3tl(ara. N»m ^nrk 
 
 BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE 
 
 SAGE ENEMDWMENT FUND 
 
 THE GIFT OF 
 
 HENRY W. SAGE 
 
 1891 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DA 310.G62 1886 
 v.1-2 
 
 ''°"l?ifMi?if!,.,RL'''**'"'''^^' documents illus 
 
 1924 027 932 551 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis bool< is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027932551 
 
historical :]©ocuments. 
 
[CO LLECTANEA ADAMANTi^A.-XIII ,] 
 A 
 
 COLLECTION 
 
 OF 
 
 i^ij^torical Documents 
 
 tUustratiue of the Iteigns of the 
 Tu4or and Stuart Sovereigns. 
 
 EDITED, 
 
 WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 
 
 BY 
 
 EDMUND JJOLDSMID, F.R.H.S., 
 
 '^F.S.A. (Scot.) 
 Vol. I. 
 
 PRIVATELY PRINTED. 
 EDINBURGH. 
 
 >\ 
 
This edition is limited to 275 small-paper copies, 
 and 75 large-paper copies. 
 
a Collection of historical 
 Documents 
 
 Illustrative of the Reigns of the Tudor 
 and Stuart Sovereigns. 
 
 — c^^^grt' — 
 
 Henry, Earl of Richmond (Henry 
 VII.) His Proclamation to his Army, 
 on the Eve of the Battle of Bosworth 
 Field.' 1485. 
 
 If ever God gave victory to men fighting in a just 
 quarrel, or if He ever aided such as made war for the 
 wealth and tuition' of their own natural and nutritive 
 country, or if He ever succoured them which adventured 
 
 'Hall's Union, fol. Load. IS48. 
 'Wdftre. 
 
6 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 their lives for the relief of innocents, suppressing of 
 malefactors and apparent offenders — no doubt, my fel- 
 lows and friends, but He of his bountiful goodness will 
 this day send us triumphant victory and a lucky journey 
 over our proud enemy and arrogant adversary. For, if 
 you remember and consider the very cause of our just 
 quarrel, you shall apparently'^ perceive the same to be 
 true, godly, and virtuous. In the which I doubt not 
 but God will rather aid us j yea, (and fight for us) than 
 see us vanquished and profligated,^ by such as neither 
 fear Him nor His laws, nor yet regard justice or 
 honesty. Our cause is so just, that no enterprise can 
 be of more virtue both by the laws Divine and Civil j 
 for, what can be a more honest, goodly, or godly 
 quarrelj than to fight against a captain being an 
 homicide and murderer of his own blood and progeny ?3 
 — an extreme destroyer of his nobility, and to his and 
 our country and the poor subjects of the same, a 
 deadly mall,-* a fiery brand, and a burden untolerable ? 
 Besides him, consider who be of his band and company, 
 — such as by murder and untruth committed against 
 their own kin and lineage, — yea, against their Prince 
 and Sovereign Lord, have dishearted me and you, 
 and wrongfully detain and usurp our lawful patrimony 
 and lineal Inheritance. For he that calleth himself 
 
 ^ Evidently. 
 ^ Put to flight. 
 
 3 Alluding to the reported murders of Clarence, Edward IV. 
 and the Princes. 
 ^ From the Latin, malleus, a " hammer " i.e. a destroyer. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 7 
 
 king, keepeth from me the crown and regiment^ of 
 this noble realm and country, contrary to all justice 
 and equity. Likewise, his mates and friends occupy 
 your lands, cut down your woods, and destroy your 
 manors, letting your wives and children range abroad 
 for their living : which persons, for their penance and 
 punishment, I doubt not but God, of His goodness, 
 will either deliver into our hands as a great gain and 
 booty, or cause them, being grieved and compuncted 
 with the prick of their corrupt consciences, cowardly 
 to fly and not abide the battle. Besides this, I assure 
 you that there be yonder in that great battle men 
 brought thither for fear and not for love, soldiers by 
 force compelled and not with good-will assembled, — 
 persons, which desire rather the destruction than the 
 salvation of their master and captain ; and finally, a 
 multitude, whereof the most part will be our friends 
 and the least part our enemies. For truly I doubt 
 which is the greater, the malice of the soldiers toward 
 their captain, or the fear of him conceived by his 
 people. For surely this rule is infallible that, as ill 
 men daily covet, to destroy the good, so God appointeth 
 the good to confound the ill ; and of all wordly goods 
 the greatest is, to suppress tyrants and relieve innocence, 
 whereof the one is ever as much hated as the other 
 is loved. If this be true, (as clerks preach) who will 
 spare yonder tyrant, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, 
 
 ^ Government. 
 
8 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 untruly calling himself icing, considering that he hath 
 violated and broken both the law of God and man ? 
 What virtue is in him which was the confusion of 
 his brother and the murtherer of his nephews ? What 
 mercy is in him which fleeth his trusty friends as well as 
 extreme enemies ? Who can have confidence in him 
 which putteth diffidence' in all men ? If you have 
 not read, I have heard clerks say, that Tarquin the 
 proud for the vice of the body lost the Kingdom of 
 Rome, and the name of Tarquin was banished the 
 city for ever. Yet was not his fault so detestable, as 
 the fact of cruel Nero, which slew his own mother. 
 Behold yonder Richard, which is both Tarquin and 
 Nero ! Yea, a tyrant more than Nero, for he hath 
 not only murthered his nephew, being his king and 
 sovereign lord, bastarded his noble brethren, and 
 defamed his virtuous and womanly mother,^ but also 
 compassed all the means and ways that he could invent 
 how to stuprate his own niece under the pretence of a 
 cloaked matrimony :3 which lady I have sworn and 
 promised to take to my mate and wife, as you all 
 know and believe. 
 
 If this cause be not just, and this quarrel godly, let 
 God, the Giver of Victory, judge and determine. We 
 
 ^ Distrust. 
 
 ^This is an allusion to Dr. Shaw's celebrated sermon at Paul's 
 Cross. 
 
 3 This refers to the reported intention of Richard to marry the 
 Princess Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 9 
 
 have (thanks be given to Christ !) escaped the secret 
 treasons in Brittany, and avoided the subtle snares of 
 our fraudulent enemies there, passed the troublous 
 seas in good and quiet safeguard, and without resistance 
 have penetrated the ample region and large country of 
 Wales, and are now come to the place which we so 
 much desired. For long we have sought the furious 
 boar,' and now we have found him. Wherefore, let 
 us not fear to enter into the toil, where we may surely 
 slay him ; for God knoweth that we have lived in the 
 vales of misery, tossing our ships in dangerous storms. 
 Let us not now dread to set up our sails in fair 
 weather, having with us both it and good fortune. If 
 we had come to conquer Wales, and had achieved it, 
 our praise had been great and our gain more ; but, if 
 we win this battle, the whole rich realm of England, 
 with the lords and rulers of the same, shall be ours, 
 and the honour shall be ours. 
 
 Therefore, labour for your gain, and sweat for your 
 right. While we were in Burgundy, we had small 
 livings and little plenty of wealth or welfare. N ow is 
 the time come to get abundance of riches and copie' 
 of profit, which is the reward of your service and 
 merit of your pain. And this remember with your- 
 selves, that before us be our enemies, and on either 
 side of us be such, as I neither surely trust nor greatly 
 
 * Richard's badge was a hoar. 
 ^Plenty, from the Latin " copia." 
 
10 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 believe.^ Backward we cannot flee ; so that here we 
 stand, like sheep in a fold, circumsepted and compassed 
 between our enemies and doubtful friends. Therefore, 
 let all fear be set aside, and like sworn brethren, let 
 us join in one j for this day shall be the end of our 
 travail and the gain of our labour, either by honourable 
 death or famous victory ; and, as I trust the battle 
 shall not be so sour as the profit shall be sweet. 
 Remember the victory is not gotten with the multitude 
 of men, but with the courages of hearts and valiant- 
 ness of minds. The smaller that our number is, the 
 more glory is to us, if we vanquish. If we be over- 
 come, yet no laud is to be attributed to the victors, 
 considering that ten men fought against one j and, if 
 we die, so glorious a death in so good a quarrel, 
 neither fretting tyne^ nor cancarding^ oblivion shall be 
 able to obfuscate"* or raze out of the book of fame 
 either our names or our godly attempt. 
 
 And this one thing I assure you, that in so just and 
 good a cause and so notable a quarrel, you shall find 
 me this day rather a dead carrion on the cold ground, 
 than a free prisoner on a. carpet in a lady's chamber. 
 Let us, therefore, fight like invincible giants, and set 
 on our enemies, like untlmorous tigers, and banish all 
 
 ^Alluding to Lord Stanley and the Earl of Northumberland 
 who did not declare for him till after the fight had begun. 
 ^ Pain or sorrow. 
 
 3 Cankering. 
 
 4 To dim. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. II 
 
 fear, like ramping lions. And now advance forward, 
 true men against traitors, pitiful^ persons against 
 murtherers, true inheritors against usurpers, the 
 scourges of God against tyrants. Display my banner 
 with a good courage j march forth like strong and 
 robustious champions, and begin the battle like hardy 
 conquerors. The battle is at hand, and the victory 
 approacheth, and, if we shamefully recule^ or cowardly 
 flee, we and ail our sequel3 be destroyed and dishonoured 
 for ever. 
 
 This is the day of gain, and this is the time of loss ^ 
 get this day victory, and be conquerors ; and lose this 
 day's battle, and be villains ;* and, therefore, in the 
 name of God and Saint George, let every man 
 courageously advance forth his standard. 
 
 ^ Merciful. 
 
 ^ Retreat, from the French *■ 
 
 3 Posterity. 
 
 4 Slaves. 
 
12 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Henry VII. to the Mayor and Citizens 
 of Waterford, concerning Perkin 
 Warbeck.' 1497. 
 
 Trusty and well beloved, we greet you, and have 
 received your writing, bearing date the first day of this 
 instant month ; whereby we conceive that Perkin 
 Warbeck came unto the Haven of Cork the 25th day 
 of July last passed, and that he intendeth to make sail 
 thence towards our county of Cornwall : for the 
 which your certificate in this part, and for the true 
 minds that you have always borne cowards us, and 
 now especially for the speedy sending of your said 
 writing which we received the 5th day of this said 
 month, in the morning, we give unto you our right 
 hearty thanks, as we have singular cause so to do ; 
 praying you of your good perseverance in the same, 
 and also to send unto us by your writing such news 
 from time to time as shall be occurrent in those parts ; 
 whereby you shall minister unto us full good pleasure 
 to your semblable^ thanks hereafter, and cause us not 
 
 ^Lambeth Palace MSS., 632, f. 151. This letter refers to 
 Perkin Warbcck's second approach to Cork. The next is an 
 important document, giving an official account of the capture of 
 this impostor, certified by the king himself. There are perhaps 
 few more extraordinary incidents in history to be pointed oat than 
 is afforded by the brief career of Perkin Warbeck, so remarkably 
 illustrated by the present letters. 
 
 = Like. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 1 3 
 
 to forget your 8aid good minds unto us in any your 
 reasonable desires for time to come. 
 
 Given under our signet, at our manor of Woodstock, 
 the 6th day of August, 
 
 Over this vi'e pray you to put you in effectual 
 diligence for the taking of the said Perkin, and him 
 so taken to send unto us ; wherein you shall not only 
 singularly please us, but shall have also for the same, 
 in money counted, the sum of a thousand marks 
 sterling for your reward ; whereunto you may verily 
 trust, for so we assure you by this our present letter, 
 and therefore we think it behoveful that you set forth 
 ships to the sea for the taking of Perkin aforesaid. 
 For they that take him, or bring or send him surely 
 unto us, shall have undoubtedly the said reward. 
 
 Henricus Rex. 
 
 To our trusty and well-beloved the Mayor and his 
 brethren of our city of Waterford. 
 
 From the Same to the Same.* 
 
 Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well : and, 
 whereas Perkin Warbeck, lately accompanied by 
 divers and many our rebels of Cornwall, advanced 
 
 ' Lambeth Palace MSS., 63Z, f. zsi. 
 
14 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 themselves to our city of Exeter, which was denied 
 unto them, and so they came to the town of Taunton, 
 At which town, as soon as they had knowledge that 
 our chamberlain, our steward of household. Sir John 
 Chynie,^ and other our loving subjects with them, 
 were coming so far forth towards the said Perkin, as 
 to our monastery of Glastonbury : the same Perkin 
 took with him John Heron, Edward Skelton, and 
 Nicholas Ashley, and stole away from his said 
 company about midnight, and fled with all the haste 
 they could make. We had well provided beforehand 
 for the sea-coasts, that, if he had attempted that way, 
 (as he thought indeed to have done) he should have 
 been put from his purpose, as it is coming to pass. 
 For, when they perceived they might not get to the 
 sea, and that they were had in a quick chase and 
 pursuit, they were compelled to address themselves 
 unto our monastery of Beaulieu ; to the which, of 
 chance and of fortune, it happened some of our menial 
 servants to repair, and some we sent thither purposely. 
 The said Perkin, Heron, Skelton, and Ashley, seeing 
 our said servants there, and remembring that all the 
 country was warned to make watch and give attend- 
 ance, that they should not avoid nor escape by sea. 
 
 'sir John Chenie, or Cheney, was at the battle of Bosworth 
 Field, an officer remarkable for his strength and prowess j he was 
 unhorsed by Richard himself in that battle. — Halliwell's " Letters 
 of the Kings of England," vol. i., p. 175. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. I5 
 
 made instances unto our said seirvants to sue unto us 
 for them, the said Perkin desiring to be sure of his 
 life, and he would come unto us, and show what he 
 is ; and, over that, do unto ua euch service as should 
 content us. And so, by agreement between our said 
 servants and them, they encouraged' them to depart 
 from Beaulieu, and to put themselves in our grace and 
 pity. The abbot and convent hearing thereof de- 
 manded of them why and for what cause they would 
 depart. Whereunto they gave answer in the presence 
 of the said abbot and convent, and of many other, 
 that, without any manner of constraint, they would 
 come unto us of their free wills, in trust of our grace 
 and pardon aforesaid. And so, the said Perkin came 
 unto us to the town of Taunton, from whence he 
 fled ; and immediately after his first coming, humbly 
 submitting himself unto us, hath of his free will openly 
 showed, in the presence of all the council here with us, 
 and of other nobles, his name to be Piers Osbeck, 
 whereas he hath been named Perkin "Warbeck, and to 
 be none Englishman born, but born at Tournay, and 
 son to John Osbeck, and sometime while he lived 
 comptroller of the said Tournay j with many other 
 circumstances too long to write, declaring by whose 
 means he took upon him this presumption and folly. 
 And so, now this great abusion, which hath long 
 
 'This word is iaserted, there being an "hiatus" 
 original MS. 
 
l6 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 continued, is now openly known by his own confession. 
 We write this news unto you, for we be undoubtedly 
 sure, that calling to mind the great abusion that divers 
 folks have been in, by reason of the said Perkin, and 
 the great business and charges that we and our realm 
 have been put unto in that behalf, you would be glad 
 to hear the certainty of the same, which we affirm 
 unto you for assured, truth. 
 
 Sithence the writing of these premises, we be 
 ascertained that Perkin's wife is in good surety for us, 
 and trust that she shall shortly come unto us to this 
 our city of Exeter, as she is in dole. Over this, we 
 understand by writing from the Right Reverend 
 Father in God, the Bishop of Duresme,' that a trux= 
 is taken betwixt us and Scotland ; and that it con- 
 cluded that the King of Scots shall send unto us a 
 great and solemn ambassady for a league and peace to 
 be had during both our lives. And sithence^ our 
 coming to this our city of Exeter for the punition''^ of 
 this great rebellion, and for so to order the parts of 
 Cornwall, as the people may live in their due obeisance^ 
 to us and in good restfulness unto themselves for time 
 to come : the commons of this shire of Devon come 
 daily before us in great multitudes in their shirts, the 
 
 ' Durham. 
 =* Trace. 
 
 3 Since. 
 
 4 Punishment. 
 
 5 Obedience. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMPNTS. 17 
 
 foremost of them having halters about their necks, and 
 full humbly with lamentable cries for our grace and 
 remission, submit themselves unto us ; whereupon, 
 doing, first, the chief stirrers and misdoers to be tried 
 out of them, for to abide their corrections according, 
 we grant to the residue our said grace and pardon. 
 And our commissioners, the Earl of Devon, our 
 chamberlain, and our steward of household, have done 
 and do daily in likewise in our county of Cornwall, 
 
 Yeven^ under our signet at our said city of Exeter, 
 the 17th day of October. 
 
 To our trusty and well-beloved, the Mayor and his 
 brethren of our city of Waterford. 
 
 Henry VIII. to James IV. of Scotland. 
 1513-' 
 
 12th August 1513. 
 Right excellent, right high, and mighty prince, 
 
 We have received your writing, dated at 
 Edinburgh the twenty-sixth^ day of July, by your herald 
 
 ^ The old form of the word '* given." 
 
 ^ MS. Harl,, 787, art. 54. Other copies of this letter are pre- 
 served in MS. Harl., 1252, art. 38, and MS. Cotton. Caiig. B. vi. 
 art 21. 
 
 3 Some copies say the i6th. 
 
iS A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Lyon the bearer, wherein after rehearsal and accu- 
 mulation of many surmises, injuries, griefs, and damages 
 done by us and our subjects to you and your lieges, the 
 specialities whereof were superfluous to rehearse, 
 remembering that to them and every of them, in 
 effect, reasonable answer, founded upon law and 
 conscience, hath heretofore been made to you and your 
 council, — ^ 
 
 You not only require us to desist from farther 
 invasion and utter destruction of your brother and 
 cousin the French king, but also certify us that you 
 will take part in defence of the said king ; and do that 
 thing which you trust may rather cause us to desist 
 from farther pursuit of him ; with many contrived 
 occasions and communications, by you causeless sought 
 and imagined, sounding to the breach of the perpetual 
 peace passed, concluded, and sworn betwixt you and 
 us J of which your imagined quarrels, causeless devised 
 to break to us, (contrary to your oath promised, all 
 honour, and kindness), we cannot marvel, considering 
 the ancient accustomable manners of your progenitors, 
 which never kept faith and promise longer than 
 pleased them. 
 
 ^ This violent and passionate letter was in answer to one from 
 James to Henry, in which he complained of the murder of Barton, 
 of the detention of Scottish ships and artillery, of the protection 
 given to the bastard Heron, and of the refusal to pay the legacy 
 left by Henry VIL to his daughter the Scottish queen; requiring 
 the retreat of the English army out of France, and stating that 
 he had granted letters of marque to his subjects, and would take 
 part with Louis, his friend and ally. Lingard, vol. vi., p. to. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. I9 
 
 Howbeit, if the love and dread of God, nighness of 
 blood, honour of the world, law and reason, had bound 
 you, we suppose you would never have so far proceeded, 
 specially in our absence ; wherein the Pope and all 
 princes christened may well note in you dishonourable 
 demeanour, when you, lying in await, seek the ways to 
 do that in our absence which you would not have been 
 well advised to attempt, we being within our realm and 
 present. And for the evident approbation hereof, we 
 need none other proof nor witness, but your own 
 writings heretofore to us sent, we being within our 
 realm j wherein you never made mention of taking 
 part with our enemy the French king, but passed your 
 time with us till after our departure from our said 
 realm. And now, percase,^ you supposing us, so far 
 from our said realm, to be destitute of defence against 
 your invasions, have uttered the old rancour of your 
 mind, which in covert manner you have long kept 
 secret. 
 
