A Day of Honor for our Regiment— 24th September, 1914," in the Jauru- ehes Tageblatt, 18th October, 1914; facsimile in Joseph B4dier, German Atrocities from German Evidence, pp. 32-33.) "After today no more prisoners will he taken. AU prisoners are to be killed. Wounded, with or without arms, are to be killed. Even prisoners already grouped in con- voys are to be killed. Let not a single Uving enemy remain behind us."— (Order given 26th August, 1914. by General Stenger, of the 58th German Brigade; tes- tified to by numerous German prisoners. See B6dier, German Atrocities, pp. 28-29, 39-40.) "When you meet the foe you will defeat him. No quarter will be given, no prisoners will be taken. Let all who fall into your hands be at your mercy. Just a* the Huns a thousand years ago, under the leadership o/ Etzel [Attiki] , gained a reputation in virtue of which theg stiU live in historical tradition, so may the name of Germany become known in such a manner in China that no China- man will ever again dare to look askance at a German." — (Speech of the Kaiser to German troops embarking for the Boxer War in 1900; reported in Bremen Wettr Zeitung and in other German newspapers; quoted Id London Times, July 30, 1900.) "It is forbidden . . . to kill or wound an enemy who, having laid down his arms and having no means of self-defense, gives himself up as a prisoner; to declan that no quarter will be given." — (Hague Convention of 1907, Article 23.) (d) Inhuman treatment of British captives in German prison camps, at Wittenberg and elsewhere. (See Munro,Genreon War Practices; War Cydopedia,vaidet "Prisoners of War," etc.) The British treatment of German prisoners, on the other hand, was humane and correct. 6. Submarine warfare waged in disregard of international law. Sinking without warning of the Falaba, Cushirtg, Gulflight, Lusitania, Arabic, Sussex, etc; ruthlesa de- struction of lives of innocent men, women, and chil- dren. Great extension of submarine warfare after Feb- ruary 1, 1917. Policy of "sinking without leaving a trace" (spurlos versenkt). Instructions to sink even hospital ships. Utter disregard of the rights of neu- trals. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Lusitania Notes," "Submarine Warfare," "Spurlos Versenkt," "Visit and Search," etc., and imder namefs of vessels.) "The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their char- acter, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of bel- ligerents," — (President Wilson, speech of April 2, 1917.) 6. Practical extermination of the Armenian nation by the Turks, evidently with German sanction (1915-16). (See War Cyclopedia, under "Armenian Massacres.") "In order, I waa told, to cover the extermination of the Armenian nation with a political cloak, military reasons were being put forward, which were said to make it necessary to drive the Armenians out of their native seats, which had been theirs for 2,500 years, and ' to deport them to the Arabian deserts. I was also told that individual Armenians had lent themselves to aeti of espionage. "After I had informed myself about the facta aad bad made inquiries on all sides, I came to the oonela- II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 49 lion that all these accusations against the Armenians were, in fact, based on trifling provocations, which were taken as an excuse for slaughtering 10,000 innocents for one guilty person, for the most savage outrages •gainst women and children, and for a campaign of starvation against the exiles which was intended to ex- terminate the whole nation ... "Out of convoys which, when they left their homes on the Armenian plateau, numbered from two to three thousand men, women, and children, only two or three hundred survivors arrive here in the south. The men are slaughtered on the way; the women and girls, with the exception of the old, the ugly, and those who are still children, have been abused by Turkish soldiers and officers and then carried away to Turkish and Kurdish villages, where they have to accept Islam. They try to destroy the remnant of the convoys by hunger and thirst. Even when they are fording rivers, they do not allow those dying of thirst to drink. AD the nourishment they receive is a daily ration of a little meal sprinkled over their hands, which they lick off greedily, and its only effect is to protract their starva- tion." — (Dr. Martin Niepage, The Horrors oj Aleppo, Seen by a German Eyettritness, pp. 3-6.) ▼. BtTMMAET AND EXPLANATION OF GbHMAIT POUCT. (See WuT Cyclopedia, under "Der Tag," "German Military Auto- cracy," "Hegemony, German Ambition," "War, Re- sponsibility for.") "The German Government wages the war by methods which, judged even by standards till now conventional, are monstrous. Note, for example, the sudden attack upon Belgium and Luxemburg; poison gas, since adopted by all the belligerents; but most outrageous of all, the Zeppelin bombings, inspired with the purpose of anni- hilating every living person, combatant or non-com- batant, over large areas; the submarine war on com- merce; the torpedoing of the ImsiUmia, etc.; the system of taking hostages and levying contributions, especially at the outset in Belgium; the systematic exactions from Ukrainian, Georgian, Courland, Polish, Irish, Moham- medan, and other prisoners of war in the German prison camps, of treasonable war-service, and of treasonable •espionage of the Central Powers; in the contract be- tween Under-Secretary of State Zimmermann and Sir Roger Casement in December, 1914, for the organiza- tion, equipment, and training of the 'Irish brigade* made up of imprisoned British soldiers in the German prison camps; the attempts under threats by forced internment to compel enemy alien civilians found in Germany to perform treasonable war service against their own country, etc. 'Necessity knows no law.' " (Dr. Karl Liebknecht, the German Socialist leader, in leaf- let dated May 3, 1916. See War Cyclopedia, under ^"Liebknecht on German War Policy.") "This war was begun and these crimes against hu- manity weiB done because Germany was pursuing the hereditary policy of the Hohenzollems and following the instincts of the arrogant military caste which rules Pni^ia, to grasp the overlordship of the civilized world «nd establish an empire in which she should play the role of ancient Rome. They were done because the Prussian militarist still pursues the policy of power through conquest, of aggrandizement through force and fear, which in little more than two centuries has brought the puny Mark of Brandenburg with its million and • half of people to the control of a vast empire— ths greatest armed force of the modern world." — (Senator Elihu Root, speech in Chicago, Sept. 14, 1917). For reading references on Chapter VII, see page 64. VIII. THE UNITED STATES ENTERS THE WAR. J I. S'TBtroQu: TO MAmrTATN Otjb Nbutbautt (1914-16). 1. American opinion at the outbreak of the war confused as to merits and issues in the controversy; conflietmg sympathies of hyphenated groups. (See War Cyclopedia under "Hjrphenated Americans," "United States, Isola- tion," "United States, NeutraUty, 1914^17.") 2. Declaration of Neutrality of the United States, issued Augxist4, 1914. President Wilson's appeal for neutrality of sentiment. (August 18, 1914.) "Every man who really loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fair- ness and friendhness to all concerned. ... It will be easy to excite passion and difficult to allay it." He expressed the fear that our Nation might become divided into camps of hostile opinion. "Such divisions among us . . . might seriously stand in the way of the proper performance of our duty as the one great nation at peace, the one people holding itself ready to play a part of impartial mediation and speak counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but as a friend." (See War Cyclopedia, under "United States, NeutraUty, 1914-17.") 3. Alienation of American sentiment from Germany and Austria. Invasion of Belgium generally condemned; admiration for her plucky resistance and horror at German atrocities; Cardinal Mercier's pastoral letter of Christmas, 1914; Commission for Belgian Relief under American direction (Mr. Herbert C. Hoover); Germany's monstrous crime in sinking the LusUania; execution of Edith Cavell and Captain Fryatt. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Atrocities," "Belgium's Woe," "Cavell, Edith," "Fryatt, Captain," "Lusitania," "Mercier, Cardinal," etc.) 4. Was the neutrality of our Government a real neutrality? Lack of interest in the contest or of desire on the part of the people for the triumph of one or the other of the participants not necessary to neutrality of the Govern- ment. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Neutrality," "Neutral Rights," etc.) 6. Controversies with Great Britain over questions of blockade, contraband, and interference with our mails. Question of the applicability to the present emergency of the Declaration of London (drawn up in 1909 on the initiation of Great Britain, but not ratified before the war by any government.) Property rights alone involved in these controversies, which could be settled after the war by oiu* existing arbitration treaty with Great Britain. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Blacklist," "Blockade," "Declaration of London," "Embargo, British," "Mails, British Interference with," "War Zone, British," etc.) 6. Controversies with Germany. Over our supplying munitions to the Allies, and her submarine sinkings (Fcdaba, Cwhing, Ovlflight, Lusitania, Arabic, etc.). Intrigues and conspiracies in the United States; the 50 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. AuBtro-Hungarian Ambassador, and the German at- taches Boy-Ed and von Papen, dismissed by our Govern- ment (November 4, 1915) on clear proof of guilt, but no apologies to us or reprimand to them issued by their Governments. German intrigues against us in Cuba, Haiti, San Domingo, Mexico, etc. — For a defense of our policy in permitting sale of munitions, etc., see letter of Secretary of State W. J. Bryan to Senator Stone, January 20, 1915 (in International Condliation, No. 96). (See War Cyclopedia, under "Der Tag — When?," "Dumba,'' "German Intrigue," "Igel, von. Papers of,' "German Government, Moral Bankruptcy of," "Manila Bay, Dewey and Diedrichs at," "Monroe Doctrine, German Attitude," "Intrigue," "Munitions,'* "Papen," "Sabotage," "Spies," "Strict Accountability," "Sub- marine Blockade," "Submarine Warfare," "Parole," "War Zone, German,'' and under names of vessels, etc.) 7. Apparent settlement of the submarine controversy in May, 1916. — Sinking of the channel passenger ship Sussex without warning on March 24, 1916, after months of expostulation, precipitates a crisis. Our de- mand that thenceforth Germany conduct her submarine warfare in accordance with international law, by (a) warning vessels before sinking then, and (6) placing passengers and crew in safety. Germany's conditional agreement to comply with this demand ends the crisis. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Submarine Warfare, American Lives Lost," "Submarioe Warfare, German Defense," "Submarine Warfare, Illegalities," "Sub- marine Warfare, Stages of," "Sussex," "Sussex Ultima^ tum," "Sussex Ultimatum, German Pledge," etc.) 8. Unceasing German intrigues against the United States. A semi-official list of intrigue charges against the German Government, based on one set only of German docu- ments seized by our Government (the von Igel papers), includes the following: "Violation of the laws of the United States; deistruction of lives and property in merchant vessels on the high seas; Irish revolutionary plots against Great Britain; fomenting ill feeling against the United States ia Mexico; subornation of American writers and lecturers; financing of propaganda; main- tenance of a spy system imder the guise of a commercial inyjbstigation bureau; subsidizing of a bureau for the purpose of stirring up labor troubles in munition plants; the bomb industry and other related activities." Smce our entrance into the war a vast amount of evidence as to Germany's treacherous and hostile intrigues on our soil has come into the possession of our Government. (See War Cyclopedia, under "German Intrigue," "Ingel, von. Papers of," "Parole," "Passports, German Frauds," etc.) "From the very outset of the present war it haa filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues every- where afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our com- merce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of Justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dis- locating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial German Government accredited to the Government of the United States."— (President Wilson, Speech of April 2, 1917). 0. Reasons for our long enduring patience in dealing witb Germany: (a) Hope that saner counsels might prevail in that country. (6) Our traditional sense of responsi- bility toward ail the republics of the New World, (e) The desire, by keeping free from the conflict, mor» effectively to aid in restoring peace at its close. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Pan-Americanism," "Perman- ent Peace," "Watchful Waitiug," etc.) n. FBOM NETJTEAI.ITY TO WAB (1916-17). 1. Unsuccessful Peace overtures (Dec. 1916-Jan. 1917>. Independent overtures by Germany (Dec. 12, 1916). and by President Wilson (Dec. 18). Answer of the Allies based on the reasonable idea of "Reparation, Restoration and Security." Refusal of Germany ta disclose her terms. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Peace Overtures, German, 1916," "Peace Terms, German Industrialists on," "Peace Terms, German Professon on," etc.) "Boasting of German conquests, 'the glorious deeds of our armies,' the [German] note implanted in neutral minds the belief that it was the purpose of the Imperial German Government to insist upon such conditions a* would leave 'all Central Europe under German domin- ance and so build up an empire which would menaoe the whole liberal world. Moreover, the German pro- posal was accompanied by a thinly veiled threat to all ne.utral nations; and from a thousand sources, official and unofficial, the word ckme to Washington that unleat the neutrals used their influence to bring the war to an end on terms dictated from Berlin, Germany and her allies would consider themselves henceforth free from any obligations to respect the rights of neutrals. The Kaiser ordered the neutrals to exert pressure on the Entente to bring the war to an abrupt end, or to beware of the consequences. Clear warnings were brought to our Government that if the German peace move should not be successful the submarines would be un- leashed for a more intense and ruthless war upon all commerce." (How the War Came to America, pp. 10-11. See War Cyclopedia, under "German Military Domi- nance," "Mittel Europa," etc.) 2. President Wilson outlined such a peace as the United States could join in guaranteeing (Jan. 22, 1917). Favorable reception of these proposals m the Ekitente coimtries; lack of response in Germany. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Aim of the United States," "Ameri- ca, Creed,'? "Balance of Power," "League to Enforce Peace," "Permanent Peace, American Plan.") "No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not [1] recognize and accept the principle that governmentt derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand people about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property .... "I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 51 but that every people should be left free to determine its own policy, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful. "I am proposing [2] that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances which would draw them into com- petitions of power, catch them in a net of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with in- fluences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with the same purpose, all act in the common interest and are free to live their own lives under a common protection. "I am proposing ... [31 that freedom of the seas which in international conference after conference representatives of the United States have urged with the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty; and [4j that moderation of armaments which make of armies and navies a power for order merely, not an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence." [5] "Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations, could face or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the or- ganized major force of manldnd." (President Wilson, Speech to U. S. Senate, Jan. 22, 1917.) 3. The "Zimmermann note" falls into the hands of the United States Government (dated Jan. 19, 1917; pub- lished through the Associated Press, February 28). In this the German Secretary for Foreign Affairs secretly informs the German minister to Mexico of the German intention to repudiate the Sussex pledge, and instructs him to offer the Mexican Government New Mexico and Arizona if Mexico will join with Japan in attacking the United States. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Zimmer- mann Note.") 4. The German Government officially notifies the United States (Jan. 31, 1917) that "from February 1, 1917, sea traffic will be stopped with every available weapon and without further notice." This meant the renewal of ruthless submarine operations, in violation of the pledge given after the sinking of the Sussex. (See War Cyclopedia, as above imder 1-7, also under "Submarine Warfare, Unrestricted.") "The German Chancellor . . . stated before the Imperial Diet that the reason this ruthless policy had not been earlier employed waa simply because the Imperial Government had not then been ready to act. In brief, under the guise of friendship and the doak of false promises, it had been preparing this attack." — (Hou> the War Came to America, p. 13.) 6. German Ambassador to the United States dismissed and diplomatic relations severed (Feb. 3, 1917). This act was not equivalent to a declaration of war. President Wilson in his speech to the Senate announcing it dis- tinguished sharply between the German Government and the German people. — Failure of the German Govern- ment to recall its submarine order led the President to recommend to Congress (Feb. 26) a policy of "aimed neutrality." More than 500 out of 531 members of the two houses of Congress were rfeady and anxious to act; but a "fihbuster" of a handfiil of "wiUful men" defeated the measure, by prolonging the debate until the expira- tion of the congressional session, on March 4. — March 12, orders were finally issued to arm American merchant ships against submarines. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Armed Neutrality Adopted," "Diplomatic Immunity," "Prussian Treaties, Attempted Modification of," "United States, Break with Germany," "United States, Neutrality, 1914-17," etc.) 6. President Wilson urges the recognition of a state of war with Germany (April 2). (See War Cyclopedia, under "United States, Break with Germany," etc.) "The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a warfare against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American Uves taken, in ways which it has stirred ue very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunjk and over- whelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it . . . There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making; we will not choose the path of submission and suf- fer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array om'selves are no common wrongs; they cut to the very roots of himaan life. "With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave respon- sibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belhgerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war ... It will involve the utmost prac- ticable co-operation in counsel and action with the Gov- ernments now at war with Germany. "We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feelings towards them but one of sympathy and friend- ship. It was not upon their impulse that their Govern- ment acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old un- happy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars Were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their feUow men as pawns and tools. Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor States with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an oppor- tunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly con- trived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may 52 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged claes. They are happily impossible where pub- lic opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs. "A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No auto- cratic Government could be trusted to keep faith within it or to observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a com- mon end and prefer the interests of mankind to any nar- row interest of their own . . . "The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the free- dom of nations can make them . . . "We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship [for the German people] in our daily atti- tude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. It there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stem repression; but if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few." — (Speech to the Senate, April 2, 1917) 7. Declaration of a state of war with Germany. Passed in the Senate (April 4) by a vote of 32 to 6; in the House (April 6), 373 to 50. (See War Cyclopedia, under "War, Declaration Against Germany.^') "Whereas, The Imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of war against the Govern- ment and the people of the United States of America: Therefore be it "Resolved ly the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Slates of America in Con- gress assembled. That the state of war between the United States and the Imperial German Government which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby for- mally declared; and that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all the resources of the coun- try are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States."— (Joint Resolution of Congress, approved by the President, April 6, 1917) 8. Declaration of War against Austria-Hungary (Dec. 7> 1917). Passed unanimously in the Senate, and with one opposing vote (Meyer London, Socialist, from New York City, voting "present") in the House. (See War Cyclopedia, "Austria-Hungary, Break with," "Dumba, Recall of»" "War, Declaration against Austria-Hungary.") III. SXTUUABT OE OUB BEASONS FOB ENTEBINa TEI WAV. 1. Because of the renewal by Germany of her submarine warfare in a more violent form than ever before, con- trary to the assurance given to our Government in the spring of 1916. This resulted in the loss of additional American lives and property on the high seas and pro- duced in the minds of the President and Congress the conviction that national interest and national honor re- quired us to take up the gauntlet which Germany had thrown down. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Submarine Warfare, American Lives Lost," etc.) 2. Because of the conviction, imwiUingly reached, that the Imperial German Government had repudiated whol^ sale the commonly accepted principles of law and hu- manity, and was "running amuck" as an international desperado, who could be made to respect law and right only by forcible and violent means. The cumulative eSeot of Germany's outrages should be noted in this connec- tion. (See War Cyclopedia, under "German Diplo- macy," "German Government, Moral Bankruptcy of.") 3. Because of the conviction that Prussian militarism and autocracy, let loose in the world, disturbed the balance of power and threatened to destroy the international equilib- rium. They were a menace to all nations save those allied with Germany; and the menace must be over- thrown, as Napoleonism had been at the beginning of the nineteenth century, by a coalition of the states whose honor, rights, and national existence were en> dangered. The Middle Europe project should receive attention in this coimection. (See War Cyclopedia, un- der "Autocracy," "Hegemony," "Kaiserism," "Mittel- Europa," "Prussianism," etc.) 4. Because of the gradual shaping of the conflict into a war between democratic nations on the one hand and auto- cratic nations on the other, and because of the convic- tion that, as our nation in Lincoln's day could not hope to long endure "half slave and half free," so the world community of today could not continue to exist part autocratic and part democratic. Note the effect of the Russian Revolution on the issues of the war. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Ruasian Revolution of 1917.") 5. Because of the conviction that our traditional policy of isolation and aloofness was outgrown and outworn, and could no longer be maintained in the face of the growing interdependence which is one of the leading character- istics of this modem age. (See War Cyclopedia, "United States, Isolation.") 6. Because of the menace to the Monroe Doctrine and Uy our own independence. (See War Cyclopedia, under "America Threatened," "Monroe Doctrine, German Attitude." II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 63 "The history, the character, the avowed principles of action, the manifest and undisguised purpose of the German autocracy made it clear and certain that if America stayed out of the Great War, and Germany won, America would forthwith be required to defend herself, and would be unable to defend herself, against the same lust for conquest, the same will to dominate the world which has made Europe a bloody shambles. . . "If we had stayed out of the war and Germany had won, we should have had to defend the Monroe Doctrine by force or abandon it; and if we had abandoned it, there would have been a German naval base in the Caribbean commanding the Panama Canal, depriving us of that strategic line which vmites the eastern and western coasts, and depriving us of the protection the expanse of ocean once gave. "And an America unable or unwilling to protect herself against the establishment of a German naval base in the Caribbean would lie at the mercy of Germany and subject to Germany's orders. "America's independence would be gone unless she was ready to fight for it, and her security would thence- forth be not a security of freedom but only a security purchased by submission." — (Elihu Root, speech in Chicago, Sept. 14, 1917). !▼- Dtttt of At.t. Citizens to Suppobt the Wab Wholb- Heabtkdlt. "A nation which declares war and goes on discussing whether it ought to have declared- war or not is impotent, paralyzed, imbecile, and earns the contempt of mankind and the certainty of humiliating defeat and subjection to foreign control. "A democracy which cannot accept its own decisions made in accordance with ita own laws, but must keep on endlessly discussing the questions already decided, has (ailed in the fundamental requirements of self-government; and, if the decision is to make war, the failure to exhibit capacity for self-government by action will inevitably result in the loss of the right of self-government. "Before the decision of a proposal to make war, men may range themselves upon one side or the other of the question; but after the decision in favor of war the country has ranged itself, and the only issue left for the individual citizen is whether he is for or against his country. "From that time on argmnents against the war in which the coimtry is engaged are enemy arguments. "Their spirit is the spirit of rebellion against the Govern- ment and laws of the United States. "Their effect is to hinder and lessen that popular support of the Government in carrying on the war which is necea- ■ary to success. "Their manifest purpose is to prevent action by continu- ing discussion. "They encourage the eUemy. They tend to introduce delay and irresolution into our own councils. "The men who are speaking and writing and printing arguments against the war now, and against everything wUch is being done to carry on the war, are rendering more effective service to Germany than they ever could render in the field with arms in their hands. The purpose and effect of what they are doing is so plain that it is knpoaaible to resist the conclusion that the greater part of them are at heart traitors to the United States and will- fully seeking to bring about the triumph of Germany and the humiliation and defeat of their own country. "The same principles apply to the decision of numerous questions which arise in carrying on the war [such as con- scription, sending troops to France, etc.] .... "It is beyond doubt that many of the professed pacifists, the opponents of the war after the war has been entered upon, the men who are trying to stir up resistance to the draft, the men who are inciting strikes in the particular branches of production which are necessary for the supply of arms and munitions, of war, are intentionally seeking to aid Germany and defeat the United States. As time goes on and the character <^ these acts becomes more and more clearly manifest, all who continue to associate with them must come under the same condemnation as traitors to their country."- — (Elihu Root, speech at Chicago, Sept. 14, 1917). For reading references on Chapter VIII, see page 64 IX. COURSE OF THE WAR, 1914-17 I. Campaign of 1914. 1. Germany's general plan of action; First crush France, then Russia, then Great Britain. The German plan ia its earlier stages was like a timetable, with each step scheduled by day and hour. 2. On the Western Front: (a) Belgiimi overrun (August 4-20). Resistance of Li%e, Namur, etc., overcome by giant artillery (42- centimeter mortars); but the delay (of ten daya) gave the French time to mobilize and threw the German plans out of gear. Liege occupied, Aug- ust 7; Brussels, August 20; Namur, August 22; Louvain burned, August 26. "Every minute in it [the German plan] was de- termined. From the German frontier, opposite Aix- la-Chapelle, to the gap of the Oise, on the French frontier . . . there are six days' march. But the passage of the Germans across Belgium in armi halted before Li^ge and before Namur, halted on the edge of the Gette, beaten on August 12 on the edge of the forest of Haelen, victorious on Auguit 18 and 19 at Aerschot — ^had lasted sixteen day* (August 4-20). The splendid effort of the Belgian! had therefore made ten full days late the arrival of the German armies on the French frontier, from which only eight marches separated them from the advanced forts of Paris." — (Joseph Reinach, in N. Y. Times Current History, Sept., 1917, p. 495) (b) Invasion of France. Advance of Germans in five armies through Belgium and Luxemburg: General von Moltke, chief of staff; Generals von Kluck, von Buelow, etc. Wary tactics of the French under General Joffre; arrival of the British expeditionary force (100,000 men) under General French (August 8-21); Battle of Mons-Charleroi (August 21-23); dogged withdrawal of the French and British from Belgium to the line of the River Mame, while a new French army (the Sixth) was being formed. — Advance of the Germans to within twenty miles of Paris; then sudden swerve to the east away from Paris. S4 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. (a) Battle of the Mame (September 6-10). The oppos- ing forces in contact from Paris to Verdun, a front of one hundred and eighty miles. French attempt to turn the German west flank. German armies forced to retreat from the Marne to the River Aisne, where they entrenched. The battle of the Marne was "one more decisive battle of the world, . .for Europe conceiv- ably the greatest in permanent meaning since Water- loo. In that battle it has been decided that Europe should still be European and not Prussian. At the Mame, France had saved herself and Europe." — (F. H. Simons, va American Review of Remeaa, for February, 1915, page 179.) (d) Failure of the Allies (Sept. 12-17) to break through the German lihe in the Battle of the Aisne. Exten- sion of the trench system from Switzerland to the North Sea (fall of Antwerp, Oct. 8). Importance of German conquest of Belgian coast as supplying bases for her later submarine warfare. The battle line established after the Battle of the Aisne remained practically stationary, with some slight swaying backward and forward, for the next three years. The parts of France held by the Germans included ninety per cent of her iron ore, eighty per cent of her iron and steel manufactures, and fifty per cent of her coal resources. (e) Battle of the River Yser (Oct. 16-28); Belgians cut dykes. First battle of Ypres (Oct. 22-Nov. 15); Prussian Guards defeated by the "contemptible little army" of Great Britain. German losses on Yser and at Ypres. 150,000. 2. On the Eastern Front: (a) First Russian invasion of East Prussia (Aug. 18) following their unexpectedly rapid mobilization. The resulting necessity of withdrawing German troops from the West front helped to produce the German check on the Mame. Russians disas- trously defeated among the Mazurian lakes in the Battle of Tannenburg (Aug. 26-Sept. 1). General Hindenburg thenceforth the idol of Germany. (b) Russian invasion of Galicia. Breakdown of the Austrian resistance. Capture of Tamapol, Halicz and Lemberg (Aug. 27-Sept. 3); Jaroslav (Nov. 5); siege of Przemysl (surrendered March 22, 1915); invasion of Hungary threatened. (o) German invasion of Russian Poland fails. Three offensives of German armies against Warsaw beat- en off (Nov. — Dec). Narrow escape of a German army from disaster in the Battle of Lodz (Nov. 19- Dec. 3). (d) Thanks to the relaxation of Austrian pressure, due to the forgoing events, Serbia expelled the Aus- trian invaders from her territory (Dec. 14). 8. Loss of Germany's colonies. New Guinea, Bismarck archipelago, etc., taken by the Australians (Sept.). Tsungtau (Nov. 7) and various Pacific islands captured by the Japanese. British conquest of Togoland (Aug- ust 26); German Southwest Africa (July 15, 1915); Kamerun (Feb. 16, 1916); British invasion of German East Africa begim (conquest completed in December, 1917) — Failure of De Wet's German-aided rebellion in South Africa owing to loyalty of the Boers (Oct. — Deo., 1914).— Pro-Turkiah Khedive of Egypt deposed, Brit- ish protectorate proclaimed, and a new ruler set up witfc title of Sultan (Dec. 17. 1914). 4, Turkey openly joins the Teutonic Allies (Oct. 29). Defeat of Turks by Russians in the Caucasian region (Jan. 1915). Failure of Turkish attempts to invade Egypt (Feb. 3, 1915). Revolt of the "holy places" in Arabia against Turkish rule and establishment of a petty kingdom there (June 27, 1916). 5. Naval War. Great importance in the war of British naval preponderance, aided by early concentration in the North Sea. British naval victory in Helgoland Bight (Aug. 28). German naval victory in the Pacifie off coast of Chili (Nov. 1). Three British cruisers tor- pedoed by submarines in the North Sea (Sept. 21). German cruiser Emden caught and destroyed at Cocoi Island after sensational career (Nov. 10). British na- val victory off Falkland islands (Dec 8) avenges defeat of Nov. 1. German fleets driven from the seas. Dis- appearance of German shipping. Freedom of action for British transport of East Indian, New Zealand, Australian, and Canadian troops, etc., to Europe, and of Allied commerce, except for the (as yet slight) sub- marine danger. Error of Great Britain in failing to declare at once a rigid blockade of Germany. 6. Situation at close of 1914: On western front, defeat of the plan of the German General Staff; on eaatem front, Teutonic forces held in check; Germany and Ai» tria as yet cut off from their new ally, Turkey. On the whole the advantage was on the side of the Entente Allies. But the Allied commanders (General Joffre, Lord Kitchener, and Grand Duke Nicholas) failed fully to grasp the needs of the situation. "Each of these leaders believed that the height of military efficiency had been reached in the past campaigns"; in the great development of barrier fire and the excellence of the French "75's." The Teutonic allies, on the other hand, "were making the colossal preparations of artillery and munitions which were destined to change the year 1915 into a tragedy for the Entente Allies."— (T. C. Froth- ingham, in N. Y. Times Current History, Sept., 1917, page 422.) n. Campaign of 1915. 1. On the West Front. Failure of the Allied offensive in Champagne (March — April); Battle of Neuve Chapelle. Second Battle of Ypres (April 22-26); Germans first use poison gas; heroism of the Canadians. Inade- quacy of Allies' preparations for carrying the formidable German entrenchments. Desultory fighting through the summer. Failure of the second offensive in Champagne and Flanders (Sept.). General French superseded by General Haig as British commander in chief. Death of Lord Kitchener through the sinking of the warship Hampshire (June 7, 1916). 2. The Gallipoli Expedition. Failure of Allies to foree the Dardanelles with their fleets alone (Feb. — March). Troops landed after long delay, in April and August. Abandonment of expedition in Dec — Jan., after eno^ mnus losses. Disastrous effects on the hesitating ni^ II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 55 tions, Bulgaria and Greece. Bitter controversy in Great Britain over the question of responsibility tor this fiasco. 3. Second Russian invasion of East Prussia crushed by Hindenburg in Battle of Mazurian Lakes (Feb. 12). Russians lost 160,000 killed and wounded and 100,000 prisoners. 4. Terrific drive of combined Germans and Austrians un- der Hindenburg and Mackensen in Poland and Galicia (April — Aug.). Fall of Przemysl (June 2); Lemberg (June 22); Warsaw (Aug. 5). All Poland conquered; Courland overrun. Russian losses, 1,200,000 killed and wounded; 900,000 captured; 65,000 square miles of territory. Russian line established from Riga to East- em Galicia. Grand Duke Nicholas removed from chief command and sent to command in the Caucasus (Sept. 8). 6. Bulgaria joins the Teutonic AUies (Oct. 13). Serbia crushed by simultaneous invasions of Austro-Germans and Bulgarians (completed Dec. 2). Montenegro con- quered (Jan. 1916) — Landing of an Anglo-French army at Saloniki prevents King Constantine of Greece from openly joining the Teutonic alliance. 0. Italy declares war on Austria (May 23) to recover the regions about Trent (the "Trentino") and Trieste. Lack of military results on Italian front in 1915 (failure to capture Gorizia). War on Germany not declared until Aug. 27. 1916. 7. Naval War. In a battle in the North Sea (Jan. 24) a British patrolling squadron defeated a German raiding squadron. Increasing use of submarines by Germany. German proclamation of "a war zone" about the Brit- ish Isles (in force Feb. 18) establishes a so-called "block- ade" of Great Britain. — Sinking of the passenger steam- ihip Lusitania (May 7) with loss of 1198 lives (124 Americans). 8. Increase in Allies' munitions supply arranged for; ap- pointment (May, 1915) of Lloyd George to be British Minister of Munitions. Failure of Zeppelin raids over England to produce ejcpected results. (Between Jan. 19, 1915, and Oct. 1, 1917, German aircraft, in- cluding Zeppelins, raided England thirty four times, killing outright 865 men, women, and children, and wounding over 2,500.) 0. Summary: The situation at the end of 1915 was much less favorable for the Entente than at the beginning of the year. Little change on Western front. Great changes on Eastern front — Russians driven from Rus- sian Poland and Austrian Galicia; Hungary saved from invasion; Central Powers linked to Turkey by the adhe- sion of Bulgaria and the conquest of Serbia. "The Teutons were no longer hemmed in; they had raised the siege." in. Cauvaigth of 1916. 1. Battle of Verdun ("no longer a fortress but a series of trenches"). Great German attack under the Crown Prince (Feb. — July); defeated by the heroic resistance of the French under General P^tain ("They shall not pass.") Enormous German losses (about 500,000 men) through attacks in close formation against French for- tifications defended by "barrage" fije and machine guns. Practically all ground lost was slowly regained by the French in the autumn. "Verdun was the grave of Germany's claim to military invincibility.'* — (CoL A. M. Murray, "Fortnightly" History o/ the War, I. 368). — Hindenburg made commander-in-chief of the German forces, August 29. 2. Battle of the Somme (July 1 — Nov.). The strengthened artillery of the Allies enabled them to drive back the German front on a breadth of twenty miles, and nine miles deep. Estimated loss of Germans 700,000 men; German estimate of French and British loss, 800,000. The Allies failed to break through the German lines. 3. Galician and Armenian Fronts. Great Russian offen- sive (June — Sept.) under General Brusilov, on front from Pripet marshes to Bukovinian border. Capture of Czernovitz (June 18). Hundreds of thousands of Austrians taken prisoners. — Successful offensive of Grand Duke Nicholas in Armenia against the Turks; capture of Erzerum (Feb. 16) and Trebizond (April 18). 4. Roumania enters the war and is crushed. Encouraged by Allied successes and coerced by the disloyal Russian Court, Roumania declared war (Aug. 27) with a view to rescuing her kindred populations from Austrian rule. Unsupported invasion of Transylvania; terrific counter attacks by German-Austrian-Bulgarian armies under Generals Mackensen and FaUcenhayn; Roumanians driven from Transylvania. Greater part of Roumania conquered (fall of Bucharest, Dec. 6). Rich wheat- fields and oil lands gained by Teutons, and the "corri- dor" to Constantinople widened. The "Mittel-Europa" project approaches realization. 5. British failure in Mesopotamia. Basra, on Persian GuU, taken by British Nov. 31, 1914; advance of Gen- eral Townshend's inadequate expedition from India up the Tigris River toward Bagdad; expedition besieged by Turks at Kut-el-Amara (Jan.^ — April, 1916); reliev- ing expedition forced to turn back. Surrender of Gen- eral Townshend (April 29) with 13,000 men. Serious blow to British prestige in the East. (The report of an investigating commission, June 26, 1917, divides the responsibility for failure between the Home Govern- ment and the Government in India.) 6. Italian Front. Successful Austrian offensive from the Trentino (May 16 — June 3). Brusilov's drive in Gali- cia, however, relieved the pressure upon the ItaUani, who then (Aug. 6th to Sept.) freed Italian soil of the Austrians, and began an offensive which brought them Gorizia on the River Isonzo (Aug. 9) and carried them to within thirteen miles of Trieste. 7. Naval War. Battle of Jutland (May 31); the German high seas fleet engaged the British battle-cruiser fleet until darkness enabled the German ships to escape the on-coming British dreadnaughts. — Increased use of sub- marines by Germans. Channel packet Susiex sunk (March 25) without warning, in violation of GermaD pledge. 8. Political events in Great Britain affecting the war. Adoption of compulsory military service (May 25) layi the basis for a British army of 5,000,000 men. — Sina Fein rebellion in Ireland crushed (April 25-28); Sir 66 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Roger Casement executed (Aug. 2). — Lloyd Greorge dia- places Asquith as head of British cabinet, to infuse new energy into the war (Dec. 5-7). 9. Summary: The balance in 1916 inclined on the whole in favor of the Allies — at Verdun, on the Somme, in Galicia,in Italy, and on the sea. Against these victor- ies must be set the disasters of Roumania and Mesopo- tamia. The Central Powers continued to possess the advantage of operating on interior lines, enabling them while adopting a defensive attitude on certain fronts to concentrate for a drive elsewhere; also of their su- periority (though diminished) in strategy, tactics, and material equipment. IV. Campaign op 1917. 1. Unrestiicted submarine warfare begim by Germany (Feb. 1). Hundreds of thousands of tons of belligerent and neutral shipping sunk each month; (merchant ship- ping destroyed by mines and submarines to Jan. 1, 1917, was 5,034,000 tons; from January to June, 1917 the total was 3,856,000 tons). Reliance upon this weapon by Germany to starve Great Britain out; failure of the policy to achieve the ends planned. (See War Cyclope- dia, under "Shipping, Losses," "Spurlos Versenkt Ap- plied,''' "Submarine Blockade," "Submarine Warfare," etc.) 3. Entrance of the United States into the War. War declared on Germany, April 6; on Austria-Hungary, December 7. (See chapter viii.) Energetic measures to raise and train army of one and a half million men, and to provide food, munitions, and shipping for our^ selves and our associates. Magnitude of this task pre- vented the full weight of the United States being felt in 1917. Nevertheless, about 250,000 American troops were in France under General Pershing by December. (See TFar Cyclopedia, under' "Austria-Hungary, Break With," "United States, Break with Germany," "War, Declaration Against Austria-Hungary," "War, Decla- ration Against Germany"; also under "Acts of Con- gress," "Alien Enemies," "Army," "Bonds Act," "Can- tonments," "Espionage Act," "Food and Fuel Control Act," "Profiteering," "Red Cross," "Selective Service,'' "Shipping Board," "War Industries Board," "Y. M. C. A.", etc.) 8. Further Spread of the War. Cuba and Panama follow the United States in declaring war on Germany (April 7). King Constantine of Greece deposed (June 12, 1917) and Greece joined the Allies (June 30). Siam declared war on Germany July 22; Liberia, August 4; China, Aug. 14. Brazil repealed its declaration of neutrality and severed diplomatic relations; war declared Oct. 26. The following broke diplomatic relations with Germany; Bolivia (April 14), Guatemala (April 27), Honduru (May 17), Nicaragua (May 18) Haiti (June 17), Costa Rica (Sept. 21), Peru (Oct. 6), Uruguay (Oct. 7). Ecua- dor (Dec. 8). German destruction of South American vessels and revelations of the abuse by her diplomats of Argentine neutrality under cover of Swedish diplo' matic immunity (the Luxburg dispatches; gjmrloa rer- tenkt), led to widespread agitations for war with Ger- many and united action of all the South American ooontries. 4. Western Front. Withdrawal of German forces on • front of fifty miles to new and more defensible positions (the "Hindenburg line") extending from Arras to Soi»- sons (March); wanton wasting of the country evacuated, BatUe of Arras (April 9 — May) brought slight gains to the Allies; a mine of 1,000,000 lbs. of high explosives was fired at Messines (July 7). — Terrific British offen- sives in Battle of Flanders (July-Dee.) won Passchen- daele ridge and other gains. Battle of Cambrai (Nov. 20 — Dec.) begun by "tanks" without artillery preparation, penetrated Hindenburg line and forced German retire* ment on front of twenty miles, to depth of several miles. Terrific German counter attacks forced partial retire- ment of British (from Bourlon wood, etc.) 6. Italian Front. Great Italian offensive begun in ths Isonzo area (Carso Plateau) in May. When the Rus- sian Revolution permitted the withdrawal of Auatriaa troops to the Italian front, a new Au^ro-German coun- ter-drive was begun (Oct. — Dec.) which undid the work of two years. Northeastern Italy invaded ; Italian stand on the Piave and Brenta Rivers (Asiago Plateau). French and British aid checked further enemy advanof in 1917. Interallied War Coimcil formed (Nov.) 6. Bagdad captured by a new British expedition (March 11). Restoration of British prestige in the East. C*' operation of Russian and British forces in Asia Minor and Persia. British advance from Egypt into Palestine in March; Ascalon and Jaffa taken (Nov.); Jerusalem surrendered to British, Dec. 9, 1917. 7. Revolution in Russia. Due to pro-German policy of certain members of the Russian court and the well founded suspicion that a separate peace with Germany waa planned. Abdication of the Tsar, March 19. Power seized from Constitutional Democrats by moderate so- cialists and radicals (Council of Workmen'^ and Sol- diers' Delegates); formation of a government under Alexander Kerensky (July 22). Military power of Rus- sia paralyzed by abolition of discipline; frequent re- fusals of soldiers to obey orders; "fraternizing" of the armies encouraged by German agents. Germans seized Riga (Sept. 3), and the islands at entrance to Gulf of Riga (Oct. 13-15), thus threatening Petrograd. Gen- eral Komilov failed in an attempt to seize power with a view to restoring order and prosecuting the war (Sept.). — Overthrow of Kerensky (Nov.) by extreme socialisti (Bolaheviki), who repudiated Russia's obligations to the Allies, and negotiated a separate armistice with Grermany with a view to an immediate peace, Dec. 15). Practical withdrawal of Russia from the war, permitting transfer of German troops to the French and Italian fronts. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Kerensky," "Lenke," "Russian Revolution," etc.) 8. Summary: Ruthless submarining imparts a more det- perate character to the conflict, but brings Germany and her allies no nearer ultimate victory. Against her submarine successes, the Austro-German gains in Italy, and the Russian defection, must be set the British vio- tories in Mesopotamia and Palestine, the Allied gains on the Western Front, and the entrance of the United States with its vast potential resources into the war. For reading references on Chapter IX, see page 64. II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 57 X. PROPOSALS FOR PEACE: WHlr THIS BE THE liAST WAR! I. Stjmmaby of States at Wab xs 1917. 1. The Teutonic AlKea: Austria-Hungary, Germany, Turkey (1914); Bulgaria (1915). S. The Entente Allies; Serbia, Russia, France, Belgium, Great Britain, Montenegro, Japan (1914); Italy, San Marino (1915); Portugal, Roumania (1916); United States, Cuba, Panama, Liberia, Siam, China, Brazil (1917). Bolivia, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Haiti, Costa Rica, Peru, Uruguay and Ecuador severed diplomatic relations with Gtermany (1917) without de- claring war. 11. American Aims in the War. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Alms of the United States," "Permanent Peace, American Plans," "United States, Isolation of," "War Aims of the United States.") 1. Vindication of our national rights. "We enter the war only where we are clearly forced into it, because there ia no other means of defending our rights." Hence war not declared at first against Austria-Hungary, Tur- key, and Bulgaria. 2. Vindication of the rights of humanity. "Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right . . . Our object . is to vindicate the principles of peace and Justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power." S. Making the world safe for Liberty and Democracy. "We are glad ... to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and the rights of nations great and onall and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty." (The above quotations are from President Wilson's speech to Congress on April 2, 1917.) 4. Creation of an improved iatemational system including a permanent League or Concert of Powers to preserve international peace. (See President Wilson's speeches of January 22, and April 2, 1917, and January 8, 1918 fi. Absence of selfish designs. "We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when these rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them."— (President Wilson, speech of April 2, 1917.) in. Vahious Peace Proposals. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Lansdowne Note," "Peace Overtures, German, 1916," "Peace Overtures, Papal," "Peace Terms, American," "No Annexations, no Indemnities," etc.) 1. Offer of Germany and her allies (December 12, 1916) to meet their enemies in a peace conference (see "Official Documents Looking toward Peace" in International Conciliation for January, 1917). An empty and insin- eere proposal. They "propose to enter forthwith into peace negotiations," but refuse to state any terms; on the other hand much is made of the "glorious deeds of our armies" and their "incomparable strength." The proposal evidently looked to a "German peace," with Germany and her allies triumphant. Reply of the Entente Allies (December 30, 1916). The German proponal was styled "leas an offer of peaoa than a war manoeuvre. It is founded on calculated misinterpretation of the character of the struggle in the past, the present and the future. . . . Once again the Allies declare that no peace is possible so long at they have not secured reparation for violated rightt and liberties, the recognition of the principle of nation- ality and the free existence of small states, so long ai they have not brought about a settlement calculated to end once and for all forces which have constituted a perpetual menace to the nations, and to afford the only effective guarantee for the future security of the world." — (International Conciliation for January, 1917, pp. 27-29.) 2. President Wilson's effort (Dec. 20, 1916) to elicit peace terms from the belligerents. (See his note in Inter- national Conciliation, for February, 1917.) (a) Germany merely repeats its proposal of December 12, still refusing to go into details in advance of a formal conference. — (Ibid., p. 7.) (b) The Allies' reply (Jan. 10, 1917). Their statement of terms included adequate compensation for Belgium, Serbia, and Montenegro; evacuation of invaded territories of France, Russia, and Roumania; reorganization of Europe on the basis of nationality; the ending of Tua-klsh rule in Europe, etc. "It goes without saying that if the Allies wish to liberate Europe from the brutal covetousnesi of Prussian militarism, it never has been their design, as has been alleged, to encompass the extermination of the German peoples, and their political disappearance." — (Ibid., pp. 8-10.) 3. Widespread and intense desire for peace among the German people. Evidenced, among other things, by the fall of Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg, (July 14, 1917) following this declaration of the Reichstag (July 13): "As on August 4, 1914, so on the threshold of the fourth year of the war the German people stand upon the assurance of the speech from the throne — 'We are driven by no lust of conquest.' "Germany took up arms in defense of its liberty and independence and for the integrity of its territories. The Reichstag labors for peace and- a mutual under- standing and lasting reconciUation among the nations. Forced acquisitions of territory and poUtical, economic and financial violations are incompatible with such • peace. "The Reichstag rejects all plans aiming at an econ- omic blockade and the stirring up of enmity among the peoples after the war. The freedom of the seas must be assured. Only an economic peace can prepare the ground for the friendly association of the peoples. "The Reichstag will energetically promote the creation of international juridical organizations. So long, however, as the enemy Governments do not 68 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. •ccept Buch a peace, so long as they threaten Gennany and her aUies with conquest and violation, the German people will stand together as one man, hold out un- shaken and fight until the rights of itself and its allies to life and development are secured. The German nation united is unconquerable. "The Reichstag knows that in this announcement it is at one with the men who are defending the Father- land. In their heroic struggles they are sure of the undying thanks of the whole people." V. Y. Times Current History, VI, p. 195.) It should be noted that the Reichstag has no power to conclude peace, or to initiate peace negotiations, or even to torce-the German Government to do bo. 4. Pope Benedict XV attempts to promote Peace. (a) His first appeal (Aug. 1915) lacked definite pro- posals and was without effect. (b) His second appeal (Aug. 1, 1917) recommended; (1) "That the material force of arms shall give way to the moral force of right"; simultaneous and reciprocal decrease of armaments; the establishing of compulsory arbitration "imder sanctions to be determined against any State which would decline either to refer international questions to arbitra- tion or to accept its awards." (2) True freedom and community of the seas. (3) Entire and recipro- cal giving up of indemnities to cover the damages and cost of the war. (4) Occupied territory to be reciprocally given up; guarantees of Belgium's political, military, and economic independence; similar restitutions of the German colonies. (5) Territorial questions between Italy and Austria, and France and Germany, to be taken up after the war "in a conciliatory spirit, taking into account, as far as it is just and possible .... the aspira- tions of the population." Questions of Armenia, the Balkan States, and the old Kingdom of Poland to be dealt with in the same way. — In the main this was a proposal for the restoration of the status quo ante bellum [the conditions existing before the war] — a drawn battle. — (iV. Y. Times Current History. September, 1917, pp. 392-293). 6. Reply of the United States to the Pope's appeal(Aug. 27, 1917). The Entente Allies practically accepted this reply as their own. "To deal with such a power by way of peace upon the plan proposed by his HolinesB the Pope would, bo far as we can Bee, involve a recuperation of its strength and a renewal of its policy, would make it necessary to create a permanent hostile combination of nations against the German people, who are its instnunents; and would result in abandoning the new-bom Russia to the intrigue, the manifold subtle interference and the certain counter-revolution, which would be at- tempted by all the malign influences to which the German Government has of late accustomed the world. Can peace be based upon a restitution of its power or upon any word of honor it could pledge in a treaty of ■ettlement and accomodation? "... We believe that the intolerable wrongs done bi this war by the furious and brutal power of the Imperial German Government ought to be repaired, biit not at the exTPD'o of the sovereignty of any people — rather a vindication of the sovereignty both of those that are weak and of those that aie strong. Punitive damages, the dismemberment of empires, the establish- ment of selfish and exclusive economic leagues, we deem inexpedient and in the end worse than futile, no proper basis for a peace of any kind, least of all for an enduring peace. That must be based upon justice and fairness and the common rights of mankind. "We cannot lake the word of the ■present rulers oj Oer' many as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unlesi explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and purpose of the German people themselvei as the other peoples of the world would be Justified in accepting. Without such guarantees, treaties of settle- ment, agreements for disarmament, covenants to Bet up arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjust- ments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government, no man, no nation could now depend on." 6. Reply of Germany (September 22, 1917). This was filled with the vaguest generalities. In part it consisted of hypocritical and lying protestations that ever since the Kaiser ascended the throne he had "regarded it ai his principal and most sacred task to preserve the blessings of peace for the German people and the world"; and that "in the crisis which led up to the present world conflagration his Majesty's efforts were up to the la«t moment directed towards settling the conflict by peaceful means." With reference to the substituting of "the moral power of right" for "the material power of arms", and for the reduction of armaments and the establishing of arbitration, indorsement was given the Pope's proposals in such vague and general terms at to bind the German Government to nothing. "The Imperial Government greets with special sympathy the leading idea of the peace appeal wherein his Holiness clearly expresses the conviction that in the future the material power of arms must be super- seded by the moral power of right. . . . From this would follow, according to his Holiness' view, the simul- taneous diminution of the armed forces of all states and the institution of obligatory arbitrations for inter- national disputes. "We share his Holiness' view that definite rules and a certain safeguard for a simultaneous and recip- rocal limitation of armaments on land, on sea, and in the air, as well as for the true freedom of the community and high seas, are the things in treating which the new spirit that in the future should prevail in international relations should first find hopeful expression . "The task would then of itself arise to decide inter- national differences of opinion not by the use of armed forces but by peaceful methods, especially by arbitrv tion, whose high peace-producing effect we together with his Holiness fully recognize. "The Imperial Government will in this respect sup- port every proposal compatible with the vital interest of the German Empire and people." No notice whatever was taken of the Pope's plea for tk* giving up of occupied territory and the reilloration «/ Belgium's independence. When reports were published in the German press that nevertheless the Govemm«Bt II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 69 was prepared to give up Belgium, the Chancellor denied this, saying (September 28); "I declare that the Imperial Government's hands are free for eventual peace negotiations. This also refers to Belgium." 7. Failure of the attempt to promote an international con- ference of Socialists at Stockholm (Sweden) for peace on the basis of the Russian revolutionary formula, "No annexations and no indemnities," September, 1917. This failure was due to (a) suspicion that pro- German influence was back of the proposal; and (b) publication of proofs of pro-German and unneutral conduct on the part of Swedish diplomatic officials. (See War Cyclopedia, under " Spurlos Versenkt," " Stockholm Conference," " Sweden, Neutral Prob- lems.") January 28 to February 3, 1918, occurred a wide- spread strike in Germany (500,000 said to have struck in Berlin alone) to secure (a) a general peace " without indemnities or annexations," ( b ) betterment of food and living conditions, and (c) more democratic political institutions. The arrest of the leaders and the firm attitude of the military authorities speedily sent the strikers back to work. 8. President Wilson's proposals of January 8, 1918: " What we demand in this war ... is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in ; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair deal- ing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are, in effect, partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless Jus- tice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our pro- gram; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this: " I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall pro- ceed always frankly and in the public view. " II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. " III. The removal, so far as possible, of all eco- nomic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its main- tenance. " IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. " V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the Government whose title is to be determined. "VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory, and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest co-operation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political de- velopment and national policy, and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations un- der institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy. " VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must, be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their rela- tions with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. " VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored; and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace- Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the in- terest of all. " IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. " X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development. " XL Roumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan States to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically es- tablished lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guaranties of the political and eco- nomic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be entered into. " XII. The Turkish portions of the present Otto- man Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted secur- ity of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under inter- national guaranties. " XIII. An independent Polish State should be erected which should include the territories in- habited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant. " XIV. A general association of nations must he formed, under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guaranties of political independ- ence and territorial integrity to great and small States alike." {War, Labor, and Peace, pp. 28-31.) On February 11 the President made this further statement : 60 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. "After all, the test of whether it is possible for either Government [Austria or United States] to go any further in this comparison of views is simple and obvious. The principles to be applied are these: " First, that each part of the final settlement must be based upon the essential justice of that particu- lar case and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be permanent; " Second, that peoples and provinces are not to be bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now forever discredited, of the bal- ance of power; but that " Third, every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned and not as a part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims amongst rival States; and " Fourth, that all well-defined national aspirations shil! bi' accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be atoord(;d them w-thout introducing new or perpetuat- ,:r ol " Icments of discord and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Eu- rope and consequently of the world." {War, Labor, and Peace, p. 38.) 9. The proposals of Great Britain (speech of Lloyd George, January 5, 1918, and of revolutionary Russia (Bolshe- vik proposals at Brest-Litovsk, December 2, 1917) were in substantial agreement with those of President Wil- son. (See comparative synopsis in 'New York Times Current History for February, 1918, pp. 257-9.) An Inter-Allied Labor Conference, held in London, February 20-23, speaking in the name of practically all the organized working class of Great Britain, France, Belgium, and Italy, specifically indorsed President Wilson's proposals, and declared that " a victory for German imperialism would be the defeat of democracy and liberty in Europe," and that the Socialists whom they represented " were inflexibly resolved to fight until victory is achieved." (Full text of declaration in The New Republic for March 23, 1918.) 10. Replies of Germany and Austria (January 24) : Count Czernin, the Austrian Foreign Minister, re- plied to President Wilson's address of January 8, in a speech of conciliatory tone, but said that Austria would " defend the pre-war possessions of her allies as she would her own." This attitude ignored the Alsace-Lorraine question, but by implication con- ceded the giving up of Belgium. (In the first tele- graphic despatches, this passage was falsified in the German interest by the WolflF Press Bureau.) Chancellor con Hertling's speech in reply was " very vague and confusing " : " His discussion and acceptance of our general principles lead him to no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply them to the substantive items which must constitute the body of any final settlement. He is jealous of international action and of interna- tional counsel. He accepts, he says, the principle of public diplomacy, but he appears to insist that it be confined, at any rate in this case, to generalities; and that the several particular questions of territory and sovereignty, the several questions upon whose settlement must depend the acceptance of peace by the twenty-three States now engaged in the war, must be discussed and settled, not in general council, but severally by the nations most immediately con- cerned by interest or neighborhood. "He rgrees that the seas should be free, but looks askance at any limitation to that freedom by inter- national action in the interest of the common order. He would without reserve be glad to see economic barriers removed between nation and nation, for that could in on way impede the ambitions of the military party with whom he seems constrained to keep on terms. Neither does he raise objection to a limita- tion of armaments. That matter will be settled of itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which must follow the war. But the German colonies, he demands, must be returned without debate. He will discuss with no one but the representatives of Rus- sia what disposition shall be made of the peoples and the lands of the Baltic Provinces; with no one but the Government of France the " conditions " im- der which French territory shall be evacuated; and only with Austria what shall be done with Poland. In the determination of all questions affecting the Balkan States he defers, as I understand him, to Austria and Turkey; and with regard to the agree- ments to be entered into concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the present Ottoman Empire, to the Turk- ish authorities themselves. After a settlement all around, effected in this fashion, by individual barter and concession, he would have no objection, if I cor- rectly interpret his statement, to a league of nations which would undertake to hold the new balance of power steady against external disturbance. " It must be evident to everyone who understands what this war has wrought in the opinion and tem- per of the world that no general peace, no peace worth the infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical suffering, can possibly be arrived at in any such fashion. The method the German Chancellor pro- poses is the method of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not return to that. What is at stake now is the peace of the world. What we are striving for is a new international order based upon broad and universal principles of right and justice — ^no mere peace of shreds and patches." (President Wilson, address of February 11, 1918, in Wa/r, Labor, and Peace, pp. 34-5.) 11. Attitude of the Kaiser. " The year 1917 with its great battles has proved that the German people has in the Lord of Creation above an unconditional and avowed ally on whom It can absolutely rely. ... If the enemy does not want peace, then we must bring peace to the world by bat- tering in with the iron fist and shining sword the doors of those who will not have peace." (Address, to German Second Army on the French front, De- cember 22, 1917.) " We desire to live in friendship with neighboring peoples, but the victory of German arms must first be recognized. Our troops under the great Hinden- burg will continue to win it. Then peace virill come." (On conclusion of peace with Ukrainia, February 11, 1918.) " The prize of victory must not and will not fall us. No soft peace, but one corresponding with Ger- many's interests." (To Schleswig-Holstein Provin- cial Council, March 20, 1918.) II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 61 IV. Dealings op the Central Powees with Russia AJSTD ROUMANIA. 1. Armistice witli Russia for one month agreed to Decem- ber 15, 1917 (subsequently extended to February 18, 1918). 2. Brest-Litovsk negotiations (December 22 to Febru- ary 10). (a) Count Czernin presented (December 25) what purported to be the terms of the Central Sowers for a general peace, " without forcible annexa- tion of territory " or indemnities. "Almost any scheme of conquest could be perpetrated within the literal interpretation of such a pledge." (Lloyd George, January 5, 1918.) (b) Failure of Russia's allies to appear at Brest- Litovsk within ten days led the German repre- sentatives to declare Czernin's terms withdrawn. Negotiations with Russia for a separate peace followed. (c) Quarrels between the Russian and German nego- tiators over ( 1 ) the German refusal to guaranty an immediate removal, after the peace, of Ger- man troops from occupied Poland, Lithuania, Courland, Livonia, and Eathonia; and (2) over Bolshevik propaganda for revolution in Ger- many. (3) Reported conflicts between the Ger- man Foreign Minister von Kuehlmanu and the German military party; victory of the militar- ists and determination to annex extensive por- tions of Russian territory. 