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CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 FROM 
 
 Hhoads General Hospital 
 
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 3 1924 087 
 
 25 872 
 
e Cornell University 
 S Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924087125872 
 
BRADFORD'S HISTORY 
 "OF PLIMOTH PLANTATION." 
 
 From the Original Manuscript. 
 
 WITH A report of THE PROCEEDINGS INCIDENT 
 
 TO THE RETURN OF THE MANUSCRIPT 
 
 TO MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 PRINTED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE SECRETARY OF THE 
 
 COMMONWEALTH, 
 
 BY ORDER OF THE GENERAL COURT. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 WRIGHT & POn'ER PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTERS, 
 
 i8 Post Office Square. 
 
 1899. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 To many people the return of the Bradford Manu- 
 script is a fresh discovery of colonial history. By very 
 many it has been called, incorrectly, the log of the 
 "Mayflower." Indeed, that is the title l)y M'hich it is 
 described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of 
 London. The fact is, however, that Governor Brad- 
 ford undertook its preparation long after the arrival 
 of the Pilgrims, and it cannot be properly considered 
 as in any sense a log or daily journal of the voyage 
 of the "Mayflower." It is, in point of fact, a history 
 ot the Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of annals, 
 extending from the inception of the colony down to 
 the year 1647. The matter has been in print since 
 1856, put forth through the public spirit of the Mas- 
 sachusetts Historical Society, which secured a tran- 
 script of the document from London, and printed it 
 in the society's Collections of the above-named year. 
 As thus presented, it had copious notes, j^i'epared with 
 great care by the late Charles Deane ; but these are 
 not given in the present volume, wherein only such 
 comments as seem indispensable to a proper under- 
 standing of the story have been made, leaving what- 
 
IV PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 ever elaboration may seem desirable to some future 
 private enterprise. 
 
 It is a matter of regret that no picture of Governor 
 Bradford exists. Only Edward Winslow of the May- 
 flower Company left an authenticated portrait of him- 
 self, and that, painted in England, is reproduced in 
 this volume. In those early days Plymouth would 
 have been a poor field for portrait painters. The 
 people were struggling for their daily bread rather 
 than for to-morrow's fame through the transmission 
 of their features to posterity. 
 
 The volume of the original manuscript, as it was 
 presented to the Governor of the Commonwealth and 
 is now deposited in the State Library, is a folio 
 measuring eleven and one-half inches in length, seven 
 and seven-eighths inches in width anji one and one-half 
 inches in thickness. It is bound in parchment, once 
 white, but now grimy and much the worse for wear, 
 being somewhat cracked and considerably scaled. Much 
 scribbling, evidently by the Bradford family, is to be 
 seen upon its surface, and out of the confusion may 
 be read the name of Mercy Bradford, a daughter of 
 the governor. On the inside of the front cover is 
 pasted a sheet of manilla paper, on which is written 
 the following : — 
 
 " Consistory Court of the Diocese of London 
 
 In the matter of the application of The Honorable Thomas 
 Francis Bayard, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary 
 
INTRODDCTION. 
 
 in London of the United States of America, for the delivery to 
 him, on behalf of the President and Citizens of the said States, 
 of the original manuscript book entitled and known as The Log 
 of the Mayflower. 
 
 Produced in Court this 25th day of March, 1897, and marked 
 with the letter A. 
 
 HA-RRY ^^. LKK 
 
 Registrar. 
 1 IDeaxis Court 
 
 IDoctors Commons " 
 
 Then come two manilla leaves, on both sides of 
 which is written the decree of the Consistorial Court. 
 These leaves and the manilla sheet pasted on the in- 
 side of the front cover were evidently inserted after 
 the decree was passed. 
 
 Next comes a leaf (apparently the original first leaf 
 of the book), and on it are verses, signed "A. M.," 
 on the death of Mrs. Bradford. The next is evidently 
 one of the leaves of the original book. At the top 
 of the page is written the following : — 
 
 This book was rit by govener William bradford and given 
 to his son mager William Bradford and by him to his son mager 
 John Bradford, rit by me Samuel bradford mach 20, 1705 
 
 At the bottom of the same page the name John 
 Bradford appears in different handwriting, evidently 
 written with the book turned wrong side up. 
 
VI PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 The next is a leaf hearing the following, in the 
 handwriting of Thomas Prince : — 
 
 Tuesday, June 4—1728 
 
 Calling at Major John Bradford's at Kingston near Plimouth, 
 son of Major Wm. Bradford formerly Dep Gov'r of Phmouth 
 Colony, who Teas eldest son of Wm. Bradford Esq their 2nd 
 Gov'r, & author of this History ; ye sd Major John Bradford 
 gave me several manuscript octavoes wh he assured me were 
 written with his said Grandfather Gov'r Bradford's own hand. 
 He also gave me a little Pencil Book wrote with a Blew lead 
 Pencil by his sd Father ye Dep Gov'r. And He also told me 
 yt He had lent & only lent his sd Grandfather Gov'r Brad- 
 ford's History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand also, 
 to judg Sewall ; and desired me to get it of Him or find it out, 
 & take out of it what I thought proper for my New-England 
 Chronology : wh I accordingly obtained, and This is ye sd His- 
 tory : wh I found wrote in j'e same Handwriting as ye Octavo 
 manuscripts above sd. 
 
 Thomas Prince. 
 
 N. B. I also mentioned to him my Desire of lodging this History 
 
 in ye New England Library of Prints & manuscripts, wh I had been 
 
 then collecting for 23 years, to wh He signified his willingness — only 
 
 yt He might have ye Perusal of it while He lived. 
 
 T. Prince. 
 
 Following this, on the same page, is Thomas Prince's 
 printed book-mark, as follows : — 
 
 This 23ool5: belongs to 
 
 The JS'e-wr-Hlnglancl-Ijibrarjr, 
 
 Begun to be collected by Thomas IPrince, upon 
 
 hie entring Harvard-College, July 6 
 
 1703; and -wsls given by 
 
INTRODUCTION. VU 
 
 On the lower part of a blank space which follows 
 the word " by " is written : — 
 
 // now belongs to the Bishop of London's Library at Fulham. 
 
 There are evidences that this leaf did not belong to 
 the original book, but was inserted by Mr. Prince. 
 
 At the top of the first page of the next leaf, which 
 was evidently one of the original leaves of the book, 
 is written in Samuel Bradford's hand, "march 20 
 Samuel Bradford;" and just below there appears, in 
 Thomas Prince's handwriting, the following : — 
 
 But major Bradford tells me & assures me that He only lent 
 this Book of his Grandfather's to Mr. Sewall & that it being of 
 his Grandfather's own hand writing He had so high a value of 
 it that he would never Part with ye Property, but would lend 
 it to me & desired me to get it, which I did, & write down this 
 that sd Major Bradford and his Heirs may be known to be the 
 right owners. 
 
 Below this, also in Thomas Prince's handwriting, 
 appears this line : — 
 
 " Page 243 missing when ye Book came into my Hands at 1st." 
 
 Just above the inscription by Prince there is a line 
 or two of writing, marked over in ink so carefully as 
 to be wholly undecipherable. On the reverse page of 
 this leaf and on the first page of the next are written 
 Hebrew words, with definitions. These are all in Gov- 
 
viii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 ernor Bradford's handwriting. On the next page ap- 
 pears the following : — 
 
 Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a long- 
 mg desire, to see with my own eyes, something of 
 that most ancient language, and holy tongue, 
 in which the Law, and oracles of God were 
 write ; and in which God, and angels, spake to 
 the holy patriarks, of old time; and what 
 names were given to things, from the 
 creation. And though I canot aitaine 
 to much herein, yet I am refreshed, 
 to have seen some glimpse he7-e- 
 of; (as Moses saw the Land 
 of canan afarr of) my aime 
 and desire is, to see how 
 the words, and phrases 
 lye in the holy texie ; 
 and to dicerne some- 
 what of the same 
 for my owne 
 contente. 
 
 y 
 
 Then begins the history proper, the first page of 
 which is produced in facsimile in this volunae, slightly 
 reduced. The ruled margins end with page thirteen. 
 From that page to the end of the book the writing 
 varies considerably, sometimes being quite coarse and 
 in other places very fine, some pages containing nearly 
 a thousand words each. As a rule, the writing is 
 upon one side of the sheet only, but in entering notes 
 and subsequent thoughts the reverse is sometimes used. 
 The last page number is 270, as appears from the 
 facsimile reproduction in this volume of that page. 
 Page 270 is followed by two blank leaves ; then on 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 the second page of the next leaf a})pears the list of 
 names of those who came over in the "Mayflower," 
 covering four pages and one column on the fifth page. 
 The arrangement of this matter is shown l)y the fac- 
 simile reproduction in this volume of the first page 
 of these names. Last of all there is a leaf of heavy 
 double paper, like the one in the front of the l)ook 
 containing the verses on the death of Mrs. Bradford, 
 and on this last leaf is written an index to a few por- 
 tions of the history. 
 
 For copy, there was used the edition printed in 
 1856 by the Massachusetts Historical Society. The 
 proof was carefully compared, word for word, with 
 the photographic facsimile issued in 1896 in both 
 London and Boston. The value of this comparison is 
 evident in that a total of sixteen lines of the original, 
 omitted in the original first copy, is supplied in this 
 edition. As the work of the Historical Society could 
 not be compared, easily, with the original manu- 
 script in London, these omissions, with sundry minor 
 errors in word and numeral, are not unreasonable. 
 The curious will be pleased to learn that the sup- 
 plied lines are from the following pages of the man- 
 uscript, viz.: page 122, eight lines; page 129, two 
 lines; the obverse of page 201, found on the last 
 page of Appendix A, two lines; page 219, two 
 
PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 lines; pages 239 and 258, one line each. The pages 
 of the manuscript are indicated in these printed pages 
 bj^ numerals in parentheses. 
 
 There are several errors in the paging of the origi- 
 nal manuscript. Pages 105 and 106 are marked 145 
 and 146, and pages 219 and 220 are marked 119 and 
 120, respectively. Page 243 is missing. 
 
 Such as it is, the Iwok is put forth that the public 
 may know what manner of men the Pilgrims were, 
 through what perils and vicissitudes the\' passed, and 
 how much we of to-day owe to their devotion and 
 determination. 
 
PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OV THB 
 
 LEGISLATURE. 
 
JOURNAL OF THE SENATE. 
 
 MONDAY, MAY 24, 1897. 
 
 The following message from His Excellency the Gov- 
 ei'nor came up from the House, to wit: — 
 
 Boston, May 22, 1897. 
 
 To the Honorable Seyiate and House of Representatives. 
 
 I have the honor to call to your attention the fact that 
 
 Wednesday, May 26, at 11 a.m., has been fixed as the date of 
 
 the formal presentation to the Governor of the Commonwealth 
 
 of the Bradford Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree 
 
 of the Consistory Court of the Diocese of Loudon to be returned 
 
 to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by the hands of the 
 
 Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador at the Court 
 
 of St. James ; and to suggest for the favorable consideration 
 
 of your honorable bodies that the exercises of presentation be 
 
 held in the House of Representatives on the day and hour above 
 
 given, in the presence of a joint convention of the two bodies 
 
 and of invited guests and the public. 
 
 Roger Wolcott. 
 
 Thereupon, on motion of Mr. Eoe, — 
 
 Ordered, That, in accordance with the suggestion of 
 His Excellency the Governor, a joint convention of 
 the two branches be held in the chamber of the House 
 
PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 of Representatives, on Wednesdaj-, May the twenty- 
 sixth, at eleven o'clock a.m., for the purpose of wit- 
 nessing the exercises of the formal jireseotation, to 
 the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the Bradford 
 Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree of 
 the Consistory Court of the Diocese of London to be 
 returned to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by 
 the hands of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately 
 Ambassador at the Court of St. James ; and further 
 
 Ordered, That the clerks of the two branches give 
 notice to His Excellency the Governor of the adop- 
 tion of this order. 
 
 Sent down for concurrence. (It was concurred with 
 same date.) 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 JOURNAL OF THE SENATE. 
 
 WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1897. 
 
 Joint Convention. 
 At eleven o'clock a.m., pursuant to assignment, the 
 two branches met. in 
 
 Convention 
 in the chamber of the House of Representatives. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Roe, — 
 
 Ordered, That a committee, to consist of three mem- 
 bers of the Senate and eight members of the House 
 of Representatives, be appointed, to wait upon His 
 Excellency the Governor and inform him that the two 
 branches are now in convention for the purpose of 
 ■witnessing the exercises of the formal presentation, to 
 the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the Bradford 
 Manuscript History. 
 
 Messrs. Roe, Woodward and Gallivan, of the Senate, 
 and Messrs. Pierce of Milton, Bailey of Plymouth, 
 Brown of Gloucester, Fairbank of Warren, Bailey of 
 Newbury, Sanderson of Lynn, Whittlesey of Pittsfield 
 
XVI PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 and Bartlett of Boston, of the House, were appointed 
 the committee. 
 
 Mr. Eoe, from the committee, afterwards reported 
 that thej^ had attended to the duty assigned them, and 
 that His Excellency the Governor had been pleased 
 to say that he received the message and should be 
 pleased to wait upon the Convention forthwith for the 
 purpose named. 
 
 His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by His 
 Honor the Lieutenant-Governor and the Honorable 
 Council, and by the Honorable Thomas F. Baj'ard, 
 lately Ambassador of the United States at the Court 
 of St. James's, the Honoraljle George F. Hoar, Sena- 
 tor from Massachusetts in the Congress of the United 
 States, and other invited guests, entered the chamber. 
 
 The decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court 
 of London, authorizing the return of the manuscript 
 and its deliver^' to the Governor, was read. 
 
 The President then presented the Honorable George 
 F. Hoar, who gave an account of the manuscript and 
 of the many efforts that had l^een made to secure its 
 return . 
 
 The Honorable Thomas F. Bayard was then intro- 
 duced by the President, and he formally presented 
 the manuscript to His Excellency the Governor, who 
 accepted it in behalf of the Commonwealth. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Bradford, the following order 
 was adopted : — • 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE. XVll 
 
 Ti^ereas, In the presence of the Senate and of the 
 House of Eepresentatives in joint convention assembled, 
 and in accordance with a decree of the Consistorial and 
 Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript of Brad- 
 ford's "History of the Plimouth Plantation" has this 
 day been delivered to His Excellency the Governor 
 of the Commonwealth by the Honoral>le Thomas F. 
 Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at the 
 Court of St. James's ; and 
 
 Whereas, His Excellency the Governor has accepted 
 the said manuscript in behalf of the Commonwealtli ; 
 therefore, be it 
 
 Ordered, That the Senate and the House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts phice 
 on record their liigh appreciation of the generous and 
 gracious courtesy that prompted this act of inter- 
 national good-will, and express tlieir grateful thanks 
 to all concerned therein, and especially to the Lord 
 Bishop of London, for the return to the Common- 
 wealth of this precious relic ; and be it further 
 
 Ordered, That His Excellency the Governor be re- 
 quested to transmit an engrossed and duly authenti- 
 cated copy of this order with its preamlile to the 
 Lord Bishop of London. 
 
 His Excellency, accompanied by the other dignita- 
 ries, then withdrew, the Convention was dissolved, 
 and the Senate returned to its chamber. 
 
 Subsequently a resolve was passed (approved June 
 
PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 10, 1897) providing for the publication of the history 
 from the original manuscript, together with a report 
 of the proceedings of the joint convention, such report 
 to be jDrepared by a committee consisting of one mem- 
 ber of the Senate and two members of the House of 
 Representatives, and to include, so far as practicable, 
 portraits of His Excellency Governor Eoger Wolcott, 
 William Bradford, the Honorable George F. Hoar, the 
 Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, the Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury and the Lord Bishop of London ; facsimiles 
 of pages from the manuscript history, and a picture 
 of the book itself; copies of the decree of the Con- 
 sistorial and Episcopal Court of London, the receipt 
 of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard for the manu- 
 script, and the receipt sent by His Excellency the 
 Governor to the Consistorial and Episcopal Court ; an 
 account of the legislative action taken with reference 
 to the presentation and reception of the manuscript ; 
 the addresses of the Honorable George F. Hoar, the 
 Honorable Thomas F. Bayard and His Excellency 
 Governor Roger Wolcott; and such other papers and 
 illustrations as the committee might deem advisable ; the 
 whole to be printed under the direction of the Secre- 
 tary of the Commonwealth, and the book distributed by 
 him according to directions contained in the resolve. 
 Senator Alfred S. Roe of Worcester and Represent- 
 atives Francis C. Lowell of Boston and Walter L. 
 Bouve of Hingham were appointed as the committee. 
 
DECREE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 consistorial and episcopal 
 Court of London. 
 
DECREE. 
 
 MANDELL by Divine Permission 
 LORD BISHOP OF LONDON— To 
 The Honorable Thomas Francis Bay- 
 ard Ambassador Extraordinary and 
 Plenipotentiary to Her Most Gracious 
 Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James's 
 in London and To The Governor and Commonwealth 
 of Massachusetts in the United States of America 
 Greeting— WHEREAS a Petition has been filed in 
 the Registry of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court 
 of London by j^ou the said Honorable Thomas Francis 
 Bayard as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten- 
 tiary to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria 
 at the Court of Saint James's in London on behalf 
 of the President and Citizens of the United States of 
 America wherein you have alleged that there is in 
 Our Custody as Lord Bishop of London a certain 
 Manuscript Book known as and entitled "The Log 
 of the Mayflower " containing an account as narrated 
 by Captain William Bradford who was one of the 
 Company of Englishmen who left England in April 
 1620 in the ship known as "The Mayflower" of 
 the circumstances leading to the prior Settlement of 
 
XXU PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 that Company at Leyden in Holland their return to 
 England and subsequent departure for A^ew England 
 their landing at Cape Cod in December 1620 their 
 Settlement at New Plymouth and their later history 
 for several years they being the Company whose Set- 
 tlement in America is regarded as the first real Colo- 
 nisation of the New England States and wherein j'ou 
 have also alleged that the said Manuscript Book had 
 lieen for many years past and was then deposited in 
 the Library attached to Our Episcopal Palace at Ful- 
 ham in the County of Middlesex and is of the great- 
 est interest importance and value to the Citizens of 
 the United States of America inasmuch as it is one 
 of the earliest records of their national History and 
 contains much valuable information in regard to the 
 original Settlers in the States their family history anci 
 antecedents and that therefore you earnestly desired 
 to acquire possession of the same for and on behalf 
 of the President and Citizens of the said United States 
 of America AND WHEREIN you have also alleged 
 that you are informed that We as Lord Bishop of 
 London had fully recognised the value and interest 
 of the said Manuscript Book to the Citizens of the 
 United States of America and the claims which they 
 have to its possession and that We were desirous 
 of transferring it to the said President and Citizens 
 AND WHEREIN you have also alleged that you are 
 advised and believe that the Custody of documents in 
 
CONSISTORIAL DECREE. XXIU 
 
 the nature of public or ecclesiastical records belong- 
 ing to the See of London is vested in the Consis- 
 torial Court of the said See and that any disposal 
 thereof must be authorised by an Order issued by the 
 Judge of that Honorable Court And that you there- 
 fore humbly prayed that the said Honorable Court 
 would deliver to you the said Manuscript Book on 
 your undertaking to use every means in your power 
 for the safe transmission of the said Book to the 
 United States of America and its secure deposit and 
 custody in the Pilgrim Hall at New Plymouth or in 
 such other place as may be selected by the President 
 and Senate of the said United States and upon such 
 conditions as to security and access by and on l^ehalf 
 of the English Nation as that Honorable Court might 
 determine AND WHEREAS the said Petition was set 
 down for hearing on one of the Court days in Hilary 
 Term to wit Thursday the Twenty fifth day of March 
 One thousand eight hundred and ninety seven in Our 
 Consistorial Court in the Cathedral Church of Saint 
 Paul in London before The Right Worshipful Thomas 
 Hutchinson Tristram Doctor of Laws and one of Her 
 Majesty's Counsel learned in the Law Our Vicar Gen- 
 eral and Official Principal the Judge of the said Court 
 and you at the sitting of the said Court appeared by 
 Counsel in support of the Prayer of the said Petition 
 and during the hearing thereof the said Manuscript 
 Book was produced in the said Court by Our legal 
 
PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 Secretary and was then inspected and examined by 
 the said Judge and evidence was also given before 
 the Court Ijy which it appeared that the Registry at 
 Fulham Palace was a Public Registry for Historical 
 and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to the Diocese 
 of London and to the Colonial and other possessions 
 of Great Britain beyond the Seas so long as the same 
 remained l)y custom within the said Diocese AND 
 WHEREAS it appeared on the face of the said Man- 
 uscript Book that the whole of the body thereof with 
 the exception of part of the last page thereof was in 
 the handwriting of the said William Bradford who 
 was elected Governor of New Plymouth in April 
 1621 and continued Governor thereof from that date 
 excepting Ijetween the years 1635 and 1637 up to 
 1650 and that the last five pages of the said Manu- 
 script which is in the handwriting of the said Wil- 
 liam Bradford contain what in Law is an authentic 
 Register between 1620 and 1650 of the fact of the 
 Marriages of the Founders of the Colony of New 
 England with the names of their respective wives 
 and the names of their Children the lawful issue of 
 such Marriages and of the fact of the Marriages of 
 many of their Children and Grandchildren and of the 
 names of the issue of such marriages and of the 
 deaths of many of the persons named therein And 
 after hearing Counsel in support of the said applica- 
 tion the Judge being of opinion that the said Manu- 
 
CONSISTORIAL DECREE. XXV 
 
 script Book had been upon the evidence l)efore the 
 Court presumably deposited at Fulham Palace some- 
 time between the j'ear 1729 and the j^ear 1785 during 
 which time the said Colony was by custom within the 
 Diocese of London for purposes Ecclesiastical and the 
 Registry of the said Consistorial Court was a legiti- 
 mate Registrjr for the Custodj' of Registers of Mar- 
 riages Births and Deaths within the said Colony and 
 that the Registry at Fulham Palace was a Registry 
 for Historical and other Documents connected with 
 the Colonies and possessions of Great Britain beyond 
 the Seas so long as the same remained l)y custom 
 within the Diocese of London and that on the Dec- 
 laration of the Independence of the United States of 
 America in 1776 the said Colony had ceased to be 
 within the Diocese of London and the Registry of the 
 Court had ceased to be a public registry for the said 
 Colony and having maturely deliberated on the Cases 
 precedents and practice of the Ecclesiastical Court 
 bearing on the application before him and having 
 regard to the Special Circumstances of the Case De- 
 creed as follows — (1) That a Photographic facsimile 
 reproduction of the said Manuscript Book verified by 
 affidavit as being a true and correct Photographic re- 
 production of the said Manuscript Book be deposited 
 in the Registry of Our said Court by or on behalf 
 of the Petitioner before the delivery to the Petitioner 
 of the said original Manuscript Book as hereinafter 
 
XXVI PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 ordered — (2) That the said Manuscript Book be 
 delivered over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis 
 Bayard by the Lord Bishop of London or in his 
 Lordship's absence by the Registrar of the said Court 
 on his giving his undertaking in writing that he will 
 with all due care and diligence on his arrival from 
 England in the United States convey and deliver in 
 person the said j\Ianuscript Book to the Governor 
 of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the United 
 States of America at his OtEciai Office in the State 
 House in the City of Boston and that from the time 
 of the delivery of the said Book to him by the said 
 Lord Bishop of London or liy the said Registrar until 
 he shall have delivered the same to the Governor of 
 Massachusetts he will retain the same in his own Per- 
 sonal custody — (3) That the said Book be deposited 
 by the Petitioner with the Governor of Massachusetts 
 for the purpose of the same being with all convenient 
 speed tinally deposited either in the State Archives of 
 the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the City of 
 Boston or in the Library of the Historical Society 
 of the said Commonwealth in the City of Boston as 
 the Governor shall determine — (4) That the Gov- 
 ernors of the said Commonwealth for all time to 
 come be officially responsible for the safe custody 
 of the said Manuscript Book whether the same be 
 deposited in the State Archives at Boston or in the 
 Historical Library in Boston aforesaid as well as for 
 
GONSISTOEIAL DECREE. XXVU 
 
 the performance of the following conditions subject to 
 a compliance wherewith the said Manuscript Book is 
 hereby decreed to be deposited in the Custody of the 
 aforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massa- 
 chusetts and his Successors to wit : — (a) That all 
 persons have such access to the said Manuscript Book 
 as to the Governor of the said Commonwealth for the 
 time being shall appear to be reasonable and with such 
 safeguard as he shall order — (b) That all persons 
 desirous of searching the said Manuscript Book for 
 the bonS, fide purpose of establishing or tracing a 
 Pedigree through persons named in the last five pages 
 thereof or in any other part thereof shall be per- 
 mitted to search the same under such safeguards as 
 the Governor for the time being shall determine on 
 payment of a fee to be fixed by the Governor — 
 (c) That any person applying to the Official having 
 the immediate custody of the said Manuscript Book 
 for a Certified Copy of any entry contained in proof 
 of Marriage Birth or Death of persons named therein 
 or of any other matter of like purport for the pur- 
 pose of tracing descents shall be furnished with such 
 certificate on the payment of a sum not exceeding one. 
 Dollar — (d) That with all convenient speed after 
 the delivery of the said Manuscript Book to the Gov- 
 ernor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts the Gov- 
 ernor shall transmit to the Registrar of the Court a 
 Certificate of the delivery of the same to him by 
 
XXVlll PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 the Petitioner and that he accepts the Custody of 
 the same subject to the terms and conditions herein 
 named AND the Judge lastly decreed that the Peti- 
 tioner on delivering the said Manuscript Book to the 
 Governor aforesaid shall at the same time deliver to 
 him this Our Decree Sealed with the Seal of the 
 Court WHEREFORE WE the Bishop of London 
 aforesaid well weighing and considering the premises 
 DO by virtue of Our Authority Ordinaiy and Epis- 
 copal and as far as in Us lies and by Law We may 
 or can ratify and confirm such Decree of Our Vicar 
 General and Official Principal of Our Consistorial and 
 Episcopal Court of London IN TESTIMONY whereof 
 We have caused the Seal of Our said Vicar General 
 and Ofiicial Principal of the Consistorial and Episco- 
 pal Court of London which We use in this behalf to 
 be affixed to these Presents DATED AT LONDON 
 this Twelfth day of April One thousand eight hun- 
 dred and ninety seven and in the first year of Our 
 Translation. 
 
 Harry W. Lee 
 
 Exd. H.E.T. Registrar 
 
 (L. S.) 
 
RECEIPT 
 
 Ambassador BAYARD. 
 
RECEIPT OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD. 
 
 In the Consistory Court of London 
 
 In the Matter of the Original Manuscript 
 OF THE Book entitled and known as "The 
 Log of the Mayflower." 
 
 I the Honourable THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD 
 
 lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America at the Court of 
 Saint James's London Do hereby undertake, in com- 
 pliance with the Order of this Honourable Court 
 dated the twelfth day of April 1897 and made on 
 my Petition filed in the said Honourable Court, that 
 I will with all due care and diligence on my arrival 
 from England in the United States of America safely 
 convey over the Original Manuscript Book Known 
 as and entitled "The Log of the Mayflower" which 
 has been this twenty ninth day of April 1897 deliv- 
 ered over to me by the Lord Bishop of London, to 
 the City of Boston in the United States of America 
 and on my arrival in the said City deliver the same 
 over in person to the Governor of the Common- 
 wealth of Massachusetts at his Official Office in the 
 State House in the said City of Boston AND I fur- 
 ther hereby undertake from the time of the said 
 
XXXll PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 delivery of the said Book to me by the said Lord 
 Bishop of London until I shall have delivered the 
 same to the Governor of Massachusetts, to retain 
 the same in my own personal custody. 
 
 (Signed) T. F. Bayaed 
 
 29 April 1897 
 
RECEIPT 
 
 His Excellency ROGER WOLCOTT. 
 
RECEIPT OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT. 
 
 His Excellency Roger Wolcott, Oovernor of the Gommonwealih 
 of Massachusetts^ in the United States of America. 
 
 To the Registrar of the Gonsislorial and Episcopal Court of London. 
 Whereas, The said Honorable Court, by its decree 
 dated the twelfth day of April, 1897, and made on 
 the petition of the Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard, 
 lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America at the Court of 
 Saint James in London, did order that a certain 
 original manuscript book then in the custody of the 
 Lord Bishop of London, known as and entitled 
 "The Log of the Mayflower," and more si:)ecitically 
 described in said decree, should be delivered over to 
 the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the 
 Lord Bishop of London, on certain conditions spec- 
 ified in said decree, to be delivered l)y the said 
 Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard in person to the 
 Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
 thereafter to be kept in the custody of the aforesaid 
 Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and 
 his successors, subject to a compliance with certain 
 conditions, as set forth in said decree ; 
 
 And Whereas, The said Honorable Court by its 
 decree aforesaid did further order that, with all con- 
 venient speed after the delivery of the said manuscript 
 book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massa- 
 
XXXVl PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 chusotts, the Governor should transmit to the Eegis- 
 trar of the said Honorable Court a certificate of the 
 delivery of the same to him by the said Honorable 
 Thomas Francis Baj'ard, and his acceptance of the 
 custody of the same, subject to the terms and con- 
 ditions named in the decree aforesaid; 
 
 Now, Therefore, In compliance with the decree 
 aforesaid I do hereljy certify that on the twenty-sixth 
 day of May, 1897, the said Honorable Thomas Francis 
 Bayard delivered in person to me, at my official 
 office in the State House in the city of Boston, in 
 the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in the United 
 States of America, a certain manuscript book which 
 the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard then and 
 there declared to be the original manuscript book 
 known as and entitled "The Log of the Mayflower," 
 which is more specificallj' described in the decree 
 aforesaid ; and I do further certify that I hereby 
 accept the custody of the same, subject to the terms 
 and conditions named in the decree aforesaid. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto signed my 
 
 name and caused the seal of the Commonwealth to 
 
 be affixed, at the Capitol in Boston, this twelfth day 
 
 of July in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 
 hundred and ninety-seven. 
 
 Roger Wolcott. 
 
 By His Excellency the Governor, 
 
 Wm. M. Olin, 
 
 Secretary of the Commonwealth. 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 Hon. GEORGE F. HOAR. 
 
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. 
 
 The first American Ambassador to Great Britain, at 
 the end of his official service, comes to Massachusetts 
 ■ on an interesting errand. He comes to deliver to the 
 lineal successor of Governor Bradford, in the presence 
 of the representatives and rulers of the body politic 
 formed by the compact on board the "Mayflower," 
 Nov. 11, 1620, the only authentic history of the 
 founding of their Commonwealth ; the only authentic 
 history of what we have a right to consider the most 
 important political transaction that has ever taken 
 place on the face of the earth. 
 
 Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the mother 
 country, not so much the diplomacy as the good-will 
 of the American people. If in this anybody be 
 tempted to judge him severely, let us remember 
 what his great predecessor, John Adams, the first 
 minister at the same court, representing more than 
 any other man, embodying more than any other man, 
 the spirit of Massachusetts, said to George III., on 
 the first day of June, 1785, after the close of our 
 long and bitter struggle for independence: "I shall 
 esteem myself the happiest of men if I can be instru- 
 
Xl PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 mental in restoring an entire esteem, confidence and 
 afiection, or, in better words, tlie old good-nature 
 and the old good-humor between people who, though 
 separated by an ocean and under different govern- 
 ments, have the same language, a similar religion 
 and kindred blood." 
 
 And let us remember, too, the answer of the old 
 monarch, who, with all his faults, must have had 
 something of a noble and royal nature stirring in his 
 bosom, when he replied: " Let the circumstances of 
 language, religion and blood have their natural and 
 full effect." 
 
 It has long been well known that Governor Brad- 
 ford wrote and left behind him a historj^ of the 
 settlement of Plymouth. It was quoted by early 
 chroniclers. There are extracts from it in the rec- 
 ords at Plymouth. Thomas Prince used it when he 
 compiled his annals. Hubbard depended on it when 
 he wrote his "History of New England." Cotton 
 Mather had read it, or a copy of a portion of it, 
 when he wrote his " Magnalia." Governor Hutchin- 
 son had it when he published the second volume of 
 his history in 1767. From that time it disappeared 
 from the knowledge of everybody on this side of the 
 water. All our historians speak of it as lost, and can 
 only guess what had been its fate. Some persons sus- 
 pected that it was destroyed when Governor Hutchin- 
 son's house was sacked in 1765, others that it was 
 
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xU 
 
 carried off by some oJEcer or soldier when Boston 
 was evacuated bj^ the British army in 1776. 
 
 In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, 
 afterward Bishop of AYinchester, one of the brightest 
 of men, published one of the dullest and stupidest of 
 books. It is entitled "The History of the Protestant 
 Episcopal Church in America." It contained extracts 
 from manuscripts which he said he had discovered in 
 the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham. The 
 book attracted no attention here until, about twelve 
 3'ears later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom 
 many of us remember as an accomplished antiquary 
 and a delightful gentleman, happened to pick up a 
 copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham's book 
 store. He read the bishop's quotations, and carried 
 the book to his ofEce, whei-e he left it for his friend, 
 Mr. Barry, who was then writing his " History of 
 Massachusetts," with passages marked, and with a 
 note which is not preserved, but which, according 
 to his memory, suggested that the passages must have 
 come from Bradford's long-lost history. That is the 
 claim for Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is 
 claimed by Mr. Barry that there was nothing of that 
 kind expressed in Mr. Thornton's note, but in read- 
 ing the book when he got it an hour or so later, 
 the thought struck him for the first time that the 
 clew had been found to the precious book which had 
 been lost so long. He at once repaired to Charles 
 
xlii 
 
 PLY^IOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 Deane, then and ever since, down to his death, as 
 President Eliot felicitously styled him, "the master 
 of historical investigators in this country." Mr. Deane 
 saw the importance of the discovery. He communi- 
 cated at once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English 
 scholar. Hunter was high authority on all matters 
 connected with the settlement of New England. He 
 visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond 
 question the identity of the manuscript with Governor 
 Bradford's history, an original letter of Governor Brad- 
 ford having been sent over for comparison of hand- 
 writing. 
 
 How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. 
 "Whether it was carried over by Governor Hutchin- 
 son in 1774; whether it was taken as spoil from the 
 tower of the Old South Church in 1775; whether, 
 with other manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the 
 time of the attempts of the Episcopal churches in 
 America, just before the revolution, to establish an 
 episcopate here, — nobody knows. It would seem 
 that Hutchinson would have sent it to the colonial 
 office ; that an officer would naturally have sent it to 
 the war office ; and a private would have sent it to 
 the war office, unless he had carried it off as mere 
 private booty and plunder, — in which case it would 
 have been unlikely that it would have reached a pub- 
 lic place of custody. But we find it in the posses- 
 sion of the church and of the church official havincf. 
 
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xliii 
 
 until independence was declared, special jurisdiction 
 over Episcopal interests in Massachusetts and Plym- 
 outh. This may seem to point to a transfer for some 
 ecclesiastical purpose. 
 
 The bishop's chancellor conjectures that it was sent 
 to Fulham because of the record annexed to it of 
 the early births, marriages and deaths, such records 
 being in England always in ecclesiastical custody. 
 But this is merely conjecture. 
 
 I know of no incident like this in history, unless 
 it be the discovery in a chest in the castle of 
 Edinburgh, where they had been lost for one hun- 
 dred and eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scot- 
 land, — the crown of Bruce, the sceptre and sword 
 of state. The lovers of Walter Scott, who was one 
 of the commissioners who made the search, remem- 
 ber his intense emotion, as described by his daughter, 
 when the lid was removed. Her feelings were worked 
 up to such a pitch that she nearly fainted, and drew 
 back from the circle. 
 
 As she was retiring she was startled by his voice 
 exclaiming, in a tone of the deepest emotion, "some- 
 thing between anger and despair," as she expressed 
 it: "By God, no!" One of the commissioners, not 
 quite entering into the solemnity with which Scott 
 regarded this business, had, it seems, made a sort 
 of motion as if he meaat to put the crown on the 
 head of one of the young ladies near him, but the 
 
xliv PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 voice and the aspect of the poet were more than 
 sufficient to make this worthy gentleman understand 
 his error ; and, respecting the enthusiasm with which 
 he had not been taught to sympathize, he laid down 
 the ancient diadem with an air of painful embar- 
 rassment. Scott whispered, "Pray forgive me," and 
 turning round at the moment observed his daughter 
 deadly pale and leaning by the door. He immedi- 
 ately drew her out of the room, and when she had 
 somewhat recovered in the fresh air, walked with 
 her across Mound to Castle Street. " He never 
 spoke all the way home," she says, "but every 
 now and then I felt his arm tremble, and from that 
 time I fancied he began to treat me more like a 
 woman than a child. I thought he liked me better, 
 too, than he had ever done before." 
 
 There have been several attempts to jDrocure the 
 return of the manuscript to this country. Mr. Win- 
 throp, in 1860, through the venerable John Sinclair, 
 archdeacon, urged the Bishop of London to give it 
 up, and proposed that the Prince of Wales, then just 
 coming to this country, should take it across the 
 Atlantic and present it to the people of Massachu- 
 setts. The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, ap- 
 proved the plan, and said it would be an exceptional 
 act of grace, a most interesting action, and that he 
 heartily wished the success of the application. But 
 the bishop refused. Again, in 1869, John Lothrop 
 
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xlv 
 
 Motley, then minister to England, Avho had a great 
 and deserved influence there, repeated the proposi- 
 tion, at the suggestion of that most accomplished 
 scholar, Justin Winsor. But his appeal had the same 
 fate. The bishop gave no encouragement, and said, 
 as had been said nine years before, that the prop- 
 erty could not be alienated without an act of Par- 
 liament. Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt 
 on his visit to England in 1877. When he was at 
 Fulham the bishop was absent, and he was obliged 
 to come home without seeing him in person. 
 
 In 1881, at the time of the death of President 
 Garfield, Benjamin Scott, chamberlain of London, pro- 
 posed again in the newspapers that the restitution 
 should be made. But nothing came of it. 
 
 Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at Plymouth, 
 on the occasion of the two hundred and seventy-fifth 
 anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims upon the 
 rock. In preparing for that duty, I read again, with 
 renewed enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touch- 
 ing story, as told by Governor Bradford. I felt that 
 this precious history of the Pilgrims ought to be in 
 no other custody than that of their children. But 
 the case seemed hopeless. I found myself compelled 
 by a serious physical infirmity to take a vacation, 
 and to get a rest from public cares and duties, which 
 was impossible while I stayed at home. When I 
 went abroad I determined to visit the locality, on the 
 
Xlvi PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 borders of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, from which 
 Bradford and Brewster and Kobinson, the three lead- 
 ers of the Pilgrims, came, and where their first church 
 was formed, and the places in Amsterdam and Leydeu 
 where the emigrants spent thirteen years. But I 
 longed especially to see the manuscript of Bradford 
 at Fulham, which then seemed to me, as it now 
 seems to me, the most precious manuscript on earth, 
 unless we could recover one of the four gospels 
 as it came in the beginning from the pen of the 
 Evangelist. 
 