 Nevertheless, we remembering the brittleness of your 
 promise, and suspecting, though not wholly believing, 
 so much un stead fastness, thought it right expedient 
 and necessary to put our said realm in a readiness for 
 resisting of your said enterprises, having firm trust in 
 our Lord God and the righteousness of our cause, and,= 
 
 ^ Perchance. 
 
 - This word is inserted from the copy contained in the Cot- 
 toiii^n MS. 
 
20 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 with the assistance of our confederates and allies, we 
 shall be able to resist the malice of all schismatics and 
 their adherents, being by the general council expressly 
 excommunicate and interdicted ; trusting also in time 
 convenient to remember our friends and requite you 
 and our enemies, which by such unnatural demeanour 
 have given sufficient cause to thejdisherison^ of you 
 and your posterity for ever from the possibility that 
 you think to have to our realm, which you now 
 attempt to invade. 
 
 And, if the example of the king of Navarre being 
 excluded from his realm for assistance given to the 
 French king, cannot restrain you from this unnatural 
 dealing, we suppose you shall have like assistance of 
 the said French king, as the king of Navarre hath 
 now, who is a king without a realm ; and so the 
 French king peaceably suffereth him to continue : 
 whereunto good regard should be taken. 
 
 And, like as we heretofore touched in this our 
 writing, we need not to make any further answer 
 to your manifold grieves^ by you surmised in your 
 letter. Forasmuch as, if any law or reason could 
 have removed you from your sensual opinions, you 
 have been many and oftentimes sufficiently answered 
 to the same, except only to the pretended grieves 
 touching the denying of our safe-conduct to your 
 
 ' Disinheriting. 
 ^ Grievances. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 21 
 
 ambassador to be last sent unto us : whereunto we 
 make this answer, — that we had granted the said 
 safe-conduct, and if your herald would have taken the 
 same with him, like as he hath been accustomed to 
 solicit safe-conducts for merchants and others hereto- 
 fore, you might as soon have had that as the other j 
 for we never denied safe-conduct to any your lieges to 
 come unto us, and no further to pass. But we see 
 well, like as your herald had heretofore made sinister 
 report contrary to truth ; so hath he done in this case, 
 as is manifest and open. 
 
 Finally, as touching your requisition to desist from 
 further attempting against our enemy the French king, 
 we know you for no competent judge of so high 
 authority to require us in that behalf. Wherefore, 
 God willing, we purpose with the aid and assistance of 
 our confederates and allies to prosecute the same ; and, 
 as you do to us and to our realm, so it shall be re- 
 membered and acquitted hereafter, by the help of our 
 Lord and patron Saint George, who, right excellent, 
 right high, and mighty prince, &c. 
 
 Given under our signet in our camp before Tyrwin,^ 
 the 1 2th day of August, in the fifth year of our reign. 
 
 ' Terouenne. 
 
 
22 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Henry VIII, to the Estates of Scotland.' 
 1521. 
 
 Henry, by the grace of God, King of England and 
 France, Lord of Ireland, to our well-beloved, all and 
 every, the lords spiritual and temporal, likewise the 
 commons and three estates of the kingdom of Scot- 
 land, to whom these presents shall come, health and 
 greeting in God everlasting. 
 
 Inasmnch as we, drawn by natural affection and 
 love, as well as on account of proximity of blood 
 which is between us and our very dear brother and 
 nephew, the young king of your kingdom, your 
 sovereign lord, as of his minority and nonage, have 
 heretofore been very content to live in repose, tran- 
 quillity, and peace with the said kingdom, the nobles 
 and subjects thereof j making to that end, from time 
 to time, many treaties of truce and abstinence from 
 war, under conditions which, before this, have not 
 been observed ; and, inasmuch as, by many irruptions, 
 robberies, murders, burnings, and other outrages, we 
 have been provoked and inclined to the contrary, being 
 determined to continue in like mind during the mi- 
 nority of our said nephew : nevertheless, having just 
 heard, to our great regret and displeasure, that the 
 Duke of Albany, pretending himself heir-apparent 
 
 'MSS.Harl.12z4. An. Z5. Translated from the French. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 23 
 
 and next successor to the crown of Scotland, is not 
 only arrived there, usurping as governor, with money, 
 ordinance, artillery, and other preparations of war, for 
 the purpose of hostility ; but also, taking into his 
 hands the custody of the said young king our nephew 
 (as we are informed by those who are worthy of 
 credit) has committed the custody and governance of 
 him to a foreigner of low reputation ; contriving and 
 damnably purposing the divorce of the queen our 
 sister from her spouse and lawful husband, and pro- 
 posing to contract marriage with her ; whereby not 
 only the person of the said king our nephew is, in 
 appearance, in great danger of being destroyed, but 
 also our sister on the eve of ruin, to our great dis- 
 honour and displeasure. 
 
 We therefore, providing against, wishing and pur- 
 posing to remove, take away, and cut off the said 
 dangers and inconveniences have long since made 
 instant and earnest request to our brother and cousin 
 the French king, to detain and keep the said duke in 
 France, and not to suffer him, in any wise, to return 
 or resort to Scotland ; the which thing the French 
 king, like a virtuous^ prince, at our instance has 
 expressly promised and granted by letters signed with 
 his own hand, and confirmed by oath made upon the 
 Holy Evangelists. Wherefore, we are induced to 
 think and really to presume that the said duke, in 
 order to accomplish his damnable purposes in covert 
 manner, has come out of France without the cogniz- 
 
24 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 ance, assurance, or even the knowledge of the said 
 French king, taking it for granted that, noble prince 
 as he is, with whom we must have so good and perfect 
 intelligence, he would not violate his oath by per- 
 mitting the said duke with his knowledge to return 
 into Scotland. 
 
 And, inasmuch as the said duke has, but a little 
 while ago, importuned us by his secretary for a longer 
 protraction of the truce between us and the kingdom 
 of Scotland ; nevertheless, we, considering and mani- 
 festly perceiving the imminent dangers, which, by the 
 establishing of the said duke in repose and tranquility, 
 would indubitably ensue to the said kingdom and the 
 said king our nephew, he by virtue thereof designing 
 to abuse the nobles and aspire to the crown of Scotland, 
 have expressly refused to condescend to any peace or 
 abstinence from war at his request or instance, so long 
 as he shall remain there ; whereas we might have 
 been hereunto very agreeable from the entire affection 
 which we bear to our said nephew, if the said duke, 
 being dismissed out of Scotland, the thing had been 
 demanded by you and the three estates of the realm. 
 
 Wherefore, and inasmuch as by the sojourn and 
 residence of the said duke in the country, the dangers 
 and inconveniences above specified, to all appearance, 
 will arrive and ensue j and as the king of France has 
 affirmed to our ambassador resident at his court that 
 his coming from thence is wholly against his will and 
 intention, (seeing that it is contrary to his oath and 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 2$ 
 
 promise) and likewise, as thereby the peace and tran- 
 quility of your kingdom will be troubled, we earnestly 
 require, desire, and pray you to look so substantially 
 as well to the safety of your natural king and prince 
 as of your honours, property, and repose, that you 
 neither aid, favour, nor assist the said duke in his evil 
 purposes and damnable enterprises, nor even suffer him 
 to tarry in that your country ; assuring you that, by so 
 doing, we will not only live with you in amity, tran- 
 quility, and repose, but also assist and aid you with our 
 person, power,and substance against him, his adherents, 
 and these who shall be willing to side with him, and 
 all others who shall undertake any mischief against 
 our said nephew and his kindom. And, in letting him 
 abide in your country, you will peril your prince, and 
 dishonour your queen our sister, and provoke us with 
 all our confederates and allies to do you all the harm 
 and damage that we can, (for which we should be 
 sorry) if by your countenance of the said duke you 
 should force us thereto. 
 
 Given under our privy seal at our abode of Green- 
 wich, the 15th day of January, the year of our Lord, 
 1 521, and of our reign the thirteenth. 
 
 Signed as underneath. 
 
 Henry.^ 
 
 ^ The following note, in Latin, is appended to this letter.— 
 "This is a true copy of the original letter of the aforesaid most 
 excellent Prince Henry King of England, and subscribed by the 
 hand and affirmed by the private seal of the same; it was trans- 
 
26 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Henry VIII. to Queen Margaret/ 
 1523* 
 
 Right excellent and noble princess, our dearest 
 sister, we commend us unto you. in our most hearty 
 and affectionate manner j advertising you, that we 
 have as well received your letters credential addressed 
 unto us by Sir John Campbell, knight, as your other 
 letters sent unto us from Edinburgh, by our servant 
 Barwick j and have at good length heard the credence, 
 which you referred to the declaration of our right 
 trusty and right entirely beloved cousin and counselLor 
 the Duice of Norfolk. For answer whereunto, dearest 
 sister, you shall understand, that like as we would be 
 right sorry to see, that our good brother and nephew, 
 your son, should not use you in all things as beseemeth 
 a natural and kind son to use his mother j so you may 
 certainly persuade yourself that, in case we should 
 certainly perceive the contrary, whereby it should ap- 
 pear you should be treated otherwise than your honour 
 
 I ated from the English into the French tongue, in all respect- 
 according with tne original, being faithfutty collated by me, 
 Alexander Scott, notary-public and scribe of the council; so testi- 
 fied under my seal and subscription manual." The original letter 
 in English does not appear to be extant ; but if the chances of 
 antiquarian research should brine; it to light, the reader can then 
 compare it with a modern English version of a French translation 
 made three centuries ago. — Halliwell's " Letters of the Kings of 
 England, vol. i,, p, ayi. 
 
 ^ MSS. in the Stale Paper Oince. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 27 
 
 and the treaty of your marriage doth require, there 
 shall, on our behalf, want no loving and kind office, 
 which we shall think, may tend to your relief, com- 
 fort, and satisfaction. But, dearest sister, because by 
 the report and credence of the said Sir John Camp- 
 bell, whom you recommended unto us as your special 
 friend, it appeared to us, that you be there very well 
 handled, and be grown to much wealth, quiet, and 
 riches ; and, on the other side, by the credence com- 
 mitted to our said servant Barwick, it appeared other- 
 wise : having the same declared unto us the mere 
 contrary, we perceive their tales be so contrary and 
 repugnant, one to another, that we may well remain 
 doubtful which of them we may believe. And per- 
 ceiving also, by sundry other advertisements heretofore 
 received from you, concerning your trouble and evil 
 handling there, both by our nephew, your son, and by 
 the Lord MufFyn, that either your state often varyeth, 
 or else things have not been well understood and de- 
 clared J for that we have after found them variable, 
 and you of other disposition than hath been of your 
 behalf pretended unto us : having occasion at this 
 time to send this bearer unto those parts for other our 
 affairs and business, we thought meet, by these our 
 letters to desire and pray you, not only to signify unto 
 us more plainly the points wherein you note yourself 
 evil handled, but also whether you desire that we 
 should directly and particularly entreat such your 
 griefs with our good brother and nephew your son. 
 
28 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 as you will specially signify unto us, or else generally 
 recommend your state, condition, and good entertain- 
 ment unto him. For, as we would be very loth, 
 either to propose the matter unto him for you, as 
 yourself should not after justify, or otherwise to en- 
 treat it, than might most redound to your repose, 
 commodity, and quiet ; so, knowing certainly your 
 mind herein, with the particularities of griefs, such 
 as you will avow and justify, we shall not fail to devise 
 in such wise for the redress of the same, as both your 
 honour and ours shall appertain j likewise, this bearer 
 can further declare unto you, to whom we require 
 you, dearest sister, to give credence. 
 
 LOVE-LETTERS OF HENRY VIII. 
 1528-9. 
 
 Mr. J. O. Halliwell prefaces these letters with 
 the following observations : — 
 
 "The letters of Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, 
 perhaps the most remarkable documents of the kind 
 known to exist, were published at Oxford in 1720 by 
 Hearne, in a volume entitled Rohertl de Avetbury 
 Histona de mrabilibus gestis Edvardl III., and inserted 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 29 
 
 in the third volume of the Harleian Miscellany, 1745. 
 These two editors differ considerably from each other, 
 and still more so from the transcripts here given, 
 which are taicen from the edition printed at Paris. 
 Either from hurry or carelessness, the English editors 
 have not furnished faithful copies of the original 
 autographs preserved in the Vatican library at Rome, 
 where they are objects of particular curiosity to 
 foreigners, and especially to English visitors. 
 
 **When the successes of the French in Italy, under 
 Buonoparte, in 1796 and 7, compelled the pope to sue 
 for peace, among other trophies demanded by the re- 
 publican general were five hundred manuscripts to be 
 selected by French commissioners. The letters of 
 Henry Vin. formed part of this booty. How they 
 had found their way into the papal archives we are 
 not informed ; but they were transferred at that period 
 to the Bibliotheque du Roi in Paris, where they re- 
 mained till the stipulations of the general peace in 
 1 81 5 obliged France to disgorge the treasures of art 
 and literature of which she had plundered almost 
 every nation in Europe. 
 
 " While in Paris, these letters were copied with 
 the most scrupulous accuracy by M. Meon, who held 
 a situation in the Manuscript department of the 
 Bibliotheque du Roi, and to this copy we are indebted 
 for a more faithful transcript than has hitherto ap- 
 psared in this country. The fifth and thirteenth, 
 however, which are not comprehended in the Vatican 
 
30 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 collection, are supplied from Hearne's work. Of the 
 seventeen letters of which the series consists, eight 
 are written in English and nine in French. 
 
 ''Miss Strickland relates that these letters were 
 stolen from Anne Boleyn in the close of the year 1528, 
 and conveyed to Rome by the intrigues probably of 
 Wolsey, though great suspicion fell on the legate 
 Cardinal Campeggio. When this legate was recalled 
 by the pope, and about to embark, his trunks and 
 other effects were strictly searched by the officers of 
 the customs, upon pretext of examining whether he 
 was carrying money or letters out of England to Rome, 
 but in reality, as we are told by Lord Herbert of 
 Cherbury, in hopes of finding a decretal bull issued by 
 the pope annulling the king's marriage with Katharine, 
 but retracted by the pontiff, and recovering Henry's 
 love-letters to Anne Boleyn. But the search was 
 vain ; for those letters had been already sent to Rome, 
 having been stolen from the king's closet, says the 
 writer just quoted : but it seems much more probable 
 that they were taken from the apartments of the lady 
 to whom they were addressed. 
 
 "They appear to have been written after Anne 
 Boleyn had been sent away from court, in consequence 
 of reports injurious to her reputation which had begun 
 to be publicly circulated. Her removal indeed was so 
 abrupt that she had resolved never to return. The 
 king soon repented his harshness, and strove to per- 
 suade her to come back j but it was a long time, and 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 31 
 
 not without great trouble, that he could induce her to 
 comply. Her retirement did not take place before the 
 month of May, 1528 ; this is proved by a letter of 
 Fox, bishop of Hereford, to Gardiner, bishop of Win- 
 chester, dated the 4th of May, in that year, in which 
 the writer, who had just returned from Rome, whither 
 he had been sent to negociate the king's divorce, gives 
 an account of his landing at Sandwich, on the 2nd, of 
 his arrival on the same night at Greenwich, where the 
 king then was, and of the order he received from him 
 to go to the apartments of Anne Boleyn, which were 
 in the Tilt-yard, and inform her how anxious he had 
 been to hasten the arrival of the legate, and how much 
 he was rejoiced by it. This letter, formerly in the 
 possession of Harley, earl of Oxford, is now at Rome. 
 "It must have been very soon afterwards that Anne 
 Boleyn left the court. In fact, in the first letter of 
 this series the king excuses himself for being under 
 the necessity of parting from her. In the second he 
 complains of the dislike which she shows to return to 
 court : but in neither of them does he allude to the 
 pestilential disease which in that year committed such 
 ravages in England. In the third, however, he does 
 advert to it as a disorder which has prevailed for some 
 time, and on which he makes some observations. 
 
 "Between this letter, probably written in the month 
 of July, and the sixth, in which the king speaks of the 
 arrival of the legate in Paris, and which must have 
 been written about the end of September, there are 
 
32 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 two letters, certainly written within a few days of each 
 other. In the second of these two, viz., the fifth of 
 this series, the king expresses his extreme satisfaction 
 which he has received from the lady's answer to his 
 request. In the effusion of his gratitude, he pays a 
 visit to his mistress, and both address a letter to Car- 
 dinal Wolsey, in which Henry manifests his astonish- 
 ment at not having yet heard of the arrival of Cam- 
 peggio, the legate, in Paris. Ths date of this letter 
 may thus be fixed in the month of September. 
 
 '* The fourth, apparently written in August, is the 
 most interesting of the whole collection, inasmuch as 
 it fixes the period of the commencement of the king's 
 affection for Anne Boleyn. He complains of * having 
 been above a whole year struck with the dart of love," 
 and that he is not yet quite certain whether he shall 
 find a place in the heart and affections of her whom 
 he loves. 
 
 " The last letter, which makes mention of the ill- 
 ness of the legate as the cause of the delay in the 
 affair of the divorce, shows that this correspondence 
 ended in May, 1529, at which time the court of 
 legates was opened for the final decision of that point. 
 
 " Anne, daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, subse- 
 quently created earl of Wiltshire, after passing many 
 years at the court of Claude, queen of Francis I. of 
 France, returned to England about the end of the 
 year, 1525, at the age of eighteen. Here she was soon 
 appointed maid of honour to Queen Katherine, and 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 33 
 
 attracted the particular attentions of Henry VIII., 
 who was then engaged in soliciting a divorce from the 
 pope. The marked preference shown by the king for 
 Anne Boleyn raised so much jealousy and slander that 
 it was thought advisable by her family to remove the 
 new favourite from the court ; and it was during this 
 retirement at Hever, a seat of her father's in Kent, 
 that these letters were addressed to her by her royal 
 lover. It was no doubt to render them more agreeable 
 that he wrote some of them in French. They breathe 
 a fondness and an ardour which could scarcely leave 
 room to doubt the sincerity of his love. The more 
 painful are the reflections to which they give rise when 
 we recollect that the man who with his own hand 
 penned such fervent epistles, and for six years per 
 formed the part of the most impassioned lover, could 
 doom the woman he had adored to the block, hurry 
 her execution, and with joy await the signal of her 
 death. 
 
