■Mmi BYJOSIM m'Mii TV BOUGHT WITH THE InCoM]^* I ' FROM THE - SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND J, THE GIFT OF HentQ W^ Base ..AM!.^ " The Prince," Chap. XVIIL 362 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy be subordinated to expediency ; as if a Christian statesman must needs be a Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde ; as if principles might bind men individually and yet not collectively ; as if God might be the Ruler of nations, while yet nations are independ- ent of His law; as if nations might be and must be supremely selfish, while indi- viduals are bound to be altruistic ! If men holding such political philoso- phy and ethics were placed in charge of the ship of state, we should indeed sail out into a stormy sea with a false chart and with every prospect of disaster. But such men do not represent the American people, and hence are not likely to be ele- vated to positions where they can do any mischief. 3. The remaining alternative is to un- dertake the voyage before us with a true chart, which we may do with all good coui'age. Or, to drop our metaphor, the 263 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion only wise course for us is frankly to recog- nize the changed conditions of the world and intelligently to adapt to them a new world policy, the aim of which shall be not national aggrandizement, but the noblest ministry to the new world life. In the realization of this aim we must be guided by AN ENLIGHTENED WORLD CONSCIENCE. "With a new world life, the advent of which was shown in the preceding chap- ter, is coming a new apprehension of that life. Men have long held, at least theo- retically, that God made all nations of one blood, but in recent years there has come to be a conception of the oneness of man- kind, so new that there must needs be coined a new word to express it ; and now we talk of the solidarity of the race. The recognition of this fact is the begin- ning of a new world consciousness. 264 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy Not until we come to self-conscious man, as we rise in the scale of being, do we find a conscience. Consciousness and conscience are closely related, and each implies the other. When, therefore, we arrive at a world consciousness, then a world conscience becomes both possible and necessary. When we become con- scious that our interests, sympathies, and opportunities have become as wide as the world, our conscience tells us that our duties have been expanded in like meas- ure. Paul says : " As we have, therefore, opportunity, let us do good unto all men," making obligation commensurate with opportunity. As the individual life, organized in ever- wider relations, is the basis of the com- munity life, of the national life, and of the world life, and as individual opinion is the basis of public opinion, which by reason of extending communication becomes national 265 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion and at length world-wide, so the individual conscience is the germ which, with the development of organization and of com- munication, grows into the national, and ultimately into the world, conscience. The conscience of our early ancestors was rudimentary — as narrow as their life. Within a circle of common interests, in- cluding only blood-relations, there were rights and duties ; but outside that circle there were neither, and deceit, theft, and violence incurred no guilt; indeed, when practiced on enemies, they became positive virtues. Each tribe might attack any foreign community simply for plunder; and might slaughter their captives or re duce them to slavery at option. When Ulysses, in his wanderings, came to a strange city he sacked it, not because he had any quarrel with its people, but simply because they were strangers. This circle which once confined moral 266 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy obligation to the family and then to the tribe was gradually enlarged to include the nation. But between different nations there was for ages little evidence of any sense of moral obligation. The only in- ternational law was that of might. "... The good old rule Sufficeth them — the simple plan That they should take who have the power, And they should keep who can." In general, statecraft was craft indeed — the "crooked wisdom" of unscrupulous rulers. Down to the nineteenth century probably the question was rarely raised whether a specific war between different nations was just. It is only a few gen- erations since private citizens preyed on the commerce of a friendly state with entire impunity, committing depredations which now would condemn them to hang at the yard-arm. Sir Francis Drake and Sir Walter Kaleigh did not scruple to rob 267 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion and kill Spaniards when England and Spain were at peace. To liave dealt thus with Englishmen would have been the iighest, of crimes : thus to cripple, in some measure, a people who had been at war with their own and might be again was close kin to the virtues. Governments have been supposed to have no ends above the well-being of the state. There was no greater nor higher life than that of the nation, and, therefore, no worthier end; and to this end the good of other nations has been promptly sacri- ficed when "necessary" or practicable; hence national, instead of universal, ethics, and a national, instead of a world, con- science. But the same sort of conditions now exists for the development of a world con- science which once produced the national, and earlier the tribal, conscience. Com- munication, common interests and oppor- 268 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy tunities, and, therefore, common obliga- tions, which were