3. Peace concluded (February 9) between the Central Powers and the anti-Bolshevik party in Ukrainia, which had set up a weak " People's republic." Its purpose to secure grain for the Teutonic allies from the rich " black lands " of Ukrainia, to control its ex- tensive coal and iron deposits, and to rule the Black Sea. Refusal of the Bolsheviki to recognize the new State; civil war in Ukrainia, resulting in conquest by German troops and the occupation of Odessa (March 13 ) . Similar civil war and German occupation in Finland; Aaland Islands seized by Germany. 4. Abrupt withdrawal of the Bolshevik negotiators from Brest-Litovsk and announcement that the war was at an end, without signing a treaty of peace (February 10): " We could not sign a peace which would bring with it sadness, oppression and suffering to millions of workmen and peasants. But we also cannot, will not, and must not continue a war begun by czars and capitalists in alliance with czars and capitalists. We will not and we must not continue to be at war with the Germans and Austrians — workmen and peasants . like ourselves. . . . Russia, for its part, declares the present war with Germany and Austria- Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria at an end. Simul- taneously, the Russian troops receive an order for complete demobilization on all fronts." (Declara- tion signed by Lenine and Trotzlcy, heads of the Bolshevik Government of Russia.) 5. Renewal of German military operations against Russia (February 18) with the object of adding Esthonia and Livonia, the remaining Baltic Provinces, to other lands wrested from Russia. 6. Announcement by Lenine and Trotzky (February 19) that " in the present circumstances " their Government was forced " formally to declare its willingness to sign a peace upon the conditions which had been dictated " by the Central Powers at Brest-Litovsk. The Germans nevertheless advanced, with practically no resistance, on a front of 500 miles and to within seventy miles of Petrograd. Great quantities of military supplies cap- tured (over 1,300 cannon, 4,000 to 5,000 motor cars, etc.) 7. Peace between Russia and the Central Powers signed at Brest-Litovsk (March 3, 1918; ratified by the "All- Russian Congress of Soviets," at Moscow, March 14). Its principal terms were: (a) the surrender by Russia of Courland, Poland, Lithuania, Livonia, and Esthonia. (b) Peace to be made with Ukrainia and Finland by which Russia recognizes their independence, (c) Batoum and other districts in Transcaucasia to be sur- rendered to Turkey, (d) An indemnity which is vari- ously estimated at from $1,500,000,000 to $4,000,000,- 000. Maxim Gorky calculated that this treaty robbed Russia of 4 per cent, of her total area, 26 per cent. of her population, 27 per cent, of her agricultural land normally cultivated, 37 per cent, of her food- stuffs production, 26 per cent, of her railways, 33 per cent, of her manufacturing industries, 75 per cent, of her coal, and 73 per cent, of her iron. It has also been pointed out that the treaty strengthened Ger- many's hold on the Mohammedan peoples, and gave her an alternative route to India and the East via Odessa, Batoum, Transcaucasia, and northern Persia. 8. Roumania was forced to sign a preliminary treaty with the Central Powers ( March 6 ) , ceding the whole of the Dobrudja and granting extensive trading and other rights. Subsequently (March 9) Roumania broke off negotiations owing to excessive demands. Austria then (March 21) added to her claims the surrender of about 3,000 square miles of territory on Roumania's western frontier. Control of vast petroleum fields in Roumania and Transcaucasia as well as extensive and rich wheat lands, was obtained by the Central Powers through these treaties. V. Will This Be the Last GreatWar? (See War Cyclopedia, under "Arbitration," "Hague Tribunal," "International Law, Sanction of," "League to Enforce Peace," "Peace TreatieB," "Permanent Peace," etc.) 1. Conflict vs. mutual aid as factors in evolution. Are States of necessity rival and conflicting organizationBT 3. William James' answer to the militarists' plea for war as a school to develop character and heroism; the exist- ence of a "moral equivalent for war." (See Intemalionat Concilialion for February, 1910). 3. Amicable means of settling iatemational differences These include negotiation, good offices, mediation, inter national commissions of inquiry, and international arbi" tration. (See A. S. Hershey, Essentials of Intemationa- Law, ch. xxi.). About 600 cases of international arbi* tration have been listed since 1800. Importance of developing the habit of relying on these amicable means of settling differences. 4. Proposals of the League to Enforce Peace. These in- clude the following articles, to be signed by the nations Joining the League: 62 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. "(1) All justiciable questions arising between the signatory Powers, not settled by negotiation, shall, sub- ject to the limitations of treaties, be submitted to a Judicial Tribunal for hearing and judgment, both upon the merits and upon any issue as to its jurisdiction of the question. "(2) All other questions arising between the signa- tories, and not settled by negotiation, shall be sub- mitted to a Council of Conciliation for hearing, consid- eration, and recommendation. "(3) The signatory Powers shall jointly use forth- with both their economic and military forces against any one of their number that goes to war, or commits acts of hostility, against another of the signatories be- fore any question arising shall be submitted as provided m the foregoing. "The following interpretation of Article 3 has been authorized by the Executive Committee: 'The signa- tory Powers shall jointly use, forthwith, their economic forces against any of their number that refuses to submit any question which arises to an international Judicial Tribunal or Council of Conciliation before threatening war. They shall follow this by the joint use of their military forces against that nation if it actually proceeds to make war or invades another's territory without first submitting, or offering to submit, its grievance to the court or Council aforesaid and awaiting its conclusion.' "(4) Conferences between the signatory Powers shaU be held from time to time to formulate and codify rules of international law, which, unless some signatory shall signify its dissent within a stated period, shall thereafter govern in the decisions of the Judicial Tri- bunal mentioned in Article I." — (World Peace Foun- dation, Pamphlet Series, August, 1916.) C. Possibility of World Federation. (a) Some historical antecedents — the Holy Alliance (1815); the Quadruple, later the Quintuple, Alliance (1815); the Hague Peace Conferences (1899 and 1907); the Conference at Algericas (1906). (b) Success of partial federations — the United States of America; Dominion of Canada, Commonwealth of Canada, and Union of South Africa; the British Empire; the German Empire; etc. (c) Lack of explicitness in current proposals. "Inter- nationalists hold that nationalism is no longer ex- pressive of the age, but that federation is not as yet feasible; that the present sovereignty of states !• detrimental, but that one cannot hope to change the theory suddenly. Hence, they propose inter- nationalism, that is, a sort of confederation, a co- operative union of sovereign states, a true Concert of Powers. The individual schemes vary greatly and are usually not very explicit, chief emphaiia being placed on faults of the present system."— (Edward Kriehbiel, Nationalism, War, and Sodtty, page 210.) 6. Indispensable elements in an effective World Federa- tion. (a) The triumph of democratic government. "A stead- fast concert for peace can never be maintained except by partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith with it or observe its covenants . . . Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honoi steady to a common end and prefer the intereati of mankind to any narrow interest of their own." — (President Wilson, speech of April 2, 1917.) (b) An international legislature. We have already the beginnings of a world legislature in the two Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907. (c) An international executive authority and an inter- national army and navy. (d) An international court of justice. The so-oalled permanent court of arbitration at the Hague (Hague Tribunal) not a real court. 7. The triumph of the United States and the Entente Allies over militarist and despotic Germany, gives the beet assurance of the establishment of a League of Peaoe and the practical ending of war. For reading references for Chapter X, see page 64. Reading References to accompany a Topical Outline of the War Retebences fob Chapteb I. The references at the close of chapters do not include the publications of the Committee on Public Information ( Washington, D. C. ) , of which the following are moat use- ful for this study: War Cyclopedia, A Handbook for Readff keference; W. Notestein, Conquest and Kultur; D. C. Munro, German War Practices; C. D. Hazen, The Qovenir- utent of Germany. Anon., I Accuse, by a German, 26-141. Akqell, N., The (ireat Illusion, chs. 1-viii. Abcheb, Gems (?) of German Thought. Bang, J. P., Hurrah and Hallelujah. Babkeb, J. E., Modern Germany, 297-317, 798-829. Bebnhabdi, F. von, Germany and the Next War, 1-166, 826-259. BouBDON, G., The German Enigma. Chebadamb, a.. The Pan-German Plot Unmasked. Chitwood, 0. P., The Immediate Causes of the War. CoNQTTEST AND KiTLTtTE. (Committee on Public Infor- mation. ) Davis, W. S., The Eoots of the War, chs. xvii-xviii. Dawson, W. H., What is Wrong with Germany, 1-69, 89- l»l. Gebabd, J. W., My Four Years in Germany, chs. Iv-v. Gibbons, H. A., New Map of Europe, 21-57, 119-130. Gkximbaoh, S., and Baeijeb, J. E., Germany's Annexa- tionist Aims. Hazen, C. D., Europe Since 1915, 728-736. HovELAQDE, E., The Deeper Causes of the War. HuBu AND Castle, German Sea-Power, 108-286. Hull, W. 1., The Two Ha^e Conferences. Mach, E. von. What Germany Wants, ch. Ix. Muia, R., Britain's Case Against Germany, ch. it. I Accuse, by a German, 26-141. Lk Bon, The Psychology of the Great War, ch. Iv. Nystbom, Before, During, and After 1914, ch. xii. Out of Theib Own Mouths. (Introduction by W. R, Thayer. ) Rose, J. H., Origins of the War, chs. i, li, y. Sabolea, C, The Anglo-German Problem. ScHMiTT, B. E., Germany and England, 70-115, 154-172. USHEE, E. 6., Pan-Germanism, 1-173, 230-250. Zanowhx, I., The War for the World, pp. 135 ff. II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 63 Pebiodicals : ABCHEB, W., Fighting a Philosophy, in North American Review, 201 : 30-44. Babkjcb, J. E., The Armament Kace and Its Latest Devel- opmeut, in Fortnightly Review, 93: 654-668. Dillon, E. J., Italy and the Second Phase of the War in Contemporary Review, 107: 715-732. , Cost of the Armed Peace, in Contemporary Review, 105: 413-421. Eltzbacheb, 0., The Anti-British Movement in Germany, in Nineteenth Century, 52: 190-210. GoocH, G. P., German Theories of the State, In Contem- porary Review, 107: 743-753. HumEKOPEB, The Armies of Europe, In World's Work for September, 1914. Kellogg, V. Headquarters' Nights, in Atlantic Monthly, 120; 145-155. Johnston, H. H., German Views of an Anglo-German Understanding, in Nineteenth Century, 68: 978-987. Refebences fob Chapteb II. Babkeb, J. E., Modem Germany, 1-362. BouEDON, G., The German Enigma, ch. ii. BUELOW, Petnce von. Imperial Germany. Btjllabd, a., Diplomacy of the Great War, 1-160. Chebadame, a.. The United States and Pangermania, chs. i-iii. CiiiTWOOD, O. 1 ., The Immediate Causes of the War. Dawson, W. H., What is Wrong with Germany, 70-112 Dillon, E. J., A Scrap of Paper, Introduction and ch. ih Fife, R. H., The German Empire Between Two Wars. FuLiEBTON, W. M., Problems of Power, 260-315. Gebabd, J. W., My Four Years in Germany, chs. i-lL Gibbons, H. A., New Map of Europe, 1-367. Haet, A. B., The War in Europe, ch. i-vi. Hates, C. J. H., Political and Social History of Modern Europe, II, 397-426, 490-539, 679-719. Hazen, C. D., Europe Since 1815, 303, 328, 601-644. , The Government of Germany (pamphlet). MuiB, R., Britain's Case Against Germany, ch. iv. Ogg, F. a., The Governments of Europe, 202-225, 251 281. Oxfobd Univebsitt Faoultt, Why We Are at War, ch ii-iii. Peothbbo, G. W., German Policy Before the War, ch. ) Rose, J. H., Development of the European Nations, n 1-43. , Origins of the War, ch. iii, iv, vi. . ScHMiTT, B. E., England and Germany, 219-357. 366-377 ScHUBMAN, J. G., The Balkan Wars. Seymoob, C., Diplomatic Background of the War. Tabdiett, a., France and the Alliances. Ubquhabt, F. F., The Eastern Question (Oxford Pamphlets, No. 17). ViLLABD, O. G., Germany Embattled, 126-156. Peeiodioals : AwoN. The Balkan League — History of Its Formation, l» Fortnightly Review, 93: 430-439. Anon The Greater Servia Idea, in World's Work, for September, 1914, 129-131. Anon. Austria— Disturber of the Peace, in Fortniphtlv Review, 93: 249-264, 598-602. Babkeb, J. E., The War in the Balkans, in FortniohtVn Review, 92: 813-825. Dillon, E. J., Foreign Affairs, in Contemporary Revieu. 85: 619-638, 492-510. Chieol, Sib V., Turkey in the Grip of Germany, is Quarterly Review, 222: 231-251. CoLQnnoN, The New Balance of Power, in North Ameri ijan Review, 191: 18-28. Johnston, H. H., Africa and the Eastern Hailwaj Schemes, in Nineteenth Century, 72: 558-569. Mabbiott, J. A. R., Factors in the Problem of the Near East, in Fortnightly Review, 99: 943-953. O'Connob, The Bagdad Railway, in Fortnightly Reviete, 95: 201-216. Tbevelyar, G. M., Serbia and Southeastern Europe, 1» Atlantic Monthly, 116: 119-127. Refebences fob Chapteb III. in addition to the references cited in this chapter, see the various indexes to periodical literature on the topics Indi- cated. Refeeences fob Chapteb IV. The diplomatic documents published by the various Gov- ernments ("White Book," "Blue Book," "Yellow Book," etc. ) , may moat conveniently be found in the volume en- titled Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Out- break of the European War (indexed), published in this coun- try by George H. Doran & Co., New York (price, $1.00). The two volumes edited by James Brown Scott, under the title, Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of th« European War (Oxford University Press, New York), are of great value. The American Association for Interna- tional Conciliation, 407 West 117th Street, New York, has published the correspondence in a series of pamphlets which it distributes gratis so long as its supply lasts. Discus- sions of the correspondence may be found in: J. M. Beck, The Evidence in the Case; A. Bullard, The Diplomacy of the Oreat War; J. W. Headlam, History of Twelve Days; I Ac- cuse, by a German; and The Crime, by the same author; M. P. Price, Diplomatic History of the War; B. C. Stowell, Diplomatic History of the War; L. H. Holt and A. N. Chilton, History of Europe, 1862-1914, pp. 539-559; W. S. Davis, The Roots of the War (1918), ch. xxiii. Rbpeebnces foe Chapteb V. See / Accuse! and works previously cited by Bullard, Gibbons, Hayes, Headlam, Rose, Schmitt, Seymour, etc. The New York Times Current History contains much valu- able material. Beck, J. M., The Evidence in the Case, chs. vi-vil, ix Chitwood, 0. P., Fundamental Causes of the Great War, chs. v-vii. Davis, W. S., The Roots of the War, ch. xxiii. Dillon, E. J., The Scrap of Paper, chs. vii-viii. Gibbons, H. A., The New Map of Europe, ch. xx. McClube, S. S., Obstacles to Peace, ch. iv. OxFOBD Univebsitt Faculty, Why We Are at War, ch. v. Pbice, M. p., The Diplomatic History of the War, pp. 16-84. Stowell, E. C, The Diplomacy of the War of 1914, chs. iii-vii. Pbbiodicals : Chieol, Sib V., The Origins of the Present War, lo Quarterly Review (Oct., 1914). Dillon, E J., Causes of the European War, In Contem- porary Review (Sept., 1914). Febbebo, G., The European Tragedy, in Educational Re- view (Nov., 1914). Hill, D. J., Germany's Self-Revelation of Guilt, in Cen- tury Magazine (July, 1917). " PoLrriCTJS." The Causes of the Great War, in Fort- nightly Review (Sept., 1914). Toeneb, E. J., Causes of the Great War, in American PolHiral Science Review (Feb., 1915). Refeeences fob Chapteb VI. Beck. J. M., The Evidence in the Case, ch. viii. Chitwood, 0. P., Immediate Causes of the Great War. 64 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Dk Vissohbb, C, Belgium's Case, chs. l-vi. Davis, M. 0., The Great War, chs. viii-ix. Davis, W. S., The Roots of the War (1918), ch. xxiv. Dillon, E. J., The Scrap of Paper, chs. ix-xl. Gibbons, H. A., The New Map of Europe, ch. ixl. McClube, 8. S., Obstacles to Peace, ch. xiv. Maeterlinck, M., The Wrack of the Storm. Sabolea, C, How Belgium Saved Europe, chs. 1-vll. Stowell, E. C, The Diplomacy of the War of 1014, chs. Tlli-ll. Waxweilee, B., Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, chs. i-iv. , Belgium and the Great Powers. Why We Abe at Wab, by members of the Oxford His- torical Faculty, ch. i. Refebences fob Cbapteb VII. Bland, J. O. P. (Trans.), Germany's Violations of the Laws of War, 1914-15. Compiled under the auspices of the French Ministry of Foreign A£Fairs. Chesteeton, G. K., The Barbarism of Berlin. Chitwood, 0. P., Immediate Causes of the Great War, chs. z-xii. Chambeby, Rene, The Truth About Louvain (1916). Cobb, Ievin S., Speaking of Prussians (1917). The Cbimes of Gebmany. Special supplement issued by the Field newspaper, London. Dillon, E. J., From the Triple to the Quadruple Alliance, Why Italy Went to War. Gaedinee, J. B. W., How Germany is Preparing for the Next War. (In WorM's Work, February, 1918.) MoCluee, S. S., Obstacles to Peace, ch. viii-xi, xv, xvi, xviii, XX. MOKVOELD, L., The German Fury in Belgium. Johnson, R., The Clash of Nations, chs. lil-vlil. MoBQAN, J. H., German Atrocities, an Official Investiga- tion. Mttnbo, D. C, German War Practices (Committee on Public Information). , German Treatment of Conquered Territory. (Committee on Public Information.) Rbpobts on the Violation of the Rights of Nations AND OF the Laws and Customs of Wab in Belghtu. By a Commission appointed by the Belgian Government. 8 vols. Theib Cbimes. Translated from the French (by the Pre- fect of Meurthe-et-Moselle and the mayors of Nancy and Luneville), 1917. ToYNBEE, A. J., The German Terror- in Belgium. , The German Terror in France. , The Destruction of Poland. Tubczynowicz, Lauba de. When the Prussians Came to Poland. Waxweeleb, E., Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, ch. v. Refebences fob Chafteb VIII. Amebican Yeab Book, 1914, 1916, 1916, 1917 (under In- ternational Relations). Beck, J. M., The War and Humanity, chs. li-vl. Bullabd, a., Mobilizing America. Cheeadame, a., The United States and Pangermania. Fess, S. D., The Problems of Neutrality When the World is at War. 64 Cong. Doc, No. 2111. Geeaed, J. W., My Four Years in Berlin, chs. xviii-xix. How the Wab Came to Ameeioa (Committee on Public Information ) . Ogg, F. a.. National Progress, 1907-1917. American Na- tion Series. Ohlinoeb, G., Their True Faith and Allegiance. Osbobne, W. F., America at War. Pabtial Recoed of Alien Enemy Achvitibs, 1915- 1917. (Pamphlet reprinted from data prepared by the Providence Journal, by the National Americanization Com- mittee, 29 West Thirty-ninth Street, New York.) Rathom, J. R., Germany's Plots Exposed. (World'i Work for February, 1918.) Robinson, B. B., and West, V. J., The Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson. RoQEBS, L., America's Case Against Germany. Fess, S. D., The Problems of Neutrality When the World is at War (64 Cong. Doc, No. 2111). Refebences fob Chafteb IX. (For Maps and Map References, see Histoby Teacher's Magazine for April, 1918.) Allen, G. H., and Whitehead, H. C, The Great War. 2 vols, issued. Anon., A German Deserter's War Experience (1917). Belloo, H., a General Sketch of the European War. t vols, issued. Buchan, J., Nelson's History of the War. Boyd, W., With the Field Ambulance at Yprea (1916). Bbittain, H. B., To Verdun from the Sonuue, 1016. Cobb, L S., Paths of Glory (1915). Doyle, A. Conan, A History of the Great War. 2 voli. issued. Bye- Witness's Naebative of the Wab : From the Mam* to Neuve Chapelle (1916). FoETESCUE, G., At the Front with Three Armies (1014). Gibbs, p.. The Soul of the War (1916). , The Battles of the Somme ( 1917 ) . Hay, Ian, The First Hundred Thousand. KivKTEDY. .1. M.. The Campaign Around Li^i^ (19141. The (London) Times' History of the Wab (serial, weekly ) . Masefield, J., Gallipoli. New Yoek Times Cueeent Histoby (serial, monthly.) Olgin, M. J., The Soul of the Russian Revolution (1918). Palmee, F., My Year of the War. , My Second Year of the War. PovncLL, E. A., Italy at War ( 1917 ) . Reed, J., The War in Eastern Europe. RuHL, A., Antwerp to Gallipoli (1916). Sabolea, C, How Belgium Saved Europe, viil-ivlii. SiMONDS, F., History of the Great War. Veehaeeen, E., Belgium's Agony. Washbtjen, S., The Russian Advance (1917). Wells, H. G., Italy, France and Great Britain at War (1917). ^ Refebences fob Chapter X. Babson, R. W., The Future of World Peace. Buxton, C. R. (Editor), Towards a Lasting Peace (1915). Cheeadame, A., The Disease and Cure. (Reprinted from Atlantio Monthly, November and December, 1917.) "Cosmos," The Basis of a Durable Peace (1917). Geumbach, S., and Babkee, J. E., GernJany's Annexa- tionist Aims (abridgment in English of Grumbach's Annex- ionistische Deutschland ) . Headlam, J. W., The Issue (1917). Heeeon, G. D., Woodrow Wilson and the World's Peac* (1917). Hill, E. J., The Rebuilding of Europe. Mabcosson, I. L., The War After the War. Toynbee, J. A., The New Europe (1016). Webb, Sidney, When Peace Comes; the Way of Indus- trial Reconstruction. III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 65 PART III. Preliminaries of the World Conflict Syllabus of a Course of Study BY HALFORD L. HOSKINS, HIGH SCHOOL, WICHITA, KANSAS. PREFACE. This study outline is the result of an attempt to supply the need for an especially practical course in European his- tory. It is not intended to constitute a history of the World War, nor a plan which stresses all the phases of life In modern Europe. It is, however, designed to secure for the student a broad, comprehensive view of European his- tory, particularly during modern times, noting tendencies and motives, and attempting to interpret the significant facts and to give their explanation in terms of every-day life. It is primarily a history course rather than merely a war course, but it is intended to be the means of conveying a sane and intelligent understanding of the circumstances in which we live. Prepared for a one semester's course, the plan as given is necessarily not exhaustive; it does provide a sufficiently complete course of study for the average high school stu- dent. The teacher must determine, of course, to what ex- tent the outline is to be developed. Our views of the com- parative importance of the many phases of the present sit- uation are so varied and so changing that the relative amount of time which should be devoted to the diflferent features of the course is .difficult to determine. Moreover, there are no established precedents for such a course, and, in a sense, it is a pioneer. It is evident that in one semes- ter the ground covered cannot be very extensive if a thor- ough understanding of historical development is to be se- cured. For this reason, high school courses in European history, covering the field of history from its beginning to about 1700, are made a prerequisite. This furnishes a working basis for the development of the specialized topics of the course. The outline provides for sixty lessons, thus giving sufficient latitude for supplementary work, reviews, tests, or more thorough consideration of some of the topics in the outline. The topic for each day's work has been outlined some- what in detail, chiefly for the purpose of serving as a guide to reading. This outline is not intended to summarize the chief points of the lesson, but rather to direct the investiga- tion and to stimulate interest and curiosity on the part of the student. Recitations in such a course are not supposed to be devoted to the mere recitation of facts, except where necessary to insure a proper understanding of important points, but are intended to give opportunity for the discus- sion of the more significant facts in human development. Neither are the problems included in each lesson in any sense exhaustive. They are inserted chiefly for the purpose of stimulating thought and inquiry, as well as for serving as an indication of the more important phases of the les- son. However, a student who has a, good comprehension of all the problems listed must needs have a rather thorough knowledge of the whole field. Since there is as yet no textbook available for such a course, it is taken for granted that a reasonably good work- ing reference library is at hand. Also, since much of the material needed for reference in the latter part of the course is not yet in permanent form, the student must necessarily have access to the recent volumes of dependable current literature. The references cited in connection with the study outline are those which are to be found in most history reference libraries, and while the list is not in any sense complete, it still provides a sufficient working basis for the preparation of the lesson and the discussion of the main facts involved in it. Special reports and notebook ex- ercises may be given by the teacher. It may be said, how- ever, that too much stress cannot be laid upon the study of maps showing the development of modern Europe. An additional list of references is given in the bibliogra- phy appended to this syllabus. Only those books have been listed which offer material from an historical point of view. The object in preparing this bibliography has been not so much the presentation of a complete list of authoritative works as the listing of a comparatively few dependable vol- umes on the main phases of the war and its foundation. In the references given in the outline proper the titles of reference books are given but once, and thereafter are not included. The most important references for the prepara- tions of lessons are starred. There seems to be no neces- sity here for a grouping of references under the heads of sources and secondary works. Both outlines and references are presented more in detail as the course progresses, for reasons which are obvious. The success of the course depends largely on the willing- ness of the student to do extensive reading and investigat- ing, while constantly striving to understand the forces which have directed the actions of men. If a sufficiently critical, questioning spirit is consistently applied, the course will have well served its purpose. BRIEF OUTLINE OF PRELIMINARIES OF THE PRESENT WORLD SITUATION. A. Historical BACKGKOtrND. I. Origin of the European States. 1. Heritage of the Dark Ages. 2. Outcome of the Feudal Period. 3. Development of Nationalities to the Reformation. 4. Situation at the End of the Religious Wars. II. National Consolidation and Expansion. 1. The Constitutional Development of England. 2. Founding of the British Empire. 3. Louis XIV in European Affairs. 4. Rise of Russia: Sweden. 5. Rise of Prussia: Poland Partitioned. III. Revolutionary Period in Europe. 1. The French Revolution and Napoleon. a. The Course of the French Revolution. b. Napoleon: His Campaigns. 66 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. c. Napoleon's Reconstruction of Europe. d. The Congress of Vienna. 2. Later Revolutionary Activity. a. Europe Under Metternich. b. The French Revolution of 1848. c. 1848 in Austria and Germany. IV. Constitutional Development of the Western Powers. 1. The Unification of Italy. a. Italy from 1815 to 1849. b. Subsequent Steps in Unification. 2. The Unification of Germany. a. Bismarck and the Austro-Prussian War. b. The Franco-Prussian War. c. The New German Empire. 3. France and Britain. a. The Third French Republic. b. The Present British Constiti;tion. c. The Irish Problem. B. Development of Wokld Pboblems. I. Phases of Territorial Expansion. 1. The Partition of Africa. a. Problems of European Expansion. b. The Resulting African Situation. 2. The Far East. a. The Russo-Japanese War. t b. Relations of Japan and China. 3. The Balkan Situation. a. Liberation of the Balkan States. b. Recent Conflicting Balkan Interests. 4. The Near East. ■ a. Turkey and the Eastern Question, b. The Problems of Constantinople. II. Events Leading to the War. 1. Review of Conflicting Interests. a. Aims of Austria. b. Situation of Russia. c. The Case of Germany. d. The Case of Britain. e. The Case of France. f. The Circumstances of Italy. g. Situation of the Minor Powers. 2. Late Diplomatic History. a. Triple Alliance and Triple Entente. b. The Hague Peace Conferences. c. Recent Diplomatic Crises. 3. Preparation for War. a. Objects of War. b. Militarism and Armaments. c. Austro-German War Preparations. d. The German Idea of War. C. The Wab. I. Opening Events. 1. The Austro-Serbian Controversy. 2. Failure of Diplomacy. 3. Violation of Belgian Neutrality. 4. Spread of the War. II. The Course of the War. 1. Conduct of the War. a. Events of 1914-15. b. The War During 1916. c. Developments in 1917-18. 2. The Russian Situation. 3. Entrance of the United States. a. Struggle to Maintain Neutrality. b. Reasons for the Declaration of War. c. America's Place in the Struggle. III. Prospectus. 1. Proposals for Peace. 2. Proposed Remedies for War. 3. The Future of War. PRELIMINARIES OF THE PRESENT WORLD SITUATION. A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. I. Oeiqin of the Eueopean States. 1. Heritage from the Dark Ages. a. Break-Up of the Roman Empire. b. Barbarian migrations and settlements. (1) Disappearance of civilization. c. New physical or racial basis. (1) Variety of racial proportions. (2) Foundation for modern European peoples. (3) Formation of new languages and institutions (a), e. g., the Romance nations. References : Harding, New Medieval and Modern History, pp. 13-25. Myers, Medieval and Modern History, chaps. 1, 2, 4. West, Modern World, chaps. 3, 4. Robinson and Breasted, Outlines of European History, chap. 12. Problems : What are the three prime elements of modem civiliza- tion? Show that the barbarian invasions of Europe were the greatest blessings in disguise. Where, in these dark times, were any elements of the problems of the present? Explain the similarities and differences of the Spanish, French, Italian, English and German languages. 2. Outcome of the Feudal Period. a. The Feudal System in theory and practice. (1) Its causes and nature. (2) Growth of common language and sentiment. b. Gradual rise of nations. ( 1 ) Formation of the nuclei of nations. (2) Absence of natural or racial boundaries. (3) First attempts at centralized government. c. Complete disintegration of the Carolingian Empire. References : Harding, chaps. 1-4. Myers, chaps. 7, 8, 9. West, chaps. 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 9; all brief. Robinson and Breasted, chap. 16. Problems : On what basis did the present nations of western Eu- rope form? Does this in any way account for their later conflicts? Point out instances where some of the gravest problems now found in Europe must be traced to the Feudal Period for their origin. What is a bufl'er state? Its purpose? S. Development of Nationalities to the ReforrrMtion. a. The Holy Roman Empire. ( 1 ) Origin of the idea. (2) Attempts to use it as a working basis. ' (3) Subsequent condition of Germany and Italy. b. England. (1) Anglo-Saxon England. (2) Danes and Normans. (3) Rise of free institutions. c. Growth of France. ( 1 ) Formation of the French Kingdom. (2) Outcome of the Hundred Years' War. d. Rise of Spain. (1) Spanish Marches. (2) Consolidation of the Christian states. K. The Crusades. (1) Important effects on Europe. III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 67 References : Harding, sketch chaps. 6, 7, 8, U, 12, 13, 14. Myers, chaps. 11, 12, 13, 17. West, chaps. 10, 11, 12, 16, 17. Robinson and Breasted, chaps. 18, 19. Problems: Account for the lack of any kind of national govern- ment in Germany and Italy until recent times. Explain the development of free institutions in Eng- land, and their absence everywhere else. Note the long hostility of France and England, and Its causes. Also note the uncertainty of territories and boundaries when France was in process of formation. Use maps liberally. 4- Situation at the End of the Religious Wars. a. Revolt of the Netherlands. (1) The religious situation. (2) The foundation for modern states. b. The Thirty Years' War. ( 1 ) Its scope. (2) Peace of Westphalia: territorial changes. (a) Acquisitions of Sweden. (b) Gains of France: Alsace. (c ) Rearrangements in Germany, Holland, Switzerland. References : . Harding, chap. 19. Myers, chaps. 23, 24, 25. West, chap. 22. Robinson and Breasted, chap. 26. Problems : Was the chief motive of these long wars religion? If not, what? What effect did the Thirty Years' War have on the later development of Germany? Read descriptions of these wars in *Gardiner, " Thirty Years' War." Here Germany was the helpless battleground of na- tions: might this have left some elements of hate in the German mind? II. National Consolidation and Expansion. 1. Constitutional Development of England. a. Struggles of Parliament for ascendancy. ( 1 ) Effect of the Wars of the Roses. (2) Recuperation of Parliament under the Tudors. b. Conflicts between King and Parliament. (1) Divine Right idea of the Stuarts. (2) Opposition of Parliament. (3) Civil War and the Commonwealth. (4) The Restoration and the Revolution of 1688. c. Later growth of constitutional government. (1) Parliamentary growth under the Hanovers. (2) Influence on the English people. (3) Results on the world's progress. References : Harding, pp. 221-225, chap. 21, Myers, chap. 28. West, chaps. 23-26. Robinson and Breasted, chap. 27. Cheyney, Short History of England, summaries of chaps. 9-17. Problems: What has been the importance to modern history of British constitutional development? Cite concrete illustrations. In what sense has England been the laboratory of the world ? Why should it matter particularly to other powers whether England or Germany controls Gibraltar and Suez in times of peace? Note the places where, up to the present, the highest type of citizenship has been developed. 2. Founding of the British Empire. ', a. Motives. ( 1 ) Increase of the population in England. (2) Religion. (3) Commerce. b. Means. ( 1 ) Peaceful explorations and settlement. (2) Military force in eases of dispute. c. Reasons for success. ( 1 ) Character of the colonists. ( 2 ) The policy of colonial support. (3) Nature of colonial government. d. Extent. ( 1 ) Extent of power in North America. (2) Control of India. References : Harding, pp. 453-462. Myers, chap. 31. West, chap. 27, pp. 418-422. Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European ilistorv II, pp. 72-79. ' *Cheyney, chap. 17. Problems : Has British expansion always been conscious? How can England's monopoly of so many large colonial fields be accounted for? Where do you find possible "bones of contention" in this territorial growth? Which state should be considered England's most logi- cal rival in the colonial field up to the nineteenth century? Why? 3. Louis XIT in European Affairs. a. Louis' chief ambitions. (1) To be supreme in France. (2) To make France supreme in Europe. b. Louis' foreign designs. ( 1 ) Attempts to conquer the Dutch. (a) Lack of success; small gains. (2) War of the Palatinate (King William's War). (a) Seizure of German territory. (b) Gains at the end of the war. ( 3 ) War of the Spanish Succession ( Queen Anne's War ) . (a) New coalitions and interests involved. (b) Peace of Utrecht. u. Summary of his influence. (1) On the political map. (2) On social and religious conditions. References : Harding, chap. 20. Myers, chap. 27. West, chap. 28. Robinson and Breasted, chap. 28. Problems : Were Louis' ambitions pardonable? Summarize the territories by which France was gainer at the end of his wars and note the nations which were losers. What did the people in the territories concerned have to say about it? Would such wars and transfers tend to develop national feeling, or not? Note that Europe is in a, constant state of unstable equilibrium, of which now one, now another, ambi- tious man tries to take advantage. 4- Rise of Russia: Sweden. a. Origin of Russia. ( 1 ) Races, peoples and geography of Russia. (2) The coming of the Northmen: Rurik. (3) The founding of the Romanoff dynasty. 68 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. b. Wars with Sweden. ( 1 ) Territorial ambitions of Peter I. (2) Defeat of Charles XII of Sweden. (3) Loss of territory to Eussia and Prussia. c. Internal reforms of Peter I. (1) Opening the door westward; Petrograd. (2) Attempts toward modernization of Eussia. References : Harding, pp. 431-437. Myers, chap. 19. West, chap. 29. Eohinson and Beard, pp. 53-58. Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 17-27. Problems : Compare the rise of Russia and France. Account for the difference. Was Eussia " entitled " to a western seaport, as Peter claimed ? Ought Eussia's late entrance into European affairs be an argument for or against rapid development? Why? Note that Eussia came into existence as a civilized state at the expense of other powers. How might that affect her future? 5. Rise of Prussia: Poland Partitioned. .a. Origin of Prussia. <( 1 ) Growth of Brandenburg. <(2) Addition of Prussia. i3) Further gains of the early Hohenzollerns. h. Acquisitions of Frederick II. (1) Seizure of Silesia. ( 2 ) War on the Austrian Succession ( King George's War ) . (a) Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. (3) The Seven Years' War (French and Indian War). (a) Treaties of Hubertsburg and Paris. (b) Importance of the territorial changes. (4) Constructive work of Frederick. c. Fate of Poland. (1) Eeview of independent Poland. (2) Three partitions to Prussia, Eussia and Austria. References : Harding, pp. 437-453, 462-465. Myers, chap. 30. West, pp. 415-420. Robinson and Beard, pp. 58-72. Hazen, pp. 10-17, 29. Problems : What have ever been some of the most striking traits of the Hohenzollern family? In what rulers of the line have these been most pronounced? When and why was a policy of Prussian military supremacy undertaken? Why is Frederick's statue to be removed from Washington? What were the objects in the partitions of Poland? Why is Germany proposing to re-establish Poland as an independent state ? Would Poland be independent ? Note the far-reaching results of the Seven Years' War. III. The EEVOLtTTiONAEY Peeiod in Eueope. 1. The French Revolution and Napoleon. a. Course of the French Eevolution. ( 1 ) Causes of the Eevolution. (a) Causes inherent in France and Europe. (b) Increasing enlightenment. ( 2 ) Attempts at popular government. (a) Failure of the monarchy. (b) Successive national bodies. (c) Reasons for the failure of popular government. (3) Foreign complications. (a) French revolutionary propaganda abroad. (b) The interference of Austria and Prussia. (c) Effect on the course of the Eevolution. References: Harding, chaps. 24, 25. Myers, chap. 33. West, chaps. 31, 32, 33, 34. Eobinson and Beard, chaps. 5, 6, 7. Hazen, chaps. 1-8. Problems : What old principles led the Austrians and Prussians to invade France without provocation in 1792? What is the great significance of the French Eervolu- tion? Why were the French unable to find a working form of popular government? Cf. present Eussia. Note the feeling of the reactionary governments toward anything like liberalism. b. Napoleon: His campaigns. ( 1 ) Napoleon's early career. (a) Napoleon's characteristics and ambitions. (b) Qualities of leadership. (c) Early services to France. (2) The Emjpire. (a) Successive steps in the rise to power. (b) The creation of the Empire. (c) Napoleon's war policy. (3) The military campaigns. (a) Campaigns during the Directory and Consulate, i. Italian campaign. ii. Expedition to Egypt. (b) Campaigns as Emperor. i. The struggle against coalitions, ii. Wars resulting from the Continental System. iii. The Hundred Days. (c) Napoleon's rank as a military genius. References : Harding, chap. 26, pp. 527-530, 534-541. Myers, pp. 543-555, 557-568, 573-579. West, chaps. 35, 36, pp. 489-493, 497-500. Eobinson and Beard, chap. 8, pp. 207-217. •Hazen, pp. 179-186, 191-205, 208-212, 213-248. Problems : Was the French Eevolution a failure? How do you account for Napoleon? Would the same kind of situation produce such another? Did Napoleon discredit or create friends for the Eevo- lution ? What feeling have his crushing victories and harsh terms caused toward France on the part of her neigh- bors? Study Napoleon's military principles. How do those of the present German Empire compare with themt c. Napoleon's reconstruction of Europe. (1) Napoleon's work in France. (a) Eeform of the administration. (b) The Code Napoleon. (2) Changes elsewhere in Europe. (a) Creation of new governments and states. (b) The reorganization of Germany. (c) Dissolution of the Holy Eoman Empire. (3) Summary of achievements. (a) Napoleon's permanent works. (b) Their effect on recent Europe. References : Harding, pp. 530-534. Myers, pp. 555-557, 568-573. West, pp. 493-497. Eobinson and Beard, pp. 193-197. Hazen, pp. 186-191, 205-208, 212-213. Problems : In what respects does Napoleon deserve to rank among the few great men of history? III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 69 Wtere did Napoleon's wisdom fail him? Are great men chiefly the product of circumstances? On the whole, has Napoleon had a balance of fortimate or unfortunate influence on France? On Europe? ■d. The Congress of Vienna. (1) Composition of the Congress. (a) Leadership: Metternich and Talleyrand. (b) Countries and purposes represented. (2) Its tasks. (a) The undoing of- the work of Napoleon. (b) Reconstruction of the map of Europe. (c) Reinstating of the principle of legitimacy. (d) Prevention of revolutionary recurrences. (3) Its work. (a) As to rulers. (b) As to territories and boundaries. References : Harding, pp. 542-548. Myers, pp. 580-585. Hazen, pp. 249-254. West, pp. 504-506. Robinson and Beard, pp. 227-236. Problems : Did the Congress of Vienna succeed in its work? In what respects did it fail? Account for the liberal terms given France. Had the work of the French Revolution been undone? Consider the Congress of Vienna as an example of the settlement of European troubles by arbitration. Why was it impossible for this arbitration to be per- manent ? 2. Later Bevokitionary Activity. a. Europe under Metternich, (1) Metternich and his policy. (a) Series of congresses. (b) Armed intervention. (2) The " Holy " Alliance. (a) Its nature and purpose. (b) .Its methods. <3) Revolutionary activity in 1820-30. (a) Rise of secret societies. (b) Loss of Spain's colonies. (c) French Revolution of 1830. (d) Revolutionary movements elsewhere. <4) Partial failure of reaction. (a) Attitude of England. (b) The Monroe Doctrine. References: Harding, chap. 29. Hazen, pp. 254-288. Myers, pp. 585-591, 614-617. West, chaps. 39, 40, 41. Robinson and Beard, pp. 236-260. Problems : Was Metternich's attitude toward revolution to be wondered at? Did the Holy Alliance and similar organizations post- pone the libera'tion of Europe seriously? Where seemed to be the hotbed of revolutionary activ- ity? Why? What stand did England take on Interference to main- tain absolutism? Of what importance was her atti- tude? b. The French Revolution of 1848. ( 1 ) Downfall of Louis Philippe. (a) Unpopular ministers. (b) Rise of socialism. i. National workshops. (2) Second French Republic. (a) Election of Louis Napoleon. (3) Second French Empire, (a) Napoleon's coup d'etat. (b) Aggressive foreign policy. (c) Disastrous results. References; Harding, pp. 578-587. *Hazen, chaps. 15, 17. Myers, pp. 591-594. West, chaps. 45, 46. Robinson and Beard, chap. 13. Problems : Note the causes of the rapid growth of the socialistic party in France. What part did this party take in the Revolution of 1848? Must we account for the rapid transition from republic to empire in French psychology or in circumstances likely to occur anywhere? Why, in a time of peace and prosperity, did Napoleon III deliberately choose a policy of war? Did he at- tain his object at any time? Sum up the evils now being faced by the French people for which they, as a people, are not to blame, c. 1848 in Austria and Germany. ( 1 ) Condition of the Austrian Empire. (a) Agitation of Liberals. (b) Movements of various races for autonomy. (2) Progress of the Revolution. (a) Revolution in Hungary: Kossuth. (b) Agitation in Bohemia, i. Flight of Metternich. ii. Lack of unity among the revolutionists, iii. Failure of the Revolution. ( 3 ) Risings in Germany. (a) Constitution granted in Prussia. (b) Proposals of the Frankfort Parliament. (c) Hostile attitude taken by Austria. (d) Virtual failure of the Revolution. References : Harding, pp. 601-607. *Hazen, chap. 16. West, pp. 566-571. *Robinson and Beard, chap. 14. Problems : Compare the struggles of the Hungarian states for lib- erty with those of the English colonies in America. In general, what caused the failure of the liberal move- ments in Austria and Germany, just as success seemed to be at hand? What is the essential difl'erence between German des- potism as now practiced and the system used and advocated by Metternich? IV. COJSrSTITUTIONAI, DEVELOPMENT OF THE WeSTEBN POWEES. 1. The Unification of Italy. a. Italy from 1815 to 1849. (1) Italy after the Congress of Vienna. (a) A "geographical expression." (b) Italy's tasks. i. Elimination of foreign control, ii. Establishment of constitutional government. (2) The Revolution of 1830. (a) Liberal agitation everywhere. (b) Leadership of Sardinia-Piedmont, i. Constitution granted. ii. War with Austria. (c) Failure of the Revolution. i. DisaflTection among the allies. ii. Defeat of the Sardinian armies, iii. Humiliating peace with Austria. References : Harding, pp. 607, 610-611. *Hazen, pp. 305-306, 325-329, chap. 23. Myers, pp. 619-624. 70 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. West, pp. 571-574. Robinson and Beard, pp. 305-307. Problems: What circumstances favored Italian unification in 1848 more than at any previous time? In what respects was the Revolution of 1848 in Italy a success ? The completion of this task was necessarily carried out at whose expense? b. Subsequent steps in unification. (1) Policy of Cavour. (a) Consolidation of Piedmont. (b) Foreign aid against Austria. (c) Participation in the Crimean War. (2) Unity accomplished. (a) Important patriotic services, i. Mazzini. ii. Patriotic and secret organizations. (b) The war of 1859. i. Faithlessness of Napoleon III. ii. Exchange of territories. (c) The Kingdom of Italy. i. Winning of Naples: Garibaldi, ii. Gaining of Venetia. iii. Seizure of Rome. (d) The Constitution of Italy. References : Harding, pp. 611-618. Myers, pp. 624-633. West, pp. 574-581. Robinson and Beard, pp. 311-322. *Hazen, pp. 329-340, 349, 360, 409-415. Robinson and Beard, Readings in European History II, Nos. 237-245. Problems : Why is the Pope called the " Prisoner of the Vatican " ? What is his attitude toward the present Italian gov- ernment, and why? Explain Italia Irredenta. What relations should be expected between Italy and Austria since the unification of the former? 2. The Unification of Oermany. a.. Bismarck and the Austro-Prussian War. ( 1 ) Character of the German Confederation. (i2) The ZoUverein. (a) Its membership. (b) Creation of sentiment for unity. (3) Bismarck's character and policies. (a) Reorganization of Prussian military system. (b) The policy of " Blood and Iron." (c) Victory over the Prussian Parliament. (4) The war with Denmark. (a) Recovery of ychleswig-Holstein. (b) Provocation for the Austro-Prussian War. (5) Seven Weeks' War with Austria. (a) Excellent preparation of Prussia. (b) Prompt defeat of Austria. (c) Formation of the North German Confederation. References : Harding, pp. 623-626. *Hazen, chap. 19. Myers, pp. 634-643. West, pp. 582-588. Robinson and Beard, pp. 323-330. Readings, II, Nos. 250-257. Problems : What has always seemed to justify war with Prussia? What influence has military rule had on aspirations toward liberal government? Why? Why does Denmark undertake to remain neutral in- stead of trying to recover her lost provinces? Why was Austria not included in the new plans for German unity? b. The Franco-Prussian War. ( 1 ) Napoleon's demands for " compensation." (a) Rebuffs of Prussia. (2) Fear of Prussia's growing strength. (a) Dangers of German unification to France. (b) Relative increase of populations. (3) Diplomacy of Bismarck. (a) Plans for the humiliation of France. (b) Designs for further German unification. (4) Course of the war. (a) Question of Spanish succession. (b) French declaration of war.. (c) Immediate Prussian victory. ( 5 ) Terms of peace. (a) Humiliation of France. (b) Creation of the German Empire. References : Davis, chaps. I and II. Harding, pp. 626-630. Hazen, chap. 20. Myers, pp. 594-596, 643-649. West, pp. 583-591. Robinson and Beard, pp. 330-334. Readings, II, Nos. 258-261. Problems : Why should Bismarck have desired the war with France? How did it bring about German unifica- tion? Why was all France so anxious to under- take it? How do you account for the severe terms of peace im- posed upon France? Were they profitable in the- long run? What part of the causes of the present war lie in thiS' struggle of 1870-71? c. The new German Empire. ( 1 ) Composition of the new Empire. (2) The Constitution. (a) Its origin. (b) Nature of the Federation. (3) The Imperial government. (a) Provisions for Emperor, i. Powers of the Emperor. (b) The Federal Council (Bundesrat). (c) Diet of the Empire (Reichstag). (d) The Imperial Ministry. (4) Suffrage. (a) Restriction of popular will. (b) Circle voting. (c) The resulting autocracy. References (brief accounts) : Harding, pp. 630-632. Hazen, pp. 363-366. West, pp. 654-660. Robinson and Beard, pp. 340-348. (Longer accounts) : Hazen, . The German Government, War Information Series. President's Flag Day Address, Note No. 7, War In- formation Series. Gerard, My Four Years in Germany, chap. VII. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 267-273. Problems : What makes it possible for the Kaiser to control alt German affairs? Compare the structure of the German government with that of the United States; with England. What are the conditions which make revolution itt Germany difiicult? Under what conditions is revo- lution deemed possible? 3. France and Britain. a. The Third French Republic. (1) Provisional government after the Franco-Prussian War III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 71 (a) Trouble with the Paris Commune (b) Variety of political parties. (2) The Republican Constitution. (a) Organic laws of 1875. i. Method of presidential election, ii. Composition of two legislative bodies. (b) Recent changes and amendments. (3) Trials of the Third Republic. (a) The Dreyfus affair. (b) Relations of church and state. (c) Extreme political parties. References : Davis, chap. VII. Harding, pp. 592-598. Hazen, chap. 22. Myers, pp. 596-598. West, chap. 57. Robinson and Beard, pp. 356-376. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 281-288. Problems : Compare the French and British constitutions. Is either one strictly an artificial form? Which is more efficient, and why? Suppose they were ex- changed ? What has been the importance of the Dreyfus case in the political development of France? Why do the Germans consider the war won if they reach Paris? . The present British Constitution. (1) Unique nature of the British constitution. (a) Its origin. (b) Evolution to its present form. (c) Unusual features. (2) Present democratic character. (a) The cabinet system. (b) The principle of representation. (c) Mobility of the constitution. i. Ease of amendment. ii. Relation to the kingship. (3) Its success. (a) Advantages of the British form of government. (b) Its widespread influence. References : Harding, pp. 655-661. *Hazen, chaps. 25, 26. Myers, pp. 599-609. West, chaps. 50-55. Robinson and Beard, pp. 381-405. Cheyney, review of chaps. 19, 20. •Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 290-307, es- pecially Nos. 295, 296. Problems : Note the advantages and disadvantages of the British type of constitution. When does it work more effi- ciently, in times of peace or war? How about the German type? Why do the English maintain an expensive royal household, yet take pride in their democracy ? Consider the British type of constitution as the best evidence of the steady progressiveness of the Anglo- Saxon peoples. The Irish problem. (1) Origin of the Irish question. (a) Race differences. (b) Religious development. (c) Early English abuses in administration. (2) The modern situation. (a) Agitation for Home Rule. i. The Ulster problem. ii. Patriotic societies. iii. Efforts of Gladstone. "Yellow Peril"? 3. The Balkan Situation. a. Liberation of the Balkan States. (1) Turkish control of the Balkans. (a) Centuries of misrule. (b) The nature of Turkish government. (2) Early wars for liberation. (a) The Greek war for independence, i. The aid of Russia. ii. Treaty of Adrianople. (b) Russo-Turkish War of 1877-8. i. Interests of Russia. ii. Treaty of San Stefano. iii. Subsequent Treaty of Berlin. (3) The Balkan Wars of 1912-13. (a) The object. (b) Success of the Balkan allies. (c) Attitude of the Great Powers. (d) The Treaty of London. References: Davis, chaps. XII, XIII, XX. *Hazen, chap. 33. West, chap. 53. Powers, chap. 9. Harding, pp. 677-680, 682-684. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, map of Balkan Europe; explanation, pp. 191-192. Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xxxi- xxxvi. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 342-350. Problems: Why were the Balkans so long in gaining their free- dom? Account for Russia's interest in the freedom of the- Balkan states. Why have the Great Powers undone so much costly work as regards the ending of the Turkish Empire la Europe? Should not Europe have received the treaty of Sai» Stefano with great satisfaction? b. Conflicting Balkan interests. ( 1 ) Wars among the Balkan states. (a) Rival claims of Servia and Bulgaria. (b) Hostility of Greece and Romania. (c) General conflict. (d) The Treaty of Bucharest. (2) Results of the conflicts. (a) New alliances among the Great Powers. (b) The changed Balkan map. (c) Unsatisfactory racial conditions. i. The crushing of " national " hopes. ii. The ignoring of economic needs, iii. Creation of Albania, iv. Disposition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. (3) Relation of the Balkans to the war. References : Davis, chap. XX. *Hazen, chap. 37 and map. •Powers, p. 366, chap. 9. West, pp. 717-719. Harding, pp. 684-685. Rose, pt. I, chap. 9. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, articles on Serbia and Bulgaria; vol. 28, 185-249, Rumania and Greece, pp. 295-329, "Greece of To-day; " vol. 30, pp. 360-391, " Rumania, the Pivotal State." War Cyclopedia, " Balkan Wars," " Drang nach Osten," etc. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 351-363. Problems: Why is the Balkan situation so complex and persis- tently unsatisfactory? III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 78 What about the benefits of modern Christian govern- ment? Account for the mutual jealousies among the Balkan state?. Explain the phenomenon of Albania. ■i. The Near East. a. Turkey and the Eastern Question. (1) The position of Turkey in Europe. (a) Record of Turkey as an European power. (b) Present status of Turkey. (c) Relations of Turkey and the Great Powers. (2) The Eastern Question. (a) Its definition. (b) Reasons for ending Turkish rule, i. The Armenian situation. ii. Failure of Turkish administration. iii. No justification for existence. (c) Importance of the war's outcome. (3) Turkish claims to consideration. (a) Record for fairness and dependability. (b) Frequent impositions of Christian peoples. (c) Recent tendencies toward progress. References: Davis, chaps. IV, V, XIII. *Powers, chap. 8. *Hazen, pp. 540, 546-548, 555-557, 594-595, 613. West, pp. 715, 736-737. Rose, pt. I, chap. 7. War Cyclopedia, " Young Turks," etc. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, map of Balkan Europe. Problems : Explain Turkey's entrance into the war on the side of the Central Powers. Has Turkey any claim for existence as an European power? What has preserved her existence thus far? Have we misjudged the Turk? In what light do we judge the American Indian? Does the Turk give sufficient promise of eventually be- coming a useful citizen of the world? b. The problem of Constantinople. (1) The strategic position of Constantinople. (a) Dominance of all the Near East. (b) Its historic significance. (c) The strategic center of the world. (d) Natural military strength. (2) Commercial significance of the location. (a) The gateway to the Black Sea region. i. Size and nature of the territory dominated. (b) Potential rival of the world's greatest cities. (3) Its importance in the war. (a) The Gallipoli campaign. ■ (b) Its relation to the final terms of peace. (c) linportance of its future control. References : •Powers, chap. 5, p. 349, map p. 119. •National Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, " Gates to the Black Sea." Hazen, pp. 172, 603. War Cyclopedia, " Gallipoli," etc. Problems : What importance did Napoleon attach to Constantino- ple, and why? Note the territory controlled by Constantinople in agri- cultural and commercial respects. What further strategic value has the city? What appears to be the inevitable future of the loca- tion? II. Conditions Resulting in the Was. 1. Review of Conflicting Interests. . Aims of Austria. (1) Nature of the Dual Monarchy. (a) Historical sketch. (b) The present constitution. (2) The question of races. (a) The racial kaleidoscope in Hungary. (b) National aspirations. (c) Connection with the Balkan problems. (3) Question of the state's continued existence. (a) Austrian vs. Balkan government. (b) Plans for a Balkan federation. i. Austria's desire for a "free hand" in the Balkana. ii. The idea of " Pan-Slavism." (c) Need for larger integration in Europe. References : Davis, chap. XIV. •Powers, chaps. 4, 9; maps, pp. 61, 177. Hazen, chap. 24. West, chap. 60. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 311-393. " Hungary." War Cyclopedia, "Austria and Serbia," etc. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 262-266. Problems : Is a union of distinct races or peoples under one arti- ficial government justifiable? Which are the only permanent boimdaries? To what extent should racial boundaries be considered in map What appears to be the best solution of the problem of races and nationalities in Austria-Hungary and the Balkan states? Note the instances where national aspirations have been modified or extinguished by continued enforced union with foreign governments. b. The situation of Russia. (1) Geographical conditions of Russia. (a) Relative size. (b) The question of outlets. i. Problem of the Pacific. ii. Problem of the Baltic. iii. Problem of the Mediterranean. (2) Conflicting foreign interests. (a) Territorial interests. (b) Problem of races and populatipn. (3) Inevitable future of Russia. (a) Necessity for expansion. (b) Pressure on the Central Powers. (c) Russia's relation to the War. References : Davis, chap. XXI. •Powers, chap. 11; sketch, chaps. 5, 7; map, p. 191. West, pp. 699-709. Harding, pp. 707-711. Rose, pt. I, chap. 11; pt. II, chap. 9. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 327-341. Problems : Why did the Germans say, as war was declared, that it was against Russia? Was it true? Did the Russo-Japanese War settle the conflict between Russia and Japan? What are some of the gravest problems future Russia has to solve ? Do they involve wars, or rumors of wars? What Russian problems depend on the war's outcome? c. The Case of Germany. (1) German national policies after 1871. (a) The policy of Bismarck. (b) Policy of peaceful commercial expansion. (c) Pan-German expansionist policy. (2) Obstacle to these policies. (a) Russian growth and expansion. 74 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. (b) Rapid recovery of France. (c) Foreign monopoly of colonial and commercial in- terests. (3) Failures of German plans for expansion. (a) Checkmate in South America. (b) Forestalling in South Africa. (c) Morocco incidents. (i) Changes in German policy. (a) Preparation for the use of force. (b) Mitteleuropa project. (c) Certain trend toward war. References : Davis, chaps. IX, X, XVII, XIX. *Powers, chap. 12. Hazen, chap. 21. West, chap. 58. Harding, pp. 630-636. War Cyclopedia, "Autocracy," " Kaiserism," " William II," " Place in the Sun," " Pan-Germanism," etc. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 275-311, " The German Nation." President's Flag Day Address, Red, White and Blue Series. Conquest and Kultur, sections 6, 13, 16, Red, White and Blue Series. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 274-280. d. The Case of Britain. (1) Nature of the British Empire. (a) Unconscious growth of the Empire. (b) Indispensability to British life. (c) Outstanding benefits of British rule. (2) British dependence on sea power. (a) Necessity for constant food supply. (b) Sole means of protection for the Empire. (c) Natural danger of foreign expansionist policies. {3) Conflict of British and German interests. (a) The question of national existence. (b) Danger of Germany's foreign policy. (c) The natural question of naval supremacy, i. Competition in naval construction. ii. The coming of the submarine. References : Davis, chap. XVIII. *Powers, chap. 13. Hazen, review of chap. 27, noting maps. West, chaps. 55, 56. Harding, chap. 33. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 29, pp. 217-273, " Great Britain's Bread Upon the Waters," W. H. Taft. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 312-326. Problems : Explain Britain's interest in Bagdad, Morocco and Belgium. Does every nation have a right to adopt a policy of expansion of national interests? Is this always ex- pedient? In any event, how will the war affect the British Em- pire? ■e. The Case of France. (1) Influence of geography on French history. (a) Unique and enviable position. (b) Sketch of French territorial history. (2) Forces making for permanent peace. (a) Decline in the population. (b) Peculiar commercial and financial relations. (c) Growing reconciliation over Alsace-Lorraine. (3) Causes leading to conflict of interests. (a) Desire for national expansion. (b) Growing hostility of Germany. (c) Nature of colonial holdings. i. Forces producing the entente cordiale. (4) Future position of France. ■References: •Powers, chap. 14. Hazen, review of chap. 22. West, chap. 57. Harding, pp. 592-598. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 193-223, " The France of To-day." War Cyclopedia, " Alsace-Lorraine," " Franco-German Rivalry," etc. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 288, 289. Problems : Has France made the most of her fortunate position In the past? Compare the German victories in 1870-71 with the French in the Moroccan case. Note the advantages of an entente cordiale over an alliance by treaty, f. The circumstances of Italy. (1) Review of Italian history. (a) Geographical position. (b) Effect of environment on Italy's career. (2) Reasons for joining the Entente. (a) Lack of sympathy with Central Powers. (b) Fear of French and British sea power. (c) Opportunity to pursue national interests. (3) Italian prospects of gain. (a) Italia Irredenta. (b) Territory on Albanian coast. (c) Portions of Turkish territory. (4) Prospect of the future. (a) Present colonial possessions. (b) Further imperial ambitions. (c) Bad financial condition. (d) Probable foreign conflicts. References : Davis, chap. VIII. 'Powers; chap. 15 and map. Hazen, review of chap. 23. West, chap. 59. Harding, pp. 617-618. War Cyclopedia, " Italia Irredenta," etc. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, "The Austro- Italian Frontier; " vol. 30, "Italy." Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 247-249. Problems : Explain the phenomenal success of the new Italian kingdom. What will the war mean to Italy? Are Italy's aspirations based on a sound knowledge? g. Situation of the Minor Powers. (1) Position of the Minor Powers. (a) Four distinct groups. (b) Varying racial, geographical and political condi- tions. (2) The Balkan States. (a) Review of their relation to the war. (3) Spain and Portugal. (a) Forces for consolidation and separation. (b) Relation to the present struggle. (4) The Scandinavian countries. (a) Precarious geographical positions. (b) Reasons for their present independence. (c) Vital importance of the war's outcome. (5) The Low Countries. (a) Strategic positions. (b) Basis of their guaranteed neutrality. (c) Fate determined by the war. References : *Powers, chap. 16. *Hazen, sketch of chaps. 29, 30, 31, 32. West, chap. 61. Seignobos, Europe Since 1814, pp. 238-244, 257-284, 559-577. Problems : What has long been the relation between the great and the minor powers of Europe? Where in Europe is the war not a vital matter, and why? III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 76- Have these Minor Powers followed the wisest courses under the circumstances? Note each case separately. Also note that the state of political equilibrium in Europe is largely determined by the status of these groups of minor powers. 2. Late Diplomatic History. a. The Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance. (1) The Triple Alliance. (a) Purpose of the Alliance. (b) Reasons for the attachment of Italy. (c) Breaches of earlier alliances. (d) History of the Alliance. 1. Internal discords. ii. Its dominance in European affairs. (2) Formation of the Triple Entente. (a) The Dual Alliance. i. Reasons for its formation. (b) Creation of the Triple Entente. i. Removal of previous causes of discord, ii. Establishment of the " entente cordiale." (3) The alignment of the Minor Powers. References : Davis, chap. XV. Hazen, pp. 374-376. West, pp. 741-743. Harding, pp. 676-677. Powers, preface, sketch of chap. 18. Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xxvii- XXX. Rose, pt. II, chap. 1. War Cyclopedia, " Triple Alliance," " Triple Entente," " Willy and Nicky Correspondence," " Encirclement," etc. Problems : Note where the proposal for the Triple Alliance originated. It was founded in the interests of what policy? What were the definite objects of this al- liance? In what respects .was Italy inconsistent in joining Aus- tria and Germany? What is the nature of the Triple Entente? Was this alliance the result of choice or necessity? b. The Hague Peace Conferences. ( 1 ) History of the Hague Conferences. (a) Agency of the United States and Russia for arbi- tration. (b) Positive services rendered at the Hague. (2) Plans for arbitration and disarmament. (a) Hostile attitude of Austria and Germany alone. (3) Policy of Germany concerning arbitration. (a) Negative attitude toward permanent peace. (b) Refusal to enter into arbitration treaties. (4) Conflicting views on the freedom of the seas. (a) British view. (b) Unusual German view. (5) Failure of conciliatory movements. (a) Final attempts to adjust international differences. (b) Refusal of Germany to make negotiations. References : Davis, chap. XVI. *Hazen, pp. 591-594. West, pp. 743-747. ♦Powers, pp. 340-347. Harding, pp. 732-734. War Cyclopedia, " Hague Conferences," " Hague Con- ventions," " Hague Regulations," " Hague Tribunal," "Arbitration," etc. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 383, 384. Problems : What did the Hague Conferences accomplish of lasting value? Why did they fail in their main objects? Why did not the world become more suspicious of Austro-German policies long ago? Has German practice during this war been inconsistent with previously admitted policies? c. Recent diplomatic crises. ( 1 ) Recent tense international feeling. (a) Suspicion caused by conflicting interests. (2) First Moroccan crisis, 1905-6. (a) French vs. German interests in Morocco. (b) The Tangier incident. (c) Dismissal of French ambassador on German de- mand. (d) Conference of Powers at Algeciras. (e) Testing of the Triple Entente. (3) Crisis over the annexation of Bosnia and Herzo-- govina. (a) Status as left by the Congress of Berlin. (b) Annexation by Austria without cause. (c) Attitude of Russia. (4) Second Moroccan crisis. (a) Agadir affair. (b) Attitude of Britain. (c) Adjustment of the question by conference. (d) Bitter resentment of German militarists. (5) Outcome of diplomatic clashes. (a) Definite diplomatic defeat of Germany. (b) German resolve to adopt new tactics. References : Davis, chap. XIX. *Powers, p. 229, chap. 3. Rose, pt. II, chaps. 10, 11. War Cyclopedia, " Morroco Question," " Bosnia,"" " Congress of Berlin," " Pan-Slavism," " Slavs," etc.,, etc. 'Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 136-142. Problems : Note the Powers, which, by aggressive action, produced; these crises. On what ground did Germany interfere in Moroccan affairs? Why were the diplomatic settlements con- sidered unsatisfactory ? What reasons were given by Austria for the annexation of Bosnia and Herzogovina? Why should Russia be concerned ? 3. Preparation for War. a. Objects of War. ( 1 ) The tangible objects of war. (a) Defense of soil. i. Different phases of this question. (b) Protection of independence. ( c ) Commerce. i. Freedom of the seas. ii. Colonies. (d) Comparison with the objects of the past. (2) Intangible objects. (a) Race unity. i. Blood relationship, ii. Unity of language. ( b ) Religion. (c) Nationality. i. Complex elements of nationality, ii. Cf. German " Kultur." (d) Struggles for national existence. i. Dangers of peaceful growth of peoples, ii. Possibilities of biological defeat. (3) Objects of the present struggle. (a) Many forms of each problem. (b) Review of chief objects of each Power. References : Davis, chap. XXII. *Powers, chaps. 1, 2, p. 358. •Conquest and Kultur, sections I, VI, X, XI, XVII. A War of Self-Defense, War Information Series. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 287-382,. articles by President Wilson, Asquith, Viviani, Bal- four. Problems : Which causes of war are the more potent; the tangible or the intangible? 76 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. How many of these objects are considered justifiable causes of war by nations? Note the different proportions in which the various tangible and intangible objects concern the powers now at war. Note especially the German idea of the perils of peace. it. Militarism and armaments. (1) Definition of militarism. (2) Military dominance in Germany. (a) History of German militarism. (b) Practical examples. (3) International competition in armaments; armies. { a ) Europe as an " armed camp." i. Comparative statistics. ii. History of universal service. (4) Naval rivalries, (a) Britain's policy. i. Motives; national necessity. ii. Shipbuilding program, (b) German competition, i. Reasons, ii. Degree of success. ^5) Extraordinary military measures in Germany. (a) Army and navy increases. (b) Construction of strategic railways. { c ) Recall of reservists abroad. (d) Spread of German propaganda. References : Gerard, chap. 4. Hazen, pp. 590-592. West, pp. 661-662. Harding, pp. 675-677. Powers, Things Men Fight For. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 191-193, " Statistics of Populations, Armies and Navies of Europe;" vol. 28, pp. 503-511, "Citizen Army of Switzerland;" vol. 29, pp. 609-623, "Citizen Army of Holland." War Cyclopedia, " Militarism," " Prussianism," " Za- bern," " Conquest," " Luxemburg, Rosa," " Propa- ganda for War," etc. Problems: How do you account for the growth of militarism in Europe in a time when peace was thought to be as- sured ? Explain the necessity of England's naval policy. When and why did Germany change her naval policy and give up the attempt to overtake England? Note that England had no army when the war began. •c. Austro-German war preparations. ( 1 ) Change in German plans for expansion. (a) Announcement after the Morocco incidents. (b) Change in the nature of German diplomacy. (2) Indications of plans for aggression. (a) Crises in 1912. (b) Other incidents prior to June, 1914. i. Austrian proposals to Italy, 1913. ii. Strengthening of German army, 1913. iii. German propaganda at home and abroad, iv. Variety of other military plans. <3) Changed attitude of the Kaiser. (4) Change in German public opinion. (a) German philosophy. (b) Parties in Germany. (c) Forces for peace and for war. (5) Extraordinary German military measures. (a) New inclusive military laws. (b) Canals and railways. (c) Increase in munitions. (d) Recall of reservists. (e) Intensive preparations of all kinds. ( 6 ) Conclusions. References : Hazen, pp. 608-609. Powers, chaps. 