 The desire to get it back sirew and grew dur- 
 iug the voyage across the Atlantic. I did not know 
 how such a proposition would be received in Eng- 
 land. A few days after I landed I made a call upon 
 John Morley. I asked him whether he thought the 
 thing could be done. He inquired carefully into the 
 story, took down from his shelf the excellent though 
 brief life of Bradford in Leslie Stephen's "Bio- 
 graphical Dictionary," and told me he thought the 
 book ought to come back to us, and that he should 
 be glad to do anything in his power to help. It 
 was my fortune, a week or two after, to sit next 
 to Mr. Bayard at a dinner given to Mr. Collins by 
 the American consuls in Great Britain. I took occa- 
 sion to tell him the story, and he gave me the 
 assurance, which he has since so abundantly and 
 successfully fulfilled, of his powerful aid. I was 
 
ADDRESS OF SENATOE HOAR. xlvii 
 
 compelled, by the health of one of the party with 
 whom I was travelling, to go to the continent almost 
 immediately, and was disappointed in the hope of an 
 early return to England. So the matter was delayed 
 until about a week before I sailed for home, when 
 I went to Fulham, in the hope at least of seeing 
 the manuscript. I had supposed that it was a quasi- 
 public library, open to general visitors. But I found 
 the bishop was absent. I asked for the librarian, 
 but there was no such officer, and I was told very 
 politely that the library was not open to the public, 
 and was treated in all respects as that of a private 
 gentleman. So I gave up any hope of doing any- 
 thing in person. But I happened, the Friday before 
 I sailed for home, to dine with an English friend 
 who had been exceedingly kind to me. As he took 
 leave of me, about eleven o'clock in the evening, 
 he asked me if there was anything more he could 
 do for me. I said, "No, unless you happen to know 
 the Lord Bishop of London. I should like to get 
 a sight at the manuscript of Bradford's history before 
 I go home." He said, "I do not know the bishop 
 myself, but Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent 
 a few days in the early summer, married the bishop's 
 niece, and will gladly give you an introduction to his 
 uncle. He is in Scotland. But I will write to him 
 before I go to bed." 
 
 Sunday morning brought me a cordial letter from 
 
Xlviii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 Mr. Grenfell, introducing me to the bishop. I wrote 
 a note to his lordship, saying I should be glad to 
 have an opportunity to see Bradford's history; that 
 I was to sail for the United States the next Wednes- 
 day, but would be pleased to call at Fulham Tuesday, 
 if that were agreeable to him. 
 
 I got a note in reply, in which he said if I would 
 call on Tuesday he would be happy to show me "The 
 Log of the Mayflower," which is the title the English, 
 without the slightest reason in the world, give the 
 manuscript. I kept the appointment, and found the 
 bishop with the book in his hand. He received me 
 with great courtesy, showed me the palace, and said 
 that that spot had been occupied by a bishop's palace 
 for more than a thousand years. 
 
 After looking at the volume and reading the records 
 on the flyleaf, I said: "My lord, I am going to say 
 something which you may think rather audacious. I 
 think this book ought to go back to Massachusetts. 
 Nobody knows how it got over here. Some people 
 think it was carried off by Governor Hutchinson, the 
 Tory governor; other people think it was carried off 
 by British soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but 
 in either case the property would not have changed. 
 Or, if you treat it as a booty, in which last case, 
 I suppose, by the law of nations ordinary property 
 does change, no civilized nation in modern times 
 
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xlix 
 
 applies that principle to the property of libraries and 
 institutions of learning." 
 
 "Well," said the bishop, "I did not know you 
 cared anything about it." 
 
 "Why," said I, "if there were in existence in 
 England a history of King Alfred's reign for thirty 
 years, written by his own hand, it would not be more 
 precious in the eyes of Englishmen than this manu- 
 script is to us." 
 
 "Well," said he, "I think myself it ought to go 
 back, and if it had depended on me it would have gone 
 back before this. But the Americans who have been 
 here — many of them have been commercial people — 
 did not seem to care much about it except as a curi- 
 osity. I suppose I ought not to give it up on my 
 own authority. It belongs to me in my official 
 capacity, and not as private or personal property. 
 I think I ought to consult the Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury. And, indeed," he added, "I think I ought 
 to speak to the Queen about it. We should not do 
 such a thing behind Her Majesty's back." 
 
 I said : ' ' Very well . When I go home I will have 
 a proper application made from some of our literary 
 societies, and ask you to give it consideration." 
 
 I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the story. 
 He was at the train when I left London for the 
 steamer at Southampton. He entered with great in- 
 
1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 terest into the matter, and told me again he would 
 gladly do anything in his power to forward it. 
 
 When I got home I communicated with Secretary 
 Olney about it, who took a kindly interest in the 
 matter, and wrote to Mr. Bayard that the adminis- 
 tration desired he should do everything in his power 
 to promote the application. The matter was then 
 brought to the attention of the council of the Ameri- 
 can Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society, the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the 
 New England Society of New York. These bodies 
 appointed committees to unite in the application. 
 Governor Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his 
 hearty approbation to the movement, and a letter was 
 dispatched through Mr. Bayard. 
 
 Meantime Bishop Temple, with whom I had my 
 conversation, had himself become Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury, and in that capacity Primate of all England. 
 His successor. Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the 
 delegate of John Harvard's College to the great cele- 
 bration at Harvard University on the two hundred 
 and fiftieth anniversary of its foundation, in 1886. 
 He had received the degree of doctor of laws from 
 the university, had been a guest of President Eliot, 
 and had received President Eliot as his guest in 
 England. 
 
 He is an accomplished historical scholar, and very 
 friendly in sentiment to the people of the United 
 
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. 11 
 
 States. So, by great fortune, the two eminent eccle- 
 siastical personages who were to have a powerful 
 influence in the matter were likely to be exceed- 
 ingly well disposed. Dr. Benjamin A. Gould, the 
 famous mathematician, was appointed one of the com- 
 mittee of the American Antiquarian Society. He died 
 suddenly, just after a letter to the Bishop of London 
 was prepared and about to be sent to him for sign- 
 ing. He took a very zealous interest in the matter. 
 The letter formally asked for the return of the manu- 
 script, and was signed by the following-named gentle- 
 men : George F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward 
 Everett Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American 
 Antiquarian Society ; Charles Francis Adams, William 
 Lawrence, Charles W. Eliot, for the Massachusetts 
 Historical Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts, 
 William T. Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plym- 
 outh ; Charles C. Beaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pier- 
 pont Morgan, for the New England Society of New 
 York; Roger Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts. 
 
 The rarest good fortune seems to have attended 
 every step in this, transaction. 
 
 I was fortunate in having formed the friendship of 
 Mr. Grenfell, which secured to me so cordial a 
 reception from the Bishop of London. 
 
 It was fortunate that the Bishop of London was 
 Dr. Temple, an eminent scholar, kindly disposed 
 toward the people of the United States, and a man 
 
lii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 thoroughly capable of understanding and respecting 
 the deep and holy sentiment which a compliance 
 with our desire would gratify. 
 
 It was fortunate, too, that^ Bishop Temple, who 
 thought he must have the approbation of the arch- 
 bishop before his action, when the time came had 
 himself become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate 
 of all England. 
 
 It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had succeeded 
 to the see of London. He is, himself, as I have 
 just said, an eminent historical scholar. He has 
 many friends in America. He was the delegate of 
 Emmanuel, John Harvard's College, at the great Har- 
 vard centennial celebration in 1886. He received the 
 degree of doctor of laws at Harvard and is a mem- 
 ber of the Massachusetts Historical Society. He had, 
 as I have said, entertained President Eliot as his 
 guest in England. 
 
 It was fortunate, too, that the application came in 
 a time of cordial good-will between the two coun- 
 tries, when the desire of John Adams and the long- 
 ing of George IH. have their ample and complete 
 fulfilment. This token of the good-will of England 
 reached Boston on the eve of the birthday of the 
 illustrious sovereign, who is not more venerated and 
 beloved by her own subjects than by the kindred 
 people across the sea. 
 
 It comes to us at the time of the rejoicing of the 
 
THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 
 
ADDRESS OP SENATOR HOAR. Hii 
 
 English people at the sixtieth anniversary of a reign 
 more crowded with benefit to humanity than any 
 other known in the annals of the race. Upon the 
 power of England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion, 
 the army and the fleet, the monster ships of war, 
 the all-shattering guns, the American people are 
 strong enough now to look with an entire indifi'er- 
 ence. We encounter her commerce and her manu- 
 facture in the spirit of a generous emulation. The 
 inheritance from which England has gained these 
 things is ours also. We, too, are of the Saxon 
 
 strain. 
 
 In our halls Is hung 
 Armory of the invincible knights of old. 
 
 Our temple covers a continent, and its porches are 
 upon both the seas. Our fathers knew the secret to 
 lay, in Christian liberty and law, the foundations of 
 empire. Our young men are not ashamed, if need 
 be, to speak with the enemy in the gate. 
 
 But to the illustrious lady, type of gentlest woman- 
 hood, model of mother and wife and friend, who came 
 at eighteen to the throne of George IV. and William; 
 of purer eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden 
 presence before which evei'ything unholy shrank; the 
 sovereign who, during her long reign, "ever knew 
 the people that she ruled;" the royal nature that 
 disdained to strike at her kingdom's rival in the 
 hour of our sorest need; the heart which even in 
 
liv PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 the bosom of a queen beat with sympathy for the 
 cause of constitutional liberty ; who, herself not un- 
 acquainted with grief, laid on the coffin of our dead 
 Garfield the wreath fragrant with a sister's symjia- 
 thy, — to her our republican manhood does not dis- 
 dain to bend. 
 
 The eagle, lord of land and sea. 
 Will stoop to pay her fealty. 
 
 But I am afraid this application might have had 
 the fate of its predecessors but for our special good 
 fortune in the fact that Mr. Bayard was our ambas- 
 sador at the Court of St. James. He had been, as 
 I said in the beginning, the ambassador not so much 
 of the diplomacy as of the good-will of the American 
 people. Before his powerful influence every obstacle 
 gave way. It was almost impossible for Englishmen 
 to refuse a request like this, made by him, and 
 in which his own symjoathies were so profoundly' 
 enlisted. 
 
 You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of Massa- 
 chusetts, to the gratitude of every lover of Massa- 
 chusetts and of every lover of the country. You 
 have succeeded where so many others have failed, 
 and where so many others would have been likely 
 to fail. You may be sure that our debt to you is 
 fully understood and will not be forgotten. 
 
 The question of the permanent abiding-place of this 
 
ADDRESS or SENATOR HOAR. Iv 
 
 manuscript will be settled after it has reached the 
 hands of His Excellency. Wherever it shall go it 
 will be an object of reverent care. I do not think 
 many Americans will gaze upon it without a little 
 trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist 
 in the eyes, as they think of the story of suffering, 
 of sorrow, of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty 
 triumph which that book tells, — which the hand of 
 the great leader and founder of America has traced 
 on those pages. 
 
 There is nothing like it in human annals since the 
 story of Bethlehem. These Englishmen and English 
 women going out from their homes in beautiful Lin- 
 coln and York, wife separated from husband and 
 mother from child in that hurried emljarkation for 
 Holland, pursued to the beach by English horsemen ; 
 the thirteen years of exile ; the life at Amsterdam 
 "in alley foul and lane obscure;" the dwelling at 
 Leyden ; the embarkation at Delfthaven ; the farewell 
 of Eobinson ; the terrible voyage across the Atlantic ; 
 the compact in the harbor ; the landing on the rock ; 
 the dreadful first winter ; the death roll of more than 
 half the number ; the days of suffering and of famine ; 
 the wakeful night, listening for the yell of wild 
 beast and the war-whoop of the savage ; the build- 
 ins of the State on those sure foundations which 
 no wave or tempest has ever shaken ; the breaking 
 of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the 
 
Ivi PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 beginning of the new life ; the enjoyment of peace 
 with liberty, — of all these things this is the origi- 
 nal record by the hand of our beloved father and 
 founder. Massachusetts will preserve it until the 
 time shall come that her children are unworthy of 
 it; and that time shall come, — never. 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 Hon. THOMAS F. BAYARD. 
 
 Ivii 
 
ADORr**- 
 
 (-■■ ■ I 
 
 .K I-""" 'J.^. 
 
 It b*' 
 
ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD. 
 
 Your Excellency, Gentlemen of the two Houses of 
 the Legislature of Massachusetts, Ladies and Gentle- 
 men, Fellow Countrymen : The honorable and most 
 gratifying duty with which I am charged is about 
 to receive its final act of execution, for I have the 
 book here, as it was placed in my hands by the 
 Lord Bishop of London on April 29, intact then and 
 now ; and I am about to deliver it according to the 
 provisions of the decree of the Chancellor of Lon- 
 don, which has been read in your presence, and the 
 receipt signed by me and registered in his court that 
 I would obey the provisions of that decree. 
 
 I have kept my trust ; I have kept the book as 
 I received it; I shall deliver it into the hands of 
 the representative of the people who are entitled 
 to its custody. 
 
 And now, gentlemen, it would be superfluous for 
 me to dwell upon the historical features of this 
 remarkable occasion, for it has been done, as we 
 all knew it would be done, with ability, learning, 
 eloquence and impressiveness, by the distinguished 
 Senator who represents you so well in the Con- 
 gress of the United States. 
 
Ix 
 
 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 For all that related to myself, and for every 
 gracious word of recognition and commendation that 
 fell from his lips in relation to the part that I have 
 taken in the act of restoration, I am profoundly 
 grateful. It is an additional reward, but not the 
 reward which induced my action. 
 
 To have served your State, to have been instru- 
 mental in such an act as this, was of itself a high 
 privilege to me. The Bradford manuscript was in the 
 library of Fulham palace, and if, by lawful means, I 
 could have become possessed of the volume, and have 
 brought it here and quietly deposited it, I should 
 have gone to my home with the great satisfaction of 
 knowing that I had performed an act of justice, an 
 act of right between two countries. Therefore the 
 praise, however grateful, is additional, and I am very 
 thankful for it. 
 
 It may not be inappropriate or unpleasing to you 
 should I state in a very simple manner the history 
 of my relation to the return of this book, for it all 
 has occurred within the last twelve months. 
 
 I knew of the existence of this manuscript, and 
 had seen the reproduction in facsimile. I knew that 
 attempts had been made, unsuccessfully, to obtain the 
 original book. 
 
 At that time Senator Hoar made a short visit to 
 England, and in passing through London I was 
 informed by him of the great interest that he, in 
 
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. Lxi 
 
 common with the people of this State, had in the 
 restoration of this manuscript to the custody of the 
 State. 
 
 We discussed the methods by which it might be 
 accomplished, and after two or three concurrent sug- 
 gestions he returned to the United States, and pres- 
 ently I received, under cover from the Secretary of 
 State, — a distinguished citizen of your own State, 
 Mr. Olney, — a formal note, suggesting rather than 
 instructing that in an informal manner I should en- 
 deavor to have carried out the wishes of the various 
 societies that had addressed themselves to the Bishop 
 of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in 
 order to obtain the return of this manuscript. 
 
 It necessarily had to be done informally. The strict 
 regulations of the office I then occupied forbade my 
 correspondence with any member of the British gov- 
 ernment except through the foreign office, unless it 
 were informal. An old saying describes the entire 
 case, that "When there's a will there's a way." There 
 certainly was the will to get the book, and there cer- 
 tainly was also a will and a way to give the book, 
 and that way was discovered by the legal custodians 
 of the book itself. 
 
 At first there were suggestions of difficulty, some 
 technical questions; and following a very safe rule, 
 the first thought was. What is the law? and the case 
 was submitted to the law officers of the Crown. 
 
Ixii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 Then there arose the necessity of a formal act of 
 permission. 
 
 There could be entei-tained no question as to the 
 title to the manuscript in the possession of the British 
 government. There was no authority to grant a claim, 
 founded on adverse title, and the question arose as 
 to the requisite form of law of a permissive rather 
 than of a mandatoiy nature, in order to be authorita- 
 tive with those who had charge of the document. 
 
 But, as I have said, when there was a will there 
 was found a way. By personal correspondence and 
 interviews with the Bishop of London, I soon discov- 
 ered that he was as anxious to find the way as I was 
 that he should find it. In March last it was finally 
 agreed that I should employ legal counsel to present 
 a formal petition in the Episcopal Consistorial Court 
 of London, and there before the Chancellor to repre- 
 sent the strong desire of Massachusetts and her people 
 for the return of the record of her early Governor. 
 
 Accordingly, the petition was prepared, and by my 
 authority signed as for me by an eminent member 
 of the bar, and it was also signed by the Bishop of 
 London, so that there was a complete consensus. The 
 decree was ordered, as is published in the London 
 "Times" on March 25 last, and nothing after that 
 remained but formalities, in which, as you are well 
 aware, the English law is not lacking, especially in 
 the ecclesiastical tribunals. 
 
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. Ixui 
 
 These formalities were carried out during my ab- 
 sence from London on a short visit to the Conti- 
 nent, and the decree which you have just heard read 
 was duly entered on April 12 last, consigning the 
 document to my personal custody, to be delivered 
 by me in this city to the high official therein named, 
 subject to those conditions which you have also heard. 
 Accordingly, on the 29th of April last I was sum- 
 moned to the court, and there, having signed the re- 
 ceipt, this decree was read in my presence. Then the 
 Bishop of London arose, and, taking the book in 
 his hands, delivered it with a few gracious words 
 into my custody, and here it is to-day. 
 
 The records of those proceedings will no doubt be 
 preserved here as accompanying this book, as they 
 are in the Episcopal Consistorial Court in London, 
 and they tell the entire story. 
 
 But that is but part. The thing that I wish to 
 impress upon you, and upon my fellow countrymen 
 throuo-hout the United States, is that this is an act 
 of courtesy and friendship by another government — 
 the government of what we once called our "mother 
 country" — to the entire people of the United States. 
 Yoa cannot limit it to the Governor of this Com- 
 monwealth ; nor to the Legislature; nor even to the 
 citizens of this Commonwealth. It extends in its 
 courtesy, its kindness and comity to the entire people 
 of the United States. From first to last there was 
 
Ixiv PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 the ready resi^onse of courtesy and kindness to the 
 request for the restoration of this manuscript record. 
 . I may say to you that there has been nothing that 
 I have sought more earnestly than to place the affairs 
 of these two great nations in the atmosphere of 
 mutual confidence and respect and good-will. If it 
 be a sin to long for the honor of one's countrj', 
 for the safety and strength of one's country, then 
 I have been a great sinner, for I have striven to 
 advance the honor and the safety and the welfare 
 of my country, and believed it was best accom- 
 plished by treating all with justice and courtesy, and 
 doing those things, to others which we would ask to 
 have done to ourselves. 
 
 When the Chancellor pronounced his decree in March 
 last, he cited certain precedents to justify him in re- 
 storing this volume to Massachusetts. One precedent 
 which powerfully controlled his decision, and which 
 in the closing portion of his judgment he emphasizes, 
 was an act of generous liberality upon the part of 
 the American Library Society in Philadelphia in vol- 
 untarily returning to the British government some 
 volumes of original manuscript of the period of James 
 the First, which by some means not very clearly 
 explained had found their way among the books of 
 that institution. 
 
 Those books were received by a distinguished man, 
 Lord llomilly, Master of the Rolls, who took occasion 
 
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. IxV 
 
 to speak of the liberality and kindness which dictated 
 the action of the Philadelphia library. Gentlemen, I 
 am one of those who believe that a generous and 
 kindly act is never unwise between individuals or 
 nations. 
 
 The return of this book to you is an echo of the 
 kindly act of your countrymen in the city of Phila- 
 delphia in 1866. 
 
 It is that, not, as Mr. Hoar has said, any influence 
 or special effort of mine ; but it is international good 
 feeling and comity which brought about to you the 
 pleasure and the joy of having this manuscript re- 
 turned, and so it will ever be. A generous act will 
 beget a generous act ; trust and confidence will beget 
 trust and confidence ; and so it will be while the world 
 shall last, and well will it be for the man or for the 
 people who shall recognize this truth and act upon it. 
 