once confined to the narrow circle of blood-relatives, and were gradually expanded to include the nation, have now been extended to embrace the world, with the natural and inevitable result that a new world conscience is being developed, which is to govern the new world life. Jane Addams has wisely said: "We may make a mistake in poli- tics as well as in morals by forgetting that new conditions are ever demanding the evolution of a new morality, along old lines but in larger measure. Unless the present situation extends our nationalism into internationalism, unless it has thrust forward our patriotism into humanitarian- ism, we cannot meet it." This world life is something greater than national life, and world good, therefore, is something higher than na- tional good, and must take precedence of 269 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion it if they conflict. Local, and even na- tional, interests must be sacrificed, if need be, to universal interests. Or rather, w^orld interests will prove to be the best criterion by which to judge of national interests, and it will ultimately be seen that he serves his country best who serves the world best, because the well-being of the member is found to depend on the health or well-being of the life of which it is a part. Of course this world conscience is as yet feeble, because the world life is as yet in its infancy. But this world life, as we have seen, is real, and its further develop- ment cannot be reasonably doubted. In- creasing communication and commerce will certainly render relations between the nations more intimate and complex, and as these relations become closer, friction will necessarily increase unless they are right relations. Thus a world life necessitates 270 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy a world conscience which, as far as pos- sible, shall hold the nations to an ethical standard common to the world. Of course a Christian nation can adopt for its own standard nothing less than Christian ethics. A government cannot Justly be called Christian unless it is con- trolled by Christian principles. " The state ought to be," as Milton said, " but as one huge Christian personage, one mighty growth or stature of an honest man." It goes without saying that no state has as yet realized Milton's ideal, but has not the time come to adopt and confess that ideal ? And is there not precisely here a sacred obligation and a noble opportunity for our nation ? God winnowed Europe for the seeds of civil and religious liberty with which to sow America, and kept this soil virgin until that seed could be developed, se- lected, and transported, that the new ex- 271 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion periment in self-government miglit be tried under the most favorable conditions ; and the success of democracy here has compelled the princes of Europe to reckon with the peoples of Europe. Again has Providence prepared the world for an upward step, and for a new experiment to be tried under the most favorable conditions. The time has come for a new political philosophy and ethics which will meet the new world conditions and satisfy the claims of the new world life. On entering into the politics of the world it will be practicable for this nation to set up a new standard of national obli- gation that will be consonant with the individual conscience, and to adopt politi- cal ethics which will not outrage Christian ethics. We are not called to take this step as a weakling, compelled to follow the lead of stronger nations in adopting the selfish 272 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy and therefore immoral standards wMch have been consecrated by precedent and hallowed by time. That call comes to us in the recognized might of our manhood. Conscious of our strength, we may bind ourselves with the law of right and jus- tice, aye, and of benevolence too, with- out being charged with weakness or fear. Unbound by habit and untrammeled by precedent in world politics, we may set for ourselves a new standard of national obligation which shall recognize the new world life, of which national life is a part, and which the nation is bound to serve with a purity of purpose for which it will be held answerable at the bar of the world conscience. Let this nation prove the practicability of righteousness in international affairs, let it demonstrate that the recognition of world interests as supreme is the farthest- sighted wisdom, the highest statesman- 273 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion ship, the purest patriotism, and other nations will at length be compelled to follow our example and to accept the same political ethics. Of course this will cost eifort, perplex- ity, sacrifice; it will cost a good deal of treasure and some blood ; but most things of value do cost, and duty is no exception. We know what to think of the citizen who as a member of society shares its benefits and shirks its duties; who says by his acts, "I will exchange courtesies with my neighbors ; I will trade with the public ; I will enjoy the security of a well- ordered society, but I wiU have nothing to do with politics ; it's dirty, besides I can't afford to take the time from my business ; I will accept no responsibility for public order; and I shall evade the payment of taxes so far as possible." Now the United States is a member of the society of na- tions. We exchange courtesies with other 274 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy nations, we send to them our official repre- sentatives and receive theirs ; in the world's commerce we buy and sell and get gain; we reap our full share of benefit from the world's good order, but we have been willing that other people should pay for it. We