10. 12. Kahn, Otto H., The Poison Growth of Prussianism. Conquest and Kultur, sections II, III, XVI. •Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 131, 132, 133, 32, 142-143. *War Cyclopedia, " Kultur," " Pan-Germanism," " Neutralized State," " Netherlands, German View," "Kiel Canal," "Sinn Fein," "Egypt," "South Africa," " German Intrigue," " Mobilization Contro- versy," etc. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nob. 381, 382, 405. Problems: Are there definite proofs that this war was intended before July, 1914? Why did it not come sooner? Explain the changed attitude of the Kaiser after 1912. What has been the nature of German propaganda? Why has the war been well supported by the German people ? What is the only possible interpretation of Germany's unusual military measures prior to 1914? d. The German idea of war. ( 1 ) Summary of German reasons for entering the war. (a) Profit derived from war. i. Increase of rich territory, ii. Indemnities, iii. Increased prestige and influence. (b) Need of a "place in the sun." i. Right of national expansion. ii. Necessity of creating room by force. (c) Biological argument for war. i. Darwinian theory. ii. War as u, requirement for national health, iii. Nature of German philosophy. (d) Estimation of German "Kultur." i. Belief in the superiority of the German race, ii. Idea of German destiny in the world. (2) German conduct of the war. (a) Influence of war philosophy. i. Justification of any means in war. ii. " Necessity knows no law." (b) Examples of German ruthlesShess. i. Violations of international law. ii. Treatment of civilian populations, iii. Unheard-of methods in actual warfare. (3) Summary of German policy: conclusions. References : •Conquest and Kultur, Red, White and Blue Series. •German War Practices, Red, White and Blue Series. The Great War, from Spectator to Participant, War Information Series. A War of Self-Defense, War Information Series. •War Cyclopedia, " War, German View," " Bemhardi," " Treitsohke," " Notwendigkeit," " Kriegs-Raison," " War— Ruthlessness," " Frightfulness," " Pillages," "Family Rights and Honor," "Hostages," "Non- combatants," "Deportations," "Destruction," "Lou- vain," "Rheims," "Forbidden Weapons," "Gas Warfare," " Prisoners of War," " Spurlos versenkt," "Armenian Massacres," "Der Tag," "Kultur," etc., etc. Problems : What part does morality play in German plans? What is the German standard of morals? Have the German leaders any religious convictions! What is the nature of the Prussian "Gott"? How do the Germans explain their war atrocities? What is the attitude of the German people on these matters? Why? C. THE WAR. I. Opening Events. I. The Austro-Berhian Controversy. a. Review of Austro-Serbian relations. (1) Previous history of Serbia. (2) Russian interest in Serbia. III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 77 b. The assassination at Serajevo. ( 1 ) Murder of tlie Austrian Crown Prince. (2) Convenience of the crime for Austrian purposes. c. Austrian note to Serbia. (1) Secret investigation of the crime by Austria. (2) Conference at Potsdam. (3) Character of the note to Serbia. (4) Continued hostile attitude of Austria. (5) Anxiety of the other Powers. d. Serbian reply to the Austrian note. (1) Unselfish concessions by Serbia. (2) Kejection of the reply by Austria. (3) Attitude of the Prussian War Party. e. Austrian declaration of war on Serbia. ( 1 ) Efforts by the Powers for mediation. (2) German refusal to negotiate. (3) Conclusions. References : Davis, chap. XXIII. *Powers, pp. 152-163. Hazen, pp. 609-612. Eose, pt. II, chap. 12. Atlantic Monthly, February, 1915, p. 234. •Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 4, 5-12, 31-37, 70, 406, 452, 469-471, 506-514. Gerard, chaps. VI, VIII, XI. War Cyclopedia, " Kingdom of the Serbs," " Serajevo," " Potsdam Conference," " Serbia, Austrian Ultima- tum," etc. Problems : What are the conclusions as to the guilt of Serbia for the assassination? Explain the nature and object of Austria's ultimatum? Why was it delayed so long after the assassination? Where does Serbia's reply place the burden of guilt? Why? 2. Failure of Diplomacy. a. Attempts to adjust the Austro-Serbian situation. (1) Diplomatic attitude of Serbia. (2) Attempts by the Powers to adjust differences. (a) Serbia's concessions. (b) Austria's hesitation. (e) German ultimatum to Russia. b. Efforts to avoid a general conflict. (1) Proposals by the English ministry. (a) Suggestions for a London Conference. (b) Second proposal for mediation. (2) German demands. (a) For localization of the eonfliot. (b) For direct Austro-Russian negotiations. (c) Results and logical inferences. (3) Russian proposals. (a) For Hague Conferences. (b) For mutual cessation of war preparations. (c) For a conference of the Powers. (4) German ultimata. (a) Mobilization of armies. (b) Declarations of war. (5) Responsibility for the war. References : •Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 107, 117, 223, 276, 288-291, 409, 431-434, 539, etc. Davis, chap. XXIII. Hazen, pp. 612-613. •Gerard, chap. VIII. Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xxxvl- xl. War Cyclopedia, "War, Responsibility for," "German Diplomacy," "Mobilization Controversy," "Junk- ers," "German Government," "Moral Bankruptcy," " Liebknecht," " Grey, Viscount," etc. Problems: On what grounds did Austria take action against Ser- bia? .^ ^. Explain Germany's attempts at pacification. How must we explain the failure of Austria and Ger- many to agree to mediation at the same time? Why did Russia mobilize? Was this directed against Germany ? After Austria's declaration of war on Serbia, why was it impossible to avoid a general conflict? S. Violation of Belgian Neutrality. a. Circumstances favoring British neutrality. (1) Party differences in England. (2) Threatened rebellion in Ireland. (3) Labor troubles. (4) Unrest in India. (5) Lack of military preparedness. (6) Peaceful character of the British people. b. British war diplomacy. (1) Conferences between English and German statesmen. (a) German bids for British neutrality. (b) Clear statement of the British position. (c) Entente cordiale with France. 0. Invasion of Belgium and Luxemburg. (1) Belgian appeals for support. (2) English ultimatum to Germany. (3) German attempts at justification of action. (a) Plea of necssity. (b) Military expediency. (c) Charge of Belgian treachery, d. Entry of Great Britain. ( 1 ) German wrath at England's declaration. (2) Britain's announced war policies. (3) Review of the basis of British entrance. References : Davis, chap. XXIV. Hazen, pp. 616-617. •Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 43, 77, 86, 92-93, 105, 111, 309-311, 313, 350-367, 410, etc. Gibbons, H. A., The Nw Map of Europe, chap. 20. Beck, J. M., The Evidence in the Case. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 223-265, " Belgium, the Innocent Bystander." Problems : Compare the strngth of " good understandings " with " scraps of paper." Was Britain's attitude honorable and upright? On what grounds did the Germans denounce it? Tabulate and compare the declared objects of Germany and England in entering the war. Why was the violation of Belgium's neutrality the worst international crime in the history of modem times, if not in the world? 4. Spread of the War. a. Entrance of other states into the war. (1) Entrance of Montenegro. (2) Reasons for the participation of Japan. (a) Alliance with Great Britain. (b) Resentment of German holding in the Far East. (c) Further reasons (?). (3) The war operations of Turkey. (a) Actions producing allied declarations of war. (4) Italy's action against Austria. (a) Italia Irredenta. (b) The problem of the Adriatic. (c) Austrian violation of the Triple Alliance. (5) Entrance of Bulgaria. (a) Alliance with Germany and Austria. (b) Hostility to aims of Serbia and Romania. (6) Portugal's declaration of war. (7) The war interests of Romania. (8) Declarations of war by other minor states. (9) Entrance of the United States. b. Universal character of the war. (1) Great amount of life and wealth involved. (2) Disorganization of industry. (3) Importance of the issues involved. 78 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. References : "Powers, review of chaps. 3, 4, 15. The War Message and Facts Behind It, War Informa- tion Series. How the War Came to America, Red, White and Blue Series. War Cyclopedia, " Scraps of Paper," " Germany, Moral Bankruptcy," "War, Declaration of," " Mittel- Europa," " Kaiaerism," " Italia Irredenta," " Sabo- tage," etc. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 28, pp. 491-503, " The World's Debt to France." Current Literature (especially Literary Digest, Inde- pendent, New Republic, etc. ) , volumes covering the period of the war. Problems: In what respects is this war different from any pre- ceding one? How many of these differences may serve as an index to the future of war? Which states are not in the war because of dire neces- sity? Note those which are fighting merely in the hope of gain. Note the great variety of motives which drew the dif- ferent states into the war. II. COUESB OF THE WaB. 1. Conduct of the Wwr. o,. Events of 1914-15. (1) The war in 1914. (a) German military plans. (b) The western front. i. Belgium overrun. ii. Invasion of France. (c) The eastern front. i. Russian offensives. ii. Austro-German movements. (d) Loss of the German colonies. (e) Naval warfare. (f) Situation at the close of 1914. <2) Campaign of 1915. (a) The west front. i. Allied failures in offensive warfare. (b) The east front. i. The Gallipoli expedition. ii. Russian reverses. (c) Naval warfare. (d) Summary of the situation. References : The Great War from Spectator to Participant, War Information Series. Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xli-li. •War Cyclopedia, "Ordnance," " Emden," "Gallipoli," "Prze'mysl," " Trentino," " Lusitania," "Boers," " Zeppelin," etc. etc. •American Review of Reviews, February, 1915, " Bat- tle of the Marne." National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 194-210, " What Great Britain is Doing." Recent Current Literature. Problems : What does the character of the German military plans show about German preparedness? Note the new developments in naval warfare and their significance. With which group of Powers did the advantage lie in 1914? In 1915? Account for the disastrous failure of the Gallipoli campaign. How does the treatment of Belgium by Germany con- tribute to the understanding of German motives? b. The war during 1916. ( 1 ) Operations in the west. ( a ) Verdun. (b) The Somme. (c) Italian operations. (2) The eastern theatre. (a) Romania crushed. (b) Successful Russian offensives. (c) British failures in Mesopotamia. (3) Developments in naval warfare. (4) New political problems. (a) Strikes in England. (b) Agitation and revolt in Ireland. (5) Summary of the year's course. References : War Cyclopedia, " Verdun," " Mesopotamia,'' " Sinn Fein," " Barrage," " Dreadnought," etc. New York Times History of the War. Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, li-liil. Wells, H. G., Italy, France and Britain at War. Simonds, Frank, History of the Great War. Current Literature for 1916. Problems : What is the proper place of the battle of Verdun in history ? Explain the weaknesses and many failvires of the En- tente Powers. Note the special handicaps of Great Britain during 1916. To whose advantage did the year end? What were the new or significant developments? It was supposed by many in authority that the war must end in 1916. Why? Why did it not? c. Developments in 1917-18. ( 1 ) Naval warfare. (a) Unrestricted submarine warfare. (b) Establishment of blockade "zones." (2) Further spread of the war. (a) Entrance of the United States. (b) Declarations of war by Minor Powers. (3) War on the western front. (a) The "retreat to victory." (b) Invasion of Italy begun. (4) Developments in the east. (a) New British operations in Mesopotamia. (b) Revolution in Russia. (5) Great German offensive in the west. (a) Release of troops and supplies by Russia. (b) Concentration of German troops in the west. (c) Allied efforts in preparation. (6) The war up to date. References : Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, lii-lx. War Cyclopedia, " Shipping Losses," " Spurlos ver- senkt," " Submarine Blockade," " Submarine War- fare," " Tanks," etc. Current Literature for 1917-18. How the War Came to America, Red, White and Blue Series. Dependable Newspapers. Problems : Explain the idea of " spurlos versenkt." In what important respects did the course of the war change during this period? What part has Russia played in the war thus far! What will likely be the effect of her revolution on the war? What developments may be anticipated in the coming year? The war has developed in whose favor up to the present ? How can the war continue when the wealth of the sev- eral countries involved is so largely used up? S. The Russian Situation. a. The Russian Revolution. ( 1 ) Causes. (2) Course of the Revolution. III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 79 b. Its relation to the Great War. (1) Rise of new parties: (a) Their attitude toward the war. (2) Universal demands for peace. (a) German propaganda and propagandists. (b) Attempts to secure a separate peace. (c) Anarchy and German intervention. c. Dismemberment of the Russian Empire. ( 1 ) National movements. (a) Declared independence of Finland. (b) Estrangement of Siberia. (c) Establishment of the Ukraine. (2) German occupation of Russian territory. (a) Question of the disposition of Poland. (b) Occupation of Russian provinces. (c) Counter intervention of Japan in the East. (3) Future development of Russia. (a) Dependence on the war's outcome. (b) Loss of seaports and territories. (c) The question of government. References : War Cyclopedia, " Russian Revolution," " Kerensky " " Lenine," " Trotzky," " Battalion of Death," etc. Current Literature; Newspapers. •National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 210-240, "Russia's Democrats;" pp. 371-382, "The Russian Situation and Its Significance to America; " vol. 32, pp. 24-45, "Russia's Man of the Hour; " pp. 91-120, " Russia from Within ; " pp. 238-253, "A Few Glimpses Into Russia." Problems : Explain the causes of the Revolution. Why did it come at such a time? What effect will the withdrawal of Russia have on the course of the war? Was this to have been antici- pated? What are the greatest problems New Russia has to face? What are perhaps her greatest dangers? Why do the Allies offer to carry on relations with Russia after her attempts to form a separate peace? Consider the effects on Russia's future of the loss of territory. On what basis have parts of the Russian Empire de- clared their independence? Are they good reasons? 3. Entrance of the United States. a. The struggle to maintain neutrality. (1) America's early attitude toward European troubles. (a) Influence of the Monroe Doctrine. (b) Natural feeling of isolation. (c) Attitude toward war, generally. (2) Pleas for neutrality. (a) Proclamations of the President. (b) European bids for neutrality. (c) Influence of peace organizations. (3) Change of sentiment toward Central Powers. (a) Feeling aroused over the invasion of Belgium. (b) Disgust at the German conduct of war. (4) Inevitable controversies. (a) Differences with England. (b) Controversies with Germany. (c) Austro-German intrigues. (d) The submarine question. (5) Reasons for keeping the peace. (a) Hope of a basis for international agreement. (b) Desire to lead in restoring peace. (c) Wish to continue charity and relief work. (d) Conception of duty in Pan-America. References : The President's Flag Day Address, Red, White and Blue Series. The Great War, from Spectator to Participant, War Information Series. War Cyclopedia, "United States, Isolation," "Neu- trality," "Hyphenated Americans," "Atrocities," " Belgium's Woe," " Cavell, Edith," " Fryatt, Capt.," "Lusitania," "Embargo," "Mails," "War Zone, British," " Der Tag," " Dumba," " Igel, von. Papers of," "Papen," "Manila Bay," "Monroe Doctrine," "Submarine Warfare," "Parole," "Sussex," "Pan- Americanism," " Watchful Waiting," etc., etc. National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 265-272, "The Foreign Born of the United States;" vol. 31, pp. 240-254, " Republics, the Ladder to Liberty." Problems : Why were Americans so long in comprehending the war? What was the basis of our declaration of neutrality? When and how was this basis destroyed? Explain the gradual change in American sentiment after the war began in Europe. What circumstances drew us into war? Could these have been foreseen and avoided? b. Reasons for America's declaration of war. (1) Unrestricted submarine warfare. (a) Violation of agreements with the United States. (b) German violation of all international law. (2) Evidence of Germany's faithlessness. (a) German policy in Belgium. (b) Treaties considered "scraps of paper." (3) Germany considered a world menace. (a) Her admitted foreign policy. (b) Plots involving the United States. (4) Principle of democracy threatened. (a) Proposed spread of Prussian autocracy. (b) Principles of the Entente vs. Central Powers. (5) Threat to American independence. (a) Idea of American isolation abandoned. (b) Spread of German propaganda in the New World. (c) Reluctant declaration of a state of war. References : How the War Came to America, Red, White and Blue Series. A War of Self-Defense, War Information Series. The War Message and Facts Behind It, War Informa- tion Series. War Cyclopedia, " Zimmerman Note," " Submarine Warfare," " United States, Break with Germany," " War, Declaration Against Germany," " War, Declaration Against Austria-Hungary," " American Lives Lost," " America Threatened," " German Atti- tude," " United States, Isolation," " Monroe Doc- trine," etc. Problems : In what ways has the entrance of the United States defined the issues of the whole war? To what extent may we " make the world safe for democracy " ? Are the standards held by all members of the Entente alike? What are the evidences that America did not desire the war and did not enter rashly? u. America's place in the struggle. (1) Importance of America's entrance. (a) Moral influence on the world. (b) The military importance. (2) Objects of the American offensive. (a) To "make the world safe for democracy." (b) To secure a just aetttlement of European prob- lems. (c) To abolish Prussianism from the earth. (d) To provide a permanent peace basis. ( 3 ) The American program of war. (a) Co-operation with the Entente Powers. (b) Furnishing supplies of food and munitions. (c) Removal of the submarine peril. (d) Placing of a large draft army in Europe. 80 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. (4) Our war accomplisliments. (a) Kaising, equipping and training of a large army. (b) Successful transfer of troops to France. (c) Shipbuilding and airplane programs. (d) Successful financial measures. (5) Probable war developments. (a) The problem of the Atlantic. (b) Great need of supplies abroad. (c) Increasing need of troops. References : First Session of the War Congress, War Information Series. American Loyalty, War Information Series. American Interest in Popular Government Abroad, War Information Series. The Great War from Spectator to Participant, War In- formation Series. The Nation in Arms, War Information Series. War Cyclopedia, " Selective Service," " Acts of Con- gress." " Alien Enemies," " Army," " Cantonments," " Bonds Act," " Profiteering," " Red Cross," " Y. M. C. A.," "Food and Fuel Control Act," "Shipping Board," " War Industries Board," etc. Current Literature: Newspapers. Problems : What has been the elTect of the United States aims, as stated by the President? What have been the noteworthy accomplishments of the nation since the declaration of war? What appear to be the greatest tasks immediately ahead ? What will undoubtedly be some of the most important eflfects of the war on America? Note that the entrance of the United States went far toward defining the war issues. Show how the war appears to be not merely a national but a moral necessity. III. PROSPECTUS. 1. Proposals for Peace. a. German ofi'er for peace conferences. ( 1 ) Evidence of insincerity. (2) Reasons for the refusal of the Entente. b. Efforts of the United States towards peace. (1) The proposals of President Wilson. (2) Unsatisfactory replies of the Powers. K. Desire of the Austro-Germans for peace. (1) Unexpected developments of the war. (2) Desire for peace at their height of power. (3) Unrest of civilian populations. d. Peace proposals of Pope Benedict XV. (1) First and second appeals. (2) Replies of the United States and Entente. (3) Reply of Germany. ts. Peace platform of the Bolsheviki. ( 1 ) No annexations — no indemnities. (2) Attempts at separate peace. (a) Failure to meet German demands fully. (b) German occupation of Russian territory. (c) Probable developments of the situation. f. Review of present peace prospects. References : Hirst, F. W., The Logic of International Co-operation, American Association for International Conciliation Series. Eckhardt, Prof. C. C, The Bases of Permanent Peace, History Teacher's Magazine, March, 1918. Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, Ix-lxxlv. Wilson, President, A League for Peace; also, The Basis for Enduring Peace, in the Forum of Democracy. Benedict, Pope, A Plea for Peace, Forum of Democracy. War Cyclopedia, "Peace Overtures," "Aim of the United States," "America, Creed," "Peace Terms," "Lansdowne Note," "No Annexations, No Indemni- ties," " Zimmerman Note," etc. Current Literature: Newspapers. Problems: Note the- sources of all the peace proposals since the United States entered the war. Do you find any- thing significant in this! What is the American view of the German peace sug- gestions? What is their evident purpose? What is England's basis for peace? Does the Ameri- can plan differ essentially? Is there any likelihood of a compromise of demands ac- cepted as the basis for peace? What stand have the Russians taken in regard to peace? What is the objection to it? What new governmental principle is on trial in Russia ? 2. Proposed Remedies for Wa/r. a. Past efforts to avoid war. ( 1 ) Peace alliances and conferences. (2) Partial success of federations. b. The naturalness of war. (1) The character of human nature. (2) The real services performed by war. c. Suggested methods of war prevention. (1) Arbitration. (2) Diplomacy. (3) International police system. (4) Plebiscites. (5) Settlements on the basis of ethnology. (6) Federations. d. Relative merits and demerits of these proposals. (1) Their relation to the fundamental causes of war. (2) Their chances for success. References: •Powers, chap. 19. Carnegie, Andrew, A League of Peace, American Asso- ciation for International Conciliation Series. Wilson, President, The Basis for Enduring Peace, Forum of Democracy. Eckhardt, Prof. C. C, The Bases of Permanent Peace, History Teacher's Magazine, March, 1918. War Cyclopedia, "Arbitration," "Hague Tribimal," " International Law," " League to Enforce Peace," " Peace Treaties," " Permanent Peace," etc. Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 380, 401. Problems: Consider the arguments for and against each of the proposed remedies for war. Which seems to be moat generally accepted? Are any of these plans based on a clear, fundamental understanding of the real causes of war? What Is the chief defect in them all? What shall we offer, then, as the best remedy suited to bring about permanent peace at the earliest possible moment ? Which of the proposed plans are theoretical; that is, which have never been given an actual trial? 3. The Future of War. a. Review of the fundamental causes of war. (1) Expansion; commercial and cultural. (2) Defense. (3) Race unity. b. The past history of war. (l)Its antiquity. (2) The functional nature of war. c. Usual failure of the proposed remedies. (1) The conformation of the planet. (2) The causes of war misunderstood. d. Requirements for a lasting peace. (1) Integration or consolidation of nations. (a) Forces tending in this direction. (b) Probable situation after the war. III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 81 (2) The need of coercion or substitutes. (a) The evident services of war. (b) Future substitutes. i. Peaceful competition, ii. Community of interest. (3) Necessity for further evolution. (a) Unstable nature of man's wisdom. (b) Transformation of "human nature." «. The outlook for the future. ( 1 ) The probability of future wars. (2) The necessity of consistent education. (3) Conditions eventually supplanting war. References : 'Powers, chaps. 1, 20, 21, epilogue. James, William, The Moral Equivalent of War, Amer- ican Association for International Conciliation Series. Angell, Norman, The Great Illusion. "Cosmos," The Basis of a Durable Peace. Problems: Will the outcome of the present war in any case settle the issues at stake? Is war a necessary evil? Are the "perils of peace" greater than those of war? Sum up your conclusions as to the future of war. When it does end, what will take its place? BIBLIOGRAPHY. Pabt a. Histoeical Baokgkound. Secondary Works. Bourne, H. E., The Revolutionary Period in Europe. Cheyney, E. P., A Short History of England. Davis, W. S., The Roots of the War. Harding, S. H., New Medieval and Modern History. Hayes, J. H., Political and Social History of Modem Eu- rope. Hazen, C. D., Europe Since 1815. Hazen, C. D., Jlodern European History. ■Ogg, F. A., The Governments of Europe. Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Outlines of European History, Part II. Robinson, J. H., and Breasted, J. H., Outlines of European History, Part I. Seignobos, C, Europe Since 1814. Thorndike, L., A History of Medieval Europe. West, W. M., The Modern World. Source Material. Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Readings in European History, Vol. II. Pabt B. DBVELoPMBisrT of Wokld Peoblems. Secondary Works. Ackerman, C, Germany, the Next Democracy. Angell, N., The Great Illusion. Bernhardi, F. von, Germany and the Next War. Balow, Prince von. Imperial Germany. Cheyney, E. P., A Short History of England. Chitwood, 0. P., The Fundamental Causes of the War. Forum of Democracy, articles by many authorities on phases of the conflict. Gerard, J. W., My Four Years in Germany. Gibbons, H. A., The New Map of Europe. Harding, S. H., New Medieval and Modern History. Hazen, C. D., Modern European History. Hazen, C. D., The Government of Germany (War Informa- tion Series). Hull, W. I., The Two Hague Conferences. J'Aceuse, by a German. Mach, E. von. What Germany Wants. National Geographic Magazine. Notestein, W., and Stoll, E. E., Conquest and Kultur (Red, White and Blue Series). Powers, H. H., Things Men Fight For. Oxford University Faculty, Why We Are at War. Rose, J. H., Development of the European Nations, 1870- 1914. Treitsehke, H. von, Germany, France, Russia and Islam. Usher, E. G., Pan-Germanism. War Cyclopedia, issued by the Committee on Public In- formation, Source Material. Collected Diplomatic Documents. Conquest and Kultur (Red, White and Blue Series). Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Readings in European History, Vol. II. Periodical Articles. Archer, W., Fighting a Philosophy; North American Re- view, 201, pp. 30-44. Jordan, D. S., Alsace-Lorraine; Atlantic Monthly, 113, pp. 688-702. Jordan, D. S., The Armies of Europe; World's Work, Sep- tember, 1914. National Geographic Magazine, volumes 26, 28, 30, 31. O'Connor, The Bagdad Railway; Fortnightly Review, 95, pp. 201-216. Toujoroflf, The Balkan War; North American Review, 196, pp. 721-730. Pabt C. The Wae. Secondary Works. Beck, J. M,, The Evidence in the Case. Belloc, H., The Great War, First Phase. Bland, J. 0. P., Germany's Violation of the Laws of War. Bullard, A., Diplomacy of the Great War. Burgess, J. H., The European War of 1914. Chesterton, G. K., The Barbarism of Berlin. Cobb, I. S., The Paths of Glory. " Cosmos," The Basis of a Durable Peace. Eye-Witness' Narrative of the War (1915). Forum of Democracy, The. Hart, A. B., The War in Europe. Hazen, C. D., Modern European History. Hill, E. J., The Rebuilding of Europe. Kahn, Otto, The Poison Growth of Prussianism. Maeterlinck, M., The Wrack of the Storm. Powers, H. H., Things Men Fight For. Red, White and Blue Series, Committee on Public Informa- tion. Robinson, J. H., The Last Decade and the Great War. Rose, J. H., Development of the European Nations, 1870- 1914. Ruhl, A., Antwerp to Gallipoli (1916). Simonds, F., History of the Great War. Stowell, E. C, Diplomacy of the War of 1914. Wells, H. G., Italy, France and Britain at War (1917). War Information Series, Committee on Public Information. Source Material. Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European War. Morgan, J. H., German Atrocities: An OiBcial Investigation. Munro, D. C, German War Practices (Red, White and Blue Series). Notestein, W., and Stoll, E. E., Conquest and Kultur (Red, White and Blue Series). Robinson, J. H;, and Beard, C. A., Readings in European History, vol. II. Periodical Articles. American Association for International Conciliation pub- lications. American Year Book for 1914, 1915, 1916, 1917, under In- ternational Relations. Anon., The Greater Servia Idea; World's Work, September, 1914. Dillon, E. J., Causes of the European War; Contemporary Review, September, 1914. Ferrero, C, The European Tragedy; Educational Review, November, 1914. Hill, D. J., Germany's Self -Revelation of Guilt; Century Magazine, July, 1917. National Geographic Magazine, several articles in vols. 31, 32. Simonds, F. H., The Battle of the Marne; Review of Re- views, February, 1915, p. 179. Volumes of Current Literature for the period of the war. 82 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. PART IV. Some Geographical Aspects of the War BY SAMUEL B. HARDING, PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN INDIANA UNIVERSITY. PEEPAKED IN CO-OPEKATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOARD FOE HISTOEIOAL SEETICE Despite the changed character of modern warfare, geographical factors play a part in military opera- tions as important now as in the past. The initial determination of the Germans to invade France by way of Belgirnn^ the Battle of the Marne, the opera- tions about Verdun, the Russian invasions of East Prussia and Galicia, the successive German incur- sions into Russian Poland, the operations on the Bal- kan, Italian, and Mesopotamian fronts, in all these the influence of terrain upon military operations is easily discernible. How this is so may be seen by referring to Professor D. W. Johnson's highly sug- gestive book entitled " Topography and Strategy in the War," reviewed elsewhere in this issue. If we take a wider view, it is evident also that at bottom it is geography which has enabled Great Britain to maintain her supremacy over the surface of the seas ; it is geography that has forced Germany to attempt her challenge of that control by means of submarines and air-craft; and it is geography, in the main, which is so seriously hampering the efforts of the United States to bring to bear in the war its great potential resources. Indeed, we may consider that it is geography — in the form of colonies, spheres of trade and influence, control of lines of transporta- tion, and considerations affecting the present and future sufiiciency of the sources of food-supply, together with those of iron and coal so vitally im- portant to an industrial nation — that makes up the essence of the German demand for a larger " place in the sun " which caused the present war. And we may be perfectly sure that in the successive " peace drives " of the German Government, it is the extend- ing and securing of German " loot " in the form of agricultural and mineral lands, of harbors and ship- ping facilities, of industrial establishments and sub- ject labor populations — all matters of economic geography — which occupy the official German mind far more than defense against other peoples' aggres- sions, or even the triumph of the abstract " German idea in the world." In this supplement nothing further is attempted than to present maps and charts showing (1) the respective resources of the two warring groups, (2) the development of Prussia, (3) the subject nation- alities of Middle-Europe, and the Berlin-Bagdad railway project as realized in January, 1918, (4) the countries at war, (5) the various battle-fronts of the war as they stood in the spring of 1918, and (6) the territories lost by Russia in the peace settlement of March, 1918. The maps and atlases listed below are of varying value, but all will be found useful. In The Geo- graphical Reviem (New York) for July, 1917, will be found a fuller list; also in a pamphlet published by Edward Stanford entitled "A Selection of the Best War Maps" (London, 1917). The Division of Maps of the Library of Congress has prepared a typewrit- ten catalogue of several hundred pages entitled "A List of Atlases and Maps Applicable to the Present War," but at present is without funds for its public»- tion. Ceam, G. F., & Co. United States at War. American War Atlas. Eight colored maps. New York, 1917. Cbam, G. F., & Co. Historical War Atlas of Europe, Past and Present. 18 pp. ; 10 colored maps. Chicago, 1917. Gross, A. The Daily Telegraph Pocket Atlas of the War. 56 pp.; 39 maps. London, 1917. Hammond, C. S., & Co. War Atlas, the European Situa- tion at a Glance. 8 pp. ; 8 colored maps. New York, 1914. Laeotjsse. Atlas de poche du theatre de la guerre. 59- pp.; 56 maps. Paris, 1916. Matthews, J. N., & Co. War Atlas of Europe. 13 pp.j 10 colored maps. Buffalo, 1914. Mawson, C. 0. S. Doubleday, Page & Co.'s Geographical Manual and War Atlas. New York, 1917. PoATBS. War Atlas of Europe. 32 pages of colored maps of the warring countries of Europe. McKinley Publishing Co., Philadelphia. Rand, McNally & Co. Atlas of the World War. 19 pp.; 12 colored maps. Chicago, 1917. RoBEKTSON, C. G., AND BARTHOLOMEW, J. G. An Histori- cal Atlas of Modern Europe, from 1789 to 1914. Oxford, 1915. Shepheed, W. R. Historical Atlas. New York, 1911. Times, The (London). The Times War Atlas. 24 maps. London, 1914-15. Times, The (London). Supplement to the Times War Atlas. 19 maps. London, 1915. Times, New Yoek. The New York Times War Map (of Western Front). In five sections, making map 50x58 In. when mounted. Issued with the Sunday Times of December 30, 1917; January 6, January 13, January 20, and January 27, 1918. Wae College, U. S. A. Strategic map of Central Europe, showing the international frontiers. Prepared In the War College Division, General Staff, War Department. 61x73% in. Washington, 1915. Willsden, S. B. The World's Greatest War. 31 pp.j 13 colored maps. Chicago, 1917. IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 83 European Geography and the War BY PROFESSOR WILLIAM E. LINGELBACH, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. It has been said that the present generation has learned more geography in the last three years and a half than in all the decades before. In connection with the war, the world has been studying not only political and historical geography, but economic and physical geography as never before. The loca- tion of the world's coal and iron supply, its oil and wheat fields, its trade routes, its racial units, as well as political and military boundaries have become ob- jects of serious consideration and study by persons who had never given any thought to these questions. During the last six months, the newspapers have been eagerly studying and mapping the resources of Russia, in the desperate effort to forecast, if pos- sible, the effect upon the great economic issues of the war of the temporary disintegration of the once formidable empire of the Tsars. A year ago Ro- m.ania was the subject of particular interest, while the topography of northeastern France, and the role of the coal and iron deposits in Western Europe have been of paramount importance from the begin- ning of the war. Even the layman has become fam- iliar with the expression " an ironless France " and with the half-truths, that the sanguinary campaigns about Verdun were a fight for iron, as that of Lens is a struggle for coal. (Cp. map p. 90.)^ In the early days of the war, when the freedom of the seas was still a subject of discussion, men were examining the maps to determine the remarkable geographical basis of England's unique commercial empire. Germany's claim to direct access to the trade of the world by the shortest routes raised innumerable questions as to the geography and history of Antwerp, Trieste, Salonica and Constantinople. With each larger change in the military situation, the topography of that section of Europe directly involved has attracted particular attention. To the majority of readers, the facts concerning the surface conditions of the European continent have not been readily accessible and it is therefore a matter of especial satisfaction that we now have a book on this subject, which is not only thoroughly scientific, but also popular in style and presentation, in Professor Johnson's " Topography and Strategy in the War."^ The title sounds a little technical, but the author interprets strategy in a broad sense. It includes not merely the strategy of the military cam- paigns, but to some extent also the larger problems of this world conflict. The western theatre of the war is introduced by 1 Map references are made to the maps in this volume. 2 Douglas W. Johnson, " Topography and Strategy in the War;" New York, 1917; Henry Holt and Co. a remarkably lucid description of " The Paris Basin," with its geological strata uniformly and gradually rising toward the east, each ending in a more or less steep escarpment, thus forming a succession of im- pregnable barriers against invasion from the Rhine. (Cp. map p. 86.) To this is due the fact that the Ger- mans unhesitatingly invaded France along the coastal plain, even though it was the longer route by eighty miles ; though it necessitated the violation of treaty pledges, and the rape of Belgium; forced England into the war, and invited the moral condemnation of the neutral world. Following the chapter on the ter- rain are three chapters on the campaigns of the western area bringing out in detail the relation of land formation to military operations. On the east front, the topographical factor is less dominant, though to most readers the description of the altogether exceptional topography of the moraine area in East Prussia, and the account of the skilful use made of the Mazurian Lakes by Von Hindenburg in his attack on the invading Russians in 1914 will help to explain the terrible punishment of the Russian forces in this region. (Cp. map p. 87.) Equally new to many will be the author's explanation of the strong natural defenses of the Polish salient, against which the German frontal attacks were again and again broken. In the meantime, the exposed area of Galicia was overrun by the Russians. They seized the Car- pathians and straightened out their line in that sec- tion. Then the unexpected happened. In the early sum- mer of 1915, Von Mackensen drove a wedge right through the Russian line eastward from Cracow to Lemberg. Then swinging northward, he threatened the Warsaw railways from Odessa and Kiev, while Von Hindenburg attacked in the direction of the Petrograd-Warsaw line. This did what all the frontal attacks had failed to accomplish. It forced the Grand Duke to give up his battle-line, the longest in history, and retreat. In the retreat admirable use was made of the defensive possibilities of the rivers and marshes, a strategy to which the ultimate escape of the Grand Duke's colossal army into the interior of Russia is in a last analysis to be attributed. But even though the Russian army extricated itself, the retreat and the surrender of a territory larger than Germany itself to the invader was a stupendous defeat. Its effect soon appeared not only in Russia, but in the Balkans. " For back of the Russian lines lay the Balkan States, politically, if not geograph- ically." The reaction upon Bulgaria of the colossal victory was clearly foreseen by the German strate- gists. The Russian retreat ended in August, 1915. Early in October Bulgar armies were combining in 84 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. an overwhelming attack with German-Austrian forces upon Serbia. This at once called into play, as Professor Johnson points out, a very powerful topographical factor in the Balkans. Up to the entrance of Bulgaria into the war, Serbia had held an impregnable position in her guardianship of the great Morava-Vardar trench with its secondary trench from Nish eastward into the Bul- garian plateau. (Cp. map p. 83.) Austria's frontal attacks on the north end of the trench had all been hurled back. Now the entire main valley was at one blow, open to a flank attack by the Bulgarian army. This, together with the powerful Austrian-German forces attacking at the northern entrance to the trench, crushed .Serbian resistance. The extreme im- portance of the results of this successful articulation of strategy and topography appears in several ways. The Central Powers gained complete control, not only of the Morava-Vardar trench to Salonica, but also of the " Morava-Maritza trench carrying the Orient railway, that vital artery which alone assured continued life to the Turkish Empire." The water route by the Danube was also opened to the enemy by the expulsion of Serbia from the Iron Gates. The tremendous import of this can only be appreci- ated when considered in its relation to the situation at Constantinople. The memorable attack of the Allied fleet on the Dardanelles was undertaken, it will be recalled, before the opening of communication through Serbia from the Central Powers to Turkey. The Turks were desperately short in ammunition for their coast defense guns, and it was the knowledge of this condition that led to the attempt to force the Strait, and the loss of the Buvette and Queen Elizabeth. The abandonment of further efforts at that time was dictated by the deadly work of the Turkish bat- teries and by the rumors that supplies had reached Constantinople through Romania. These rumors were groundless, and another day's fighting we now know would have exhausted the Turkish ammunition. With the defeat of Serbia, however, and the opening of the " vital . artery " between the Central Powers and Turkey, the opportunity to take Constantinople by assault was lost. Nor was this the only result. The extension of the battle line of the Central Powers tended naturally to endanger the position of Romania long since restive and impatient to seize the opportunity of the war to free the Romanians of Transylvania from Magyar domination. Romania's position was formidable both for defen- sive and offensive operations. As Professor Johnson points out the Transylvanian Alps on the north and west, and the broad Danube on the south, formed a strong frontier. The only undefended section was the southern boundary of the Dobrudja, a stretch of 100 miles. Here lay the vulnerable spot to be guarded against all attack, or better still to be utilized as a gateway for offensive operations. Co-operating with the allied force at Salonica and the Russian from the Black Sea, the objective of such an offensive would have been the Orient railway, the possible elimination of Turkey from the war, and the capture of Varna and of Constantinople. Some of the highest stakes of the war lay within reach. If ever there was an invita- tion to enlighten allied strategy, it was here. But it was not accepted. Local and political ambitions de- termined Romania's action rather than topography, or a military policy developed on the basis of topo- graphy and allied strategy in general. Romania decided to invade Transylvania. This gave the Central Powers their opportunity. Transyl- vania could be left to the Romanians till Von Mack- cnsen gathered his forces in Bulgaria opposite the defenseless Dobrudja line for a series of crushing blows, while Von Falkenhayn waited the opportune moment to crush the heads of the Romanian invading columns or cut their line of communication. " For her part," says Professor Johnson, " Germany, the controlling genius of the Central Powers, permitted no political considerations to warp the plans for dealing with the Romanian menace. She prescribed a plan of campaign which involved deliberate sacrifice of large areas in Transylvania to the impatient grasp of Romania, and gathered strength for an assault on the Dobrudja gateway which should effect- ually close the way to any future menace to Bulgaria from that quarter." Romania was herself invaded and occupied, and her armies pushed north and east to the line of the Sereth near the Russian border. Thus by a misdirected and purely local strategy Romania and the allies invited a defeat which, like the Serbian disaster, brought enormous advantages to the enemy. His battle line was shortened by 600 miles, the oil and wheat fields fell into his hands, -while the Orient railway freed from all danger on the north " continued to carry munitions to the Turk." In the Italian theatre of the war the problems of strategy arising from topographical conditions, while much • more localized, are nevertheless equally sig- nificant. (Cp. map p. 89.) When Italy entered the war in May, 1915, there were many persons who expected that she would quickly occupy the Trentino, and that her armies would sweep around the head of the Adri- atic and occupy Trieste. Months passed and only a small portion of Italia Irredenta was redeemed. In the meantime the rapid advance of Cadorna's troops across the boundary and parts of ^he Isonzo to the edge of the Carso plain also came to a halt. For more than a year little or nb apparent progress was made. Criticism and malicious rumors of Italian policy and Italian good faith were frequently heard. But to anyone familiar with the terrain it was clear that the almost impregnable positions in the mountains about Goriza and along the edge of the Carso must be at least partially reduced before either of the rocky gateways to the city of Trieste could be attempted. Nor is it only the mountain wall that checked the Italians; the Isonzo itself presented formidable ob- stacles. The work of Cadorna seemed impossible of achievement. Nevertheless by tunneling and driving trenches to- IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 85 ward the Austrian positions on the heights, tactics re- sembling those of the Japanese at Port Arthur, the objectives were gradually approached. Finally in August of 1916, more than a year after crossing the Isonzo, the Italians were ready for the second offen- sive against the Austrian positions. Success crowned their efforts, and at the time of Professor Johnson's writing they had by "more than two years of almost superhuman efforts " succeeded in forcing the ap- proaches to Trieste. Then came the counter blow that had all along threatened the eastward advance of the Italian armies. A powerful flank attack launched from the highlands of the Alps along the north, forced a general retreat. A glance at the map on page 89 will make plain the topographical ele- ments in the success of the enemy's counter offensive in the late fall of 1917. The text is illustrated by numerous photographs and a series of excellent topographical plans and maps. The work is done so thoroughly and the re- lationship of inanimate nature to the military develop- ment of the war presented in so appreciative and in- teresting a manner, that it is safe to predict a lasting and permanent place for the little volume in the vast bulk of the literature of this great war. In view of this, it is unfortunate that the author did not add sev- eral chapters on the geography of the influence of sea power. Since the sea power promises to become the determining factor in this war, as in the Napoleonic wars, there are more than the usual reasons for a study of the geographical factors underlying England's con- trol of ocean commerce. We need a semi-popular study of the geography of the long distance block- ade; of the peculiar geography of the coast of Ger- many with its " Watten " or shallows, making it well- nigh impregnable against attack by sea; of the great strategic importance of Heligoland and the Kiel Canal, and of the land-locked Baltic. For the same reasons we hope the author will some time give us a study of the topography of the Black Sea and the Straits, and of the Asia Minor and Mesopotamian theatres of the war. To some this close articulation of geography and history will appear as an overemphasis of the geo- graphic factor in human affairs. For there are still those who, like Langlois and Seignobos, think it dif- ficult to find that a professor of history or an historian is much the better for a knowledge of geology, oceanography and climatology and the whole group of geographical sciences. The unfair- ness as well as the unscientific nature of this attitude must appear patent to every one who reads Professor Johnson's book. Military history cannot be treated without constant reference to topography; nor can political and international relations in these days without an understanding of the raw materials and resources of the earth. On the other hand there is an equal danger in going too far in the other direction. Specialists are apt to overemphasize their own particular subject, and so there are men who pompously explain the whole course of human history by general references to geo- graphical conditions. Human progress is too complex to be explained by any single set of factors. Buckle's brilliant effort to account for the civilization of Eng- land on purely economic grounds is familiar to all students of history. To apply it in the present world crisis would be to omit, for example, from among the causes of the war the very pernicious educational propaganda toward the creation of a war psychology among the German people. "An equal mind " is a first essential of the his- torian; he must take his facts in whatever domain of the activities of man or of nature he finds them. Among these facts the geographical will always con- tinue of great importance. Not that they are immu- table, for in their relation to history they are con- stantly changing. A topographical or climatic fact remains the same, but its influence in this war may be very different from its influence in the Civil War. Man in his conquest of nature is constantly forcing changes in the operation of geographic cjnditions, causing the appearance of new factors or the operation of the old in a new and different manner. In its out- ward appearance the stage of the great human drama remains the same but in reality it differs radically with each new advance in the application of science to man's natural needs. SUGGESTIONS FOE THE STUDY OF THE MAPS. The following problems are given only aa suggestions of the manner In which the maps may be used in class- work: On map on page 86, indicate by figures what are called the eight natural defenses of Paris. Compare the distance from the German border to Paris via Metz and Verdun with that via Belgium. Show how the German campaign in France has avoided the natural defenses of Paris. On map on page 87, point out the political boundaries in 1914 and their relation to physical features. On map on page 88, show territory lost by Romania in 1918. Point out three geographical features important in the war. Compare the distance from Leipzig to Suez by way of Saloniki with that by way of Hamburg and Gibral- tar. On map on page 89, point out Italia Irredenta. Show farthest advance of Italy; of Austria. On ir ,p on page 90, transfer coal and iron areas to map on page 86. Note the coal and iron regions held by Ger- many. Show the position of the American army with reference to these regions. On map opposite page 93, give the main points in the his- tory of the Bagdad Eailway project. On map on page 95, indicate coal and iron deposits. What proportion of French industrial territory and produc- tion is under control of Germans? On map on page 97, give dates of the losses of German colonies, and the countries to whom lost. On map on page 98, point out the significance of the Rus- sian peace settlements. On map on page 99, locate principal towns and sea-ports. What is the distance from Antwerp to London 1 On map on page 100, trace the new routes to Constantino- ple, Mesopotamia, and Central Asia. Contrast with the route of the Bagdad Railway and the " Balkan Bridge." On map on page 103, show the successive Allied advances. Show areas regained by Central Powers. On map on page 104, show English and German mine areas. Show how neutral trade is controlled in this region. COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 87 i o H o Hi O a H ^ m Y, ^ n o ta H tn ^ ,:^ -d-g^ d o Oi s W i5^« 5 T" fci fl fl pja-" >. 4-1 ■s"m S' O t& 1 43 s-^: Tl d oj .ti5 1 5 S «^g^ 1 1^=1 g' i°ii g sna i ti ^■^a Oi -♦J -rt o ■S!>S 111 s--- 5>H igS " >> . -»ll oTk g OJ^S s ,- .e s +3*3 •» s|s CD'S s ^^ O h -^'K -l^"*' -PoT . .> Ill ■» S ^*« '^ U^ ^ MH mJ IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR 90 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. EUROPE COAL Pkodttction of Coal, Ibon, and Wheat in the LEAonra Cotjntbiks of Eubopb. The political divisions are sliown as they were before the Treaty of Bucliarest in 1913. Coal in the upper map a'nd iron in the lower map are shown by solid black areas; wheat is shown on the lower map by the shaded areas. IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 91 Armies. PEACE, footing JANUARY,I9I4 Russia ■ France • ITALY • Great , Britain Rumania • UNITED , States Belgium ■ Portugal • 8E.RBIA I Germany Austria- Hungary Turkey Bulgaria Warship Tonnage january,19i4- ( VESSELS completed AND UNOE.B CONSTRUCTION') Great , Britain United States FRANCE ■ Japan ■ Russia ■ Italy i Germany ■ Austria- , Hungary Turkey ■ Wealth $188 000 000 000 85 000 000 000 50 000 000 000 40 000 000 000 20 000 000 000 9 000 000 000 2 500 000 000 80 000 000 000 25 000 000 000 9 000 000 000 2 000000 000 UNITED States ■ Great Britain ■ France: ■ Russia ■ Italy ■ BELGIUM ' Portugal ■ Germanv ' Austria-Hungary ■ Turkey ' Bulgaria ' Population 1 8Z 000 000 102 000000 46 000000 40 000000 37 000 000 8 000000 7 000 000 6 000000 3 000000 65 000000 49 000000 21 000000 5 000000 Russia United States Great Britain France Italy Rumania Belgium Portugal Serbia Germany Austria-H^ungary Turkey Bulgaria Canada (7m.) AUSTR.-N.Z.(6M.1 Wealth, Population, and Abmaments of the Leading Couhtbies. 92 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. PRUSSIA IN 1740 (Accession of Frederick the Great) New Mark. 1455 Acquisitions, 1462-1575 Cleves, Mark, Ravenrixu-g, 1614 Cast Prussia, 1618 East Pomerania, etc. Magdebure, 1680 Middle Pomerania. 1720 PRUSSIA IN 1786 (death of Frederick the Great) 1. Silesia, 1740 2. From Poland, 1772 (First Partition) ^ ^fcr=^- ' r-^' ^ t^t\ 1 < i m PRUSSIA IN 1806 1. From Poland, 1793 (Second Partition 2. From Poland. 1795 (Third Partition) PRUSSIA IN 1815' 1. Rhine Provinces and Westphalia, 1815 2. From Saxony, 1815 3. West Pomerania, 1815 PRUSSIA SINCE 1866 1. Schleswig, 1866 2. Holstein, 1866 3. Hannover. 1866 4. East Friesland, 1866 5. Hesse Casscl, 1866 6 Nassau, 1S66 PRUSSIA IN 1914 Tbe white areas are occupied by the etbei states of the German Empire Gbowth oi' JfaussiA. The Bolid black on each map generally shows the total area at the date of the preceding map, the shaded area the territory since added. On the Sist map the solid black is the area in 1450. On the map for 1806 the dotted lin* separates the Polish territories lost in 1815 from those retained. The limits of the present German Empire are shown on each map. t ~ ~?i? 2 6 -J ■-i 1 r^o op o CO Si 1 §a°s o o c Loon O O O O O o a o o Q . oo O. O. O iXi o *^'o o o C^ Q. O O O * < X 1 si I > < < i ?^ i 1 < a: CE < rj uj cc != O < -1 il z < ^3 r CASPIAN S£A I O O fXJ3 D - 03 O CO ^0 (V- 1/1 O^Jodciu^^v:l 3 N.T-J: o o o c o o o^ O o oc (ji o (--■ « O O o o o o ^ O ° O ' s i '^ ° -" O fO K o o o o 1 g g o gc o. o o o o ^- o. c " - "" " ~ s- ;■ = ' iij 3 ro" o o o o o o Qo 13 J ^ CD *' T 1^" — " -a a. 31 3 , O < n: '" 1 ^ra C i3 5 ^ 5 ^^ i < g: O 2 CO t- ^ is ^ < Z ^ < UJ_ Q < U- J l/l Cu 1 as! HII^H IMII _ o o O o o a §■ in ^- -^ "Ills ■ +3 g 2 Qj a, "23 122 ^>,2 < E o 9 o S o q " 2 ■*■" °!' ^ G T. " ^ OH •3 = !. C0T3J T3 - = 3J O Js-w c O m .SI- Vi O a 'I' 9 (E 2 fe ^ - s Qi i- i- S ^ ^^■=' 3 |||= ' ai^ a S; c ■50J — :2 7 £ c- 5 The Berlin-Bagdad Railway. Note.— Greece should be indicated as of the Entente Powers. IV. GEOGEAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 93 Pangermanist Plan of 1895. Boim(l3riei afihe Germanic Confedentioa to be established in Central Eunpe. uSounJenes of the Tributary States ta be eatablished. tCerman Froniieratthe endefl3l7. — 300 Km. Pangeemanist Plan op 1895. Map printed in Berlin in 1895, and distributed by the Pangermanist League, showing the frontiers of Central Pan- Germany " as they should be in 1950." It will be observed that the line of the projected frontier includes Italian (or Venetian) Friuli, which the Austro-Germans have recently taken, but stops a little short of their present front, as .shown by the line added to the map by M. Ch6radame. This map is reprinted from Cheradame's "Pan-Germany: The Disease and the Cure: And a Plan for the AllieB," published by the Atlantic Monthly Press, Boston. 94 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR ■ toto to las i i->!o » S3 i S" «- 03 A 0> 0> 0> Qt O) •Sad rt'S';. s Ok 03 O^ ; OS 03 A D> B a ■5w • » :.S : --^ • "So '-H ■■ :"£■ -silfltifl' P-iMWgaCDQQPP "■i'2 ^^^ ™*2 5'^ D.^ R O H »4 S d O C4 ^^ ^'rH oJ Q) co'io'cf . O ©a bD&O 44 C E^ o 9 g- Pi « 9 P 9 of s I OS SI ^3 VI.S ■SB to N ii ES Qj BO >3« ||. » ° 5 ■3gS i'C ! a s • -PS jSojM J B'Craea- '0«^S ,£fW (S'H (Q.O e8 ® m a)0N£]0E30MfHM IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 95 90 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. YPRES O St.Omero -Hazebrouck Mervilleo Bethune O loLENS AMIENS' ARRAS CO ^^^ ^ o CAMBRAI zBapaum ^arcA'S.Bertinctft^; r// 25, Albert/ JPe LCO lOO STJQUENTIN Moreuill m 'lldnch Montdldiel ±Neslei \::-Roye= ;, Apeil, 1918. IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 97 98 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. W E D E N\ ^ I J •<^,.« Ab. cJ ALAND IS. Stockholm ] Lost by Rou mania Lost by Russia Russian Peace Settlements. This map represents the peace settlements as nearly as they could be learned March 16, 1918. Necessarily the representation is somewhat uncertain and the lines are only approximate. , I -J^ IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 99 McKiNLEYs Outline Maps of the Great War., Large Size No.91'b. The Western Front "^^H^M^^tcKfnloy Publishing Co., PMIadc/phia Po. 100 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY ojc ijtia iyii^^. 10* 15' MCKINLEY'S Outline Maps. No. 127 b. RUSSIA. 20' 35* 30*LaDsiCade35° Eul 40* trovi u'CreenwlchU* SS' 60* GS* IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR 101 McKiNLEY's Outline Maps of the Great War, Large Size No.93b,'THE Balkan States "Xepyrr'ff/ifJ 102 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 103 104 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. McKiNLETS Outline Maes OP the (Jreat War. :.Large Size. No. 94b. The North Sea, British Isles and English Channel. from 5° Greenwich CDPVNIGHT, t>lf. HCKINLSV VUeUSHINO V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 105 PART V. A Selected Critical Bibliography of Publications in English Relating to the World War BY GEORGE MATTHEW BUTCHER, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY. PREPARED IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOARD FOR HISTORICAL SERYICE | 8 In July, 1917, the National Board for Historical Service projected a bibliography similar to this, but on a somewhat more inclusive plan and with more extended comment. On behalf of the Board, Pro- fessor Charles H. Hull, of Cornell University, as- sumed oversight of the proj ect in Washington, and he and the present compiler, with some assistance from Professor Edward R. Turner, of the University of Michigan, and Professor Albert H. Lybyer, of the University of Illinois, had practically completed the work for the press by August, when the expected channel for publication proved unavailable. The postponed date and the changed method of publication have made necessary an entire change in the organization of the work, in the extent of critical comment, and in the content of the list which had to be modified to permit the inclusion of later publica- tions. Some titles have been omitted from the ear- lier list, and many new ones added. The critical notes on the older titles retained have in nearly every case been rewritten in much briefer form, so that judgments are more summaary and less qualified and critical. So little has been left of the work in its earlier form that it is not just to place any responsi- bility upon any one except the present compiler, though he most heartily expresses his gratitude to the three persons mentioned, especially to Professor Hull, for the helpfulness of the work they did in making possible this publication, and for their fuller notes on some books which he has not himself had in hand. As far as possible the compiler has made his notes directly from the books concerned, but it has not always been possible, especially for the more recent publications to inspect the book at first-hand. In such cases he has had to rely upon the consensus of available book reviews. In nearly all cases where the critical comment has been prepared with the book in hand, it has been checked with several published reviews to verify the general fairness and correctness of the estimate. The purpose of the list is to include books on the causes, problems, and issues of the war, on the ques- tion of war and peace; and on the several countries, their conditions, problems, and relations. The list omits, with only a few outstanding excep- tions, periodicals and periodical articles; pamphlets, that is, volumes of less than one hundred pages ; col- lections of illustrations and cartoons ; official publica- tions; technical or specialized works; memoirs. EDITOR'S NOTE. — Supplementary bibliographies to the present one will be published from time to time in the "The History Teacher's Magazine." diaries, and accounts of campaigns; histories of the war, unless valuable for inclusion of other than mili- tary material; poetry, literary appreciations, and philosophical speculations. No work is listed under more than one classification heading, though many re- late to several topics. Usually such a book is listed under the heading to which its content or character mainly relates. No attempt has been made to include histories of the period before 1914, but a few of the most convenient ones have been mentioned because they furnish good brief accounts and adequate bibli- ographical guidance to their respective fields. Only books of unusual interest or value published earlier than 1914 are included, and no attempt has been made to include volumes issued since November, 1917, of which supplementary lists may, perhaps, be published from time to time. The compiler will welcome, for use in a supple- mentary list, suggestion of any voliune of such char- acter and importance as should have entitled it to place in this list; and also corrections of any errors of material importance. Errors of oversight or of judgment are only too easy in such a compilation. Some titles are retained, though better works have appeared, because of the influence the books exercised' in moulding public opinion. The place of publication, unless otherwise indi- cated, is New York. Many of the publications are English, but in such cases the American importer and' the American price are given, wherever known, in- stead of the English publisher and price. The prices- quoted were the prices at publication. For many books published before 1917, the price has been in- creased from ten to twenty-five per cent. The prices- are for the cheapest bound edition, except in case of a few pamphlets, and are in almost all cases net prices. All critical comments are conditioned by date of pub- lication, the heading under which the title appears,, and by the title itself. Space forbids an alphabetical index, but under the several topics, the entries are alphabetically arranged, so that the presence of a particular title should be readily determined. An asterisk indicates a book of more than average value, or one of the better works available on the subject; a double asterisk indicates one of the most useful books, usually a book to be heartily commended. The bibliography contains about 700 titles, of which 144 are marked with a sin- gle asterisk and 25 with double asterisk. The latter group is listed at $35.80, and the two selected groups together at $346.75. Small libraries should possess- the double asterisked books; good, larger libraries- should contain at least the asterisked books as well. 106 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 1. BIBLIOGRAPHY. *Lange, Frederick William Theodore, and Berry, W. T. Books on the Great War, an Annotated Bibliography of Literature Issued During the European Conflict. White Plains, N. Y., Wilson, 1915-16, vols. 1-4. $4.50. First three volumes bound in one cover to July, 1915, the fourth to April, 1916. Arranged topically; thorough for books and pamphlets issued in England, with increasing attention in later parts to American and foreign publications. Good in- dexes, some annotations. 2. HANDBOOKS. Davis, Muriel O. The Great War and What It Means for Europe. Oxford Press, 1915, p. vii, 110. $.40. Designed for English elementary schools. Gibson, Charles R. War Inventions and How They Were Invented. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1917, p. 255. $1. Clear information and explanation for general reader. Magnus, Leonard A. Pros and Cons in the Great War, a Record of Foreign Opinion, with a Register of Fact. Dut- ton, 1917, p. viii, 396. $2. A cyclopedic arrangement of quoted opinions on causes and phases of the war; con- venient as handbook. Scheip, Stanley S., and Bingham, Alfred, editors. Hand- book of the European War. White Plains, N. Y., Wilson, vols. 1 and 2, 1914-16, p. x, 334; xi, 304. Each $1. Con- veniently arranged compilations, largely documentary. Second volume covers November, 1914, to November, 1915, and gives special attention to relations of United States to the war. White, James William. A Textbook of the War for Americans, Written and Compiled by an American, being the Fourth Edition of a Primer of the War for Americans, Revised and Enlarged. Philadelphia, Winston, 1915, p. xiii, 651. $1. Much documentary material compiled and ab- stracted in answer to twenty questions. Well indexed; use- ful compendium for speakers. 3. HISTORY OF THE WAR. Allen, Gteorge Henry; Whitehead, Henry C, and Chad- wick, French Ensor. The Great War. Philadelphia, Barrie, 1915-16, vols. 1-3, p. XXX, 377; xxii, 494; xx, 500. Each $5. First volume deals with causes; second with outbreak of war, organization and strength of the military and naval forces, and financial resources of the contending powers; third with earlier campaigns. Full, clear account for gen- eral reader. Arnoux, Anthony. The European War. Steiger, 1915 ff., each $1.50. Third volume carries account to March, 1916; professedly neutral narrative. Belloe, Hilaire. Elements of the Great War; The First Phase (1915, p. 374); The Second Phase (1916, p. 382). Nelson. Each $1.50. First volume sketches causes and outbreak of war, forces opposed, and invasion of Belgium and France; second is devoted to battle of the Mame. Sets forth clearly, often vividly, the movement of events; de- scriptions of strategic movements seem convincing to all except military experts. Battine, Captain Cecil. A Military History of the War from the Declaration of War to the Close of the Campaign of August, 1914. London, Hodder, 1916, p. 307. 5s. Per- sonal observations of Daily Telegraph correspondent supple- mented by careful study. Account prefaced by study of strength and equipment of contending armies. Buchan, John. Nelson's History of the War. Nelson, 1914 ff., volumes each $.60. Annalistic method; compiled largely from newspapers; documentary appendix in each volume; many simple maps, chiefly of battles. Tends to become military history, but is consequently hampered by censorship. Volume 16 appeared in July, 1917. Current History, A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times. 1914 ff. $6 a year. Documents, special articles, il- lustrations and other material compiled in useful form, not a narrative history in proper sense. Seventh volume cur- rent at beginning of 1918. Dillon, Emile Joseph. England and Germany; with an Introduction by the Hon. W. M. Hughes, M.P., Prime Min- ister of Australia. Brentano, 1915, p. xii, 312. $3. Survey of European situation made at end of first year of war com- prising international politics of the year and of preceding years as a whole under numerous topics. Indicts Germany; indicates lessons for England. Doyle, Sir Arthur Conan. History of the Great War. Doran, 1916-17; vols. 1-2, p. xiii, 349; ix, 257. Each $2. Careful, accurate, detailed record devoted chiefiy to British participation and operations. Gardiner, Alfred G. The War Lords. Dutton, 1915, p. viii, 319. $2.50 (reprint, $.40). Editor of London Daily News writes pleasing sketches of prominent men and their relation to events of the war; in style of his earlier work, Prophets, Priests, and Kings. Illustrated War News. London, 1914 ff. Pictures re- printed from Illustrated London News with explanatory text. Successive volumes cover four to six months. Mumby, Frank A., editor. The Great War. London, Gresham, 1915 ff. Rather casual, illustrated account for British consumption. Volumes cover about two months each; fifteenth part issued in March, 1917. Murray, Arthur Mordaunt. The Fortnightly History of the War. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 403. $3. Collec- tion of Colonel Murray's series of monthly contributions to Fortnightly Review from beginning of the war to July, 1916. Good survey of military events. Simonds, Frank Herbert. The Great War, the First Phase; the Second Phase. Kennerley, 1914-15, 2 vols. p. 256; xi, 284. Each $1.25. They Shall Not Pass. Garden City, Doubleday, 1916, p. viii, 142. $1. First volume cov- ered from assassination of archduke to fall of Antwerp; second concludes with second battle of Ypres; third de- scribes French resistance at Verdun in 1916. First is little more than reprint of editorials in New York Sun; second is revised from articles in Review of Reviews, New Repub- lic, etc.; third is reprint of five articles from New York Tribune. Based partly on personal observations. Author is recognized as probably foremost American critical writer on the war. The Times Documentary History of the War. London, The Times, 1917 ff. Two volumes (p. 549, 583) of diplo- matic and one (p. 534) of naval documents have been is- sued with brief explanatory, not argumentative notes. The Times History of the War. London, The Times, 1914 ff. Weekly parts issued since September, 1914; four- teen volumes have appeared; a compilation of information and pictures rather than a history. 4. FORECASTS OF THE WAR. Chesney, Sir (Jeorge Tomkyms. The Battle of Dorking, being an Account of the German Invasion of England, with the Occupation of London and the Fall of the British Em- pire. London, Richards, 1914. 6d. First published, 1871. Delaisi, Francis. The Inevitable War. Boston, Small, 1915, p. 120. $1. Translation of La Guerre Qui Vient (Paris, 1911); interesting on social and economic matters. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 107 Ford, Edward, and Home, Gordon Cochrane. England In- vaded. Macmillan, 1913, p. xii, 371. $2. Forecasts German invasion. Ck>mpare contemporary EngUsh play. An English- man's Home. The Great War of 189 — , a Forecast. London, Eeinemann, 1893; 2d ed., 1895. . 6s. C!o-operative work by leading Eng- lish military VTriters. •Sarolea, Charles. The Anglo-German Problem. Ameri- can edition with new introduction. Putnam, 1915, p. xx, 288. $1. First printed in England, December, 1912. Re- markable discussion of Anglo-German relations and fore- cast of the war and its issues. Author, a Belgian professor at Edinburgh. A Second Franco-German War and Its Consequences for England. London, S'impkln, 1907, p. 154. Is. Includes German invasion of Belgium. 