 Now, orentlemen, there is another coincidence that 
 I may venture to point out. It is history repeating 
 itself. More than three hundred years ago the ances- 
 tors from whom my father drew his name and blood 
 were French Protestants, who had been compelled to 
 flee from the religious persecutions of that day, and 
 for the sake of conscience to find an asylum in Hol- 
 land. Fifty years after they had fled and found safety 
 in Holland, the little congregation of Independents 
 from the English village of Scrooby, under the pas- 
 torate of John Eobinson, was forced to fly, and with 
 
Ixvi PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 difficulty found its way into the same country of the 
 Netherlands, seeking an asylum for consciences' sake. 
 
 Time passed on. The little English colony re- 
 moved, as this manuscript of William Bradford will 
 tell you, across the Atlantic, and soon after the 
 Huguenot family from whom I drew my name found 
 their first settlement in what was then the New 
 Netherlands, now New York. Both came from the 
 same cause ; both came with the same object, the 
 same purpose, — "soul freedom," as Roger Williams 
 well called it. Both came to found homes where 
 they could worship God according to their own con- 
 science and live as free men. They came to these 
 shores, and they have found the asylum, and they 
 have strengthened it, and it is what we see to-day, — 
 a country of absolute religious and civil freedom, — 
 of equal rights and toleration. 
 
 And is it not fitting that I, who have in my veins 
 the blood of the Huguenots, should present to you and 
 your Governor the log of the English emigrants, who 
 left their country for the sake of religious freedom? 
 
 They are blended here, — their names, their inter- 
 ests. No man asks and no man has a right to ask 
 or have ascertained by any method authorized by law 
 what is the conscientious religious tenet or opinion 
 of any man, of any citizen, as a prerequisite for 
 holding an office of trust or power in the United 
 States. 
 
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. Ixvii 
 
 I think it well on this occasion to make, as I am 
 sure you are making, acknowledgment to that heroic 
 little country, the Lowlands as they call it, the Neth- 
 erlands, — the country without one single feature of 
 military defence except the brave hearts of the men 
 who live in it and defend it. 
 
 Holland was the anvil upon which religious and 
 civil liberty was beaten out in Europe at a time 
 when the clang was scarcely heard anywhere else. 
 We can never forget our historical debt to that 
 country and to those people. Puritan, Independent, 
 Huguenot, whoever he may be, forced to flee for 
 conscience's sake, will not forget that in the Nether- 
 lands there was found in his time of need the 
 asylum where conscience, property and person might 
 
 be secure. 
 
 And now my task is done. I am deeply grateful 
 
 for the part that I have been enabled to take in this 
 act of just and natural restitution. In Massachusetts 
 or out of Massachusetts there is no one more will- 
 ing than I to assist this work ; and here, sir [address- 
 ing Governor Wolcott], I fulfil my trust in placing in 
 your hands the manuscript. 
 
 To you, as the honored representative of the people 
 of this Commonwealth, I commit this book, in pur- 
 suance of my obligations, gladly undertaken under 
 the decree of the Episcopal Consistorial Court of 
 London. 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 His Excellency ROGER WOLCOTT. 
 
 Ixix 
 
\DDRESS f»» 
 
 
 
ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT. 
 
 On receiving tlie volume, Governor Wolcott, ad- 
 dressing Mr. Bayard, spoke as follows : I thank you, 
 sir, for the diligent and faithful manner in which 
 you have executed the honorable trust imposed upon 
 you by the decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal 
 Court of London, a copy of which you have now 
 placed in my hands. It was fitting that one of your 
 high distinction should be selected to perform so 
 dignified an office. 
 
 The gracious act of international courtesy which is 
 now completed will not fail of grateful appreciation 
 by the people of this Commonwealth and of the 
 nation. It is honorable alike to those who hesitated 
 not to prefer the request and to those whose generous 
 liberality has prompted compliance with it. It may 
 be that the story of the departure of this precious 
 relic from our shores may never in its every detail 
 be revealed; but the story of its return will be read 
 of all men, and will become a part of the history 
 of the Commonwealth. There are places and objects 
 so intimately associated with the world's greatest men 
 or with mighty deeds that the soul of him who gazes 
 upon them is lost in a sense of reverent awe, as it 
 
Ixxii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 listens to the voice that spealis from the past, in 
 words like those which came from the l)urning bush, 
 "Put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place 
 whereon thou standest is holy ground." 
 
 On the sloping hillside of Plymouth, that bathes 
 its feet in the waters of the Atlantic, such a voice 
 is breathed by the brooding genius of the place, and 
 the ear must l)e dull that fails to catch the whispered 
 words. For here not alone did godly men and women 
 suffer greatly for a great cause, but their noble pur- 
 pose was not doomed to defeat, but was carried to 
 perfect victory. They stablished what they planned. 
 Their feeble plantation became the birthplace of re- 
 ligious liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. 
 To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they 
 have made the civilized world their debtor. In the 
 varied tapestry which pictures our national life, the 
 richest spots are those where gleam the golden threads 
 of conscience, courage and fiiith, set in the web by 
 that little band. May God in his mercy grant that 
 the moral impulse which founded this nation may 
 never cease to control its destiny ; that no act of 
 any future generation may put in peril the funda- 
 mental principles on which it is based, — of equal 
 rights in a free state, equal privileges in a free 
 church and equal opportunities in a free school. 
 
 In this precious volume which I hold in my hands 
 — the gift of England to the Commonwealth of Mas- 
 
GOVERNOR WOLCOTT's ADDRESS. Ixxiu 
 
 sachusetts — is told the noble, simple story " of 
 Plimoth Plantation." In the midst of suffering and 
 privation and anxiety the pious band of William 
 Bradford here set down in ample detail the history 
 of the enterprise from its inception to the year 1647. 
 From him we may learn " that all great and hon- 
 ourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, 
 and must be both enterprised and overcome with 
 answerable courages." 
 
 The sadness and pathos which some might read into 
 the narrative are to me lost in victory. The triumph 
 of a noble cause even at a great price is theme for 
 rejoicing, not for sorrow, and the story here told 
 is one of triumphant achievement, and not of defeat. 
 
 As the official representative of the Commonwealth, 
 I receive it, sir, at your hands. I pledge the faith 
 of the Commonwealth that for all time it shall be 
 guarded in accordance with the terms of the decree 
 under which it is delivered into her possession as one 
 of her chiefest treasures. I express the thanks of the 
 Commonwealth for the priceless gift. And I venture 
 the prophecy that for countless years to come and 
 to untold thousands these mute pages shall eloquently 
 speak of high resolve, great suffering and heroic en- 
 durance made possible by an absolute faith in the 
 over-ruling providence of Almighty God. 
 
ACKISrO^\^L,ED&MElSrT 
 
 BISHOP OF LONDON 
 
 Ixxv 
 
THE BISHOP OF LONDON 
 
(Copy) 
 
 FuLHAM Palace, S. W. 
 
 Oct. 16, 1897. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I would ask you to express to the Convention 
 of the two branches of the General Court of the 
 Commonw^ealth of Massachusetts my grateful thanks 
 for the copy of their resolution of May 2(3, which 
 was presented to me by Mr. Adams.* 
 
 I consider it a great privilege to have been asso- 
 ciated with an act of courtesy, which was also an 
 act of justice, in restoring to its proper place a 
 document which is so important in the records of 
 your illustrious Commonwealth. 
 
 I am 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 M. LONDON. 
 
 H. D. CooLiDGE, Esq. 
 
 Clerk of the Convention. 
 
 * The Hon. Charles Francis Adams. 
 
Of Plimoth Plantation 
 
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 =deei 
 
 ^■^ 
 
 -•au^.1. 
 
Of Plimoth Plantation. 
 
 And first of y"^ occasion and indusments ther unto ; 
 the which that I may truly unfould, I must begine at 
 y<= very roote & rise of y'= same. The which I shall 
 endevor to manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler 
 regard unto y^ simple trueth in all things, at least as 
 near as my slender judgmente can attaine the same. 
 
 1. Chapter. 
 
 It is well knowne unto y'' godlj^ and judicious, how 
 ever since y" first breaking out of y'-' lighte of y" gospell 
 in our Honourable Nation of England, (which was y'^ 
 first of nations whom y' Lord adorned ther with, afiter 
 y* grosse darknes of popery which had covered & over- 
 spred y' Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions 
 ever since, Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued 
 against the Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or 
 other. Some times by bloody death and cruel I tor- 
 ments ; other whiles imprisonments, banishments, & 
 other hard usages ; as being loath his kingdom should 
 goe downe, the trueth prevaile, and y" churches of God 
 reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their prima- 
 tive order, libertie, & bewtie. But when he could not 
 
HISTORY OF [chap. I. 
 
 prevaile by these means, against the maine trueths of 
 y" gospell, but that the}^ began to take rootting in many 
 places, being watered with y'' blooud of y" martires, and 
 blessed from heaven with a gracious eucrease ; He then 
 begane to take him to his anciente strategemes, used 
 of old against the first Christians. That when by y" 
 bloody & barbarous persecutions of y'^ Heathen Em- 
 perours, he could not stoppe & subuerte the course 
 of y'^ gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a 
 wounderfull celeritie the then best known parts of y" 
 world. He then begane to sow errours, heresies, and 
 wounderfull dissentions amongst y"^ professours them 
 selves, (working upon their pride & ambition, with 
 other corrupte passions incidente to all mortall men, 
 yea to y" saints them selves in some measure,) by 
 which wofull effects followed ; as not only bitter con- 
 tentions, & hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible 
 confusions, but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby 
 to foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many 
 unprofEtable cannons & decrees, which have since been 
 as snares to many poore & peaceable souls even to this 
 day. So as in y^ anciente times, the persecutions [2] 
 by y" heathen & their Emperours, was not greater then 
 of the Christians one against other ; the Arians & other 
 their complices against y'^ orthodoxe & true Christians. 
 As witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are 
 these ; * The violence truly (saith he) was no less than 
 
 • Lib. 2. Chap. 22. 
 
CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 that of ould practised towards if Christians when they 
 were compelled & drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many 
 indured sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, & dis- 
 membering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods; 
 some bereaved of their native soyle; others departed this 
 life under y^ hands of y' tormentor; and some died in 
 banishinete, & never saw ther cuntrie againe, &c. 
 
 The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these 
 later times, since y"" trueth begane to springe & spread 
 after y'' great defection made by Antichrist, y' man of 
 sine. 
 
 For to let pass y'^ infinite examples in sundrie na- 
 tions and severall places of y* world, and instance in 
 our owne, when as y' old serpente could not prevaile 
 by those firie flames & other his cruell tragedies, which 
 he * by his instruments put in ure every wher in y* 
 days of queene Mary & before, he then begane an 
 other kind of warre, & went more closly to worke ; 
 not only to oppuggen, but even to ruinate & destroy 
 y'' kingdom of Christ, by more secrete & subtile means, 
 by kindling y" flames of contention and sowing y" 
 seeds of discorde & bitter enmitie amongst j" profi"es- 
 sors & seeming reformed them selves. For when he 
 could not prevaile by y*^ former means against y" prin- 
 cipall doctrins of faith, he bente his force against ye 
 holy discipline & outward regimente of y'' kingdom of 
 
 * In the text, parentheses are used frequently, apparently in place of commas. 
 For this reason, many are omitted in the reprint. 
 
HISTORY OF [chap. I. 
 
 Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be con- 
 served, & true pietie maintained amongest the saints 
 & people of God. 
 
 Mr. Foxe recordeth how y' besids those worthy 
 martires & confessors which were burned in queene 
 Marys days & otherwise tormented,* mani/ (both stu- 
 dients & others) fled out of y" land, to y' number of 
 800. And became severall congregations. At Wesell, 
 Frankford, Bassill, Emden, Markjpurge, Siraushomgh, 
 & Geneva, &c. Amongst whom (but especialy those 
 at Frankford) begane y' bitter warr of contention & 
 persecutio aboute y° ceremonies, & servise-booke, and 
 other pojoish and antichristian stuffe, the plague of 
 England to this day, which are like y"* highplases in 
 Israeli, w'='' the prophets cried out against, & were 
 their ruine ; [3] which j" better parte sought, accord- 
 ing to y" puritie of y"" gospell, to roote out and 
 utterly to abandon. And the other parte (under 
 veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancments, 
 sought as stifly to continue, maintaine, & defend. As 
 appeareth by y" discourse therof published in printe, 
 An°: 1.575 ; a booke y' deserves better to be knowne 
 and considred. 
 
 The one side laboured to have y' right worship of 
 God & discipline of Christ established in y'= church, 
 according to y' simplicitie of y° gospell, without the 
 mixture of mens inventions, and to have & to be 
 
 * Acts & Mon ; pag. 1587. editi ; 2. 
 
CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 7 
 
 ruled by y*^ laws of Gods word, dispensed in those 
 offices, & by those officers of Pastors, Teachers, & 
 Elders, &c. according to y" Scripturs. The other par- 
 tie, though under many colours & pretences, endev- 
 ored to have y'^ episcopall dignitie (affter y" popish 
 maner) with their large power & jurisdiction still re- 
 tained ; with all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies, 
 togeather with all such livings, revenues, & subordi- 
 nate officers, with other such means as formerly up- 
 held their antichristian greatnes, and enabled them 
 with lordly & tyranous power to persecute y" poore 
 servants of God. This contention was so great, as 
 neither y^ honour of God, the commone persecution, 
 nor y^ mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies of 
 j" Lord in those places, could prevaile with those 
 thus episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all 
 means to disturbe y'' peace of this poor persecuted 
 church, even so farr as to charge (very unjustly, & 
 ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their cheefe op- 
 posers, with rebellion & hightreason against y'= Em- 
 perour, & other such crimes. 
 
 And this contetion dyed not with queene Mary, nor 
 was left beyonde y" seas, but at her death these peo- 
 ple returning into England under gracious queene 
 Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bish- 
 opricks & other promotions, according to their aimes 
 and desires, that inveterate hatered against y'' holy 
 discipline of Christ in his church hath continued to 
 
8 HISTOET OF [chap. I. 
 
 this day. In somuch that for fear [4] it should pre- 
 veile, all plotts & devices have been used to keepe it 
 out, incensing y^ queene & state against it as dan- 
 gerous for y* comon wealth ; and that it was most 
 needfull y' y" fundamental! poynts of Religion should 
 be preached in those ignorante & superstitious times ; 
 and to wine y'^ weake & ignorante, they might retaine 
 diverse harmles ceremoneis ; and though it were to be 
 wished y' diverse things were reformed, yet this was 
 not a season for it. And many the like, to stop y'^ 
 mouthes of y"^ more godly, to bring them over to 
 yeeld to one ceremoney after another, and one cor- 
 ruption after another ; by these wyles begyleing some 
 & corrupting others till at length they begane to per- 
 secute all y'' zealous professors in y'^ land (though 
 they knew little what this discipline mente) both by 
 word & deed, if they would not submitte to their 
 ceremonies, & become slaves to them & their popish 
 trash, which have no ground in y'" word of God, but 
 are relikes of y' man of sine. And the more y" light 
 of y^ gospell grew, y"" more y'^'' urged their subscrip- 
 tions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all 
 their foiTuer pretences & fair colures) they whose 
 eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see 
 wherto these things tended. And to cast contempte 
 the more upon y" sincere servants of God, they oppro- 
 briously & most injuriously gave unto, & imposed 
 upon them, that name of Puritans, which [it] is said 
 
CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 9 
 
 the Novatians out of prid did assume & take unto 
 themselves.* And lamentable it is to see y" effects 
 which have followed. Eeligion hath been disgraced, 
 the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many 
 exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in prisones & 
 otherways. On the other hand, sin hath been coun- 
 tenanced, ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased, 
 & the papists encouraged to hope againe for a day. 
 
 This made that holy man Mr. Perkins f crie out in 
 his exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2. Religion 
 (saith he) hath been amongst us this 35. years; but 
 the more it is published, the more it is contemned & 
 reproached of many, &c. Thus not prophanes nor 
 wickednes, but Religion it selfe is a byword, a moking- 
 stock, & a matter of reproach; so that in England at 
 this day the man or tvoman y' begines to profes Religion, 
 & to serve God, must resolve ivith him selfe to sustaine 
 [5] mocks & injueries even as though he lived amongst 
 y* enimies of Religion. And this comone experience 
 hath confirmed & made too apparente. 
 
 A late observation, as it were by the ivay, worthy to be 
 
 Noted.X 
 
 Full litle did I thinke, y' the downfall of y" Bishops, with 
 their courts, cannons, & ceremonies, &c. had been so neare, 
 when I first begane these scribled writings (which was aboute 
 y' year 1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure after- 
 
 • Ens ; lib : 6. Chap. 42. t Pag. 421. 
 
 + A note of the author at this place, written subsequent to this portion of 
 the narrative, on the reverse pages of his History. 
 
10 HISTORY OF [chap. I. 
 
 ward), or that I should have lived to have seene or heard 
 of y" same ; but it is y" Lords doing, and ought to lie 
 marvelous in our eyes ! Every plante which mine heavenly 
 father hath not planted (saith our Saviour) shall be rooted 
 up. Mat: 15. 13.* I have snared the, and thou art taken, 
 O Babell (Bishops), and thou wast not aware; thou art 
 found, and also caught, because thou hast striven against 
 the Lord. , Jer. 50. 24. Bat will they needs strive against y'= 
 truth, against y= servants of God ; what, & against the Lord 
 him selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to anger? Are they 
 stronger than he? 1. Cor: 10. 22. No, no, they have mete 
 with their match. Behold, I come unto y", O proud man, 
 saith the Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is come, even the 
 time that I will visite the. Jer: 50. 31. May not the 
 people of God now say (and these pore people among y° 
 rest) , The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes ; come, 
 let us declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God. Jer : 
 51. 10. Let all flesh be still before the Lord; for he is 
 raised up out of his holy place. Zach : 2. 13. 
 
 In this case, these poore people may say (among y' 
 thousands of Israll), When the Lord brougt againe the cap- 
 tivite of Zion, me were like them that dreavie. Psa: 126. 1. 
 The Lord hath done greate things for us, wherof ive rejoyce. 
 V. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap in joye. TJiey 
 wente weeping, and carried p)recious seede, but they shall 
 returne with joye, and briiig their sheaves, v. 5, 6. 
 
 Doe you not now see y" fruits of your labours, all yee 
 servants of y" Lord that have suffered for his truth, and 
 have been faithfuU witneses of y' same, and yee litle hand- 
 full amongst y'' rest, y° least amongest y° thousands of IsraU? 
 You have not only had a seede time, but many of you have 
 seene y° joyefuU harvest ; should you not then rejoyse, yea, 
 
 * AH these and subsequent passages are quoted from the Geneva version 
 of the Bible. 
 
CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 11 
 
 and againe rejoyce, and say Hallelu-iah, salvation, and glorie, 
 and honour, and power, be to y'^ Lord our God ; for true 
 and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2. 
 
 But thou wilte aske what is y'' mater? What is done? 
 Why, art thou a stranger in Israll, that tliou shouldest not 
 know what is done? Are not those Jebusites overcome that 
 have vexed the people of Israll so long, even holding Jeru- 
 salem till Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so 
 many ages ; and now begane to scorne that any David 
 should meadle with them ; they begane to fortifie their tower, 
 as that of the old Babelonians ; but those proud Anakimes 
 are throwne downe, and their glory laid in y° dust. The 
 tiranous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, theii- can- 
 nons forceless, their servise casheired, their ceremonies uselese 
 and despised ; their plots for popery prevented, and all their 
 superstitions discarded & returned to Roome from whence 
 they came, and y"' monuments of idolatrie rooted out of y'' land. 
 And the proud and profane suporters, and cruell defenders of 
 these (as bloody papists & wicked athists, and their malignante 
 consorts) marvelously over throwne. And are not these greate 
 things ? Who can deney it ? 
 