have left other nations to police the w'orld, while we rub our hands in holy glee that they have never been fouled in the dirty politics of the world ; meanwhile we attend strictly to business, and make all the money possible out of the peace for which other nations pay. Why is it any less contemptible for na- tions than for individuals to shirk obliga- tions, and try to get the good things of life without paying for them ? ARMIES AS WORLD POLICE. Adopting a world policy involves a world police and the acceptance of our proper share of the cost. This means an 375 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion adequate standing army, which need not be large, as we have already seen, and a powerful navy. All this implies the possible use of force, or, in other words, war; and many excellent people find it difficult to recon- cile war with an enlightened world con- science, by which it is agreed our new world policy should be guided. Disciples of Count Tolstoi and philo- sophical anarchists hold that force should never be used for moral ends. They do not believe that a loving parent can wisely use force to correct or restrain a wayward child. They would not have the police employ force to suppress a riot or to pre- vent robbery and bloodshed. They would condemn the forcible suppression of the Boxers even though the only alternative were the spread of violence and anarchy throughout the Chinese Empire, with all the unspeakable horrors which that implies. 276 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy One cannot argue with those who are prepared to make such sacrifices of com- mon sense to a theory. A correct logical process draws a false conclusion, if a premise be false; and an educated man who believes that his premises are correct will stick to his conclusion, however ab- surd it may be, because he is sure of his logic ; hence the infinite sacrifices of reason to reasoning. But it is God's mercy to the multitude, who have never learned logic, that they are saved from such blun- ders by their common sense. A conclu- sion, however buttressed it may be by logic, which is not workable in the com- mon scheme of life, the people reject ; and this is the salvation of democracy. ' Such doctrine touching all use of force is as much a travesty of Christianity as it is of reason. The use of force may be sel- fish or benevolent; and it is the former which is condemned alike by an enlight. 277 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion ened conscience and by Christian teaching. The use of force is very apt to be selfish, and is, therefore, very apt to be wrong; but it is not necessarily selfish ; and many instances might be given in which the use of force is not only not selfish, but is evi- dently benevolent; as when one at the risk of his life forcibly restrains from com- mitting murder a man who is crazy drunk. Such use of force is in strictest accord with the Golden Rule : it is merciful, and it is mercy "twice bless'd"; it blesses both the would-be murderer and his victim. Doubtless benevolent force should be employed only as a last resort. There must be forbearance and persistent effort to instruct, but there are emergencies in which force is the only remedy. Sanitary measures, absolutely necessary to avert a pestilence or to stay a plague, may run counter to popular superstition or to reUg- 278 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy ious prejudice, as in India. In such cases, where prompt action alone can avert a great calamity, patient effort to persuade would be weakness, and failure to use force would be criminal. It is said, " What a saving in blood and treasure if, instead of sending soldiers to Cuba, we had spent a few millions in sending missionaries and teachers ! " But while the missionaries were trying to hu- manize the Spaniards, the reconcentrados would have perished, and the teachers would have found themselves without an occupation. Here was a situation which demanded prompt action, and the only action to which Spain would yield was forcible action. The taking of her colo- nial possessions from Spain was a case of moral surgery requiring force, as painful and as benevolent as amputation. Only a few far-gone theorists would deny that there are emergencies, like riot 279 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion or conflagration, when the only argument which municipal authority can use is the policeman's club. Many find it easy to approve of force on the part of the municipality who are unable to justify force on the part of the nation. To such the policeman's stick is the symbol of good order, while the sword is the symbol of violence and rapine. This is due en- tirely to association. The obvious object of the police force is to preserve order, while history associates armies with con- quest and plunder. But as the world is gradually being civilized and civilization is gradually being Christianized, armies are finding new occupations. As The Outlook says : ^ "The army among Anglo-Saxon peoples is no longer a mere instrument of de- struction. It is a great reconstructive organization. It is promoting law, order, ' July 29, 1899, p. 699. 380 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy civilization, and is fighting famine and pestilence in India. It is lightening taxes, building railroads, opening markets, lay- ing the foundations of justice and liberty, in Egypt. It is reorganizing society on a basis of physical health, fairly paid indus- try, honest administration, popular rights, and public education, in Cuba." In like manner, war is gradually chang- ing its character. It once involved lust of conquest, hatred, revenge, the slavery or the slaughter of the vanquished, and the violation of virtue. But no one of these belongs essentially and of necessity to war. They are accidents, of which one and another have been already dropped with the progress of civilization. Selfish- ness, hatred, and revenge are no more necessary to the soldier who is engaged in preserving the world's order than to the policeman who is quelling a riot, or to a parent who is correcting a child. 