 " Catholic writers of various nations have been most 
 assiduous in their endeavours to brand the memory of 
 this most unfortunate of queens. Many of their 
 calumnies have been derived from a history of the 
 Reformation, published at Cologne in 1628, written 
 by Sanders, an English catholic, the various editions 
 of which have undergone alterations and interpolations 
 by various hands, according to the views, the opinions, 
 and frequently according to the influence ''of the 
 political party which guided the pen of the different 
 C 
 
34 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 editors. Novelists themselves have not disdained to 
 propagate these calumnies ; and sometimes, by the 
 grossness of their exaggerations, they have even 
 invested them with an air of positive absurdity. Thus 
 Madame de la Fayette, in her Princesse de Cleves, 
 introduces the queen-dauphiness, Mary Stuart, relating 
 the history of Anne Boleyn, and giving in a few pages 
 an analysis of the statements of Sanders. She begins 
 in this manner : * Anne Boleyn was of a good English 
 family. Henry VIII. had been enamoured of her 
 sister and her mother, and it was even suspected that 
 she was his daughter.* A recent French writer of 
 the article in the Biographie Universelle has dared, 
 probably on no better authority than such records as 
 these to impute to * the hypocritical ambition' and 
 * the profound immorality ' of this first Protestant 
 queen of England, the scaffolds, the gibbets, and the 
 firebrands which stained the reigns of Henry and his 
 two daughters with blood and ashes — a charge about 
 as just as the remark of the brilliant but superficial 
 Voltaire, that ' England separated herself from the 
 pope because Henry VIII. fell in love.' 
 
 " French writers have not taken less liberty in the 
 portraiture of the per-son than of the character of Anne 
 Boleyn. A contemporary panegyrist has related that 
 she had a double nail on one of her fingers, but that 
 she had the skill to change this defect into a beauty. 
 On this hint probably it was gravely asserted in the 
 Dictiontiaire des Sciences Medicales that Anne Boleyn had 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 35 
 
 six fingers on each hand. In the same work she is 
 said to have been multimamey and in the same article 
 is thrown out the conjecture that perhaps she had 
 six toes on each foot, A few more superfluous 
 endowments of this kind, and the woman who 
 charmed the whole court of England may be made as 
 hideous as you please. The reader will not be sur- 
 prised to learn that the type of all these notable in- 
 ventions, copied and successively augmented according 
 to the taste of each writer, belongs to the veracious 
 Sanders, who thus describes Anne Boleyn : * She had 
 six fingers on her right hand, a long, sallow face, and 
 a wen on her neck,' In this manner, traditions, the 
 one more absurd than the other, come to be perpetuated 
 and admitted as authenticated facts even into the re- 
 cords of history." 
 
 Henry VIII to Anne Boleyn,' 
 
 My mistress and friend, my heart and I surrender 
 ourselves into your hands, beseeching you to hold us 
 
 * This letter has been printed several times. Early copies of 
 it are preserved in the British Museum, and another, with many 
 variations, in Rawlinson's collection of MSS. in the Bodleian 
 Library at Oxford. 
 
36 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 commended to your favour, and that by absence your 
 affection to us may not be lessened : for It would be a 
 great pity to increase our pain, of which absence pro- 
 duces enough and more than I could ever have thought 
 could be felt, reminding us of a point in astronomy 
 which is this : the longer the days are, the more 
 distant is the sun, and nevertheless the hotter ; so is 
 it with our love, for by absence we are kept a distance 
 from one another, and yet it retains its fervour, at 
 least on my side ; I hope the like on yours, assuring 
 you that on my part the pain of absence is already too 
 great for me ; and when I think of the increase of 
 that which I am forced to suffer, it would be almost 
 intolerable, but for the firm hope I have of your 
 unchangeable affection for me : and to remind you of 
 this sometimes, and seeing that I cannot be personally 
 present with you, I now send you the nearest thing I 
 can to that, namely, my picture set In bracelets, with 
 the whole of the device,^ which you already know, 
 wishing myself in their place, if It should please you. 
 This Is from the hand of your loyal servant and 
 friend, 
 
 H. R. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 37 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn.' 
 
 To my mistress. 
 
 Because the time seems very long since I 
 heard concerning your health and you, the great affec- 
 tion I have for you has induced me to send you this 
 bearer, to be better informed of your health and plea- 
 sure, and because, since my parting from you, I have 
 been told that the opinion in which I left you is totally 
 changed, and that you would not come to court either 
 with your mother, if you could, or in any other 
 manner j which report, if true, I cannot sufficiently 
 marvel at, because I am sure that I have since never 
 done anything to offend you, and it seems a very poor 
 return for the great love I bear you to keep me at a 
 distance both from the speech and the person of the 
 woman that I esteem most in the world ; and if you 
 love me with as much affection as I hope you do, I 
 am sure that the distance of our two persona would be 
 a little irksome to you, though this does not belong so 
 much to the mistress as to the servant. 
 
 Consider well, my mistress, that absence from you 
 grieves me sorely, hoping that it is not your will that 
 it should be so j but if I knew for certain that you 
 voluntarily desired it, I could do no other than mourn 
 
 ^ Translated from the French original. 
 
38 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 my ill-fortune, and by degrees abate my great folly. 
 And so, for lack of time, I make an end of this rude 
 letter, beseeching you to give credence to this bearer 
 in all that he will tell you from me. 
 
 Written by the hand of your entire servant, 
 
 H. R. 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 The uneasiness my doubts about your health gave 
 me, disturbed and alarmed me exceedingly, and I should 
 not have had any quiet without hearing certain tidings. 
 But now, since you have as yet felt nothing, I hope, 
 and am assured that it' will spare you, as I hope it is 
 doing with us. For when we were at Walton, two 
 ushers, two valets de chambre, and your brother,* 
 [master treasurer] fell, but are now quite well ; and 
 since we have returned to your house at Hunsdon, we 
 have been perfectly well, and have not, at present, one 
 sick person, God be praised ; and I think, if you would 
 retire from Surrey, as we did, you would escape all 
 
 ^ That is, the sweadng sickness. 
 
 * George Boleyn, created Viscount Rochford in the early period 
 of his sister's favour. He was afterwards employed in several 
 embassies, and at the time of his sister's marriage, the king 
 appointed him governor of Dover Castle and warden of the- 
 Cinque Ports. Exalted by her fortune, he fell with her, and was 
 beheaded on Tower Hill in 1536. on the charge ot an incestuous 
 connexion with the unhappy victjm of the inconstant monarch, — 
 "Halliwell's Letters of the Kings of England," vol i. p. J04. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 39 
 
 danger. There is another thing that may comfort 
 you, which is, that, in truth, in this distemper few or 
 no women have been taken ill, and, what is more, no 
 person of our court, and few elsewhere, have died of 
 it. For which reason I beg you, my entirely beloved, 
 not to frighten yourself nor be too uneasy at our 
 absence ; for, wherever I am, I am yours, and yet we 
 must sometimes submit to our misfortunes, for who- 
 ever will struggle against fate is generally but so much 
 the farther from gaining his end : wherefore comfort 
 yourself, and take courage, and avoid the pestilence as 
 much as you can, for I hope shortly to make you sing, 
 le reti'voye. No more at present, for lack of time, but 
 that I wish you in my arms, that I might a little 
 dispel your unreasonable thoughts. 
 
 Written by the hand of him who is and always will 
 be yours, 
 
 Im-H. R,-mutable. 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn.^ 
 
 For a present so beautiful that nothing could be 
 more so (considering the whole of it), I thank you 
 
 * The original of this letter is not in the Vatican collection 
 it has therefore been translated from the copy given in Heamc's 
 works. 
 
40 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 most cordially, not only on account of the fine 
 diamond and the ship in which the solitary damsel is 
 tossed about, but chiefly for the fine interpretation and 
 the too humble submission which your goodness hath 
 used towards me in this case ; for I think it would be 
 very difficult for me to find (an occasion to deserve it, 
 if I were not assisted by your great humanity and 
 favour, which I have always sought to seek, and will 
 seek to preserve by all the kindness in my power, in 
 which my hope has placed its unchangeable intention, 
 which says, Aut illic, aut nullibi^ 
 
 The demonstrations of your affection are such, the 
 beautiful mottoes of the letter so cordially expressed, 
 that they oblige me for ever to honour, love, and serve 
 you sincerely, beseeching you to continue in the same 
 firm and constant purpose, assuring you that, on my 
 part, I will surpass it rather than make it reciprocal, 
 if loyalty of heart and a desire to please you can 
 accomplish this. 
 
 I beg, also, if at any time before this I have in any 
 way offended you, that you would give me the same 
 absolution that you ask, assuring you that hencefor- 
 ward my heart shall be dedicated to you alone. I wish 
 my person was so too. God can do it, if He pleases, 
 to whom I pray every day for that end, hoping that at 
 length my prayers will be heard. I wish the time 
 
 * Either there or no where. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 4I 
 
 may be short, but I shall think it long till we see one 
 another. 
 
 Written by the hand of that secretary, who in 
 heart, body, and will, is 
 
 Your loyal and most assured servant, 
 
 H. R. 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 On turning over in my mind the contents of your 
 last letters, I have put myself into great agony, not 
 Icnowing how to interpret them, whether to my dis- 
 advantage, as I understand them in some others, be- 
 seeching you earnestly to let me know expressly your 
 whole mind as to the love between us two. It is ab- 
 solutely necessary for me to obtain this answer, having 
 been for above a whole year stricken with the dart of 
 love, and not yet sure whether I shall fail or find a 
 place in your heart and affection, which last point has 
 prevented me for some time past from calling you my 
 mistress ; because, if you only love me with an ordin- 
 ary love, that name is not suitable for you, because it 
 denotes a singular love, which is far from common. 
 But if you please to do the office of a true loyal mis- 
 tress and friend, and to give up yourself body and heart 
 to me, who will be, and have been, your most loyal 
 
42 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 servant, (if your rigour does not forbid me) I promise 
 you that not only shall the name be given you, but 
 also that I will take you for my only mistress, casting 
 off all others besides you out of my thoughts and 
 affections, and serve you only. I beseech you to give 
 an entire answer to this my rude letter, that I may 
 know on what and how far I may depend. And if it 
 does not please you to answer me in writing, appoint 
 Bome place where I may have it by word of mouth, 
 and I will go thither with all my heart. 
 
 No more, for fear of tiring you. 
 
 Written by the hand of him who will willingly 
 remain yours, 
 
 H. R. 
 
 Henry VIIL to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 The reasonable request of your last letter, with the 
 pleasure also that I take to know them true, causeth 
 me to send you these news. The legate whom we 
 most desired, arrived at Paris on Sunday or Monday 
 last past, so that I trust by the next Monday to hear 
 of his arrival at Calais ; and then I trust within 
 awhile after to enjoy that which I have so long longed 
 for, to God's pleasure, and both our comforts. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 43 
 
 No more to you at this present, mine own darling, 
 for lack of time, but tliat I would you were in mine 
 arms, or I in yours, for I think it long since I kissed 
 you. 
 
 Written after the killing of a hart, at eleven of the 
 clock, minding,' with God's grace, to-morrow, mighty 
 timely, to kill an other, by the hand, which, I trust, 
 
 shortly shall be yours. 
 
 Henry R. 
 
 Henry VIII. to Ann Boleyn. 
 
 Darling, 
 
 Though I have scant leisure, yet remem- 
 bering my promise, I thought it convenient to certify 
 you briefly in what case our affairs stand. As touch- 
 ing a lodging ^ for you, we have got one by my lord 
 cardinal's means, the like or hire of which could not 
 have been found hereabouts for all causes, as this 
 bearer shall more show you. As touching our other 
 affairs, I assure you there can be no more done, nor 
 more diligence used, nor all manner of dangers both 
 
 ' Purposing. 
 
 ^ Alluding to SuiTolk House, which Wolsey had procured fnr 
 this purpose. It was contiguous to York House, now Wliitehall. 
 
44 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 foreseen and provided for, so that I trust it sliall be 
 hereafter to both our comforts, the specialties whereof 
 were both too long to be written, and hardly by mes- 
 senger to be declared. Wherefore, till your repair 
 hither, I iceep something in store, trusting it shall not 
 be long to ; for I have caused my lord, your father, 
 to make his provisions with speed ; and thus, for 
 lack of time, darling, I make an end of my letter, 
 written with the hand of him which I would were 
 yours. 
 
 H. R. 
 
 I'l'i'i'i'i"!'!': 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 Though it is not fitting for a gentleman to take his 
 lady in the place of a servant, yet, complying with 
 your desire, I willingly grant it you, if thereby you can 
 find yourself less uncomfortable in the place chosen by 
 yourself than you have been in that which I gave you, 
 thanking you cordially that you are pleased still to 
 have some remembrance of me. 
 
 H. R. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 45 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 The cause of my writing at this time, good sweet- 
 heart, is only to understand of your good health and 
 prosperity ; whereof to know T would be aa glad as in 
 mine own, praying God that (If it be his pleasure) to 
 send us shortly together, for I promise you I long for 
 it. How be it, I trust it shall not be long to ; and 
 seeing my darling is absent, I can do no less than to 
 send her some flesh, representing my name, which is 
 hart flesh* for Henry, 
 
 As touching your sister's matter,^ I have caused 
 Walter Welche ^ to write to my lord ■* my mind 
 thereon, whereby I trust that Eve shall not have 
 power to deceive Adam ; for surely, whatsoever is 
 saidj it cannot so stand with his honour but that he 
 must needs take her, his natural daughter, now in her 
 extreme necessity. 
 
 No more to you at this time, mine own darling, 
 but that with a wish I would we were together an 
 evening. 
 
 With the hand of yours. H. R, 
 
 Venison. 
 ^ Her sister Mary, who had been left a portionless widow, with 
 two infent children, and on whose behalf Anne had written to 
 Henry a letter, to which this is the reply. 
 
 3 Sir Walter Welche, one of the six gentlemen of his privy 
 chamber. He was much trusted by the king.--CAVENDlsn. 
 
 4 Her father. Sir Thomas Boleyn, had been created Earl of 
 Wiltshire and Ormonde. 
 
46 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn.^ 
 
 Although, my mistress, it ha3 not pleased you to 
 remember the promise you made me when I was last 
 with you — that is, to hear good news from you, and 
 to have an answer to my last letter ; yet it seems to 
 me that it belongs to a true servant (seeing that other- 
 wise he can know nothing) to inquire the health of 
 his mistress, and to acquit myself of the duty of a 
 true servant, I send you this letter, beseeching you to 
 apprise me of your welfare, which I pray to God may 
 continue as long as I desire mine own. And to cause 
 you yet oftener to remember me, I send you by the 
 bearer of this a buck, killed late last night by my own 
 hand, hoping that when you eat of it you may think 
 of the hunter j and thus, for want of room, I must 
 end my letter, wr/tten by the hand of your servant, 
 who very often wishes for you instead of your brother. 
 
 H. R. 
 
 ^ This letter was probably written by Henry after he had been 
 unwillingly compelled to bend to public opinion, by dismissing 
 Anne Eoleyn for a time from Greenwich to Hever Castle. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 47 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 The approach of the time for which I have so long 
 waited rejoices me so much, that it seems almost to 
 have come already. However, the entire accomplish- 
 ment cannot be till the two persons meet, which 
 meeting is more desired by me than anything in this 
 world J for what joy can be greater upon earth than to 
 have the company of her who is dearest to me, knowing 
 likewise that she does the same to her part, the thought 
 of which gives me the greatest pleasure. 
 
 Judge what an effect the presence of that person 
 must have on me, whose absence has grieved my heart 
 more than either words or writing can express, and 
 which nothing can cure, but that begging you, my 
 mistress, to tell your father from me, that I desire him 
 to hasten the time appointed^ by two days, that he 
 may be at court before the old term, or, at farthest, 
 on the day prefixed j for otherwise I shall think he 
 will not do the lover's turn, as he said he would, nor 
 answer my expectation. 
 
 No more at present for lack of time, hoping shortly 
 that by word of mouth I shall tell you the rest of the 
 sufferings endured by me from your absence. 
 
 Written by the hand of the secretary, who wishes 
 himself at this moment privately with you, and who 
 is, and always will be. 
 
 Your loyal and most assured servant, 
 
 H. no other (A B) seeks. R. 
 ^ For Anne's return to London. 
 
4$ A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Henry VIII to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 There came to me suddenly in the night the most 
 afflicting news that could have arrived. On three 
 accounts I must lament it. The first, to hear of the 
 illness' of Txxy mistress, whom I esteem more than all 
 the world, and whose health I desire as I do my own, 
 so that I would gladly bear half your illness to make 
 you well. The second, from the fear that I have of 
 being still longer harassed by my enemy, Absence, 
 much longer, who has hitherto given me all possible 
 uneasiness, and as far as I can judge is determined to 
 spite me more. The third, because I pray God to rid 
 me of this troublesome tormentor, because my 
 physician, in whom I have most confidence, is absent 
 at the very time when he might do me the greatest 
 pleasure ; for I should hope, by him and his means, 
 to obtain one of my chief joys on earth — that is the 
 care of my mistress — yet for want of him I send you 
 my second, and hope that he will soon make you 
 well. I shall then love him more than ever. I 
 beseech you to be guided by his advice in your illness. 
 In so doing I hope soon to see you again, which will 
 be to me a greater comfort than all the precious jewels 
 in the world. 
 
 *Anne had been taken seriously ill of the pestilence, but she 
 ■was restored to health hy the skill and advice of Dr. Butts, the 
 physician alluded to iii tms letter. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 49 
 
 Written by that secretary, who is, and for ever will 
 be, your loyal and most assured servant, 
 
 H. no other (A B) seeks. R. 
 
 *9<^gW«- 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 Since your last letters, mine own darling, Walter 
 Welsh, Master Brown, John Care, Brion of Brearton, 
 and John Cork, the apothecary, be fallen of the sweat' 
 in this house, and, thanked be God, all well recovered, 
 so that as yet the plague is not fuUy ceased here, but 
 I trust shortly it shall. By the mercy of God, the 
 rest of us yet be well, and I trust shall pass it, either 
 not to have it, or, at the least, as easily as the rest 
 have done. 
 
 As touching the matter of Wilton, my lord cardinal 
 hath had the nuns before him, and examined them. 
 Bell being present j which hath certified me that, for 
 a truth, she had confessed herself (which we would 
 have had abbess) to have had two children by two sundry 
 priests ; and, further, since hath been kept by a servant 
 of the Lord Broke that was, and that not long ago. 
 Wherefore I would not, for all the gold in the world, 
 
 ' The sweating sickness. 
 D 
 
50 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 clog your conscience nor mine to make her ruler of 
 a house which is of so ungodly demeanour ; nor, I 
 trust, you would not that neither for brother nor 
 sister, I should so distain' mine honour or conscience. 
 And, as touching the prioress, or Dame Eleanor's 
 eldest sister, though there is not any evident case 
 proved against them, and that the prioress is so old 
 that for many years she could not be as she was named ; 
 yet notwithstanding, to do you pleasure, I have done 
 that neither of them shall have it, but that some other 
 good and well-disposed woman shall have it, whereby 
 the house shall be better reformed (whereof 1 ensure 
 you it had much need), and God much the better 
 served. 
 