 But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on y' white 
 horse, who is caled faithfull, & true, and judgeth and fighteth 
 righteously. Rev: 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in blood, 
 and his name was caled the word of God, v. 13. for he shall 
 rule them with a rode of iron ; for it is he that treadeth the 
 winepress of the feircenes and wrath of God almighty. And 
 he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen, 
 The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, v. 15, 16. 
 
 Hallelu-iah. 
 Anno Dom: 1646. 
 
 But that I may come more near my intendmente ; 
 when as by the travell & diligence of some godly & 
 zealous preachers, & Gods blessing on their labours, as 
 
12 HISTORY OT [chap. I. 
 
 in other places of y" land, so in y" North parts, many 
 became inlightened by y"^ word of God, and had their 
 ignorance & sins discovered unto them, and begane by 
 his grace to reforme their lives, and make conscience 
 of their wayes, the worke of God was no sooner mani- 
 fest in them, but presently they were both scoflFed and 
 scorned by y* prophane multitude, and y** ministers 
 urged with y" yoak of subscription, or els must be 
 silenced ; and y" poore people were so vexed with 
 apparators, & pursuants, & y" comissarie courts, as 
 truly their affliction was not smale ; which, notwith- 
 standing, they bore sundrie years with much patience, 
 till they were occasioned (by y" continuance & encrease 
 of these troubls, and other means which y" Lord raised 
 up in those days) to see further into things by the 
 light of y* word of God. How not only these base 
 and beggerly ceremonies were unlawfull, but also that 
 y'' lordly & tiranous power of y'' prelats ought not to 
 be submitted unto ; which thus, contrary to the free- 
 dome of the gospell, would load & burden mens con- 
 sciences, and by their compulsive power make a prophane 
 mixture of persons & things in y'^ worship of God. And 
 that their offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c. were 
 unlawfull and antichristian ; being such as have no war- 
 rante in y" word of God ; but the same y* were used in 
 poperie, & still retained. Of which a famous author 
 thus writeth in his Dutch comtaries.* At y" coming of 
 
 * Em ; meter : lib ; 25. col. 119. 
 
1602-1606?] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 13 
 
 king Jiimes into England ; 27)6 new king (saith he) found 
 their established if reformed religion, according to y" re- 
 formed religion of king Edivard y" 6. Retaining, or 
 keeping still y" spirituall state of y" Bishops, &c. after 
 y^ ould maner, much varying & differing from y" reformed 
 churches in Scotland, France, & y" Neatherlands, Embden, 
 Geneva, (&c. whose reformation is cut, or shapen much 
 nerer y" first Christian churches, as it was used in y" 
 Apostles times.* 
 
 [6] So many therfore of these proifessors as saw y" 
 evill of these things, in thes parts, and whose harts y" 
 Lord had touclaed w'" heavenly zeale for his trueth, they 
 shooke of this yoake of an ti christian bondage, and as 
 y'^ Lords free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant 
 of the Lord) into a church estate, in y'' felowship of y' 
 gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to 
 be made known unto them, according to their best en- 
 deavours, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assist- 
 ing them. And that it cost them something this ensewing 
 historie will declare. 
 
 These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches, 
 & in regarde of distance of place did congregate sev- 
 erally ; for they were of sundrie townes & vilages, some 
 in Notingamshire, some of Liru;ollinshire, and some of 
 Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one 
 
 * The reformed churches shapen much neerer j' primitive patterne then 
 England, lor they cashered j" Bishops w'"> al their courts, cannons, and cere- 
 moneis, at the first ; and left them amongst y« popish tr. . to ch w'' they per- 
 tained. (The last word in the note is uncertain in the MS.) 
 
14 HISTORY OF [chap. I. 
 
 of these churches (besids others of note) was Mr. John 
 Smith, a man of able gifts, & a good preacher, who 
 afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these after- 
 wards falling into some errours in y° Low Countries, 
 ther (for y" most part) buried them selves, cS; their 
 names. 
 
 But in this other church (w'^'" must be j" subjecte of 
 our discourse) besids other worthy men, was M^ Richard 
 Clifton, a grave & revered preacher, who by his paines 
 and dilligens had done much good, and under God had 
 ben a means of y'^ conversion of many. And also that 
 famous and worthy man M\ John Robinson, who after- 
 wards was their pastor for many years, till y'' Lord 
 tooke him away by death. Also M^ William Brewster 
 a reverent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder 
 of y'' church and lived with them till old age. 
 
 But after these things they could not long continue 
 in any peaceable condition, but were hunted & perse- 
 cuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were 
 but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now 
 came upon them. For some were taken & clapt up in 
 prison, others had their houses besett & watcht night 
 and day, & hardly escaped their hands ; and y'= most 
 were faine to flie & leave their howses & habitations,, 
 and the means of their livelehood. Yet these & many 
 other sharper things which affterward befell them, were 
 no other then they looked for, and therfore were y'' 
 better prepared to bear them by y* assistance of Gods 
 
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 15 
 
 grace & spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus molested, 
 [7] and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, 
 by a joynte consente they resolved to goe into y' Low- 
 Countries, wher they heard was freedome of Eeligion 
 for all men ; as also how sundrie from London, & other 
 parts of y" land, had been exiled and persecuted for 
 y' same cause, & were gone thither, and lived at Am- 
 sterdam, & in other places of y" land. So affter they 
 had continued togeither aboute a year, and kept their 
 meetings every Saboth in one place or other, exercising 
 the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstand- 
 ing all y" dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they 
 seeing they could no longer continue in y' condition, 
 they resolved to get over into Hollad as they could; 
 which was in y'^ year 1607. & 1608. ; of which more at 
 large in y'^ next chap. 
 
 2. Chap. 
 
 Of their departure into Holland and their troubls ther 
 aboute, with some of y" many difficulties they found 
 and mete withall. 
 
 An". 1608. 
 Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle 
 and countrie, their lands & livings, and all their 
 freinds & famillier acquaintance, it was much, and 
 thought marvelous by many. But to goe into a coun- 
 trie they knew not (but by hearsay), wher they must 
 learne a new language, and get their livings they 
 
16 HISTORY or [chap. II. 
 
 knew not how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to 
 y'^ misseries of warr, it was by many thought an ad- 
 venture almost desperate, a case intolerable, & a mis- 
 serie worse then death. Espetially seeing they were 
 not aquaiuted with trads nor traffique, (by which y' 
 countrie doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a 
 plaine countrie life, ."- y" inocente trade of husbandrey. 
 But these things did not dismay them (though they 
 did some times trouble them) for their desires were 
 sett on y" waj^s of God, & to injoye his ordinances ; 
 but they rested on his providence, & knew whom they 
 had beleeved. Yet [8] this was not all, for though 
 they could not stay, yet were y" not suffered to goe, 
 but y'' ports & havens were shut against them, so as 
 they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, 
 & to bribe & fee y"* mariners, & give exterordinarie 
 rates for their passages. And yet were they often 
 times betrayed (many of them), and both they & 
 their goods intercepted & surprised, and therby put 
 to great trouble & charge, of which I will give an in- 
 stance or tow, & omitte the rest. 
 
 Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get 
 passage at Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end 
 had hired a shipe wholy to them selves, & made 
 agreement with the maister to be ready at a certaine 
 day, and take them and their goods in, at a con- 
 veniente place, wher they accordingly would all at- 
 tende in readines. So after long waiting, & large 
 
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 17 
 
 expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he 
 came at length & tooke them in, in y' night. But 
 when he had them & their goods abord, he Ijetrayed 
 them, haveing before hand complotted with y" serchers 
 & other officers so to doe ; who tooke them, and put 
 them into open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them, 
 searching them to their shirts for money, yea even y'= 
 women furder then became modestie ; and then caried 
 them back into y" towne, & made them a spectackle 
 & wonder to y* multitude, which came flocking on all 
 sids to behould them. Being thus first, by the chatch- 
 poule officers, rifled, & stripte of their money, books, 
 and much other goods, they were presented to y° 
 magestrates, and messengers sente to informe y^ lords 
 of y*" Counsell of them ; and so they were coinited to 
 ward. Indeed y'' magestrats used them courteously, 
 and shewed them what favour they could ; but could 
 not deliver them, till order cafne from y"' Counsell- 
 table. But y'= issue was that after a months impris- 
 onmente, j'' greatest parte were dismiste, & sent to 
 y*= places from whence they came ; but 7 . of y" prin- 
 cipal! were still kept in prison, and bound over to 
 y° Assises. 
 
 The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte 
 made by some of these & others, to get over at an 
 other place.. And it so fell out, that they light of a 
 Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belong- 
 ing to Zealand ; they made agreemente with him, and 
 
18 HISTORY OF [chap. U. 
 
 acquainted [9] him with their condition, hoping to 
 find more faithfuUnes in him, then in y' former of 
 their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he 
 ■would doe well enough. He was by appointment to 
 take them in betweene Grimsbe & Hull, wher was a 
 large comone a good way distante from any towne. 
 Now aganst the prefixed time, the women & children, 
 with y" goods, were sent to y' place in a small barke, 
 which they had hired for y' end ; and y'' men were to 
 meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they 
 were ther a day before y'^ shipe came, & y* sea being 
 rough, and y"^ women ver}^ sicke, prevailed with y'^ 
 seamen to put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on 
 ground at lowwater. The nexte morning y'= shipe 
 came, but they were fast, & could not stir till aboute 
 noone. In y' mean time, y" shipe maister, perceive- 
 ing how y"" matter was, sente his boate to be setting 
 y" men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute y"" 
 shore. But after y' first boat full was gott abord, & 
 she was ready to goe for more, the m'' espied a greate 
 company, both horse & foote, with bills, & gunes, & 
 other weapons ; for y'' countrie was raised to take 
 them. Y*^ Dutch-man seeing y', swore his countries 
 oath, " sacremente," and having y"' wind faire, waiged 
 his Ancor, hoysed sayles, & away. But y" poore men 
 which were eott abord, were in great distress for 
 their wives and children, which they saw thus to be 
 taken, and were left destitute of their helps ; and 
 
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 19 
 
 them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte them 
 with, more then they had on their baks, & some 
 scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord 
 y* barke. It drew tears from their eyes, and any 
 thing they had they would have given to have been 
 a shore againe ; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy, 
 they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured 
 a fearful! storme at sea, being 14. days or more be- 
 fore y*^^ arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they 
 neither saw son, moone, nor stars, & were driven 
 near y' coast of Norway ; the mariners them selves 
 often despairing of life ; and once with shriks & cries 
 gave over all, as if y'^ ship had been foundred in y"^ 
 sea, & they sinking without recoverie. But when 
 mans hope & helpe wholy failed, y'= Lords power & 
 mercie appeared in ther recoverie ; for y"" ship rose 
 againe, & gave y" mariners courage againe to manage 
 her. And if modestie woud suffer me, I might de- 
 clare with what fervente [10] prayres thej^ cried unto 
 y* Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of 
 them,) even without any great distraction, when y" 
 water rane into their mouthes & ears ; & the mariners 
 cried out. We sinke, we sinke ; they cried (if not 
 with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of 
 devine faith). Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord 
 thou canst save ; with shuch other expressions as I 
 will forbeare. Upon which y" ship did not only re- 
 cover, but shortly after y'' violence of y'' storme be- 
 
20 HISTORY OF [chap. H. 
 
 gane to abate, and y" Lord filed their afflicted minds 
 with shuch comforts as every one canot understand, 
 and in y' end brought them to their desired Haven, 
 wher y- people came flockeiiig admiring their deliver- 
 ance, the storme having ben so longe & sore, in 
 which much hurt had been don, as y" masters freinds 
 related unto him in their congrattulations. 
 
 But to returne to j^' others wher we left. The rest 
 of y'' men y' were in greatest danger, made shift • to 
 escape away before }''' troope could surprise them ; 
 those only staying y' best might, to be assistante unto 
 y' women. But pitifull it was to see y" heavie case 
 of these poore women in this distress ; what weeping 
 & crying on every side, some for their husbands, that 
 were caried away in y"* ship as is before related ; 
 others not knowing what should become of them, & 
 their litle ones ; others againe melted in teares, see- 
 ing their poore litle ones hanging aboute them, crying 
 for feare, and quaking with could. Being thus apre- 
 hended, they were hurried from one place to another, 
 and from one justice to another, till in y'^ eude they 
 knew not what to doe with them ; for to imprison so 
 many women & innocent children for no other cause 
 (many of them) but that they must goe with their hus- 
 bands, semed to be unreasonable and all would crie 
 out of them ; and to send them home againe was as 
 difficult, for they aledged, as y"" trueth was, they had 
 no homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or other- 
 
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 21 
 
 wise disposed of their houses & livings. To be shorte, 
 after they had been thus turmolyed a good while, and 
 conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad 
 to be ridd of them in y'= end upon any termes ; for all 
 were wearied & tired with them. Though in y" mean 
 time they (poore soules) indured miserie enough ; and 
 thus in y" end necessitie forste a way for them. 
 
 But y' I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte 
 y' rest, though I might relate many other notable pas- 
 sages and troubles which they endured & underwente 
 in these their wanderings & travells both at land & sea ; 
 but I hast to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte 
 y"" fruite that came hearby, for by these so publick 
 troubls, in so many eminente places, their cause became 
 famouss, & occasioned many to looke into y' same ; and 
 their godly cariage & Christian behaviour was such as 
 left a deep impression in the minds of many. And 
 though some few shrunk at these first conflicts & sharp 
 beginings, (as it was no marvell,) yet many more came 
 on with fresh courage, & greatly animated others. And 
 in y'' end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossi- 
 tion, they all gatt over at length, some at one time & 
 some at an other, and some in one place & some in an 
 other, and mette togeather againe according to their 
 desires, with no small rejoycing. 
 
22 HISTORY or [chap. 111. 
 
 The 3. Chap. 
 
 Of their selling in Holand, & their maner of living, & 
 entertainmente ther. 
 
 Being now come into y' Low Countries, they saw 
 many goodly & fortified cities, strongly walled and 
 garded with troopes of armed men. Also they heard 
 a strange & uncouth language, and beheld y'^ differente 
 mailers & customes of y" people, with their strange 
 fashons and attires ; all so fari'e differing from y' of 
 their plaine countrie villages (wherin they were hred, 
 & had so longe lived) as it seemed they were come into 
 a new world. But these were not y" things they much 
 looked on, or long tooke up their thoughts; for they 
 had other work in hand, & an other kind of warr 
 to wage & maintaine. For though they saw faire & 
 bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of 
 welth & riches, yet it was not longe before they saw 
 the grime & grisly face of povertie coming upon them 
 like an armed man, with whom they must bukle & 
 incounter, and from whom they could not flj^e ; but 
 they were armed with faith & patience against him, and 
 all his encounters ; and though they were sometimes 
 foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got 
 y'' victorie. 
 
 Now when M'". Robinson, M^ Brewster, & other prin- 
 cipall members were come over, (for they were of y^ 
 
1609.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 23 
 
 last, & stayed to help y" weakest over before them,) 
 such things were [12] thought on as were necessarie 
 for their setling and best ordering of y"" church affairs. 
 And when they had lived at Amsterdam aboute a year, 
 M''. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best 
 discerning, seeing how M''. John Smith and his com- 
 panie was allready fallen in to contention with y" church 
 y* was ther before them, & no means they could use 
 would doe any good to cure y*" same, and also that 
 y"^ flames of contention were like to breake out in y' 
 anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably 
 came to pass) ; which things they prudently foresee- 
 ing, thought it was best to remove, before they were 
 any way engaged with y*" same ; though they well knew 
 it would be much to y" prejudice of their outward 
 estats, both at presente & in licklyhood in y" future; 
 as indeed it proved to be. 
 
 TTieir remoovall to Ley den. 
 For these & some other reasons they removed to Ley- 
 den, a fair & bewtifuU citie, and of a sweete situation, 
 but made more famous by y'= universitie wherwith it is 
 adorned, in which of late had been so many learned 
 men. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amster- 
 dam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward 
 means of living & estats. But being now hear i^itchet 
 they fell to such trads & imployments as they best 
 could ; valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above 
 
24 HISTOET or [chap. III. 
 
 any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came 
 to raise a competente & comforteable living, but with 
 hard and continuall labor. 
 
 Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they con- 
 tinued many years in a comfortable condition, injoying 
 much sweete & delightefuU societie & spirituall com- 
 forte togeather in j' wayes of God, under y* able minis- 
 trie, and prudente governmeute of M^ John Robinson, 
 & M'. William Brewster, who was an assistante unto 
 him in y* place of an Elder, unto which he was now 
 called & chosen by the church. So as they grew in 
 knowledge & other gifts & graces of y" sjoirite of God, 
 & lived togeather in peace, & love, and holines ; and 
 many came unto them from diverse parts of England, 
 so as they grew a great congregation. And if at any 
 time any differences arose, or offences broak [13] out 
 (as it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst 
 y' best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt 
 in y'^ head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as 
 still love, peace, and communion was continued; or els 
 y*" church purged of those that were incurable & incor- 
 rigible, when, after much patience used, no other means 
 would serve, which seldom came to pass. Yea such 
 was y" mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that this 
 worthy man had to his flocke, and his fiocke to him, 
 that it might be said of them as it once was of y' 
 famouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,* and y" people of 
 
 * Goulden booke, &c. 
 
1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 25 
 
 Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted 
 more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing 
 such a pastor. His love was greate towards them, and 
 his care was all ways bente for their best good, both 
 for soule and body ; for besids his singuler abilities in 
 devine things (wherin he excelled) , he was also very 
 able to give directions in civill affaires, and to foresee 
 dangers & inconveniences ; by w'='' means he was very 
 helpfull to their outward estats, & so was every way 
 as a commone father unto them. And none did more 
 offend him then those that were close and cleaving to 
 them selves, and retired from y' commoe good; as also 
 such as would be stiffe & riged in matters of outward 
 order, and invey against y* evills of others, and yet be 
 remisse in them selves, and not so carefull to express 
 a vertuous conversation. They in like maner had ever 
 a reverente regard unto him, & had him in precious 
 estimation, as his worth & wisdom did deserve ; and 
 though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived & 
 laboured amongst them, yet much more after his death, 
 when they came to feele y"* wante of his help, and saw 
 (by woefuU experience) what a treasure they had lost, 
 to y* greefe of their harts, and w^ounding of their sowls ; 
 yea such a loss as the}^ saw could not be repaired ; for 
 it was as hard for them to find such another leader 
 and feeder in all respects, as for y' Taborits to find 
 another Ziska. And though they did not call them- 
 selves orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet 
 
26 HISTORY OF [chap. III. 
 
 they had cause as much to Lamente, hi another regard, 
 their present condition, and after usage. But to re- 
 turne ; I know not but it may be spoken to y" honour 
 of God, & without prejudice [14] to any, that such 
 was y'= true pietie, y" humble zeale, & fervent love, of 
 this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards 
 God and his waies, and y'' single hartednes & sinceir 
 affection one towards another, that they came as near 
 j" primative patterne of y" first churches, as any other 
 church of these later times have done, according to 
 their ranke & qualitie. 
 