281 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion The intimate relations of city life make it the duty of the authorities to resort to force under certain ciicumstances in order to protect life, health, and property. The new civilization is reducing the world to a community with one life, and laying like duties upon World Powers ; and as it is reasonable and right for the police to resort to violence in order to suppress violence, so it may be reasonable and right for a nation, in discharging its police duty to the world, to resort to war in order to put an end to war. Such a use of force may be entirely benevolent and entirely approved by an enlightened conscience. The late conflict with Spain affords an instance of a war in behalf of humanity. The increase of army and navy seems to many to be a step backward ; but it is no less a necessity because it is to be re- gretted. Christian confidence that war, with all its horrors, shall yet cease, and 382 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy- forever, will not be disappointed ; for Christianity will gradually remove the causes of war, and the development of the world life will ultimately make war im- possible. We may cherish our hope of arbitration for the world ; but while we never forget our ideals and never cease to struggle toward them, we must never forget actualities and that we are com- pelled to deal with them. We dare to believe that human nature is yet to be- come unselfish and pacific; we dare not forget that at present it is neither. It is with twentieth-century human nature that we shall have to deal in the twentieth centuiy, and not with the regenerated human nature, which will be when the kingdom of God is fully come in the earth ; and human nature as it is requires (and will require for a long time to come) more or less of force in its government. Law is one of the fundamental facts of 283 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion the universe. Without it there can be no order, no society, no civilization, no good of any sort whatever ; and only those may be free from the law of another who are capable of being a law unto themselves ; hence the necessity of force in the family, the community, the state, the world, until se^-government is universal, and then free- dom will be universal. At this point we must distinguish between FEEEDOM AND IHBEPENDENCE. To be independent is to be exempt from reliance on others and from the rule of others. To be free is not to be exempt from law, but from arbitrary or despotic law. It is, as Webster says, to be " sub- ject only to fixed laws, regularly adminis- tered." There can be no existence without law ; and the higher the form of existence, the larger the number of laws to which it 284 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy owes obedience. These laws can never be evaded. When violated they are not escaped, their penalties are inflicted. The only possible way, therefore, to be free is to be free under law ; that is, by being in sympathy with the laws of one's nature. All animate nature is free, not because it is out from under law, but because it has no desire to transgress the laws which limit and control it. But man, because he is endowed with free will, is capable of transgressing. Indeed, he has to learn to obey ; he, therefore, has to learn to be free. Legally or technically one may be "born free "; but strictly speaking, freedom, like learning, must be acquired ; it exists only where it has been achieved ; it is a duty rather than a right. Independence is a matter of relation, ship; freedom is a matter of character. Men become free only so far as they learn self-government; and they should be in- 385 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion dependent only so far as they have be- come free. Giving to a tribe independ- ence no more confers upon it freedom than letting an anarchist out of jail con- fers on him a love of law. To those who have not become a law unto themselves, independence brings not liberty with the blessings of order, but license with the curse of confusion. Inde- pendence without freedom is anarchy. A savage in the midst of civilization finds himself, hampered by a thousand re- strictions, and chafes like a newly caged lion. But the civilized man does not find his freedom of action abridged, because he is in sympathy with these restrictions ; they are his protection. Just in propor- tion, then, as men become civilized do they lose independence and acquire free- dom. The higher the social organization the greater is the number of relation- ships and the greater the interdepend- 286 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy ence, and of course tlie less the independ- ence. The progress of civilization involves the increase of organization, industrial, social, and political, and, therefore, necessitates an ever-decreasing independence, while it makes possible an ever-increasing freedom. We are now prepared to consider OUR RELATIONS TO THE PHILIPPINES. Our policy should be determined not by national ambition, nor by commercial con- siderations, but by our duty to the world in general and to the Filipinos in particu- lar. By discharging these obligations we shall best fulfill our duty to ourselves. The subject bristles with interrogation- points. Have we acquired a legal title to the Philippines ? May we constitution- ally hold them? Does the