5. THE BACKGROUND OF THE WAR. Adkins, Frank James. Historical Backgrounds of the Great War, the War, its Origins and Warnings. McBride, 1915, p. 227. $1. Informative lectures delivered in England shortly aiter outbreak of war, on Germany, France, the Slavs, and England and' Sea Power. Clear outline of situa- tion which produced the war. Within the comprehension of young readers. Barclay, Sir Thomas. Thirty Years, Anglo-French Reminiscences, 1876-1906. Boston, Houghton, 1914, p. viii, 389. $3.50. Detached jottings of an Englishman long resi- dent in Paris, which throw some light on Fashoda affair and formation of Anglo-French entente in 1904. Barry, William. The World's Debate, an Historical De- fence of the Allies. Doran, 1917. $1.25. Hodge-podge of facts from modem history against absolutism and favoring democracy; hence favoring France and England against Germany. Bevan, Edwyn Robert. Method in the Madness, a Fresh Consideration of the Case between Germany and Ourselves. Longmans, 1917, p. vii, 309. $1.50. An Englishman's at- tempt at a judicial statement of case between England and Germany, rather England's case against Germany. Beveridge, Albert Jeremiah. What is Back of the War. Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1915, p. 430. $2. Journalistic obser- vations in Germany, France, and England, chiefly important for reports of conversations with leaders of public opinion. Misuse of this quoted material by pro-Germans discredited the book, which is really blissfully impartial. **Bullard, Arthur. The Diplomacy of the Great War. Macmillan, 1916, p. xii, 344. $1.50. American journalist surveys events since 1878, discusses new elements in diplo- macy, problems of the war, and relations of United States and Europe. Style sprightly; views advanced, but not out of touch with realities. One of best all-around books. The Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 12, The Latest Age. Macmillan, 1910, p. xxxiv, 1033. $4. Helpful surveys of developments in several nations, but fails to treat adequately international aflfairs. Chapters on extra-Euro- pean matters are particularly useful. To be consulted for information, rather than read for enlightenment. Cook, Sir Edward Tyas. Britain and Turkey, the Causes of the Rupture Set Out in Brief Form from the Diplomatic Correspondence (p. 31, $.10) . How Britain Strove for Peace, a Record of Anglo-German Negotiations, 1898-1914 (p. 40, $.20). Why Britain is at War, the Causes and the Issues Set out in Brief Form from the Diplomatic Correspondence and Speeches of Ministers (p. 24, $.10). Macmillan, 1914. Three pamphlets widely circulated in early days of the war. *Coolidge, Archibald Cary. The Origins of the Triple Al- liance. Scribner, 1917, p. vi, 236. $1.25. These three lec- tures by Professor Coolidge of Harvard are the best ac- count of the subject; clear, scholarly, and impartial. •'Dickinson, Goldsworthy Lowes. The European Anar- chy. Macmillan, 1916, p. 144. $1. Not a narrative but an essay of only 30,000 words on forces which produced the war. Blame rests not upon one nation alone, but upon the anarchy in which European nations struggled without com- mon law. Notable book, and by far best brief discussion of underlying causes of the war. FuUerton, William Morton. Problems of Power. Scrib- ner, 1913, second, revised edition, 1915, p. xxiv, 390. $2.25. Former newspaper correspondent discusses international problems from Sedan to Agadir with great cleverness, but assvmies such familiarity with the facts, that few readers will find themselves sufBciently equipped to peruse it intelli- gently. **Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The New Map of Europe, 1911-1914, the Story of the Recent European Diplomatic Crises and Wars and of Europe's Present Catastrophe. Cen- tury, 1914, p. xi, 412. $2. Well written account of events of four years preceding the war, by American especially familiar with Balkan affairs. Clear, informing, generally re- liable and fair, though inclinations are anti-German. Minor changes in later editions. **Guyot, Yves. The Causes and Consequences of the War; translated by F. A. Holt. Brentano, 1916, p. xxzvi, 359. $3. One of ablest French authorities discusses politi- cal, economic, and historical causes of the war, and its prob- able consequences. Original is probably best all-around book in French. Hart, Albert BushneU. The War in Europe, its Causes and Results. Appleton, 1914, p. ix, 254. $1. Hurried com- pilation published in October, 1914, for American general reader; superseded by later works. Hayes, Carlton Joseph Huntley. Political and Social His- tory of Modern Europe. Macmillan, 1916, vol. 1, p. xvi, 582, $2; vol. 2, p. xii, 726, $2.25. First volume summarizes three centuries ending 1815; second volume treats more fully the century since with special attention to economic and social factors and the antecedents of the war. Read- able and generally reliable. Hazen, Charles Downer. Modem European History. Holt, 1917, p. xiv, 650. $1.75. Condensed from his French Revo- lution and Napoleon and his Europe since 1815. Admirable brief survey since 1789. *Holt, Lucius Hudson, and Chilton, Alexander Wheeler. The History of Europe from 1862 to 1914, from the Acces- sion of Bismark to the Outbreak of the Great War. Mac- millan, 1917, p. XV, 611. $2.60. By professors of history at West Point; deals mainly with diplomatic and military events; with considerable quotations from primary sources; clear, vigorous style; excellent maps. Hovelaque, Emile. The Deeper Causes of the War, with an Introduction by Sir Walter Raleigh. Dutton, 1916, p. 158. $1.25. Vehement and able indictment of Germany's, theories of race, the state, and war, and of her application of them in her policy toward England. Lipson, Ephraim. Europe in the Nineteenth Century, an Outline History. Macmillan, 1917, p. 298. $2. Neglects international affairs except as leading to the war. Best chapters on internal affairs of leading countries, especially prior to 1870. Treatment unusual and uneven. Morel, Edmund Deville. Ten Years of Secret Diplomacy, an Unheeded Warning, Being a Reprint of Morocco in Diplomacy. London, National Labour Press, 1915, p. xxix 108 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 198. 2s. Reprint of 1912 original with slight changes and omission of appendix of documents. New prefaces are added, especially to third edition of reprint. Bitter indict- ment of whole Morocco affair and of Sir Edward Grey. Morris, Charles, and Dawson, Lawrence H. Why the Na- tions Are at War, the Causes and Issues of the Great Con- flict. London, Harrap, 1915, p. 414. 5s. A British survey of 19th century history as antecedent to the war. Muir, Bamsay. Britain's Case against Germany, an Ex- amination of the Historical Background of the German Ac- tion in 1914. Longmans, 1914, p. ix, 196. $1. Study of German political theories in action in last generation; argues that Germany had long intended and prepared for the war. *Muir, Ramsay. The Expansion of Europe, the Culmina- tion of Modern History. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. xii, 243. $2. An historical survey of modem imperialism, with an attempt to appraise the achievements of the several colo- nizing powers. Glorifies England. Part on last forty years inferior. Why We Are at War, Great Britain's Case, by Members of the Oxford Faculty of Modern History. Oxford Press, 1914, third edition, p. 264. $.85. First effort of English historians to explain situation; widely circulated; rather well done, in circumstances; but now valuable as evidence of state of mind following outbreak of war. Appendixes contain documents. Rose, John Holland. The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1900. Putnam, 1905, 2 vols., p. xi, 376; v, 363; fifth edition, 1914, p. xvii, 376, 410. $2.75. Devoted mainly to international relations of the period; with addi- tional chapters in later editions. Gives little attention to some forces that would now command attention in a his- tory of the period. Rose, John Holland. The Origins of the War, 1871-1914. Putnam, 1915, p. 201. $1. Hastily prepared by competent English scholar; was one of best books available in first year of the war. Written with emphasis on Germany and with strong convictions against Germany, but with tone of fairness. *Schmitt, Bernadotte Everly. England and Germany, 1740-1914. Princeton University Press, 1916, p. ix, 524. $2. Period prior to 1904 treated in series of topical chapters; decade, 1904-1914, is given thorough chronological treat- ment; outbreak of war is covered by use of colored books. Written before the war, rewritten and enlarged after war started. Places responsibility clearly on Germany. Well written, one of most useful books. •*Seymour, Charles. The Diplomatic Background of the War. New Haven, Yale Press, 1916, p. xv, 311. $2. Ad- mirable, concise, scholarly survey of events since 1871, fur- nishing adequate background for understanding the war and its issues. Written clearly, without passion, but gives ver- dict explicitly against Germany. Best book available for background of the war. •Tardieu, Andrfi. France and the Alliances, the Struggle for the Balance of Power. Macmillan, 1908, p. x, 314. $1.50. Most useful account of international situation in 1904-7, covering Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian agreements and first Moroccan crisis. Author is recognized authority on in- ternational questions and is at present French High Com- missioner in United States. Whitman, Sidney. Things I Remember, Recollections of a Political Writer in the Capitals of Europe. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. viii, 268. $2.50. Reminiscences of a Euro- pean correspondent of New York Herald covering events of last quarter-century, especially Balkan and German affairs and problems. Good. 6. THE DIPLOMATIC RUPTURE. Andriulli, Giuseppe A., editor. Documents relating to the Great War; with an Introduction by Guglielmo Ferrero, translated by Thomas Okey. London, Unwin, 1916, p. 128. Is. Brief selection supporting Ferrero's conclusion that Gtermany decided for war, July 29, 1914; Baldwin, Elbert Francis. The World War, How It Looks to the Nations Involved. Macmillan, 1914, p. vii, 267. $1.25. Judicial, impartial effort soon after opening of hos- tilities to summarize immediate causes and portray condi- tions and states of mind in several European countries. Beck, James Montgomery. The Evidence in the Case, in the Supreme Court of Civilization, as to the Moral Re- sponsibility for the War. Putnam, 1914, p. 200. $1. Re- vised edition, 1915. The War and Humanity, a Further Discussion of the Ethics of the World War and the Atti- tude and Duty of the United States. Putnam, 1916, p. xi, 322. $1.50. The first is not so much a judicial statement as a prosecutor's plea for conviction of Germany. Widely distributed but to be used only when more thorough and dispassionate works are not available. The second deals in same manner with episodes such as submarine controversy, case of Miss CaveU, and relations of "America with Allies. **Chitwood, Oliver Perry. The Immediate Causes of the Great War. Crowell, 1917, p. xii, 196. $1.35. By pro- fessor in University of West Virginia. Impartial narrative of events from the assassination of the Archduke to Italy's declaration of war, based on the published official docu- ments. Davenport, Briggs. A History of the Great War, 1914 — , Vol. I. The Genesis of the War, June, 1914, to August, 1915. Putnam, 1916, p. viii, 545. $2. Clear, simple, but uncritical; commends itself to those for whom better books are too complex and heavy. Also useful for account of entrance of Italy and Bulgaria into the war. Dillon, Emile Joseph. A Scrap of Paper, the Inner His- tory of German Diplomacy and her Scheme of Worldwide Conquest. Doran, 1914, third edition, p. xxvii, 220. $.50. Summary account of the events which precipitated war, by well-known English authority on international affairs. Widely circulated in early months of war but now replaced by later works. Ferrero, Guglielmo. Who Wanted the European War? Translated by P. E. Matheson. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 39. $.25. Interpretation of events of diplomatic rupture based on the colored books by leading Italian historian. Great Britain, Foreign Office. Collected Diplomatic Docu- ments Relating to the Outbreak of the European War. Doran, 1915, p. xix, 561. $1. Contains British Diplomatic Correspondence, French Yellow Book, Russian Orange Book, Belgian Gray Book, Serbian Blue Book, German White Book, Austro-Hungarian Red Book, and some supplementary documents, with explanatory introduction and index, but no comparative chronological table. Confined mainly to last days of July and early days of August, 1914. •Headlam, James Wycliffe. The History of Twelve Days, July 24th to August 4th, 1914, being an Account of the Ne- gotiations Preceding the Outbreak of War, Based on the Official Publications. Scribner, 1915, p. xxiv, 412. $3. The English historical writer has based his accoimt with assiduous care upon official documents and utterances. Tone restrained, dispassionate, and fair, but obviously not absolutely impartial. Style not popular, but clear, direct, and closely reasoned. Best account of diplomatic rupture in English. Headlam, James Wycliffe. The German Chancellor and the Outbreak of War. London, Unwin, 1917, p. 127. 3b. 6i V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 109 Supplements his History of Twelve Days by more detailed study of events of July 29-30, 1914, based on further in- formation, to refute the Chancellor's charges placing re- sponsibility on Russia and England for German mobilization and hence for the war. Kennedy, John McFarland. How the War Began, with an Introduction by W. L. Courtney. Doran, 1914, p. xivii, 187. $.50. How the Nations Waged War. Doran, 1915, p. 190. $.50. First is hasty compilation by English publicist on period from June 28 to August 4, 1914. Further official documents published a few days after its appearance made it out of date. The second volume deals with first weeks of war. Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von, editor. Official Diplo- matic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European War, with Photographic Reproductions of Official Editions of the Documents Published by the Governments of Austria- Hungary, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain, Russia, and Serbia. Introduction, Daily Summaries, Cross-Refer- ences, and Footnotes. Macmillan, 1916, p. xxii, 608. $6. Criticism of the inaccuracies and misleading nature of edi- torial portion of volume led publishers to withdraw it. It is, however, a convenient compilation, and the chronological arrangement is particularly handy. Parker, Sir Gilbert. The World in the Crucible, an Ac- count of the Origins and Conduct of the Great War. Dodd, 1915, p. viii, 422. $1.50. Space divided about equally be- tween antecedents of the war, ruptiu'e of relations, and early weeks of war. Well-written, compendious and fairly reliable account. *Scott, James Brown, editor. Diplomatic Documents re- lating to the Outbreak of the European War. Oxford Press, 1916, 2 vols., p. Ix33i, xcii, 1516. $5. Careful reprints of official English translations of Austro-Hungarian, Belgian, French, German, Russian, Serbian, British, and Italian " colored " books of documents relating to outbreak of war, with tables of contents and introduction. Most complete collection now available. •Stowell, Ellery Cory. The Diplomacy of the War of 1914, Vol. I. The Beginnings of the War. Boston, Hough- ton, 1915, p. xvii, 728. $5. Opens with forty page sketch of history of thirty years prior to the war and closes with appendix of 130 pages of documents. Rest of book is analytical study of documents and exposition of acts, events, rights, and motives. Chapters are topical in charac- ter and arranged in order of events. Author, who is as- sistant professor of international law in Columbia Univer- sity, concludes " Germany has dearly violated interna- tional law." Most exhaustive American account of the Twelve Days and ranks with Headlam. 7. POLEMICS: ENGLAND VS. GERMANY. Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane). Prussianism and its Destruction. London, Heinemann, 1914, p. xiv, 248. $1.25. Denounces militarism in his for- mer style, but identifies it with Prussianism which must be fought and destroyed. Chesterton, Gilbert Keith. The Crimes of England. Lane,. 1916, p. 173. $1. The crimes are the failures to arrest growth of Prussian militarism and spread of German ideas, each of which is discussed in author's usual manner. Harris, Frank. England or Germany? Wilmarth, 1915, third edition, p. 187. $1. American resident in England avows Celtic and revolutionary sympathies and indulges in fantastic diatribe against England. Harrison, Frederic. The German Peril: Forecasts, 1864- 1914; Realities, 1915; Hopes, 191—. London, Unwin, 1915, p. 300. 5s. Collection of author's pronouncements against Germany. Claims to be "the oldest and most persistent" anti-German prophet. Powys, John Cowper. The War and Culture, a Reply to Professor MUnsterberg. Shaw, 1914, p. 103. $.60. English edition: The Menace of German Culture. Author was for- merly in Education Department of city of Hamburg. Pointed, detailed, destructive criticism; constructive criti- cism also appears. Sladen, Douglas Brooke Wheaton. The Real Truth about Germany, Facts about the War, an Analysis and a Refutation from the English Point of View of the Pamphlet, The Truth about Germany, issued under the Au- thority of Representative German Citizens, with an Appen- dix on Great Britain and the War, by A. Maurice Low. Putnam, 1914 p. xiii, 272. $1. English edition entitled Germany's Great Lie. Answers arranged point by point are, like the original, assertions rather than proofs. Stilwell, Arthur Edward. To All the World (except Ger- many). London, Allen & Unwin, 1915, p. 251. 3s. 6d. An incongruity of belligerent pacifism and anti-Germanism dedicated to King Albert and Henry Ford. 8. THE WARRING NATIONS. Herrick, Robert. The World Decision. Boston, Hough- ton, 1916, p. 253. $1.25. Six chapters on observations in Italy in spring of 1915, six more chapters on observations in France in ensuing summer, and three chapters on relations of United States to the war. Importance of volume lies in its revelation of the morale of the several contending na- tions and its reflections on moral issues at stake. Jones, Jenkin Lloyd. Love for the Battle-torn Peoples. Chicago, Unity Pub. Co., 1917, p. 166. $.75. Series of popular sermons on the admirable traits of the conflicting peoples and a plea for human brotherhood. Low, Sidney James Mark, editor. The Spirit of the Allied Nations. Macmillan, 1915, p. 214. $1. Series of lectures by competent authorities on the several Allied na- tions, arranged by Imperial Studies Committee of Uni- versity of London. McCabe, Joseph. The Soul of Europe, a. Character Study of the Militant Nations. Dodd, 1915, p. vi, 407. $3. In- formative book to explain their Allies to English readers. Nyrop, Christopher. Is War Civilization?, translated by H. G. Wright. Dodd, 1917, p. 256. $1.25. Not abstract discussion but collection of articles by Copenhagen pro- fessor on the war, especially on Belgium, Italy, languages and war, and religion and war. Orth, Samuel Peter. The Imperial Impulse, Background Studies of Belgium, England, France, Germany, Russia. Century, 1916, p. 234. $1.20. Collection of interesting and informing magazine articles. An additional essay on Our First Duty urges United States to uphold principle that " every people with national instincts " be allowed to determine its own government. *Powers, Harry Huntington. The Things Men Fight For, with Some Application to Present Conditions in Europe. Macmillan, 1916, p. vii, 382. $1.50. Thoughtful candid book based on wide travel, broad knowledge, and generous sympathies. Seeks to present case of each contending na- tion as manifesting the highest instincts of that nation. Concluding chapter gives carefully weighed decision in favor of Britain rather than Germany. Stoddard, Theodore Lothrop. Present Day Europe, Its National States of Mind, Century, 1917, p. 322. $2. A study 1 10 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. of the war psychology of the various European nations, based as far as possible upon the utterances of represent- atives of the respective nations. Quite neutral, and uses material down to opening of 1917. Wells, Herbert George. Italy, France, and Britain at War. Macmillan, 1917, p. 285. $1.50. Accounts of his visit to Italian and western fronts in 1916, with added section on " How People Think About the War." Chiefly interest- ing for those who care to know what Mr. Wells thinks. 9. VIEWS OF THE WAR BY EUROPEAN NEUTRAI.S. *Brande3, Georg Morris Cohen. The World at War; translated by Catherine D. Groth. Macmillan, 1917, p. 272. $1.50. The famous Danish- Jewish writer, without sym- pathy for Germany, deals rigorously with Allied aims and acts, and urges rights of small, oppressed, and neutral na- tions. Collection of articles including some of special inter- est written before the war. Jorgensen, Johannes. False Witness. Doran, 1917, p. vii, 227. $1. Translation of the Danish author's Klokke Roland, which is an examination of the German professors' "Appeal to the Civilized World." Evidence of the falsity of their statements is adduced and other material on the German character and kultur is included. Maccag, Leon. German Barbarism, a Neutral's Indict- ment, with preface by Paul Girard. Doran, 1916, p. xii, 228? $1. By a Venizelist Greek. Priim, Emile. Pan-Germanism versus Christendom; the Conversion of a Neutral; edited with comments by Ren6 Johannet. Doran, 1917, p. xii, 184. $1. Letter of PrUm, Catholic leader in Luxemburg to Erzberger, Catholic leader in Germany; record of proceedings against Prilm, and an article on the Catholic Center in Germany. Convincingly anti-German. 10. GREAT BRITAIN: DESCRIPTION, HISTORY, POLICY. •Barker, J. Ellis. Great and Greater Britain, the Prob- lems of Motherland and Empire, Political, Naval, Military, Industrial, Financial, Social. London, Smith, Elder, 1909, 2d edition, 1910, p. 604. $3. Counterpart of his Modem Ger- many, and supplemented by his British Socialism. An avowed disciple of Joseph Chamberlain describes essential matters of domestic and imperial concern in decade preced- ing the war. Begbie, Harold. The Vindication of Great Britain, a Study in Diplomacy and Strategy with Reference to the Il- lusions of her Critics and the Problems of the Future. London, Methnen, 1916, 3d edition, p. xv, 302. 6s. Pecu- liarly valuable for work and influence of Edward VII and Lord Haldane. Lauds English achievement in arming against Germany during first two years of the war. Peace problems discussed. •Boutmy, Emile. The English People, a Study of theii Political Psychology, with an Introduction by J. E. C. Bod- ley. Putnam, 1904, p. xxxvi, 332. $2.50. Author was leading French authority in political science in last genera- tion, and one of most eminent foreign students of English constitution and people. French original published in 1901. Accurate in fact, sane in judgment, keen in analysis, bristling with illuminating ideas. Cheyney, Edward Potts. A Short History of England. Boston, Ginn, 1904, p. xvi, 695. $1.40. Excellent text- book, briefer and more readable than Cross. •Cramb, John Adam. Germany and England, with an Introduction by the Hon. Joseph H. Choate. Dutton, 1914, p. xiv, 152. $1. Professor Cramb's lectures were delivered at Queen's College, London, February-March, 1913, and after his death written up from notes and published, June, 1914. Author's study in Germany had convinced him of German bitterness against England and inevitableness of conflict. Book holds historic place because most widely read book in English during first months of war. Note also author's Origin and Destiny of Imperial Britain and Nine- teenth Century Europe (Dutton, 1915), first published dur- ing Boer war, for fuller statement of chauvinistic English imperialism. Cross, Arthur Lyon. A History of England and Greater Britain. Macmillan, 1914, p. xiii, 1165. $2.50. Excellent comprehensive account to spring of 1914, written as college text. Dunning, William Archibald. The British Empire and the United States, a Review of their Relations during the Century of Peace following the Treaty of Ghent. Scribner, 1914, p. xl, 381. $2. Well written narrative by able American historical scholar. *Egerton, Hugh Edward. Britsh Foreign Policy in Europe to the End of the Nineteenth Century, a Rough Outline. Macmillan, 1917, p. x, 440. $2. Not a narrative but an effort to show the motives and purposes which have directed British foreign policy, largely in the words of the responsible individuals in promoting or defending their plans and acts. Holds that "policy of the country on the whole has been singularly honest and straightforward;" aiid such is tone of the book. By professor of colonial history, Oxford. Gooch, George Peabody and Masterman, John Howard Bertram. A Century of British Foreign Policy. London, Allen & Unwin, 1917, p. 110. Written for the Council for the Study of International Relations; Masterman deals with 19th century; Gooch, with 20th century. Two clear, concise, excellent essays. •Low, Sidney James Mark, and Sanders, Lloyd Charles. The History of England during the Reign of Victoria, 1837- 1901. Longmans, 1907, p. xviii, 532. $2.60. Best account of period, though little more than narrative of political facts. •Lowell, Abbott Lawrence. The Government of England. Macmillan, 1908, 2 vols., p. xv, 570; viii, 563. $4. Admir- able description of the organization and working of English government, local, national, and imperial. Marriott, John Arthur Ransome. England since Water- loo. Putnam, 1913, p. xxi, 558. $3. Careful accurate ac- count to 1885, with sketchy chapter to 1901. Meyer, Eduard. England, its Political Organization and Development and the War Against Germany. Translated by Helene S. White. Boston, Ritter, 1916, p. xix, 328. $1.50. Arraignment of England and English policy by emi- nent Berlin professor of history, so vehement aS to be con- denmed by German critics. Valuable, however, as present- ing essentially .the German view of England. Murray, Gilbert. The Foreign Policy of Sir Edward Grey, 1906-1915. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 128. 50 cents. Good survey and thorough-going defence by eminent Oxford professor whose views were less favorable before the war. Reventlow, Ernest, Graf zu. The Vampire of the Con- tinent; translated with a Preface by G. Chatterton Hill. Jackson, 1916, p. xiii, 225. $1.25. Original published in 1915. Author is spokesman of extreme Junker group. De- nounces England's desire to maintain balance of power and destroy economic rivals as cause of present and earlier great wars which have sucked the blood of Continental Europe. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. Ill Author's more substantial work, Deutschlands Auswftrtige Folitik, 1888-1913 (1914), is not available in translation. •Seeley, Sir John Robert. The Expansion of England, Two Courses of Lectures. Boston, Little, p. viii, 359. $1.75. Originally published, 1883. First course, English expansion in 17th and 18th centuries; second, England's acquisition and control of India. Brilliant and convincing presentation of achievements and high aims of British imperial policy. Seeley's position in history of English imperialism has been compared to Treitschke's in Pan-Germanism. Tonnies, Ferdinand. Warlike England as Seen by Her- self. Dillingham, 1915, p. 202. $1. Account of English foreign and colonial policy since Elizabeth, especially in nineteenth century, by Professor in University of Kiel, com- posed largely of quotations from English writers. Shows existence of English imperialism, but does not prove causal relation with the war. 11. GREAT BRITAIN: ARMY AISTD NAVY, PRE- PAREDNESS. Lea, General Homer. The Day of the Saxon. Harper, 1912, p. 249. $1.80. This and his earlier Valour of Ignorance ( 1909 ) attracted wide attention by their extreme advocacy of Lord Roberts' efforts to impress the English people with the importance of England's empire and sea power and of their defence. Faulty in fact and logic, though events have justified the main thesis. MacDonald, J. Ramsay. National Defense. London, Allen & Unwin, 1917. 2s. 6d. Denounces miltarism as a false method of national defense; foresees that defeat of Germany will not be likely to create a pacific German democracy. •Oliver, Frederick Scott. Ordeal by Battle. Macmillan, 1915, p. li, 437. $1.50. One of most notable English war books, important for insight into English state of mind on foreign and military questions in decade before the war. The author belonged to the Lord Roberts school, and wrote much of book before the war, publishing it to promote con- scription. After good analysis of causes of the war and spirit of German policy, the real contribution of the book appears in parts on spirit of British policy and democracy and national service. Protheroe, Ernest. The British Navy, its Making and its Meaning. Dutton, 1915, p. xx, 694. $2.50. Comprehen- sive historical and technical account addressed to British youth. Includes chapter on early naval events of the war. Roland, pseud. The Future of Militarism. London, Unwin, 1916. 2s. 6d. Not an independent discussion but a denunciation of Oliver's Ordeal by Battle. 12. GREAT BRITAIN'S PART IN THE WAR. ••Chevrillon, Andr6. England and the War, 1914-1915; with a Preface by Rudyard Kipling. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1917, p. xxi, 250. $1.60. Translation of arti- cles contributed to Revue de Paris from Nov., 1915, to Jan., 1916, by nephew of Taine, who was keen observer in Eng- land of awakening and reconstruction during the first year and a half of the war. Traces conception and development of England's virill to war in way to enlighten Americans when their nation is undergoing somewhat similar transi- tion. Cravath, Paul Drennan. Great Britain's Part, Observa- tions of an American Visitor to the British Army in France at the Beginning of the Third Year of the War. Appleton, 1917, p. vi, 127. $1. Convinced of greatness of England's achievement and that it will win. Destrge, Jules. Britain in Arms. Lane, 1917, p. xv, 292. $1.50. Translation by J. Lewis May of L'Effort Britannique, with preface by M. Georges Clemenceau. Originally written in Italian to dispel the Italian suspicion that Eng- land was not doing its share. Explains military, naval, industrial and financial activities. By a Belgian. George, David Lloyd. Through Terror to Triumph, Speeches and Pronouncements since the Beginning of the War, arranged by F. L. Stevenson. Doran, 1915, p. xii, 187. $1. Important for speeches intended to sway public opinion, especially in case of munition workers. Gleason, Arthur Huntington. Inside the British Isles. Century, 1917, p. 434. $2. Main topics treated are labor, Ireland, women, and social studies. Attaches great im- portance to changes wrought during the war. Somewhat superficial observations and hasty generalizations of clever American journalist. Grew, Edwin Sharpe, and others. Field-Marshal Lord Kitchener, his Life and Work for the Empire. London, Gresham Publishing Co., 1916, 3 vols. 253. 6d. Careful co- operative biography but not a definitive study. Third vol- ume relates to present war. Fashoda incident opens second volume. •Murray, Gilbert. Faith, War and Policy. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. xiv, 255. $1.25. Collection of articles and addresses during the war, in exposition and defence of England's part and policies. Able but open to criticism. Pollard, Albert Frederick. The Commonwealth at War. Longmans, 1917, p. vii, 256. $2.25. Collection of nineteen occasional articles during the war by professor of history, University College, London. Ward, Mary Augusta (Arnold) (Mrs. Humphrey Ward). England's Effort, Letters to an American Friend, with Preface by Joseph H. Choate; 3d edition with epilogue to August, 1916. Scribner, 1916, p. xv, 228. $1. The author was given special privileges to inspect British military forces, munition works, etc., with purpose of answering criticism that Great Britain was not doing its share. Ward, Mary Augusta (Arnold) (Mrs. Humphrey Ward). Towards the Goal. Scribner, 1917, p. xvii, 231. $1.25. Series of letters addressed to Mr. Roosevelt in March to June, 1917, describing England's war aims and activities. Practically a sequel to England's Effort. 13. IRELAND. Barker, Ernest. Ireland in the Last Fifty Years, 1866- 1916. Oxford Press, 1917. Is. 6d. Good account of politi- cal, religious, educational, and agrarian problems, especially useful for condition of peasant class. Hamilton, Lord Ernest William. The Soul of Ulster. Dutton, 1917, p. 188. $1.25. Able statement of the Ulster side of the Irish question. Harrison, Marie. Dawn in Ireland. London, Melrose, 1917, p. 222. Chapters on present conditions, the spirit that moves in Ireland, enemies of Ireland, and the future. Insists on English goodwill toward Ireland. The Irish Home-Rule Convention. Macmillan, 1917, p. 183. 50 cents. Timely papers by John Quinn, G. W. Rus- sell, Sir Horace Plunkett and others. Kettle, Thomas Michael. The Ways of War, with a Memoir by his Wife, Mary S. Kettle. Scribner, 1918, p. ix, 246. $1.50. Papers by Irish professor and member of parliament who has perished in the war, to show why an Irishman went into the fight. Strong indictment of Ger- many. 112 COLLECTED- MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Leslie, Shane. The Celt and the World, a Study of the Relation of Celt and Teuton in History. Scribner, 1917, p. 224. $1.25. Interesting volume which slights the main theme of relation of Celt and Teuton to discuss Anglo- Irish relations and the war. Morris, Lloyd K. The Celtic Dawn, a Survey of the Renascence in Ireland, 1889-1916. Macmillan, 1917, p. xviii, 251. $1.50. Review of political, social, economic, and cultural developments in Ireland in last generation to the Sinn Fein rebellion in 1916. Russell, George William (pseud. A. E.). National Being, Some Thoughts on an Irish Polity. Macmillan, 1916, p. 176. $1.35. Ireland must seek political independence through economic independence', which is to be attained by co-operative rather than competitive methods. Admirable In style and tone, even if not entirely convincing. Wells, Warre B., and Marlow, N. The History of the Irish Rebellion of 1916. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 271. $2.50. Comprehensive, though not friendly account, with documents. 14. BRITISH EMPIRE: FUTURE PROBLEMS' AND POLICIES. ** Beer, George Louis. The English-speaking Peoples, their Future Relations and Joint International Obligations. Macmillan, 1917, p. xi, 322. $1.50. By an able historian of the British colonies in America. Excellent discussion of the international problems which America faces; favors co- operative arrangements between United States and Great Britain. Very important and valuable. Abundant refer- ences to authorities. Dawson, William Harbutt, editor. After-war Problems. Macmillan, 1917, p. 366. $2.50. Includes papers on the topics Empire and Citizenship, National Efficiency, Social Reform, and National Finance and Taxation by Lord Cromer, Lord Haldane and several other leading English thinkers, which command attention. Duchesne, A. E. Democracy and Empire, the Applicabil- ity of the Dictum that " a democracy cannot manage an empire," to the Present Condition and Future Problems of the British Empire, especially the Question of the Future of India. Oxford Press, 1916, p. vii, 120. 2s. 6d. •The Empire and the Future, a Series of Imperial Studies. Macmillan, 1917, p. xvi, 110. 75 cents. Collec- tion of lectures, including Sir Charles Lucas on Empire and Democracy, H. A. L. Fisher on Imperial Administration, and Philip Kerr on Commonwealth and Empire. Able dis- cussions of problems underlying British imperial organiza- tion; not a solution. Introduction by A. D. Steel -Maitland, Under Secretary of State for the Colonies. Fletcher, Charles Brunsdon. The New Pacific: British Policy and German Aims; with a preface by Viscount Bryce, and a foreword by the Right Hon. W. M. Hughes. Macmillan, 1917, p. xxxiii, 325. $3. One of editors of Sydney Morning Herald arraigns German policies and methods in the Pacific, and sets forth Australian ideas for future of the Pacific. Hodge, Harold. In the Wake of the War; Parliament or Imperial Government? Lane, 1917, p. viii, 226. $1.50. Propoimds a plan for the future administration of the Brit- ish Empire. Disapproves of parliament. Levi, N. Jan Smuts, being a Character Sketch of Gen. the Hon. J. C. Smuts, K.C., M.L.A., Minister of Defence, Union of South Africa. Longmans, 1917, p. vi, 310. $2.50. Poorly written account of important personage in British Empire, with much interesting Information on South African affairs. McLaren, A. D. Peaceful Penetration. Dutton, 1917, p. 224. $1.50. Australian journalist, familiar with Germany, writes on German colonizing methods and policies, and on Australia's place in world politics. Smuts, Jan Christiaan. War-time Speeches, a Compila- tion of Public Utterances in Great Britain. Doran, 1917, p. viii, 116. 75 cents. Chiefly important for discussion of future of what he has named the British Commonwealth. Worsfold, W. Basil. The Empire on the Anvil, being Suggestions and Data for the Future Government of the British Empire. London, Smith, Elder, 1916, p. xv, 242. Wise, Bernhard Ringrose. The Making of the Australian Commonwealth, 1889-1900, a Stage in the Growth of Em- pire. Longmans, 1913, p. xiii, 365. $2.50. With special reference to New South Wales, by a participant in the movement. A study of growth of federation in British Em- pire. 15. BELGIUM: HtSTORY, DESCRIPTION. Ensor, Robert Charles Kirkwood. Belgium (Home Uni- versity Library) . Holt, 1915, p. v, 256. $.50. Concise survey of recent history and conditions before the war. Generally accurate and fair, except, perhaps, to Catholic church. *MacDonneIl, John de Courcy. Belgium, her Kings, Kingdom, and People. Boston, Little, 1914, p. jdi, 354. $3.50. Good historical survey since establishment of independence in 1830, with account of conditions under King Albert. Pub- lished on eve of the war. Written with fairness and mod- eration; apparently Catholic in sympathies. Pirenne, Henri. Belgian Democracy, its Early History; translated by J. V. Saunders. Longmans, 1915, p. xi, 250. $1.50. Original published in 1910. Mainly account of med- ieval city republics of the Low Countries, by leading Bel- gian historian. Van der Essen, L€on. Short History of Belgium. Chicago, University Press, 1916, p. 168. $1. Good outline account by professor of history at Louvain. 16. BELGIUM: GERMAN INVASION AND RULE. Belgium and Germany, Texts and Documents, preceded by a Foreword by Henri Davignon. Nelson, 1915, p. iv, 132. $.25. Documents and illustrations, with annotations. Preface by Belgian foreign minister. Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. Report of the Committee on Alleged German Outrages (p. 61. $.10). Evidence and Documents Laid before the Committee on Alleged German Outrages (p. 296. $.50). MacmiUan, 1915. Report is an attempt at a systematic summary of evidence. Membership of committee also gives its conclusions the highest standing. Cammaerts, Emile. Through the Iron Bars (Two Years of German Occupation in Belgium). Lane, 1917, p. 72. $.75. Patriotic presentation of Belgium's plight. The Case of Belgium in the Present War, an Account of the Violation of the Neutrality of Belgium and of the Laws of War on Belgian Territory. Macmillan, 1914, p. xvii, 120. $.25. Oflicially prepared by the Belgian delegates in the United States, with official documents and affidavits. Chambry, Ren6. The Truth about Louvain. Doran, 1916, p. 95. $.25. By resident of Louvain. *Erichsen, Erich. Forced to Fight, the Tale of a Schles- wig Dane, translated from the Danish. McBride, 1917, p. 184. $1.25. A narrative of war service which has attracted wide attention because of nationality of Its author, who has been invalided from wounds. Main importance is foi account of campaign in Belgium. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 113 Gerlache de Gomery, Commandant de. Belgium in War Time, Translated from the French by Bernard Miall. Doran, 1917, p. xii, 243. $.50. Comprehensive accounts of events and conditions, amply illustrated. 'Gibson, Hugh S. A Journal from our Legation in Belgium. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1917, p. xii, 360. $2.50. Interesting selection from daily notes of first secre- tary of American legation from July 4 to December 31, 1914. Grondys, L. H. The Germans in Belgium, Experiences of a Neutral. Appleton, 1916, p. ix, 95. $.50 Journal account of Dutch professor who was in Louvain during the destruction and witnessed other German atrocities during the invasion. Halasi, Odon. Belgium tmder the German Heel. Casaell, 1917, p. X, 257. 63. Description of conditions observed by an Hungarian author during a visit in 1916. The anony- mous translator adds information derived from another Magyar who had spent eighteen months in Belgium during the war. Sympathetic, not sensational. Huberich, C. H., and Nicol-Speyer, A., editors. German Legislation for the Occupied Territories of Belgium; OfiScial Texts. The Hague, Nijhoff. Editions in German, Flemish, French, and English have appeared in successive volumes for the legislation of successive periods; fifth volume, with index to first five, covers to Dec. 31, 1915. Kellogg, Mrs. Charlotte. The Women of Belgium; Turn- ing Tragedy to Triumph. Funk, 1917, p. xviii, 210. $1. By only woman member of Hoover commission. Describes relief work and what Belgian women have done for themselves. Written with simplicity and restraint. Libert de Flemalle, Gabriel de. Fighting with King Albert. Doran, 1915, p. xi, 327. 6s. By Captain in Belgian army; important for Belgian army before the war and question of its preparedness, with narrative on resistance to invasion. *Massart, Jean. The Belgians under the German Eagle, translated by Bernard Miall. Dutton, 1916, p. 368. $3.50. Written from observations during first year of the war, with full documentation from German sources. Vigorous indictment of German rule. Mercier, Desirfi Felician Francois Joseph, Cardinal. Pastorals, Letters, Allocutions, 1914-1917, with a biograph- ical Sketch by Eev. Joseph F. Stillemans. Kenedy, 1917. $1.25. The Voice of Belgium, being the War Utterances of Cardinal Mercier, with a Preface by Cardinal Bourne. London, Burns & Gates, 1917, p. ix, 330. 23. 6d. Similar collections, including some items which have been published separately. Mokveld, L. The German Fury in JJelgium; translated by C. Thieme. Doran, 1917, p. 247. $1. By Dutch cor- respondent with German army from LiSge to the Yser, whose careful, candid, neutral observations constitute a formidable indictment of German acts. Morgan, John Hartman. German Atrocities, an OflBcial Investigation. Dutton, 1916, p. 192, $1. Professor Morgan was member of Bryce commission, and this volume supple- ments the Report with additional materials and comments. Nothomb, Pierre. The Barbarians in Belgium; translated by Jean E. H. Findlay. London, Jarrold, 1915, p. 294. 2s. 6d. Account by Belgian, endorsed by preface by Belgian Min- ister of Justice. Nyrop, Kristopher. The Imprisonment of the Ghent Professors, a Question of Might and Right, My Reply to the German Legation in Stockholm. London, Hodder, 1917, p. 91. Includes discussion of Flemish, question, case of University of Ghent as well as arrests of professors Fred- ericq and Pirenne. Ofiicial Commission of the Belgian Government. Reports on the Violations of the Rights of Nations and of the Laws and Customs of War in Belgium, with Extracts from the Pastoral Letter of Cardinal Mercier, and Preface by J. Van den Heuvel, Minister of State. London, Unwin, 1915, p. XXXV, 113, 6d. Systematic presentation of carefully col- lected evidence. Strong indictment of German war methods and deeds. S'arolea, Charles. How Belgium Saved Europe, with a Preface by Count Goblet d'AIviella. Philadelphia, Lippin- cott, 1915, p. ix, 227. $1. Patriotic appreciation of Bel- gium's part in first weeks of the war. Author was in Bel- gium during period. Somville, Gustave. The Road to LiSge, the Path of Crime, August 1914; translated by Bernard Miall. Doran, 1916, p. xxii, 296. $1. French writer; divides material into narrative and critical sections. Challenges Germans to dis- prove his statements. **Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. The German Terror in Bel- gium, an Historical Record. Doran, 1917, p. xiii, 160. $1. Systematic account of German behavior in Belgium and treatment of Belgian people, based on testimony gathered and published by ofiScials and commissions of various governments. *Van der Essen, L6on. The invasion and the War in Belgium, with a Sketch of the Diplomatic Negotiations preceding the Conflict. London, Unwin, 1917, p. 356. 15s. By a professor of history at Louvain. Best and fullest account yet available, but military side is rather weak and the critical method is not all that could be desired of a pro- fessor of history. Discusses neutrality issue. Verdavaine, Georges. Pictures of Ruined Belgium, with 72 Pen and Ink Sketches Drawn on the Spot by L. Berden. Lane, 1917. $3. Chief value in pictures. Text by art critic of Independance Beige, translated by J. Lewis May, based on oflScial reports. Verhaeren, Emile. Belgium's Agony, translated and intro- duced by M. T. H. Sadler. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. xxii, 131. $1.25. Splendid literary exposition of Belgium's suf- ferings and pride in bearing the suffering; biting criticisms of Germany. Williams, Albert Rhys. In the Claws of the German Eagle. Dutton, 1917, p. ix, 273. $1.50. Good account of observations, especially in Belgium, during early weeks of the war, by a Boston pastor of socialist proclivities. 17. BELGIUM: NEUTRALITY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW: DISCUSSIONS'. ••DeVisacher, Charles. Belgium's Case, a Juridical Enquiry; translated from the French by E. F. Jourdain, with a Preface by J. van den Heuvel. Doran, 1916, p. xxiv, 164. $1. Excellent, comprehensive, concise study by pro- fessor of law in University of Ghent; written with fairness and moderation. Fuehr, Karl Alexander. The Neutrality of Belgium, a Study of the Belginn Case under its Aspects in Political History and International Law. Funk, 1915, p. xiii, 248. $1.50. Historical and legal study to support German side. Contains various documents. Including facsimiles of famous Brussels documents. Grasshoff, Richard. The Tragedy of Belgium, an Answer to Professor Waxweiler. Dillingham, 1915, p. 244. $1. Claims to use ofiicial material of German government to refute charges of German atrocities in Belgium, but gen- erally mistakes vehemence for argument, and assertion for proof. Emphasizes franc-tireur acts of Belgians. 114 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOB, THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Labberton, J. H. Belgium and Germany, a Dutch View, translated by William EUery Leonard. Chicago, Open Court Pub. Co., 1916, p. ix, 153. $1. Somewhat philo- sophical attempt to justify German invasion of Belgium. Avows neutrality but accepts German unsupported state- ments with little question, exonerates Germany and blames England. Langenhove, Femand van. The Growth of a Legend, a Study Based upon the German Accounts of Franes-Tireurs and "Atrocities" in Belgium, with a preface by J. Mark Baldwin. Putnam, 1916, p. xv, 321. $1.25. The author is scientific secretary of the Solvay Institute of Brussels. Translation by E. B. Sherlock. Moderate, restrained inves- tigation of evidence, but occasional over-refinement of argument. *Sanger, Charles Percy, and Norton, Henry Tertius James. England's Guarantee to Belgiimi and Luxemburg, with the Full Text of the Treaties. Scribner, 1915, p. viil, 155. $1.50. Historical section by Norton, international law discussion by Sanger. Treatment, careful, technical, legal- istic, not popular. " The obligations of Great Britain under the treaties of 1839 and 1867 are extremely doubtful . . . but in the circumstances of the case. Sir Edward Grey adhered to the traditional view of English statesmen." *Waxwei]er, Emile. Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, the War of 1914. Putnam, 1915, p. xi, 324. $1.25. Author is Director of Solvay Institute of Sociology of Brussels. Original appeared in Switzerland in December, 1914. Ear- nest, dignified plea for exoneration by an advocate; sober and moderate in tone, but vigorously insistent on facts and views. *Waxweiler, Emile. Belgium and the Great Powers, her Neutrality Explained and Vindicated. Putnam, 1916, p. xi, 186. $1. Published fifteen months after former, "it neither corrects nor modifies it in any respect." Answers various German charges against Belgium. Like predecessor will remain one of most important volumes on Belgian question. 18. FRANCE. Bracq, Jean Charlemagne. France vmder the Third Re- public. Scribner, 1910, p. x, 376. $1.50. Accoimt of cul- tural development, including church and education ques- tions. Clear, accurate, fair, sympathetic to the Republic. *Bracq, Jean Charlemagne. The Provocation of France, Fifty Years of German Aggression. Oxford Press, 1916, p. vii, 202. $1.25. Discriminating survey of Franco-Ger- man relations in last half-century with careful references to authorities, by professor in Vassar College. Dimnet, Ernest. JVance Herself Again. Putnam, 1914, p. xii, 399. $2.50. Written in English by patriotic French- man; nearly completed before outbreak of war. Though France had been decadent imder Second Empire and Third Republic, its health and vigor has revived since 1905. *Gu6rard, Albert LSon. French Civilization in the Nine- teenth Century, a Historical Introduction. Century, 1914, p. 312. $3. Good historical and descriptive account, pub- lished before the war. Kipling, Rudyard. France at War, On the Frontier of Civilization. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1915, p. 130. 50 cents. Interpretation of spirit of France in author's best style. •Poincarfi, Raymond. How France is Governed. Trans- lated by Bernard Miall. McBride, 1914, p. 376. $2.25. Written before author became president of France, for French school use. Adult readers will find this an excel- lent introduction to theory, form, and working of French government. •*Sahatier, Paul. A Frenchman's Thoughts on the War. Translated by Bernard Miall. Scribner, 1916, p. 164. $1.25. Perhaps best effort to reveal development of French char- acter during the war. Somewhat historical and descriptive, but the himian interest is the keynote. Compare Kipling's France at War and Chevrillon's England. •Wright, Charles Henry Conrad. A History of the Third French Republic. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. 206. $1.50. Excellent, concise, impartial narrative. Should be supple- mented for descriptive matter by Bracq's Third Republic 19. ITALY. •Bainville, Jacques. Italy and the War. Translated by Bernard Miall. Doran, 1916, p. 267. $1. The author, a French correspondent with long service in Italy, reviews growth of Italian national unity, describes movement of Italy from Triple Alliance to Quadruple Entente, and con- cludes with chapter on effect of the war on Italy's future. Believes Italy's entrance into war was act of public will. •Dillon, Emile John. From the Triple to the Quadruple Alliance: Why Italy Went Into the War. Doran, 1915, p. xii, 242. $1.50. Good account of traditions and events which influenced Italy's entrance into the war by able Eng- lish student of foreign affairs, who visited Italy in critical period. •Jamison, E. M., and others. Italy, Medieval and Mod- ern, a History. Oxford Press, 1917, p. viii, 564. $2.90. Four English historical scholars have furnished a con- venient sketch of Italian history from the close of the Ro- man Empire to 1915. The section on the nineteenth cen- tury and the antecedents of the war is noteworthy. Low, Sidney James Mark. Italy in the War. Longmans, 1916, p. xii, 316. $1.75. Good account of movement of events since August, 1914, in Italy; of how Italy and Aus- tria went to war; and of the conditions under which they contend. McClure, W. K. Italy in North Africa, an Account of the Tripoli Enterprise. Philadelphia, Winston, 1914, p. xi, 328. $2.50. Good account of Italo-Turkish war by an observer and Italian sympathizer. Vivian, Herbert. Italy at War. Dutton, 1917, p. ix, 370. $2.50. Character sketches of Italian leaders and of the Italian people rather than discussion of issues. Useful for sympathetic imderstanding of Italian attitude and activity. Wallace, William Kay. Greater Italy, 1858-1916. Scrib- ner, 1917, p. X, 312. $2. Account of unification of Italy and of the Triple Alliance, and good, informing discussion of Italy's problems in connection with the war. 20. PORTUGAL. Young, George. Portugal, Old and Young. Oxford Press, 1917. 6s. Though published- in Histories of Belligerents Series, not so much history as a collection of essays on modem Portugal; best on cultural side. Author belonged to British legation at Lisbon. 21. ALSACE-LORRAINE. *Hazen, Charles Downer. Alsace-Lorraine Under German Rule. Holt, 1917, p. 246. $1.25. Clear, convincing indict- ment of German control of Alsace-Lorraine, by competent American historical scholar. Jordan, David Starr. Alsace-Lorraine, a Study in Con- quest. Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1917. $1. Written in 1913, after special study in the provinces, and partly published in Atlantic Monthly, May, 1914. Alsace is the storm-cen- ter, but war is no remedy for its problem. Quotes liberally both French and German views. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 115 Putnam, Buth. Alsace and Lorraine from Csesar to Kaiser, 68 B. C— 1871 A. D. Putnam, 1915, p. viii, 208. $1.25. Scholarly historical outline, with supplementary chapter on German rule; non-committal. 22. GERMANY: HISTOBY. Germany in the Nineteenth Century. Longmans, 1915, p. xvi, 254. $2. Two series of lectures delivered at Manchester University in 1911 and early in 1914 by J. H. Rose and other English scholars, descriptive of German history and culture. Authors' views have been somewhat modified by the war, as shown by their later writings. Henderson, Ernest Flagg. A Short History of Germany. Macmillan, 1916, 2 vols. $3.50. Second edition of work published in 1902, with three chapters added for period 1871-1914. By American scholar of German sympathies; accurate, fair, well written. 'Marriott, John Arthur Bansome, and Robertson, Charles Grant. The Evolution of Prussia, the Making of an Empire. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 459. $1.75. From Great Elector to Bismarck, with bibliography and sketch maps. Of avowed tendency and lively but not unfair criticism. More detailed and readable than Priest. *Priest, George Madison. Germany since 1740. Boston, Ginn, 1915, p. xvi, 199. $1.25. Good sketch with emphasis on Prussia; tends to neglect internal aflfairs. Summarizes the views of German history prevalent in generation preced- ing the war. *Schevill, Ferdinand. The Making of Modem Germany, Six Public Lectures Delivered in Chicago in 1915. Chicago, McQurg, 1916, p. xi, 259. $1.25. A professor of modern European history in University of Chicago surveys events from Great Elector to the war with studied moderation of tone and reserve of statement. Clear, pleasing style, some- times ingratiating as in its minimizing militarism. Smith, Munroe. Bismarck and German Unity. Columbia University Press, 1910, p. x, 132. $1. Second edition of sketch published on occasion of Bismarck's death in 1898. Excellent brief survey of the man and his policies. Treitschke, Heinrich Gotthard von. History of Germany in the Nineteenth Century; translated by Eden and Cedar Paul. McBride, 1915-16, vols. 1 and 2, xix, 708; xiv, 724. Each $3.25. Less permeated with his notorious views than his "Politics," the "History" has been more widely popular and influential in Germany. In general, good history; important for understanding German history of past century and present German dmracter. Second volume covers to 1820. Ward, Sir Adolphus William. Germany, 1815-1890. Cam- bridge Historical Series. Putnam, 1916, vol. 1, p. xiv, 592. $3. A learned accumulation of facts narrated in dry, impartial manner. Most thorough English account. First volume covers to 1852. 23. GEBMANY: KAISER AND COURT. Fox, Edward LyeU. Wilhelm HohenzoUem & Co. McBride, 1917, p. xii, 237. $1.50. Sensational account of the Kaiser and men around him by American journalist who was three times in Germany during the war. Graves, Armgaard Karl, pseud. The Secrets of the Hohen- zollerns. McBride, 1915, p. 251. $1.50. English title: The Red Secrets of the HohenzoUems. Highly sensational; would be interesting if true. Hammer, Simon Christian. William the Second. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. 272. $1.50. Attempt at psychological analysis of the Kaiser based on his speeches and on con- temporary German writings. Keen, Edith. Seven Years at the Prussian Court. Lane, 1917, p. 315, $3. Author was in household of sister of Empress. Reminiscences and court gossip; trivial. Radziwill, Catherine (Rzewuska) Princess. Germany Under Three Emperors. Punk, 1917. $4. Account of Ger- man politics and diplomacy centered around Bismarck and William II; by a close observer. Topham, Anne. Memories of the Kaiser's Court. Dodd, 1914, p. vii, 308. $3. English teacher of Princess Victoria gives intimate view of Kaiser's family and court since 1902. 24. GERMANY: GOVERNMENT AND CONDITIONS. Barker, J. Ellis. The Foundations of Germany, a Docu- mentary Account Revealing the Causes of her Strength, Wealth, and Efficiency. Dutton, 1916, p. ix, 280. $2.50. Topical account of German conditions and policies told largely by quotations from Frederick the Great and other German rulers and statesmen since Great Elector. *Barker, J. Ellis. Modem Germany, her Political and Economic Problems, her Foreign and Domestic Policy, her Ambitions and the Causes of her Success; fifth revised and enlarged edition brought to Jan. 1915. Dutton, 1915, p. xi, 852. $3. Author, native of Cologne, name changed from Eltzbacher by act of parliament, mors moderate and reason- able English counterpart of H. S. Chamberlain. Originally written in connection with famous colonial election of Reichstag in 1907, and brought to date in successive edi- tions, has been most notable English work on Germany through the decade. Deals with economic, colonial, and naval bases of German imperialism which he regards as directed against Great Britain, United States, or both. *Beyen3, Eugene, Baron. Germany before the War; trans- lated by Paul V. Cohn. Nelson, 1916, p. 366. $1.50. Former Belgian minister at Berlin describes country and govern- ment and events preceding war in which he participated. Severe especially towards the Emperor. Bourdon, Georges. The German Enigma, being an Inquiry among the Germans as to What They Think, What They Want, What They Can Do, translated by Beatrice Marshall, with Introduction by Charles Sarolea. Button, 1914, p. xiii. 357. $1.25. Editor of Paris Figaro toured Germany in 1913 to learn attitude toward France. Found militarism inbred but everyone disclaiming desire for war, notably as against France. Collier, Price. Germany and the Germans from an Amer- ican Point of View. Scribner, 1913, p. xii, 498. $1.50. Popular account by shrewd observer, not unfriendly in tone. Author published volume with similar title and character on England in 1911. Dawson, William Harbutt. The Evolution of Modem Germany. Scribner, 1908, p. xvi, 503. $4. Excellent descrip- tion of character and conditions, with mass of information, but statistics are all of 1906 or earlier. Author has written various other works on Germany, including Municipal Life and Government in Germany (Longmans, 1914, $3.75). •Dawson, William Harbutt. What Is Wrong with Grer- many. Longmans, 1915, p. xii, 227. $1. Confessedly out of tune with his other works which he had hoped would promote better feeling between England and Germany. Based on far more thorough kiiowledge of growth of ideas and opinion In Germany than shown in most war books. Deals with theory of the state, militarism, imperialism, Weltpolitik, relations of north and south Germany, questions of reform, etc. **Fife, Robert Herndon, Jr. The German Empire between Two Wars, a Study of the Political and Social Development of the Nation between 1871 and 1914. Macmillan, 1916, p. ]16 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. xiv, 400. $1.50. Absolutely impartial, sympathetic account and criticism of foreign and domestic affairs, notably good on Alsace-Lorraine, Polish question, education, the press, municipal affairs, and parties. Based on personal obser- vation and wide study; written, in large part, before the war. Holmes, Edmond Gore Alexander. The Nemesis of Doc- ility, a Study of German Character. Dutton, 1916, p. vii, 264. $1.75. Style superior to facts and logic. Howard, Burt Estes. The German Empire. Macmillan, 1906, p. viii, 449. $2. A careful, somewhat legalistic, study of the imperial constitution. Kriiger, Fritz-Konrad. Government and Politics of the German Empire. Yonkers, N. Y., World Book C!o., 1915, p. xi, 340. $1.20. Good survey, sympathetic to Germany, written as textbook. Lichtenberger, Henri. Germany and its Evolution in Modern Times, translated from the French by A. M. Lud- ovici. Holt, 1913, p. 440. $2.50. By an Alsatian professor at the Sorbonne, published originally in 1907, lacks trans- lator's notes to bring it to date. Emphasizes economic progress and expansion, not militarism as the basic Hohen- zollem policy. McLaren, A. D. Germanism from Within. Dutton, 1916, p. X, 363. $3. Lived in Germany seven years preceding the war as correspondent of an Australian paper, and eight months in a concentration camp. Some of these attempts to analyze German character were written before the war, and all have unusual tone of fairness. Perris, George Herbert. Germany and the German Emperor. Holt, 1913, 4th edition, 1914, p. xii, 520. $3. Aceoimt of modem Germany written to promote better understanding between England and Germany. CSiapters on Weltpolitik and other topics are valuable for presenting English views of 1912. Later editions show no change except in preface. Reich, Emil. Germany's Madness. Dodd, 1914, p. x, 224. $1. Author Hungarian resident in England. First published 1907, also issued with title: Germany's Swelled Head. New edition somewhat condensed and brought to date. Schierbrand, Wolf von. Germany, the Welding of a World Power. Garden City, Doubleday, 1902, p. vii, 307. $2.40. Cheap reprint at later date. Superficial account by Amer- ican journalist for American readers. Largely out of date, but of some interest for views of the time. Smith, Thomas F. A. The Soul of Germany, a Twelve Years' Study of the People from Within, 1902-1914. Doran, 1915, p. XV, 354. $1.25. Author was Englishman on Erlangen faculty. Facts usually accurate, interpretation made in war time, under personal pique at circumstances of his hasty exit from Germany. Unfortunate tendency to emphasize seamy side. Chapters on Treitschke and Nietzsche. *Veblen, Thorstein. Imperial Germany and the Industrial Revolution. Macmillan, 1915, p. viii, 324. $1.50. Socio- logical-historical essay, projected before the war, to study divergent lines of German and English cultural development in modem times, considered due to economic circumstances rather than to national genius or manifest destiny. Thoughtful work in difficult, often ironical, style, by Amer- ican professor. Villard, Oswald Garrison. Germany Embattled, an Amer- ican Interpretation. Scribner, 1915, p. 181. $1. Mainly reprint of articles by American editor famUiar with Ger- many, to explain Germany's case, but shows why American opinion has developed adversely to Germany. Careful, intelligent study. 25. GERMANY: POLITICAL THOUGHT. Bemhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Britain as Ger- many's Vassal, translated by J. Ellis Barker. Doran, 1914, p. 255. $1. Written year after Germany and the Next War to show that Germany's next step toward world domination should be subjugation of England. Appendix contains selections from Kriegsbrauch, the German hand- book of law and custom of war. Bemhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Germany and England. Dillingham, 1915, p. 93. $.50. Partly reply to Cramb's book, partly apologia addressed to American readers. Blames England for the war and naively declares notion of German invasion of America "belongs only to sphere of bar-room discussion." •Bemhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Germany and the Next War, translated by Allen H. Powles. Longmans, 1913, p. 288. $3. First published in Germany in 1911 as author's reaction from Moroccan crisis of that year. Not the technical, but the political and ethical chapters gave this book its fame as the typical expression of German militarism. Bemhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. How Germany Makes War. Doran, 1914, p. xv, 263. $1.25. Abridgment of On War Today (Dodd, 1914, 2 vols., $5) translated and edited by Hugh Rees. Largely technical, but reveals author's belief in Germany as world power with cultural mission. •Bismarck, Otto, FUrst von. Bismarck the Man and the Statesman, lieing the Reflections and Reminiscences Written and Dictated by Himself after his Retirement from Office, translated from the German under the Supervision of A. J. Butler. Harper, 1899, 2 vols., p. xx, 415; xix, 362. $7.50. Valuable not as record of events, but as exposition of Us policies and acts. Second volume on events, 1862-1890, is of great importance on both domestic and foreign affairs. •Bttlow, Bemhard Heinrich Martin Karl, Fiirst von. Im- perial Germany; with a Foreword by J. W. Headlam; trans- lated by Marie A. Lewenz; new and revised editon. Dodd, 1917, p. xlv, 335. $2. By former German chancellor. Original German edition published in 1913 in volume to commemo- rate twenty-fifth anniversary of Kaiser's accession. New German edition published separately in 1916. English edi- tion of original appeared in 1914. Largely rewritten with new parts in braxskets, also new chapters on militarism and the Social Democrats, and a new introduction. Early chapters devoted to foreign relations, with some comment on almost every event since 1888. Observations on individual topics are keen ; didactic tone, strong nationalist and imper- ialist patriotism pervade the book. Correlation of ideas and consistency of statement are neglected virtues. Chamberlain, Houston Stewart. The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, with an Introduction by Lord Redes- dale. Lane, 1910, 2 vols., p. cii, 578; vii, 580. $10. Author bom of distinguished English family, married daughter of Richard Wagner, and has long lived in Germany as natural- ized citizen. Not history, but a copious conglomerate of facts, an induction into the sacred mystery of Teutonism. Facts not always supported by authorities and logic untrammeled by customary rules. Regards Teutons as great creators and custodians of culture. Frobenius, Herman Theodor Wilhelm. The German Empire's Hour of Destiny, with preface by Sir Valentine Chirol. McBride, 1914, p. 139. $1. Published early in 1914, predicting the war, based partly on Lea's Day of the Saxon. Made prominent by commendation from the Crown Prince. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 117 'Gauss, Christian. Tlie German Emperor as Shown in his Public Utterances. Scribner, 1915, p. xvi, 329. $1.25. Schierbrand, Wolf von. The Kaiser's Speeches, forming a Character Portrait of Emperor William II; Translated and Edited with Annotations; based upon a compilation made by A. Oscar Klaussmann. Harper, 1903, p. zxxi, 333. $2.50. Omits part of Klaussmann collection, btit adds some other. Speeches are not printed in whole, but under topical arrangement, material from various speeches is brought together. Covers only first fifteen years of reign. Treitschke, Heinrich Gotthard von. Germany, France, Russia, and Islam, translated into English, with a Foreword by George Haven Putnam. Putnam, 1915, p. xiv, 336. $1.50. Eight essays written between 1871 and 1895; of no great interest. •Treitschke, Heinrich Gotthard von. Politics, translated from the German by Blanche Dugdale and Torben de BiUe, with an Introduction by Arthur James Balfour, and a Foreword by A. Lawrence Lowell. Macmillan, 1916, 2 vols., p. xliv, 406; vi, 643. $7. Lectures, published posthumously in German in 1897-8, grouped under five headings: the nature of the state, the social foundations of the state, varieties of political constitution, the state considered in regard to its influence upon rulers and ruled, and the state considered in relation to international intercourse. The first and last sections contain the more notable pronounce- ments. He failed to verify his facts, to weigh evidence correctly, and to avoid contradiction, but his brilliance and earnestness carried conviction. There is a convenient volume of Selections, translated by Adam L. Gowans (Philadelphia, Stokes, 1915, $.75). 26. GERMANY: POLITICAL THOUGHT: CEITICTSMS. Davis, Henry William Charles. The Political Thought of Heinrich von Treitschke. Scribner, 1915, p. viii, 295. $2. Attempt, by English historical scholar, to trace development of Treitschke's ideas and to analyze them with special reference to his Politics. Rigorous, but not harsh or unfair, criticism. •Dewey, John. German Philosophy and Politics. Holt, 1915, p. 134. $1.25. Able, readable survey, by American philosopher, of philosophical origins and background, from Kant, Fichte, and Hegel to the war, of current German political ideas. Figgis, John Neville. The Will to Freedom, or the Gospel of Nietzsche and the Gospel of Christ. Scribner, 1917, p. xviii, 320. $1.25. Excellent analysis and criticism of the philosophy of Nietzsche and estimate of its influence on German thought. •Guilland, Antoine. Modem Germany and her Historians McBride, 1915, p. 360. $2.25. Author is professor in Swiss Polytechnic School, Zflrich. Critical study of political school of historians in Germany in nineteenth century. Written before the war, with excellent style and wide knowledge. Salter, William Mackintire. Nietzsche the Thinker, a Study. Holt, 1917, p. x, 539. $3.50. Thorough philosoph- ical study nearly completed before the war, with which he does not find Nfetzsche specially connected. Santayana, George. Egotism in German Philosophy. Scribner, 1916. $1.50. Abstract, brilliant, bitter. Treitschke, his Doctrine of German Destiny and of Inter- national Relations. Putnam, 1914, p. xi, 332. $1.50. Con- tains study of Treitschke and his works by Adolf Hausrath and selections from his writings. Handy introduction to Treitschke and his ideas. 27. GERMANY: ANTHOLOGIES OF OPINION. Archer, William. Gems (?) of German Thought. Garden City, Doubleday, 1917, p. ix, 264. $1.25. Extracts from over eighty sources arranged topically, to show " the dom- inant characteristics of German mentality." *Bang, Jacob Peter. Hurrah and Hallelujah, the Teaching of Germany's Poets, Prophets, Professors and Preachers, a Documentation translated from the Danish by Jessie BrSchner, with an introduction by Ralph Connor. Doran, 1917, p. xi, 234. $1. Author is professor in University of Copenhagen. After introductory survey of growth of the " new-German spirit " before the war, reviews, with abund- ant quotations, utterances and publications during the war both by chauvinists and moderates. Eflfective revelation of obsessions of German thought. Chapman, John Jay Deutschland liber AUes, or Ger- many Speaks, a Collection of Utterances of Representative Germans: Statesmen, Military Leaders, Scholars and Poets, in Defence of the War Policies of the Fatherland. Putnam, 1914, p. 102. $.75. Gowans, Adam L. A Month's German Newspapers, being Representative Extracts from those of the Memorable Month of December, 1914. New York, Stokes, 1915, p. vii, 275. $1. Extracts from eight leading papers, whose character is described, dealing especially with events on the west front and relations with England. Smith, Thomas F. A. What Germany Thinks; the War as Germans See It. Doran, 1915, p. 336. $1.25. German utterances during first year of war, topically arranged. Seems to reveal solidarity of German opinion, though other currents of thought may be overlooked. 