 But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of y'^ sev- 
 erall passages that befell this people whilst they thus 
 lived in y' Low Countries, (which might worthily re- 
 quire a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to 
 shew y*^ begining of this plantation, which is that I 
 aime at ; yet because some of their adversaries did, 
 upon y" rumore of their removall, cast out slanders 
 against them, as if that state had been wearie of them, 
 & had rather driven them out (as y^ heathen histo- 
 rians did faine of Moyses & y'' Isralits when they 
 went out of Egipte), then y' it was their owne free 
 choyse & motion, I will therfore mention a perticuler 
 or too to shew 3^' contrary, and y'' good acceptation 
 the}' had in y'= place wlier they lived. And first 
 though man}' of them weer poore, yet ther was none 
 so poore, but if they were known to be of y' con- 
 gregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) would 
 
1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 27 
 
 trust them in any reasonable matter when y*"'' wanted 
 money. Because they had found l)y experience how 
 carfull they were to Iveep their word, and saw them so 
 painfull & dilligente in their callings ; yea, they would 
 strive to gett their custome, and to imploj^ them above 
 others, in their worke, for their honestie & diligence. 
 Againe ; y'^ magistrats of y'^ citie, aboute y" time of 
 their coming away, or a litle before, in y'= publick 
 place of justice, gave this comendable testemoney of 
 them, in y'= reproofe of the Wallons, who were of y* 
 French church in y' citie. These English, said they, 
 have lived amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we 
 never had any sute or accusation came against any of 
 them ; but your strifs & quarels are continuall, &c. 
 In these times allso were y° great troubls raised by 
 y' Arminians, who, as they greatly mollested y"* whole 
 state, so this citie in particuler, in which was y= 
 cheefe universitie ; so as ther were dayly & bote dis- 
 puts in y" schooles ther aboute ; and as y" studients & 
 other lerned were devided in their oppinions hearin, 
 so were y'' 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them 
 selves; the one daly teaching for it, y" other against 
 it. Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls 
 of y'^ one would hear y'^ other teach. But M^ Eob- 
 inson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, & 
 write sundrie books, besids his manyfould pains other- 
 wise, yet he went constantly [15] to hear ther read- 
 ino-s, and heard y'= one as well as y" other; by which 
 
28 HISTORY OF [chap. III. 
 
 means he was so Tvell grounded in y" controversie, 
 and saw y'' force of all their arguments, and knew j" 
 shifts of y'' adversarie, and being him self© very able, 
 none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as 
 appered by sundrie disputs ; so as he begane to be 
 terrible to y'^ Arminians ; which made Episcopius (y'= 
 Arminian professor) to jiut forth his best stringth, and 
 set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he 
 would defend against all men. Now Poliander y* 
 other profFessor, and y^ cheefe preachers of y" citie, 
 desired ]\r. Robinson to dispute against him ; but he 
 was loath, being a stranger; yet the other did impor- 
 tune him, and tould him y' such was y'= abilitie and 
 nimblnes of y" adversarie, that y'^ truth would suffer 
 if he did not help them. So as he condescended, & 
 prepared him selfe against the time ; and when y" day 
 came, the Lord did so help him to defend y"^ truth & 
 foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent 
 nonplus, in this great & publike audience. And y^ 
 like he did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions. 
 The which as it caused man^r to praise God y' the 
 trueth had so famous victory, so it procured him 
 much honour & respecte from those lerned men & 
 others which loved y'^^ trueth. Yea, so farr were they 
 from being weary of him & his people, or desiring 
 their absence, as it was said hy some, of no mean 
 note, that were it not for giveing ofience to y" state 
 of England, they would have preferd him otherwise if 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 29 
 
 he would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea 
 
 when ther was speech of their remoovall into these 
 
 parts, sundrie of note & eminencie of y' nation would 
 
 have had them come under them, and for y' end made 
 
 them large oflers. Now though I might aledg many 
 
 other perticulers & examples of y" like kinde, to shew 
 
 j" untruth & unlicklyhode of this slander, j^et these 
 
 shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only 
 
 raised by y" malice of some, who laboured their 
 
 disgrace. 
 
 The 4. Chap. 
 
 Showing y" reasons & causes of their remoovall. 
 After they had lived in this citie about some 11. 
 or 12. years, (which is y' more observable being y' 
 whole time of y' famose truce between that state & 
 y<= Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away 
 by death, & many others begane to be well striken in 
 years, the grave mistris Experience haveing taught 
 them many things, [16] those prudent governours with 
 sundrie of y'= sagest members begane l)oth deeply to 
 apprehend their present dangers, & wisely to foresee 
 y'= future, & thinke of timly remedy. In y« agitation 
 of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear 
 aboute, at length they began t,o incline to this conclu- 
 sion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of 
 any newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, 
 by which men are oftentimes transported to then- 
 great hurt & danger, but for sundrie weightie & solid 
 
30 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV. 
 
 reasons ; some of y" cheefe of which 1 will hear breefly 
 touch. And first, they saw & found by experience the 
 hardnes of y" place & countrie to be such, as few in 
 comparison would come to them, and fewer that would 
 bide it out, and continew with them. For many y' 
 came to them, and many more y' desired to be with 
 them, could not endure y' great labor and hard fare, 
 with other inconveniences which they underwent & 
 were contented with. But though they loved their 
 persons, approved their cause, and honoured their suf- 
 ferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, as 
 Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or as those 
 Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused 
 & borne with, though they could not all be Catoes. 
 For many, though they desired to injoye y" ordinances 
 of God in their puritie, and y'' libertie of the gospell 
 with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with 
 danger of conscience, rather then to indure these hard- 
 ships ; yea, some preferred & chose y'^ prisons in Eng- 
 land, rather then this libertie in Holland, with these 
 afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and 
 easier place of living could be had, it would draw many, 
 & take away these discouragments. Yea, their pastor 
 would often say, that many of those w° both wrate & 
 preached now against them, if they were in a place 
 wher they might have libertie and live comfortably, 
 they would then practise as they did. 
 
 2'''. They saw that though y" people generally bore 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 31 
 
 all these difficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute 
 courage, being in y'= best & strength of their years, yet 
 old age began to steale on many of them, (and their 
 great & continuall labours, with other crosses and sor- 
 rows, hastened it before y'^ time,) so as it was not only 
 probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a 
 few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by 
 necessities pressing them, or sinke under their burdens, 
 or both. And therfore according to y*" devine proverb, 
 y' a wise man seeth y" plague when it cometh, & hideth 
 him selfe. Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull & beaten 
 souldiers were fearfuU either to be intrapped or sur- 
 rounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be 
 able to fight nor flie ; and therfor thought it better to 
 dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage & 
 less danger, if any such could be found. [16] Thirdly; 
 as necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they were 
 forced to be such, not only to their servants, but in a 
 sorte, to their dearest chilldren ; the which as it did not 
 a litle wound y^ tender harts of many a loving father & 
 mother, so it produced likwise sundrie sad & sorowful 
 efifects. For many of their children, that were of best 
 dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lernde 
 to bear y'= yoake in their youth, and willing to bear 
 parte of their parents burden, were, often times, so 
 oppressed with their hevie labours, that though then- 
 minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed 
 under y" weight of y"* same, and became decreped in 
 
32 HISTORY OF [chap. IV. 
 
 their early youth ; the vigor of nature being consumed 
 in y'^ very budd as it were. But that which was more 
 lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, 
 was that many of their children, by these occasions, 
 and y" great licentiousnes of youth in y' countrie, and 
 y" manifold temptations of the place, were drawne away 
 by evill examples into extra vagante & dangerous courses, 
 getting y" raines off their neks, & departing from their 
 parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon 
 them farr viages by sea, and other some worse courses, 
 tending to dissolutnes & the danger of their soules, to 
 y" great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God. 
 So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger 
 to degenerate & be corrupted. 
 
 Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope & 
 inward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, 
 or at least to make some way therunto, for y"^ propagat- 
 ing & advancing y"" gospell of y* kingdom of Christ in 
 those remote parts of y* world ; yea, though they should 
 be but even as stepping-stones unto others for y"^ per- 
 forming of so great a work. 
 
 These, & some other like reasons, moved them to 
 undertake this resolution of their removall ; the which 
 they afterward jDrosecuted with so great difficulties, as 
 by the sequell will appeare. 
 
 The place they had thoughts on was some of those 
 vast & unpeopled countries of America, which are frut- 
 full & fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 33 
 
 inhabitants, wher ther are only salvage & brutish men, 
 which range up and downe, litle otherwise then y° wild 
 beasts of the same. This proposition being made pub- 
 like and coming to y" scaning of all, it raised many 
 variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears 
 & doubts amongst them selves. Some, from their 
 reasons & hops conceived, laboured to stirr up & in- 
 courage the rest to undertake & prosecute y" same ; 
 others, againe, out of their fears, objected against it, 
 & sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and 
 those neither unreasonable nor unprobable ; as that it 
 was a great designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable 
 perills & dangers; as, besids the casulties of y'* seas 
 (which none can be freed from) the length of y" vioage 
 was such, as y'^ weake bodys of women and other 
 persons worne out with age & traville (as many of 
 them were) could never be able to endure. And yet 
 if they should, the miseries of y° land which they 
 should be [17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be 
 borne ; and lickly, some or all of them togeither, to 
 consume & utterly to ruinate them. For ther they 
 should be liable to famine, and nakednes, & y' wante, 
 in a maner, of all things. The chang of aire, diate, & 
 drinking of water, would infecte their bodies with sore 
 sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those which 
 should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett 
 be in continuall danger of y' salvage people, who are 
 cruell, barbarous, & most trecherous, being most furious 
 
34 HISTORY or [chap. IV. 
 
 in their rage, and merciles wher they overcome ; not 
 being contente only to kill, & take away life, but delight 
 to tormente men in y" most bloodie maner that may be ; 
 fleaing some alive with y'' shells of fishes, cutting of y'^ 
 members & joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling 
 on y* coles, eate y'' collops of their flesh in their sight 
 whilst they live ; with other cruelties horrible to be 
 related. And surely it could not be thought but y* 
 very hearing of these things could not but move y*^ 
 very bowels of men to grate within them, and make 
 y" weake to quake & tremble. It was furder objected, 
 that it would require greater suines of money to furnish 
 such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then 
 their consumed estats would amounte too ; and yett 
 they must as well looke to be seconded with supplies, 
 as presently to be trasported. Also many presidents 
 of ill success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in 
 the like designes, were easie to be found, and not for- 
 gotten to be aledged ; besids their owne experience, 
 in their former troubles & hardships in their removall 
 into Holand, and how hard a thing it was for them to 
 live in that strange place, though it was a neighbour 
 countrie, & a civill and rich comone wealth. 
 
 It was answered, that all great & honourable actions 
 are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be 
 both enterprised and overcome with answerable cour- 
 ages. It was granted y"= dangers were great, but not 
 desperate ; the difiiculties were many, but not invincible. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 35 
 
 For though their were many of them likly, yet they 
 were not cartaine ; it might be sundrie of y** things 
 feared might never befale ; others by providente care 
 & y" use of good means, might in a great measure be 
 prevented ; and all of them, through y" help of God, 
 by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or 
 overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not 
 to be made and undertaken without good ground & 
 reason ; not rashly or lightly as many have done for 
 curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But their condition 
 was not ordinarie ; their ends were good & honourable ; 
 their calling lawfuU, & urgente ; and therfore they might 
 expecte y** blessing of God in their preceding. Yea, 
 though they should loose their lives in this action, yet 
 might they have comforte in the same, and their en- 
 deavors would be honourable. They lived hear but 
 as men in exile, & in a poore condition; and as great 
 miseries might possibly befale them in this place, for 
 y' 12. years of truce were now out, & ther was nothing 
 but beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the 
 events wherof are all way uncertaine. Y'^ Spaniard 
 might prove as cruell as [18] the salvages of America, 
 and y^ famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, & 
 their libertie less to looke out for remedie. After 
 many other perticuler things answered & aledged on 
 both sids, it was fully concluded by y<= major parte, 
 to put this designe in execution, and to prosecute it 
 by the best means they could. 
 
36 HISTORY OF [chap. V. 
 
 The 5. Chap. 
 
 Shelving ivhat means they used for preparaiioii to this 
 waightie vioag. 
 And first after thir humble praiers unto God for his 
 direction & assistance, & a general! conferrence held 
 hear aboute, they consulted what perticuler place to 
 pitch upon, & prepare for. Some (& none of y"" 
 meanest) had thoughts & were ernest for Guiana, or 
 some of those fertill places in those hott climats ; 
 others were for some parts of Virginia, wher y"* 
 English had all ready made enterance, & begining. 
 Those for Guiana aledged y' the cuntrie was rich, 
 fruitfull, '& blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a 
 florishing greenes ; where vigorous nature brought 
 forth all things in abundance & plentie without any 
 great labour or art of man. So as it must needs 
 make y'' inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of cloth- 
 ing and other things would serve, then in more coulder 
 & less frutfull countries must be had. As also y' the 
 Spaniards (having much more then they could possess) 
 had not yet planted there, nor any where very near 
 y* same. But to this it was answered, that out of 
 question y" countrie was both frutfull and pleasante, 
 and might yeeld riches & maintenance to y° possessors, 
 more easily then y'' other ; yet, other things con- 
 sidered, it would not be so fitt for them. And first, 
 
1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 37 
 
 y' such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases, 
 and many noysome impediments, which other more 
 temperate places are freer from, and would not so 
 well agree with our English bodys. Againe, if they 
 should ther live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard 
 would never suffer them long, but would displante 
 or overthrow them, as he did y° French in Florida, 
 who were seated furder from his richest countries ; 
 and the sooner because they should have none to 
 protect them, & their owne strength would be too 
 smale to resiste so potent an enemie, & so neare a 
 neighbor. 
 
 On y' other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that 
 if they lived among y" English w'='' wear ther planted, 
 or so near them as to be under their goverment, they 
 should be in as great danger to be troubled and per- 
 secuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in 
 England, and it might be worse. And if they lived 
 too farr of, they should neither have succour, nor de- 
 fence from them. 
 
 But at length y' conclusion was, to live as a dis- 
 tincte body by them selves, under y'= generall Gover- 
 ment of Virginia; and by their freinds to sue to his 
 majestie that he would be pleased to grant them free- 
 dome of Religion ; and y' this might be obtained, they 
 wear putt in good hope by some great persons, of 
 good ranke & qualitie, that were made their freinds. 
 Whereupon 2. were chosen [19] & sent in to England 
 
38 HISTOEY OF [chap. V. 
 
 (at y" charge of y" rest) to soUicite this matter, who 
 found the Virginia Company very desirous to have 
 them goe thither, and willing to grante them a patent, 
 with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant 
 to any, and to give them the best furderance they 
 could. And some of y" cheefe of y' company douted 
 not to obtaine their suite of y'= king for liberty in Ee- 
 ligion, and to have it confirmed under y' kings broad 
 scale, according to their desires. But it prooved a 
 harder peece of worke then they tooke it for ; for 
 though many means were used to bring it aboute, yet 
 it could not be effected ; for ther were diverse of 
 good worth laboui-ed with the king to obtaine it, 
 (amongst whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,*) 
 and some other wrought with y* archbishop to give 
 way therunto ; but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus 
 farr they prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind, 
 that he would connive at them, & not molest them, 
 provided they carried them selves peacably. But to 
 allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under 
 his scale, they found it would not be. And this was 
 all the cheefe of y'' Virginia companie or any other of 
 their best freinds could doe in y* case. Yet they per- 
 swaded them to goe on, for they presumed they 
 should not be troubled. And with this answer y"* mes- 
 sengers returned, and signified what diligence had bene 
 used, and to what issue things were come. 
 
 * S' Koljert Nauton. 
 
1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 39 
 
 But this made a dampe in y^ busines, and caused 
 some distraction, for many were afraid that if they 
 should unsetle them -selves, & put of their estates, 
 and goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, 
 and but a sandie foundation. Yea, it was thought 
 they might better have presumed hear upon without 
 makeing any suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be 
 thus rejected. But some of j" cheefest thought other 
 wise, and y' they might well proceede hereupon, & 
 that y'' kings majestie was willing enough to suffer 
 them without molestation, though for other reasons he 
 would not confirme it by any publick acte. And fur- 
 dermore, if ther was no securitie in this promise inti- 
 mated, ther would be no great certainty in a furder 
 confirmation of y*" same ; for if after wards ther should 
 be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they 
 had a scale as broad as y" house flore, it would not 
 serve y" turne ; for ther would be means enew found 
 to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course 
 was probable, they must rest herein on Gods provi- 
 dence, as they had done in other things. 
 
 Upon this resolution, other messengers were dis- 
 patched, to end with y* Virginia Company as well as 
 they could. And to procure [20] a patent with as 
 good and ample conditions as they might by any good 
 means obtaine. As also to treate and conclude with 
 such merchants and other freinds as had manifested 
 their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this 
 
40 HISTORY OF [chap. V. 
 
 vioage. For which end they had instructions given 
 them upon what conditions they should proceed with 
 them, or els to conclude nothing without further ad- 
 vice. And here it will be requisite to inserte a letter 
 or too that may give light to these proceedings. 
 
 A cox>pie of leter from S': Edivm Sands, directed to M'. John 
 Robinson & M'. William, Brewster. 
 
 After my hartie salutations. The agents of 3'our congre- 
 gation, Kobert Cushman & John Carver, have been in 
 coiuunication with diverse selects gentlemen of his Majesties 
 Counsell for Virginia ; and by y' writing of 7. Articles sub- 
 scribed with your names, have given them y' good degree of 
 satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a resolution to 
 sett forward your desire in y' best sorte y' may be, for your 
 owne & the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave 
 to their faithful] reporte ; having carried them selves heere with 
 that good discretion, as is both to their owne and their credite 
 from whence they came. And wheras being to treate for a 
 multitude of people, they have requested further time to con- 
 ferr with them that are to be interessed in this action, aboute 
 y" severall particularities which in y° prosecution therof will 
 fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too. 
 And so they doe now returne unto you. If therfore it may 
 please God so to directe your desires as that on your parts 
 ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by y" same direction 
 it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes to 
 set you forward shall be found in y' best sorte which with 
 reason may be expected. And so I betake you with this 
 designe (w'^'' I hope verily is y° worke of God), to the gracious 
 protection and blessing of y° Highest. 
 
 London, Novb': 12. Your very loving freind 
 
 An": 1617. Edwin Sandys. 
 
1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 41 
 
 Tlieir answer was as folotveth. 
 
 Righte Wor"' : 
 
 Our humble duties remembred, in our owne, our messengers, 
 and our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente 
 of your singuler love, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so 
 more spetially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our 
 good in this weightie bussines aboute Virginia, which y' less 
 able we are to requite, we shall thiiike our selves the more 
 bound to coiSend in our prayers unto God for recompence ; 
 whom, as for y' presente you rightly behould in our indeavors, 
 so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God assist- 
 ing us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto y" 
 labour of your love bestowed upon us. We have with y° best 
 speed and consideration withall that we could, sett downe our 
 requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, w"' the hands of 
 y' greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente y" same 
 unto y" Counsell by our agente, & a deacon of our church, 
 John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman 
 of our company to adyone him selfe ; to the care & discretion 
 of which two, we doe referr y"= prosecuting of y' bussines. 
 Now we perswade our selves Right Wor"": that we need not 
 provoke your godly & loving minde to any further or more 
 tender care of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us 
 in your selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things 
 in the world, we relye upon you, expecting the care of your 
 love, counsell of your wisdome, & the help & countenance of 
 your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragmente in 
 y'' worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not for- 
 beare to mention these instances of indusmente. 
 
 1. "We veryly beleeve & trust y' Lord is with us, unto whom 
 & whose service we have given our selves in many trialls ; and 
 that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to y" 
 simplicitie of our harts therin. 
 
42 HISTORY OF [chap. V. 
 
 2'y. We are well weaned from y' delicate milke of our mother 
 ■countrie, and enured to y" difficulties of a strange and hard 
 land, which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome. 
 
 3'y. The people are for the body of them, industrious, & 
 frugall, we thiuke we may safly say, as any company of people 
 in the world. 
 