constitution extend over all the possessions of the United States ? Can we justly or consist- 287 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion ently govern without tte consent of the governed ? On these and other like ques- tions, good and conscientious and intelli- gent and patriotic citizens differ. A list of worthy names may be cited on each side with a resulting equation; and in questions of opinion an equation may be solved by cancellation. To spend our time saying, "It was" and "It wasn't," "It is" and "It isn't," is as indecisive and idle as the age-long dis- pute of the katydids. When the whole question is I'aised from the plane of opin- ion to that of fact, and we look at it in the light of the great world conditions which have been pointed out and which no one can deny, doubt is instantly resolved, and the path of duty is made reasonably clear to every mind whose judgment is not darkened by its own prepossessions. As a part of the great world life, these people cannot be permitted a lawless in- 388 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy- depend ence. If they are capable of being a law unto themselves, then neither the United States nor any other Power should extend authority over them. If they are incapable of self-government, then to give them independence would wrong the world in general and themselves in partic- ular^ The practical question then nar- rows down to this : Are the Filipinos capa- ble of self-government ? Henry Clay said : " I contend that it is to. arraign the disposition of Providence Himself to suppose that He has created beings incapable of governing themselves." But Clay's conception was formed when the old carpenter theory of the universe obtained, before modern science had shown that races develop in the course of centuries as individuals do in years, and that an undeveloped race, which is incapa- ble of self-government, is no more of a reflection on the Almighty than is an un- 389 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion developed child who is incapable of self- government. The opinions of men who in this enlightened day believe that the Filipinos are capable of self-government because everybody is, are not worth con- sidering. This is a question of fact to be settled by weight of testimony. I know of no witness, who has had per- sonal observation of the Filipinos, who declares them to be capable of self-govern- roent. Admiral Dewey has said he be- lieved them to be more capable of it than the Cubans. But this proves nothing; the Cubans have yet to demonstrate their capacity for government. Besides, Admi- ral Dewey, as a member of the Philippine Commission, signed the report which states that at present the basis of self- government does not exist among the Fili- pinos, and that if America should with- draw, " the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy." The 290 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy- report continues : " Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national honor in forbidding our aban- donment of the archipelago. We cannot from any point of view escape the respon- sibility of the government which our sov- ereignty entails, and the Commission is strongly persuaded that the performance of our national duty will prove the great- est blessing to the people of the Philip- pine Islands." In addition to Admiral Dewey thisH report was signed by Colonel Charles | Denby, who, as minister of the United j States to China during several administra-, tions, became familiar with Oriental char- 1 acter; by President Schurman of Cornellj University, who at the time of his ap-l pointment to the Commission was opposedj to our taking the Philippines ; by General Otis, and by Professor Worcester, who has spent over three and a half years in 291 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion the study of the islands and their people, and who is recognized as one of the highest authorities on all questions relating to them. He says the people are "utterly unfit for self-government." Bishop Potter, who acknowledges that his visit to the islands considerably changed his views, says: "It is nonsense to talk of the native Filipinos having the ability to organize a government of their own." Such testimony from such sources would seem to be decisive to every un- biased mind. And if the Filipinos are incapable of governing themselves, some one else must govern them. On whom is that duty more incumbent than on our- selves ? It is the Tagalogs who have been in arms against the authority of the United States. They are civilized and many of them are liberally educated. They are often spoken of as if they were the Fili- 292 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy pines; but they constitute only one-fifth of the population. The other four-fifths are composed of various tribes speaking difPerent languages, and representing dif- ferent degrees of civilization down to simple savagery. These four-fifths have been either friendly to the United States or neutral. Do we owe nothing to them ? The report of the Commission states that the government, so-called, which the Tagalogs organized " served only for plundering the people under the pretext of levying ' war contributions,' while many of the insurgent officials were rapidly accumulating wealth. The administration of justice was paralyzed and crime of all sorts was rampant. Might was the only law. Never in the worst days of Spanish misrule had the people been so overtaxed or so badly governed. In many prov- inces there was absolute anarchy, and from all sides came petitions for protection and 293 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion help." Do we owe no protection and help to these four-fifths against the