 As touching your abode at Hever, do therein as 
 best shall like you, for you know best what air doth 
 best with you ,* but I would It were come thereto (If it 
 pleased God), that neither of us need care for that, for 
 I ensure you I think it long. Suche is fallen sick of 
 the sweat, and therefore I send you this bearer, because 
 I think you long to hear tidings from us, as we do 
 likewise from you. 
 
 Written with the hand de 'votre ieul, 
 
 H. R. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 5I 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 Darling, these shall be the only to advertise you that 
 this bearer and his fellow be despatched with as many 
 things to compjss our matter, and to bring it to pass 
 as our wits could imagine or devise j which brought 
 to pass, as I trust, by their diligence, it shall be shortly, 
 you and I shall have our desired end, which should be 
 more to my heart's ease, and more quietness to my 
 mind, than any other thing in this world j as, with 
 God's grace, shortly I trust shall be proved, but not 
 so soon as I would it were j yet I will ensure you there 
 shall be no time lost that may be won, and further 
 can not be done ; for ultra posse non est esse. Keep him 
 not too long with you, but desire him, for your sake, 
 to make the more speed j for the sooner we shall have 
 word from him, the sooner shall our matter come to 
 pass. And thus upon trust of your short repair to 
 London, I make an end of my letter, mine own sweet 
 heart. 
 
 Written with the hand of him which desireth as 
 much to be yours as you do to have him. 
 
 H. R. 
 
52 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 Darling, I heartily recommend me to you, ascer- 
 taining you that I am not a little perplexed with such 
 things as your brother shall on my part declare unto 
 you, to whom I pray you will give full credence, for it 
 were too long to write. In my last letters I writ to 
 you that I trusted shortly to see you, which is better 
 known at London than with any that is about me, 
 whereof I not a little marvel ; but lack of discreet 
 handling must needs be the cause thereof. No more 
 to you at this time, but I trust shortly that our 
 mjetings shall not depend upon other men's light 
 handlings, but upon our own. 
 
 Written with the hand of him that longs to be 
 
 yours, 
 
 H. R. 
 
 — »H^S>r-'^ — 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn.i 
 
 Mine own sweetheart, this shall be to advertise you 
 of the great elengeness^ that I find here since your 
 
 ^ Sharon Turner considers this letter as written in very " decor- 
 ous," affectionate, and earnest terms. Making all allowances for 
 the manners of the times, it can only exhibit Henry's profligate 
 passion iu no very creditable light; nor does it say much for 
 Anne's sense of propriety that she could consent to receive, much 
 less preserve, notes of such a coarse character. — HALLIWELL, 
 p. P8. 
 
 ^Loneliness, The term is still used in some parts of iCent, 
 "It is an ellinge house," i,e, lonely, solitary, — HALLIWELL, 
 P, 318. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 53 
 
 departing ; for I ensure you me thinketh the time 
 longer since your departing now last, than I was 
 wont to do a whole fortnight, I think your kind- 
 ness and my fervency of love causeth it j for, other- 
 wise, I would not have thought it possible that for so 
 little a while it should have grieved me. But now that 
 I am coming towards you, methinketh my pains be 
 half removed ; and also I am right well comforted 
 in so much that my book maketh substantially 
 for my matter ; ^ in looking whereof I have spent 
 above four hours this day, which caused me to write 
 the shorter letter to you at this time, because of some 
 pain in my head ; wishing myself (especially an evening) 
 in my sweetheart's arms, whose pretty dukkys I trust 
 shortly to cusse.^ 
 
 Written by the hand of him that was, is, and shall 
 be yours by his own will, 
 
 H. R. 
 
 — *^^^^8^— 
 
 Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn. 
 
 To inform you what joy it is to me to understand 
 of your conformablenesg with reason, and of the 
 suppressing of your inutile and vain thoughts with the 
 
 ' The king here alludes to a treatise he was then composing 
 on the unlawtulness of his present marriage, 
 ^ To kiss. 
 
54 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 bridle of reason. I assure you all the greatness of this 
 world CO Id not counterpoise for my satisfaction the 
 knowledge and certainty thereof. Therefore, good 
 sweetheart, continue the same, not only in this, but 
 in all your doings hereafter ; for thereby shall come, 
 both to you and me the greatest quickness that may 
 be in this world. 
 
 The cause why the bearer stays so long, is the gear 
 I have had to dress up for you -^ which I trust, ere long, 
 to see you occupy ; and then I trust to occupy yours, 
 which shall be recompense enough to me for all my 
 pains and labour. 
 
 The unfeigned sickness of this well-willing legate^ 
 doth somewhat retard this access to your person ; but 
 I trust verily, when God shall send him health, he 
 will with diligence recompense his demur. For I 
 know when he hath said (touching the saying and 
 bruit^ that he is thought imperial), that it shall be 
 well known in this matter that he is not imperial j* 
 and this, for lack of time. Farewell. 
 
 ^The fuinishing of Suffolk House. 
 
 ^Cardinal Campeggio, who was expected to open the legantine 
 court, and pronounce the divorce. Anne suspected that his 
 illness was fictitious. 
 
 3 Report. 
 
 4 Meaning that he was not devoted to the interests of Ouecn 
 Katherine s nephew, the emperor. — Miss Strickland's *•■ Queens," 
 
 vol. iv. p. 202. 
 
 <S<^^$* 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 55 
 
 Sir T. More's Letter to Cromwell 
 concerning the Nun of Kent. — 1534.' 
 
 Rig/it fForsAifful, 
 
 After my most hearty recommendation, with like 
 thanks for your Goodness, in accepting of my rude 
 long Letter. I perceive, that of your further goodness 
 and favour towards me, it liked your Mastership to 
 break with my Son Roper, of that, that I had had 
 communication, not only with divers that were of 
 Acquaintance with the lewd Nun of Canterbury, but 
 also with herself; and had, over that, by my writing, 
 declaring favour towards her, given her advice and 
 counsel; of which my demeanour, that it liketh you 
 to be content to take the labour and the pain to hear, 
 by mine own writing, the truth, I very heartily 
 thank you, and reckon myself therein right deeply 
 beholden to you. 
 
 It is, I suppose, about eight or nine Years ago sith 
 I heard of that Housewife first ; at which time the 
 Bishop of Canterbury that then was, God assoil his 
 Soul, sent unto the King's Grace a roll of Paper, in 
 which were written certain words of hers, that she 
 had, as report was then made, at sundry times spoken 
 in her Trances ; whereupon it pleased the King's 
 
 ' Ex. MSS. Norfolcianis in Col. Gresham. 
 
56 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Grace to deliver me the Roll, commanding me to look 
 thereon, and afterwards shew him what I thought 
 therein. Whereunto, at another time, when his 
 Highness asked me, I told him, That in good faith I 
 found nothing in these words that I could anything 
 regard or esteem ; for seeing that some part fell in 
 Rithm, and that, God wots, full rude also ; for any 
 reason, God wots, that I saw therein, a right simple 
 Woman might, in my mind, speak it of her own wit 
 well enough. Howbeit, I said, that because it was 
 constantly reported for a truth, that God wrought in 
 her, and that a Miracle was shewed upon her ; I durst 
 not, nor would not, be bold in judging the Matter. 
 And the King's Grace, as me thought, esteemed the 
 Matter as light as it after proved lewd. 
 
 From that time, till about Christmass, was twelve- 
 month, albeit that continually there was much talking 
 of her and of her Holiness, yet never heard I any talk 
 rehearsed, either of Revelation of hers, or Miracle, 
 saving that I heard say divers times, in my Lord 
 Cardinal's days, that she had been both with his 
 Lordship, and with the King's Grace, but what she 
 said, either to the one or to the other, upon my Faith, 
 I had never heard any one word. Now, as I was 
 about to tell you, about Ckrisimass was twelve-months 
 Father Risby Friar Observant, then of Canterbury, 
 lodged one night at mine House j where, after Supper, 
 a little before he went to his Chamber, he fell in 
 communication with me of the Nun, giving her high 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 57 
 
 commendation of Holiness, and that it was wonderful 
 to see and understand the Worlcs that God wrought 
 in her; which thing, 1 answered. That I was very 
 glad to hear it, and thanked God thereof. Then he 
 told me, that she had been with my Lord Legate in 
 his Life, and with the King's Grace too ; and that 
 she had told my Lord Legat a Revelation of hers, of 
 three Swords that God hath put in my Lord Legat's 
 hand, which if he ordered not well, God would lay it 
 sore to his Charge. The first, he said, was the order- 
 ing the Spirituality under the Pope, as Legat. The 
 second, The Rule that he bore in order of the 
 Temporality under the King, as his Chancellor. And 
 the third, she said, was the medling he was put in 
 trust with by the King, concerning the great matter 
 of his Marriage. And therewithal I said unto him, 
 That any Revelation of the King's Matters I would 
 not hear of, I doubt not but the goodness of God should 
 direct his Highness with his Grace and Wisdom, that 
 the thing should take such end as God should be 
 pleased with, to the King's Honour, and Surety of the 
 Realm. When he heard me say these words, or the 
 like, he said unto me. That God had specially 
 commanded her to pray for the King ; and forthwith 
 he brake again into her Revelations concerning the 
 Cardinal, that his Soul was saved by her Mediation ; 
 and without any other Communication went unto his 
 Chamber. And he and I never talked any more of 
 any such manner of matter, nor since his departing on 
 
58 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 the Morrow ; I never saw him after, to my remem- 
 brance, till I saw him at Paul's Cross. 
 
 After this, about Shrovetide, there came unto me, 
 a little before Supper, Father Rici, Friar Observant of 
 Richmond ; and as we fell in talking, I asked him of 
 Father Rhby, how he did ? And upon that occasion, 
 he asked me, "Whether Father Rhby had any thing 
 shewed me of the Holy Nun of Kent? and I said. 
 Yea, and that I was very glad to hear of her Vertue. 
 I would not, quoth he, tell you again that you have 
 heard of him already ; but I have heard, and known, 
 many great Graces that God hath wrought in her, and 
 other Folk by her, which I would gladly tell you, if I 
 thought you had not heard them already. And there- 
 with he asked me. Whether Father Risby had told 
 me any thing of her being with my Lord Cardinal ? 
 and I said. Yea : Then he told you, quoth he, of the 
 three Swords : Yea verily, quoth I. Did he tell you, 
 quoth he, of the Revelations that she had concerning 
 the King's Grace ? Nay forsooth, quoth I, nor if 
 he would have done, I would not have given him the 
 hearing j nor verily no more I would indeed, for sith 
 she hath been with the King's Grace her self, and 
 lold him, me-thought it a thing needless to tell me, or 
 to any Man else. And when Father Rick perceived 
 that I would not hear her Revelations concerning the 
 King's Grace, he talked on a little, of her Vertne, 
 and let her Revelations alone ; and therewith my 
 Supper was set upon the Board, where 1 required him 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 59 
 
 to 3it with me ; but he would in nowise tarry, but 
 departed to London, After that night I talked with 
 him twice, once in mine own House, another time in 
 his own Garden at the Friars^ at every time a great 
 space, bnt not of any Revelations touching the King's 
 Grace, but only of other mean Folk, I knew not 
 whom of, which thmgs, some were very strange, and 
 some were very childish. But albeit, that he said, 
 He had seen her lie in her Trance, In great pains, and 
 that he had at other times taken great spiritual com- 
 fort in her Communication ; yet did he never tell 
 me that she had told him those Tales her selfj 
 for if he had, I would, for the Tale of Mary 
 Magdalen which he told me, and for the Tale of the 
 Hostie, with which, as I have heard she said she was 
 Houseled at the King's Mass at Calice : If I had heard 
 it of him, as told unto himself by her Mouth for a 
 Revelation, I would have both liked him and her the 
 worse. But whether ever I heard the same Tale of 
 Rich or of Risby, or of neither of them both, but of 
 some other Man since she was in hold, In good faith 
 I cannot tell ; but I wot well when or wheresoever I 
 heard it, me thought it a Tale too marvellous to be 
 true, and very likely that she had told some Man her 
 Dream, which told it out for a Revelation. And in 
 effect, I little doubted but that some of these Tales 
 that were told of her were untrue ; but yet sith I never 
 heard them reported as spoken by her own Mouth, I 
 thought nevertheless that many of them might be 
 
6o A COLLECTION OF 
 
 true, and she a very vertuous Woman too j as some 
 Lyes be peradventure written of some that be Saints 
 in Heaven, and yet many Miracles indeed done by them 
 for all that. 
 
 After this, I being upon a day at Sion, and talking 
 with divers of the Fathers together at the Grate, they 
 shewed me that she had been with them, and shewed 
 me divers things that some of them misliked in her ; 
 and in this talking, they wished that I had spoken 
 with her, and said, they would fain see how I should 
 like her. Whereupon, afterward, when I heard that 
 she was there again, I came thither to see her, and to 
 speak with her my self. At which Communication 
 had, in a little Chappel, there were none present but 
 we two : in the beginning whereof, I shewed that my 
 coming to her was not of any curious mind, any thing 
 to know of such things as Folks talked, that it pleased 
 God to reveal and shew unto her, but for the great 
 Vertue that I had heard so many Years, every day 
 more and more spoken and reported of her ; I there- 
 fore had a great mind to see her, and be acquainted 
 with her, that she might have somewhat the more 
 occasion to remember me to God in her Devotion and 
 Prayers ; whereunto she gave me a very good vertuous 
 Answer, That as God did of his goodness far better 
 by her than she, a poor Wretch, was worthy, so she 
 feared that many Folk yet beside that spoke of their 
 own favourable minds many things for her, far above 
 the Truth, and that of me she had many such things 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 6l 
 
 heard, that already she prayed for me, and ever would ; 
 whereof I heartily thanked her. I said unto her, 
 Madam, one Helleriy a Maiden dwelling about Totnam, 
 of whose Trances and Revelations there hath been 
 much talking ; she hath been with me of late, and 
 shewed me, that she was with you, and that after the 
 rehearsal of such Visions as she had seen you shewed 
 her, that they were no Revelations, but plain Illusions 
 of the Devil, and advised her to cast them out of her 
 mind : And verily she gave therein good credence unto 
 you, and thereupon hath left to lean any longer unto 
 such Visions of her own : Whereupon she saith, she 
 findeth your words true, for ever since, she hath been 
 less visited with such things as she was wont to be 
 before. To this she answered me, Forsooth Sir, There 
 is in this point no praise unto me, but the goodness of 
 God, as it appeareth, hath wrought much meekness 
 in her Soul, which hath taken my rude warning so 
 well, and not grudged to hear her Spirit and Visions 
 reproved. I liked her, in good Faith, better for this 
 answer, than for many of these things that T heard 
 reported by her. Afterward she told me, upon 
 that occasion, how great need Folk have, that 
 are visited with such Visions, to take heed, and 
 prove well of what Spirit they come of ; and in 
 that Communication she told me, That of late the 
 Devil, in likeness of a Bird, was flying and fluttering 
 about her in a Chamber, and suflered himself to be 
 taken ; and being in hands, suddenly changed, in their 
 
62 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 sight that were present, into such a strange ugly 
 fashioned Bird : that they were all afraid, and threw 
 him out at a' Window. 
 
 For conclusion j we talked no word of the King's 
 Grace, or any great Personage else, nor in effect, of 
 any Man or Woman, but of her self and my self; but 
 after no long communication had, for or ever we met, 
 my time came to go home, I gave her a Double 
 Ducate, and prayed her to pray for me and mine, and 
 so departed from her, and never spake with her after. 
 Howbeit, of a truth, I had a great good opinion of her, 
 and had her in great estimation, as you shall perceive 
 by the Letter that I wrote unto her. For afterwards, 
 because I had often heard that many right worshipful 
 Folks, as well Men as Women, used to have much 
 communication with her ; and many Folk are of 
 nature inquisitive and curious, whereby they fall some- 
 times into such talking, and better were to forbear, of 
 which thing I nothiug thought while I talked with 
 her of Charity, therefore I wrote her a Letter thereof; 
 which sith it may be peradventure, that she brake or 
 lost, I shall insert the very Copy thereof in this present 
 Letter. 
 
 These were the very words. 
 
 Good Madam, and my right dearly-beloved Sister 
 in our Lord God, after our most hearty Commenda- 
 tion, I shall beseech you to take my good Mind in 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 63 
 
 good worth, and pardon me, that I am so homely as 
 of my self unrequired, and also without necessity, to 
 give counsel to you, of whom for the good Inspira- 
 tions, and great Revelations that it liketh Almighty 
 God of his goodness to give and shew, as many wise, 
 well-learned, and very vertuous Folk testify, I my- 
 self have need, for the comfort of my Soul, to require 
 and ask Advice. For surely, good Madam, sith it 
 pleaseth God sometime to suffer, such as are far under 
 and of little estimation, to give yet fruitful advertise- 
 ment to such other as are in the Light of the Spirit so 
 far above them, that there were between them no 
 comparison; as he suffered his High Prophet Moses to 
 be in some things advised and counselled by Jethro^ I 
 cannot, for the love that in our Lord I bear you, 
 refrain to put you in remembrance of one thing, 
 which in my poor mind I think highly necessary to be 
 by your Wisdom considered, referring the end, and 
 the order thereof, to God and his Holy Spirit, to 
 direct you. Good Madam, I doubt not, but that you 
 remember that in the beginning of my Communication 
 with you, I shewed you, that I neither was, nor would 
 be, curious of any knowledg of other Mens Matters, 
 and least of all of any Matter of Princes, or of the 
 Realm, in case it so were, that God had, as to many 
 good Folks before-time, he hath any time revealed 
 unto you such things, I said unto your Ladyship, that 
 1 was not only not desirous to hear of, but also would 
 not hear of. Now Madam, I consider well that many 
 
64 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Folk, desire to speak with you, which, are not all 
 peradventure of my mind in this Point ; but some 
 hap to be curious and inquisitive of things that little 
 pertain unto their parts ; and some might peradventure 
 hap to talk of such things as might peradventure after 
 turn to much harm ; as I think you have heard how 
 the late Duke of Buckingham, moved with the fame of 
 one that was reported for an Holy Monk, and had 
 such talking with him, as after was a great part of 
 his destruction, and disheriting of his Blood, and great 
 slander and infamy of Religion. It sufficeth me, 
 good Madam, to put you in remembrance of such 
 things, as I nothing doubt your Wisdom, and the 
 Spirit of God shall keep you from talking with 
 any Person, specially with high Persons, of any 
 such manner things as pertain to Princes Affairs, 
 or the State of the Realm, but only to commune 
 and talk with any Person, high and low, of such 
 manner things as may to the Soul be profitable 
 for you to shew, and for them to know. And thus, 
 my good Lady, and dearly beloved Sister in our Lord-, 
 1 make an end of this my needless advertisement unto 
 you, whom the Blessed Trinity preserve and increase 
 in Grace, and put in your mind to recommend me 
 and mine unto him in your devout Prayers. At 
 Chehey, this Tuesday, by the Hand of 
 
 Thomas More, Kt. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 65 
 
 At the receipt of this Letter, she answered my 
 Servant, that she heartily thanked me : Soon after 
 this there came to mine House the Prior of the 
 Charterhouie at SkenCy and one Brother JVilliams with 
 him, who nothing talked to me, but of her, and of the 
 great joy that they took in her Vertue, but of any of 
 her Revelations they had no communication. But at 
 another time Brother Williams came to me, and told 
 me a long Tale of her, being at the House of a 
 Knight in Kent^ that was sore troubled with Tempta- 
 tions to destroy himself ; and none other thing we 
 talked of, nor should have done of likelyhood, though 
 we had tarried together much longer, he took so great 
 pleasure, good Man, to tell the Tale, with all the 
 Circumstances at length. When I came again another 
 day to Sion, on a day in which there was a Profession, 
 some of the Fathers asked me how J liked the Nun ? 
 And I answered, that, in good Faith, I liked her very 
 well in her talking ; howbeit, quoth I, she is never 
 the nearer tried by that, for I assure you, she were 
 likely to be very bad, if she seemed good, e're I should 
 think her other, till she happened to be proved naught ; 
 and in good Faith, that is my manner indeed, except 
 I were set to search and examine the truth, upon 
 likelyhood of some cloaked evil ; for in that case, 
 although I nothing suspected the Person my self, yet 
 no less than if I suspected him sore, I would as far, 
 as my wit would serve me, search to find out the 
 truth, as your self hath done very prudently in this 
 
66 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Matter ; wherein you have done, in my mind, to your 
 great laud and praise, a very meritorious Deed, in 
 bringing forth to light such detestable Hypocrisy, 
 whereby every other Wretch may take warning, and 
 be feared to set forth their own devilish dissembled 
 falshood, under the manner and colour of the wonder- 
 ful Work of God ; for verily, this Woman so handled 
 her self, with help of that evil Spirit that inspired her, 
 that after her own Confession declared at Paul's Cross, 
 when I sent word by my servant unto the Prior of 
 the Charterhouse, that she was undoubtedly proved a 
 false deceiving Hypocrite ; The good Man had IKd so 
 good opinion of her so long, that he could at the first 
 scantly believe therein, Howbeit it was not he alone 
 that thought her so very good, but many another right 
 good Man besides, as little marvel upon so good report, 
 till she was proved naught. 
 