 4'^. TVe are knite togeather as a body in a most stride & 
 sacred bond and coveuante of the Lord, of the violation * 
 wherof we make great conscience, and by vertue wherof we 
 doe hould our selves straitly tied to all care of each others 
 good, and of y" whole by every one and so mutually. 
 
 5. Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small 
 things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish 
 them selves at home againe. We knowe our entertainmente in 
 England, and in Holand ; we shall much prejudice both our 
 arts & means by removall ; who, if we should be driven to 
 returne, we should not hope to recover our present helps and 
 comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine 
 unto y' like in any other place during our lives, vr'^ are now 
 drawing towards their periods. 
 
 [22] These motives we have been bould to tender unto you, 
 
 * Note. — sacred bond, whilst inTiollably preserved! how sweete and 
 precious were the fruits that flowed from y same, but when this fidelity de- 
 cayed, then their ruine approached. that these anciente members had not 
 dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy 
 care and constaute faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those that 
 survived, and were in times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that sub- 
 til! serpente hath slylie wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie 
 and y= like, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly 
 by degrees to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, y« same. I have been 
 happy, in my first times, to see, and wath much comforte to injoj^e, the blessed 
 fruits of this sweete communion, but it is now a parte of my miserie in old age, 
 to find and feele y decay and wante therof (in a great measure), and with 
 greefe and sorrow of hart to lamente & bewaile y" same. And for others warn- 
 ing and admonnition, and my owne humiliation, doe I hear note y« same. 
 
 [The above reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on the 
 reverse pages of his History, at this place.] 
 
1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 43 
 
 which you in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our 
 wor''^: freinds of j' Counsell with you ; of all whose godly dis- 
 possition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most 
 glad, & shall not faile by all good means to continue & in- 
 crease y'^ same. We will not be further troublesome, but doe, 
 with y" renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your 
 "Wor^'P; and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any 
 other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our 
 leaves, comiting your persons and counsels to y'' guidance and 
 direction of the Almighty. 
 
 Yours much bounden in all duty, 
 Leyden, Desem : 15. John Robinson, 
 
 An°: 1617. William Brewster. 
 
 For further light in these proceedings see some other 
 letters & notes as foUoweth. 
 
 The coppy of a letter sent to S''. John Worssenham. 
 
 Right Wor""": with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse 
 for your singular care & pains in the bussines of Virginia, for 
 our, &, we hope, the coinone good, we doe remember our 
 humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required, 
 a further explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified 
 by some of his majesties Hon" Privie Counsell ; and though it 
 be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations are made 
 against us, yet we are most glad of y" occasion of making our 
 just purgation unto so honourable personages. The declara- 
 tions we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe & generall, 
 which we thinks y' fitter to be presented ; the other something 
 more large, and in which we express some smale accideutall 
 differances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our 
 worP' freinds, you may send in stead of y'' former. Our prayers 
 unto God is, y' your Wor^f may see the frute of your worthy 
 
44 HISTORY or [chap. v. 
 
 endeaours, which oq our parts we shall not faile to furder by 
 all good means in us. And so praing y' you would please with 
 y" convenientest speed y' may be, to give us knowledge of y° 
 success of y° bussines with his majesties Privie Couusell, and 
 accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direc- 
 tion or furtherance in y' same, so we rest 
 
 Your Wor"" in all duty, 
 Leyden, Jan : 27. .John Robinson, 
 
 An": 1617. old stile. William Brewster. 
 
 Hie first breefe note tvas this. 
 
 Touching y' Ecclesiasticall miuistrie, namly of pastores for 
 teaching, elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing y' 
 churches contribution, as allso for y' too Sacrements, bap- 
 tisme, and y° Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points 
 agree [23] with y° French reformed churches, according to 
 their publick confession of faith. 
 
 The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be 
 required of us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given 
 by our taking y" oath of AUeagence. 
 
 John Rob : 
 
 William Beevs^ster. 
 
 Y' 2. ioas this. 
 Touching y' Ecclesiasticall ministrie, &c. as in y'' former, 
 we agree in all things with the French reformed churches, 
 according to their publick confession of faith; though some 
 small differences be to be found in our practises, not at all 
 in y° substance of the things, but only in some accidentall 
 circumstances. 
 
 1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads cov- 
 ered ; ours uncovered. 
 
 2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are 
 able to teach ; which abilitie they doe not require. 
 
1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 45 
 
 3. Their elders & deacons are aiiuall, or at most for 2. or 
 3. years ; ours perpetuall. 
 
 4. Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions & 
 excommunications for publick scandals, publickly & before 
 y° congregation ; theirs more privately, & in their consistories. 
 
 5. We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as 
 wherof y' one parente, at y" least, is of some church, which 
 some of ther churches doe not observe ; though in it our prac- 
 tice accords with their publick confession and y° judgmente of 
 y° most larned amongst them. 
 
 Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these 
 points. Then aboute y° oath, as in y' former. 
 
 Subscribed, John R. 
 
 W. B. 
 
 Part of another letter from him that delivered these. 
 
 London. Feb : 14. 
 1617. 
 Your letter to S'. John "Worstenholme I delivered allmost 
 as soone as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him 
 y" opening & reading. Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read 
 them to him selfe, as also y' letter, and in y" reading he spake 
 to me & said, Who shall make them? viz. y' ministers; I 
 answered his Wor"" that y" power of making was in y' church, 
 to be ordained by y° imposition of hands, by y'= fittest instru- 
 ments they had. It must either be in y° church or from y" 
 pope, & y' pope is Antichrist. Ho ! said S'. John, what y" 
 pope houlds good, (as in y" Trinitie,) that we doe well to 
 assente too ; but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now. 
 And as for your letters he would not show them at any hand, 
 least he should spoyle all. He expected you should have been 
 of y' archbp minde for y" calling of ministers, but it seems you 
 differed. I could have wished to have known y'' contents of 
 your tow inclosed, at w"'" he stuck so much, espetially y" larger. 
 
46 HISTORY OF [chap. V. 
 
 I asked his Wor" what good news he had for me to write to 
 morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the kings 
 majestie and y'' bishops have consented. He said he would 
 goe to M'. Chancelor, S'. Fulk Grivell, as this day, & nexte 
 weeke I should know more. I mett S^ Edw : Sands on Wedens- 
 day night ; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte y' nexte 
 Wedensday, wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be troubl- 
 some at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of 
 certentie concerning you. I coraitte you to y' Lord. Yours, 
 
 S. B. 
 
 [24] These things being long in agitation, & mes- 
 sengers passing too and againe aboute them, after all 
 their hopes they were long delayed by many rubs that 
 fell in y" way ; for at 7"= returne of these messengers 
 into England they found things farr otherwise then 
 they expected. For y" Virginia Counsell was now so 
 disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them 
 selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The 
 which may the better appear in one of ye messengers 
 letters as followeth. 
 
 To his loving freinds, &c. 
 I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could 
 not effecte y' which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as 
 I wished ; yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but M'. B. hath 
 writen to M'. Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound also 
 to doe something, least I be thought to neglecte you. The 
 maine hinderance of our proseedings in y" Virginia bussines, 
 is y" dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs y' 
 Counsell & Company of Virginia ; which are such, as that 
 
1619.] PLY3IOUTH PLANTATION. 4T 
 
 ever since we came up no busines could by them be dis- 
 patched. The occasion of this trouble amongst them is, for 
 that a while since S'. Thomas Smith, repining at his many 
 offices & troubls, wished y" Company of Virginia to ease him 
 of his office in being Treasurer & Gover'. of y° Virginia Com- 
 pany. Wereupon y' Company tooke occasion to dismisse him, 
 and chose S''. Edwin Sands Treasure' & Gover'' of y' Company. 
 He having 60. voyces, S'. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and 
 Alderman Johnsone 24. But S^ Thomas Smith, when he saw 
 some parte of his honour lost, was very augrie, & raised a 
 faction to cavill & contend aboute y" election, and sought to 
 taxe S'. Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him, 
 and allso put him by his office of Governour. In which con- 
 tentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle 
 in any bussines ; and what issue things will come to we are 
 not yet certaine. It is most like S'. Edwin will carrie it away, 
 and if he doe, things will goe well in Virginia ; if otherwise, 
 they will goe ill enough allways. "We hope in some 2. or 3. 
 Court days things will setle. Mean space I thinke to goe 
 downe into Kenfce, & come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3. 
 weeks hence ; except either by these afforesaid contentions, 
 or by y" ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged, 
 of which tidings I am now to speake. 
 
 Captaine ArgoU is come home this weeke (he upon notice 
 of y' intente of y' Counsell, came away before S'. Georg 
 Yeardley came ther, and so ther is no small dissention). But 
 his tidings are ill, though his person be wellcome. He saith 
 M'. Blackwells shipe came not ther till March, but going 
 towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried 
 them to the southward beyond their course. And y= m' of 
 y' ship & some 6. of y' mariners dieing, it seemed they could 
 not find y'^ bay, till after long seeking & beating aboute. M'. 
 Blackwell is dead, & M'. Maggner, y» Captain ; yea, ther are 
 dead, he saith, 130. persons, one & other in y' ship ; it is said 
 
48 HISTORY or [chap. v. 
 
 ther was in all an 180. persons in y= ship, so as they were 
 packed togeather like herings. They had amongst them y' 
 fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water ; so as it is hear rather 
 wondred at y' so many are alive, then that so many are dead. 
 The marchants hear say it was M'. Blackwells faulte to pack 
 so many in y' ship ; yea, & ther were great mutterings & repiu- 
 ings amongst them, and upbraiding of M'. Blackwell, for his 
 dealing and dispossing of them, when they saw how he had 
 dispossed of them, & how he insulted over them. Yea, y" 
 streets at Gravsend runge of their extreame quarrelings, cry- 
 ing out one of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I 
 may thanke the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I would be 
 glad to heare how farr it will discourage. I see none hear dis- 
 couraged much, [25] but rather desire to larne to beware by 
 other Inens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed. 
 As we desire to sei-ve one another in love, so take heed of 
 being inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be 
 discerned to have an eye to them selves. It doth often trouble 
 me to thinke that in this bussines we are all to learne and none 
 to teach ; but better so, then to depend upon such teachers as 
 M"'. Blackwell was. Such a strategeme he once made for M'. 
 Johnson & his people at Emden, w"'' was their subversion. But 
 though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his neck out 
 of y' collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no 
 letters come, y' ship captain Argole came in is yet in y° west 
 parts ; all y' we hear is but his report ; it seemeth he came 
 away secretly. The ship y' M'. Blackwell went in will be hear 
 shortly. It is as M'. Robinson once said ; he thought we should 
 hear no good of them. 
 
 M'. B. is not well at this time ; whether he will come back 
 to you or goe into y' north, I yet know not. For my selfe, 
 I hope to see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am 
 sorie to be thus from you ; if things had gone roundly forward, 
 I should have been with you within these 14. days. I pray 
 
1619.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 49 
 
 God directe us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for 
 such a bussines. Thus having suinarily pointed at things w''' 
 M'. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largly write of to M^ Robin- 
 son, I leave you to the Lords protection. 
 
 Yours in all readines, &c. London, May 8. 
 
 RoBART CusHMAN. An°: 1619. 
 
 A word or tow by way of digression touching this 
 M"". Blackwell ; he was an elder of y= church at Am- 
 sterdam, a man well known of most of them. He 
 declined from y trueth w"' M'. Johnson & y'^ rest, 
 and went with him when y-^^' parted assunder in y' 
 wofull maner, w<='> brought so great dishonour to God, 
 scandall to y" trueth, & outward ruine to them selves 
 in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through 
 y'= mercies of j" Lord, their souls are now at rest with 
 him in y° heavens, and y' they are arrived in y' Haven 
 of hapines ; though some of their bodies were thus 
 buried in y" terrable seas, and others sunke under y" 
 burthen of bitter afflictions. He with some others had 
 prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie 
 godly citizens, being at a private meeing (I take it a 
 fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were 
 apprehended, wherof M"'. Blackwell was one ; but he 
 so glosed w'" y'^ bps,* and either dissembled or flatly 
 denyed y*^ trueth which formerly he had maintained ; 
 and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed and 
 accused another godly man who had escaped, that so 
 
 * Bishops. 
 
50 HISTORY OF [chap. V. 
 
 he might slip his own neck out of y"" collar, & to 
 obtaine his owne freedome brought others into bonds. 
 Wherupon he so wone y'' bps favour (but lost y"= Lord's) 
 as he was not only dismiste, but in open courte y" arch- 
 bishop gave him great applause and his sollemne bless- 
 ing to proseed in his vioage. But if such events follow 
 y" bps blessing, happie are they y' misse y" same ; it 
 is much better to keepe a good conscience and have 
 y'' Lords blessing, whether in life or death. 
 
 But see how y" man thus apprehended by M'. Black- 
 wells means, writs to a freind of his. 
 
 Eight dear freind & christian brother, M''. Carver, I salute 
 you & yours in y° Lord, &c. As for my owne presente con- 
 dition, I doubt not but you well understand it ere this by our 
 brother Maistersone, who should have tasted of y' same cupp, 
 had his place of residence & his person been as well knowne 
 as my selfe. Some what I have written to M'. Cushman how 
 y° matter still continues. I have petitioned twise to M'. Sherives, 
 and once to my Lord Cooke, and have used such reasons to 
 move them to pittie, that it they were not overruled by some 
 others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie ; as that I 
 was a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse 
 in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close & 
 tedious prison ; besids great rents abroad, all my bussines lying 
 still, my only servante lying lame in y'' countrie, my wife being 
 also great with child. And yet no answer till y" lords of his 
 majesties Counsell gave consente. Howbeit, M'. Blackwell, a 
 man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper 
 rate, with a great deale less adoe ; yea, with an addition of 
 y' Archp: blessing. I am sorie for M'. Blackwels weaknes, I 
 wish it may prove no worse. But yet he & some others of 
 
1618.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. .51 
 
 them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for 
 y" best that I was nominated, not because y"' Lord sanctifies evill 
 to good, bat that y" action was good, yea for y° best. One 
 reason I well remember he used was, because this trouble 
 would encrease y° Virginia plantation, in that now people be- 
 gane to be more generally inclined to goe ; and if he had not 
 nomminated some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was 
 knowne that diverse citizens besids them selves were ther. 
 I expecte an answer shortly what they intende conscerning 
 me ; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you 
 shall know the certaintie. Thus not haveing further at present 
 to acquaint you withall, coinending myself e to your prairs, I 
 cease, & coiiiitte you and us all to y'' Lord. 
 
 From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter. 
 
 Your freind, & brother in bonds, 
 
 Sabin Stakesmore. 
 
 Sept^: 4. An": 1618. 
 
 But thus much by y^ way, which may be of instruc- 
 tion & good use. 
 
 But at last, after all these things, and their long 
 attendance, they had a patent granted them, and con- 
 firmed under y'' Companies seale ; but these devissions 
 and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended 
 freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped 
 for & profiered means. By the advise of some freinds 
 this pattente was not taken in y** name of any of their 
 owne, but in y" name of M^ John Wincob (a religious 
 gentleman then belonging to y"= Countess of Lincoline), 
 who intended to goe with them. But God so disposed 
 as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patente, 
 
52 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 
 
 which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by 
 y'= sequell will appeare. This patente being sente over 
 for them to veiw & consider, as also the passages aboute 
 y"" propossitions between them & such marchants & 
 freinds as should either goe or adventure with them, 
 and espetially with those * on whom y'=^' did cheefly de- 
 pend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been 
 large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them 
 selves with all speed. A right emblime, it may be, 
 of y= uncertine things of this world ; y' when men have 
 toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke. 
 
 The 6. Chap. 
 
 Gonscerning y" agreements and artickles behveen them, 
 and such marchants & others as adventured moneys ; 
 luith other things falling out aboute making their 
 provissions. 
 
 Upon y" receite of these things by one of their mes- 
 sengers, they had a soUemne meeting and a day of 
 humilliation to seeke y" Lord for his direction ; and 
 their pastor tooke this texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And 
 David's men said unto him, see, we be afraid hear in 
 Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah against 
 y" host of the Phillistines? Then David asked cotmsell 
 of y' Lord againe, &c. From which texte he taught 
 many things very aptly, and befitting ther present 
 
 * M'. Tho; Weston, &c. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATIOX. 53 
 
 occasion and condition, strengthing them against tlieir 
 fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in their 
 resolutions. [27] After which they concluded both 
 what number and what persons should j^repare them 
 selves to goe with y" first ; for all y' were willing to 
 have gone could not gett ready for their other afl'airs 
 in so shorte a time ; neither if all could have been 
 ready, had ther been means to have trasported them 
 alltogeather. Those that staled being y"" greater num- 
 ber required j" pastor to stay with them ; and indeede 
 for other reasons he could not then well goe, and so 
 it was y" more easilie yeelded unto. The other then 
 desired y" elder, M''. Brewster, to goe with them, which 
 was also condescended unto. It was also agreed on 
 by mutuall consente and covenante, that those that 
 went should be an absolute church of them selves, 
 as well as those y' staid; seing in such a dangrous 
 vioage, and a removall to such a distance, it might 
 come to pass they should (for y'' body of them) never 
 meete againe in this world ; yet with this proviso, that 
 as any of y" rest came over to them, or of y' other 
 returned upon occasion, they should be reputed as mem- 
 bers without any further dismission or testimoniall. 
 It was allso promised to those y' wente first, by y'' 
 body of y« rest, that if y'= Lord gave them life, & meas, 
 & oppoi-tunitie, they would come to them as soone as 
 
 they could. 
 
 Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with 
 
54 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 
 
 J" proseedings of j" Virginia Comiaany, & y^ ill news 
 from thence aboute M^ Blackwell & bis company, and 
 making inquirey about y' hiring & buying of shiping 
 for their vioawe, some Dutchmen made them faire offers 
 aboute goeing with them. Also one M^ Thomas Weston, 
 a m"'chant of London, came to Leyden aboute y° same 
 time, (who was well aquainted with some of them, and 
 a furtherer of them in their former proseedings,) have- 
 ing much conferance w* M^ Robinson & other of y" 
 cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems) 
 & not to medle with y'^ Dutch, or too much to depend 
 on y'^ Virginia Company ; for if that failed, if they came 
 to resolution, he and such marchants as were his freinds 
 (togeather with their owne means) would sett them 
 forth ; and they should make ready, and neither feare 
 wante of shipping nor money ; for what they wanted 
 should be provided. And, not so much for him selfe 
 as for y° satisfing of such trends as he should procure 
 to adventure in this bussines, thej^ were to draw such 
 articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as 
 might y" better induce his freinds to venture. Upon 
 which (after y" formere conclusion) articles were drawne 
 & agreed unto, and were showne unto him, and approved 
 by him ; and afterwards by their messenger (M"'. John 
 Carver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart 
 Cushman, were to receive y" moneys & make provissione 
 both for shiping & other things for y" vioage ; with this 
 charge, not to exseede their coinission, but to proseed 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 55 
 
 according to y° former articles. Also some were chossen 
 to doe j" like for such things as were to be prepared 
 there; so those that weare to goe, prepared them selves 
 with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such as 
 were able) put in their moneys into y' commone stock, 
 which was disposed by those appointed, for y" making 
 of generall provissions. Aboute this time also they 
 had heard, both by M^ Weston and others, y' sundrie 
 Hon"': Lords had obtained a large grante from y'^ king, 
 for y'' more northerly parts of that countrie, derived 
 out of y' Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from 
 their Govermente, and to be called bj^ another name, 
 viz. New-England. Unto which M'. Weston, and y° 
 cheefe of them, begane to incline it was [28] best for 
 them to goe, as for other reasons, so cheeliy for y° hope 
 of present protite to be made by y*" fishing that was 
 found in y*^ countrie. 
 