one-fifth ? One other question I would like to ask the anti-expansionists. Will they kindly explain why it is that Americans, with the traditions and inheritance of Anglo- Saxons and with the experience of free- men, are incapable of governing one-tenth of their number of Filipinos, and cannot even attempt it without sacrificing the republic and losing their own liberties, while a tribe of Malays, who have neither the inheritance nor the experience of free- men, can create a republic and successfully govern not only themselves but also four times their number of undisciplined tribes- men? Some anti - expansionists accuse the nation of waging an unrighteous war of conquest, on the ground that the Filipinos are capable of self-government, while others are equally severe in their condem- 294 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy nation of the policy of annexation, on the ground that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government and can never establish a political organization worthy to enter into the sisterhood of states. Let the two classes of objections neutralize each other. If it has been made reasonably clear that it is our duty to establish and main- tain order in the Philippines, it remains only to add a word as to the principles on which government should be administered. It should in every particular aim at the well-being of the Filipinos. We must accept this new responsibility as a trust for civilization. We want no tribute- bearing colonies. The colonial history of Spain, Holland, and England contains valuable lessons by which we must profit. Their experience demonstrates the folly of selfishness — -the more selfish the policy, the more complete its failure. If, with 295 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion the warning of their experience, we repeat their blunders, we shall be much more culpable than they. Our own brief experience in Cuba already affords a warning and a shining example. Officials who went down there " on the make " required but a few months to ruin themselves and to disgrace the nation they represented; while the dis- interested labors of Greneral Wood and Mr. Alexis Everett Frye have rendered splendid service to the Cubans and have reflected great honor upon themselves and their country. There is one evil which has already reached sufficient proportions to demand especial notice, and that is the drink traf- fic with our dependencies. Asiatic and African races of arrested development are alike innocent of many Occidental vices and undisciplined to resist them. Civ- ilized races have a moral fiber which en- 296 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy ables their better members to withstaiid. the vices of civilization, to which undevel- oped races fall easy victims; and this is especially true of drunkenness. If these undeveloped races are subject to the limitations of childhood, we may also claim for them the rights of child- hood; and certainly all are agreed that liquor should not be sold to children. By the very act of assuming a protectorate over these races the European governments declare them to be wards, incapable of managing theii* own aifairs. These gov- ernments are, therefore, clearly bound to afford them the protection which is thrown around minors. And yet civilized and " Christianized " nations have inflicted on Africa a rum traffic which is debauching whole races, plunging them into all the horrors of savage warfare, and pouring vitriol into the " open sore of the world," so that Dean Farrar declares that this 297 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion traffic "is becoming to Africa a deadlier evil tlian the slave-trade." We have easily disclaimed all responsi- bility for this inhuman cruelty because we have no authority in Africa. But this ex- cuse will not suffice in the case of our new possessions. We are altogether responsible for whatever ravages imported drink may make among the natives of our dependen- cies. We shall be held responsible by the world conscience, and we must hold our- selves responsible. Let us not stultify ourselves by extend- ing our authority over these peoples on the ground that they are "big children who must be treated like little ones," and at the same time teach these children the use of intoxicating liquors. Let us not be so thrice idiotic as to undertake to establish and preserve order among these tribes, and to teach them self-control, while we send to them shiploads of barreled deviltry. 298 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy Moreover, it is well to remember that while responsibility for our own posses- sions cannot be evaded, it is not confined to them. The enlightened nations should unite to end the African rum-traffic as they did to stop the African slave-trade. And it is to be hoped that the day is not far dis- tant when Great Britain and the United States will join hands in defence of justice and liberty the world over. " He's true to God who's tiae to man ; wherever wrong is done To the humblest and the weakest, 'neath the all-hehold- ing sun, That wrong is also done to us; and they are slaves most base Whose love of right is for themselves, and not for all the race." If we love justice for ourselves, but not for others, it is ourselves we love, not just- ice. If we love liberty for ourselves, and not for all the world, we love it as a selfish luxury, not as a principle. 