 I remember me further, that in Communication 
 between Father Rich and me ; I counselled him, that 
 in such strange things as concerned such Folk as had 
 come unto her, to whom, as she said, she had told the 
 causes of their coming, e're themselves spake thereof j 
 and such good Fruit as they said that many Men had 
 received by her Prayer, he, and such other as so 
 reported it, and thought that the knowledge thereof 
 should much pertain to the Glory of God, should first 
 cause the things to be well and sure examined by the 
 Ordinaries, and such as had Authority thereunto ; so 
 that it might be surely known whether the things 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMPNTS. 67 
 
 were true or not, and that there were no Letters 
 intermingled among them, or else the Letters might 
 after hap to aweigh the credence of these things that 
 were true. And when he told me the Tale of Mary 
 Magdalen, I said unto him. Father Rich, that she is a 
 good vertuous Woman, in good Faith, I hear so many 
 good Folk so report, that I verily think it true j and 
 think it well-likely that God worketh some good and 
 great things by her ; but yet are, you wot well, these 
 strange Tales no part of our Creed ; and therefore 
 before you see them surely proved, you shall have my 
 poor counsel, not to wed your self so far forth to the 
 credence of them, as to report them very surely for 
 true, least that if it should hap that they were after- 
 wards proved false, it might minish your estimation in 
 your Preaching, whereof might grow great loss. To 
 this he thanked me for my counsel, but how he used 
 it after that, I cannot tell. 
 
 Thus have I, good Mr. CromiveU, fully declared to 
 you, as far as my self can call to remembrance, all that 
 ever I have done or said in this Matter, wherein I am 
 sure that never one of them all shall tell you any 
 further thing of effect j for if any of them, or any 
 Man else, report of me, as I trust verily no Man will, 
 and I wot well truly no Man can, any Word or Deed 
 by me spoken or done, touching any breach of mv 
 legal Truth and Duty toward my most redoubted 
 Soveraign, and natural Liege Lord, I will come to 
 mine Answer, and make it good in such wise as 
 
6S A COLLECTION OF 
 
 becometh a poor true Man to do ; and whosoever any- 
 such thing shall say, shall therein say untrue : for I 
 neither have in this Matter done evil, nor said evil, 
 nor so much as any evil thing thought, but only have 
 been glad, and rejoiced of them that were reported for 
 good ; which condition I shall nevertheless keep 
 toward all other good Folk, for the false cloaked 
 Hypocrisy of any of these, no more than I shall esteem 
 Judas the true Apostle, for Judas the false Traitor. 
 
 But so purpose I to bear my self in every Man's 
 Company, while I live, that neither good man nor 
 bad, neither Monk, Friar, nor Nun, nor other Man 
 or Woman In this "World, shall make me digress from 
 my Truth and Faith, either towards God, or towards 
 my natural Prince, by the Grace of Almighty God j 
 and as you therein find me true, so I heartily therein 
 pray you to continue toward me your favour and 
 good-will, as you shall be sure of my poor daily prayer . 
 for other pleasure can I not do you. And thus the 
 Blessed Trinity, both bodily and ghostly, long preserve 
 and prosper you. 
 
 I pray you pardon me, that I write unto you of 
 mine own hand, for verily I am compelled to forbear 
 writing for a while, by reason of this Disease of mine, 
 whereof the chief occasion Is grown, as it is thought, 
 by the stooping and leaning on my Breast, that I have 
 used in writing. And thus, eft-soons, I beseech our 
 Lord long to preserve you, 
 
 Thomas More. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 69 
 
 Henry VIII. to the Judges, touching 
 the Pope's authority, and his own 
 assumption of the title of Supreme 
 Head of the Church/ 1535. 
 
 Trusty and right well-beloved, we greet you well. 
 And whereas heretofore you know, both upon most 
 just and virtuous foundation founded upon the laws of 
 Almighty God and Holy Scriptures, and also by the 
 deliberate advice, consultation, consent, and agreement, 
 as well of the bishops and clergy, as by the nobles and 
 commons temporal of this our realm assembled — our 
 high court of Parliament, and by authority of the 
 same, the abuses of the bishop of Rome, his authority 
 and jurisdiction of long time usurped against us, have 
 not been utterly extirped,^ abolished, and secluded, 
 but \' also our nobles and commons, both of the 
 clergy and temporalty, by another several act upon like 
 foundation for the public good of this our realm, have 
 voted, given, and addressed to us and the crown 
 imperial of this our realm, the title, dignity, and style 
 of Supreme Head in Earth, immediately under God, 
 of the Church of England, as undoubtedly evermore 
 we have been j which things also the said bishops 
 and clergy in their convocations have wholly and 
 
 * Harleian MSS. No. i8j, Art. 46! 
 ^ Rooted out. 
 
70 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 entirely consented, ratified, confirmed, and approved 
 authentically j writing both by their special oaths, 
 professions, and writings, under their signs and 
 seals ; so, utterly renouncing all other oaths, obedience, 
 and jurisdiction, either of the bishop of Rome or of 
 any other potentate. We let you wit that, perpend- 
 ing' and considering the charge and commission in this 
 behalf given unto us by Almighty God, together with 
 the great quietness, rest, and tranquility, that hereby 
 may ensue to our faithful subjects, both in their 
 consciences and otherwise, to the pleasure of Almighty 
 God, in case the said bishops and clergy of this our 
 realm should sincerely, truly, and faithfully set forth, 
 declare, and preach unto our said subjects, the very 
 true word of God ; and without all or any colour, 
 dissimulution, and hypocrisy, manifest, publish, and 
 declare the great and Tnumerable enormities and 
 abuses, which the said bishop of Rome, as well in title 
 and style, as also in authority and jurisdiction, of long 
 time unlawfully and unjustly hath usurped upon us, 
 our (|>rogenitors, and all other Christian princes, have 
 not only addressed our letters general to all and every 
 the same bishops, straitly charging and commanding 
 them not only in their preper persons to declare and 
 preach unto the people the true, mere, and sincere 
 word of God, and how the said title, style, and 
 jurisdiction of supreme head appertaineth unto us, our 
 
 ^ Pondering upon. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 7' 
 
 crown, and dignity-royal, and to give like warning, 
 monition, and charge to all abbots, priors, deans, arch- 
 deacons, provosts, parsons, vicars, curates, school- 
 masters, and all other ecclesiastical persons within 
 their diocese to do the semblable' in their charges 
 every Sunday and solemn feast, and also in their 
 schools ; and to cause all manner of prayers, orisons, 
 rubrics, and canons, in mass-books and all other books 
 used in charges, wherein the said bishop is named, to 
 be utterly abolished, eradicate, and razed out in such 
 wise, as the said bishop of Rome, his name, and 
 memory, for evermore (except unto his contumely and 
 reproach) may be extinct, suppressed, and obscured j 
 but also to the justices of the peace, that they in every 
 place within the precincts of their commission, do 
 make and cause to be made diligent search, wait, and 
 espial, whether the said bishop and clergy do truly and 
 sincerely, without any manner of cloak or dissimula- 
 tion, execute and accomplish their said charge to them 
 committed in this behalf, and to certify us and our 
 council of such of them that should omit or leave 
 undone any part of the premises, or else in the execu- 
 tion thereof should coldly or faintly use any manner 
 of sinister additions, interpretation, cloak, as is more 
 plainly expressed in our said letters. We, considering 
 the greater zeal and furtherance that you may do in 
 these matters, in the parts about you, and specially at 
 
72 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 your being at assizes and sessions, in the declaration of 
 the premises, have thought it good, necessary, and 
 expedient, to write these our letters unto you, whom 
 we esteem to be of such singular zeal and affection 
 towards the glory of Almighty God and of so faithful 
 and loving heart towards us, as you will not only, 
 with all your wisdoms, diligence, and labours, ac- 
 complish all such things as might be to the preferment 
 and setting forward of God's word, and the amplifi- 
 cation, defence, and maintenance of our said interest, 
 right, title, style, jurisdiction, and authority apper- 
 taineth unto us, our dignity, prerogative, and crown- 
 imperial of this our realm, will and desire you, and 
 nevertheless straltly charge and command you that, 
 laying apart all vain affections, respects, and carnal 
 considerations, and setting before your eyes the mirror 
 of truth, the glory of God, the right and dignity of 
 your sovereign lord, thus sounding to the inestimable 
 virtue and commodity* both of yourself and all other 
 your loving and faithful subjects, you do not only make 
 diligence within the precincts of your commission 
 and authority, whether the said bishops and clergy do 
 truly and sincerely, as before, preach, teach, and declare 
 to the people, the premises according to their duties, 
 but also at your so sitting at assizes and sessions you 
 do persuade, show, and declare unto the same people 
 
 ' Advantage. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 73 
 
 the very tenour, effect, and purport of the premises, in 
 such wise as the said bishops and clergy may the better 
 do thereby and execute their said duties ; but that also 
 the parents and rulers of families may declare, teach, 
 and inform their children and servants in the spiritu- 
 alities of the same, to the utter extirpation of the s^i*^ 
 bishop's usurped authority, name, and jurisdiction, for 
 ever J showing and declaring also to the people at your 
 said sessions the treasons traitorously committed against 
 us and our laws by the late bishop of Rochester and 
 Sir Thomas More, knight,' who thereby and by divers 
 secret practices of their malicious minds against us, 
 intended to disseminate, engender, and breed amongst 
 our people and subjects a most mischievous and 
 seditious opinion, not only to their own confusion, but 
 also of sundry others, who lately have condignly 
 suffered execution according to their demerits. And 
 in such wise delating the same with persuasions to the 
 same our people, as they may be the better fixed. 
 
 ' The executions of More and Fisher had taken place the pre- 
 ceding year on Tower Hill. According lo Stowe, p. 1004, they 
 were both of them buried in the Tower. These executions 
 struck terror into the minds of ihe people, and they certainly in 
 some respects appear to have had the effect desired by Henry. 
 Fisher suffered in June, More in July, 1535. Hall says, ■■' Also, 
 the imd day of the same month, John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, 
 was beheaded, and his head set upon London Bridge. This 
 bishop was of very many men lamented, for he was reported to 
 be a man of great learning, and a man of very good life, but 
 therein wonderfully deceived, for he maintained the Pope to be y '^ 
 supreme head of the Church, and * very maliciously ' refiised the 
 (ungTlItle of SQpreriie'Head. "— Halliwell's "Letters of the Kings 
 of England," vol, i., p. 345. 
 
74 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 established, and satisfied in the truth ; and consequently, 
 that all our faithful and true subjects may thereby 
 detest and abhor in their hearts and deeds the most 
 recreant and traitorous abuses of the said malicious 
 malefactors as they be most worthy ; and finding any 
 default, negligence, or dissimulation in any manner of 
 person, or persons, not doing his duty in this part, you 
 immediately do advertise our council of the default, 
 manner, and fashion of the same ; letting you wit 
 that, considering the great moment, weight, and 
 importance of this matter, as whereupon the unity, 
 rest, and quietness of this our realm," if you should, 
 contrary to your duties and our expectation and trust, 
 neglect, be slack, or omit to do diligently your duties, 
 in the performance and execution of our mind, pleasure, 
 and commandment as before, or would halt or stumble 
 at any part or speciality of the same, be ye assured 
 that we, like a prince of justice, will so punish and 
 correct the default and negligence therein, as it shall 
 be an example to all others, how, contrary to their 
 allegiance, oaths, and duties, they do frustrate, deceive, 
 and disobey the just and lawful commandment of their 
 sovereign lord in such things, as by the true, hearty, 
 and faithfuT execution whereof, they shall not only 
 prefer the honour and glory of God, and set forth the 
 majesty and imperial dignity of their sovereign lord ; 
 but also impart and bring an inestimable unity, concord, 
 and tranquility of the public and common state of this 
 ^ The word " restcth " appears here omitted. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 75 
 
 realm j whereunto both by the laws of God, and 
 nature, and man, they be utterly obliged and bounden : 
 and therefore, fail ye not, most effectually, earnestly, 
 and*ntirely, to see the premises done and executed, 
 upon pain of your allegiance, and as you will avoid our 
 high indignation and displeasure at your uttermost 
 perils. 
 
 Given under our signet, at our manor beside West- 
 minster, the 25th day of June, 1535. 
 
 The Earl of Northumberland's Letter 
 to Cromwell, denying any Contract, 
 or Promise of Marriage, between 
 Queen Anne and Himself.' i537- 
 
 Mr. Secretary, This shall be to signlfie unto you, 
 that I perceyve by Sir Reginald Carnaby, that there is 
 supposed a Precontract between the (^ueen and me ; 
 whereupon I was not only heretofore examined upon 
 my Oath before the Archbishopps of Canterbury and 
 Tork^ but also received the Blessed Sacrament upon the 
 same before the Duke of Norfolk, and other the King's 
 Highnes Council Learned in the Spirituall Law ; as- 
 suring you, Mr. Secretary, by the said Oath, and 
 
 ^ Cott. Libr, Olho. C, 10. 
 
76 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Blessed Body which affore I received, and hereafter 
 intend to receive, that the same may be to my Damna- 
 tion, if ever there w^ere any Contracte, or Promise of 
 Marriage between Her and Me. At Ne'wyngton-Greeriy 
 the xiijth Day of Maye^ in the 28th Year of the Reignc 
 of our Soveraigne Lord King Henry the Vlllth. 
 Your Assured, 
 
 Northumberland.. 
 
 ^>.^^$-o — 
 
 The King's Letters Patent for printing 
 the Bible in English. 1539-' 
 
 Henry the Eighth, (sfc. To all and singular Printers 
 and Sellers of Books within this our Realm, and all 
 other Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, these our 
 Letters hearing or seeing. Greeting. We let you wit. 
 That being desirous to have our People at all times 
 convenient, give themselves to the attaining the 
 knowledge of God's Word, whereby they will the 
 better honour him, and observe and keep his Com- 
 mandments ; and also do their Duties better to us, 
 being their Prince and Sovereign Lord : And 
 considering that this our Zeal and Desire cannot by 
 any mean take so good effect, as by the granting to 
 
 * Rot. Pat. J I. Hen. 8. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 77 
 
 them the free and liberal use of the Bible in our own 
 natural English Tongue : so unless it be foreseen 
 that the sanne pass at the beginning by one Transla- 
 tion to be perused and considered ; The frailty 
 of Men is such, that the diversity thereof may 
 breed and bring forth manifold Inconveniences j as 
 when wilful and heady Folic shall confer upon the 
 diversity of the said Translations. We have therefore 
 appointed our right trusty and well-beloved Counsellor, 
 the Lord Cromwelly Keeper of our Privy-Seal, to take 
 for us, and in our name, special care and charge, that 
 no manner of Person, or Persons, within this our 
 realm, shall enterprise, attempt, or set in hand to print 
 any Bible in the English Tongue of any manner of 
 Volume, during the space of five years next ensuing 
 after the Date hereof, but only all such as shall be 
 deputed, and admitted by the said Lord CromiveU. 
 The 1 3 Norvemh, Iricesimo prima Regni. 
 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
^l^istorical ;]©ocument9. 
 
;]^i0torical ;]©ocument0. 
 
 
[COLLECTANEA ADAMANTiEA.-XIII,] 
 A 
 
 COLLECTION 
 
 OF 
 
 i^i0roncal ^Documents 
 
 lllustratiuc of the Seigns of the 
 Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns. 
 
 EDITED, 
 
 WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 
 BY 
 
 EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S., 
 
 F.S.A. (Scot.) 
 Vol. U. 
 
 PRIVATELY PRINTED. 
 EDINBURGH. 
 1886. 
 
This edition is limited to 2yj small-fafer cofies, 
 and 7j large-paper copies. 
 

 a Collection of historical 
 Documents 
 
 Illustrative of the Reigns of the Tudor 
 and Stuart Sovereigns, 
 
 Cromwell's Letter to the King concern- 
 ing his Marriage with Ann of Cleve. 
 An Onginal.^ 1540. 
 
 To the King^ my most gi'ac'wus Sovereign Lord 
 /lis Rcyal Majesty, 
 
 Most Merciful King, and most Gracious Sovereign 
 Lord, may it please the same to be advertised, That 
 the last lime it pleased your benign Goodness, to send 
 unto me the Right Honourable Lord Chancellor, the 
 Right Honourable Duke of Norff. and the Lord 
 Admiral, to examine, and also to declare unto me 
 
 * Cotton Libr. Otho. C. lo. 
 