28. GERMANY: WELTPOLITIK. *Hurd, Archibald S., and Castle, Henry. German Sea Power, its Rise, Progress, and Economic Basis. Scribner, 1913, p. XV, 388. $3.25. Intelligent, though not friendly, English account of German naval policy. Hurd has written much else on naval and diplomatic questions of the war and the years immediately preceding. Lewin, Percy Evans. The German Road to the East, an Account of the Drang nach Osten and of Teutonic Aims in the Near and Middle East. Doran, 1917, p. 340. $2.50. Based not on personal observation but on thorough study of the literature of the subject. Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von. Germany's Point of View. Chicago, McClurg, 1915. $1.50. Well written attempt to state Germany's case, especially against England, and to give German side of Belgian and other matters. Belongs to Miinsterberg school of German propaganda ia America. Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von. What Germany Wants. Boston, Little, 1914. $1. Clear, moderate explanation of German ideals, problems, and policies to persuade Americans that Germany should not be judged by Bernhardi. *Prothero, George Walter. German Policy Before the War. Dutton, 1916, p. viii, HI. $1. Outlines with clearness and vigor but not entirely dispassionately, development of German thought and policy leading to the war. By well known English historian. *Rohrbach, Paul. Germany's Isolation, an Exposition of the Economic Causes of the War; translated by Paul H. Phillipson. Chicago, McClurg, 1915, p. xvii, 186. $1. Trans- lation of Der Krieg und die Deutsche Politik (1914). Six chapters written before the war deal with Anglo-German rivalry. Final chapter on outbreak of war exonerates Germany. Chapter on Salient Ideas of German Foreign Policy is remarkable, if printed as vmtten before the war. 118 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. •Eohrbach, Paul. German World Policies, translated by E. von Mach. Macmillan, 1915, p. xi, 243. $1.25. Translation of Der Deutsche Gedanke in der Welt (1912), which trans- lator says has "inspired more Germans than any other book published since 1871, for everybody felt that it presented a generally true picture of the Fatherland and indicated the paths which the Germans had resolved to follow." Typical of German idealism and much more moderate than Bemhardi. Usher, Boland Greene. Pan-Germanism from its Inception to the Outbreak of the War, a Critical Study. Boston, Houghton, 1914, p. vii, 422. $1.75. Widely read during first year of the war as clear, breezy presentation of Pan- German movement, its ideas and their application to events of two decades preceding the war. Though not to be relied on for accuracy, events have given warrant to many of his conclusions. 29. GERMANY: WAR-TIME DISCUSSIONS OF POLICY. Fernau, Hermann. Coming Democracy. Dutton, 1917, p. viii, 321. $2. Translation of "Durch! Zur Demokratie," published before Russian revolution. By a German demo- crat and pacifist who vigorously denounces the German government and proclaims necessity of military defeat of Germany for its own sake, as only means of replacing mon- archy by democracy. *I Accuse! (J'Accuse) by a German; with Preface by Dr. Anton Suter, translated by Alexander Gray. Doran, 1915, p. viii, 445. $1.50. German refugee, pacifist, perhaps Social Democrat, asserts his German loyalty but with intelligence and courage denounces Prussian militarists as responsible for the war. To be read to oflFset accepted German views of Billow, Bemhardi, and Rohrbach. Has since published first of three volumes entitled The Crime (1917) to complete his proofs of Prussian militarist respon- sibility. •Naumann, Friedrich. Central Europe; a translation by Christabel M. Meredith from the Original German. Knopf, 1917, p. vii, 351. $3. Painstaking argument for closer union of Germany and Austria and ultimately for a still greater central European combination. Economic consid- erations are given full weight. Perhaps the most notable German book on national and international policy produced during the war. The author is a member of the Reichstag, of socialist antecedents. •Modern Germany in Relation to the Great War, by Var- ious German Writers; translated by W. W. Whitelock. Kennerley, 1916, p. 628. $2. Translation of Deutschland vrnd der Weltkrieg, edited by Professors Heintze, Meinecke, Oncken, and Schuhmacher, in which twenty German scholars co-operate to state Germany's case. Note especially Erich Marck's essay on historic relations between Germany and England. 30. GERMANY: ARMY, NAVY, SECRET SERVICE. Edelsheim, Franz, Freiherr von. Operations upon the Sea, a Study translated from the German. Outdoor Press, 1914. $.75. Technical study, interesting for illustrative studies of German invasions of England and United States. The German Spy-System from within, by an Ex-Intel- ligence Officer. Doran, 1915, second edition, p. viii, 195. $1. Shallow performance, possibly by British secret service man to explain the menace to English readers. Goltz, Colmar, Freiherr von der. A Nation in Arms, translated by Philip A. Ashworth, edited by A. Hilliard Atteridge. Doran, 1915, p. viii. 288. $1. Exposition of German military system by veteran German officer, for- merly military governor of Belgium. Condensed from first English translation of 1906. Goltz, Horst von der. My Adventures cs a German Secret Agent. McBride, 1917, p. xii, 287. $1.50. Purports to be account of German secret service and of personal expw- iences by one whose activities in United States and Mexico attracted attention prior to his arrest by English. Asserts wide ramification of German system in United States. Graves, Armgaard Karl, pseud., and Fox, Edward Lyell. The Secrets of the German War Office. McBride, 1914, p. 240. $1.50. Sensational narrative of doubtful authenticity by purported German secret agent. Henderson, Ernest Flagg. Germany's lighting Machine, her Army, her Navy, her Air-ships, and Why She Arrayed Them Against the Allied Powers of Europe. Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1914, p. 97. $1.25. Brief popular account by German sympathizer, with wealth of excellent illustrations. *The War Book of the German General Staff, being " The Usages of War on Land, " Issued by the Great General Staff of the German Army; translated by J. H. Morgan. McBride, 1915, p. xv, 199. $1. Professor Morgan has made careful literal translation and added a full critical intro- duction to the Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege. 31. GERMANY: DESCRIPTIONS IN WAR-TIME. Ackerman, Carl William. Germany, the Next Republic! Doran, 1917, p. xiv, 292. $1.50. Author was American correspondent in Germany from March, 1915, to the rupture of relations. Describes rivalry of Bethmann-HoUweg and Tirpitz factions and movement of public opinion in Ger- many. Approves American delay in entering the war. Beaufort, J. M. de. Behind the German Veil; a Record of a Journalistic War Pilgrimage. Dodd, 1917, p. xix, 403. $2. Author a native of Holland, trained as correspondent in America, went to Germany in 1914. Wide observations, including eastern front and the fleet. Sympathies pro- Ally. Bullitt, Mrs. Ernesta Drinker. An Uncensored Diary; from the Central Empires. Garden City, Doubleday, 1917, p. V, 205. $1.25. Diary of wife of correspondent in Ger- many in summer of 1916. Includes visits to Belgium and Austria- Hungary. Many interesting observations, especially concerning women and children. Curtin, D. Thomas. The Land of Deepening Shadow, Ger- many-at-War. Doran, 1917, p. 337. $1.50. Description of German methods and of conditions in Germany late in 1915 by American correspondent. *Gerard, James Watson. My Four Years in Germany. Doran, 1917, p. xvi, 448. $2. The former American am- bassador to Germany gives some important information, and records many interesting and enlightening observations. Honest, straightforward account, intended to arouse popular interest and give general public convincing proofs of American case against Germany. McClellan, George Brinton. The Heel of War. DUling- ham, 1916, p. xi, 177. $1. Record of visits to Germany, Belgium, France, and Italy during the war, by former mayor of New York, now professor at Princeton. Profes- sedly unbiassed, actually transparently German. Swope, Herbert Bayard. Inside the German Empire in the Third Year of the War. Century, 1917, p. xxi, 366. $2. By American correspondent of New York World. Tone, impartial; observations, hasty and inadequate; judgments, hasty and now somewhat superannuated; style, readable. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 119 32. AUSTRIA-HUNGAHY. ■assy, Graf Julius. Whose Sin Is the World War? ted by E. J. Euphrat. New Era Publishing House, 154. 50 cents. Author is son of famous state chan- .nd has himself been an Hungarian minister. Able, presentation of Austria's case against Serbia and places blame squarely on Russia. ia-Hungary and the War. Fatherland Corporation, . 64. Nine articles by prominent Austrians on >f the war and Austrian interests. Official Austrian nda. :, Thomas, editor. Bohemia under Hapsburg Mis- Study of the Ideals and Aspirations of the Bohemian vak Peoples as they Relate to and Are Affected by at European War. Revell, 1915, p. 187. $1. Arti- leading authorities on Bohemian affairs setting forth pshurg feeling and opposition to Germanization. be relied on as accurate or authoritative. ;hbull-Hugesson, CeeU Marcus. The Political Evolu- the Himgarian Nation. IJondon, National Review, vols. Deals primarily with the Magyar element and i its views. ig, Ernest. Austria-Hungary and the War, with a by Dr. K. T. Dumba. OgUvie, 1915, p. 200. $1. The n case told by the former consul at Cleveland. At- centered on the Serbian question, with best accoimt jevo trial. Chapter on Ruthenian problem, also one :ions with United States. ik, Gustav. The House of HohenzoUern and the rg Monarchy. Evening Post Co., 1917, p. 107. 50 Reprint of seven timely articles on German and n questions from New York Evening Post by a na- Vienna. rbrand, Wolf von. Austria-Hungary, the Polyglot . New York, Stokes, 1917, p. vii, 372. $3. Jour- fho had spent years in Germany and Austria de- conditions, problems, and war-time situation, d, Henry Wickham. The Hapsburg Monarchy, r, 1913, p. xxxii, 304. $2.50. Author writes with Ige and insight due to a, decade's residence in the Monarchy as London Times correspondent. Pleasing ut too much knowledge is presumed for easy reading. 3S organization and administration of the monarchy h conditions and problems as foreign policy, Bosnia, ,vs, and Jews. man, Sidney. Austria (Story of the Nations Series). 1, 1898. $1.50. Brief outline account to 1898. The eries contains a volume on Hungary by V4mb6ry AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: SLAVIC PEOPLES. y, William Frederick. The Slavs of the War Zone. 1916, p. xii, 266. $3.50. Descriptions of Austrian loth northern and southern, impassioned but inform- -Watson, Robert William. Racial Problems in y, by Scotus Viator (pseud). London, Constable, , xxvii, 540. The Southern Slav Question and the rg Monarchy. London, Constable, 1911, p. xii, 463. Corruption and Reform in Hungary, a Study of il Practice. London, Constable, 1911, p. xvi, 197. 43. rman, Slav, and Magyar, a Study in the Origins of at War. London, Williams & Norgate, 1916, p. 198. Four works on various phases of the Southern Slav 1 in Hungary, by a specialist on the subject, an e of Jugoslavie nationality. 34. BALKAN PENINSULA: HISTORY, CONDITIONS, PROBLEMS. Abbott, George Frederick. Turkey, Greece, and the Great Powers; a Study in Friendship and Hate. McBride, 1917, p. vii, 384. $3. Part I deals with Turkey and the Great Powers; Part II treats Greece similarly. Both historical antecedents and relations during the war are discussed. Author was formerly a war correspondent. Historical sec- tions are inadequate; judgments of contemporary events to be taken with caution. Criticises treatment of Greece by the Allies. Brown, Demetra (Vaka) (Mrs. Kenneth Brown). The Heart of the Balkans. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. 248. $1.50. A series of sketches of travel through the Balkans in 1913 or thereabouts. •Buxton, Noel Edward, and Buxton, Charles Roden. The War and the Balkans. London, Allen & Unwin, 1915, p. 112. 2s. 6d. Unusually successful effort to set forth con- cisely and impartially the views and feelings of the several Balkan peoples. 'Courtney, Leonard Henry Courtney, 1st Baron, editor. Nationalism and War in the Near-East, by a Diplomatist. Oxford Press, 1916, p. xxvi, 428. $4.15. Marked by demo- cratic and pacifist bias, but, perhaps, ablest discussion of Balkan problems, especially of years immediately preceding the war. Not so much narrative or descriptive as analytical and philosophical. •Forbes, Nevill; Toynbee, Arnold Joseph; Mitrany, D.; and Hogarth, David George. The Balkans, a History of Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, Rumania, Turkey. Oxford Press, p. 407. $1.75. Bulgaria and Serbia by Forbes, Greece by Toynbee, Romania by Mitrany, Turkey by Hogarth; the last being especially good. Diverse in method and value, and with no unity except the binding; general treatment of Balkan problem is unfortunately lacking. Better for general reader than Miller for accounts of separate states; Miller's account more unified and general. Holland, Thomas Erskine. The European Concert in the Eastern Question, a Collection of Treaties and other Public Acts, with introductions and Notes. Oxford Press, 1885, p. xii, 366. $3.25. Contains principal documents from 1830 to 1883. •Marriott, John Arthur Ransome. The Eastern question, an Historical Study in European Diplomacy. Oxford Press, 1917, p. viii, 456. $5.50. An historical account of the Ottoman empire is the central topic for a treatment of the Balkan problems and the international interests involved. The present war and its immediate antecedents receive ample attention. There is a chapter on the geography of the Balkans. The only good systematic work in English by well-known English historical scholar. •Miller, William. The Ottoman Empire, 1801-1913. Put- nam, 1913, p. xvi, 547. $2.50. History since 1801 of all lands then part of Ottoman Empire, hence really an account of the rise of the Balkan nationalities, and of the inter- national relations involved. Mass of facts, which covers to close of first Balkan war, makes the book informing but the style and method are scarcely enlightening. The Near East from Within. Funk, 1915, p. viii, 256. $3. Author claims to have been highly placed diplomat in the confidence of the Kaiser. Purports to unburden his mind of intrigues of secret diplomacy in the Balkans; interesting, but authenticity needs to be vouched. •Newbigin, Marion Isabel, Geographical Aspects of Balkan Problems in their Relation to the Great European. War. Putnam, 1915, p. ix, 243. $1.75. Covers whole peninsula 120 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOE THE STUDY OF THE WAR. and Danube valley; important on trade routes, river sys- tems, agricultural conditions and other features connected ■with racial questions and political ambitions. Written with full recognition of the two Balkan wars and of importance of Balkan problems in present war. •Phillipson, Coleman, and Buxton, Noel. The Question of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles. London, Stevens & Haynes, 1917, p. xvi, 264. Discusses general problems of international law involved; surveys history of question from 1774 to 1878 with reference to successive treaties and their application; considers future readjustment, with special reference to Russia and to internationalization similar to Danube Commission. Savic, Vladislav R. South-Eastem Europe, the Main Problem of the Present World Struggle, with Introduction by Nicholas Murray Butler. Revell, 1918, p. 276. $1.50. Surveys history of Southern Slavs and of their relations with Austria-Hungary and with Bulgaria; chapters on America and the South Slav State, Pan- Slavism, and the Adriatic Question. By Serb correspondent of English papers. Seton-Watson, Robert William. The Balkans, Italy, and the Adriatic. London, Nisbet, 1915, p. 79. Is. Brief study of Adriatic question and of Italy's interests in the Balkans. •Seton-Watson, Robert William. The Rise of Nationality in the Balkans. London, Constable, 1917. IDs. 6d. Thorough account by a leading authority. Singleton, Esther. Turkey and the Balkan States as Described by Great Writers. Dodd, 1908, p. xii, 336. $1.60. Well selected compilation illustrating manners, customs, and conditions. Villari, Luigi, editor. The Balkan Question, the Present Condition of the Balkans and of European Responsibilities, by Various Writers, with Introduction by James Bryee. Dutton, 1905, p. 362. $3. Distinguished writers of various nationalities discuss various aspects of problems and argue for extension of international European control for imme- diate relief of conditions. Woods, Henry Charles. The Danger Zone of Europe, Changes and Problems in the Near East. Boston, Little, 1911, p. 328. $3.50. Based on travel and research; discusses several phases of Balkan affairs. Woolf, Leonard Sidney. The Future of Constantinople. Macmillan, 1917, p. 109. $1. Suggests control by inter- national commission similar to Danube Commission of which some account is given. 35. BALKAN WARS, 1912-13. International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars. Report. Washington, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1914, p. 413. Report of an attempt to make thorough impartial study of Balkan situation. Places blame on all Balkan peoples, but finds Greeks rather more guilty of atrocities than Bul- garians. Rankin, Reginald. The Inner History of the Balkan War. Dutton, 1914, p. X, 569. $5. After historical surveys of the several countries of the Balkans, recounts causes and pro- gress of the war with personal journalistic experiences. Lengthy and pretentious. •Schurman, Jacob Gould. The Balkan Wars, 1912-13. Princeton, University Press, 1914, p. xv, 140. $1. Author was American minister to Greece at the time. Clear con- cise review of causes, events and results. Sloane, William Milligan. The Balkans, a Laboratory of History. Methodist Book Concern, 1914, p. viii, 322. $1.50. Comprehensive but not always accurate account of the Balkan wars and their antecedents. Trapmann, A. H. The Greeks Triumphant. London, Forster, Groom & Co., 1915, p. xi, 294. 78. 6d. Accounts of the two Balkan wars by correspondent of London Daily Telegraph. 36. SERBIA, MONTENEGRO, SOUTHERN SLAVS. •Jones, Fortier. With Serbia into Exile, an American's Adventures with the Army that Can Not Die. Century, 1916, p. 447. $1.60. London Times calls it best personal narrative of Serbian retreat. Author was student in Col- umbia School of Journalism who engaged in Serbian relief work. Petrovic, Vojislav M. Serbia, her People, History, and Aspirations. New York, Stokes, 1915, p. 280. $1.50. Convenient, though not scrupulously accurate, outline of Serbian history to 1914, with clear statement of national aims; by Serbian diplomatist. Reiss, Rodolphe Archibald. Report upon the Atrocities Committed by the Austro-Hungarian Army during the First Invasion of Serbia; English translation by F. S. Copeland. London, Simpkin, 1916, p. 192. 5s. Report to Serbian gov- ernment by Dr. Reiss of University of Lausanne on mate- rials gathered in autumn of 1914. Stead, Alfred, editor. Servia and the Servians. London, Heinemann, 1909, p. 390. 12s. 6d. Useful compilation, including economic data. Taylor, A. H. E. The Future of the Southern Slavs. Dodd, 1917. $3. Deals with Serbia and the Jugoslav ques- tion; chapter on the Adriatic question takes sides with Slavs against Italy. •Temperley, Harold William Vazielle. History of Serbia. Macmillan, 1917, p. x, 354. $4. Good account by competent English historian. Unfortunately closes with 1910. Trevor, Roy. Montenegro, a Land of Warriors. Mac- millan, 1914, p. vii, 87. $.55. Avoids politics; describes people and conditions. Tucic, Srgjan PI. The Slav Nations ; translated by Fanny S. Copeland. Doran, 1915, p. viii, 192. $.50. Serbian writes chapter on each Slav nation, descriptive of peoples. Hasty, enthusiastic sketches. Velimirovic, Nicolai. Serbia in Light and Darkness, with a Preface by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Longmans, 1916, p. xii, 147. $1.20. Based on addresses of a Serbian priest to English audiences, voicing national spirit and portraying national life; not a book of facts. 37. ALBANIA. Durham, Mary Edith. The Struggle for Scutari, Turk, Slav, and Albanian. Longmans, 1914, p. 332. $4. Also includes discussion of international affairs in Balkans and gives special attention to Albanians. Peacock, Wadham. Albania, the Foundling State of Europe. Appleton, 1914, p. 256. $2.50. Author spent some time at Scutari in English consular service and admires Albanians. Historical and descriptive account with some discussion of problems. 38. GREECE. Cassavetti, Demetrius John. Hellas and the Balkan Wars; with an Introduction by W. Pember Reeves. Dodd, 1914, p. XV, 368. $3. Record of Greek history and aims for last half century with special reference to causes and Greek participation in Balkan wars of 1912-13. Carefully V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 121 done with citation of authorities. Patriotic and anti-Bul- garian. Garnett, Lucy Mary Jane. Greece of the Hellenes. Scrib- ner, 1914, p. vii, 246. $1.50. Good descriptive work on contemporary life and conditions. Kerofilas, Dr. C. Eleftherios Venizelos, his Life and Work, with an Introduction by M. Take Jonesco; translated by Beatrice Barstow. Button, 1915, p. xvii, 198. $1.25. Laud- atory, popular account of career to early months of the war. Introduction by former Bomanian premier is best part of book. Price, W. H. Crawford. Venizelos and the War. London, Simpkin, 1917. 2s. Athens correspondent of London Daily Mail describes recent relations of Greece with the Allies and with other Balkan states. Venizelos, Eleutherios. Greece in her True Light, her Position in the World-wide War as Expounded by El. K. Venizelos, her Greatest Statesman, in a Series of Official Documents, translated by S. A. Xanthaky, and N. G. Sakel- larios. Sakellarios and Xanthaky, 1916, p. 288. $2. Sup- plemented with an account of career of Venizelos. 39. OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE TURKS. Baker, B. Granville. The Passing of the Turkish Empire in Europe. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1913, p. 335. $3.50. Author was in Constantinople during the first Balkan war, but says little of it; mainly descriptive material which -throws some incidental light on political problems. Cobb, Stanwood. The Real Turk. Boston, Pilgrim Press, 1914, p. xv, 301. $1.50. Author lived three years in Turkey under Young Turk rule and frankly endeavors to present the good side of Turkish people. Eliot, Sir Charles Norton Edgecumbe (Odysseus, pseud). Turkey in Europe. Longmans, second edition, 1908, p. vii, 459. $2.50. Based on residence and travel especially from 1893 to 1898, with additional chapters to 1907. Deals with Balkan peoples in general, but with special reference to . Turks. Good historical and descriptive account. Furnishes background for understanding events of last decade. First edition, pseudonymous, 1900. Emin, Ahmed. The Development of Modem Turkey as Measured by its Press. Longmans, 1914, p. 142. $1.50. A Columbia University doctoral thesis on influence of the press on reform movements in Turkey. Eversley, George John Shaw-Lefevre, 1st Baron. The Turkish Empire, its Growth and Decay. Dodd, 1917, p. 392. $3. Earlier parts derived from familiar authorities, but later sections record personal observations and use other first-hand material. Good, popular account. Jabotinsky, Vladimir. Turkey and the War. London, Unwin, 1917. 6s. Discussion of the partition of Turkey, by a Russian journalist. Pears, Sir Edwin. Forty Years in Constantinople. Apple- ton, 1915, p. xiii, 390. $5. Reminiscences of Englishman long resident at Constantinople with special reference to English diplomats; chapter on American Ambassador Morgenthau and his services after outbreak of war. *Pears, Sir Edwin. Turkey and its People. London, Methuen, 1911; second edition, 1912, p. vi, 409. 12b. 6d. Excellent historical and descriptive volume based on long residence and extensive travel in Turkey. Pears, Sir Edwin. Life of Abdul Hamid. Holt, 1917, p. X, 365. $2. Account of villainous acts and influences of the former Sultan, by an authority of special competence on Ottoman affairs. Sykes, Sir Mark, Bart. The Caliph's Last Heritage, a Short History of the Turkish Empire. Macmillan, 1916, p. ix, 638. $6.25. Half of volume is a not very critical or thorough historical account, but remainder of volume records author's travels in Asiatic Turkey. Whitman, Sidney. Turkish Memories. Scribner, 1914, p. xi, 305. $2.25. Based on visits to European and Asiatic Turkey between 1896 and 1908. Favorable portrayal of th« Turk. 40. BULGARIA. Fox, Frank. Bulgaria. London, Black, 1915, p. 216. 10s. Historical and descriptive account by war correspondent. Historieus, pseud. Bulgaria and her Neighbors. 1917. By Bulgarian diplomat, presenting Bulgarian side of case; moderate and candid. Monroe, Will Seymour. Bulgaria and her People, with an account of the Balkan wars, Macedonia, and the Macedonian Bulgars. Boston, Page, 1914, p. xxi, 410. $3. Author was in Bulgaria during second Balkan war, but draws largely from official reports and reference books. Considerable ac- coimt of the two Balkan wars from Bulgarian point of view. 41. ROMANIA. • Seton-Watson, Robert William. Eoumania and the Great War. London, Constable, 1915, p. 102. 2s. Sketch of peo- ple, history, and policy, with special reference to Romanian element in Transylvania and to reasons why Romania had not entered the war. 42. POLAND. Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The Reconstruction of Poland and the Near East, Problems of Peace. Century, 1917. $1. Written before Russian revolution. Reprinted from Cen- tury Magazine. His formula of settlement is government by consent of the governed. The local will and not the im- perial interest of the great powers must be assured to safe- guard small nations and prevent future war. Clear state- ment of various problems with sufficient historical back- ground. Lewinski-Corwin, Edward Henry. Political History of Poland. Polish Book Importing Co., 1917, p. xv, 628. $3. Good survey of Polish history, well illustrated; most use- ful for period since partition, including chapter on present war. Some discussion of Poland's future. *Orvis, Julia Swift. Brief History of Poland. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. xix, 359. $1.50. Good, readable account of Polish history down to the present time; useful .for the historical background of the existing Polish problem. Phillips, Walter Alison. Poland. Holt, 1916, p. vi, 256. 50 cents. Good brief sketch of Polish history and problem by English believer in integrally restored Poland. Poland's Case for Independence, being a Series of Essays Illustrating the Continuance of Her National Life. Dodd, 1916, p. 352. $3. Six papers collected by Polish Informa- tion Committee on Polish history, culture, and problems in strong nationalist strain. 43. RUSSIA: HISTORY. Komilov, Alexander. Modem Russian History, being an Authoritative and Detailed History of Russia from the Age of Catherine the Great to the Present; translated by A. S. Kaun. Knopf, 1917, 2 vols., p. 310, 370. $5. Concerned primarily with internal affairs, social and cultural develop- ment prior to 1890. The translator adds supplementary chapters to cover from that date to the third year of the 122 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. ■war. Only available account in English carrying Kussian history from the beginning of the nineteenth century into the present war, which may be regarded as acceptable. By Petrograd professor. Poor translation. McCabe, Joseph. The Bomance of the Romanoffs. Dodd, 1917, p. xiv, 390. $2. The seamy side of Russian autocracy to the fall of Nicholas IE, written in lively style. *Mavor, James. An Economic History of Russia. But- ton, 1914, 2 vols., p. xxxii, 614; xxii, 630. $10. Professor in University of Toronto has written fullest and best account In English. Second volume deals with revolutionary move- ments and forces contributing thereto during nineteenth century and down to 1907. Novikova, Olga Aleksieevna. Russian Memories, with an Introduction by Stephen Graham. Dutton, 1916, p. 310. $3.50. Covers period from 1876 to 1916. The author played a prominent international part in 1876-8, and was a sup- porter of the old regime in Russia. Though including ma- terials on recent years, the main interest attaches to the earlier time. Reeves, Francis Brewster. Russia Then and Now, 1892- 1917. Putnam, 1917, p. xiii, 186. $1.50. Author's personal contribution is confined to service in 1892 on committee for relief of famine sufferers. Material on Russia during the war is mostly in appendix. •Skrine, Francis Henry. The Expansion of Russia, 1815- 1900. Putnam, 1903, p. vii, 386. $1.50. Clear, well-balanced narrative by retired Anglo-Indian civil servant; peculiarly sympathetic for date of its writing. Vassili, Count Paul, pseud. Behind the Veil at the Rus- sian Court. Lane, 1914, p. 408. $4.50. Covers events from Crimean war into reign of Nicholas 11, by a member of Russian diplomatic service. Much gossip, but rather more historical value than usual in such books. Wesselitsky, Gabriel de. Russia and Democracy, the German Canker in Russia, with a Preface by Henry Oust. Duffield, 1916, p. viii, 96. $.75. By London correspondent of Novoe Vreniya. Survey of Russian history, but with purpose of proving Russians essentially democratic and that autocracy is due to Germans who have controlled the gov- ernment. 44. RUSSIA: ANTE-BELLUM DESCRIPTIONS. •Alexinsky, Gregor. Modem Russia; translated by Ber- nard Miall. Scribner, 1914, p. 361. $3.75. Not a revelation of spirit and soul of Russia but mass of information on economic and social conditions and problems since eman- cipation of serfs, the organization of government, revolu- tion of 1905-6, questions of nationality, religion, and liter- ature. Lacks accurate historical scholarship and readable style. Author former member of Duma, with liberal, per- haps socialistic, tendencies. Alexinsky, Gregor. Russia and Europe; translated from the manuscript by Bernard Miall. Scribner, 1917, p. 352. $3. Complementary to his Modem Russia. Deals with material bonds between Russia and Europe, Russia's part in European wars before 1914, Europeanization of the state and other topics. Written on eve of March Revolution which it forecasts. Wealth of facts; poor style. •Alexinsky, Gregor. Russia and the Great War. Scribner, 1915, p. 357. $3. Survey of domestic and foreign affairs from war with Japan to early months of present war. Im- portant for conditions at opening of war and attitude toward the war. Still useful if read with caution. •Baring, Maurice. The Russian People. Doran, 1911, p. 358, $3.50. One of the best accounts for insight into con- ditions and thoughts of the people shortly before the war. A portion condensed and rewritten as The Mainsprings of Russia (Nelson, 1915. $1). Bechhofer, C. E. Riissia at the Cross-roads, with an Introduction by A. H. Murray. Dutton, 1916, p. viii, 201. $2. By Anglicized Russian, with no thoroughness of knowl- edge or depth of insight. ■Bubnoff, J. V. The Co-operative Movement in Russia, its History, Significance and Character. Falnberg, 1917, p. 162. $1.25. Good account of movement which has devel- oped rapidly during past dozen years. •Duff, James Duff, editor. Russian ICealities and Prob- lems. Putnam, 1917, p. vi, 229. $2. Collection of six lectures by Milyukov, S'truve, Dmowski, Lappo-Danilevsky, and Harold WiUiams. Informing and enlightening, though written before overthrow of the Tsar. Gorky, Maxim, pseud. (Alexei Maximovitch Pyeshkoff) ; Andreieff, Leonid Nikolaevich; and Sologub, Feodor, pseud. (Feodor Euzmich Tetemikov), editors. The Shield, with a foreword by William English Walling; translated from the Russian by A. Yarmolinsky. Knopf, 1917, p. xviii, 209. $1.26. Collection of articles from various authors on Jewish prob- lems in Russia. Original published by a non-Jewish Russian society for the study of Jewish life. Graham, Stephen. A Vagabond in the Caucasus, with Some Notes of his Experiences among the Russians. Lane, 1911, p. vii, 311. $1.50. Undiscovered Russia. Lane 1911, p. xvi, 337. $4. Changing Russia. Lane, 1913, p. is, 309. $2.50. A Tramp's Sketches. Macmillan, 1912, p. xiii, 339. $1.60. Four volumes of which second and third are the most important, based on walking tours in Russia, written with insight, charm, and force. Much valuable description of con- ditions and ideas, but not well arranged for the student. Jarintzoff, N. Russia, the Coimtry of Extremes. Holt, 1914, p. 372. $4. Published on eve of the war by Russian woman resident in England. Interestingly written jumble of facts, many of them not usually found in books on Russia. Raisin, Jacob Salmon. The Haskalah Movement in Russia. Jewish Pub. Co., 1914, p. 355. $1.50. Excellent account of intellectual awakening of Jews in Russia in last half- century. Sarolea, Charles. Great Russia, her Achievement and Promise. Knopf, 1916, p. ix, 252. $1.25. English title; Europe's Debt to Russia. Author's chief competence for the work is literary. First section, on geographical found- ations of Russian politics is distinctly useful; second part devoted to main theme reveals Russia as liberator of op- pressed nationalities; third part, to literature; fourth part, to typical Russian problems such as, Poland, Jews, and revolutionary movements. Vinogradoff, Sir Paul Gavrilovich. The Russian Problem. Knopf, 1915, p. viii, 44. $.75. Two articles, Russia after the War, and Russia, the Psychology of a Nation. Sanguine views by eminent Russian historian and jurist, now pro- fessor at Oxford. Self-Government in Russia. Dutton, 1916, p. 118. $1.25. Series of lectures giving optimistic view of development of self-governing institutions and capacity prior to 1916. Walling, William English. Russia's Message; the People against the Czar. Knopf, 1917, p. 245. $1.50. First edition, 1908. This reprint omits some material and has an intro- duction which partly brings it up to date. By an Amer- ican socialist who spent two years in Russia before writ- ing the original text. Particularly interesting on economi* matters. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 123 •Wiener, Leo. An Interpretation of the Russian People. McBride, 1915, p. 248. $1.25. Author is native Russian, now professor of Slavic at Harvard. Utilizes his scholarly knowledge of Russia's past to judge Russia of the present. One of most illuminatuig Vooks on Russia. •Williams, Harold Whitmore. Russia of the Russians. Scribner, 1914, p. ix, 430. $1.50. Not historical, but descriptive on wide range of topics, best on culture, social conditions, and political thought. By able correspondent long resident in Russia. Best introductory account avail- able. Winter, Nevin Otto. The Russian Empire of Today and Yesterday, the Country and its Peoples, together with a Brief Review of its History, Past and Present, and a Survey of its Social, Political and Economic Conditions. Boston, Page, 1913, p. xvi, 487. $3. Lacks insight of Baring or Williams, though giving wider range of facts. 45. RUSSIA: CONDITIONS UST WAR-TIME. *Child, Richard Washburn. Potential Russia. Dutton, 1916, p. 221. $1.50. American writer visited Russia during the war, describes conditions observed and discusses ques- tions of Russia's part in the war. Partly reprinted mag- azine articles. Dispassionate and illuminating. Praser, John Foster. Russia of Today. Funk, 1916, p. viii, 296. $1.50. By English journalist, on conditions in war time. Ephemeral. Graham, Stephen. Russia and the World, a Study of the War, and a Statement of the World-Problem that Now Confronts Russia and Great Britain. Macmillan, 1915, p. xi, 305. $2. Attempt to interpret Russia and its conditions inunediately following outbreak of war, to English people, as favorably as possible. Antiquated. Russia in 1916. JlacmiUan, 1917, p. 191. $1.25. Similar record of Russian tour made after two years of war. Ruhl, Arthur Brown. White Nights and Other Russian Impressions. Scribner, 1917, p. viii, 248. A correspon- dent's sketches of scenes and conditions in war-time Russia. Also description of Swedish and Norwegian attitudes toward the war. Russian Court Memoirs, 1914-1916, with Some Account of Court, Social, and Political Life in Petrograd before and since the War, by a Russian. Dutton, 1917, p. 315. $5. Anonymous; aristocratic in sympathies; archaic since the Revolution; light weight. Simpson, James Young. The Self-discovery of Russia. Doran, 1916. p, 227. $2. Seven articles by Edinburgh pro- fessor on conditions and problems of Russia in war time. Sympathetic; point of view, summer of 1915. . Wright, Richardson Little. The Russians, an Interpre- tation. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xii, 288. $1.50. Written before the March revolution by a correspondent of the New York World to interpret the Russians, their tendencies and ideals to Americans. The Revolution makes much of it a misinterpretation. 46. RUSSIA: REVOLUTION OF 1917. Levine, Isaac Don. The Russian Revolution. Harper, 1917, p. 279. $1. By foreign news editor of New York Tribune. Describes forces and conditions underlying the revolutionary movement, the internal history of Russia during the war, and the events of March, 1917. Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. The Rebirth of Russia. Lone, 1917, p. xvi, 208. $1.25. By American journalist who visited Russia immediately after the March Revolution, of which the larger part of the book is an account. Some account of leading personages. Souiny-Seydlitz, Leonie Ida Philipovna, Baroness. Russia of Yesterday and Tomorrow. Century, 1917, p. 382. $2. By wife of Russian baron. Two chapters refer to the Revo- lution of March, 1917. Readable, trivial, lacks discriminat- ing judgment. 47. AFRICA. *Gibbon3, Herbert Adams. The New Map of Africa, 1900- 1916, a History of European Colonial Expansion and Colo- nial Diplomacy. Century, 1916, p. xiv, 503. $2. Contains sufficient preliminary matter to make clear events since the Boer war; includes first two years of Great War. Careful and impartial. For earlier history best brief account ia Sir H. H. Johnston's Colonization of Africa (Putnam). Lewin, Percy Evans. The Germans and Africa, with an Introduction by the Right Hon. Earl Grey. New York, Stokes, 1915, p. 317. $3.60. Excellent account, by Librarian of the Royal (English) Colonial Institute, of German colo- nization, with special reference to each of their four African colonies. 48. JEWS, ZIONISM, PALESTINE. Goodman, Paul, and Lewis, Arthur D., editors. Zionism, Problems and Views. Bloch, 1917, p. 286. $1.50. Twenty- three papers by Anglo-Jewish vfriters. Some discussion of capability of Jews for national life, and account of what they have done in Palestine. Hyamson, Albert Montefiore. Palestine, the Rebirth of an Ancient People. Knopf, 1917, p. xiv, 299. $1.50. After brief historical survey, describes present-day conditions, with some notice of war-time conditions and of Zionist movement. Kohler, Max James, and Wolf, Simon. Jewish Disabili- ties in the Balkan States. American Jewish Historical So- ciety, 1917, p. 169. $1.50. Relates largely to Romania. Careful collection of facts. Deals with American action in diplomatic ways in behalf of Jewish rights and indicates application and effect of the policy in settling future peace. Sacher, Harry, editor. Zionism and the Jewish Future. Macmillan, 1917, p. viii, 252. $1. Chapters contributed by Zionists from many countries and arranged by an English journalist. Good account of present status of Zionist move- ment for propaganda purposes. 49. THE ARMENIANS. Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount. Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-1916; Documents presented to Viscount Grey. Putnam, 1917, p. 726. $1. Sources cited include American consuls and missionaries, German travel- lers and missionaries, Danish Red Cross Workers, Swiss visitors, native teachers, pastors and other religious leaders. British Blue-book mainly compiled by A. J. Toynbee. Buxton, Noel, and Buxton, Harold. Travel and Polities in Armenia, with an Introduction by Viscount Bryce, and a Contribution on Armenian History and Culture by Aram Rafla. Macmillan, 1914, p. xx, 274. $1.50. Because of mas- sacres by Turks, Russia should be permitted to occupy Armenian vilayets of Asiatic Turkey. Gibbons, Helen Davenport (Brown) (Mrs. Herbert Adams Gibbons). Red Rugs of Tarsus, A Woman's Record of the Armenian Massacre of 1909. Century, 1917, p. xiv, 194. $1.25. Personal experiences and observations. •Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The Blackest Page of Modem History. Putnam, 1916, p. 71. $.75. Vigorous indictment of Turks for Armenian massacres of 1915, for which care- fully sifted testimony is adduced. Ultimate blame attrib- uted to Germany. Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. The Armenian Atrocities, the Murder of a Nation, with a Speech Delivered by Lord 124 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Bryce in the House of Lords. Doran, 1916, p. 119. $.25. Concise but conclusive presentation of evidence for general reader based on the Blue-book cited above under Bryce. 50. PERSIA AND THE MIDDLE EAST. Chirol, Sir Valentine. The Middle Eastern Question, or Some Political Problems of Indian Defence. Dutton, 1903, p. xiv, 512. By London Times correspondent who traveled through Persia in 1902-3. Able discussion of political prob- lems of Persia, Afghanistan, Bagdad Railway, etc., written before Anglo-Russian agreement concerning Persia. Though out of date, still useful in lack of later works. Shuster, William Morgan. The Strangling of Persia, Story of the European Diplomacy and Oriental Intrigue that Resulted in the Denationalization of Twelve Million Mohammedans, a Personal Narrative. Century, 1912, p. bdii, 423. $2.50. American who was temporarily treasurer- general of Persia records eflFects of Anglo-Russian agreement on Persia. Sykes, Percy Molesworth. A History of Persia. Mac- millan, 1915, 2 vols., p. xxvi, 544; xxii, 565. $15. Second volume covers from 641 to 1906. Excellent, scholarly, im- partial. Yohannan, Abraham. The Death of a Nation, or the Ever Persecuted Nestorians or Assyrian Christians. Put- nam, 1916, p. XX, 170. $2. First part gives history of Nes- torian church; second part describes the tragic fate of the Nestorians in the war. 51. FAR EAST, CHINA, JAPAN. *Bashford, James Whitford. China, an Interpretation. Abingdon Press, 1916, 2d ed., 1916, p. 620. $2.50. Methodist Episcopal bishop stationed in China gives excellent account of events of last ten years to death of Yuan Shi Kai, and describes with accuracy and insight conditions and prob- lems. Valuable appendixes. •Douglas, Sir Robert Kennaway. Europe and the Far East, 1506-1912, second edition with chapter continuing from 1904 to 1912 by J. H. Longford. Putnam, 1913, p. vii, 487. $2. Best account of Far Eastern history in a single volume, with special reference to nineteenth century. Em- phasizes China rather than Japan; gives some space to Indo-China. Belittles Americans and every other national- ity except English. *Hornbeck, Stanley Kuhl. Contemporary Politics in the Far East. Appleton, 1916, p. xii, 466. $3. Only, compre- hensive volume on foreign and domestic politics of Japan and China since 1894. Sympathy with China rather than Japan. Special attention to American interests in Far East, and some account of events during first two years of the war. Jones, Jeiferson. The Fall of Tsingtau, a Study of Japan's Ambitions in China. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. xvii, 215. $1.75. Account of Japan's capture of Kiao Chao from Germans, and of Japan's consequent relations with China, by American journalist who witnessed the siege. Disapproves Japan's designs on China, which he regards as unfriendly to United States. Latourette, Kenneth Scott. The Development of China. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. xi, 274. $1.75. Excellent sketch, by a young American scholar who has lived for a time in China, of Chinese history, with special reference to recent events and contemporary problems. •Millard, Thomas Franklin Fairfax. Our Eastern Ques- tion, America's Contact with the Orient and the Trend of Relations with China and Japan. Century, 1916. $3. For- merly editor of China Press, now of Millard's Review (Shanghai) ; author speaks with full knowledge on events since 1910. Appendixes contain all important documents. Author seems strongly prejudiced against Japan. *Okuma, Count Shigenobu, editor. Fifty Years of New Japan, English Version Edited by Marcus B. Huish. Dut- ton, second edition, 1910, 2 vols. $7.50. Originally written to cover 1854 to 1904, there was little revision to bring matter up to date. Fifty-six chapters on wide range of topics by many authors, translated in Japan by many hands. Uneven in character and style, with some omis- sions, but generally comprehensive, and quite accurate and authoritative. Parker, Edward Harper. China, Her History, Diplomacy, and Commerce from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. Dutton, 1917. $2.50. Revised and enlarged edition of work published in 1901 by professor in University of Manchester, who had been in consular service in China. Added chapters on recent events. Good. Perry-Ayscough, Henry George Charles, and Otter-Barry, Robert Bru6re. With the Russians in Mongolia, with a Preface by Sir Claude Macdonald. Lane, 1914, p. xxii, 344. $4.50. Captain Otter-Barry visited Mongolia shortly before the Chinese Revolution ended Chinese rule, and Mr. Perry- Ayscough spent time there after Russians had taken con- trol. Wealth of facts, many documents; complete into 1914. Porter, Robert Percival. Japan the New World Power, being a Detailed Account of the Progress and Rise of the Japanese Empire. Oxford Press, 1915, p. xxiv, 789. $2.50. First edition. The Full Recognition of Japan, 1911. Only twelve-page introduction as evidence of revision in second edition. Written to justify the Anglo-Japanese alliance and to show Japan's fitness to rank as a world power. De- scriptive parts good, historical sections scant. *Weale, Bertram Lenox Putnam (pseud. Bertram Lenox Simpson). The Fight for the Republic in Cliina. Dodd, 1917, p. xiii, 490. $3.50. Excellent account of events from 1911 to 1917 by an observer long familiar with the Far East. Appendixes contain the important documents. 52. JAPANESE-AMERICAN RELATIONS. Abbott, James Francis. Japanese Expansion and Ameri- can Policies. Macmillan, 1916, p. viii, 267. $1.50. The author, for some time teacher in Japan, believes war with America would be national suicide for Japan, but that United States should recognize Japan's aspirations in the Orient. •Blakeslee, George Hubbard, editor. Japan and Japanese- American Relations, Clark University Addresses. S'techert, 1912, p. xi, 348. $2.50. Contains addresses by twenty-one Americans and seven Japanese in 1911. Competent authori- ties treat every important topic. Flowers, Montaville. The Japanese Conquest of Ameri- can Opinion. Doran, 1917, p. xvi, 272. $1.50. Suspects and denounces Japanese peaceful penetration of the United States. Intended as antidote for writings of Gulick and others. Neither competent in content nor commendable in tone.- " Rich in fallacies." Gulick, Sidney Lewis. The American Japanese Problem, a Study of the Racial Relations of the East and the West. Scribner, 1914, p. x, 349. $1.75. American long resident in Japan discusses problems and suggests new American Oriental policy to avoid discrimination against China and Japan. Appendixes crammed with information. Good bibliography. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 125 Kawakami, Kiyoshi Karl. Japan in World Politics. Macmillan, 1917, p. xxvii, 230. $1.50. Mainly reprint of magazine articles discussing Japanese-American relations with purpose of promoting more friendly relations. McCormick, Frederick. The Menace of Japan. Boston, Little, 1917, p. vi, 372. $2. Discussion of United States and Far Eastern relations during past dozen years by a corre- spondent with long service in the Far East. Intensely anti- Japanese. "A book which no thoughtful reader could for a moment take seriously." Masaoka, Naoichi, editor. Japan to America, a Sym- posium of Papers by Political Leaders and Representative Citizens of Japan on Conditions in Japan and on the Re- lations between Japan and the United States. Putnam, 1915, p. xii, 235. $1.25. With companion volume of much less value, America to Japan, issued by Japanese Society of America to promote better understanding between the two countries. Thirty Japanese authorities treat as many topics setting forth Japan's development and aims. *Millis, Harry Alvin. The Japanese Problem in the United States, an Investigation for the Commission on Relations with Japan Appointed by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. Macmillan, 1915, p. xxi, 334. $1.50. Based on report of commission, with other materials and personal views. Deals with Japanese im- migration to United States and treatment and status of Japanese in United States. Friendly to Japan; by writer with long experience with problem in Immigration Bureau. Authoritative and commendable. *Scherer, James Augustin Brown. The Japanese Crisis. New York. Stokes, 1916, p. 148. 75 cents. President of Throop Institute, California, formerly resident in Japan, discusses race issue, hoping to promote "a just balance of view." Footnotes with references to authorities. Sterner, Jesse Frederick. The Japanese Invasion, a Study in the Psychology of Inter-racial Contacts. Chicago, McClurg, 1917, p. xvii, 231. $1.25. A study of Japanese- American relations as psychological problems of race- prejudice and of national egotism. Covers most of ques- tions at issue. Author taught in Japan for seven years. 53. UNITED STATES: HISTORY, IDEALS, INTER- NATIONAL RELATIONS. Bassett, John Spencer. A Short History of the United States. Macmillan, 1913, p. xv, 885. $2.50. Best single volume American history which covers from the discovery nearly up to date. •Coolidge, Archibald Cary. The United States as a World Power. Macmillan, 1908, p. vii, 385. $2. Prepared as course of exchange lectures at the Sorbonne, by Harvard professor of history. Explains problems and international relations of United States as developed in decade following Spanish war. Time has added new facts, but has required surprisingly little alteration in general view, so general reader will still find it best presentation of American inter- national problems in single volume. **Fish, Carl Russell. American Diplomacy. Holt, 1917, p. 541. $2.75. Clear, comprehensive narrative complete to beginning of 1915. Excellent maps. Scholarly; better for average reader than fuller work by Johnson. Fish, Carl Russell. The Development of American Na- tionality. American Book Co., 1913, p. xxxix, 535. $2.25. Scholarly, readable survey of American history, 1783-1912. Foerster, Norman, and Pierson, William Whatley, editors. American Ideals. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. vi, 326. $1.25. ■Collection mainly from writings and speeches of American statesmen, supplemented with some other items. Arranged by topics. Hart, Albert Bushnell. The Monroe Doctrine, an Inter- pretation. Boston, Little, 1916, p. xiv, 445. $1.75. Good comprehensive, up to date account, though his interpre- tation will not command universal acceptance. Johnson, Willis Fletcher. America's Foreign Relations. Century, 1916, 2 vols., p. xii, 551; vii, 485. $6. Thorough, readable, generally accurate account for general reader, but lacking in scholarly method and discriminating judgment. *Jones, Chester Uoyd. The Caribbean Interests of the United States. Appleton, 1916, p. viii, 379. $2.50. Does not reveal intimate acquaintance with the region or thorough research into problems concerning it; but gen- erally trustworthy, and commendable for directing atten- tion to problems of vital significance to United States. *Mahan, Alfred Thayer. The Interest of America in International Conditions. Boston, Little, 1910, p. 212. $1.50. Almost everything Admiral Mahan wrote has its lessons for America in the present war, but this volume dealt with the immediate problems and anticipated to re- markable degree actual developments of the war. Dis- cusses international situation with reference to naval pre- paredness. Moore, John Bassett. The Principles of American Dip- lomacy. Harper, 1918, p. 476. $2. Revision of his Amer- ican Diplomacy. Best book on subject by ablest American authority; for student rather than general reader. Ogg, Frederic Austin. National Progress, 1907-1917, (American Nation series, vol. 27). Harper, 1918, p. 430. $2. Convenient narrative of domestic and foreign affarre, mainly internal politics and relation to the war. •Paxson, Frederic Logan. The New Nation. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. 342. $1.25. Fourth volume of The Riverside History of the United States, covering 1865-1914. Best survey of period. Roosevelt, Theodore. The New Nationalism, with an Introduction by Ernest Hamlin Abbott. Outlook Co., 1910, p. xxi, 268. $1.50. Collection of addresses and articles which contain much of his political philosophy and ideals. Should be read with President Wilson's The New Fredom for some comprehension of American political ideals on eve of the war. Weyl, Walter Edward. American World Policies. Mac- millan, 1917, p. 307. $2.25. Discussion of whether Amer- ican isolation shall give place to nationalistic imperialism or to internationalism. Economic interests are given full — perhaps too full — consideration. Marred by publication on eve of American declaration of war; somewhat rem- edied in second printing. Wilson, Woodrow. Division and Reunion, 1829-1909. Longmans, 1909, p. xx, 389. $1.25. Third volume of Epochs of American History series. First published in 1893, has passed through many editions. Professor Edward S. Cor- win has furnished the portion for the period since 1889 at which date work originally closed. Wilson, Woodrow. The New Freedom, a Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People. Gar- den City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1913, p. viii, 294. $1. Com- piled by W. B. Hale from stenographic reports of cam- ■paign speeches. Sets forth his interpretation of American political life and ideals. 54. UNITED STATES: PREPAREDNESS. Chittenden, Hiram Martin. War or Peace, a Present Duty and a Future Hope. Chicago, McClurg, 1911, p. 273, 126 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. $1. After some discussion of evil of war and desirability of peace, this retired brigadier general argues for larger navy, larger standing army, and fortification of Panama Canal as necessary policies for United States. Dickson, Harris. Unpopular History of the United States by Uncle Sam Himself, as Recorded in Uncle Sam's own Words. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xiv, 162. $.75. A preparedness argument, largely abstracted from Upton's " Military Policy of the United States." *Greene, Francis Vinton. Present Military Situation of the United States. Scribner, 1915, p. 102. $.75. Able brief argument " to persuade the citizens, the voters, . . . to give calm but thoughtful consideration to this question of adequate national defense," by an American general. Howe, Lucien. Universal Military Education and Ser- vice; the Swiss System for the United States. Putnam, first edition, 1916; second edition with appendix, 1917, p. XV, 147. $1.25. Description of Swiss and Australian sys- tems with arguments in favor of similar system for United States. •Huidekoper, Frederic Louis. The Military Unprepared- ness of the United States, a History of the American Land Forces from Colonial Times until June 1, 1915. Macmillan, 1915, p. xvi, 735. $4. To close of 1862, an avowed abridgment of Upton, after that based on original re- searches; carefully done with full references to authorities. Strong argument from past experience for different pro- cedure in future. Many of his suggestions have been fol- lowed by present administration, notably conscription. Johnston, Robert Matteson. Arms and the Race, the Foundations of Army Reform. Century, 1915, p. 219. $1. Able military historian presents arguments for reform and enlargement of American army. Kuenzli, Frederick Arnold. Right and Duty, or Citizen and Soldier; Switzerland Prepared and at Peace, a Model for the United States. Stechert, 1916, p. 225. $1. Excel- lent account of Swiss military system, which is advocated for American adoption, by a Swiss-American. Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. Leonard Wood, Prophet of Preparedness. Lane, 1917, p. 92. $.75. Laudatory sketch of General Wood's career, reprinted from Everybody's Magazine, March, 1917. Maxim, Hudson. Defenceless America. Hearst, 1915, p. xxiii, 318. $2. The inventor-author has compiled a miscel- laneous mass of facts which he wields vigorously as argu- ments for preparedness; best on technical matters. Roosevelt, Theodore. America and the World War. Scrib- ner, 1915, p. XV, 277. $.75. Fear God and take Your Own Part. Doran, 19i6, p. 414. $1.50. The Foes of Our Own Household. Doran, 1917, p. xii, 347. $1.50. Three volumes of collected addresses and articles of occasional character, presenting robust, often aggressive views, of duties of American citizenship and of United States in relation to the war. Wholesome arguments for preparedness are marred by statements of militaristic or chauvinistic sort and by criticisms of President Wilson and his policies which are not always just. Upton, Emory. The Military Policy of the United States. Washington, Supt. of Docs., 1904; fourth impres- sion, 1912, p. xxiii, 495. $.65. Thorough study of national military policy to close of 1862, which reveals weaknesses of policy in past. Incomplete work published after author's death, edited by J. P. Sanger. Basis on which practically all preparedness books are constructed. Van Zile, Edward Sims. The Game of Empir«8, a Warning to America; with Prefatory Note by Theodore Roosevelt. Moffat, 1915, p. 302. $1.25. After three hun- dred pages of flippant or cynical comment on war in gen- eral and this war in particular, writer turns suddenly to advocate preparedness. The one Rooseveltian page states real point of book with pith. Wheeler, Howard Dury6e. Are We Ready! With a Letter by Major General Leonard Wood. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p xvii, 227. $1.50. Fictitious account of attack on New York rendered vivid actual unpreparedness of United States. Compare the " movie " play, " The Battle Cry of Peace." Wise, Jennings Cropper. Empire and Armament, the Evolution of American Imperialism and the Problem of National Defense. Putnam, 1915, p. xii, 353. $1.50. Former professor of political science and international law at Virginia Military Institute discusses American imperialism prior to Civil War, condemns more recent imperialism, and considers defense problems. Wise, Jennings Cropper. The Call of the Republic. Dut- ton, 1917, p. X, 141. $1. A plea for universal military service, with some historical considerations. Wood, Eric Fisher. The Writing on the Wall, the Nation on Trial. Century, 1916, p. ix, 208. $1. By author of Note-book of an Attache, who was in Europe at outbreak of war; clear, intelligent, vigorous argument for pre- paredness. ••Wood, Leonard. The Military Obligation of Citizen- ship. Princeton, University Press, 1915, p. vii, 76. $.75. Our Military History, its Facts and Fallacies. Chicago, Reilly, 1916, p. 240. $1. Historical portions drawn from Upton and Huidekoper. General Wood has given best brief presentation of historical argument for preparedness in the second, and admirable appeal on duties of citizen- ship in national defense in the first. 55. UNITED STATES: GERMAN INTRIGUE. Alphaud, Gabriel. L'Action Allemande aux £tats-Unis, de la Mission Dernburg aux Incidents Dumba, 2 Aoflt, 1914, — 25 Septembre, 1915; Preface de M. Ernest Lavisse. Paris, Payot, 1915, p. xvi, 498. 5 francs. Les Etats-Unis contre I'AUemagne, du Rappel de Dumba a. la Declaration de Guerre, 25 Septembre, 1915—4 Avril, 1917. Paris, Payot, 1917, p. 343. 5 francs. These works have unfortunately not been translated. They cover whole field of German intrigue in America and relations between United States and Ger- many, with abundant documents, and form best account yet available. By correspondent of the Matin. Jones, John Price. America Entangled (Title, English edition: The German Spy in America). Laut, 1917, p. xii, 224. $.50. Account of German spy system in America by member of staff of New York Sun. Careful array of evi- dence, generally dispassionate style. Skaggs, William Henry. The German Conspiracies in America, from an American Point of View, by an Amer- ican, with an Introduction by Theodore Andrea Cook. London, Unwin, 1915, p. xxviii, 332. 5s. Deals with first year of war, discussing immigation, propaganda, espionage, malicious interference in commercial and Industrial affairs, diplomatic activity, etc. Strongly anti-German compilation. Wile, Frederic William. The German- American Plot, the Record of a Great Failure, the Campaign to Capture the Sympathy and Support of the United States. " London, Pearson, 1915, p. 123. Is. Strongly anti-German English pamphlet. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 127 56. GERMAN-AMEEICANS: PKO-GERMAN VIEWS AND PROPAGANDA. Burgess, John William. The European War of 1914, its Causes, Purposes, and Probable Results. CSiicago, McClurg, 1915, p. 209. $1. America's Relations to the Great War. Chicago, McClurg, 1916, p. 209. $1. Author, who is emer- itus professor at Columbia University, is eminent author- ity on political science and foremost American to espouse actively German cause during first two years of war. Assumes German attitude of mind, blames Allies, espec- ially England, and emphasizes American grievances against England. Cronau, Rudolf. German Achievements in America. New York, 340 E. 198th St., 1916, p. 233. $1. Brief survey of history of German element in America to refute "unwar- ranted insinuations questioning the loyalty of the German- Americans toward the land of their adoption." Demburg, Bernhard. Germany and the War, Not a Defense but an Explanation (p. 24). The Case of Belgium in the Light of Official Reports Found in the Secret Archives of the Belgian Government after the Occupation of Brussels, with Facsimiles of the Documents (p. 16). Search-lights on the War, Germany and England — the Real Issue, England's Share of Guilt — a Critical Analysis of the English White Book, Germany and the Powers, the Ties that Bind America and Germany, Germany's Food Supply, When Germany Wins (p. 62). Fatherland Corporation, 1915, each $.10. Three pamphlets by former head of German propaganda in United States to influence American opinion. Faust, Albert Bernhardt. The German Element in the United States, with Special Reference to its Political, Moral, Social, and Educational Influence. Boston, Hough- ton, 1909, 2 vols., p. xxvi, 591; xvi, 605. $7.50. Most thorough and careful study of German element in United States, showing fully its numbers, activities, and influence in American history. A scholarly work by native Amer- ican; reference to chapter on political influence shows free- dom from sinister bias. Francke, Kuno. The German Spirit. Holt, 1916, p. vi, 132. $1. In three papers of occasional origin, professor of German at Harvard, with keen insight, discriminating judg- ment, and genial temper, seeks to interpret German char- acter and ideals favorably to Americans. Hale, William Bayard. American Rights and British Pretensions on the Seas; the Facts and the Documents, Official and Other, Bearing upon the Present Attitude of Great Britain toward the Commerce of the United States. MijBride, 1915, p. 172. $1.50. Compilation to turn Amer- ican opinion against England and divert it from hostility to Germany. Relates to detentions, seizures, interference with mails, etc. Mttnsterberg, Hugo. The War and America (1914, p. 210). The Peace and America (1915, p. 276). Tomorrow, Letters to a Friend in Germany (1916, p. 275). Appleton, •each $1. Three books made up, in part at least, of occa- sional papers, but possessing a distinct unity in method and purpose. The late Professor at Harvard appealed cleverly and ingratiatingly to American opinion to win it ■to more favorable attitude to Germany. Avoids incon- venient topics and glosses over difficulties in subtle man- ner. First two are largely out of date, but third remains an able presentation of German views on fundamental questions of principle and policy. The Truth about Germany, Facts about the War. Baker, 1914, p. 86. $.25. Controversial pamphlet issued soon after outbreak of war by influential German committee, and widely distributed in United States and other countries. •See refutation by Sladen. 57. UNITED STATES: RELATIONS AND ATTITUDE TO THE WAR, 1914-17. Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane). The World's Highway, Some Notes on America's Relation to Sea Power and Non-Military Sanctions for the Law of Nations. Doran, 1915, p. xvi, 361. $1.50. America and the New World-State, a Plea for American Leadership in In- ternational Organization. Putnam, 1915, p. x, 305. $1.25. The Danger of Half -Preparedness, a Plea for a Declaration of American Policy. Putnam, 1916, p. 129. $.50. Native of England, but naturalized American, author defends Eng- land's sea power as against German militarism; urges necessity of crushing militarism, need of modification of in- ternational law, and that United States should lead in forming international union. Author formerly prominent pacifist. Baldwin, James Mark. American Neutrality, its Cause and Cure. Putnam, 1916, p. 138. $.75. The Super-State and the Eternal Values. Oxford Press, 191", p. 38. $.50. Two pamphlets by former American professor, "a loyal American citizen," who lectured in Paris in 1915 condemn- ing American neutrality. •Blakeslee, George Hubbard, editor. The Problems and Lessons of the War; Clark University Addresses, December 16, 17, and 18, 1915. Putnam, 1916, p. xlvi, 381. $2. Lectures by competent exponents of various views on the war and its problems, which form a useful record of diver- gencies of American opinion at that time. Gleason, Arthur Huntington. Our Part in the Great War. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 338. $1.35. Written before United States entered wa.r Deals with American relief work in France, with American neutrality, observations in Belgium and France, and gives extracts from German war diaries. Says commercialism and immigration held the United States back from entering the war. Gould, Benjamin Apthorp. War Thoughts of an Optimist, a Collection of Timely Articles by an American Citizen Residing in Canada. Dutton, 1915, p. vii, 200. $1. The Greater Tragedy and Other Things. Putnam, 1916, p. viii, 189. $1. Two volumes of occasional articles reflecting pro-Ally and anti- Wilson attitude. Johnson, Douglas Wilson. My German Correspondence, concerning Germany's Responsibility for the War and for the Method of its Conduct, being a Letter from a German Professor together with a Reply and a Foreword. Doran, 1917, p. 97. $.50. The Peril of trussianism. Putnam, 1917, p. vii, 53. $.75. The latter is the substance of an address on mutual antagonism of American and Prussian political ideals, by a Columbia professor. *Johnson, Willis Fletcher. America and the Great War for Humanity and Freedom. Philadelphia, Winston, 1917, p. 352. $1.50. Collection of good newspaper articles sum- marizing causes and progress of the war and relation to it of United States. Useful summary volume for American general reader. Lodge, Henry Cabot. War Addresses, 1915-1917. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. viii, 303. $2.50. Miscellaneous sena- torial and public addresses from January, 1915, to April, 1917. Earlier addresses include questions of neutral rights and national defence; later addresses are related to events in four months preceding American declaration of war. Senator Lodge is spokesman of Republican views in Senate regarding President Wilson's policies. Martin, Edward Sanford. The Diary of a Nation, the War and How We Got Into It. Garden City, Doubleday, 1917, p. xii, 407. $1.50. Reprint of editorials from Life from' the outbreak of the war to the entrance of the United 128 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. States into it, forming a record, by current comment, of a reaction to the war which was common to a considerable section of the American people. Okie, Howard Pitcher. America and the German Peril. London, Heinemann, 1915, p. 198. 2s. 6d. Collection of articles of which only last relates directly to United States. •*Rogers, Lindsay. America's Case Against Germany. Dutton, 1917, p. xiv, 264. $1.50. Good, narrative account of the submarine controversy in clear popular form to assure the general public that the case of the United States in international law, as well as in ethics, is sound. **Scott, James Brown. A Survey of International Rela- tions between the United States and Germany, August 1, 1914-April 6, 1917. Based on Official Documents. Oxford Press, 1917, p. cxiv, 390. Introduction includes quotations showing German theories of the state, of international policy, and of international law, and other material. Com- prehensive and thorough account by eminent American authority on international law. Supplementary volumes are announced to contain the diplomatic correspondence between United States and Germany for the period, and the Messages, Addresses and Papers of President Wilson on Foreign Policy. Sixty American Opinions on the War. London, Unwin, 1915, p. 165. Is. Collection of expressions of war views by sixty leading Americans. Thayer, William Roscoe. Germany vs. Civilization, Notes on the Atrocious War. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. vi, 238. $1. Condemnation of German ideals and policies, based on wide knowledge of German history and thought; written with crusading zeal against Germany, with climax in chapter on the Plot to Germanize America. Van Dyke, Henry. Fighting for Peace. Scribner, 1917, p. 247. $1.25. Personal observations and views on the war based on service as minister at The Hague. Whitridge, Frederick Wallingford. One American's Opinion of the European War, an Answer to Germany's Appeals. Dutton, 1914, p. xi, 79. $.50. Vigorous state- ment of attitude against Germany by leading New York business man. 58. UNITED STATES: PARTICIPANT EST THE WAR. Beith, John Hay (peud. Ian Hay). Getting Together (p. 91). The Oppressed English. Garden City, Doubleday, 1917, each $.50. Two pamphlets to explain England and its problems to Americans and to promote sympathy between the two nations. *Bullard, Arthur. Mobilizing America. Macmillan, 1917, p. 129. $.50. Published at the moment of the entry of the United States into the war "to show how the experience of other democracies can teach us the way to do it (fight) eflBciently." Based on observations in England and France during the war, and endorsed by other competent observers. Has chapters on mobilizing public opinion, men, and in- dustry, and sets forth a program. Halsey, Francis Whiting, editor. Balfour, Viviani, and Joffre, their Speeches and other Public Utterances in America. Funk, 1917, p. v, 369. $1.50. Also contains some narrative material. •Harris H. Wilson. President Wilson, his Problems and his Policy from an English Point of View. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 278. $1.75. Good, dispassionate account of the President's earlier life and of his first administration, written with unusual understanding of American affairs. Herron, George Davis. Woodrow Wilson and the World's Peace. Kennerley, 1917, p. viii, 173. $1.25. Six articles addressed to European readers in support of President Wilson's policy and against a premature peace, during early months of 1917. Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. The War after the War. Lane, 1917, p. 272. $1.25. Exposes American unprepared- ness for the trade rivalry that will follow the war and urges financial and commercial reorganization to meet the test. Includes character sketches of Lloyd George and W. M. Hughes, premier of Australia. O'Brien, Charles. Food Preparedness for the United States. Boston, Little, 1917, p. xi, 118. $.60. Based on first-hand study of German methods in autumn of 1916, but with some account of the procedure of other coimtries. Powell, E. Alexander. Brothers in Arms. Boston, Hough- ton, 1917, p. 62. $.50. Published by an American corre- spondent, at time of visit of Joffre- Viviani mission, to im- part to Americans his admiration for the French soldier. Robinson, Edgar E., and West, Victor J. The Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson, 1913-1917. Macmillan, 1917, p. 428. $1.75. An introductory essay of 150 pages on the de- velopment of policy to entrance into the war, with chrono- logical table and 230 pages of extracts from addresses and state papers. Wilson, Woodrow. Why We Are at War. Harper, 1917. $.50. Collection of addresses connected with declaration of war by United States. Wilson, Woodrow. President Wilson's Great Speeches and Other History Making Documents. Chicago, Stanton, 1917. $1. Collection similar to preceding. 