299 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion It is heathenisli to measure obligation by proximity or by blood-relationship. Christ- ian ethics declares that whoever is found wounded on the Jericho road is our neigh- bor, and our neighbor is to be loved not only as a brother, but as ourselves. Moral obligation cannot be computed from a gen- ealogical chart, nor measured with a yard- stick. Duty does not, like gravitation, vary inversely as the square of the dis- tance. All this does not mean that the Anglo- Saxon race should become a Don Quixote, riding atilt at every windmill on the world's horizon, "but it does mean the con- sciousness in ourselves and the declaration to others that our national sympathies are everywhere on the side of justice, freedom, and education; it does mean the natural self-consciousness that in this respect our spirit and that of the people of Great Britain are one ; and it does mean that the 300 Digitized by Microsoft® A New World Policy enemies of justice, freedom, and education the world over must hereafter reckon with America and Great Britain as the open, avowed, and courageous friends of these inalienable rights of humanity.'" Such a world policy as is urged is not only justified, but required, by the new world life on which we have entered. True enough it is unprecedented, but so are the new world conditions which demand it. The wise words of Emerson, true when written, are peculiarly applicable to-day : "We live in a new and exceptional age. America is another word for opportunity. Our whole history appears like a last effort of Divine Providence in behalf of the human race ; and a literal, slavish follow- ing of precedents, as by a justice of the peace, is not for those who at this horn- lead the destinies of this people." Con- ' Editorial on "The New Monroe Doctrine," The Out- look, August 27, 1898. 301 Digitized by Microsoft® Expansion servatism demands precedents; progress creates them. The first precedent is always unprecedented. The world moves. It is time to dismiss " the craven fear of being great," to recognize the place in the world which God has given us, and to accept the responsibilities which it devolves upon us in behalf of Christian civilization. 302 Digitized by Microsoft® INDEX Addams, Jane, 369. Africa, rum traffic in, 297, 398, 399. Alaska, resources of, 168-171. America, Providence in settlement of, 271, 273 ; called to a new upward step, 273-374. Anglo-Saxon, compared with Slav, 186-195 ; families and their homes, 304^308. Anti-Expansionists, 260, 361, 294, 295. Armenian massacres, 348, 349. Armies as world police, 375-383. Australasia, 171-173 ; precious metals of, 173, 173 ; wealth. of, 173. Australia, 173, 178, 311. Barrett, Hon. John, 175, 180. Beaulien, M. Paul Leroy, 31. Benton, Thomas H., 183. Beresford, Lord, 68, 130. Boxers, the Chinese, 376. British empire contrasted with Boman, 333, 334. Bubonic plague, 343-244. Canada, resources of, 168. Canal, the isthmian, 135-163 ; geographical effect of, 137- 140 ; commercial effect of, 140-151 ; political effect of, 151-161 ; economy of, 141, 142 ; table of distances, 145, 148 ; neutrality of, 153, 153. China, the new, 104-134 ; reaction in, note 104 ; isolation of, 107; a "dying nation," 109-111; opening of. 111, 303 Digitized by Microsoft® Index China — Continued. 112 ; railways in, 113 ; manufactures in, 114 ; imports, 171; Western education in, 118-130; result of awaken- ing, 124-133; resources, 134, 135; standard of living, 139, 130; commerce of, 131; "open door" in, 133; cot- ton goods imported by, 146; efEect of elevating stand- ard of living, 176, 177; density of population, 177; American troops in, 258. Chino-Japanese war, efEect of, 108. Clay, Henry, 141, 388. Coal, 53-54; in Russia, 58; in Great Britain, 53; in Ger- many, 53; in France, 53; in United States, 53, 54; amount raised, 54; in China, 124, 125. Colquhoun, Mr., 125, 150, 151. Columbus, 17, 210. Commerce, new lines of, 34; American, to be carried in American bottoms, 65-70; created by Nicaragua canal, 142-144. Commission to Philippines, report of, 390, 392, 293. Competition, conditions of successful, 62-71; coal, 53-54; iron, 54-58; low labor cost, 58-63; cheap raw materials, 63, 64; access to markets, 64; stimulating production, 84, 85; international, 338, 239. Confucius, 104, 105, Conscience, an enlightened world, 264-375. Cotton, production of, 63, 64. Cousin, Victor, 138. Crusaders, the, 17. Cuba, our pledge to, 161, 162 ; distress in, resulting from Prussian bounty on beet- sugar, 234 ; sending mission- aries to, 279 ; the army in, 281 ; General Wood and Mr. A. E. Frye in, 396. Cubans, Admiral Dewey's opinion of, 390. Davidson, Professor, 170. Decr6s, M., 136. 304 Digitized by Microsoft® Index Denby, Col. Charles, 291. Dewey, Admiral, 68 ; victory of in Manila Bay, 185, 247 ; member of Philippine Commission, 389. Distribution, problem of, 79. Drake, Sir Francis, 367, 268. Drummond, Professor, 39, 40. Durban, William, 193. East Indies, the, 174, 175. Energy of American people, 21-25 ; expressed in foot- tons, 35. England, trade balance of, 47 ; inyestments of, in other lands, 245. Emerson, 301. Expansion, industrial, 44-108. Exports, excess of, over imports, 47. Farewell address, Washington's, 347, 351. Farrar, Dean, 397. Filipinos, our relations to the, 287-303. Force, use of, selfish and unselfish, 377-384. Freedom and Independence, 284r-386. Frye, Alexis Everett, in Cuba, 393. Frye, Senator, 69, 85. Germany, trade balance of, 47 ; investments of in South America, 345 ; bounty of, on beet-sugar and eiiects, 333-334. Giddings, Professor Franklin H., 185. Gladstone, prophecy of, 65. Government without consent of governed, 341, 243. Grant, prophecy of General, concerning China, note, 105. Great Britain, density of population in, 177 ; flag of, in Pacific, 195 ; protection of, 206 ; standing with the United States for freedom and justice, 300, 301. Griffis, Dr. W. E., 119, 120. Grotius, 238, 339 305 Digitized by Microsoft® Index Hawaii, strategic value of, 196-199 ; under European flags, 211. Hayes, President, 139, 153. Homespun, cannot return to