6 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 divers things from your Majesty ; among the which, 
 one special thing they moved, and thereupon they 
 charged me, as I would answer before God at the 
 dreadful day of Judgment, and also upon the extreme 
 danger and damnation of my Soul and Conscience, to 
 say what I knew in the Marriage, and concerning the 
 Marriage, between your Highness and the Queen. 
 To the which I answered as I knew, declaring unto them 
 the Particulars, as nigh as T then could call to remem- 
 brance. Which when they had heard, they, in your 
 Majesty's Name, and upon like charge as they had 
 given me before, commanded me to write to your 
 Highness the truth, as much as I knew in chat 
 Matter ; which now I do, and the very truth, as God 
 shall save me, to the uttermost of my knowledg. 
 First ; After your Majesty heard of the Lady Arm of 
 Ck'vis arrival at Do'ver^ and that her Journies were 
 appointed toward Greenivkh, and that she should be at 
 Rochester on New-years Even at night, your Highness 
 declared to me, that you would privily visit her at 
 Rochester^ upon New-years- day, adding these words, 
 To nourish love j which accordingly your Grace did 
 upon New-years-day, as is above-said. And the next 
 day, being Friday, your Grace returned to Greerrwichy 
 where I spake with your Grace, and demanded of 
 your Majesty, How ye liked the Lady Ann: your 
 Highness answered, as me thought, heavily, and not 
 pleasantly. Nothing so ivell as she ivas spoken of; saying 
 further, That if your Highness had known as much before 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 7 
 
 as ye then kneWy she should not hmje come •within t/as Realm ^ 
 saying, as by the way of lamentation, ^/lat Remedy f 
 Unto the which I answered and said, I know none but 
 was very sorry therefore ; and so God knoweth I was, 
 for I thought it a hard beginning. The next day 
 after the receipt of the said Lady, and her entry made 
 unto Greenivichy and after your Highness had brought 
 her to her Chamber, I then waited upon your Highness 
 into your Privy-Chamber ; and being there, your 
 Grace called me unto you, saying to me these words, 
 or the like. My Lordy is it not as I told you f say luhat 
 they ivtlly she is nothing so fair as she hath been reported j 
 hoivbeit she is 'well and seemly, Whereunto I answered 
 and said, By my Faith, Sir, ye say truth ; adding 
 thereunto, that I thought she haH a Queenly manner ; 
 and nevertheless was sorry that your Grace was no 
 better content : And thereupon your Grace commanded 
 me to call together your Council, which were these 
 by name ; The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury^ the Dukes 
 of Norfolk and Suffolk, my Lord Admiral, and my Lord 
 of Duresmey and myself, to commune of these Matters 
 and to know what Commissions the Agents of Cie'ves 
 had brought, as well touching the performance of the 
 Covenants sent before from hence to Dr. Watton, to 
 have been concluded in Ceves, as also in the declaration 
 how the Matters stood for the Covenants of Marriage, 
 between the Duke of Lorrain^9 Son, and the said Lady 
 ^nn. Whereupon Olisleger and Hogeston were called, 
 and the Matters purposed; whereby it plainly appeared, 
 
8 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 that they were much astonished and abashed, and 
 desired that they might make answer in the next 
 morning, which was Sunday : And upon the Sunday 
 in the morning your said Counsellors and they met 
 together enr'y, and there eft-soons was proposed unto 
 them, as well touching the Commission for the 
 performance of the Treaty and Articles sent to Mr. 
 fVotton, as also touching the Contracts and Covenants 
 of Marriage between the Duke of Lorrain's Son, and 
 th; LaJy ^fin, and what terms they stood in. To 
 which things so proposed, they answered as Men much 
 perplexed, That as touching Commissior, they had 
 none to treat concerning the Articles sent to Mr. 
 Wott'.}!. And as to the Contracts and Covenants of 
 Marriage they could say nothing, but that a Revocation 
 was made, and that they were but Spousals. And 
 finally, after much reasoning, they offered themselves 
 to remain Prisoners, until such time as they should 
 have sent unto them from CIcvcs the first Articles 
 ratified under the Duke their Master's Sign and Seal, 
 nnd also the Copy of the Revocation made between 
 the Duke of Lorrain's Son and the Lady .Ann. Upon 
 the which Answers, I was sent to your Highness by 
 my Lords of your Council, to declare to your Highness 
 their Answer j and came to you, by the Privy Way, 
 into your Privy Chamber, and declared unto the same 
 all the Circumstances, wherewith your Grace was 
 very much displeased, saying, / am not toeli handled j 
 insomuch that 1 might well perceive that your High- 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMIiN'lS. 9 
 
 ne33 was fuUy determined not to have gone through 
 with the Marriage at that time, saying unto me these 
 words, or the like in eflfect ; That if it 'were not that 
 she is ccme so Jar unto my Rcalm^ and the great Prepara- 
 tions that my States and People ha've made for her^ and for 
 fear of making a ruffel in the World j that is, to mean to 
 drive Jier Brother into the hands of th: Emperor and 
 the French King's hands, being noiv together, I luould never 
 ha've ne married her. So that I might well perceive 
 your Grace was neither content with the Person, ne 
 yet with the Proceedings of the Agents ; And at 
 after-dinner, the said Sunday, your Grace sent for all 
 your said Counsellors in, repeating how your Highness 
 was handled, as well touching the said Articles, as 
 also the said Matter of the Duke of Lorrain's Son. It 
 might, and I doubt not, did appear unto them how 
 loth your Highness was to have married at that time. 
 And thereupon, and upon the Considerations aforesaid, 
 your Grace thought that it should be well done that 
 she should make a Protestation before your said 
 Counsellors and Notaries to be present, that she was 
 free froin all Contracts j which was done accordingly. 
 And thereupon I repairing to your Highness, declared 
 how that she had made her Protestation. Whereunto 
 your Grace answered in effect these words, or much 
 like ; Is there nmt other Remedy, but that I must needs, 
 against my Will, put my Neck in the Toke j and so 
 departed, leaving your Highness in a study or pensive- 
 ness. And yet your Grace determined the next 
 
lO A COLLECTION OK 
 
 morning to go through ; and in the morning, which 
 was Monday, your Majesty preparing your self towards 
 the Ceremonies ; There was one Question, Who 
 should lead to the Church ? And it was appointed 
 that the Earl of Essex deceased, and an Earl that came 
 with her, should lead her to the Church. And there- 
 upon one came to your Highness, and said to you, 
 That the Earl of Essex was not come j whereupon 
 your Grace appointed me to be one that should lead 
 her : And so I went into her Chamber, to the intent 
 to have done your Commandment ; and shortly after 
 1 came into her Chamber, the Earl of ^ise*- was come: 
 Whereupon I repaired back again into your Graces 
 Privy Chamber, and shewed your Highness how he 
 was come ; and thereupon your Majesty advanced 
 towards the Gallery out of Privy Chamber ; and 
 your Grace being in and about the midst of your 
 Chamber of Presence, called me unto you, saying 
 these words, or the like in sentence 5 My Lcrd, if it 
 ivcre not to satisfy the fVorld, and my Realm^ Iivould mt 
 do that I must do this day for none earthly thing j and 
 therewith one brought your Grace Word that she was 
 coming ; and thereupon your Grace repaired into the 
 Gallery towards the Closet, and there paused for her 
 coming, being nothing content that she so long tarried 
 as I judged then. And so consequently she came, and 
 your Grace afterward proceeded to the Ceremonies ; 
 and they being finished, travelled the day as appertained, 
 and, the night after the custom. And in the morning, 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 1 1 
 
 on Tuesday, I repairing to your Majesty into your 
 Privy- Chamber, finding your Grace not so pleasant as 
 1 trusted to have done, I was so bold to ask your 
 Grace how you liked the Queen ? Whereunto your 
 Grace soberly answered, saying, " That I was not all 
 Men, surely, as ye know, I liked her before not well, 
 but now I like her mnch worse ; for," quoth your 
 Highness, *'I have felt her Belly, and her Breasts, and 
 thereby, as I can judg, she should be no Maid j which 
 strook me so to the Heart when I felt them, that I had 
 neither will nor courage to proceed any further in 
 other Matters ;" saying, "I have left her as good a 
 Maid as I found her:'' Which me thought then yc 
 spake displeasantly, which made me very sorry to hear j 
 Your Highness also after Candlemassy and befofe 
 Skywstie, once or twice said, "That ye were in the 
 same case with her as ye were afore, and that your 
 Heart could never consent to meddle with her carnally." 
 Notwithstanding your Highness alledged, that ye for 
 the most part used to lay nightly, or every second 
 night by her, and yet your Majesty ever said, "That 
 she was as good a Maid for you, as ever her Mother 
 bare her, for anything ye had ministred to her."' Your 
 Highness shewed to me also in Lent last passed, at such 
 time as your Grace had some communication with 
 her of my Lady Mary, how that she began to wax 
 stubborn and willful, ever lamenting your fate, and 
 ever verifying that ye never had any carnal knowledg 
 with her ; And also after Easter, your Grace likewise, 
 
12 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 at divers times, and in the fV/i'nsun-week^ in your 
 Grace's Privy-Chamber at Greenivich, exceedingly 
 lamented your fate, and that your greatest grief was, 
 "That ye should surely never have anymore Children 
 for the comfort of this Realm, if ye should so continue ;" 
 assuring me, "that before God ye thought she was 
 never your lawful Wife." At which time your Grace 
 knoweth what answer I made j which was, that I 
 would for my part do my utmost to comfort and 
 deliver your Grace of your Afflictions ; and how 
 sorry I was both to see and hear your Grace God 
 knoweth. Your Grace divers times sithen Whitsun- 
 tide^ ever alleadging one thing, and also saying, ** That 
 ye had as much to do to move the consent of your 
 Heart and Mind as ever did Man, and that you took 
 God to witness ; but ever,'' you said, "the Obstacle 
 could never out of your Mmd." And, Gracious 
 Prince, after that you had first seen her at Rochester^ I 
 never thought in my haart that ye were or would be 
 contented with that Marriape. And, Sir, T know now 
 in what case 1 stand, in which is only the Mercy of 
 God and your Grace j if 1 have not, to the uttermost 
 of my remembrance, said the Truth, and the whole 
 Truth in this Matter, God never help me. I am sure 
 there is, as I think, no Man in this your Realm that 
 knew more in this than I did, your Highness only 
 excepted. And I am sure, my Lord Admiral calling 
 to his remembrance, can shew your Highness, and be 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENiy. I3 
 
 my Witness what I said unto him after your Grace 
 came from Rochester^ yea, and after your Grace's 
 Marriage : And also now of late, sithence JVhlnuntide, 
 and I doubt not but many and divers of my Lords of 
 your Council, both before your Marriage and sithence, 
 have right-well perceived that your Majesty hath not 
 been well pleased with your Marriage. And as I shall 
 answer to God, I never thought your Grace]content,iafter 
 you had once seen her at Rochester. And this is all that 
 I know, most gracious and most merciful Sovereign 
 Lord, beseeching Almighty God, who ever hath in all 
 your Causes counselled, preserved, opened, maintained, 
 relieved, and defended your Highness j So he will 
 now vouchsafe to counsel you, preserve you, maintain 
 you, remedy you, relieve and defend you, as may be 
 most to your Honour, with Prosperity, Health, and 
 Comfort of your Hearts desire. For the which, and 
 for the long Life, and prosperous Reign of your most 
 Royal Majesty, I shall, during my Life, and whiles I 
 am here, pray to Almighty God, that he of his most 
 abundant Goodness will help, aid, and comfort you, 
 after your continuance of Nestor's Years : that that 
 most noble Imp, the Princes Grace, your most dear 
 Son, may succeed you to Reign long, prosperously, and 
 feliciously to God's pleasure : beseeching most humbly 
 your Grace to pardon this my rude writing, and to 
 consider that I am a most woful Prisoner, ready to take 
 the Deaths when it shall please God and your Majesty j 
 
14 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 and yet the frail flesh inciteth me continually to call 
 to your Grace for Mercy and Grace for mine Offences; 
 and thus Christ save, preserve, and keep you. 
 
 Written at the Toiver this Wednesday^ the last of 
 yune^ with the heavy Heart, and trembling 
 hand, of your Highness's most heavy and 
 most miserable Prisoner, and poor Slave, 
 
 Thomas CrormvelL 
 
 Most Gracious Prince, I cry for Mercy, Mercy, Mercy. 
 
 — ^S-<^^3< — 
 
 King Edward's Devise for the Succession, 
 written with his own Hand. 1552. 
 
 For lack of Issue Male of my Body, to the Issue 
 Male coming of the Issue Female, as I have after 
 declared. To the said Frances Heirs Males, if she 
 have any ; for lack of such Issue before my Death, to 
 the said Jane and Heirs Males ; to the said Katherine's 
 Heirs Males j to the Lady Mary's Heirs Males: To 
 the Heirs Males of the Daughters, which She shall 
 have hereafter. Then to the Lady Marget's Heirs 
 Males. For Lack of such Issue, to the Heirs Males 
 of the Lady Jane's Daughters ; to the Heirs Males 
 of the Lady Katherine's Daughters, and so forth, till 
 you come to the Lady Marget's Heirs Males. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 15 
 
 i. If after my Death the Heir Male be entred into 
 Eighteen Year old, then He to have the whole Rule 
 and Governance thereof, 
 
 3, But if He be under Eighteen, then his Mother to 
 be Governes, till He enters Eighteen Year old : But to 
 do nothing without the Advice and Aggreement of Six 
 Parcell of a CounciU, to be pointed by my last Will, to 
 the Number of 20. 
 
 4. If the Mother die before the Heir enter into 
 Eighteen, the Realm to be governed by the CounciU : 
 Provided that after He be Fourteen Year, all Great 
 Matters of Importance be opened to Him. 
 
 5. If I died without Issue, and there were none 
 Heir Male ; then the Lady Frances to be Gouvernes 
 Regent, For lack of her, her Eldest Daughters ; and 
 for lack of them, the Lady Marget to be Governes 
 after, as is aforesaid, till some Heir Male be born ; and 
 then the Mother of that Child to be Governes. 
 
 6, And if, during the Rule of the Gouvernes, there 
 die Four of the CounciU; then shall she, by her Letters, 
 call an Assembly of the CounciU, within One Month 
 foUowing, and chuse Four more : Wherein She shaU 
 have Three Voices, But after her Death, the Sixteen 
 shall Chuse among themselves, tUl the Heir come to 
 Fourteen Year old ; and then He, by their Advice, 
 shall chuse them. 
 
 The last Two Paragraphs, and what is scored 
 underneath, are dashed out, yet so as to be 
 legible. 
 
I6 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 The Queen's Letter, ordering the Manner 
 of Hooper's Execution.' i55S- 
 
 Right Trusty and Well-beloved, &c. Whereas 
 John Hooper, who of late was called Bushop of 
 Worcester and Gloucester, is, by due Order of the 
 Lawes Ecclesiastique, condempned and judged for a 
 moste obstinate, false, detestable Heretique, and com- 
 mitted to our Secular Power, to be burned according 
 to the' holsome and good Lawes of our Realme in 
 that Case provided. Forasmuche as in those Cityes, 
 and the Diocesse therof, he hath in Tymcs paste 
 preached and taught most pestilent Heresyes and 
 Doctryne to our Subjects there : We have therefore 
 geven Order, that the said Hooper, who yet persisteth 
 obstinate, and hath refused Mercy when it was 
 gracyously offred, shall be put to Execution in the 
 sayd Cytie of Gloucester, for the Example and Terror 
 of suche as he hath there seduced and mistaught, and 
 bycause he hath doone moste Harme there. And 
 woU that you, calling unto you some of Reputation 
 dwelling in the Shire, such as ye thinke best, shall 
 repayre unto our said Cytye, and be at the said 
 Execution, assisting our Mayor and Shriefs of the 
 same Cytie, in this Behalf. And forasmuche also as 
 the said Hooper is, as Heretiques be, a vain-glorious 
 
 ' Cctl. Libr. Cl.cp, E. 5. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. I? 
 
 Person, and delyteth in his Tongue, and having 
 Liberty, may use his sayd Tongue to perswade such as 
 he hath seduced, to persist in the myserable Opinion 
 that he hath sowen among them : Our Pleasure is 
 therefore, and we require you to take Order, that the 
 said Hooper be neither, at the Tyme of his Execution, 
 nor in guyng to the Place therof, sufFred to speak at 
 large ; but thither to be ledde quietly, and in Sylence, 
 for eschuyng of further Infection, and such Incon- 
 venyence, as may otherwise ensue in this Parte. 
 Whereof fayle not, as ye tender our Pleasure. 
 
 A True Copy of an Old Paper in my Custody, 
 which seems to be the first Draught of a 
 Letter from the J2ueen to the Lord C/iandois^ 
 &c. who went to see Execution done on 
 Bishop .Hooper, 
 
 Thorn, Tanner. 
 
 The Writ for the burning of Cranmer. 
 1556. 
 
 To our right trusty Nicholas, Arch-Bishop of 
 York, Lord Chancellor of England, Greeting. 
 We Will and Command you, that immediately 
 
l8 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 upon the sight hereof, and by Warrant of 
 the same, ye do cause to be made a Writ for 
 the Execution of Thomas Cranmer, late Arch- 
 Bishop of Canterbury ; and the same so made, to 
 Seal with our Great Seal of England, being in 
 your Custody, according to the Tenor and Form 
 hereafter following. 
 
 Phillipus et Maria Dei Gratia, etc. Majori et 
 Ballivis Civitatis Oxon. Salulaiem. Cam Saiic- 
 tissimus Pater nosier Paulus Papa ejusdem 
 Nominis Quartui, per seittentiam dejinitivam juris 
 Online in ea parte requisite in omnibus observalo, 
 et juxta canonicas sanctiones judicialiter et defini- 
 tive, Thomatn Cranmer nuper Cantuarietiseni 
 Archiepiscopnim, fore Haresiarchum, Anathema- 
 tizatztm, et Ho^reticum manifesium, propter suos 
 varios nejajuios Krrores manifestos c damnibiles 
 Hareses, et detestandas et pessimas Opiniones, Fidei 
 nostra: Catholica, et Universalis Ecclesice deter - 
 minaliofU obviantes et repugnantes : et predict. 
 Thomam Cranmer multis modis contract, comiss. 
 diet, affirmat. perpetrat. et publice et perlinaciter 
 tent, Et defens. judicavit, declaravit, pronuiisi- 
 avit et condemnavit, et eadem causa iuem Sanc- 
 tissimus Paler nosier Papa Paulus quartus 
 Judicialiler et definitive, more solilo, prcedictum 
 Thomam Cranmer a prcedicto Archiepiscopatu, aliis 
 Picclaluris, dignitatibus , Officiis et Beneficiis 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. I9 
 
 deprivavit et abjudicavit , frout cunctam itide 
 habemus noticiam : Cuviq ; etiam Reverendits in 
 Christo Pater Edmundus Londini Episcopif:, 
 et Thomas Elien Episcopus AtUhoritate ejusdeiii 
 Sanctiisiminostri Patris Papcc prcedictum I'homain 
 Cranmer ab onini Divhie^ Gradit, Officio et Digni- 
 tate Ecclesiasticajatiquani Haresiarcham et Hereti- 
 cutii vianifestum realiter degradavemnt ; Vigon 
 cujzis idem Thomas Cranmer inp-esenti Hcereticus et 
 Haresiarcha juste^ legitime, et Canonice Judicatus , 
 condemnatus et degradatus existit ; Et cum etiam 
 Mater Eccleiia non habet quod ulterius in hac 
 parte contra tam putridiim et dstestabile membrtun 
 et Heresiarchiim faciat aut facere debeat, licein 
 Reverenii Patres eundem Thomam Cranmer 
 damnatiim Hcvreticum et Hccresiarcham brachiis et 
 potestati nosiris secularibus tradiderunt, commis- 
 eriint et reliquirunt, prout per Literas Patenles 
 eorundem Rt-vereiidorum Patrum siiperinde confect. 
 nobis in Cancellaria nostra Cet tijicattim est. Nos 
 igilur ut Zelatores Justicia:, tt Fidei Ca/holicice 
 Defensores, volentesque Eccleasiam Sanctam, ac 
 fura et Libertatcs ejusdem, et Fidem Catholicam 
 manutenere et defendere, hujitsjiiodi Hcc^'eses et 
 Errores tibiqtie, quantum in nobis est, eradicare et 
 extirpare, et prccdicium Thomam Heresiarcham ac 
 convictiim, damnat. et degradat. animadversione 
 coiuligna pun re. Attendentesque hiijusmo.li 
 Heretic, et Heresiarch. in J or ma pra'd.cta convict. 
 