59. LATIN AMERICA: PAN- AMERICANISM. Macdonald, James Alexander. The North American Idea. Revell, 1917, p. 240. $1.25. Author is editor of Toronto Globe. Historical considerations and political analysis out- weighed by idealistic views. P6rez Triana, S. Some Aspects of the War. London, Unwin, 1915, p. 225. 3s. 6d. By Colombian jurist, formerly member of Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague; discusses war issues and some points in which Pan-Amer- ican interests were involved. Root, Elihu. Latin America and the United States. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1917, p. xvi, 302. $2.50. A volume of his collected speeches edited by Robert Bacon and James Brown Scott. Contains speeches during his South American tour in 1906 and, of more importance, his addresses delivered in the United States on Latin- American questions. Usher, Roland Greene. Pan-Americanism, a Forecast of the Inevitable Clash between the United States and Europe's Victor. Century, 1915, p. xix, 466. $2. The Challenge of the Future, a Study in American Foreign Policy. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. xxi, 350. $1.75. Dis- cussions of American problems in light of the war by bril- liant American historical scholar, who deserts field of his- tory and method of scholarship for field and method of prophecy. Reveal assurance and conviction rather than soundness of judgment. 60. THE WAR ON THE SEA. Dixon, William MacNeile. The British Navy at War. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. 93. $.75. Brief account by » Glasgow professor for propaganda use. Kipling, Rudyard. Sea Warfare. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1917, p. 222. $1.25. Reprints The Fringes of the Fleet, Tales of the Trade, and Destroyers at Jutland, V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 129 and other matter. Sympathetic, vivid portrayals of part of English sailors in the war. Lauriat, Charles Emelius, Jr. The Lusitania's Last Voy- age, being a Narrative of the Torpedoing and Sinking of the R. M. S. Lusitania by a German Submarine of! the Irish Coast, May 7, 1915. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. vii, 159. $1. Includes personal narrative of survivor, supplementary explanatory details, reprint and translation of account in Frankfurter Zeitung of May 9th, and text of report of Lord Mersey's inquiry, with comments. Mflcke, Kapitanleutnant Hellmuth von. The Emden; translated by Helene S. White. Boston, Ritter, 1917, p. viii, 219. $1.25. The Ayesha, being the Adventure of the Land- ing Squad of the Emden, translated by Helene S. White. Boston, Ritter, 1917, p. vi, 225. $1.25. Account of last voy- age and fight of German naval vessel in Indian Ocean, and of remarkable exploit of part of crew under Mucke's com- mand. Noyes, Alfred. Open Boats. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 91. $.50. Based on narratives of those compelled to take refuge in open boats after their vessel has been sunk by sub- marine. 61. INTEENATIONAL LAW: NEUTRAL RIGHTS. Barclay, Sir Thomas. The Law and Usage of War, a Practical Handbook of the Law and Usage of Land and Naval Warfare and Prize. Boston, Houghton, 1914, p. xv, 245. $1.50. Material arranged alphabetically, forming a small cyclopedia of law of war. Brewer, Daniel Chauncey. The Rights and Duties of Neu- trals, a Discussion of Principles and Practices. Putnam, 1916, p. ix, 260. $1.25. Discusses questions of neutral rights which arose in first two years of war and argues that America must be prepared to safeguard its neutral rights. *Brown, Philip Marshall. International Realities. Scrib- ner, 1917, p. xvi, 233. $1.40. Professor of International Law at Princeton discusses apparent breakdown of interna- tional law under strain of the war and seeks to determine what are realities in international intercourse. Technical problems are discussed in clear, readable style. *Dampierre, L6on Michel Marie Jacques de,- Marquis. German Imperialism ' and International Law, based upon German Authorities and the Archives of the French Gov- ernment. Scribner, 1917, p. viii, 277. $3.50. Shows prin- ciples and teachings underlying German imperialism are di- rectly opposed to those at basis of international law, and that Germany's acts in the- war were inevitable outcome of German teachings. Carefully documented, especially from German sources. Deportation of Women and Girls from Lille. Doran, 191-7, p. 81. $.50. Translation of French note on subject, with abundant confirmatory evidence from both French and Ger- man sources. Germany's Violation of the Laws of War, 1914-15; com- piled under the Auspices of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs; translated by J. O. P. Bland. Putnam, 1915. $2. Carefully compiled evidence, much from German sources; well translated. ••Grant, Arthur James, and others. An Introduction to the Study of International Relations. Macmillan, 1916, p. viii, 207. $.75. Co-operative work by British writers; furnishes outlines for study of more obvious problems of international relations; may be used in study classes with Krehbiel's Nationalism and Seton-Watson's War and Democracy. Apparently hastily prepared, but richly sug- gestive. Hazeltine, Harold Dexter. The Law of the Air, Three Lectures Delivered in the University of London at the Re- quest of its Faculty. London, Hodder, 1911, p. 160. 5s. *Hershey, Amos Shartle. The Essentials of International Public Law. Macmillan, 1912, p. xlviii, 558. $3. Good, sin- gle volume manual, published shortly before the war. Will serve need of average reader who wishes to look up a topic. Has full bibliographies. Higgins, Alexander Pearce. War and the Private Citizen, Studies in International Law. London, King, 1912, p. 216. 5s. Defensively Armed Merchant Ships and Submarine Warfare. London, Stevens, 1917, p. 56. Two treatises on special topics of international law brought into prominence by the war. How Diplomats Make War, by a British Statesman; with Introduction by Albert Jay Nock. Huebsch, 1915, p. xviii, 376. $1.50. Significant contribution to discussion of democratization of diplomacy. •Phillipson, Coleman. International Law and the Great War, with an Introduction by Sir John MacDoneU. Dutton, 1916, p. xxiv, 407. $6. Termination of War and Treaties of Peace. Dutton, 1916, p. xix, 486. $7. First is sys- tematic effort to study causes and events of the war in light of the law of peace, law of war, and rights of neutrals. Written shortly after sinking of Lusitania. Will remain as collection of cases, rather than as authoritative text. Second is only scholarly monograph text in its field; thorough mas- terly study in anticipation of close of the war. Has as appendix twenty-six treaties, 1815-1913, concluding hostili- ties. Both works ignore German treatises on international law. Piggott, Sir Francis Taylor. The Neutral Merchant in Relation to the Law of War and Blockade under the Order in Council of 11th March, 1915. London, University Press, 1915, p. 128. 2s. 6d. Perhaps best defense of British re- strictions on neutral trade. Pyke, Harold Reason. The Law of Contraband of War. Oxford Press, 1915, p. xl, 314. $4.15. Historical treat- ment; includes cases in present war up to time of going to press; important documents in appendix; bibliography. Roxburgh, Ronald Francis. International Conventions and Third States. Longmans, 1917, p. xvi, 119. $2.50. Monograph on phase of international law never before specially investigated. Deals with construing interna- tional law with reference to municipal law. *Satow, Sir Ernest Mason. Guide to Diplomatic Practice. Longmans, 1917, 2 vols., p. xxi, 407; xii, 405. $9. By ex- perienced English diplomat. Wealth of information on diplomatic questions and procedure, particularly present day practice. Should be considered in discussing proposal to abolish secret diplomacy. Smith, Sir Frederick Edwin. The Destruction of Mer- chant Ships undgr International Law. Dutton, 1917, p. 109. $1.75. British Attorney General gives brief readable dis- cussion of practically whole question of status of both enemy and neutral shipping in war time. Based on Phillip- son. Trehern, E. C. M. British and Colonial Prize Cases; Re- ports of Prize Cases Decided during the Present War in the Courts of Great Britain and Over-seas Dominions. London, Stevens, Part I, 1915, p. 135. 73. 6d. 62. NATIONALITY AND ITS PROBLEMS. ••Dominian, Leon. The frontiers of Language and Nation- ality in Europe. Holt, 1917, p. xviii, 375. $3. Discusses relations of language and geographical features to nation- ality and political frontiers, with application to the various 130 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. concrete problems, especially in the Balkans. Illuniinating maps. Best work of sort in English. Grant, Madison. The Passing of 'I he Great Bace, or the Racial Basis of European History. Scribner, 1916, p. xxi, 245. $2. Much scientific and historical data marred by dogmatic insistence on views for which proofs cannot be adduced, concerning the Nordic peoples and their destiny. Recalls Houston S. Chamberlain's work. Hannah, Ian Campbell. Arms and the Map, a Study of Nationalities and Frontiers. Shaw, 1915, p. viii, 261. $1.25. Attempts to give simple, clear, non-partisan view of the problems of nationality in Europe, due to difference between national areas and state boundaries. Holdich, Sir Thomas Hungerford. Political Frontiers and Boundary Making. Macmillan, 1916, p. xii, 307. $3.25. The author is an eminent English geographer with wide exper- ience on boundary commissions. Excellent on historical and geographical facts and interesting for personal experience, but questionable on political considerations, for he strongly favors strategical frontiers. Unfortunately without maps. *Krehbiel, Edward Benjamin. Nationalism, War, and Society, a Study of Nationalism and its Concomitant, War, In their Relations to Civilization, and of the Fundamentals and the Progress of the Opposition to War; with an Intro- duction by Norman Angell. Macmillan, 1916, p. xxxv, 276. $1.50. Carefully prepared syllabus of topical studies,- with good selections of references for reading. **Muir, Ramsay. Nationalism and Internationalism, the Culmination of Modern History. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. 229. $1.25. Despite its faults the general reader will find this an illuminating survey of the development of nationalism and of internationalism as forces in European history, especially since 1815. Denounces the Central Powers as the last menace to national freedom and hostile to the international idea. •Rose, John Holland. Nationality in .Modem History. Macmillan, 1916, p. xi, 202. $1.25.. Ten lectures by English historian on rise of present national states in Europe, especially in nineteenth century. Tagore, Sir Rabindranath (Revindranahta Thakura). Nationalism. Macmillan, 1917, p. 159. $1.25. Essays on nationalism in the West, in Japan, and in India; disap- proves nationalism. Chief interest for personal or Hindu point of view. ••Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. Nationality and the War. Dutton, 1915, p. X, 522. $2.50. The New Europe, Some Essays in Reconstruction, with an Introduction by the Earl of Cromer. Dutton, 1916, p. 85. $1. By competent English historian, surveying, with some detail, the several problems of nationality in Europe, the rise of nationality and its efi'ects, and some suggestions of solutions for the problems. The second volume supplements the first; and its intro- duction by Lord Cromer is noteworthy. •Zangwill, Israel. The Principle of Nationalities. Mac- millan, 1917, p. 116. $.50. A lecture, scathingly criticising the work of Rose, Muir, and Toynbee. Perhaps the ablest analysis of nationality. 63. THE WAR AND DEMOCRACY. Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. The War of Democracy, the Allies' Statement, Chapters on the Funda- mental Sienificance of the Struggle for a New Europe. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1917, p. xxiv, 441. $2. Two chapters by Belgian, three by French, and sixteen by Eng- lish writers, mainly related to England's interest and activity in the war. Contains some of best utterances of Bryce, Grey, Lloyd George, Balfour, Haldane, Murray and others. Fisher, Herbert Albert Laurens. The Republican Tra- dition in Europe. Putnam, 1911, p. xii, 363. $2.50. Chiefly concerned with development of republicanism in France since 1789, by English historical scholar, now President of Board of Education of Great Britain. **Lippmann, Walter. The Stakes of Diplomacy. Holt, 1915, p. vii, 235. $1.25. Strong argument for democrat- ization of diplomacy; one of ablest discussions produced by the war; addressed to earnest, thoughtful reader. So closely argued that conclusions seem irresistible, but rests on too- implicit acceptance of an economic interpretation of history. Sellars, Roy Wood. The Next Step in Democracy. Mac- millan, 1916, p. V, 275. $1.50. Discussion of socialism and labor by assistant professor of philosophy, University of Michigan; marked by spirit of practicality. Written before United States entered the war, but has chapters on Re- flections on the War, and Can We Universalize Democracy! **Seton-Watson, Robert William; Wilson, John Dover; Zimmern, Alfred Eckhard; and Greenwood, Arthur. The War and Democracy. Macmillan, 1915, p. xiv, 390. $.80. Gives historical background, .ultimate causes of the war, issues involved, probable solutions, and ideals and prin- ciples at stake. Allowing for individual views, perhaps, the best single book on fundamental causes and issues of the war. Sims, Newell Leroy. Ultimate Democracy and its Mak- ing. Chicago, McClurg, 1917, p. 347. $1.50. An interpreta- tion of democracy from the sociological not the political point of view.. Gives readable digest of much recent sociological discussion. 64. RESULTS OF THE WAR: PROBLEMS OP PEACE. Bourne, Randolph Stillman, editor. Towards an Enduring Peace, a Symposium of Peace Proposals and Programs, 1914-1916, with an Introduction by Franklin H. Giddings. Association for International Conciliation, 1916, p. xv, 336. Compilation from writings of pacifists and other publicists, not official pronouncements. *Buxton, Charles Roden, editor. Towards a Lasting Set- tlement. Dodd, 1917, revised edition, p. 216. $2. Collec- tion of essays by leading English pacifists on problems of nationality, territorial settlement, revision of maritime law, colonial affairs, and international co-operation to reduce war. **Ch6radame, AndrS. The Pangerman Plot Unmasked, Berlin's Formidable Peace- trap of The Drawn War; with an Introduction by the Earl of Cromer. Scribner, 1917, p. xxxi, 235. $1.25. Translation of a French work published early in 1916, but without corrections or additions to bring it up to date. Written without knowledge of Naumann's Central Europe, but with full knowledge of earlier litera- ture of the sort, and with extensive study and observation in the countries concerned. Valuable for information on geographical problems, and one of the ablest analyses of the Pan-German and Central Europe schemes and their dangers. Chfiradame, Andrg. The United States and Panger- mania. Scribner, 1918, p. xii, 170. $1. Germany is re- placed by Pangermania whpse existence menaces United States and freedom of the world; must be blocked by liquidation of Austria-Hungary and Polish independence. Author has spent twenty-two years studying and writing against pan-Germanism. Chesterton, Cecil Edward. The Perils of Peace; with In- troduction by Hilaire Belloc. London, Laurie, 1916, p. 239. 2s. A warning against a hasty or compromise peace. Does V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 131 not spare criticism of the ministry any more than of pacifist group in England. Cook, Sir Theodore Andrea. The Mark of the Beast. London, Murray, 1917. 5s. An array of facts on German history, kultur, and atrocities as argument against incon- clusive peace. Largely reprint of his liaiser, Krupp, and Kultur. •*Cosmos, pseud. The Basis of a Durable Peace. Scrib- ner, 1917, p. ix, 144. $.30. Reprint of articles contributed to the New York Times in November and December, 1916, by an eminent authority. After able analysis of the sev- eral problems solutions are suggested ■which accord with democratic conceptions of international law and of indi- vidual and national rights. *Fayle, Oiarles Ernest. The Great Settlement. Duffield, 1915, p. xix, 309. $1.75. Careful exposition of interests concerned in the war and in prospective peace, as territor- ial, colonial, and economic questions, and of principles in- volved. Author belongs to English pacifist school, but is not blind to facts. *Hart, Albert Bushnell, editor. Problems of Readjust- ment after the War. Appleton, 1915, p. 186. $1. Seven essays by as many competent American writers, dealing rather with probable eflFects of war upon fundamental con- ditions of life than with technical issues of future peace. Significance undiminished by American entrance into the war. Eazen, Charles Downer, and others. Three Peace Con- gresses of the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1917, p. 93. $.75. Professor Hazen writes on the Congress of Vienna; Dr. W. R. Thayer on the Con- gress of Paris, and Professor R. H. Lord on the Congress of Berlin. Professor A. C. Coolidge adds most illuminating ar- ticle on Claimants to Constantinople. These scholarly essays deal particularly with organization and procedure of the three congresses. *Headlam, James Wyclifle. The Issue. Boston, Hough- ton, 1917, p. vii, 159. $1. Reprint, with long introduction, of four articles from Nineteenth Century and After, analyzing and answering earlier German peace pronounce- ments. A review of Naumann's Central Europe is re- printed from Westminster Gazette. Broader issues are avoided, but German aims are rigorously exposed as im- possible. Author is English,' but adds to thorough informa- tion, sanity of view which makes this one of best books on issues of the war. Herron, George Davis. The Menace of Peace. Kenner- ley, 1917, p. 110. $1. Condemns an indecisive peace as a victory for German militarism which is eloquently de- nounced. Anti-Catholic. •Hill, David Jayne. The Rebuilding of Europe, a Survey of Forces and Conditions. Century, 1917, p. x, 289. $1.50. Fitted by wide research in diplomatic history and by long experience in American diplomatic service, author discusses abstractly causes and issues of the war; discusses but does not accept various schemes for internationalism. Chapter on America's interest in the new Europe; otherwise, con- crete problems avoided. •McClure, Samuel Sidney. Obstacles to Peace. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. xxiii, 487. $2. Contains important doc- uments and much valuable information, marred by personal trivialities. Based on visits to warring countries. Empha- sizes that war is a state of mind, and sets forth facts affect- ing development of that state of mind. Schoonmaker, Edwin Davies. The World Storm and Be- yond. Century, 1915, p. 294. $2. Emphasizes importance of reforms and social changes in progress in Europe in war- time and that United States should heed them in order to maintain its own progress. Stimulates thought even if it fails to persuade. *Veblen, Thorstein B. An Inquiry into the Nature of Peace and the Terms of its Perpetuation. Macmillan, 1917, p. xiii, 367. $2. One of the most thorough and philosophi- cal discussions of war and peace with special reference to the present struggle. Style incisive but not easy. Views, socialistic or at least anti-capitalistic. Completed in Febru- ary, 1917. Presented definite s-'t of peace terms. 65. THE WAR AGAINST WAR. *Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane). The Great Illusion, a Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage. Putnam, 1910, fourth re- vised and enlarged edition, 1913, p. xxii, 416. $1. Arms and Industry (English edition. Foundations of International Polity). Putnam, 1914, p. xlv, 248. $1.25. The first had wide currency before the war and won author his fame as exponent of pacifism; the second is companion volume is- sued on eve of the war, arguing against militarism and na- tionality and for an international polity. *Bloch, Ivan Stanislavovich. The Future of War in its Technical, Economic, and Political Relations: Is War Now Impossible? With a Prefatory Conversation with the Au- thor by W. T. Stead; translated by R. C. Long. Doubleday, 1899, p. Ixxix, 380. $2. (Ginn, 1902, $.65.) Somewhat technical array of facts and arguments based on nineteenth century developments, with special reference to Great Britain, Germany, France, and Russia. Said to have in- fluenced Nicholas II to call First Hague Conference. •Brailsford, Henry Noel. The War of Steel and Gold, a Study of the Armed Peace. Macmillan, 1916, sixth edition, p. 340. $.80. First published in May, 1914. Postscript chapter and some notes appear in third and later editions. Describes balance of power between rival alliances and economic interests involved; proceeds to constructive criticism, suggesting a new concert of Europe. English au- thor professes intellectual passion for peace, but his keen sense of .facts saves him from pitfalls of sentimental pacifists. **Eliot, Charles William. The Road toward Peace, a Con- tribution to the Study of the Causes of the European War and of the Means of Preventing War in the Future. Bos- ton, Houghton, 1915, p. xv, 228. $1. Ex-President Eliot of Harvard has approached the problems with his accustomed gravity and acumen. One of best American discussions of the war as a war of ideas, but treatment is unfortunately not systematic, for volume is only a collection of occasional papers and addresses, of which several additional ones are included in second edition, September, 1915. Howe, Frederic Clemson. Why Wart Scribner, 1916, p. 366. $1.50. Attributes wars to munition makers, high finance, and secret diplomacy; declares, "Peace is the prob- lem of democracy." Hugins, Roland. Germany Misjudged, an Appeal to In- ternational Good Will in the Interest of a Lasting Peace. Chicago, Open Court Publishing Co., 1916, p. 111. $1. The Possible Peace, a Forecast of World Politics after the War. Century, 1916, p. xiv, 198. $1.25. First, published before sinking of Lusitania, is habitually neutral, but in case of doubt inclines to German view. Second, published after sinking of Lusitania, condemns militarism and war, criti- cises various nations, including United States, sharply; fears that after the war "the general problem of interna- tional peace will not be much nearer solution; " conse- quently advocates American preparedness. 132 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Jordan, David Starr. War and the Breed, the Relation of War to the Downfall of Nations. Boston, American Uni- tarian Assn., 1915, p. 265. $1.35. Argument that war, by extinguishing the strongest, weakens the race. *Key, Ellen Karolina Sofia. War, Peace, and the Future, a Consideration of Nationalism and Internationalism and of the Relation of Women to War; translated by Hildegard Norberg. Putnam, 1916, p. x, 271. $1.50. Calm, cool, com- prehensive presentation of facts and deduction of conclu- sions. By Swedish author and leader in woman and peace movements. Liebknecht, Karl Paul August Friedrich. Militarism. Huebsch, 1917. $1. Thorough-going indictment by famous German socialist; suppressed in Germany. Original pub- lished in Leipzig, 1907; third German edition in Ziirich, 1911. MeCormick, Howard Fowler. Via Pacis, How Terms of Peace Can Be Automatically Prepared while the War is Still Going On. Chicago, McClurg, 1917, p. 45. $.60. Pro- poses novel scheme for constant interchange of desired or acceptable terms. Macdonald, John Archibald Murray. European Inter- national Relations. London, Unwin, 1916, p. 144. 2s. 6d. Argues that sovereign nations need a tribunal over them as much as do free men; appeared in part in Contemporary Review, April, 1915. Mahan, Alfred Thayer. Armaments and Arbitration, or the Place of Force in the International Relations of States. Harper, 1912, p. 259. Argument that armament and even war are necessary in international relations. Replies to Angell's Great Illusion. Quin, Malcolm. The Problem of Human Peace Studied from the Standpoint of a Scientific Catholicism. Dutton, 1917, p. 275. $1. Catholicism, somewhat modernized, is the cure for war and guarantee of peace. Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Justice in War-time. Cliicago, Open Court Publishing Co., 1916, p. ix, 243. $1. Non-resistance argument by able English pacifist. Review of Entente policy in reply to Professor Gilbert Murray, and chapter "On What Our Policy Ought to Have Been" are noteworthy. Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Why Men Fight, a Method of Abolishing the International Duel. (Title, Eng- lish edition: Principles of Social Reconstruction.) Century, 1917, p. 272. $1.50. Places responsibility for war not so much upon matters of national or international concern as upon human instincts, which must be schooled against war. The book has glaring faults along with much that is ex- cellent. Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Political Ideals. Century, 1917, p. 172. $1. Reiterates his ideas on national- ism and internationalism, but also deals with individual liberty and public control, capitalism and socialism. Excel- lent style but inadequate analysis of problems. Taylor, Charles Fremont. A Conclusive Peace, present- ing the Historically Logical, and a Feasible Plan of Action for the Coming Peace Conference, Which Will Co-ordinate and Harmonize Europe, and the World. Philadelphia, Winston, 1916, p. 173. $.50. By editor of Equity. Util- izes pacifist stock in trade; suggestive but not critical. Pro- poses world congress similar to Congress of United States, and other devices for international government. Warden, Archibald A. Common Sense Patriotism; Preface by Norman Angell. Dillingham, 1916, p. Ixx, 129. $1. Believes right is not all on one side, that discussion would secure peace; relates his eiJorts to secure conference at Berne. Wells, Herbert George. War That Will End War. Duffield, 1914, p. 108. $.75. What Is Coming J A Euro- pean Forecast. Macmillan, 1916, p. 294. $1.50. First is collection of occasional papers produced in first weeks of the war. Both reveal the prophetic desire to play with facts that characterizes Mr. Britling Sees It Through (1916) and much of the author's other writing. Woods, Frederick Adams, and Baltzly, Alexander. Is War Diminishing? A Study of the Prevalence of War in Europe from 1450 to the Present Day. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. xi, 105. $1. Whatever may be said of their scien- tific method, the selection of their historical premises can scarcely meet approval. 66. LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE: LEAGUE OF NATIONS. Ashbee, Charles R. The American League to Enforce Peace. An English Interpretation; with Introduction by 6. L. Dickinson. London, Allen & Unwin, 1917, p. 92. 2s. 6d. Author was an Englishman present at inauguration of the League, of which he approves. Discusses international significance of United States. *Brailsford, Henry Noel. The League of Nations. Mac- millan, 1917, p. vii, 332. $1.75. Calm, dispaassionate dis- cussion of many of problems of the war and of suggestions fov their solution, especially of the League to Enforce Peace, by an Englishman. Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. Proposals for the Prevention of Future Wars. London, Allen & Unwin, 1917. Is. Scheme similar to League to Enforce Peace. Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount. Some Historical Reflections on War, Past and Present. Oxford Press, 1917, p. 28. Is. Two addresses as president of the British Academy In June, 1915 and June, 1916. Includes some discussion of international law in war tune, of international public opinion, and of a league of nations. "Butler, Nicholas Murray. A World in Ferment, Inter- pretations of the War for a New World. Scribner, 1917, p. viii, 254. $1.25. Collection of addresses delivered from September, 1914, to June, 1917, on war questions. Thought- ful, practical, and inspired with constructive ideals. Collin, Christen Christian Dreyer. The War against War, and the Enforcement of Peace; with Introduction by Wil- liam Archer. Macmillan, 1917, p. xii, 163. $.80. Collection of essays by an eminent professor in the University of Christiania, with special reference to the league of nations idea. Coulton, George Gordon. The Main Illusions of Pacifism, a Criticism of Mr. Norman Angell and the Union of Demo- cratic Control. Macmillan, 1916, p. xv, 295, Ixii. $2. Col- lection of anti-pacifist articles intended to promote a British policy of national defence. •Dickinson, Goldsworthy Lowes. The Choice Before Us. Dodd, 1917, p. xiii, 268. $2. Denounces militarism and economic war; sees hope only in international organization which must include all great powers, even Germany. Pow- erful arguments by an earnest, able advocate of world peace. •Fried, Alfred Hermann. The Restoration of Europe; translated by Lewis Stiles Garnett. Macmillan, 1916, p. xiv, 157. $1. Original published in April, 1915, by native of Vienna, for fifteen years editor of the Friedens-Warte in Berlin, since the war in Zflrieh. Author, who received Nobel prize in 1911, suggests co-operative imion of Europe, starting like Pan-American Union, which might lead ulti- V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 133 mately to political co-operation. "A European union is at present more desirable than a world-wide one." •Goldsmith, Robert. A League to Enforce Peace; with a special introduction by A. Lawrence Lowell. Macmillan, 1917, p. xxvi, 331. $1.50. Volume for study classes on inadequacy or failure of other means of securing peace and on the plan of the League to Enforce Peace and reasons in favor of it. Several chapters against militarism. Con- tains bibliography. League to Enforce Peace. Enforced Peace, Proceedings of the First Annual National Assemblage. League to Enforce Peace, 1917, p.vi, 204. $.50. Collection of papers on various phases of subject, especially from side of United States. Marburg, Theodore. The League of Nations, a Chapter in the History of the Movement. Macmillan, 1917, p. 139. $.50. History of League to 'Enforce Peace movement by one of its originators. 67. ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE WAR. Babson, Roger Ward. The Future of Nations; Prosper- ity, How It Must Come; Economic Facts for Business Men (1914, p. 123. $1). The Future of World Peace, a Book of Charts showing Facts Which Must Be Recognized in Fu- ture Plans for Peace; the Prospects for Peace (1915, sec- ond edition, p. 142. $1). Wellesley Hills, Mass., Babson's Statistical Organization. Contain much statistical matter on economic and financial affairs, but are arguments for an international government. Barron, Clarence Walker. The Audacious War. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. xiv, 192. $1. Collected papers on busi- ness problems underlying the war by editor of Boston News Bureau who visited Europe in early months of war to ob- serve financial affairs at first hand. Clear, concise, vigorous style; keen insight. Bowley, Arthur Lyon. The Effect of the War on the Ex- ternal Trade of the United Kingdom, an Analysis of the Monthly Statistics, 1906-1914. Putnam, 1915, p. viii, 56. $.60. Professor of statistics in University of London makes comparative study with reference to last five months of 1914. Excellent; relevant only to exact period considered. Byers, Norman R. World Commerce in its Relation to the British Empire. London, King, 1916, p. 104. Is. Claes, Jules. The German Mole, a Study in the Art of Peaceful Penetration. Macmillan, 1915, p. xiv, 143. $1. Articles on methods of German peaceful penetration in Bel- glum, especially Antwerp, published by editor of La Metro- pole in his Antwerp journal in August and September, 1914. English edition has introduction by J. Holland Rose. Clapp, Edwin James. The Economic Aspects of the War, Neutral Rights, Belligerent Claims, and American Commerce in the Years 1914-1915. New Haven, Yale Press, 1915, p. xiv, 340. $1.50. Apparently written before sinking of Lusitania. Mainly criticism of British policy of trade re- striction. Deals with import and export situation with special reference to cotton and copper. Colvin, Ian D. The Unseen Hand in English History. London, National Review Office, 1917. 7s. 6d. Continues his Germans in England, reviewing events since Tudor times. A tract of protectionist argument, spiced with anti- ^rmanism. Dibblee, George Binney. Germany's Economic Position And England's Commercial and Industrial Policy after the War. London, Heinemann, 1917, p. 108. Is. Published by English Central Committee for National Patriotic Organi- zations. Describes German industrial and commercial methods and outlines a revised policy for England. Mode- rate in tone. Eltzbacher, Paul. Germany's Food, Can It Last? Ger- many's Food and England's Plan to Starve Her Out, a Study by German Experts; English Version edited by S. R. WeUs. London, Hodder, 1915, p. 264. 2s. England's Financial Supremacy, a Translation of Die Englische Finanzmacht; England's Falache Rechnung; Deutschland und die Erbschaft der City from the Frank- furter Zeitung; with Introduction and Notes by the Trans- lators. Macmillan, 1917, p. xv, 106. $1.25. Original arti- cles by financial authority appeared in November, 1915; argue that Germany's (forced) reliance on home resources is more advantageous than England's dependence on outside financial aid. Some forecasts have already failed of fulfil- ment. Gill, Conrad. National Power and Prosperity, a Study of the Economic Causes of Modern Warfare. London, Unwin, 1916, p. 208. 4s. 6d. Based on lectures to workingmen by English college teacher. Principally concerned with past wars but with present one in mind. Girault, Arthur. The Colonial Tariff Policy of France; edited by C. Gide. Oxford Press, 1916, p. viii, 305. $2.50. A general historical and critical account, with specific ac- counts of each colony. Gourvitch, Paul Pensac. How Germany Does Business, Chapters on Export and Finance Methods, with a Preface by Dr. B. E. Shatsky. Huebsch, 1917, p. 142. $1. Shat- sky's preface written from Russian point of view after Revolution of March, 1917. Twenty-three short chapters, mainly on various phases of credits and export trade. Has special reference to Russia. Grunzel, Josef. Economic Protectionism; edited by Eugen von Philippovich. Oxford Press, 1916, p. xiv, 357. $2.90. Sympathetic, comprehensive study of both import duties and other protective measures, by an Austrian. Harris, Winthrop & Company. American Business as Affected by Peace and Preparedness, the Composite Opinion of Seventeen Hundred American Business Men. Chicago, Harris, Winthrop & Company, 1916, p. 80. *Hauser, Henri. Germany's Commercial Grip on the World, her Business Methods Explained; translated by Manfred Emanuel. Scribner, 1917, p. xv, 259. $1.65. Translation of Les MSthodes Allemandes d'Expansion Economique, which has passed through several editions. Thorough, moderate, discriminating study. Urges keeping out of Germany's economic grip in future and emulating her systematic, hard work. Hirst, Francis Wrigley. Political Economy of War. Dutton, 1915, p. xii, 327. $2. Former editor of The Eco- nomist (London) writes with special reference to England, dealing with policy and economics of war, and war debts; treatment is largely historical. About forty pages refer to present war. Author's preconceptions were pacifist. Close study of facts with wealth of detail, though not too techni- cal for layman. Jones, J. H. The Economics of War and Conquest, an Examination of Mr. Norman Angell's Economic Doctrines. London, King, 1915, p. 178. 2s. 6d. Relates specifically to The Great Illusion, but is really a critical analysis of eco- nomic contentions of pacifists against militarism to sift out the false and to place the argument on sound foundations. Lawson, W. R. British War Finance, 1914-15. Van Nostrand, 1915, p. vi, 367. $2. Full, rather technical study. MacDonald, Allan John MacDonald. Trade, Politics, and Christianity in Africa and the East; with an Introduction by Sir Harry Johnston. Longmans, 1916, p. xxi, 295. $2. Discussion of the problem of contact with and control of backward peoples. 184i COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Millioud, Maurice. The Ruling Caste and Frenzied Trade in Germany; translated with an Introduction by Sir Freder- ick Polloek. Boston, Houghton, 1918, p. 159. $1. Caste section of volume is slashing attack on E. S. Chamberlain and German chauvinists; trade part is clear, concise, vigor- ous arraignmeht of German economic activities, financial situation, and imperialistic policy. Conclusions will com- mand less confidence than when written. *Noyes, Alexander Dana. Financial Chapters of the War. Scribner, 1916, p. xi, 255. $1.25. Financial editor of New York Evening Post and The Nation studies eflFect of the war on American financial conditions during first two years of war, and American financing of Europe in same period. Also three chapters on probable economic and financial re- sults. O'Farrell, Horace Handley. The Franco-German War In- demnity and its Economic Results. London, Harrison, 1913, p. 90. Is. Author seeks to prove that Germany's ex- action of war indemnity was unfortunate for itself. Bib- liography of dozen pages. Schuster, Ernest Joseph. The Effect of War and Mora- torium on Commercial Transactions. Bender, 1914, second edition revised and enlarged, p. viii, 166. $1.25. Withers, Hartley. The War and Lombard Street. But- ton, 1915, p. viii, 171. $1.25. Clear account from London banking point of view of extraordinary financial situation precipitated by the war. Covers to December, 1914. Ap- pendix of special statutes and other documents. 68. WOMEN AND THE WAR. Addams, Jane; Balch, Emily Greene; and Hamilton, Alice. Women at the Hague, the International Congress of Women and its Results. Macmillan, 1915, p. vii, 171. 75 cents. Account of notable unoflBcial movement for peace. Atherton, Mrs. Gertrude Franklin (Horn). The Living Present. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xvi, 303. $1.50. Observations made in 1916 of activities of French women in war work. Discusses fully relations of the war and femin- ism. Gribble, Francis Henry. Women in War. Button, 1916. $2.75. Series of biographical and historical sketches writ- ten before the war, with an epilogue dealing with women in the earlier part of the present war. Hewes, Amy, and Walter, Henriette R. Women as Muni- tion Makers; and Munition Workers in England and France. Russell Sage Foundation, 1917. 75 cents. First article by Miss Hewes reports investigations for the Foundation made in Bridgeport, Conn., in 1916; the second, by Miss Walter summarizes British official reports. Repplier, Agnes. Countercurrents. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. iii, 291. $1.25. Collection of essays includes one on Women and War. Stone, Gilbert, editor. Women War Workers. Crowell, 1917, p. 320. $1.65. Composed largely of accounts written by women engaged in the several forms of war work. Al- most entirely English. 69. SOCIALISM AND THE WAR. *Walling, William English, editor. The Socialists and the War, a Documentary Statement of the Position of the So- cialists of all Countries, with Special Reference to their Peace Policy, including a Summary of the Revolutionary State Socialist Measures Adopted by the Governments at War. Holt, 1915, p. xii, 512. $1.50. Well edited mass of information. 70. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: PHILOSOPH- ICAL. Bergson, Henri Louis. The Meaning of the War. Mac- millan, 1915, p. 47. $.40. Early pronouncement by famous French philosopher; indicts Prussian unification of Ger- many. Boutroux, Emile. Philosophy and War, translated by Fred Rothwell. Dutton, 1917, p. xii, 212. $1.75. An analy- sis of German and of French philosophical ideas in thdr relation to the war, by eminent French philosopher. Style clear and simple. Richard, Paul. To the Nations. Pond, 1917, p. xv, 79. $1. Translated from the French with introduction by Sir Rabindranath Tagore. Declares purpose of the war is destruction of old evil, root and branch, to make way for better and truer civilization whose ideals are discussed, 71. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: SOCIOLOG- ICAL. Bosanquet, Bernard. Social and International Ideals. Macmillan, 1917, p. ix, 325. $2.25. Collection of essays, reviews, and lectures, all but one of which were published before the war. Interesting for ideas on pacifism, patriot- ism, and political elements in the social structure. Burnet, John. Higher Education and the war. Macmil- lan, 1917, p. X, 238. $1.50. Most of material was already published in 1913 by this professor in University at St. Andrew's. Discusses systems of higher education in sev- eral countries, especially interesting on Germany, in whose system much is commended. Ellis, Henry Havelock. Essays in War-time. Houghton, 1916, p. 247. $1.50. Author is voluminous English writer on sociological, psychological and sexual questions. Of these eighteen essays only first sis deal directly with war ques- tions, such as evolution and war, war and eugenics, war and the birth-rate, and war and democracy. *Hobhouse, Leonard Trelawney. The World in Conflict. London, Unwin, 1915, second edition, 1918, p. 104. Is. Questions of War and Peace. London, Unwin, 1916, 3s. 6d. Two collections of articles by eminent professor of sociology in University of London. Simplicity of style and sanity of thought mark his efforts to discover basal signifi- cance of war and nationality and their interrelation in the first, and his Platonic dialogues on the soul of civilization and the hope of the world in the second. Lodge, Sir Oliver. The War and After, Short Chapters on Subjects of Serious Practical Import for the Average Citizen in A. D., 1915, Onwards. London, Methuen, 1915, sixth edition, p. xiii, 240. Is. Three groups of essays dealing with past, present and future of the war. Quotes others freely. Gives special attention to ideals and social conditions. Records Sir Oliver's mental states rather than contributes to elucidation of problems. Marvin, Francis Sydney, editor. Progress and History. Oxford Press, 1917, p. 314. $3.75. A series of essays by distinguished English thinkers in continuation of "The Unity of Western Civilization" (1916). The basic problem is general, but the specific problem of the war is pervasive in these able discussions. Mitchell, Peter Chalmers. Evolution and the War. Dut- ton, 1915, p. 114. $1. Secretary of Zoological Society of London presents scientific facts to prove that German notion that war is essential element in process of natural selection is not in accord with Darwinian theory. V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 135 72. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAE: POLITICAL. Baty, Thomas, and Morgan, John Hartman. War, its Conduct and its Legal Results. Button, 1915, p. 578. $3.50. Scholarly treatise of effects of the war upon English admin- istration and legislation, but not too technical for popular reader and not without value for Americans. Chapter on Laws of War on Land is significant for light thrown on German theory and method of warfare. Hobson, John Atkinson. Imperialism, a Study. Pott, 1902, second edition, 1915, p. vili, 331. $2.75. Towards International Government. Macmillan, 1916. $1. First is diagnosis of economic and cultural aspects of imperialism, a product of liberal revolt against Boer war. Second voices liberal revolt against high finance and secret diplo- macy as causes of present war. Suggests international council. Clear, well reasoned, thoughtful, optimistic. The International Crisis, the Theory of the State. Oxford Press, 1916, p. viii, 164. $1.80. Bedford College lectures for 1916, by six different speakers, dealing with church and state, state and morality, might and right, state and society, egoism, personal and national, and idea of gen- eral will. Phillips, Lisle March. Europe Unbound. Seribner, 1917. $1.75. The author, an Englishman, shows deep insight and clear appreciation in discussing the fundamental differ- encea in national ideals. The analysis of English political thought is remarkable, and the essay on liberty is notable. 73. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: PSYCHO- LOGICAL. Conway, Sir Martin. The Crowd in Peace and War Longman's, 1915, p. 332. $1.75. Careful general study of crowd psychology written in clear interesting style, but some premises and more conclusions are debatable. Crile, George Washington. A Mechanistic View of War and Peace, edited by Amy F. Rowland. Macmillan, 1915, p. 104. $1.25. Interesting record of observations of cam- paign in Belgium and France to battle of the Mame and of " the behavior of man when under the influence of the strongest emotional and physical stress — man at war," by professor of surgery in Western Reserve University. Marred by reiteration of his familiar notions which have not received approval of philosophic thinkers. Eastman, Max. Understanding Germany; the Only Way to End the War, and Other Essays. Kennerley, 1916, p. 169. $1.25. Editor of The Masses reprints articles from that and other journals; gives psychological analysis of anti-German hate and of patriotism. Contains much that is thoughtful and stimulating on psychology of the war and other war topics, but author disclaims national loyalty and fails to see wherein the Allies are better than the Germans. Le Bon, Gustave. The Psychology of the Great War; translated by E. Andrews. Macmillan, 1916, p. 479. $3. The author is well-known French authority on social psy- chology, but his carelessness in ascertaining facts and his lack of impartial attitude impair seriously the value of the volume. Machen, Author. The Bowmen and Other Legends of the War. Putnam, 1915, p. 77. $.75. Author, a devout Cath- olic, wrote story of St. George and the bowmen of England saving an English army. This story and other legends are published with introduction showing how a piece of fiction grew to a myth of the present war. Trotter, W. Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War. Macmillan, 1916, p, 213. $1.25. Basis of book are two articles published in 1908-9 by English author in Sociol- ogical Review. These studies in social psychology have been somewhat enriched by materials relating to the war and comparisons of English and German character. 74. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: ETHICAL AND RELIGIOUS. Adler, Felix. The World Crisis and its Meaning. Apple- ton, 1915, p. 232. $1.50. Collection of addresses, including the world crisis and its meaning, militarism and its eulo- gists, American ideals contrasted with German and English, the illusion and ideal of international peace, civilization and progress in light of present war. Popular presentation of ethical considerations; inclined to neglect the practical. Burroughs, Edward Arthur. The Fight for the Future, with a Foreword by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Lon- don. Nisbet, 1917. Is. The Valley of Decision, a Plea for Wholeness in Thought and Life. Longmans, 1916, p. xix, 391. $1.60. Two books containing discussions of the religious significance of the war. Campbell, Reginald John. The War and the Soul. Dodd, 1916, p. ix, 300. $1.25. Popular newspaper articles by Church of England clergymen to help those whose faith is shaken by the evils of the war. Discussions cover various timely topics and questions. *For the Right, Essays and Addresses by Members of the " Fight for Right Movement." Putnam, 1917. $1.50. Addresses by Lord Bryce, Dr. L. P. Jacks, Sir Frederick Pollock, Professor Gilbert Murray and many other able English thinkers to explain the principles and to uphold the ideals for which the Allies are fighting and to prevent diversion by mercenary or retaliatory motives. •Hankey, Donald William Alers. A Student in Arms, with an Introduction by J. St. Loe Strachey (p. 290. $1.50). Second Series (p. iv, 246. $1.50). Button, 1917. Record of intellectual and spiritual experiences and speculations written on firing line by Oxford man who was killed in action in October, 1916. Second series contains a biograph- ical article by his sister. First volume has been one of most widely read war books. *The International Crisis in its Ethical and Psychological Aspects, Six Lectures Delivered in February and March, 1915, at Bedford College for Women by Eleanor M. Sedg- wick, Gilbert Murray, A. C. Bradley, L. P. Jacks, G. F. Stout, and Bernard Bosanquet. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 155. $1.15. Biscussions of ethics of war and patriotism by leaders of English thought. Loisy, Alfred Firmin. The War and Religion, translated by Arthur Galton. Longmans, 1915, p. $.50. Keen dis- cussion of origins of the war; criticizes Christianity and the papal neutrality; considers patriotism the religious power of the future. American readers unfamiliar with French conditions and thought will find book somewhat puzzling. Palmer, Frederick. With our Faces in the Light. Dodd, 1917, p. 123. $.50. Charming effort to impress the finer meaning of the war for America; by well known war cor- respondent. War and the Spirit of Youth. Boston, Atlantic Monthly, 1917, p. 110. $1. Reprint of three spiritual interpretations of the war by Maurice Barrfis of French Academy, Sir Francis Younghusband, English soldier, and Anne 0. E. Allinson, American authoress. 136 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 75. INTEEPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: BY MHN OF LETTERS. Loti, Pieree, pseud. (Louis Marie Julien Viaud). War translated from the French by Marjorie Laurie. Philadel- phia, Lippincott, 1917, p. 320. $1.25. Collection of war sketches, written between August, 1914, and April, 1916, by members of French Academy. *Maeterlinck, Maurice. The Wrack of the Storm, trans- lated by A. Teixeira de Mattos. Dodd, 1916, p. 330. $1.50. Public utterances of a,uthor in first two years of war chronologically arranged. Chief value as record of author's reactions to the war; much of it below his normal level of style. Recognizes and emphasizes moral issues. •Rolland, Romain. Above the Battle, translated by C. K. Ogden. Chicago, Open Court Publishing Company, 1916, p. 194. $1. Collection of essays by French musical critic and pacifist who received Nobel prize for literatxire in 1915, and who has been engaged in work of International Agency for Prisoners of War in Switzerland since outbreak of war, and has become unpopular in France. Despite attitude of detachment indicated by title, and lack of unity, book is marked by deep moral earnestness and eloquent style. "No saner counsel has yet been heard above the turmoil of the conflict." •Wister, Owen. The Pentecost of Calamity. MacmiUan, 1915, p. 148. $.50. Fifteen admirable vignettes, by Amer- ican author, showing with fine insight the issues of the war and the human element in it. Emphasizes American inter- est in moral issues of the war. ZangwUl, Israel. The War for the World. MacmiUan, 1916, p. 455. $1.75. Collection of brilliant essays discussing various questions of the war with special introductory chaptw. Shows more sympathy with his race than with his country. Denounces fighting Germans with German methods. 76. ATLASES. [For brief bibliography of War Maps and Atlases, see page 82 cf this collection, and The Hjstoey Teacher's Magazine, April, 1918.] 77. PAMPHLET SERIES. Columbia War Papers. Columbia University, 1917. Eleven mumbers have been issued and more are annouiiced; sold at nominal figures. Deal mainly with economic prob- lems of the war. Note especially Seligman and Haig's How to Finance the War. The History Teacher's Magazine War Reprints. Phila- delphia, McKinley Publishing Co., 1918. Each 10 to 25 cents, according to size. No. 1, The Study of the Great War, by S. B. Harding; No. 2, Belgian War Curiosities, by C. Gauss; No. 3, Selected Critical Bibliography of the War, by G. M. Dutcher; No. 4, Geography of the War, with many maps. Others m active preparation. •Oxford Pamphlets, 1914-1915. Oxford Press, 1914-15, 19 vols. Each $.40. Completed series of 19 volumes contains 86 pamphlets, written by leading English authorities on problems and events of the war. Historical numbers are often illustrated with clear sketch maps. Many of these pamphlets ofi^er best brief accounts or discussions of sub- jects easily accessible in English. Papers for War Time, Published under the Auspices of a Committee Drawn from Various Christian Bodies and Political Parties, and edited by Rev. W. Temple. Oxford Press, 1914-15, 36 numbers, each $.08. Series is completed; devoted chiefly to moral and religious aspects of the war; by English writers. The University of Chicago War Papers. Chicago, Univer- sity Press, 1917-18. Each $.05. Four issues have appeared, including The Threat of German World-Politics, by Presi- dent Judson; Americans and the World-Crisis, by Professor Small; and Sixteen Causes of the War, by Professor Mc- Laughlin. University of North Carolina Extension Leaflets: War Information Series. Chapel Hill, N. C, 1917-18. Eleven issues have appeared. 78. COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC INFORMATION: PUB- LICATIONS. •Red, White, and Blue Series: 1. How the War Came to America (p. 32) ; 2. National Service Handbook (p. 246) ; 3. The Battle Line of Democracy (a collection of patriotic prose and poetry, p. 134. $.15); 4. The President's Flag Day Address, with Evidence of Germany's Plans (p. 3 5. Conquest and Kultur (quotations from German writers revealing the plans and purposes of pan-Germany, p. 160) 6. German War Practices, Part I. Treatment of Civilians, p. 91); 7. War Cyclopedia, a Handbook for Ready Refer- ence on the Great War (p. 321, $.25) ; 8. German Treat- ment of Conquered Territory; Part II. of German War Practices (p. 61); 9. War, Labor, and Peace, Some Recent Addresses and Writings of the President (American R«ply to the Pope, address to the American Federation of Labor, message to Congress, Deo. 4, 1917, addresses to Congress, Jan. 8, and Feb. 11, 1918, p. 40). •War Information Series: 101. The War Message and the Facts behind It (p. 32) ; 102. The Nation in Arms (two addresses by Secretaries Lane and Baker, p. 16; 103. The Government of Germany, by Charles D. Hazen (p. 16); 104. The Great War, From Spectator to Participant, by A. C. McLaughlin (p. 16); 105. A War of Self-Defense (addresses by Secretary of State Lansing and Assistant Secretary of Labor Post, p. 22) ; 106. American Loyalty (by American citizens of German descent, p. 24) ; 107. Amer- jkanische Burgertreue (German translation of 106; 108. American Interest in Popular Government Abroad, by E. B. Greene, p. 16); 109. Home Reading Course for Citizen Soldiers, Prepared by the War Department (p. 62); 110. First Session of the War Congress (complete summary of all legislation, p. 48) ; 111. The German War Code, by G. W. Scott and J. W. Garner (p. 16); 112. American and Allied Ideals, by Stuart P. Sherman (p. 24) ; 113. German Militarism and its German Critics, by Charles Altschul (p. 40) ; 114. The War for Peace, by Arthur D. Call (Views of American peace organizations and leaders in the present war) ; 115. Why America Fights Germany, by John S. P. Tatloek (p. 13) ; 116. The Activities of the Committee on Public Information (p. 20) ; 117. The Study of the Great War, by Samuel B. Harding. Loyalty Leaflets: 201. Friendly Words to the Foreign Born, by Judge Joseph BufBngton; 202. The Prussian System, by Frederic C. Walcott; 203. Labor and the War, President Wilson's Address to the American Federation of Labor, Nov. 12, 1917; 204. A War Message to the Farmer,, by the President; 205. Plain Issues of the War, by Elihu Root; 206. Ways to Serve the Nation, a Proclamation by the President, April 16, 1917; 207. What Really Matters,, by a Well Known Newspaper Writer. Official Bulletin. Published daily; $5 per year. All publieations of the Commitlee on Public Infor- mation are distributed FREE except as price is noted^ VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 137 Statutes of the United States Relating to the State of War April 6, 1917, to May 20, 1918 Declaration of War with Germany, April 6, 1917.i Whereas the Imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of war against the Government and the peo- ple of the Unitfid States of America: Therefore be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of war between the United States and the Im- perial German Government which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United btates and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Con- gress of the United States. Approved, April 6, 1917. Joint Resgltjtion Authorizing the Taking Over or Enemy Vessels, May 12, 1917. Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to take over to the United States the immediate possession and title of any vessel within the jurisdiction thereof, including the Canal Zone and all territories and insular possessions of the United States except the American Virgin Islands, which at the time of coming into such jurisdiction was owned in whole or in part by any corporation, citizen, or subject of any nation with which the United States may be at war when such vessel shall be taken, or was flying the flag of or was under register of any such nation or any political subdivision or municipality thereof; and, through the United States Shipping Board, or any department or agency of the Government, to operate, lease, charter, and equip such vessel in any service of the United States, or in any commerce, foreign or coastwise. Sec. 2. That the Secretary of the Navy be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to appoint, subject to the approval of the President, a board of survey, whose duty it shall be to ascertain the actual value of the vessel, its equipment, appurtenances, and all property contained there- in, at the time of its taking, and to make a written report of their findings to the Secretary of the Navy, who shall preserve such report with the records of his department. These flndings shall be considered as competent evidence in all proceedings on any claim for compensation. Approved, May 12, 1917. Selective Draft Act, May 18, 1917.2 An Act to authorize the President to increase temporarily the Military Establishment of the United States. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 1 For the President's proclamations concerning the state of war, responsibilities of aliens, and treasonable acts, see pages 37-38. 2 For the President's proclamation setting June 5, 1917, as registration day, see p. 39. of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That in view of the existing emergency, which demands the raising of troops in addition to those now available, the President be, and he is hereby, authorized — First. Immediately to raise, organize, officer, and equip all or such number of increments of the Regular Army pro- vided by the national defense Act approved June third, nineteen hundred and sixteen, or such parts thereof as he may deem necessary; to raise all organizations of the Regu- lar Army, including those added by such increments, to the maximum enlisted strength authorized by law. . . . Second. To draft into the military service of the United States, organize, and ofiicer, in accordance with the provi- sions of section one hundred and eleven of said national de- fense Act, so far as the provisions of said section may be applicable and not inconsistent with the terms of this Act, any or all members of the National Guard and of the Na- tional Guard Ruserves, and said members so drafted into the military service of the United States shall serve therein for the period of the existing emergency unless sooner dis- charged: Provided, That when so drafted the organizations or units of the National Guard shall, so far as practicable, retain the State designations of their respective organiza- tions. Third. To raise by draft as herein provided, organize and equip an additional force of five hundred thousand enlisted men, or such part or parts thereof as he may at any time deem necessary, and to provide the necessary officers, line and staff, for said force and for organizations of the other forces hereby authorized, or by combining organizations of said other forces, by ordering members of the Officers' Re- serve Corps to temporary duty in accordance with the pro- visions of section thirty-eight of the national defense Act approved June third, nineteen hundred and sixteen; by ap- pointment from the Regular Army, the Officers' Reserve Corps, from those duly qualified and registered pursuant to section twenty-three of the Act of Congress approved Janu- ary twenty-first, nineteen hundred and three (Thirty-second Statutes at Large, page seven hundred and seventy-five), from the members of the National Guard drafted into the service of the United States, from those who have been graduated from educational institutions at which military instruction is compulsory, or from those who have had hon- orable service in the Regular Army, the National Guard, or in the volunteer forces, or from the country at large; by assigning retired officers of the Regular Army to active duty with such force with their rank on the retired list and the full pay and allowances of their grade; or by the appoint- ment of retired officers and enlisted men, active or retired, of the Regular Army as commissioned officers in such forces: Provided, That the organization of said force shall be the same as that of the corresponding organizations of the Regular Army: Provided further. That the President is authorized to increase or decrease the number of organiza- tions prescribed for the typical brigades, divisions, or army corps of the Regular Army, and to prescribe such new and different organizations and personnel for army corps, divi- sions, brigades, regiments, battalions, squadrons, com- panies, troops, and batteries as the efficiency of the service may require: Provided further, That the number of organi- 138 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. zations in a regiment shall not be increased nor sha! 1 the number of regiments be decreased: Provided further, That the President in his discretion may organize, ofScer^ and equip for each Infantry and Cavalry brigade three machine- gun companies, and for each Infantry and Cavalry division four machine-gun companies, all in addition to the machine- gun companies comprised in organizations included in such brigades and divisions: Provided further, That the Presi- dent in his discretion may organize for each division one armored motor-car machine-gun company. The machine- gun companies organized under this section shall consist of such commissioned and enlisted personnel and be equipped in such manner as the President may prescribe: And pro- vided further, That officers with rank not above that of colonel shall be appointed by the President alone, and offi- cers above that grade by the President by and with the ad- vice and consent of the Senate: Provided further, That the President may in his discretion recommission in the Coast Guard persons who have heretofore held commissions in the Eevenue-Cutter Service or the Coast Guard and have left the service honorably, after ascertaining that they are qualified for service physically, morally, and as to age and military fitness. Fourth. The President is further authorized, in his dis- cretion and at such time as he may determine, to raise and begin the training of an additional force of five hundred thousand men organized, officered, and equipped, as pro- vided for the force first mentioned in the preceding para- graph of this section. Fifth. To raise by draft, organize, equip, and officer, as provided in the third paragraph of this section, in addition to and for each of the above forces, such recruit training units as he may deem necessary for the maintenance of such forces at the maximum strength. Sixth. To raise, organize, officer, and maintain during the emergency such number of ammunition batteries and battalions, depot batteries and battalions, and such artil- lery parks, with such numbers and grades of personnel as he may deem necessary. Such organizations shall be offi- cered in the manner provided in the third paragraph of this section, and enlisted men may be assigned to said organi- zations from any of the forces herein provided for or raised by selective draft as by this Act provided. Seventh. The President is further authorized to raise and maintain by voluntary enlistment, to organize, and equip, not to exceed four infantry divisions, the officers of which shall be selected in the manner provided by paragraph three of section one of this Act: Provided, That the organi- zation of said force shall be the same as that of the corre- sponding organization of the Regular Army: And provided further, That there shall be no enlistments in said force of men under twenty-five years of age at time of enlisting: And provided further, Tha,t no such volunteer force shall be accepted in any unit smaller than a division. Sec. 2. That the enlisted men required to raise and maintain the organizations of the Regular Army and to complete and maintain the organizations embodying the members of the National Guard drafted into the service of the United States, at the maximum legal strength as by this Act provided, shall be raised by voluntary enlistment, or if and whenever the President decides that they can not eflfectually be so raised or maintained, then by selective draft; and all other forces hereby authorized, except as provided in the seventh paragraph of section one, shall be raised and maintained by selective draft exclusively; but this provision shall not prevent the transfer to any force of training cadres from other forces. Such draft as herein provided shall be based upon liability to military service of all male citizens, or male persons not alien enemies who have declared their intention to become citizens, between the ages of twenty-one and thirty years, both inclusive, and shall take place and be maintained under such regulations as the President may prescribe not inconsistent with the terms of this Act. Quotas for the several States, Terri- tories, and the District of Columbia, or subdivisions there- of, shall be determined in proportion to the population thereof, and credit shall be given to any State, Territory, District, or subdivision thereof, for the number of men who were in the military service of the United States as mem- bers of the National Guard on April first, nineteen hundred and seventeen, or who have since said date entered the military service of the United States from any such State, Territory, District, or subdivision, either as members of the Regular Army or the National Guard. All persons drafted into the service of the United States and all officers accept- ing commissions in the forces herein provided for shall, from the date of said draft or acceptance, be subject to the laws and regulations governing the Regular Army, ex- cept as to promotions, so far as such laws and regulations are applicable to persons whose permanent retention in the military service on the active or retired list is not contem- plated by existing law, and those drafted shall be required to serve for the period of the existing emergency unless sooner discharged: Provided, That the President is author- ized to raise and maintain by voluntary enlistment or draft, as herein provided, special and technical troops as he may deem necessary, and to embody them into organiza- tions and to officer them as provided in the third paragraph of section one and section nine of this Act. Organizations of the forces herein provided for, except the Regular Army and the divisions authorized in the seventh paragraph of section one, shall, as far as the interests of the service per- mit, be composed of men who come, and of officers who are appointed from, the same State or locality.' Sec. 3. No bounty shall be paid to induce any person to enlist in the military service of the United States; and no person liable to military service shall hereafter be per- mitted or allowed to furnish a substitute for such service; nor shall any substitute be received, enlisted, or enrolled in the military service of the United States; and no such per- son shall be permitted to escape such service or to be dis- charged therefrom prior to the expiration of his term of service by the payment of money or any other valuable thing whatsoever as consideration for his release from mili- tary service or liability thereto. Sec. 4. That the Vice President of the United States, the officers, legislative, executive, and judicial, of the United States and of the several States, Territories, and the Dis- trict of Columbia, regular or duly ordained ministers of religion, students who at the time of the approval of this Act are preparing for the ministry in recognized theological or divirity schools,^ and all persons in the military and naval service of the United States shall be exempt from the selective draft herein prescribed; and nothing in this Act contained shall be construed to require or compel any per- son to serve in any of the forces herein provided for who is foimd to be a member of any well-recognized religious sect or organization at present organized and existing and whose existing creed or principles forbid its members to participate in war in any form and whose religious convic- tions are against war or participation therein in accordance s Note the changes made by the joint resolutions of May 16 and May 20, 1918, pp. 35-36. * Joint resolution of May 20, 1918, extended exemption to medical students, see p. 36. VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 139 with the creed or principles of said religious organizations, but no person so exempted shall be exempted from service in any capacity that the President shall declare to be non- combatant ; and the President is hereby authorized to exclude or discharge from said selective draft and from the draft un- der the second paragraph of section one hereof, or to draft for partial military service only from those liable to draft as in this Act provided, persons of the following classes: County and municipal officials; customhouse clerks; per- sons employed by the United States in the transmission of the mails; artificers and workmen employed in the armor- ies, arsenals, and navy yards of the United States, and such other persons employed in the service of the United States as the President may designate; pilots; mariners actually employed in the sea service of any citizen or merchant within the United States; persons engaged in industries, in- cluding agriculture, found to be necessary to the main- tenance of the Military Establishment or the effective oper- ation of the military forces or the maintenance of national interest during the emergency; those in a status with re- spect to persons dependent upon them for support which renders their exclusion or discharge advisable; and those found to be physically or morally deficient. No exemption or exclusion shall continue when a cause therefor no longer exists: Provided, That notwithstanding the exemptions enumerated herein, each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia shall be required to supply its quota in the proportion that its population bears to the total population of tiie United States. The President is hereby authorized, in his discretion, to create and establish throughout the several States and sub- divisions thereof and in the Territories and the District of Columbia local boards, and where, in his discretion, prac- ticable and desirable, there shall be created and established one such local board in each county or similar subdivision in each State, and one for approximately each thirty thousand of population in each city of thirty thousand population or over, according to the last census taken or estimates furnished by the Bureau of Census of the Department of Commerce. Such boards shall be ap- pointed by the President, and shall consist of three or more members, none of whom shall be connected with the Mili- tary Establishment, to be chosen from among the local au- thorities of such subdivisions or from other citizens resid- ing in the subdivision or area in which the respective boards will have