age of, 97, 98. Hugo, Victor, 189. Immigrants, number of during century, 30. Independence and freedom, 284-386. India, commerce of, 135, 136 ; railway traffic of, 126. Industry, the fundamental factor in civilization, 218-322. Iron, the age of, 54 ; America's manufacture of, 54^58 ; production of pig, 56, 57 ; supply of ore, 57, 58. Irving, Washington, 310. Jackson, Sir Thomas, 127. Japan, resurrection of, 131, 132 ; manufactures in, 146 ; standard of living in, 176. Kidd, Benjamin, 32, 185. Kitchener, Lord, 61. Labor cost, 58-64. Lands, exhaustion of our arable public, 17-43 ; return to idle, 91-98. Laveleye, Emile de, 193. Locomotives, American, abroad, 48, 49. Macartney, Embassy of Lord, 107. Macaulay, 99. Machiavelli, 261, 262. Machinery, ability to use, 36-41 ; demand for American, abroad, 51 ; our master, 73, 73 ; inevitable increase of, 73, 74; effects of, 74-78; displacing labor, 86-89; creating labor, 89; efiect of, on agriculture, 95, 96; effect of, on commerce and standard of living, 137-129; effect of, on civilization, 230-223. Mahan, Captain A. T., 156, 196. Manufactures, European, increase of, 33 ; excess of Amer- ican, over agricultural products, note, 45; increasing more rapidly than population, 80, 90. 306 Digitized by Microsoft® Index Manufacturingf supremacy, our new, 44-71 ; permanent, 53-71. Markets, foreign, a new necessity, 73-103 ; expanding at home, 90. Mediterranean, the new, 163-184 ; population of lands bordering on, 165; an Anglo-Saxon sea, 185-313. Melville, Commodore George W., 154, 199, 310. Milton, 371. Mulhall's estimate of energy in United States, 25. Napoleon, 136, 189. Navy, necessity of a strong, 305-208 ; increase of, 382. Negro and Anglo-Saxon, development of, 37-39. New Zealand, 171. 173. l^icaragua Canal, see Canal. Norman, Sir Henry, 334. Objections to expansion, 257, 258. Olney, ex-Secretary Bichard, 250. Oregon, the battleship, 67, 68. Otis, General, 291. Pacific, commerce of the, 149, 181 ; lands, products of, 181, 183; an Anglo-Saxon sea, 185-213; dimensions of, 304. Philip, Commodore, 339. Philippine Commission, report of, 390, 392, 393. Philippines, the commerce of the, 175, 199-301 ; political importance of, 301, 303 ; our relations to, 387-302. Policies, three possible: 1, persuade ourselves that we are anchored while we drift, 358-261 ; 3, sail out recklessly with false chart, 261-263 ; sail out courageously with true chart, 363-302. Politics inseparable from industrial and commercial inter- ests, 355-357. Population, density of, of various continents, 166 ; of various countries, 177. Postal Union of world, 337. Potter, Bishop, 393. 307 Digitized by Microsoft® Index Power, mechanical, compared with muscular, 76-78. Public lands, exhaustion of arable, 17-43 ; acres remaining, 19 ; capable of irrigation, 20 ; what it means to the nation, 31-39 ; what it means to the world, 29-34. Public opinion of world, 235-226. Puget Sound, lumber of, 143. Eaces, belated, will produce a different civilization, 36-41. Railways, in United States, miles of, 34; capital invested in, 28; continental and intercontinental, 236, 237. Raleigh, Sir Walter, 267, 268. Baw materials, cheap in United States, 63. Reason sacrificed to reasoning, 377. Bum traffic with our dependencies, 396-398. Russia, production of food by, 44; production of timber by, 63; growth of, 188; characteristics of, 188-193; Pacific Coast line of, 195; in China, 202. Sault Sainte Marie, tonnage passing the, 70. Schurman, President, 291. Seeley, Professor, 260. Sermon on the Mount and politics, 362L Seward, "William H., 143, 144, 184. Shipbuilding, 66-70. Siberia, 178, 179; Immigration to, 179. Slav and Anglo-Saxon, comparison of, 186-195. Society a living organism, 216. Soil, cannot return to the, 91-98. South America, our relations to, changed by isthmian canal, 155. Spain, taking possessions of, 279; colonial history of, 294, 295. Spanish-American War, 17, 359. Stanley, Sir Henry M., 34. Steel rails, American, abroad, 49. Suez Canal, tonnage of, compared with that of Sault Sainte Marie, 70; and Great Britain, 153. 308 Digitized by Microsoft® Index Summary of the several chapters, 253-355. Tagalogs, the, 392, 393. Taylor, Hon. James W., 168. Telegraph lines in United States, 34. Telephone lines in United States, 24. Ten Commandments and politics, 263, Thurston, Hon. L. A., 197, 198. Tolstoi, Count, 376. Tonnage of merchant marine, British, 66 ; American, 66. Tropics, movement toward the, 31-43 ; land in, appropri- ated by European Powers, 31 ; manufactures in, 35, 36. Tsi-An, Dowager Empress, 120. United States, production of food by, 44 ; flag of in Pacific, 195 ; member of society of nations, 374, 375 : standing Trith Qreat Britain for freedom and justice, 301. Walker, Admiral, 199. Wallaoe on Bast Indies, 174, 175. War, Chino-Japanese, efEect of, 108 ; Spanish-American, 17, 259, 283 ; and an enlightened conscience, 376-384. Washington, forests of, 143. Washington's advice, 247, 251. Wealth in United States, accumulation of, 25, 26. Wealth, American, going abroad, 28. Webster, Daniel, 166. West Indies, efEect of isthmian canal on, 157; cane-sugar industry of, 238, 234. Whitman, Dr. Marcus, 22. Wood, General, in Cuba, 396. Worcester, Professor, 291, 293. Workmen, American, compared with foreign, 60. World-conscience, an enlightened, 264-275. World-life, a new, 214-246; complex, 218; oneness of, 225- 338; world public opinion, 335-227; international law, 237; world postal union, 227; world sympathies, 237- 309 Digitized by Microsoft® Index World-lif e — Continued. 229; interdependence of nations, 230-284; new rights and duties created by, 240-246. World police, armies as, 275-283. Wright, Hon. Carroll D., 80. Wa Ting Fang, 132, 133. Yellow fever in West Indies, 242. 310 Digitized by Microsoft® BAKER