20 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 damnat. el ilegradat. juxta Leges et constie'udhies 
 Kegni nostti AnglicE in hac parte coitsuelas igiiis 
 incendio coniburi dehere ; Vobis Prcecipimus quod 
 dictum Thomam Cranmer, in cuslodia vestra 
 existen. in Loco publico ct aperto, jnfra Libertatem 
 dicti Civitatis nostrce Oxon. ex causa prccdicta, 
 coram Populo igni Commilti, ac ipsum Thomam 
 Cranmer in eodem igne i ealiter comburi facietis , in 
 hujusjnodi Criminis detestationem, ali^rum Chris- 
 tianorum exempium manijestum ; Kt hoc sub pcena 
 et periculo incumbente, ac prout nobis stibinde 
 respondere volueritis, nullatenus Omittatis. Test, 
 nobis ipsis apud Westmonasterium^ Vicesimo quarto 
 Febritarii^ Annis Regis tt Regince secundo ac tertio. 
 
 anir rtis Bill, aignelr toiti^ tje Ijanlr of iSIs 
 i\t saili (Sueen, sfiall ie sour ButKcwnt 
 fflffllan-ant aiilt zaiscjavje (or tje same. 
 
 — »^3^^^^-<' — 
 
 The Bond of Association, with this Title, 
 Ane Contr?ct of the Lords and 
 Barons, to defend the Liberty of the 
 Evangell of Christ.' 
 
 At Edinburgh, the Twintie seventh of Apryll, the 
 Vear of God Ane thousand Fyve hundred Threescore 
 
 ' Copied from the Original at Hamilton. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 21 
 
 Years : "We whaes Names are underwritten, half 
 promittit and obliedged our selves faithfully, in the 
 Presence of our God, and be thir Presents promitts, 
 that we altogether in General, and every one of us in 
 Special, be himself, with our Bodies, Goods, Friends, 
 and all that we may do, sail set forwart the Reforma- 
 tion of Religion, according to Gpddes Word^ ; and 
 procure, be all Means possible, that the_true Preaching of 
 God desWorde, may half free Passage within this Realnie, 
 yijth dew Admiiijstration^f the Sacraments, and all 
 Thinges depending upon the said Worde. And sicklyke 
 deiply weighing with our selves the Misbehaviour of the 
 Franche Ministers heir, the intolerable Oppressions 
 committed be the Franchemen of Weir, upon the 
 puir Subjects of this Realme, be Meyntenance of the 
 <2ueen Dowriare, under CoUour and Pretence of 
 Authority j the Tyranny of their Captains and 
 Leaders, and manifest Danger of Conqueist, in whilk 
 this Countrie presently stands j be Reason of diverse 
 Fortifications on the Sea-Coast, and other Novelties of 
 late attemptat be them j promitts that we sail als weell 
 every one with others, as altogether with the Queen 
 of England's Armie, presently come in for our 
 Deliverance, effectually concurr and joyn together, 
 taking one fold and plain Part of the Expulsion of the 
 said Strayngars, Oppressors of our Liberty, furth of 
 this Realme, and Recovery of our Ancient Freedomes 
 and Liberties ; to the end in Tyme commg, we may, 
 under the Obedience of our King and (i)ueen our 
 
22 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 Soverains, be only Reulyt be the Laws and Customes 
 of the Countrie, and by the Men of the Land : And 
 that never any of us all haifF pryvy Intelligence^ be 
 Writing, or Message, or Communication, with any of 
 our said Enemyes or Adversars in this Cause, bot be 
 the Advyce of the rest, at leist of Fyve of our 
 Numbers : Attour, that we sail tender this present 
 Cause, as if it were the Cause of every one of us in 
 particular j and that the Cause of every one of us now 
 joyned together, being leiful and honest, shall be all 
 our Causes in General. And he that is Enemy to the 
 Cause forsaid, sail be Enemy to us all : In so far, that 
 whatsomever Person will plainly resist this our Godly 
 Interprysis, and will not concurr as ane guid Member 
 of this Common Weill j we sail fortify the Authority 
 of the Counsell, to reduce them to their Deuty : 
 Lyke as we sail fortify the said Authority of the 
 Counsale, in all Things tending to the Further- 
 ance of the said Cause. And giff any particular 
 Debate, (^uarrell or Controversee sail aryse, for what- 
 somever Cause, bygain, present or to come, betwixt 
 any of us; (as God forbid) in that Case, we sail submit 
 our selves, and our said Questions, to the Decision of 
 the Counsaille, or to Arbitrators, to be named be them. 
 Provyding allwayes, that this be not prejudicial to the 
 orilinar Jurisdiction of Judges: But that Men may 
 persue their Actions by Ordour of Law, Civilly or 
 Criminally, befor the Judges Ordinars, gif they please 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 23 
 
 A Letter written by Lethington, the 
 Secretary of Scotland, to Sir William 
 Cecil, the Queen of England's 
 Secretary, touching the Title of the 
 Queen of Scots to the Crown of 
 England : By which it appears that 
 King Henry's Will was not signed 
 by him. 1566.' 
 
 I cannot be ignorant that some do object as to her 
 Majesties Forreign Birth, and hereby think to maice 
 her incapable of the Inheritance of England. To 
 that you know for answer what may be said by an 
 English Patron of my Mistriss's Cause, although I 
 being a Scot will not affirm the same, that there 
 ariseth amongst you a Question ; Whether the Realm 
 of Scotland be forth of the Homage and Leageance of 
 England : And therefore you have in sundry Procla- 
 mations preceding your Wars-making, and in sundry 
 Books at sundry times, laboured much to prove the 
 Homage and Fealty of Scotland to England. Your 
 Stories also be not void of this intent. What the 
 judgment of the Fathers of your Law is, and what 
 commouly is thought in this Matter, you know better 
 
 » Ex. MS. D. G. Petyt. 
 
24 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 than I, and may have better intelligence than I, the 
 Argument being fitter for your Assertion than mine. 
 
 Another Question there is also upon this objection 
 of Forreign Birth ; that is to say, Whether Princes 
 inheritable to the Crown, be in case of the Crown 
 exempted or concluded as private Persons, being 
 Strangers born forth of the Allegiance of England. 
 You know in this case, as divers others, the State of 
 the Crown : the Persons inheritable to the Crown at 
 the time of their Capacity, have divers differences and 
 prerogatives from other Persons 5 many Laws made 
 for other Persons take no hold in case of the Prince, 
 and they have such Privileges as other persons enjoy 
 not : As In cases of Attainders, and other Penal Laws: 
 Examples, Hen. 7. who being a Subject, was attainted; 
 and Ed. 4. and his Father Richard Plantagenet were 
 both attainted ; all which notwithstanding their 
 Attainders had right to the Crown, and two of 
 them attained the same. Amongst many Reasons to 
 be shewed, both for the differences, and that Forreign 
 Birth doth not take place in the case of the Crown, 
 as in common Persons, the many experiences before 
 the Conquest, and since, of your Kings, do plainly 
 testify. 2. Of purpose I will name unto you, Hen. 
 2d. Maud the Empress Son, and Richard of Bordeaux, 
 the Black Princes Son, the rather for that neither of 
 the two was the King of England's Son, and so not 
 Enfant du Rcy^ if the word be taken in this strict 
 signification. And for the better proof, that it was 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 25 
 
 always the common Law of your Realm, that in the 
 case of the Crown, Forrelgn Birth was no Bar ; you 
 do remember the words of the Stat, 25. Ed. 3. where 
 it is said, th^ Law was ever so : "Whereupon if you 
 can remember it, you and I fell out at a reasoning in 
 my Lord of Leicester's Chamber, by the occasion of 
 the Abridgment of Rastal, wherein I did shew you 
 somewhat to this purpose ; also these words. Infant 
 and Ancestors be in Pradicamento ad aHquid^ and so 
 Correlatives in such sort, as the meaning of the Law 
 was not to restrain the understanding of this wor.i 
 Infant^ so strict as only to the Children of the King's 
 Body, but to others inheritable in remainder ; and if 
 some Sophisters will needs cavil about the precise 
 understanding of Infant, let them be answered with 
 the scope of this word Ancestors in all Provisions, 
 for F/7/7, Nepotes and L-beri, you may see there was no 
 difference betwixt the first degree, and these that 
 come after by the Civil Law. Libcrorum appellationc 
 comprehenduntur non solum Filn, verum etiam Nepotes, 
 Pronepotes, Abnepotes, &c. If you examine the Reason 
 why Forreign Birth is excluded, you may see that it 
 was not so needful in Princes Cases, as in common 
 Persons. Moreover, I know that England hath 
 oftentimes married with Daughters, and married with 
 the greatest I Forrelgn Princes of Europe. And so I 
 do also understand, that they all did repute the 
 Children of them, and of the Daughters of England, 
 inheritable in succession to that Crown, notwithstanding 
 
26 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 the Forreign Birth of their Issue : And in this case I 
 do appeal to all Chronicles, to their Contracts of 
 Marriages, and to the opinion of all the Princes of 
 Christendom. For tho England be a noble and 
 puissant Country, the respect of the Alliance only, 
 and the Dowry, hath not moved the great Princes to 
 match so often in marriage, but the possibility of the 
 Crown in succession, I cannot be ignorant altogether 
 in this Matter, considering that I serve my Sovereign 
 in the room that you serve yours. The Contract of 
 Marriage is extant betwixt the King, my Mistris's 
 Grandfather, and Queen Margaret, Daughter to King 
 Henry the 7th, by whose Person the Title is devolved 
 on my Sovereign ; what her Fathers meaning was in 
 bestowing of her, the World knoweth, by that which 
 is contained in the Chronicles written by Polidorus 
 Virgilius, before (as I think) either you or I was 
 born ; at least when it was little thought that this 
 Matter should come in question. There is another 
 Exception also laid against my Soveraign, which seems 
 at the first to be of some weight, grounded npon some 
 Statutes made in King Hen. 8. time (viz.) of the 
 28th, and 35th of his Reign, whereby full power and 
 authority was given him the said King Henry, to 
 give, dispose, appoint, assign, declare, and limit, by his 
 Letters Patents under his Great Seal, or else by his 
 last Will made in writing, and signed with his hand 
 at his pleasure, from time to time thereafter the Im- 
 perial Crown of that Realm, &c. Which Imperial 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 27 
 
 Crown is by some alledgcd and constantly affirmed to 
 have been limited and disposed, by the last Will and 
 Testament of the said King Hen, 8. signed with his 
 hand before his death, unto the Children of the Lady 
 Francis ; and Elenor, Diughter to Mary the French 
 Queen, younger Daughter of Hen. 7. and of Charles 
 Brandon Duke of Suffolk j so as it is thought the 
 Queen, my Soveraign, and all others, by course of In- 
 heritance, be by these Circumstances excluded and 
 fore-closed : So as it does well become all Subjects, 
 such as I am, so my liking is, to speak of Princes, of 
 their Reigns and Proceedings modestly, and witK 
 respect ; yet Icannot abstain to say, that the Chronicles 
 and Histories of that Age, and your own printed 
 Statutes being extant, do contaminate and disgrace 
 greatly the Reign of that King in that time. But to 
 come to our purpose, what equity and justice was that 
 to disinherit a Race of Forreign Princes of their 
 possibility, and maternal right, by a municipal Law or 
 Statute made in that, which some would term abrupt 
 time, and say, that that would rule the Roast, yea, 
 and to exclude the right heirs from their Title, with- 
 out calling them to answer, or any for them : well, it 
 may be said, that the injury of the time, and the 
 indirect dealing is not to be allowed ; but since it is 
 done it cannot be avoided, unless some Circumstances 
 material do annihilate the said limitation and dis- 
 position of the Crown, 
 
 Now let us examine the manner and circumstance 
 
28 A COLLFXTION OF 
 
 how King Hen. 8. was by Statute inabled to dispose 
 the Crown. There is a form in two sorts prescribed 
 him, which he may not transgress, that is to say, 
 either by his Letters Patents, sealed with his Great 
 Seal, or by his last Will, signed with his hand : for in 
 this extraordinary case he was held to an ordinary and 
 precise form j which being not observed, the Letters 
 Patents, or Will, cannot work the intent or eftect 
 supposeJ. And to disprove, that the Will was 
 signed with his own hand ; You know, that long 
 before his death he never used his own signing with 
 his own hand j and in the time of his Sickness, being 
 divers times pressed to put his hand to the Will 
 written, he refused to do it. And it seemed God 
 would not suffer him to proceed in an Act so injurious 
 and prejudicial to the right Heir of the Crown, being 
 his Niece. Then his death approaching, some as well 
 known to you as to me, caused William Clarke, 
 sometimes Servant to Thomas Henneage, to sign the 
 supposed Will with a stamp, (for otherwise signed it 
 was never) j and yet notwithstanding some respecting 
 ore the satisfaction of their ambition, and other 
 their private commodity, than just and upright dealing 
 procured divers honest Gentlemen, attending in divers 
 several Rooms about the King's Person, to testifie 
 with their hand-writings the Contents of the said 
 pretended Will, surmised to be signed with the King's 
 own hand. To prove this dissembled and forged signed 
 Testament, I do refer you to such Trials as be yet 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 29 
 
 left. First ; The Attestation of the late Lord Paget, 
 published in the Parliament in Queen Mary's time, 
 for the restitution of the Duke of Norfolk. Next, 
 I pray you, on my Sovereigns behalf, that the Deposi- 
 tions may be taken in this Matter of the Marquess of 
 Winchester, Lord Treasurer of England, the Marquess 
 of Northampton, the Earl of Pembroke, Sir William 
 Petre then one of King Henry's Secretaries, Sir Henry 
 Neville, Sir Maurice Berkley, Doctor Buts, Edmond 
 Harman Baker, John Osborn, Groom of the Chamber, 
 Sir Anthony Dennis, if he be living, Terris, the 
 Chirurgion, and such as have heard David Vincent 
 and others speak in this case ; and that their Attesta- 
 tions may be enrolled in the Chancery, and In the 
 Arches, In perpetuam rei mcmoriam. 
 
 Thirdly ; I do refer you to the Original Will 
 surmised to be signed with the King's own hand, that 
 thereby it may most clearly and evidently appear by 
 some differences, how the same was not signed with 
 the King's hand, but stamped, as aforesaid. And 
 albeit it is used both as an Argument and Calumniation 
 against my Sovereign to some, that the said Original 
 hath been embezelled In J^^^^^ Mary's time, I trust 
 God will and hath reserved the same to be an Instru- 
 ment to relieve the Truth, and to confound false 
 Surmises, that thereby the Right may take place, 
 notwithstanding the many Exemplifications and 
 Transcripts, which being sealed with the great Seal, 
 do run abroad in England, and do carry away many 
 
30 A COLLECTION OK 
 
 Mens minds, as great presumptions of great variety 
 and validity. But, Sir, you know in cases of lesi 
 importance, that the whole Realm of England, 
 Transcripts and Exemplifications be not of so great 
 force in Law to serve for the recovery of any thing, 
 either real or personal : And in as much as my 
 Soveraign's Title in this case shall be little advanced, 
 by taking exceptions to others pretended and erased 
 Titles, considering her precedency, I will leave it to 
 such as are to claim after the issue of Hen. the 7th, 
 t) lay in Bar the Poligamy of Charles Brandon the 
 Duke of Suffolk j and also the vitiated and clandestine 
 Contract, (if it may be so called) having no witness 
 nor solemnization of Christian Matrimony, nor any 
 lawful matching of the Earl of Hertford and the Lady 
 Katharine. Lastly ; The semblably compelling of Mr. 
 Key, and the Lady Mary, Sister to the Lady Katharine. 
 And now, Sir, I have to answer your desire said 
 somewhat briefly to the Matter, which indeed is very 
 little, where so much may be said ; for to speak truly, 
 the Cause speaketh for it self, I have so long forborn 
 to deal in this matter, that I have almost forgotten 
 many things which may be said for Roboration of her 
 Right, which I can shortly reduce to my Remembrance, 
 being at Edinburgh where my Notes are : So that if 
 you be not by this satisfied, upon knowledg from you 
 of any other Objection, I hope to satisfy you unto all 
 things may be said against her. In the mean time 
 I pray you so counsel the Queen, your Sovcraign, as 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. S^ 
 
 some effectual reparation may follow without delay, of 
 the many and sundry traverses and dis-savorings 
 committed against the Queen, my Sovereign : as the 
 publishing of so many exemplifications of Kmg 
 Henry's supposed Will, the secret embracing of John 
 Halles Books, the Books printed and not avowed the 
 last Summer, one of the which my Mistris hath sent 
 by Henry KilUgrew to the Queen your Soveraign ; 
 The Disputes and Proceedings of Lincoln's-Inn, 
 where the Case was ruled against the Queen 
 my Sovereign j The speeches of sundry in this 
 last Session of Parliament, tending all to my 
 Soveraign's derision, and nothing said to the con- 
 trary by any Man, but the Matter shut up with 
 silence, most to her prejudice ; and by so much the 
 more as every Man is gone home setled and confirmed 
 in his Error. And, Lastly, the Queen, your Soveraign's 
 resolution to defend now by Proclamations, all 
 Books and Writings containing any discussion of 
 Titles, when the whole Realm hath engendred by 
 these fond proceedings, and other favoured practises, a 
 setled opinion against my Soveraigns, to the advance- 
 ment of my Lady Katherines Title, I might also 
 speak of an other Book lately printed and set abroad 
 in this last Session, containing many Untruths and 
 weak Reasons, which Mr. Wailing desired might be 
 answered before the Defence were made by Proclama- 
 tion. I trust you will so hold hand to the Reformation 
 of all these things, as the Queen, my Soveraign, may 
 
32 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 have effectual occasion to esteem you her Friend ; 
 which doing, you shall never offend the Queen your 
 Mistris, your Country, nor Conscience, but be a 
 favourer of the Truth against Errors, and yet deserve 
 well of a Princess, who hath a good heart to recognize 
 any good turn, when it is done her, and may hereafter 
 have means to do you pleasure. For my particular, 
 as I have always honoured you as my Father, so do I 
 still remain of the same mind, as one, wliom in all 
 things not touching the State, you may direct, as your 
 Son Thomas Cecil, and with my hearty commendations 
 to you, and my Lady, both, I take my leave. From 
 Striveling, the 14th of January, 1566. 
 