jurisdiction under the rules and regula- tions prescribed by the President. Such boards shall have power within their respective jurisdictions to hear and de- termine, subject to review as hereinafter provided, all questions of exemption under this Act, and all questions of or claims for including or discharging individuals or classes of individuals from the selective draft, which shall be made under rules and regulations prescribed by the President, except any and every question or claim for in- cluding or excluding or discharging persons or classes of persons from the selective draft under the provisions of this Act authorizing the President to exclude or discharge from the selective draft " Persons engaged in industries, includ- ing agriculture, found to be necessary to the maintenance of the Military Establishment, or the effective operation of the military forces, or the maintenance of national interest diu'ing the emergency." The President is hereby authorized to establish addi- tional boards, one in each Federal judicial district of the United States, consisting of such number of citizens, not connected vrith the Military Establishment, as the Presi- dent may determine, who shall be appointed by the Presi- dent. The President is hereby authorized, in his discre- tion, to establish more than one such board in any Federal judicial district of the United States, or to establish one such board having jurisdiction of an area extending into more than one Federal judicial district. Such district boards shall review on appeal and affirm, modify, or reverse any decision of any local board having jurisdiction in the area in which any such district board has jurisdiction under the rules and regulations prescribed by the President. Such district boards shall have exclusive original jurisdiction within their respective areas to hear and determine all questions or claims for including or ex- cluding or discharging persons or classes of persons from the selective draft, under the provisions of this Act, not in- cluded within the original jurisdiction of such local boards. The decisions of such district boards shall be final except that, in accordance with such rules and regulations as the President may prescribe, he may affirm, modify or reverse any such decision. Any vacancy in any such local board or district board shall be filled by the President, and any member of any such local board or district board may be removed and another appointed in his place by the President, whenever he considers that the interest of the nation demands it. The President shall make rules and regulations govern- ing the organization and procedure of such local boards and district boards, and providing for and governing appeals from such local boards to such district boards, and reviews of the decisions of any local board by the district board having jurisdiction, and determining and prescribing the several areas in which the respective local boards and dis- trict boards shall have jurisdiction, and all other rules and regulations necessary to carry out the terms and pro- visions of this section, and shall provide for the issuance of certificates of exemption, or partial or limited exemptions, and for a system to exclude and discharge individuals from selective draft. Sec. 5. That all male persons between the ages of twenty- one and thirty, both inclusive, shall be subject to registra- tion in accordance with regulations to be prescribed by the President; and upon proclamation by the President or other public notice given by him or by his direction stating the time and place of such registration it shall be the duty of all persons of the designated ages, except officers and en- listed men of the Eegular Army, the Navy, and the Na- tional Guard and Naval Militia while in the service of the United States, to present themselves for and submit to reg- istration under the provisions of this Act; and every such person shall be deemed to have notice of the requirements of this Act upon the publication of said proclamation or other notice as aforesaid given by the President or by his direction; and any person who shall willfully fail or re- fuse to present himself for registration or to submit thereto as herein provided, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall, upon conviction in the district court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, be punished by imprison- ment for not more than one year, and shall thereupon be duly registered: Provided, That in the call of the docket precedence shall be given, in courts trying the same, to the trial of criminal proceedings under this Act: Provided fur- ther, That persons shall be subject to registration as herein provided who shall have attained their twenty-first birth- day and who shall not have attained their thirty-first birth- day on or before the day set for the registration, and all persons so registered shall be and remain subject to draft into the forces hereby authorized, unless exempted or ex- cused therefrom as in this Act provided: Provided further. That in the case of temporary absence from actual place of legal residence of any person, liable to registration as pro- 140 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. vided herein such registration may be made by mail under regulations to be prescribed by the President. Sec. 6. That the President is hereby authorized to utilize the service of any or all departments and any or all officers or agents of the United States and of the several States, Territories, and the District of Columbia, and subdivisions thereof, in the execution of this Act, and all officers and agents of the United States and of the several States, Ter- ritories, and subdivisions thereof, and of the District of Columbia, and all persons designated or appointed under regulations prescribed by the President whether such ap- pointments are made by the President himself or by the governor or other officer of any State or Territory to per- form any duty in the execution of this Act, are hereby re- quired to perform such duty as the President shall order or direct, and all such officers and agents and persons so desig- nated or appointed shall hereby have full authority for all acts done by them in the execution of this Act by the direc- tion of the President. Correspondence in the execution of this Act may be carried in penalty envelopes bearing the frank of the War Department. Any person charged as herein provided with the duty of carrying into effect any of the provisions of this Act or the regulations made or direc- tions given thereunder who shall fail or neglect to perform such duty; and any person charged with such duty or hav- ing and exercising any authority under said Act, regula- tions, or directions, who shall knowingly make or be a party to the making of any false or incorrect registration, physical examination, exemption, enlistment, enrollment, or muster; and any person who shall make or be a party to the making of any false statement or certificate as to the fitness or liability of himself or any other person for ser- vice under the provisions of this Act, or regulations made by the President thereunder, or otherwise evades or aids another to evade the requirements of this Act or of said regulations, or who, in any manner, shall fail or neglect fully to perform any duty required of him in the execution of this Act, shall, if not subject to military law, be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction in the district court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, be pun- ished by imprisonment for not more than one year, or, if subject to military law, shall be tried by court-martial and suffer such punishment as a court-martial may direct. Sec. 7. That the qualifications and conditions for volun- tary enlistment as herein provided shall be the same as those prescribed by existing law for enlistments in the Regular Army, except that recruits must be between the ages of eighteen and forty years, both inclusive, at the time of their enlistment; and such enlistments shall be for the period of the emergency unless sooner discharged. All en- listments, including those in the Regular Army Reserve, which are in force on the date of the approval of this Act and which would terminate during the emergency shall con- tinue in force during the emergency unless sooner dis- charged; but nothing herein contained shall be construed to shorten the period of any existing enlistment: Provided, That all persons enlisted or drafted under any of the pro- visions of this Act shall as far as practicable be grouped into units by States and the political subdivisions of the same: Provided further, That all persons who have en- listed since April first, nineteen hundred and seventeen, . either in the Regular Army or in the National Guard, and all persons who have enlisted in the National Guard since June third, nineteen hundred and sixteen, upon their appli- cation, shall be discharged upon the termination of the existing emergency. The President may provide for the discharge of any or all enlisted men whose status with respect to dependents renders such discharge advisable; and he may also author- ize the employment on any 'active duty of retired enlisted men of the Regular Army, either with their rank on the re- tired list or in higher enlisted grades, and such retired en- listed men shall receive the full pay and allowances of the grades in which they are actively employed. Sec. 8. That the President, by and with the advice and consent' of the Senate, is authorized to appoint for the period of the existing emergency such general officers of ap- propriate grades as may be necessary for duty with bri- gades, divisions, and higher units in which the forces pro- vided for herein may be organized by the President, and general officers of appropriate grade for the several Coast Artillery districts. . . . Sec. 9. That the appointments authorized and made as provided by the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh paragraphs of section one and by section eight of this Act, and the temporary appointments in the Regular Army authorized by the first paragraph of section one of this Act, shall be for the period of the emergency, unless sooner terminated by discharge or otherwise. The Presi- dent is hereby authorized to discharge any officer from the office held by him under such appointment for any cause which, in the judgment of the President, would promote the public service; and the general commanding any division and higher tactical organization or territorial department is authorized to appoint from time to time military boards of not less than three nor more than five officers of the forces herein provided for to examine into and report upon the capacity, qualification, conduct, and efficiency of any commissioned officer within his command other than offi- cers of the Regular Army holding permanent or provi- sional commissions therein. . . Sec. 10. That all officers and enlisted men of the forces herein provided for other than in the Regular Army shall be in all respects on the same footing as to pay, allow- ances, and pensions as officers and enlisted men of corre- sponding grades and length of service in the Regular Army; and commencing June one, nineteen hundred and seventeen, and continuing until the termination" of the emergency, all enlisted men of the Army of the United States in active ser- vice whose base pay does not exceed $21 per month shall receive an increase of $15 per month; those whose base pay is $24, an increase of $12 per month; those whose base pay is $30, $36, or $40, an increase of $8 per month; and those whose base pay is $45 or more, an increase of $6 per month: Provided, That the increases of pay herein author- ized shall not enter into the computation of continuous- service pay. Sec. 11. That all existing restrictions upon the detail, detachment, and employment of officers and enlisted men of the Regular Army are hereby suspended for the period of the present emergency. Sec. 12. That the President of the United States, as Commander in Chief of the Army, is authorized to make such regulations governing the prohibition of alcoholic liquors in or near military camps and to the officers and enlisted men of the Army as he may from time to time deem necessary or advisable: Provided, That no person, corporation, partnership, or association shall sell, supply, or have in his or its possession any intoxicating or spiritu- ous liquors at any military station, cantonment, camp, fort, post, officers' or enlisted men's club, which is being used at the time for military purposes under this Act, but the Sec- retary of War may make regulations permitting the sale and use of intoxicating liquors for medicinal purposes. It VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 141 shall be unlawful to sell any intoxicating liquor, including beer, ale, or wine, to any officer or member of the military forces while in uniform, except as herein provided. Any person, corporation, partnership, or association violating the provisions of this section of the regulations made there- under shall, unless otherwise punishable under the Articles of War, be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and be pun- ished by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment for not more than twelve months, or both. Sec. 13. That the Secretary of War is hereby authorized, empowered, and directed during the present war to do everything by him deemed necessary to suppress and pre- vent the keeping or setting up of houses of ill fame, brothels, or bawdy houses within such distance as he may deem needful of any military camp, station, fort, post, can- tonment, training, or mobilization place. . . . Sec. 14. That all laws and parts of laws in conflict with the provisions of this Act are hereby suspended during the period of this emergency. Approved, May 18, 1917. Act Relating to Espionage, etc., June 15, 1917. An Act To punish acts of interference with the foreign relations, the neutrality, and the foreign commerce of the United States, to punish espionage, and better to enforce the criminal laws of the United States, and for other pur- poses. Be it enacted hy the Senate and Souse of Represntatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled: Title I. espionage. Section 1. That (a) whoever, for the purpose of obtain- ing information respecting the national defense with intent or reason to believe that the information to be obtained is to be used to the injury of the United States, or to the ad- vantage of any foreign nation, goes upon, enters, flies over, or otherwise obtains information concerning any vessel, air- craft, work of defense, navy yard, naval station, submarine base, coaling station, fort, battery, torpedo station, dock- yard, canal, railroad, arsenal, camp, factory, mine, tele- graph, telephone, wireless, or signal station, building, oflSce, or other place connected with the national defense, owned or constructed, or in progress of construction by the United States or under the control of the United States, or of any of its ofBcers or agents, or within the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States, or any place in which any vessel, air- craft, arms, munitions, or other materials or instruments for use in time of war are being made, prepared, repaired, or stored, under any contract or agreement with the United States, or with any person on behalf of the United States, or otherwise on behalf of the United States, or any pro- hibited place within ' the meaning of section six of this title; or (b) whoever for the purpose aforesaid, and with like intent or reason to believe, copies, takes, makes, or ob- tains, or attempts, or induces or aids another to copy, take, make, or obtain, any sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appli- ance, document, writing, or note of anything connected with the national defense; or (c) whoever, for the purpose afore- said, receives or obtains or agrees or attempts or induces or aids another to receive or obtain from any person, or from any source whatever, any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic nega- tive, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note, of anything connected with the national defense, know- ing or having reason to believe, at the time he receives or obtains, or agrees or attempts or induces or aids another to receive or obtain it, that it has been or will be obtained, taken, made or disposed of by any person contrary to the provisions of this title; or (d) whoever, lawfully or un- lawfully having possession of, access to, control over, or be- ing intrusted with any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note relating to the national ' defense, willfully communicates or trans- mits or attempts to communicate or transmit the same to any person not entitled to receive it, or willfully retains the same and fails to deliver it on demand to the officer or employee of the United States entitled to receive it; or (e) whoever, being intrusted with or having lawful possession or control of any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, note, or information, relating to the national defense, through gross negligence permits the same to be removed from its proper place of custody or delivered to anyone in violation of his trust, or to be lost, stolen, ab- stracted, or destroyed, shall be punished by a fine of not more than $10,000, or by imprisonment for not more than two years, or both. Sec. 2. (a) Whoever, with intent or reason to believe that it is to be used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of a foreign nation, communicates, deliv- ers, or transmits, or attempts to, or aids or induces another to, communicate, deliver, or transmit, to any foreign gov- ernment, or to any faction or party or military or naval force within a foreign country, whether recognized or im- recognized by the United States, or to any representative, officer, agent, employee, subject, or citizen thereof, either directly or indirectly, any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, note, instrument, appliance, or information relating to the national defense, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than twenty years: Provided, That whoever shall violate the provisions of sub- section (a) of this section in time of war shall be pun- ished by death or by imprisonment for not more than thirty years; and (b) whoever, in time of war, with intent that the same shall be communicated to the enemy, shall collect, record, publish, or communicate, or attempt to elicit any information with respect to the movement, numbers, de- scription, condition, or disposition of any of the armed forces, ships, aircraft, or war materials of the United States, or with respect to the plans or conduct, or supposed plans or conduct of any naval or military operations, or with respect to any works or measures undertaken for or connected with, or intended for the fortification or defense of any place, or any other information relating to the pub- lic defense, which might be useful to the enemy, shall be punished by death or by imprisonment for not more than thirty years. Sec. 3. Whoever, when the United States is at war, shall willfully make or convey false reports or false statements with intent to interfere with the operation or success of the military or naval forces of the United States or to pro- mote the success of its enemies and whoever when the United States is at war, shall willfully cause or attempt to cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty, in the military or naval forces of the United States, or shall willfully obstruct the recruiting or enlistment ser- vice of the United States, to the injury of the service or of the United States, shall be punished by a. fine of not more than $10,000 or imprisonment for not more than twenty years, or both. Sec. 4. If two or more persons conspire to violate the 142 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. provisions of sections two or three of this title, and one or more of such persons does any act to effect the object of the conspiracy, each of the parties to such conspiracy shall be punished as in said sections provided in the case of the doing of the act the accomplishment of which is the object of such conspiracy. Except as above provided conspiracies to commit offenses under this title shall be punished as pro- vided by section thirty-seven of the Act to codify, revise, and amend the penal laws of the United States approved March fourth, nineteen hundred and nine. Sec. 5. Whoever harbors or conceals any person who he knows, or has reasonable grounds to believe or suspect, has committed, or is about to commit, an offense under this title shall be punished by a fuie of not more than $10,000 or by imprisonment for not more than two years, or both. Sec. 6. The President in time of war or in case of na- tional emergency may by proclamation designate any place other than those set forth in subsection (a) of section one hereof in which anything for the use of the Army or Navy is being prepared or constructed or stored as a prohibited place for the purposes of this title: Provided, That he shall determine that information with respect thereto would be prejudicial to the national defense. Sec. 7. Nothing contained in this title shall be deemed to limit the jurisdiction of the general courts-martial, mili- tary commissions, or naval courts-martial under sections thirteen hundred and forty-two, thirteen hundred and forty- three, and sixteen hundred and twenty-four of the Revised Statutes as amended. Sec. 8. The provisions of this title shall extend to all Territories, possessions, and places subject to the jurisdic- tion of the United States, whether or not contiguous there- to, and offenses under this title when committed upon the high seas or elsewhere within the admiralty and maritime jurisdiction of the United States and outside the territorial limits thereof shall be punishable hereunder. Sec. 9. The Act entitled "An Act to prevent the disclo- sure . of national defense secrets," approved March third, nineteen hundred and eleven, is hereby repealed. Title II. VESSELS IN POETS OF THE UNITE2> STATES. Section 1. Whenever the President by proclamation or Executive order declares a national emergency to exist by reason of actual or threatened war, insurrection, or inva- sion, or disturbance or threatened disturbance of the inter- national relations of the United States, the Secretary of the Treasury may make, subject to the approval of the President, rules and regulations governing the anchorage and movement of any vessel, foreign or domestic, in the territorial waters of the United States, may inspect such vessel at any time, place guards thereon, and, if necessary in his opinion in order to secure such vessels from damage or injury, or to prevent damage or injury to any harbor or waters of the United States, or to secure the observance of the rights and obligations of the United States, may take, by and vpith the consent of the President, for such purposes, full possession and control of such vessel and remove there- from the officers and crew thereof and all other persons not specially authorized by him to go or remain on board thereof. Within the territory and waters of the Canal Zone the Governor of the Panama Canal, with the approval of the President, shall exercise all the powers conferred by this section on the Secretary of the Treasury.' B See the President's proclamation of May 23, 1917, for action taken concerning the canal, p. 40. Sec. 2. If any owner, agent, master, ofllcer, or person in charge, or any member of the crew of any such vessel fails to comply with any regulation or rule issued or order given by the Secretary of the Treasury or the Governor of the Panama Canal under the provisions of this title, or ob- structs or interferes with the exercise of any power con- ferred by this title, the vessel, together with her tackle, apparel, furniture, and equipment, shall be subject to seiz- ure and forfeiture to the United States in the same manner as merchandise is forfeited for violation of the customs revenue laws; and the person guilty of such failure, ob- struction, or interference shall be fined not more than $10,000, or imprisoned not more than two years, or both. Sec. 3.. It shall be unlawful for the ovnier or master or any other person in charge or command of any private ves- sel, foreign or domestic, or for any member of the crew or other person, within the territorial waters of the United States, willfully to cause or permit the destruction or in- jury of such vessel or knowingly to permit said vessel to be used as a place of resort for any person conspiring with another or preparing to commit any offense against the United States, or in violation of the treaties of the United States or of the obligations of the United States under the law of nations, or to defraud the United States, or know- ingly to permit such vessels to be used in violation of the rights and obligations of the United States imder the law of nations; and in case such vessel shall be so used, with the knowledge of the owner or master or other person in charge or command thereof, the vessel, together with her tackle, apparel, furniture, and equipment, shall be subject to seizure and forfeiture to the United States in the same manner as merchandise is forfeited for violation of the cus- toms revenue laws; and whoever violates this section shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than two years, or both. Sec. 4. The President may employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States as he may deem neces- sary to carry out the purposes of this title. Title III. INJTJKINQ VESSELS ENGAGED IN FOREIGN COMMERCE. Section 1. Whoever shall set fire to any vessel of for- eign registry, or any vessel of American registry entitled to engage in commerce with foreign nations, or to any vessel of the United States as defined in section three hundred and ten of the Act of March fourth, nineteen hundred and nine, entitled "An Act to codify, revise, and amend the penal laws of the United States," or to the cargo of the same, or shall tamper with the motive power or instrumentali- ties of navigation of such vessel, or shall place bombs or explosives in or upon, such vessel, or shall do any other act to or upon such vessel while within the jurisdiction of the United States, or, if such vessel is of American registry, while she is on the high sea, with intent to injure or en- danger the safety of the vessel or of her cargo, or of persons on board, whether the injury or danger is so intended to take place within the jurisdiction of the United States, or after the vessel shall have departed therefrom; or whoever shall attempt or conspire to do any such acts with such in- tent, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than twenty years, or both. Title IV. interference with foreign commerce by VIOLENT MEANS. Section 1. Whoever, with intent to prevent, interfere with, or obstruct or attempt to prevent, interfere with, or obstruct the exportation to foreign countries of articles VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 143 from the United States, shall injure or destroy, by Are or explosives, such articles or the places where they may be while in such foreign commerce, shall be fined not more than $10,000, or imprisoned not more than ten years, or both. Title V. ENFOBCEMBNT OF NEUTRAIITT. [This title deals with acts performed in a war in which the United States is neutral.] Title VI. 6EIZUKB OF ABMS AND OTHER AKTICLES INTENDED FOB EXPOET. Section 1. Whenever an attempt is made to export or ship from or take out of the United States, any arms or munitions of war, or other articles, in violation of law, or whenever there shall be known or probable cause to believe that any such arms or munitions of war, or other articles, are being or are intended to be exported, or shipped from, or taken out of the United States, in violation of law, the several collectors, naval oflScers, surveyors, inspectors of customs, and marshals, and deputy marshals of the United States, and every other person duly authorized for the pur- pose by the President, may seize and detain any articles or munitions of war about to be exported or shipped from, or taken out of the United States, in violation of law, and the vessels or vehicles containing the same, and retain posses- sion thereof until released or disposed of as hereinafter di- rected. If upon due inquiry as hereinafter provided, the property seized shall appear to have been about to be so unlawfully exported, shipped from, or taken out of the United States, the same shall be forfeited to the United States. Sec. 2. It shall be the duty of the persons making any seizure under this title to apply, with due diligence, to the judge of the district court of the United States, or to the judge of the United States district court of the Canal Zone, or to the judge of a court of first instance in the Philippine Islands, having jurisdiction over the place within which the seizure is made, for a warrant to justify the further deten- tion of the property so seized, which warrant shall be granted only on oath or afBrmation showing that there is known or probable cause to believe that the property seized is being or is intended to be exported or shipped from or taken out of the United States in violation of law; and if the judge refuses to issue the warrant, or application there- for is not made by the person making the seizure within a reasonable time, not exceeding ten days after the seizure, the property shall forthwith be restored to the ovrner or person from whom seized. ... Sec. 8. The President may employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States as he may deem neces- sary to carry out the purposes of this title. Title VII. CEKTAIN EXPORTS IN TIME OF WAR UNLAWFUL. Sectioi^ 1. Whenever during the present war the Presi- dent shall find that the public safety shall so require, and shall make proclamation thereof, it shall be unlawful to export from or ship from or take out of the United States to any country named in such proclamation any article or articles mentioned in such proclamation, except at such time or times, and under such regulations and orders, and subject to such limitations and exceptions as the President shall prescribe, until otherwise ordered by the President or by Congress: Provided, however, That no preference shall be given to the ports of one State over those of another.o Sec. 2. Any person who shall export, ship, or take out, or deliver or attempt to deliver for export, shipment, or taking out, any article in violation of this title, or of any regulation, or order made hereunder, shall be fined not more than $10,000, or, if a natural person, imprisoned for not more than two years, or both; and any article so delivered or exported, shipped, or taken out, or so attempted to be delivered or exported, shipped, or taken out, shall be seized and forfeited to the United States; and any officer, director, or agent of a corporation who participates in any such vio- lation shall be liable to like fine or imprisonment, or both. Sec. 3. Whenever there is reasonable cause to believe that any vessel, domestic or foreign, is about to carry out of the United States any article or articles in violation of the provisions of this title, the collector of customs for the district in which such vessel is located is hereby author- ized and empowered, subject to review by the Secretary of Commerce, to refuse clearance to any such vessel, domestic or foreign, for which clearance is required by law, and by formal notice served upon the owners, master, or person or persons in command or charge of any domestic vessel for which clearance is not required by law, to forbid the de- parture of such vessel from the port, and it shall thereupon be unlawful for such vessel to depart. Whoever, in vio- lation of any of the provisions of this section shall take, or attempt to take, or authorize the taking of any such vessel, out of port or from the jurisdiction of the United States, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than two years, or both; and, in addition, such vessel, her tackle, apparel, furniture, equipment, and her forbidden cargo shall be forfeited to the United States. Title VIII. disturbance of foreign relations. Section 1. Whoever, in relation to any dispute or con- troversy between a foreign government and the United States, shall willfully and knowingly make any untrue statement, either orally or in writing, under oath before any person authorized and empowered to administer oaths, which the aifiant has knowledge or reason to believe will, or may be used to influence the measures or conduct of any foreign government, or of any officer or agent of any foreign government, to the injury of the United States, or with a view or intent to influence any measure of or action by the Government of the United States, or any branch thereof, to the injury of the United States, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. Sec. 2. Whoever within the jurisdiction of the United States shall falsely assume or pretend to be a diplomatic or consular, or other official of a foreign government duly ac- credited as such to the Government of the United States with intent to defraud such foreign government or any per- son, and shall take upon himself to act aa such, or in such pretended character shall demand or obtain, or attempt to obtain from any person or from said foreign government, or from any officer thereof, any money, paper, document, or other thing of value, shall be fined not more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. Sec. 3. Whoever, other than a diplomatic or consular officer or attache, shall act in the United States as an agent of a foreign government without prior notification to the Secretary of State shall be fined not more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. . . . A number ot executive proclamations have been issued relating to foreign trade. See pp. 39, 40, 44. 144 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Sec. 5. If two or more persons within the jurisdiction of the United States conspire to injure or destroy specific property situated within a foreign country and belonging to a foreign Government or to any political subdivision thereof with which the United States is at peace, or any railroad, canal, bridge, or other public utility so situated, and if one or more of such persons commits an act within the jurisdiction of the United States to effect the object of the conspiracy, each of the parties to the conspiracy shall be fined not more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more than three years, or both. Any indictment or information under this section shall describe the specific property which it was the object of the conspiracy to injure or destroy. Title IX. PASSPOETS. Section 1. Before a passport is issued to any person by or under authority of the United States such person shall subscribe to and submit a written application duly verified by his oath before a person authorized and empowered to administer oaths, which said application shall contain a true recital of each and every matter of fact which may be required by law or by any rules authorized by law to be stated as a prerequisite to the issuance of any such passport. Clerks of United States courts, agents of the Department of State, or other Federal oflicials authorized, or who may be authorized, to take passport applications and administer oaths thereon, shall collect, for all services in connection therewith, a fee of $1, and no more, in lieu of all fees pre- scribed by any statute of the United States, whether the application is executed singly, in duplicate, or in triplicate. Sec. 2. Whoever shall willfully and knowingly make any false statement in an application for passport with intent to induce or secure the issuance of a passport under the authority of the United States, either for his own use or the use of another. . . . Sec. 3. Whoever shall willfully and knowingly use, or attempt to use, any passport issued or designed for the use of another than himself. . . . Sec. 4. Whoever shall falsely make, forge, counterfeit, mutilate, or alter, or cause or procure to be falsely made, forged, counterfeited, mutilated, or altered any passport or instrument purporting to be a passport, with intent to use the same, or with intent that the same may be used by another . . . [shall in each case be fined not more than $2,000, or imprisoned not more than five years, or both]. Title X. cotjntekfeiting government seal. Section 1. Whoever shall fraudulently or wrongfully afiix or impress the seal of any executive department, or of any bureau, commission, or office of the United States, to or upon any certificate, instrument, commission, document, or paper of any description; or whoever, with knowledge of its fraudulent character, shall with wrongful or fraudulent intent use, buy, procure, sell, or transfer to another any such certificate, instrument, commission, document, or paper, to which or upon which said seal has been so fraudu- lently afiixed or impressed, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. . . . Title XI. SEAECH WARRANTS. Section 1. A search warrant authorized by this title may be issued by a judge of a United States district court, or by a judge of a State or Territorial court of record, or by a United States commissioner for the district wherein the property sought is located. Sec. 2. A search warrant may be issued under this title upon either of the following grounds: 1. When the property was stolen or embezzled in viola- tion of a law of the United States; in which case it may be taken on the warrant from any house or other place in which it is concealed, or from the possession of the person by whom it was stolen or embezzled, or from any person in whose possession it may be. 2. When the property was used as the means of com- mitting a felony; in which case it may be taken on the warrant from any house or other place in which it is con- cealed, or from the possession of the person by whom it was used in the commission of the offense, or from any person in whose possession it may be. 3. When the property, or any paper, is possessed, con- trolled, or used in violation of section twenty-two of this title; in which case it may be taken on the warrant from the person violating said section, or from any person in whose possession it may be, or from any house or other place in which it is concealed. Sec. 3. A search warrant can not be issued but upon probable cause, supported by aflidavit, naming or describing the person and particularly describing the property and the place to be searched. Sec. 4. The judge or commissioner must, before issuing the warrant, examine on oath the complainant and any witness he may produce, and require their affidavits or take their depositions in writing and cause them to be sub- scribed by the parties making them. Sec. 5. The affidavits or depositions must set forth the facts tending to establish the grounds of the application or probable cause for believing that they exist. Sec. 6. If the judge or commissioner is thereupon satis- fied of the existence of the grounds of the application or that there is probable cause to believe their existence, he must issue a search warrant, signed by him with his name of office, to a civil officer of the United States duly authorized to enforce or assist in enforcing any law thereof, or to a person so duly authorized by the President of the United States, stating the particular grounds or probable cause for its issue and the names of the persons whose affidavits have been taken in support thereof, and commanding him forth- with to search the person or place named, for the property specified, and to bring it before the judge or commissioner. Sec. 7. A search warrant may in all cases be served by any of the officers mentioned in its direction, but by no other person, except in aid of the officer on his requiring it, he being present and acting in its execution. Sec. 8. The officer may break open any outer or inner door or window of a house, or any part of a house, or any- thing therein, to execute the warrant, if, after notice of his authority and purpose, he is refused admittance. Sec. 9. He may break open any outer or inner door or window of a house for the purpose of liberating a person who, having entered to aid him in the execution ©f the war- rant, is detained therein, or when necessary for his own liberation. . . . Sec. 20. A person who maliciously and without probable cause procures a search warrant to be issued and executed shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than one year. Sec. 21. An officer who in executing a search warrant willfully exceeds his authority, or exercises it with unneces- VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 145 sary severity, shall be fined not more than $1;000 or im- prisoned not more than one year. Sec. 22. Whoever, in aid of any foreign Government, shall knowingly and willfully have possession of or control over any property or papers designed or intended for use or which is used as the means of violating any penal statute, or any of the rights or obligations of the United States under any treaty or the law of nations, shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than two years, or both. Sec. 23. Nothing contained in this title shall be held to repeal or impair any existing provisions of law regulating search and the issue of search warrants. Title XII. trSB OF MAILS. Section 1. Every letter, writing, circular, postal card, picture, print, engraving, photograph, newspaper, pamphlet, book, or other publication, matter, or thing, of any kind, in violation of any of the provisions of this Act is hereby de- clared to be nonmailable matter and shall not be conveyed in the mails or delivered from any post office or by any let- ter carrier: Provided, That nothing in this Act shall be so construed as to authorize any person other than an em- ploye of the Dead Letter Office, duly authorized thereto, or other person upon a search warrant authorized by law, to open any letter not addressed to himself. Sec. 2. Every letter, writing, circular, postal card, pic- ture, print, engraving, photograph, newspaper, pamphlet, book, or other publication, matter or thing, of any kind, containing any matter advocating or urging treason, insur- rection, or forcible resistance to any law of the United States, is hereby declared to be nonmailable. Sec. 3. Whoever shall use or attempt to use the mails or Postal Service of the United States for the transmission of any matter declared by this title to be nonmailable, shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. Any person violating any provision of this title may be tried and punished either in the district in which the unlawful matter or publication was mailed, or to which it was carried by mail for delivery according to the direction thereon, or in which it was caused to be deliv- ered by mail to the person to whom it was addressed. . . . Approved, June 15, 1917. Act Punishing the Obstetjcting of Teanspobtation, AND EmPOWEEING THE PeESIDENT TO ESTABLISH Peioeities in Teanspoetation, August 10, 1917. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assemhled, That section one of the act entitled "An Act to regulate commerce7' approved February fourth, eighteen hundred and eighty-seven, as heretofore amended, be further amended by adding thereto the following: " That on and after the approval of this Act any person or persons who shall, during the war in which the United States is now engaged, knowingly and willfully, by physical force or intimidation by threats of physical force obstruct or retard, or aid in obstructing or retarding, the orderly conduct or movement in the United States of interstate or foreign commerce, or the orderly make-up or movement or disposition of any train, or the movement or disposition of any locomotive, car, or other vehicle on any railroad or elsewhere in the United States engaged in interstate or for- eign commerce shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and for every such offense shall be punishable by a fine of not exceeding $100 or by imprisonment for not exceeding six months, or by both such fine and imprisonment; and the President of the United States is hereby authorized, when- ever in his judgment the public interest requires, to employ the armed forces of the United States to prevent any such obstruction or retardation of the passage of the mail, or of the orderly conduct or movement of interstate or foreign commerce in any part of the United States, or of any train, locomotive, car, or other vehicle upon any railroad or else- where in the United States engaged in interstate or for- eign commerce: Provided, That nothing in this section shall be construed to repeal, modify, or affect either section six or section twenty of an Act entitled 'An Act to supplement ex- isting laws against unlawful restraints and monopolies, and for other purposes,' approved October fifteenth, nineteen hundred and fourteen. " That during the continuance of the war in which the United States is now engaged the President is authorized, if he finds it necessary for the national defense and secur- ity, to direct that such traffic or such shipments of com- modities as, in his judgment, may be essential to the na- tional defense and security shall have preference or priority in transportation by any common carrier by railroad, water, or otherwise. He may give these directions at and for such times as he may determine, and may modify, change, suspend, or annul them, and for any such purpose he is hereby authorized to issue orders direct, or through such person or persons as he may designate for the pur- pose or through the Interstate Commerce Commission. Officials of the United States, when so designated, shall re- ceive no compensation for their services rendered hereun- der. Persons not in the employ of the United States so designated shall receive such compensation as the President may fix. Suitable offices may be rented and all necessary expenses, including compensation of persons so designated, shall be paid as directed by the President out of funds which may have been or may be provided to meet expendi- tures for the national security and defense. The common carriers subject to the Act to regulate commerce or as many of them as desire so to do are hereby authorized with- out responsibility or liability on the part of the United States, financial or otherwise, to establish and maintain in the city of Washington during the period of the war an agency empowered by such carriers as join in the arrange- ment to receive on behalf of them all notice and service of such orders and directions as may be issued in accordance with this Act, and service upon such agency shall be good service as to all the carriers joining in the establishment thereof. . . ." Approved, August 10, 1917. Act Authokizing the Control of Food Peoducts and Fuel, August 10, 1917. An Act To provide further for the national security and defense by encouraging the production, conserving the sup- ply, and controlling the distribution of fo6d products and fuel. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That by reason of the existence of a state of war, it is essential to the national security and defense, for the suc- cessful prosecution of the war, and for the support and maintenance of the Army and Navy, to assure an adequate supply and equitable distribution, and to facilitate the movement, of foods, feeds, fuel including fuel oil and nat- ural gas, and fertilizer and fertilizer ingredients, tools, utensils, implements, machinery, and equipment required for the actual production of foods, feeds, and fuel, here- after in this Act called necessaries; to prevent, locally or 146 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. generally, scarcity, monopolization, hoarding, injurious speculation, manipulations, and private controls, afifecting such supply, distribution, and movement; and to establish and maintain governmental control of such necessaries dur- ing the war. For such purposes the instrumentalities, means, methods, powers, authorities, duties, obligations, and prohibitions hereinafter set forth are created, estab- lished, conferred, and prescribed. The President is author- ized to make such regulations and to issue such orders as are essential effectively to carry out the provisions of this Act. Sec. 2. That in carrying out the purposes of this Act the President is authorized to enter into any voluntary ar- rangements or agreements, to create and use any agency or agencies, to accept the services of any person without com- pensation, to cooperate with any agency or person, to util- ize any department or agency of the Government, and to co- ordinate their activities so as to avoid any preventable loss or duplication of effort or funds. Sec. 3. That no person acting either as a volimtary or paid agent or employee of the United States in any capac- ity, including an advisory capacity, shall solicit. Induce, or attempt to induce any person or oflBcer authorized to exe- cute or to direct the execution of contracts on behalf of the United States to make any contract or give any order for the furnishing to the United States of work, labor, or services, or of materials, supplies, or other property of any kind or character, if such agent or employee has any pecu- niary interest in such contract or order, or if he or any firm of which he is a member, or corporation, joint-stock company, or association of which he is an officer or stock- holder, or in the pecuniary profits of which he is directly or indirectly interested, shall be a party thereto. Nor shall any agent or employee make, or permit any committee or other body of which he is a member to saake, or participate in making, any recommendation concerning such contract or order to any council, board, or commission of the United States, or any member or subordinate thereof, without mak- ing to the best of his knowledge and belief a full and com- plete disclosure in writing to such coxmcil, board, commis- sion, or subordinate of any and every pecuniary interest which he may have in such contract or order and of his in- terest in any firm, corporation, company, or association be- ing a party thereto. Nor shall he participate in the award- ing of such contract or giving such order. Any willful vio- lation of any of the provisions of this section shall be pun- ishable by a fine of not more than $10,000, or by imprison- ment of not more than five years, or both: Provided, That the provisions of this section shall not change, alter or re- peal section forty-one of chapter three hundred and twenty- one, Thirty-fifth Statutes at Large. Sec. 4. That it is hereby made unlawful for any person willfully to destroy any necessaries for the purpose of en- hancing the price or restricting the supply thereof; know- ingly to commit waste or willfully to permit preventable deterioration of any necessaries in or in connection with their production, manufacture, or distribution; to hoard, as defined in section six of this Act, any necessaries; to monopolize or attempt to monopolize, either locally or gen- erally, any necessaries; to engage in any discriminatory and unfair, or any deceptive or wasteful practice or device, or to make any unjust or unreasonable rate or charge, in handling or dealing in or with any necessaries; to con- spire, combine, agree, or arrange with any other person, (a) to limit the facilities for transporting, producing, harvest- ing, manufacturing, supplying, storing, or dealing in any necessaries; (b) to restrict the supply of any necessaries; (c) to restrict distribution of any necessaries; (d) to pre- vent, limit, or lessen the manufacture or production of any necessaries in order to enhance the price thereof, or (e) to exact excessive prices for any necessaries; or to aid or abet the doing of any act made unlawful by this section. Sec. 5. That, from time to time, whenever the President shall find it essential to license the importation, manufac- ture, storage, mining, or distribution of any necessaries, in order to carry into effect any of the purposes of this Act, and shall publicly so announce, no person shall, after a date fixed in the announcement, engage in or carry on any such business specified in the announcement of importation, manufacture, storage, mining, or distribution of any neces- saries as set forth in such announcement, unless he shall secure and hold a license issued pursuant to this section. The President is authorized to issue such licenses and to prescribe regulations for the issuance of licenses and re- quirements for systems of accounts and auditing of ac- counts to be kept by licensees, submission of reports by them, with or without oath or aflBrmation, and the entry and inspection by the President's duly authorized agents of the places of business of licensees. Whenever the President shall find that any storage charge, commission, profit, or practice of any licensee is unjust, or unreasonable, or dis- criminatory and unfair, or wasteful, and shall order such licensee, within a reasonable time fixed in the order, to discontinue the same, unless such order, which shall recite the facts found, is revoked or suspended, such licensee shall, within the time prescribed in the order, discontinue such unjust, unreasonable, discriminatory and unfair storage charge, commission, profit, or practice. The President may, in lieu of any such unjust, unreasonable, discriminatory, and unfair storage charge, commission, profit, or practice, find what is a just, reasonable, nondiscriminatory and fair storage charge, commission, profit, or practice, and in any proceeding brought in any court such order of the President shall be prima facie evidence. Any person who, without a license issued pursuant to this section, or whose license shall have been revoked, knowingly engages in or carries on any business for which a license is required under this section, or willfully fails or refuses to discontinue any unjust, unrea- sonablCj discriminatory and unfair storage charge, com- mission, profit, or practice, in accordance with the require- ment of an order issued under this section, or any regula- tion prescribed under this section, shall, upon conviction thereof, be punished by a fine not exceeding $5,000, or by imprisonment for not more than two years, or both: Pro- vided, That this section shall not apply to any farmer, gardener, cooperative association of farmers or gardeners, including live-stock farmers, or other persons with respect to the products of any farm, garden, or other land owned, leased, or cultivated by him, nor to any retailer with re- spect to the retail business actually conducted by him, nor to any common carrier, nor shall anything in this section be construed to authorize the fixing or imposition of a duty or tax upon any article imported into or exported from the United States or any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia: Provided further. That for the purposes of this Act a retailer shall be deemed to be a person, copartner- ship, firm, corporation, or association not engaging in the wholesale business whose gross sales do not exceed $100,- 000 per annum.' Sec. 6. That any person who willfully hoards any neces- saries shall upon conviction thereof be fined not exceeding $5,000 or be imprisoned for not more than two years, or both. Necessaries shall be deemed to be hoarded within the meaning of this Act when either (a) held, contracted for, ' For proclamation concerning food licenses, see p. 41. VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 147 or arranged for by any person in a quantity in excess of hia reasonable requirements for use or consumption by himself and dependents for a reasonable time; (b) held, contracted for, or arranged for by any manufacturer, wholesaler, re- tailer, or other dealer in a quantity in excess of the reason- able requirements of his business for use or sale by him for a reasonable time, or reasonably required to furnish neces- saries produced in surplus quantities seasonally throughout the period of scant or no production; or (c) withheld, whether by possession or under any contract or arrange- ment, from the market by any person for the purpose of un- reasonably increasing or diminishing the price: Provided, That this section shall not include or relate to transac- tions on any exchange, board of trade, or similar institu- tion or place of business as described in section thirteen of this Act that may be permitted by the President under the authority conferred upon him by said section thirteen: Provided, however. That any accumulating or withholding by any farmer or gardener, cooperative association of farm- ers or gardeners, including live-stock farmers, or any other person, of the products of any farm, garden, or other land owned, leased, or cultivated by him shall not be deemed to be hoarding within the meaning of this Act. Sec. 7. That whenever any necessaries shall be hoarded as defined in section six they shall be liable to be pro- ceeded against in any district court of the United States within the district where the same are found and seized by a process of libel for condemnation, and if such necessaries shall be adjudged to be hoarded they shall be disposed of by sale in such manner as to provide the most equitable dis- tribution thereof as the court may direct, and the proceeds thereof, less the legal costs and charges, shall be paid to the party entitled thereto. The proceedings of such libel cases shall conform as near as may be to the proceedings in ad- miralty, except that either party may demand trial by jury of any issue of fact joined in any such case, and all such proceedings shall be at the suit of and in the name of the United States. It shall be the duty of the United States attorney for the proper district to institute and prosecute any such action upon presentation to him of satisfactory evidence to sustain the same. Sec. 8. That any person who willfully destroys any necessaries for the purpose of enhancing the price or re- stricting the supply thereof shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not exceeding $5,000 or imprisonment for not more than two years, or both. Sec. 9. That any person who conspires, combines, agrees, or arranges with any other person (a) to limit the facili- ties for transporting, producing, manufacturing, supplying, storing, or dealing in any necessaries; (b) to restrict the supply of any necessaries; (c) to restrict the distribution of any necessaries; (d) to prevent, limit, or lessen the man- ufacture or production of any necessaries in order to en- hance the price thereof shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not exceeding $10,000 or be imprisoned for not more than two years, or both. Sec. 10. That the President is authorized, from time to time, to requisition foods, feeds, fuels, and other supplies necessary to the support of the Army or the maintenance of the Navy, or any other public use connected with the com- mon defense, and to requisition, or otherwise provide, storage facilities for such supplies; and he shall ascertain and pay a just compensation therefor. If the compensation BO determined be not satisfactory to the person entitled to receive the same, such person shall be paid seventy-five per centum of the amount so determined by the President, and shall be entitled to sue the United States to recover such further sum as, added to said seventy-five per centum will make up such amount as will be just compensation for such necessaries or storage space, and jurisdiction is hereby con- ferred on .the United States District Courts to hear and determine all such controversies: Provided, That nothing in this section, or in the section that follows, shall be con- strued to require any natural person to furnish to the Gov- ernment any necessaries held by him and reasonably re- quired for consumption or use by himself and dependents, nor shall any person, firm, corporation, or association be required to furnish to the Government any seed necessary for the seeding^ of land owned, leased, or cultivated by them. Sec. 11. That the President is authorized from time to time to purchase, to store, to provide storage facilities for, and to sell for cash at reasonable prices, wheat, flour, meal, beans, and potatoes: Provided, That if any minimum price shall have been theretofore fixed, pursuant to the provi- sions of section fourteen of this Act, then the price paid for any such articles so purchased shall not be less than such minimum price. Any moneys received by the United States from or in connection with the disposal by the United States of necessaries under this section may, in the discre- tion of the President, be used as a revolving fund for fur- ther carrying out the purposes of this section. Any bal- ance of such moneys not used as part of such revolving fund shall be covered into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts. Sec. 12. That whenever the President shall find it neces- sary to secure an adequate supply of necessaries for the support of the Army or the maintenance of the Navy, or for any other public use connected with the common de- fense, he is authorized to requisition and take over, for use or operation by the Government, any factory, packinghouse, oil pipe line, mine, or other plant, or any part thereof, in or through which any necessaries are or may be manufac- tured, produced, prepared, or mined, and to operate the same. Whenever the President shall determine that the further use or operation by the Government of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, is not essential for the national security or defense, the same shall be restored to the person entitled to the possession thereof. The United States shall make just compensation, to be deter- mined by the President, for the taking over, use, occupa- tion, and operation by the Government of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof. If the compensation so de- termined be unsatisfactory to the person entitled to receive the same, such person shall be paid seventy-five per centum of the amount so determined by the President, and shall be entitled to sue the United States to recover such further sum as, added to said seventy-five per centum, will make up such amounts as will be just compensation, in the manner provided by section twenty-four, paragraph twenty, and section one hundred and forty-five of the Judicial Code. The President is authorized to prescribe such regulations as he may deem essential for carrying out the purposes of this section, including the operation of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, the purchase, sale, or other dis- position of articles used, manufactured, produced, prepared, or mined therein, and the employment, control, and com- pensation of employees. Any moneys received by the United States from or in connection with the use or opera- tion of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, may, in the discretion of the President, be used as a revolv- ing fund for the purpose of the continued use or operation of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, and the accounts of each such factory, mine, plant, or part thereof, shall be kept separate and distinct. Any balance of such moneys not used as part of such revolving fund shall be paid into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts. 148 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Sec. 13. That whenever the President finds it essential in order to prevent undue enhancement, depression, or fluctuation of prices of, or in order to prevent injurious speculation in, or in order to prevent unjust market man- ipulation or unfair and misleading market quotations of the prices of necessaries, hereafter in this section called evil practices, he is authorized to prescribe such regulations governing, or may either wholly or partly prohibit, opera- tions, practices, and transactions at, on, in, or under the rules of any exchange, board of trade, or similar institution or place of business as he may find essential in order to pre- vent, correct, or remove such evil practices. . . . Sec. 14. That whenever the President shall find that an emergency exists requiring stimulation of the production of wheat and that it is essential that the producers of wheat, produced within the United States, shall have the benefits of the guaranty provided for in this section, he is authorized, from time to time, seasonably and as far in ad- vance of seeding time as practicable, to determine and fix and to give public notice of what, under specified condi- tions, is a reasonable guaranteed price for wheat, in order to assure such producers a reasonable profit. The Presi- dent shall thereupon fix such guaranteed price for each of the official grain standards for wheat as established under the United States grain standards Act, approved August eleventh, nineteen hundred and sixteen. The President shall from time to time establish and promulgate such regulations as he shall deem wise in connection with such guaranteed prices, and in particular governing conditions of delivery and payment, and diflFerences in price for the sev- eral standard grades in the principal primary markets of the United States, adopting number one northern spring or its equivalent at the principal interior primary markets as the basis. Thereupon, the Government of the United States hereby guarantees every producer of wheat produced within the United States, that, upon compliance by him with the regulations prescribed, he shall receive for any wheat pro- duced in reliance upon this guarantee within the period, not exceeding eighteen months, prescribed in the notice, a price not less than the guaranteed price therefor as fixed pursuant to this sction. In such regulations the President shall prescribe the terms and conditions upon which any such producer shall be entitled to the benefits of such guar- anty. The guaranteed prices for the several standard grades of wheat for the crop of nineteen hundred and eighteen, shall be based upon number one northern spring or its equivalent at not less than $2 per bushel at the prin- cipal interior primary markets. This guaranty shall not be dependent upon the action of the President under the first part of this section, but is hereby made absolute and shall be binding until May first, nineteen hundred and nine- teen. When the President finds that the importation into the United States of any wheat produced outside of the United States materially enhances or is likely materially to enhance the liabilities of the United States under guar- anties of prices therefor made pursuant to this section, and ascertains what rate of duty, added to the then existing rate of duty on wheat and to the value of wheat at the time of importation, would be sufficient to bring the price thereof at which imported up to the price fixed therefor pursuant to the foregoing provisions of this section, he shall proclaim such facts, and thereafter there shall be levied, collected, and paid upon wheat when imported, in addition to the then existing rate of duty, the rate of duty BO ascertained; but in no case shall any such rate of duty be fixed at an amount which will effect a reduction of the rate of duty upon wheat under any then existing tariff law of the United States. For the purpose of making any guaranteed price effective under this section, or whenever he deems it essential in order to protect the Government of the United States against material enhancement of its lia- bilities arising out of any guaranty under this section, the President is authorized also, in his discretion, to purchase any wheat for which a guaranteed price shall be fixed un- der this Sfcction, and to hold, transport, or store it, or to sell, dispose of, and deliver the same to any citizen of the United States or to any Government engaged in war with any country with which the Government of the United States is or may be at war or to use the same as supplies for any department or agency of the Government of the United States. Any moneys received by the United States from or in connection with the sale or disposal of wheat under this section may, in the discretion of the President, be used as a i evolving fund for further carrying out the purposes of this section. Any balance of such moneys not used as part of such revolving fund shall be covered into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts. Sec. 15. That from and after thirty days from the date of the approval of this Act no foods, fruits, food materials, or feeds shall be used in the production of distilled spirits for beverage purposes: Provided, That under such rules, regulations, and bonds as the President may prescribe, such materials may be used in the production of distilled spirits exclusively for other than beverage purposes, or for the for- tification of pure sweet wines as defined by the Act en- titled "An Act to increase the revenue, and for other pur- poses," approved September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen. Nor shall there be imported into the United States any distilled spirits. Whenever the President shall find that limitation, regulation, or prohibition of the use of foods, fruits, food materials, or feeds in the production of malt or vinous liquors for beverage purposes, or that re- duction of the alcoholic content of any such malt or vinous liquor, is essential, in order to assure an adequate and con- tinuous supply of food, or that the national security and defense will be subserved thereby, he is authorized, from time to time, to prescribe and give public notice of the ex- tent of the limitation, regulation, prohibition, or reduction so necessitated. Whenever such notice shall have been given and shall remain unrevoked no person shall, after a reasonable time prescribed in such notice, use any foods, fruits, food materials, or feeds in the production of malt or vinous liquors, or import any such liquors except under license issued by the President and in compliance with rules and regulations determined by him governing the produc- tion and importation of such liquors and the alcoholic con- tent thereof. Any person who willfully violates the pro- visions of this section, or who shall use any foods, fruits, food materials, or feeds in the production of malt or vinous liquors, or who shall import any such liquors, without first obtaining a license so to do when a license is required un- der this section, or who shall violate any rule or regulation made under this section, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding $5,000, or by imprisonment for not more than two years, or both: Provided further, That nothing in this section shall be construed to authorize the licensing of the manufacture of vinous or malt liquors in any State, Terri- tory, or the District of Columbia, or any civil subdivision thereof, where the manufacture of such vinous or malt liquor is prohibited. Sec. 16. That the President is authorized and directed to commandeer any or all distilled spirits in bond or in stock at the date of the approval of this Act for redistillation, in so far as such redistillation may be necessary to meet the requirements of the Government in the manufacture of mu- nitions and other military and hospital supplies, or in so VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 149 far as such redistillation would dispense with the necessity of utilizing products and materials suitable for foods and feeds in the future manufacture of distilled spirits for the purposes herein enumerated. The President shall deter- mine and pay a just compensation for the distilled spirits so commandeered; and if the compensation so determined be not satisfactory to the person entitled to receive the same, such person shall be paid seventy-five per centum of the amount so determined by the President and shall be en- titled to sue the United States to recover such further sum as, added to said seventy-five per centum, will make up such amount as will be just compensation for such spirits, in the manner provided by section twenty-four, paragraph twenty, and section one hundred and forty-five of the Ju- dicial Code. Sec. 17. That every person who willfully .assaults, re- sists, impedes, or interferes with any officer, employee, or agent of the United States in the execution of any duty authorized to be performed by or pursuant to this Act shall upon conviction thereof be fined not exceeding $1,000 or be imprisoned for not more than one year, or both. . . . Sec. 24. That the provisions of this Act shall cease to be in effect when the existing state of war between the United States and Germany shall have terminated, and the fact and date of such termination shall be ascertained and pro- claimed by the President; but the termination of this Act shall not affect any act done, or any right or obligation ac- cruing or accrued, or any suit or proceeding had or com- menced in any civil case before the said termination pur- suant to this Act; but all rights and liabilities under this Act arising before its termination shall continue and may be enforced in the same manner as if the Act had not ter- minated. Any offense committed and all penalties, for- feitures, or liabilities incurred prior to such termination may be prosecuted or punished in the same manner and with the same effect as if this Act had not been terminated. Sec. 25. That the President of the United States shall be, and he is hereby, authorized and empowered, whenever and wherever in his judgment necessary for the efficient prose- cution of the war, to fix the price of coal and coke, wher- ever and whenever sold, either by producer or dealer, to establish rules for the regulation of and to regulate the method of production, sale, shipment, distribution, appor- tionment, or storage thereof among dealers and consumers,^ domestic or foreign: said authority and power may be ex- ercised by him in each case through the agency of the Fed- eral Trade Commission during the war or for such part of said time as in his judgment may be necessary. That if, in the opinion of the President, any such pro- ducer or dealer fails or neglects to conform to such prices or regulations, or to conduct his business efficiently under the regulations and control of the President as aforesaid, or conducts it in a manner prejudicial to the public interest, then the President is hereby authorized and empowered in every such case to requisition and take over the plant, busi- ness, and all appurtenances thereof belonging to such pro- ducer or dealer as a going concern, and to operate or cause the same to be operated in such manner and through such agency as he may direct during the period of the war or for such part of said time as in his judgment may be neces- sary. That any producer or dealer whose plant, business, and appurtenances shall have been requisitioned or taken over by the President shall be paid a just compensation for the use thereof during the period that the same may be requisi- tioned or taken over as aforesaid, which compensation the s For priorities list issued in April, 1918, see p. 178. President shall fix or cause to be fixed by the Federal Trade Commission. That if the prices so fixed, or if, in the case of the taking over or requisitioning of the mines or business of any such producer or dealer the compensation therefor as determined by the provisions of this Act be not satisfactory to the per- son or persons entitled to receive the same, such person shall be paid seventy-five per centum of the amount so de- termined, and shall be entitled to sue the United States to recover such further sum as, added to said seventy-five per centum, will make up such amount as will be just compen- sation in the manner provided by section twenty-four, para- graph twenty, and section one hundred and forty-five of the Judicial Code. While operating or causing to be operated any such plants or -business, the President is authorized to prescribe such regulations as he may deem essential for the employ- ment, control, and compensation of the employees necessary to conduct the same. Or if the President of the United States shall be of the opinion that he can thereby better provide for the common defense, and whenever, in his judgment, it shall be neces- sary for the efficient prosecution of the war, then he is hereby authorized and empowered to require any or all pro- ducers of coal and coke, either in any special area or in any special coal fields, or in the entire United States, to sell their products only to the United States through an agency to be designated by the President, such agency to regulate the resale of such coal and coke, and the prices thereof, and to establish rules for the regulation of and to regulate the methods of production, shipment, distribution, apportionment, or storage thereof among dealers and con- sumers, domestic or foreign, and to make payjnent of the purchase price thereof to the producers thereof, or to the person or persons legally entitled to said payment. . All such products so sold to the United States shall be sold by the United States at such uniform prices, quality considered, as may be practicable and as may be determined by said agency to be just and fair. Any moneys received by the United States for the sale of any such coal and coke may, in the discretion of the Presi- dent, be used as a revolving fund for further carrying out the purposes of this section. . Any moneys not so used shall be covered into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts. That when directed by the President, the Federal Trade Commission is hereby required to proceed to make full in- quiry, giving such notice as it may deem practicable, into the cost of producing under reasonably efficient manage- ment at the various places of production the following com- modities, to wit, coal and coke. . . Whoever shall, with knowledge that the prices of any such commodity have been fixed as herein provided, ask, demand, or receive a higher price, or whoever shall, with knowledge that the regulations have been prescribed as herein provided, violate or refuse to conform to any of the same, shall, upon conviction, be punished by fine of not more than $5,000, or by imprisonment for not more than two years, or both. Each independent transaction shall constitute a separate offense. Nothing in this section shall be construed as restricting or modifying in any manner the right the Government of the United States may have in its own behalf or in behalf of any other Government at war with Germany to pur- chase, requisition, or take over any such commodities for the equipment, maintenance, or support of armed forces at any price or upon any terms that may be agreed upon or otherwise lawfully determined. Sec. 26. That any person carrying on or employed in 150 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. commerce among the several States, or witli foreign na- tions, or with or in the Territories or other possessions of the United States in any article suitable for human food, fuel, or other necessaries of life, who, either in his indi- vidual capacity or as an officer, agent, or employee of a corporation or member of a partnership carrying on or em- ployed in such trade, shall store, acquire, or hold, or who shall destroy or make away with any such article for the purpose of limiting the supply thereof to the public or aflFecting the market price thereof in such commerce, whether temporarily or otherwise, shall be deemed guilty of a felony and, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished by a, fine of not more than $5,000 or by imprisonment for not more than two years, or both: Provided, That any storing or holding by any farmer, gardener, or other person of the products of any farm, garden, or other land cultivated by him shall not be deemed to be a storing or holding within the meaning of this Act: Provided further, That farmers and fruit growers, cooperative and other exchanges, or so- cieties of a similar character shall not be included within the provisions of this section: Provided further, That this section shall not be construed to prohibit the holding or accumulating of any such article by any such person in a quantity not in excess of the reasonable requirements of his business for a reasonable time or in a quantity reasonably required to furnish said articles produced in surplus quan- tities seasonably throughout the period of scant or no pro- duction. Nothing contained in this section shall be con- strued to repeal the Act entitled "An Act to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies," approved July second, eighteen hundred and ninety, com- monly known as the Sherman Antitrust Act. Sec. 27. That the President is authorized to procure, or aid in procuring, such stocks of nitrate of soda as he may determine to be necessary, and find available, for increas- ing agricultural production during the calendar years nine- lieen hundred and seventeen and eighteen, and to dispose of -iiie same for cash at cost, including all expenses connected -therewith. For carrying out the purposes of this section, nthere is hereby appropriated, out of any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, available immediately :and until expended, the sum of $10,000,000, or so much ^thereof as may be necessary, and the President is author- lized to make such regulations, and to use such means and agencies of the Government, as, in his discretion, he may deem best. The proceeds arising from the disposition of the nitrate of soda shall go into the Treasury as miscel- laneous receipts. Approved, August 10, 1917. Act Peovidins foe Second Libebtt Loan, Septembeb 24, 1917. An Act To authorize an additional issue of bonds to meet expenditures for the national security and defense, and, for the purpose of assisting in the prosecution of the war, to extend additional credit to foreign Governments, and for other purposes. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury, with the approval of the President, is hereby authorized to borrow, from time to time, on the credit of the United States for the pur- poses of this Act, and to meet expenditures authorized for the national security and defense and other public purposes authorized by law, not exceeding in the aggregate $7,538,945,460, and to issue therefor bonds of the United States, in addition to the $2,000,000,000 bonds already is- sued or ofl'ered for subscription under authority of the Act approved April twenty-fourth, nineteen hundred and seven- teen. . . . The bonds herein authorized shall be in such form or forms and denomination or denominations and subject to such terms and conditions of issue, conversion, redemption, maturities, payment, and rate or rates of interest, not ex- ceeding four per centum per annum, and time or times of payment of interest, as the Secretary of the Treasury from time to time at or before the issue thereof may prescribe. The principal and interest thereof shall be payable in United States gold coin of the present standard of value. The bonds herein authorized shall from time to time first be offered at not less than par as a popular loan, under such regulations, prescribed by the Secretary of the Treas- ury from time to time, as will in his opinion give the peo- ple of the United States as nearly as may be an equal opportunity to participate therein, but he may make allot- . ment in full upon applications for smaller amounts of bonds in advance of any date which he may set for the closing of subscriptions and may reject or reduce allot- ments upon later applications and applications for larger amounts, and may reject or reduce allotments upon appli- cations from incorporated banks and trust companies for their own account and make allotment in full or larger allotments to others, and may establish a graduated scale of allotments, and may from time to time adopt any or all of said methods, should any such action be deemed by him to be in the public interest: Provided, That such reduction or increase of allotments of such bonds shall be made under general rules to be prescribed by said Secretary and shall apply to all subscribers similarly situated. And any por- tion of the bonds so offered and not taken may be otherwise disposed of by the Secretary of the Treasury in such man- ner and at such price or prices, not less than par, as he may determine. . . . Sec. 4. That in connection with the issue of any series of bonds under the authority of section one of this Act the Secretary of the Treasury may determine that the bonds of such series shall be convertible as provided in or pursuant to this section, and, in any such case, he may make appro- priate provision to that end in offering for subscription the bonds of such series (hereinafter called convertible bonds). In any case of the issue of a series of convertible bonds, if a subsequent series of bonds (not including United States certificates of indebtedness, war savings certificates, and other obligations maturing not more than five years from the issue of such obligations, respectively) bearing in- terest at a higher rate shall, under the authority of this or any other Act, be issued by the United States before the termination of the war between the United States and the Imperial German Government, then the holders of such con- vertible bonds shall have the privilege, at the option of the several holders, at any time within such period, after the public offering of bonds of such subsequent series, and un- der such rules and regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall have prescribed, of converting their bonds, at par, into bonds bearing such higher rate of interest at such price not less than par as the Secretary of the Treas- ury shall have prescribed. . . . Section 5. That in addition to the bonds authorized by section one of this Act the Secretary of the Treasury is au- thorized to borrow from time to time, on the credit of the United States, for the purposes of this Act and to meet pub- lic expenditures authorized by law, such sum or suma as in his judgment may be necessary, and to issue therefor certi- ficates of indebtedness of the United States at not less than par in such form or forms and subject to such terms and conditions and at such rate or rates of interest as he may VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 151 prescribe; and each certificate so issued shall be payable at such time not exceeding one year from the date of its issue, and may be redeemable before maturity upon such terms and conditions, and the interest accruing thereon shall be payable at such time or times as the Secretary of the Treas- ury may prescribe. The sum of such certificates outstand- ing hereunder and under section six of said Act approved April twenty-fourth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, shall not at any one time exceed in the aggregate $4,000,000,000. Sec. 6. That in addition to the bonds authorized by sec- tion one of this Act and the certificates of indebtedness au- thorized by section five of this Act, the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to borrow from time to time, on the credit of the United States, for the purposes of this Act and to meet public expenditures authorized by law, such sum or sums as in his judgment may be necessary, and to issue therefor, at such price or prices and upon such terms and conditions as he may determine, war-savings certificates of the United States on which interest to maturity may be discounted in advance at such rate or rates and computed in such manner as he inay prescribe. Such war-savings cer- tificates shall be in such form or forms and subject to such terms and conditions, and may have such provisions for payment thereof before maturity, as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe. Each war-saving certificate so is- sued shall be payable at such time, not exceeding five years from the date of its issue, and may be redeemable before maturity, upon such terms and conditions as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe. The sum of such war- savings certificates outstanding shall not at any one time ex- ceed in the aggregate $2,000,000,000. The amount of war- savings certificates sold to any one person at any one time shall not exceed $100, and it shall not be lawful for any one person at any one time to hold war-savings certificates to an aggregate amount exceeding $1,000. The Secretary of the Treasury may, under such regulations and upon such terms and conditions as he may prescribe, issue, or cause to be issued, stamps to evidence payments for or on account of such certificates. Sec. 7. That none of the bonds authorized by section one, nor of the certificates authorized by section five, or by sec- tion six, of this Act, shall bear the circulation privilege. All such bonds and certificates shall be exempt, both as to principal and interest from all taxation now or hereafter imposed by the United States, any State, or any of the pos- sessions of the United States, or by any local taxing au- thority, except ( a ) estate or inheritance taxes, and ( b ) graduated additional income taxes, commonly known as sur- taxes, and excess profits and war-profits taxes, now or here- after imposed by the United States, upon the income or profits of individuals, partnerships, associations, or cor- porations. The interest on an amount of such bonds and certificates the principal of which does not exceed in the aggregate $5,000, owned by any individual, partnership, as- sociation, or corporation, shall be exempt from the taxes provided for in subdivision (b) of this section. . . . Sec. 9. That in connection with the operations of adver- tising, selling, and delivering any bonds, certificates of in- debtedness, or war-savings certificates of the United States provided for in this Act, the Postmaster General, under such regulations as he may prescribe, shall require, at the request of the Secretary of the Treasury, the employees of the Post Office Department and of the Postal Service to perform such services as may be necessary, desirable, or practicable, without extra compensation. Sec. 13. That for the purposes of this Act the date of the termination of the war between the United States and the Imperial German Government shall be fixed by proclama- tion of the President of the United States.» Approved, September 24, 1917. Act Creating an Aiecbaft Boabd, Octoeee 1, 1917. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives-- of the United States of America in Congress assembled,. That for the purpose of expanding and coordinating the in-- dustrial activities relating to aircraft, or parts of aircraft,., produced for any purpose in the United States, and to facil- itate generally the development of air service, a board is hereby created, to be known as the Aircraft Board, herein- after referred to as the board. Sec. 2. That the board shall number not more than nine in all, and shall include a civilian chairman, the Chief Sig- nal Oificer of the Army, and two other oflicers of the Army, to be appointed by the Secretary of War; the Chief Con- structor of the Navy and two other officers of the Navy, to be appointed by the Secretary of the Navy; and two addi- tional civilian members. The chairman and civilian mem- bers shall be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Sec. 3. That said board and tenure of office of the mem- bers thereof shall continue during the pleasure of the Presi- dent, but not longer than six months after the present war. The civilian members of the board shall serve without com- pensation. Sec. 4. That the board is hereby empowered, under the direction and control of and as authorized by the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, respectively, on be- half of the Departments of War and Navy, to supervise and direct, in accordance with the requirements prescribed or approved by the respective departments, the purchase, pro- duction, and manufacture of aircraft, engines, and all ordnance and instruments used in connection therewith, and accessories and materials therefor, including the purchase, lease, acquisition, or construction of plants for the manufac- ture of aircraft, engines, and accessories: Provided, That the board may make recommendations as to contracts and their distribution in connection with the foregoing, but every contract shall be made by the already constituted au- thorities of the respective departments. Sec. 5. That the board is also empowered to employ, either in the District of Columbia or elsewhere, such clerks and other employees as may be necessary to the conduct of its business, including such technical experts and advisers as may be found necessary, and to fix their salaries. Such salaries shall conform to those usually paid by the Gov- ernment for similar service: Provided, That by unanimous approval of the board higher compensation may be paid to technical experts and advisers. . . . Approved, October 1, 1917. Wae Revenue Act,io October 3, 1917. An Act To provide revenue to defray war expenses, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, Title I. — Wak Income Tax. Section 1. That in addition to the normal tax imposed by subdivision (a) of section one of the Act entitled "An Act to increase the revenue, and for other purposes," ap- proved September eifjhth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, 9 For proclamation concerning the loan, see p. 174. 10 It has been found impracticable to print here the entire act. The full text would occupy over forty pages. 162 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid a like normal tax of two per centum upon the income of every in- dividual, a citizen or resident of the United States, received in the calendar year nineteen hundred and seventeen and every calendar year thereafter. Sec. 2. That in addition to the additional tax imposed by subdivision (b) of section one of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid a like additional tax upon the income of every individual received in the calendar year nineteen hundred and seventeen and every calendar year thereafter, as follows: One per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $5,000 and does not exceed $7,500; Two per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $7,500 and does not exceed $10,000; Three per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $10,000 and does not exceed $12,500; Four per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $12,500 and does not exceed $15,000; Five per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $15,000 and does not exceed $20,000; Seven per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $20,000 and does not exceed $40,000; Ten per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $40,000 and does not exceed $60,000;- Fourteen per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $60,000 and does not exceed $80,000; Eighteen per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $80,000 and does not exceed $100,000; Twenty-two per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $100,000 and does not exceed $150,000; Twenty-five per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $150,000 and does not exceed $200,000; Thirty per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $200,000 and does not exceed $250,000; Thirty-four per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $250,000 and does not exceed $300,000; Thirty-seven per centxim per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $300,000 and does not exceed $500,000; Forty per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $500,000 and does not exceed $750,000. Forty-five per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $750,000 and does not exceed $1,000,000; Fifty per centum per annum upon the amount by which the total net income exceeds $1,000,000. Sec. 3. That the taxes imposed by sections one and two of this Act shall be computed, levied, assessed, collected, and paid upon the same basis and in the same manner as the similar taxes imposed by section one of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, except that in the case of the tax imposed by section one of this Act (a) the exemptions of $3,000 and $4,000 provided in sec- tion seven of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hun- dred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, shall be, re- spectively, $1,000 and $2,000, and (b) the returns required under subdivisions (b) and (e) of section eight of such Act as amended by this Act shall be required in the case of net incomes of $1,000 or over, in the case of unmarried persons, and $2,000 or over in the case of married persons, instead of $3,000 or over, as therein provided, and (c) the provi- sions of subdivision (c) of section nine of such Act, as amended by this Act, requiring the normal tax of indi- viduals on income derived from interest to be deducted and withheld at the source of the income shall not apply to the new two per centum normal tax prescribed in section one of this Act until on and after January first, nineteen hun- dred and eighteen, and thereafter only one two per centum normal tax shall be deducted and withheld at the source un- der the provisions of such subdivision (c), and any further normal tax for which the recipient of such income is liable under this Act or such Act of September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, shall be paid by such recipient. Sec. 4. That in addition to the tax imposed by sub- division ( a ) of section ten of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid a like tax of four per centum upon the income received in the calendar year nineteen hundred and seventeen and every calendar year thereafter, by every corporation, joint-stock company or association, or insurance company, subject to the tax im- posed by that subdivision of that section, except that if it has fixed its own fiscal year, the tax imposed by this section for the fiscal year ending during the calendar year nineteen hundred and seventeen shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid only on that proportion of its income for such fis- cal year which the period between January first, nineteen hundred and seventeen, and the end of such fiscal year bears to the whole of such fiscal year. The tax imposed by this section shall be computed, levied, assessed, collected, and paid upon the same incomes and in the same manner as the tax imposed by subdivision (a), of section ten of such Act of September eighth, nine- teen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, except that for the purpose of the tax imposed by this section the income embraced in a return of a corporation, joint-stock company or association, or insurance company, shall be credited with the amount received as dividends upon the stock or from the net earnings of any other corporation, joint-stock company or association, or insurance company, which is taxable upon its net income as provided in this title. Sec. 5. That the provisions of this title shall not extend to Porto Eico or the Philippine Islands, and the Porto Rican or Philippine Legislature, shall have power by due enactment to amend, alter, modify, or repeal the income tax laws in force in Porto Kico or the Philippine Islands, respectively. Title II. — Wab Excess Profits Tax. Sec. 200. That when used in this title — The term " corporation " includes joint-stock companies or associations and insurance companies; The term " domestic " means created under the law of the United States, or of any State, Territory, or District thereof, and the term " foreign " means created under the law of any other possession of the United States or of any foreign country or government; VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 153 ■ The term " United States " means only the States, the Territories of Alaska and Hawaii, and the District of Columbia; The term " taxable year " means the twelve months end- ing December thirty-first, excepting in the case of a cor- poration or partnership which has fixed its own fiscal year, in which case it means such fiscal year. The first taxable year shall be the year ending December thirty-first, nine- teen hundred and seventeen, except that in the case of a cor- poration or partnrship which has fixed its own fiscal year, it shall be the fiscal year ending during the calendar year nineteen hundred and seventeen. If a corporation or part- nership, prior to March first, nineteen hundred and eighteen, makes a return covering its own fiscal year, and includes therein the income received during that part of the fiscal year falling within the calendar year nineteen hundred and sixteen, the tax for such taxable year shall be that pro- portion of the tax computed upon the net income during such full fiscal year which the time from January first, nineteen hundred and seventeen, to the end of such fiscal year bears to the full fiscal year; and The term " prewar period " means the calendar years nineteen hundred and eleven, nineteen hundred and twelve, and nineteen hundred and thirteen, or, if a corporation or partnership was not in existence or an individual was not engaged in a trade or business during the whole of such period, then as many of such years during the whole of which the corporation or partnership was in existence or the individual was engaged in the trade or business. The terms " trade " and " business " include professions and occupations. The term " net income " means in the case of a foreign corporation or partnership or a nonresident alien indi- vidual, the net income received from sources within the United States. Sec. 201. That in addition to the taxes under existing law and under this act there shall be levied, assessed, col- lected, and paid for each taxable year upon the income of every corporation, partnership, or individual, a tax (here- inafter in this title referred to as the tax) equal to the following percentages of the net income: Twenty per centum of the amount of the net income in excess of the deduction (determined as hereinafter pro- vided) and not in excess of fifteen per centum of the in- vested capital for the taxable year; Twenty-five per centum of the amount of the net income in excess of fifteen per centum and not in excess of twenty per centum of such capital; Thirty-five per centum of the amount of the net income in excess of twenty per centum and not in excess of twenty- five per centum of such capital; Forty-five per centum of the amoimt of the net income in excess of twenty-five per centum and not in excess of thirty -three per centum of such capital; and Sixty per centum of the amount of the net income in ex- cess of thirty-three per centum of such capital. For the purpose of this title every corporation or part- nership not exempt under the provisions of this section shall be deemed to be engaged in business, and all the trades and businesses in which it is engaged shall be treated as a single trade or business, and all its income from whatever source derived shall be deemed to be received from such trade or business. This title shall apply to all trades or businesses of what- ever description, whether continuously carried on or not, except — (a) In the case of ofScers and employees under the United States, or any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, or any local subdivision thereof, the compensa- tion or fees received by them as such officers or employees; (b) Corporations exempt from tax under the provisions of section eleven of Title I of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, and partnerships and individuals carrying on or doing the same business, or coming within the same description; and (c) Incomes derived from the business of life, health, and accident insurance combined in one policy issued on the weekly premium payment plan. Sec. 202. That the tax shall not be imposed in the case of the trade or business of a foreign corporation or partner- ship or a nonresident alien individual, the net income of which trade or business during the taxable year is less than $3,000. Sec. 203. That for the purposes of this title the deduc- tion shall be as follows, except as otherwise in this title provided — (a) In the case of a domestic corporation, the sum of ( 1 ) an amount equal to the same percentage of the invested capital for the taxable year which the average amount of the annual net income of the trade or business during the prewar period was of the invested capital for the prewar period (but not less than seven or more than nine per cen- tum of the invested capital for the taxable year), and (2) $3,000; (b) In the case of a domestic partnership or of a citizen or resident of the United States, the sum of ( 1 ) an amount equal to the same percentage of the invested capital for the taxable year which the average amount of the annual net income of the trade or business during the prewar period was of the invested capital for the prewar period (but not less than seven or more than nine per centum of the invested capital for the taxable year ) , and ( 2 ) $6,000 ; (c) In the case of a foreign corporation or partnership or of a nonresident alien individual, an amount ascertained in the same manner as provided in subdivisions (a) and (b) without any exemption of $3,000 or $6,000; (d) If the Secretary of the Treasury is unable satisfac- torily to determine the average amount of the annual net income of the trade or business during the prewar period, the deduction shall be determined in the same manner as provided in section two hundred and five. Sec. 204. That if a corporation or partnership was not in existence, or an individual was not engaged in the trade or business, during the whole of any one calendar year during the prewar period, the deduction shall be an amount equal to eight per centum of the invested capital for the taxable year, plus in the case of a domestic corporation $3,000, and in the case of a domestic partnership or a citi- zen or resident of the United States $6,000. A trade or business carried on by a corporation, partner- ship, or individual, although formally organized or reor- ganized on or after January second, nineteen hundred and thirteen, which is substantially a continuation of a trade or business carried on prior to that date, shall, for the pur- poses of this title, be deemed to have been in existence prior to that date, and the net income and invested capital of its predecessor prior to that date shall be deemed to have been its net income and invested capital. . . . Sec. 213. That the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, shall make all necessary regulations for carrying out the provi- sions of this title, and may require any corporation, part- nership, or individual, subject to the provisions of this title, to furnish him with such facts, data, and information as in his judgment are necessary to collect the tax imposed by this title. . . . 154 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. Title III. — Wae Tax on Beveeages. Sec. 300. That on and after the passage of this Act there shall be levied and collected on all distilled spirits in bond at that time or that have been or that may be then or thereafter produced in or imported into the United States, except such distilled spirits as are subject to the tax pro- vided in section three hundred and three, in addition to the tax now imposed by law, a tax of $1.10 (or, if withdrawn for beverage purposes or for use in the manufacture or pro- duction of any article used or intended for use as a bever- age, a tax of $2.10) on each proof gallon, or wine gallon when below proof, and a proportionate tax at a like rate on all fractional parts of such proof or wine gallon, to be paid by the distiller or importer when withdrawn, and col- lected under the provisions of existing law. That in addition to the tax under existing law there shall be levied and collected upon all perfumes hereafter im- ported into the United States containing distilled spirits, a tax of $1.10 per wine gallon, and a proportionate tax at a like rate on all fractional parts of such wine gallon. Such a tax shall be collected by the collector of customs and de- posited as internal-revenue collections, under such rules and regulations as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, may pre- scribe. Sec. 301. That no distilled spirits produced after the passage of this Act shall be imported into the United States from any foreign country, or from the West Indian Islands recently acquired from Denmark (unless produced from products the growth of such islands, and not then into any State or Territory or District of th? United States in which the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquor is pro- hibited), or from Porto Eico, or the Philippine Islands. Under such rules, regulations, and bonds as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe, the provisions of this sec- tion shall not apply to distilled spirits imported for other than ( 1 ) beverage purposes or ( 2 ) use in the manufacture or production of any article used or intended for use as a beverage. . . . Sec. 313. That there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid — (a) Upon all prepared sirups or extracts (intended for use in the manufacture or production of beverages, com- monly known as soft drinks, by soda fountains, bottling establishments, and other similar places) sold by the man- ufacturer, producer, or importer thereof, if so sold for not more than $1.30 per gallon, a tax of 5 cents per gallon; if so sold for more than $1.30 and not more than $2 per gal- lon, a tax of 8 cents per gallon; if so sold for more than $2 and not more than $3 per gallon, a tax of 10 cents per gallon; if so sold for more than $3 and not more than $4 per gallon, a tax of 15 cents per gallon; and if so sold for more than $4 per gallon, a tax of 20 cents per gallon; and (b) Upon all unfermented grape juice, soft drinks or ar- tificial mineral waters (not carbonated), and fermented liquors containing less than one-half per centum of alco- hol, sold by the manufacturer, producer, or importer there- of, in bottles or other closed containers, and upon all ginger ale, root beer, sarsaparilla, pop, and other carbonated waters or beverages, manufactured and sold by the manu- facturer, producer, or importer of the carbonic acid gas used in carbonating the same, a tax of 1 cent per gallon; and (c) Upon all natural mineral waters or table waters, sold by the producer, bottler, or importer thereof, in bottles or other closed containers, at over 10 cents per gallon, a tax of 1 cent per gallon. . . . Sec. 315. That upon all carbonic acid gas in drums or other containers (intended for use in the manufacture or production of carbonated water or other drinks) sold by the manufacturer, producer, or importer thereof, there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid a. tax of 5 cents per pound. Such tax shall be paid by the purchaser to the vendor thereof and shall be collected, returned, and paid to the United States by such vendor in the same manner as provided in section five hundred and three. Title IV. — ^Wab Tax on Cigabs, Tobacco, and Mantj- FACTTJBES THEBEOF. Sec. 400. That upon cigars and cigarettes, which shall be manufactured and sold, or removed for consumption or sale, there shall be levied and collected, in addition to the taxes now imposed by existing law, the following taxes, to be paid by the manufacturer or importer thereof: (a) on cigars of all descriptions made of tobacco, or any substi- tute therefor, and weighing not more than three pounds per thousand, 25 cents per thousand; (b) on cigars made of tobacco, or any substitute therefor, and weighing more than three pounds per thousand, if manufactured or im- ported to retail at 4 cents or more each, and not more than 7 cents each, $1 per thousand; (c) if manufactured or im- ported to retail at more than 7 cents each and not more than 15 cents each, $3 per thousand; (d) if manufactured or imported to retail at more than 15 cents each and not more than 20 cents each, $5 per thousand; (e) if manufac- tured or imported to retail at more than 20 cents each, $7 per thousand : Provided, That the word " retail " as used in this section shall mean the ordinary retail price of a single cigar, and that the Commissioner of Internal Revenue may, by regulation, require the manufacturer or importer to affix to each box or container a conspicuous label indicating by letter the clause of this section under which the cigars therein contained have been tax-paid, which must corre- spond with the tax-paid stamp on said box or container; (f ) on cigarettes made of tobacco, or any substitute there- for, made in or imported into the United States, and weighing not more than three pounds per thousand, 80 cents per thousand; weighing more than three pounds per thousand, $1.20 per thousand. . . . Sec. 401. That upon all tobacco and snuff hereafter man- ufactured and sold, or removed for consumption or use, there shall be levied and collected, in addition to the tax now imposed by law upon such articles, a tax of 5 cents per pound, to be levied, collected, and paid under the pro- visions of existing law. . . . Title V. — Wae Tax on Facilities Fuenished by Public Utilities, and Instteance. Sec. 500. That from and after the first day of Novem- ber, nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid (a) a tax equivalent to three per centum of the amount paid for the transportation by rail or water or by any form of mechanical motor power when in competition with carriers by rail or water of property by freight consigned from one point in the United States to another; (b) a tax of 1 cent for each 20 cents, or fraction thereof, paid to any person, corporation, partner- ship, or association, engaged in the business of transport- ing parcels or packages by express over regular routes be- tween fixed terminals, for the transportation of any pack- age, parcel, or shipment by express from one point in the United States to another: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to require the carrier collect- ing such tax to list separately in any bill of lading, freight receipt, or other similar document, the amount of the tax herein levied, if the total amount of the freight and tax be therein stated; (c) a tax equivalent to eight per centum of VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 155 the amount paid for the transportation of persona by rail or water, or by any form of mechanical motor power on a regular established line when in competition with carriers by rail or water, from one point in the United States to another or to any point in Canada or Mexico, where the ticket therefor is sold or issued in the United States, not including the amount paid for commutation, or season tickets for trips less than thirty miles, or for transporta- tion the fare for which does not exceed 35 cents, and a tax equivalent to ten per centum of the amount paid for seats, berths, and staterooms in parlor cars, sleeping cars, or on vessels. . . . Sec. 502. That no tax shall be imposed under section five hundred upon any payment received for services rendered to the United States, or any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia. The right to exemption under this section shall be evidenced in such manner as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, may by regulation prescribe. . . . Sec. 504. That from and after the first day of November, nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as- sessed, collected, and paid the following taxes on the issu- ance of insurance policies: (a) Life insurance: A tax equivalent to 8 cents on each $100 or fractional part thereof of the amount for which any life is insured imder any policy of insurance, or other instrument, by whatever name the same is called: Provided, That on all policies for life insurance only by which a life is insured not in excess of $500, issued on the industrial or weekly-payment plan of insurance, the tax shall be forty per centum of the amount of the first weekly premium: Provided further, That policies of reinsurance shall be ex- empt from the tax imposed by this subdivision; (b) Marine, Inland, and fire insurance: A tax equivalent to 1 cent on each dollar or fractional part thereof of the premium charged under each policy of insurance or other instrument by whatever name the same is called whereby insurance is made or renewed upon property of any de- scription (including rents or profits), whether against peril by sea or inland waters, or by fire or lightning, or other peril: Provided, That policies of reinsurance shall be ex- empt from the tax imposed by this subdivision; (c) Casuj,lty insurance: A tax equivalent to 1 cent on each dollar or fractional part thereof of the premium charged under each policy of insurance or obligation of the nature of indemnity for loss, damage, or liability (except bonds taxable under subdivision two of schedule A of Title VIII) issued or executed or renewed by any person, cor- poration, partnership, or association, transacting the busi- ness of employer's liability, workmen's compensation, acci- dent, health, tornado, plate glass, steam boiler, elevator, burglary, automatic sprinkler, automobile, or other branch of insurance (except life insurance, and insurance de- scribed and taxed in the preceding subdivision) : Provided, That policies of reinsurance shall be exempt from the tax imposed by this subdivision; (d) Policies issued by any person, corporation, partner- ship, or association, whose income is exempt from taxation under Title I of the Act entitled "An Act to increase the revenue, and for other purposes," approved September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, shall be exempt from the taxes imposed by this section. . . . Title VI. — War Excise Taxes. Sec. 600. That there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid — (a) Upon all automobiles, automobile trucks, automobile wagons, and motorcycles, sold by- the manufacturer, pro- ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of the price for which so sold; and (b). Upon all piano players, graphophones, phonographs, talking machines, and records used in connection with any musical instruments, piano player, graphophone, phono- graph, or talking machine, sold by the manufacturer, pro- ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of the price for which so sold; and (c) Upon all moving-picture films (which have not been exposed) sold by the manufacturer or importer a tax equiv- alent to one-fourth of 1 cent per linear foot; and (d) Upon all positive moving-picture films (containing a picture ready for projection) sold or leased by the manu- facturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent to one-half of 1 cent per linear foot; and (e) Upon any article commonly or commercially known as jewelry, whether real or imitation, sold by the manufac- turer, producer, or importer thereof, a tax equivalent to three per centum of the price for which so sold; and (f) Upon all tennis rackets, golf clubs, baseball bats, lacrosse sticks, balls of all kinds, including baseballs, foot balls, tennis, golf, lacrosse, billiard and pool balls, fishing rods and reels, billiard and pool tables, chess and checker boards and pieces, dice, games and parts of games, except playing cards and children's toys and games, sold by the manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of the price for which so sold; and (g) Upon all perfumes, essences, extracts, toilet waters, cosmetics, petroleum jellies, hair oils, pomades, hair dress- ings, hair restoratives, hair dyes, tooth and mouth washes, dentifrices, tooth pastes, aromatic cachous, toilet soaps and powders, or any similar substance, article, or preparation by whatsoever name known or distinguished, upon all of the above which are used or applied or intended to be used or applied for toilet purposes, and which are sold by the manufacturer, importer, or producer, a tax equivalent to two per centum of the price for which' so sold; and (h) Upon all pills, tablets, powders, tinctures, troches or lozenges, sirups, medicinal cordials or bitters, anodynes, tonics, plasters, liniments, salves, ointments, pastes, drops, waters (except those taxed under section three hundred and thirteen of this Act), essences, spirits, oils, and all medicinal preparations, compounds, or compositions what- soever, the manufacturer or producer of which claims to have any private formula, secret, or occult art for making or preparing the same, or has or claims to have any exclu- sive right or title to the making or preparing the same, or which are prepared, uttered, vended, or exposed for sale under any letters patent, or trade-mark, or which, if pre- pared by any formula, published or unpublished, are held out or recommended to the public by the makers, venders, or proprietors thereof as proprietary medicines or medicinal proprietary articles or preparations, or as remedies or specifics for any disease, diseases, or affection whatever affecting the human or animal body, and which are sold by the manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent to two per centum of the price for which so sold; and (i) Upon all chewing gum or substitute therefor sold by the manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equiva- lent to two per centum of the price for which so sold; and (j) Upon all cameras sold by the manufacturer, pro- ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of the price for which so sold. . . . Sec. 603. That on the day this Act takes effect, and thereafter on July first in each year, and also at the time of the orignal purchase of a new boat by a user, if on any other date than July first, there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid, upon the use of yachts, pleasure boats. 156 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. power boats, and sailing boats, of over five net tons, and motor boats with fixed engines, not used exclusively for trade or national defense, or not built according to plans and specifications approved by the Navy Department, an excise tax to be based on each yacht or boat, at rates as fol- lows: Yachts, pleasure boats, power boats, motor boats with fixed engines, and sailing boats, of over five net tons, length not over fifty feet, 50 cents for each foot, length over fifty feet and not over one hundred feet, $1 for each foot, length over one hundred feet, $2 for each foot; motor boats of not over five net tons with fixed engines, $5. In determining the length of such yachts, pleasure boats, power boats, motor boats with fixed engines, and sailing boats, the measurement of over-all length shall govern. In the case of a tax imposed at the time of the original purchase of a new boat on any other date than July first, the amount to be paid shall be the same number of twelfths of the amount of the tax as the number of calendar months, including the month of sale, remaining prior to the follow- ing July first. Title VII. — Wae Tax on Admissions and Dues. Sec. 700. That from and after the first day of November, nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as- sessed, collected, and paid (a) a tax of 1 cent for each 10 cents or fraction thereof of the amount paid for admission to any place, including admission by season ticket or sub- scription, to be paid by the person paying for such admis- sion: Provided, That the tax on admission of children uu- der twelve years of age where an admission charge for such children is made shall in every case be 1 cent; and (b) in the case of persons (except bona fide employees, municipal officers on official business, and children under twelve years of age) admitted free to any place at a time when and un- der circumstances under which an admission charge is made to other persons of the same class, a, tax of 1 cent for -jach 10 cents or fraction thereof of the price so charged to such other persons for the same or similar accommodations, to be paid by the person so admitted; and (c) a tax of 1 cent for each 10 cents or fraction thereof paid for admission to any public performance for profit at any cabaret or other similar entertainment to which the charge for admission is wholly or in part included in the price paid for refresh- ment, service, or merchandise; the amount paid for such admission to be computed under rules prescribed by the Commissioner of Internal Kevenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, such tax to be paid by the person paying for such refreshment, service, or merchan- dise. . . . These taxes shall not be imposed in the case of a place the maximum charge for admission to which is 5 cents, or in the case of shows, rides, and other amusements (the maximum charge for admission to which is 10 cents) within outdoor general amusement parks, or in the case of admissions to such parks. No tax shall be levied under this title in respect to any admissions all the proceeds of which inure exclusively to the benefit of religious, educational, or charitable institu- tions, societies, or organizations, or admissions to agricul- tural fairs none of the profits of which are distributed to stockholders or members of the association conducting the same. The term " admission " as used in this title includes seats and tables, reserved or otherwise, and other similar accom- modations, and the charges made therefor. Sec. 701. That from, and after the first day of November, nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as- sessed, collected, and paid, a tax equivalent to ten per cen- tum of any amoimt paid as dues or membership fees (in- cluding initiation fees), to any social, athletic, or sporting club or organization, where such dues or fees are in excess of $12 per year; such taxes to be paid by the person pay- ing such dues or fees: Provided, That there shall be ex- empted from the provisions of this section all amounts paid as dues or fees to a fraternal beneficiary society, order, or association, operating under the lodge system or for the ex- clusive benefit of the members of a fraternity itself operat- ing under the lodge system, and providing for the payment of life, sick, accident, or other benefits to the members of such society, order, or association or their dependents. Title VIII. — Wab Stamp Taxes. Sec. 800. That on and after the first day of December, nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, col- lected, and paid, for and in respect of the several bonds, debentures, or certificates of stock and of indebtedness, and other documents, instruments, matters, and things men- tioned and described in Schedule A of this title, or for or in respect of the vellum, parchment, or paper upon which such instruments, matters, or things, or any of them, are written or printed, by any person, corporation, partnership, or association who makes, signs, issues, sells, removes, con- signs, or ships the same, or for whose use or benefit the same are made, signed, issued, sold, removed, consigned, or shipped, the several taxes specified in such schedule. , . . [The stamp taxes imposed range from one cent up.] Title IX. — Wae Estate Tax. Sec. 900. That in addition to the tax imposed by section two hundred and one of the Act entitled "An Act to in- crease the revenue, and for other purposes," approved Sep- tember eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended — (a) A tax equal to the following percentages of its value is hereby imposed upon the transfer of each net estate of every decedent dying after the passage of this Act, the transfer of which is taxable under such section (the value of such net estate to be determined as provided in Title II of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hundred and six- teen) : One-half of one per centum of the amount of such net estate not in excess of $50,000; One per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $50,000 and does not exceed $150,000; One and one-half per centum of the amotmt by which such net estate exceeds $150,000 and does not exceed $250,000; Two per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $250,000 and does not exceed $450,000. Two and one-half per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $450,000 and does not exceed $1,000,000; Three per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $1,000,000 and does not exceed $2,000,000; Three and one-half per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $2,000,000 and does not exceed $3,000,000; Four per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $3,000,000 and does not exceed $4,000,000; Four and one-half per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $4,000,000 and does not exceed $5,000,000; Five per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $5,000,000 and does not exceed $8,000,000; Seven per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $8,000,000 and does not exceed $10,000,000; and Ten per centum of the amount by which such net estate exceeds $10,000,000. VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 167 Sec. 901. That the tax imposed by this title shall not apply to the transfer of the net estate of any decedent dying while serving in the military or naval forces of the United States, during the continuance of the war in which the United States is now engaged, or if death results from injuries received or disease contracted in such service, within one year after the termination of such war. For the purposes of this section the termination of the war shall be evidenced by the proclamation of the President. Title X. — ^Administba.tivb Peovisions. [Omitted.] Title XI. — Postal Eates. Sec. 1100. That the rate of postage on all mail matter of the first class, except postal cards, shall thirty days after the passage of this Act be, in addition to the existing rate, 1 cent for each ounce or fraction thereof: Provided, That the rate of postage on drop letters of the first class shall be 2 cents an ounce or fraction thereof. Postal cards, and pri- vate mailing or post cards when complying with the re- quirements of existing law, shall be transmitted through the mails at 1 cent each in addition to the existing rate. That letters written and mailed by soldiers, sailors, and marines assigned to duty in a foreign country engaged in the present war may be mailed free of postage, subject to such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by the Postmaster General. Sec. 1101. That on and after July first, nineteen hun- dred and eighteen, the rates of postage on publications en- tered as second-class matter ( including sample copies to the extent of ten per centum of the weight of copies mailed to subscribers during the calendar year) when sent by the publisher thereof from the post oflSce of publication or other post ofBce, or when sent by a news agent to actual sub- scribers thereto, or to other news agents for the purpose of sale: (a) In the case of the portion of such publication de- voted to matter other than advertisements, shall be as fol- lows : ( 1 ) On and after July first, nineteen himdred and eighteen, and until July first, nineteen himdred and nine- teen, 1% cents per pound or fraction thereof; (2) on and after July first, nineteen hundred and nineteen, 1% cents per pound or fraction thereof. (b) In the case of the portion of such publication de- voted to advertisements the rates per pound or fraction thereof for delivery within the several zones applicable to fourth-class matter shall be as follows (but where the space devoted to advertisements does not exceed five per centum of the total space, the rate of postage shall be the same as if the whole of such publication was devoted to matter other than advertisements ) : ( 1 ) On and after July first, nine- teen hundred and eighteen, and until July first, nineteen hundred and nineteen, for the first and second zones, 1^4 cents; for the third zone, 1% cents; for the fourth zone, 2 cents; for the fifth zone, 2% cents; for the sixth zone, 2% cents; for the seventh zone, 3 cents; for the eighth zone, ZVi cents; (2) on and after July first, nineteen hundred and nineteen, and until July first, nineteen hundred and twenty, for the first and second zones, 1% cents; for the third zone, 2 cents; for the fourth zone, 3 cents; for the fifth zone, 3% cents; for the sixth zone, 4 cents; for the seventh zone, 5 cents; for the eighth zone, 5% cents; (3) on and after July first, nineteen hundred and twenty, and until July first, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, for the first and second zones, 1% cents; for the third zone, 2% cents; for the fourth zone, 4 cents; for the fifth zone, 4% cents; for the sixth zone, 5% cents; for the seventh zone, 7 cents; for the eight zone, 7% cents; (4) on and after July first, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, for the first and second zones, 2 cents; for the third zone, 3 cents; for the fourth zone, 5 cents; for the fifth zone, 6 cents; for the sixth zone, 7 cents; for the seventh zone, 9 cents; for the eighth zone, 10 cents; (c) With the first mailing of each issue of each such publication, the publisher shall file with the postmaster a, copy of such issue, together with a statement containing such information as the Postmaster General may prescribe for determining the postage chargeable thereon. . . . Title XII. — Income Tax Amendments. Sec. 1203. (1) That section seven of such Act of Sep- tember eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, is hereby amended to read as follows: " Sec. 7. That for the purpose of the normal tax only, there shall be allowed as an exemption in the nature of a deduction from the amount of the net income of each citi- zen or resident of the United States, ascertained as pro- vided herein, the sum of $3,000, plus $1,000 additional if the person making the return be a head of a family or a married man with a wife living with him, or plus the sum of $1,000 additional if the person making the return be a married woman with a husband living with her; but in no event shall this additional exemption of $1,000 be deducted by both a husband and a wife: Provided, That only one de- duction of $4,000 shall be made from the aggregate income of both husband and wife when living together: Provided further. That if the person making the return is the head of a family there shall be an additional exemption of $200 for each child dependent upon such person, if under eighteen years of age, or if incapable of self-support because mentally or physically defective, but this provision shall operate only in the case of one parent in the same family:' Provided further. That guardians or trustees shall be al- lowed to make this personal exemption as to income derived from the property of which such guardian or trustee has charge in favor of each ward or cestui que trust: Provided further. That in no event shall a ward or cestui que trust be allowed a greater personal exemption than as provided in this section, from the amount of net income received from all sources. There shall also be allowed an exemption from the amount of the net income of estates of deceased citizens or residents of the United States during the period of administration or settlement, and of trust or other estates of citizens or. residents of the United States the income of which is not distributed annually or regularly under the provisions of subdivision (b) of section two, the sum of $3,000, including such deductions as are allowed under sec- tion five." . . . " Sec. 28. That all persons, corporations, partnerships, associations, and insurance companies, in whatever capacity acting, including lessees or mortgagors of real or personal property, trustees acting in any trust capacity, executors, administrators, receivers, conservators, and employers, making payment to another person, corporation, partner- ship, association, or insurance company, of interest, rent, salaries, wages, premiums, annuities, compensation, re- muneration, emoluments, or other fixed or determinable gains, profits, and income (other than payments described in sections twenty-six and twenty-seven ) , of $800 or more in any taxable year, or, in the case of such payments made by the United States, the officers or employees of the United States having information as to such payments and re- quired to make returns in regard thereto by the regulations hereinafter provided for, are hereby authorized and re- quired to render a true and accurate return to the Com- missioner of Internal Revenue, under such rules and regu- lations and in such form and manner as may be prescribed 158 COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. by him, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treas- ury, Betting forth the amount of such gains, profits, and income, and the name and address of the recipient of such payment." . . . Approved, October 3, 1917. Act Pekmittinq Fobkign Vessels to Enteb Coastwise Tbade, Octobee 6, 1917. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the Umted States of America in Congress assenibled, That during the present war with Germany and for a period of one hundred and twenty days thereafter the United States Shipping Board may, if in its judgment the interests of the United States require, suspend the present provisions of law and permit vessels of foreign registry, and foreign-built vessels admitted to American registry under the Act of August eighteenth, nineteen hundred and four- teen, to engage in the coastwise trade of the United States: Provided, That no such vessel shall engage in the coastwise trade except upon a permit issued by the United States Shipping Board, which permit shall limit or define the scope of the trade and the time of such employment: Pro- vided further, That in issuing permits the board shall give preference to vessels of foreign registry owned, leased, or chartered by citizens of the United States or corporations thereof: And provided further. That the provisions of this Act shall not apply to the coastwise trade with Alaska or between Alaskan ports. Approved, October 6, 1917. Act to Pbevbnt the Publication of Cebtain Inventions, Octobee 6, 1917. Be it enacted iy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That whenever during a time when the United States is at war the publication of an invention by the granting of a patent might, in the opinion of the Commissioner of Pat- ents, be detrimental to the public safety or defense or might assist the enemy or endanger the successful prosecution of the war he may order that the invention be kept secret and withhold the grant of a patent until the termination of the war: Provided, That the invention disclosed in the applica- tion for said patent may be held abandoned upon it being established before or by the commissioner that in violation of said order said invention has been published or that an application for a patent therefor has been filed in a foreign country by the inventor or his assigns or legal representa- tives, without the consent or approval of the Commissioner of Patents, or under a license of the Secretary of Commerce as provided by law. When an applicant whose patent is withheld as herein provided and who faithfully obeys the order of the Com- missioner of Patents above referred to shall tender his in- vention to the Government of the United States for its use, he shall, if and when he ultimately received a patent, have the right to sue for compensation in the Court of Claims, such right to compensation to begin from the date of the use of the invention by the Government. Approved, October 6, 1917. Wae Risk Insueance Act, Octobee 6, 1917. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress asembled. That the first section of the Act entitled "An Act to au- thorize the establishment of a Bureau of War Risk Insur- ance in the Treasury Department," approved September second, nineteen hundred and fourteen, as amended, is hereby amended to read as follows: " Aeticle I. "Section 1. That there is established in the Treasury Department a Bureau to be known as the Bureau of War Risk Insurance, the director of which shall receive a salary at the rate of $5,000 per annum. " That there be in such bureau a Division of Marine and Seamen's Insurance and a Division of Military and Naval Insurance in charge of a commissioner of Marine and Sea- men's Insurance and a commissioner of Military and Naval Insurance, respectively, each of whom shall receive a salary of $4,000 per annum." ... Aeticle II. allotments and familx allowances. Sec. 200. That the provisions of this article shall apply to all enlisted men in the military or naval forces of the United States. Sec. 201. That allotment of pay shall, subject to the conditions, limitations, and exceptions hereinafter specified, be compulsory as to wife, a former wife divorced who has not remarried and to whom alimony has been decreed, and a child, and voluntary as to any other person; but on the written consent of the wife or former wife divorced, sup- ported by evidence satisfactory to the bureau of her ability to support herself and the children in her custody, the allot- ment for her and for such children may be waived; and on the enlisted man's application or otherwise for good cause shown, exemption from the allotment may be granted upon such conditions as may be prescribed by regula- tions. . . . Sec. 202. That the enlisted man may allot any propor- tion or proportions or any fixed amount or amounts of his monthly pay or of the proportion thereof remaining after the compulsory allotment, for such purposes and for the benefit of such person or persons as he may direct, subject, however, to such conditions and limitations as may be pre- scribed under regulations to be made by the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, respectively. Sec. 203. That in case one-half of an enlisted man's monthly pay is not allotted, regulations to be made by the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, respec- tively, may require, under such circumstances and condi- tions as may be prescribed in such regulations, that, any proportion of such one-half pay as is not allotted shall be deposited to his credit, to be held during such period of his service as may be prescribed. Such deposits shall bear in- terest at the rate of four per centum per annum, with semi- annual rests and, when payable, shall be paid principal and interest to the enlisted man, if living, otherwise to any beneficiary or beneficiaries he may have designated, or if there be no such beneficiary, then to the person or persons who would under the laws of the State of his residence be entitled to his personal property in case of intestacy. Sec. 204. That a family allowance of not exceeding $50 per month shall be granted and paid by the United States upon written application to the bureau by such enlisted man or by or on behalf of any prospective beneficiary, in accordance with and subject to the conditions, limitations, and exceptions hereinafter specified. The family allowance shall be paid from the time of en- listment to death in or one month after discharge from the service, but not for more than one month after the termina- tion of the present war emergency. No family allowance shall be made for any period preceding November first, nineteen hundred and seventeen. The payment shall be subject to such regulations as may be prescribed relative to cases of desertion and imprisonment and of missing men. VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 159 Subject to the conditions, limitations, and exceptions hereinabove and hereinafter specified, the family allowance payable per month shall be as follows: Class A. In the case of a man, to his wife (including a former wife divorced) and to his child or children: (a) If there be a wife but no child, $15. (b) If there be a wife and one child, $25. (c) If there be a, wife and two children, $32:50, with $5 per month additional for each additional child. (d) If there be no wife, but one child, $5. (e) If there be no wife, but two children, $12.50. (f) If there be no wife, but three children, $20. (g) If there be no wife, but four children, $30, with $5 per month additional for each additional child. Class B. In the case of a man or woman, to a grandchild, a parent, brother, or sister: (a) If there be one parent, $10. (b) If there be two parents, $20. (c) For each grandchild, brother, sister, and additional parent, $5. In the case of a woman, to a child or children: (d) If there be one child, $5. (e) If there be two children, $12.50. (f) If there be three children, $20. (g) If there be four children, $30, with $5 per month additional for each additional child. . . . Aeticle III. COMPENSATION FOB DEATH OB DISABH.ITY. Sec. 300. That for death or disability resulting from personal injury suffered or disease contracted in the line of duty, by any commissioned officer or enlisted man or by any member of the Army Nurse Corps (female) or of the Navy Nurse Corps (female) when employed in the active service under the War Department or Navy Department, the United States shall pay compensation as hereinafter provided; but no compensation shall be paid if the injury or disease has been caused by his own willful misconduct. Sec. 301. That if death results from injury — If the deceased leaves a widow or child, or if he leaves a widowed mother dependent upon him for. support, the monthly compensation shall be the following amounts: (a) For a widow alone, $25. (b) For a widow and one child, $35. (c) For a widow and two children, $47.50, with $5 for each additional child up to two. (d) If there be no widow, then for one child, $20. (e) For two children, $30. (f) For three children, $40, with $5 for each additional