 — o>.;^Sk« — 
 
 A Bond of Association, upon Mary 
 Queen of Scotland's Resigning the 
 Crown in Favour of her Son." 
 
 WWe quhiks has subscrivit the underwritten Bond, 
 understanding that the Queenis Majesty willing nath- 
 ing mair e^rnestlie, nor that in her Lifetime her 
 Majesties Dear Son, our Native Prince, be placit and 
 inaugural in the Kindom of this his Native Cuntre 
 and Realm, and be obeyit as King be us, and uthers 
 his subjects : And being wearit of the great Paint 
 
 ^ An Original, in the Library of Glasgow. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 33 
 
 and Travels taken be her in her Government thereof, 
 hes be her Letters demittit and renderit, and given 
 power thairby to demit and renunce the said Govern- 
 ment of this Realm, Liegis and Subjectis thairof, in 
 Favours of her said Son, our Native Prince ; To 
 the effect he may be inaugurat thairin, the Crown 
 Royal put upon his Head, and be obeyit in all Things 
 as King and Native Prince thairof, as her Hieness 
 Letters past thairupon bears. Thairfore, and because 
 it is ane of the maist happy Things that can come to 
 any Pcpill or Cuntre, to be governit and rulit by their 
 awn Native King ; We, and ilk ane of us, quhilk hes 
 subscrivit thir Presents, be the Tenor heirof, promitties, 
 binds, and oblissis us, faithfully to convene and as- 
 sembil our selfs at the Burgh of Sterling, or any other 
 Place to be appointit, to the Effect foresaid j and thair 
 concur, assist and fortify our said Native King and 
 Prince, to the Establishing, Planting and Placing of 
 him in his Kingdom, and Putting of the Crown 
 Royal thairof upon his Head, and in the Fear of our 
 God being instructit and teichit be his and all other 
 Laws, sail giffour Aith of Fidelity and Homage, and 
 lawfull and dutiful Obedience, to be made by us to 
 him during his Graces Lifetime, as it becomes faithful], 
 Christian, and true Subjects to do to thair Native 
 King and Prince. And farther, that we sail with all 
 our Strength and Forcis promote, concurre, fortifie 
 and assist, to the Promoteing and Establishing of him 
 in his Kingdom and Government, as becumis faithfull 
 
34 A COLLECTION OF , 
 
 and true Subjects to do to thair Prince, and to resist 
 all sick, as wald oppon them thairto, or make any- 
 Trouble or Impediment to him thairin, and sail do all 
 uther Things, that becomis faithful! and Christian 
 Subjects to do to thair Native King and Prince, In 
 Witness of the quhilk Thing, we haif subtcrivit thir 
 Presents with our Handis, at Edinburgh, the day 
 of , the Year of God 1567 Years. 
 
 James Regent. Huntley. Archibald Argyle. Athol. 
 JHortoun. Mar, Glencairn, Erroh BucJian. 
 Graluim. Alexander Lord Home, Wtlliam 
 Lord Ruthfuen, Lord Sanquhar, Vion Lord 
 Glamis. Patrick Lord IJndsey, Michael 
 Lord Carlisle : With my Hand at the Pen, 
 Alexander Hay, Notarius, William Lord 
 Bortlnvick. Lord Ltnermaith, Ucheltrie. 
 Sempill. Henry Lord Methven, Allan Lord 
 Cathcart, Patrick Lord Gray, Robert Com. 
 of Dumferling, James Stuart. Alexander 
 Com. of Culross, Adam Com. of Cambus- 
 kenneth. Dryburgh. Master of Montrose, 
 Alexander Bishop of Galoivay, Caprington. 
 Blairquhan. TuUibarden, Comptroller ; with 
 Eighteen more. 
 
 ' C^j^ji^^Ji^^ji!^^ 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 35 
 
 James I. to his son, Prince Henry, upon 
 his leaving Scotland to take posses- 
 sion of the crown of England/ 1603. 
 
 My Son, that I see you not before my parting, 
 impute it to this great occasion, wherein time was so 
 precious i but that shall by God's grace be recompensed 
 by your coming to me shortly, and continual residence 
 with me ever after. Let not this news make you 
 proud, or insolent, for a king's son and heir was ye 
 before, and no more are ye yet. The augmentation 
 that is hereby like to fall unto you, is but in cares and 
 heavy burthens. Be, therefore, merry, but not 
 insolent ; keep a greatness, but she fastu ; be resolute, 
 but not wilful ; keep your kindness, but in honourable 
 sort ;^ choose none to be your playfellows but them 
 tliat are well born ; and above all things, never give 
 good countenance to any but according as ye shall be 
 informed that they are in estimation with me. Look 
 upon all Englishmen that shall come to visit you as 
 your loving subjects, not with that ceremony as 
 towards strangers, and yet with such heartiness as at 
 this time they deserve. This gentleman whom this 
 bearer accompanies is worthy, and of good rank, and 
 now my familiar servitor j use him, therefore, in a 
 
 ' MS. Harl., 6^S6, Art. 39. 
 
 - Do nothing dishonourable through kindness. 
 
36 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 more homely sort nor other. I send you herewith 
 my book, lately printed ;^ study and profit in it as ye 
 would deserve my blessing'; and as there can nothing 
 happen unto you whereof ye will not find the general 
 ground therein, if not the very particular point touched, 
 so must ye level every man's opinions or advices unto 
 you as ye find them agree or discord with the rules 
 there set down, allowing and following their advices 
 that agree with the same, mistrusting and frowning 
 upon them that advise you to the contrary. Be diligent 
 and earnest In your studies, that at your meeting 
 with me I may praise you for your progress in learning. 
 Be obedient to your master, for your own weal, and to 
 procure my thanks ; for in reverencing him ye obey 
 me, and honour yourself. Farewell. 
 
 Your loving father, 
 
 James R. 
 
 — <-&<^^3< — 
 
 James I. to the Dean of Peterborough, 
 
 for translating the body of the Queen 
 of Scots to Westminster.'' 1612. 
 
 To our trusty and well-beloved the dean and 
 chapter of our cathedral church of Peterborough, and 
 
 ^ " Bao-tAt/cwi/ 6o>/)ov, or his Majesty's instruc- 
 tions to his son Henry the Prince," 8vo. Lond. 1603. 
 
 ^ Ashmolean MSS. No. 857, p. 320, 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 37 
 
 in their absence to the right reverend father-in-God, 
 the Bishop of Peterborough, and to such of the 
 prebends or other officers of that church as shall be 
 found being there, 
 James R., 
 
 Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you 
 well ; for that we think it appertains to the duty we 
 owe to our dearest mother, that like honour should be 
 done to her body and like monument be extant of her, 
 as to others, hers, and our progenitors, have been used 
 to be done j and ourselves have already performed to 
 our dear sister, the late (^ueen Elizabeth, we have 
 commanded a memorial of her to be made in our 
 church of Westminster, the place where the kings and 
 queens of this realm are usually interred. And for 
 that we think it inconvenient that the monument and 
 her body should be in several places j we have ordered 
 that her said body remaining now interred in that our 
 cathedral church of Peterborough, shall be removed to 
 Westminster to her said monument, and have com- 
 mitted the care and charge of the said translation of 
 her body from Peterborough to Westminster to the 
 reverend father-in-God, our right trusty and well- 
 beloved servant the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 
 bearer hereof, to whom we require you (or such as he 
 shall assign) to deliver the corpse of our said dearest 
 mother ; the same being taken up in as decent and 
 respectful a manner as it is fitting j and for that there 
 is a pall now upon the hearse over her grave which 
 
38 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 will be requisite to be used to cover the said body in 
 the removing thereof, which may perhaps be deemed 
 as a fee that should belong to the church, we have 
 appointed the said reverend father to pay you a reason- 
 able redemption for the same, which, being done by 
 him, we require you that he may have the pall, to be 
 used for the purpose aforesaid. Given under our signet 
 at our honour of Hampton Court, the eight-and- 
 twentieth day of September, in the tenth year of our 
 reign in England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland 
 the six-and-fortieth. 
 
 Charles I. to the Earl of Strafford.' 
 1641. 
 
 Strafford, 
 
 The misfortune that is fallen upon you by 
 the stange mistaking and conjuncture of these times, 
 being such, that I must lay by the thought of employ- 
 ing you hereafter in my affairs ; yet I cannot satisfy 
 myself in honour or conscience without assuring you 
 (now in the midst of your troubles), that upon the 
 word of a king you shall not suffer in life, honour, or 
 
 ' Earl of Strafford s Letters, vol, ii., p. 416. This letter was 
 written by Charks after the bill of attainder agaiist Strafford had 
 assed the Lower House (2iat April.) 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 39 
 
 fortune. This is but justice, and therefore a very mean 
 reward from a master to so faithful and able a servant 
 as you have showed yourself to be ; yet it is as much 
 as I conceive the present times will permit, though 
 none shall hinder me from being, 
 
 Your constant, faithful friend, 
 
 Charles R. 
 Whitehall, April 23, 1641. 
 
 Charles I. to the House of Lords, in 
 behalf of the Earl of Strafford."' 
 1641. 
 
 My lords, 
 
 I did yesterday satisfy the justice of the king- 
 dom, by passing of the bill of attainder against the 
 earl of Strafford ; but mercy being as inherent and 
 inseparable to a king as justice, I desire at this time 
 in some measure, to show that likewise, by suffering 
 that unfortunate man to fulfil the natural course of liis 
 life in a close imprisonment, yet so that, if ever he 
 make the least offer to escape, or offer, directly or 
 indirectly, to meddle with any sort of pubUc business, 
 especially with me, either by message or letter, it shall 
 cost him his life, without further press. 
 
 ' Harleian MSS., 1769, art. 12. 
 
40 A COLLECTION OK 
 
 This, if it may be done without the discontent of 
 my people, will be an unspeakable comfort to me ; to 
 which end, as in the first place, I by this letter do 
 earnestly desire your approbation ; and to endear it 
 the more, have chosen him' to carry, that of all your 
 house is most dear to me ; so I do desire, that by a 
 conference you will endeavour to give the House of 
 Commons contentment ; likewise assuring you, that 
 the exercise is no more pleasing to me than to see 
 both Houses of Parliament consent, for my sake, that 
 I should moderate the severity of the law in so impor- 
 tant a case. I will not say, that your complying wjth 
 me in this my pretended mercy, shall make me more 
 willing, but certainly it will make me more cheerful in 
 granting your just grievances ; but, if no less than his 
 life can satisfy my people, I must sa.y ^ _^at justitia. 
 
 Thus again earnestly recommending the consideration 
 of my intentions to you, I rest 
 
 Your unalterable and affectionate friend, 
 
 Charles R. 
 
 Whitehall, loth May, 1641. 
 
 If he mu:i die, it were charity to reprieve him till 
 Saturday,^ 
 
 ^ This letter was delivered to the House by the prince in person, 
 ^ The ioUowing extract from the Parliament Joum.ils will show 
 what effect Charles's supplication had: "This letter, all written 
 with the king's own hand, we, the peers, this day received in 
 parliament, delivered by the hands of the prince. It was twice 
 read in the House, and, after serious and sad considerations, the 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 4I 
 
 Charles I. to his Daughter.^ 
 
 Newport, 14th October, 1648. 
 Dear daughter, 
 
 It 13 not want of affection that makes mc 
 write 30 seldom to you, but want of matter, such as I 
 could wish J and indeed am loath to write to those 
 I love when I am out of humour (as I have been these 
 days by past), lest my letters should trouble those I 
 desire to please. But having this opportunity, I would 
 
 Houss resolved presently to send it by one of the peers' messen- 
 gers to the king, humbly to signify that neither of the two 'nten- 
 lioiis expressed m the letter could, with duty to us, or without 
 danger to his consort the queen, and all the young princes her 
 children, possibly [ha'} advised with being accomplished, and 
 more expressions olTerjd} his majesty suffered no more words to 
 come from us, but, of the fulness of his heart, to the observation 
 of justice, and for the contentment of his people, told us, that 
 what he intended by letter was with an 'if it might be done 
 without discontentment of his people. If that could be, to say again 
 the same that I write, fiat j ustitia, my other intention proceeding 
 out of charity, for a few days' respite, was upon certain information 
 that his estate was so distracted, that it necessarily requited some 
 few days' respite for settlement theteof.' " Whereunto the lords 
 answered: their purpose was, to be suitors to his majesty for 
 favours to be showed to his innocent children; and if himself 
 had made any provision for them, the same might hold. This 
 was well-likmg to his majesty, who thereupon departed from the 
 lords. At his majesty's partmg we offered up into his hands the 
 letter itself which he had sent ; but he was pleased to say, 'what 
 I have written to yoUj so shall I be content it bs registered by 
 you in your House; in it you see my mind: I hope you will use 
 It to my honour.' This, upon relur.i of the lords from the king, 
 was presently reported to the House by the lord privy seal, and 
 ordered that these lines should go out with the king's letter, if 
 any copy of the letter were desired." 
 * Sloane MS. 3299, art. 8S. 
 
42 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 not lose it : though at this time I have nothing to say, 
 but God bless you ! So I rest 
 
 Your loving father, 
 
 Charles R. 
 
 Give your brother my blessing with a kiss, and 
 commend me kindly to my Lady Northumberland, by 
 the sane token. 
 
 Charles I. to the Prince of Wales.^ 
 
 Newport, November 29, 1648. 
 
 Son, 
 
 By what hath been said, you may see how long 
 we have laboured in search of peace. Do not you be 
 discouraged to tread those ways, to restore yourself to 
 your right ; but prefer the way of peace. Show the 
 greatness of your mind, rather to conquer your 
 enemies by pardoning than punishing. If you saw 
 how unmanly and unchristianly this implacable dispo- 
 sition is in our evilwiUers, you would avoid that spirit. 
 Censure us not, for having parted with too much of 
 
 ' Holmes's MS. Historical Collections 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 43 
 
 our own right ; the price was great, the commodity 
 was security to us, peace to our people. And we are 
 confident another parliament would remember how 
 useful a king's power is to a people's liberty. 
 
 Of how much we have divested ourself, that we 
 and they might meet again in a due parliamentary 
 way to agree the bounds for prince and people ! And 
 in this, give belief to our experience, never to aifect 
 mo^ greatness or prerogative than what is really, and 
 intrinsically for the good of our subjects (not satisfac- 
 tion of favourites). And, if you thus use it, you will 
 never want means to be a father to aH, and a bountiful 
 prince to any you would be extraordinarily gracious to. 
 You may perceive all men trust their treasure, where 
 it returns them interest : and if princes, like the sea, 
 receive and repay all the fresh streams and rivers trust 
 them with, they will not grudge, but pride themselves, 
 to make them up an ocean. 
 
 These considerations may make you a great prince, 
 as your father is now a low one j and your state may 
 be so much the more established, as mine hath been 
 shaken. For subjects have learnt (we dare say) that 
 victories over their princes are but triumphs over them- 
 selves ; and so, will be more unwilling to hearken to 
 changes hereafter. 
 
 The English nation are a sober people ; however at 
 present untfer "some infatuation. We know not but 
 this may be"the last time'^e may speak to you or the 
 world publicly. We are sensible into what hands we 
 
44 A COLLECTION OF 
 
 are fallen ; and yet we bless God we have those 
 inward refreshments, that the malice of our enemies 
 cannot disturb. We have learnt to own ourself by 
 retiring into ourself, and therefore can the better digest 
 what befalls us ; not doubting but God can restrain 
 our enemies' malice, and turn their fierceness unto 
 his praise. 
 
 To conclude, if God give you success, use it humbly 
 and far from revenge. If He restore you to your 
 right upon hard conditions, whatever you promise, 
 keep. Those men which have forced laws which they 
 were bound to observe, will find their triumphs full 
 of troubles. Do not think an y t hing in this world 
 worth obtaining by foul and unjust means. You are 
 the son of our love ; and, as we direct you to what 
 we have recommended to you, so we assure you, we 
 do not more affectionately pray for you (to whom we 
 are a natural parent) than we do, that the ancient 
 glory and renown of this nation be not burled in 
 irreligion and fanatic humour : and that all our subjects 
 (to whom we are a political parent) may have such 
 sober thoughts as to^jeek their peace in the orthodox 
 profession of the Christian religign, as it was esta- 
 blished, since the Reformation in this kingdom, and 
 not in new revelations j and that the ancient laws, 
 with the interpretation according to the known 
 practices, may once again be a hedge about them ; 
 that you may in due time govern, and they be 
 governed, as in the fear of the Lord. 
 
 "^^ ^ C. R. 
 
HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 45 
 
 The commissioners are gone j the corn is now in 
 the ground ; we expect the harvest. If the fruit be 
 peace, we hope the God of peace will, in time, reduce 
 all to truth and order again : which that He may do, 
 is the praver of 
 
 C. R. 
 
 Newport, November 29, 164S. 
 
 ^ i n f s. 
 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 VOLUME I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. Henry VII. Proclamation to the Army 
 
 ('485), 5 
 
 2. Henry VII. to the Mayor of Waterford 
 (1497), i^ 
 
 3. Henry VII. to the Same (1497), . . 13 
 
 4. Henry VIII. to James IV. of Scotland 
 
 (1513), "7 
 
 5. Henry VIII to the Estates of Scotland 
 (1521), 22 
 
 6. Henry VIII. to Margaret of Scotland 
 
 ('5^3). 26 
 
 7. The Love Letters of Henry VIII. to Anne 
 
 Boleyn (1528-9) 28 
 
 8. Sir T. More to Thomas Cromwell (1534), 55 
 
 9. Henry VIII to the Judges, (1535), . 69 
 
 10. Northumberland to Cromwell (1537), . 7; 
 
 11. Henry VIII. Letters Patent for printing 
 
 the Bible, ... 76 
 
 VOLU.ME IL 
 
 1. Cromwell to Henry VIII (1540), . 5 
 
 2. Edward's Devise for the Succession (1552), 14 
 
48 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 3. Mary's Letter ordering Hooper's Execu- 
 tion (1555), 16 
 
 4. The Writ for the Burning of Cranmer 
 (1556), 17 
 
 5. The Scottish Bond of Association, 20 
 
 6. Lethington to Sir W. Cecil (1566^ 23 
 
 7. The Bond of Association on Mary's Abdi- 
 cation, 32 
 
 8. James I. to Prince Henry (1603), . . 35 
 
 9. James I. to the Dean of Peterborough (i6iz) 36 
 
 10. Charles I. to the Earl of Strafford (1641), 38 
 
 11. Charles I. to the Lords (1641), . 39 
 
 12. Charles I. to his Daughter (1648), 41 
 
 13. Charles I. to the Prince of Wales (1648), 42