 But as in all bussineses y"" acting parte is most diffi- 
 culte, espetially wher y" worke of many agents must 
 concurr, so it was found in this ; for some of those 
 y' should have gone in England, fell of & would not 
 o-oe : other marchants & freinds y' had offered to ad- 
 venture their moneys withdrew, and pretended many 
 excuses. Some disliking they wente not to Guiana; 
 others againe would adventure nothing excepte they 
 wente to Virginia. Some againe (and those that were 
 most relied on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and 
 , would doe nothing if they wente thither. In y" midds 
 
56 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 
 
 of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of 
 their estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought 
 into a greate streight, fearing what issue these things 
 would come too ; but at length y" generalitie was swaid 
 to this latter opinion. 
 
 But now another difEcultie arose, for M"'. Weston 
 and some other that were for this course, either for 
 their better advantage or rather for y'' drawing on of 
 others, as they pretended, would have some of those 
 conditions altered y* were first agreed on at Leyden. 
 To which y" 2. agents "sent from Leyden (or at least 
 one of them who is most charged with it) did con- 
 sente ; seeing els y' all was like to be dashte, & 
 y'' opportunitie lost, and y' they which had put of 
 their estats and paid in their moneys were in hazard 
 to be undon. They presumed to conclude with y^ 
 marchants on those termes, in some things contrary 
 to their order & comission, and without ffivins; them 
 notice of y'" same ; yea, it was conceled least it should 
 make any furder delay ; which was y' cause afterward 
 of much trouble & contention. 
 
 It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, 
 which are as foloweth. 
 
 An": 1620. July 1. 
 
 1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person 
 that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10''., 
 and ten pounds to be accounted a single share. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 57 
 
 2. That he that goeth in person, and fnrnisheth him selfe 
 out with 10'". either in money or other provissions, be accounted 
 as haveing 20''. in stock, and in y" devission shall receive a 
 double share. 
 
 - 3. The persons transported & y' adventurers shall continue 
 their joynt stock & partnership togeather, y° space of 7. years, 
 (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause y" whole 
 company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits & 
 beniflts that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fish- 
 ing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still 
 in y" coiilone stock until! y" division. 
 
 4. That at their coiiiiug ther, they chose out such a number 
 of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing 
 upon y' sea ; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon 
 y" land ; as building houses, tilling, and planting y"" ground, 
 & makeing shuch coinodities as shall be most usefull for y" 
 collonie. 
 
 5. That at y" end of y' 7. years, y'= capitall & profits, viz. 
 the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided be- 
 twixte y'' adventurers, and planters ; w°'' done, every man 
 shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente 
 concerning this adventure. 
 
 [29] 6. "Whosoever Cometh to y" colonic herafter, or putteth 
 any into y" stock, shall at the ende of y'' 7. years be alowed 
 proportionably to y° time of his so doing. 
 
 7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall 
 be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a 
 single share in y" devision, or if he provid them necessaries, 
 a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 
 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in tnisportatioa 
 and devision. 
 
 8. That snch children as now goe, & are under y" age of 
 ten years, have noe other shar in y"= devision, but 50. acers of 
 unmanured land. 
 
58 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 
 
 9. That such persons as die before y'' 7. years be expired, 
 their executors to have their parte or sharr at y"^ devision, pro- 
 portionably to y" time of their life in y" collonie. 
 
 10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have 
 their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of y° coinon 
 stock & goods of y° said collonie. 
 
 The cheefe & principall differences betwene these & 
 the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that 
 y° houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home 
 lotts should remaine undevided wholy to j"- planters 
 at y" 7. years end. 2'^", y' they should have had 2. 
 days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, 
 for y'' more comforte of them selves and their families, 
 espetialy such as had families. But because letters 
 are by some wise men counted y= best parte of histories, 
 I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne 
 letters, in which y'' passages of things will be more 
 truly discerned. 
 
 A letter of M''. Robinsons to John Carver. 
 
 June 14. 1620. N. Stile. 
 My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise re- 
 member in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never 
 cease to coiiiend to God by my best & most earnest praires. 
 You doe throwly understand by our generall letters y= estate 
 of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull ; espetialy by wante 
 of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of 
 having it provided ; though withall ther be great want of money 
 & means to doe needfuU things. M'. Pickering, you know 
 before this, will not defray a peny hear ; though Robart Cush- 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 59 
 
 man presumed of I know not how many 100''. from him, & 
 I know not whom. Yet it seems strange y' we should be put 
 to him to receive Loth his & his partners adventer, and yet 
 M'. Weston write unto him, y' in regard of it, he hath drawne 
 upon him a 100". more. But ther is in this some misterie, 
 as indeed it seems ther is in y° whole course. Besids, wheras 
 diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, 
 they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course 
 taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would 
 pay any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse. You 
 know right well we depended on M'. Weston alone, and upon 
 such means as he would procure for this commone bussines ; 
 and when we had in hand another course with y'^ Dutchmen, 
 broke it of at his motion, and upon y° conditions by him shortly 
 after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things 
 appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That he should 
 have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have 
 been but fitt, but y' I can well excuse, he being a marchante 
 and haveing use of it to his benefite ; wheras others, if it had 
 been in their hands, would have consumed it. [30] But y' he 
 should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, 
 or at least certaine means, and course, and y' same knowne to 
 us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my 
 conscience be excused. I have heard y' when he hath been 
 moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and 
 referred it to y" others ; * and would come to Georg Morton, 
 & enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been 
 some accessarie unto it. Wether he hath failed of some helps 
 from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe 
 through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should 
 be ready too soone & so encrease y' charge of shiping above 
 y' is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put 
 
 * Yoicthers in the manuscript, an illegibly written word, doubtless intended 
 ior "y" others." 
 
60 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 
 
 US upon straits, thinking y' tlierby M'. Brewer and M'. Picker- 
 ing would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or wliat 
 other misterie is in it, we know not ; but sure we are y' things 
 are not answerable to such an occasion. M'. Weston maks 
 himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but 
 we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am 
 perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those 
 tow ; y" one, that we imployed Robart Cushmau, who is known 
 (though a good man, & of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet) 
 most unfltt to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, 
 and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak 
 truly) that * we have had nothing from him but ternies & pre- 
 sumptions. The other, y' we have so much relyed, by implicite 
 faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing y'= perticuler 
 course & means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. 
 For shiping, M'. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, 
 which j'et I wish he may presently effecte ; but I see litle hope 
 of help from hence if so it be. Of M'. Brewer you know what 
 to expecte. I doe not thinke M'. Pickering will ingage, ex- 
 cepte in y' course of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute 
 y' conditions, 3'ou have our reasons for our judgments of what is 
 agreed. And let this spetially be borne in miude, y' the greatest 
 parte of y" Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon 
 dressing ther perticuler land & building houses, but upon fish- 
 ing, trading, &c. So as y'= land & house will be but a trifell 
 for advantage to y° adventurers, and yet the devission of it 
 a great discouragmente to y° planters, who would with singuler 
 care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. 
 The same consideration of coinone imploymente constantly by 
 the most is a good reason not to have y° 2. dales in a weeke 
 denyed y'' few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate 
 to cofnone good. Consider also how much unfite that you & 
 your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a 
 
 * This word is enclosed in braclietB in the manuscript. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATIOX. 61 
 
 dales freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are 
 to goe, who of useful! faculties, & how manj% & perticulerly 
 of every thing. I know you wante not a mlnde. I am sorie 
 you have not been at London all this while, but y" provissions 
 could not wante you. Time will suffer me to write no more ; 
 fare you & yours well allways in y° Lord, in whom I rest. 
 Yours to use, 
 
 John Robinson. 
 
 An other letter from sundrie of them at y' same time. 
 
 [31] To their loving freiuds John Carver and Robart Cush- 
 mau, these, &c. 
 
 Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse 
 letters at y"* coming of M'. Nash & our pilott, which is a great 
 incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will 
 minister occasion of praising God ; and indeed had you not 
 sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe 
 backe. Partly in respecte of y*" new conditions which have bene 
 taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in 
 regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many 
 waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For y" former 
 wherof , wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, 
 promising therupon to alter y"* same, or els saing we should 
 thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them 
 therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them 
 to y° censure of y° godly wise. But our desires are that you 
 will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable 
 courses as those are, viz. y' the marchants should have y° halfe 
 of mens houses and lands at y' dividente ; and that persons 
 should be deprived of y= 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea 
 every momente of time for their owne perticuler ; by reason 
 wherof we cannot conceive why any should carle servants for 
 their own help and comfort ; for that we can require no more 
 of them then all men one of another. This we have only by 
 
62 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 
 
 relation from M'. Nash, & not from any writing of your owne, 
 & therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a 
 thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the bound* 
 of your comission, which was to proceed upon y' things or con- 
 ditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going 
 over about it) , we leave it, not without marveling, that you' 
 selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our 
 consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the 
 busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as thes& 
 are, &c. 
 
 Salute M'. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not 
 deceived ; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and 
 if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (y' 
 under God) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in 
 him ; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been 
 an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand ; presuming 
 that if he had not scene means to accomplish it, he would not 
 have begune it ; so we hope in our exti'emitie he will so farr 
 help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concern- 
 ing him. Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly 
 opened y' state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c. 
 Thus beseeching y" AUmightie, who is allsufflciente to raise 
 us out of this depth of diflculties, to assiste us herein ; raising 
 such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore 
 children & servants, as we may with comforte behould y' hand 
 of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we 
 undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine 
 Your perplexed, yet hopfull 
 
 June 10. New Stille, bretheren. 
 
 An": 1620. S. F. E. W. W. B. J. A.* 
 
 • In Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, these subscribers are thus 
 wrote ont at length ; Samuel Fuller, Williajh Bkadfoee, Isaac Allerton, 
 Ed. Winslo-w. — Prince. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 63 
 
 A letter of Bobart Cushmans to them. 
 
 Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess y' have come 
 to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceed- 
 ings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet couteute to beare 
 it, as not doubting but y' partly by writing, and more princi- 
 pally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfle 
 any reasonable man. I have been perswaded [32] by some, 
 espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you ; but 
 as things now stand I caiiot be absente one day, excepte I 
 should hazard all y*^ viage. Neither conceive I any great good 
 would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give 
 you contente. First, for your dislike of y*" alteration of one 
 clause in y° conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no 
 blame lye on me at all. For y"" articles first brought over by 
 John Carver were never scene of any of y" adventurers hear, 
 excepte M'. Weston, neither did any of them like them because 
 of that clause ; nor M'. Weston him selfe, after he had well 
 considered it. But as at y= first ther was 500". withdrawne by 
 S'. Georg Farrer and his brother upon th.at dislike, so all y" 
 rest would have withdrawne (M'. Weston excepted) if we had 
 not altered y' clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon 
 points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was 
 not my falte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter y' equitie of 
 y' condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against 
 all M'. Rob: inconveniences, that without y° alteration of y' 
 clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie 
 wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding 
 all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser 
 then my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh 
 over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording 
 it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves 
 & bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I 
 did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against 
 
64 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 
 
 y' clause in y' conditions, which as y'^^ were delivered me open, 
 so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no 
 other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as 
 great on y" other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by 
 them, so they misse & mistake both y'' very ground of y*^ article 
 and nature of y" project. For, first, it is said, that if ther had 
 been no divission of houses & lands, it had been better for y" 
 poore. True, and y' showeth y" inequalitie of y' condition ; we 
 should more respecte him y' ventureth both his money and his 
 person, then him y' ventureth but his person only. 
 
 2. Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but 
 furnishing a store house ; no one shall be porer then another 
 for 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At y" least, 
 we must not in such bussines crie. Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. 
 Charitie hath it life in wraks, not in venturs ; you are by this 
 most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not be- 
 fore you have need. 
 
 3. This will hinder y' building of good and faire houses, 
 contrarie to y" advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; 
 our purpose is to build for y'' presente such houses as, if need 
 be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the 
 lighte ; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strenght ; if 
 God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, 
 ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, 
 that a coinonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine 
 houses and gay cloaths come up. 
 
 4. The Gove' may prevente excess in building. A. But if 
 it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, 
 y° Gove' laboure is spared. 
 
 5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition 
 you mean wealth, you are mistaken ; if you mean bj' condi- 
 tion, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour 
 shall have as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is 
 not of a good qualitie. 2'*. Such retired persons, as have an 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 65 
 
 eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, 
 then closing ; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, 
 either civill or religious. 
 
 6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5". A. True, it 
 may be not worth halfe 5". [33] If then so smale a thing 
 will content them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give 
 them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I 
 will not say what I have heard since these complaints came 
 first over. 
 
 7. Our freinds with us y' adventure mind not tlieir owne 
 proflte, as did y"" old adventurers. A. Then they are better 
 then we, who for a litle matter of proflte are readie to draw 
 back, and it is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make 
 proflte j'our maine end ; repente of this, els goe not least you 
 be like Jonas to Tarshis. 2'^. Though some of them mind 
 not their proflte, yet others doe mind it ; and why not as well 
 as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must 
 labour to give them all contente, if we can. 
 
 8. It will break y" course of comunitie, as may be showed 
 by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it 
 will best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons. 
 
 9. Great proflte is like to be made by trucking, flshing, &c. 
 A. As it is better for them, so for us ; for halfe is ours, besids 
 our living still upon it, and if such profite in y' way come, our 
 labour shall be y" less on y" land, and our houses and lands 
 must & will be of less value. 
 
 10. Our hazard is greater then theirs. A. True, but doe 
 they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not 
 y' motion & resolution been always in our selves? doe they 
 any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us 
 to means upon equall termes & conditions? If we will not 
 goe, they are content to keep their moneys. Thus I have 
 pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will 
 consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them. 
 
66 HISTORY or [chap. VI. 
 
 Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made ; 
 but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent 
 you. If you mean it of y" 2. days in a week for perticuler, as 
 some insinuate, you are deceived ; you may have 3. days in a 
 week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to y' ad- 
 venturers of times of working, they ha%'e said they hope we are 
 men of discretion & conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our 
 selves with that. But indeed y° ground of our proceedings at 
 Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering 
 every day, &c. 
 
 As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as 
 soone have gone to Kome as with us ; for our libertie is to 
 them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as y' Spanish 
 Inquision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them 
 yet draw back ; I will undertake they shall have their money 
 againe presently paid hear. Or if the company thinke me to 
 be y** .lonas, let them cast me of before we goe ; I shall be con- 
 tent to stay with good will, having but y' cloaths on my back ; 
 only let us have qnietnes, and no more of these clamors ; fall 
 litle did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, &c. 
 
 Yours, R. CUSHMAN. 
 
 But whether this letter of his ever came to their 
 hands at Leyden I well know not ; I rather thinke it 
 was staied by M^ Carver & kept by him, forgiving 
 oifence. But this which follows was ther received ; 
 both which I thought pertenent to recite. 
 
 Another of his to y' aforesaid, June 11. 1620.* 
 Salutations, &c. I received your ler. yesterday, by John 
 Turner, with another y' same day from Amsterdam by M'. 
 
 • June 11. 0. S. is Lord's day, and therefore 't is likely the date of this 
 letter should be June 10, the same with the date of the letter following. — Prince. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 67 
 
 W. savouring of y" place whenc it came. And indeed the 
 many discouragements I find her, togeather with y'' demurrs 
 and retirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my 
 accounts to John Carver, & at his comeing aquaiute him fully 
 with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only y"= pore cloaths 
 on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further considera- 
 tion, [34] I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to 
 aquainte M'. Weston with y' fainted state of our bussines ; and 
 though he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst 
 us of late, which hath made him often say, that save for his 
 promise, he would not meadle at all with y' bussines any more, 
 yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, & how 
 it stood both on our credits & undoing, at y'^ last he gathered 
 up him selfe a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he 
 tould me he would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather 
 we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till 
 Monday, about 60. laste, for a greater we cannot gett, exeepte 
 it be tow great ; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our neer 
 freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without 
 troubling them any further ; and if y" ship fale too small, it 
 fitteth well y' such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest 
 them ther a while, least worse blocks come in y'' way ere 7. 
 years be ended. If you had beaten this bussines so throuly 
 a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus 
 have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is ; I hope 
 our freinds ther, if they be quitted of y' ship hire, will be in- 
 dusced to venture y' anore. All y' I now require is y' salt and 
 netts may ther be boughte, and for all y' rest we will here pro- 
 vid it ; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it a month 
 or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let M'. Reinholds 
 tarie ther, and bring y' ship to Southampton. We have hired 
 another pilote here, one M'. Clarke, who went last year to 
 Virginia with a ship of kine. 
 
 You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall 
 
68 HISTORY OF [chap. VI. 
 
 come heDce on Tewsday night. I had thought to have come 
 with him, to have answerd to m}' complaints ; but I shal lerne 
 to pass litle for their censnrs ; and if I had more minde to goe 
 & dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of this 
 waightie bussines, I were like them who live Ijy clamours & 
 jangling. But neither mj' mind nor my body is at libertie to 
 doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather studj' 
 to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men 
 be set on it, let them beat y' eair ; I hope such as are my sin- 
 ceire freiuds will not thiuke but I can give some reason of my 
 actions. But of j'our mistaking aboute y'' mater, & other 
 things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you 
 more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be 
 too bussie in answering matters, before they know them. If 
 I doe such things as I caiTot give reasons for, it is like you 
 have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne y'' reproof e 
 to your selves, & send an other, and let me come againe to my 
 Combes. But setting a side mj' naturall infirmities, I refuse 
 not to have my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent 
 men ; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of 
 my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without 
 respect of persons, see into y' equitie of my cause, and give 
 us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles, 
 and sanctifle unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take 
 my leave of you all, in all love & affection. 
 
 I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. 
 
 Your pore brother, 
 
 June 11. 1620. Robaet Cushman. 
 
 Besids these things, ther fell out a dilierance amongs 
 those 3. that received [35] the moueys & made j" pro- 
 vissions in England ; for besids these tow formerly men- 
 tioned sent from Leydeu for this end, viz. M''. Carver 
 
1620.] PLY3IOUTH PLAXTATIOX. 69 
 
 & Eobart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England 
 to be joyned with them, to make y'' provisions for 
 y'' vioage ; his name was M^ Martin, he came from 
 Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie 
 others to goe with them, as also from London & other 
 places ; and therfore it was thought meete & conveniente 
 by them in Holand that these strangers that were to 
 goe with them, should apointe one thus to be joyned 
 with them, not so much for any great need of their 
 help, as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any 
 partiallitie. And indeed their care for giving offence, 
 both in this & other things afterward, turned to great 
 inconvenience unto them, as in y" sequell will apeare ; 
 but however it shewed their equall & honest minds. 
 The provissions were for y'' most parte made at South- 
 hamton, contrarie to M'. Westons & Robert Cushmas 
 mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). 
 A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his 
 to M'. Carver, and more will appear afterward. 
 
 To his loving freind AT. John Carver, these, &c. 
 
 Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full 
 of affection & complaints, and what it is you would have of 
 me I know not ; for your crieing out, Negligence, uegligence, 
 negligence, I mai-v-ell why so negligente a man was used in 
 y" bussines. Yet know you y' all that I have power to doe 
 hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have 
 reference to M'. Weston to help us with money, more then his 
 adventure ; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would 
 not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, 
 
70 HISTORY or [chap. VI. 
 
 and is offended y' our provissions are made so farr of ; as also 
 that he was not made aquaiuted with our quaatitie of things ; 
 and saith y' in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will, 
 with going up & dowue, and wrangling & expostulating, pass 
 over J'" soiiier before we will goe. And to speake y° trueth, 
 ther is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme ; and we are 
 redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage. I 
 have received from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4. letters 
 directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not 
 trouble you with them. I always feared y" event of y' Amster- 
 damers striking in with us. I trow j'ou must excoiiiunicate 
 me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall 
 wante no quareling ; but let them pass. We have reckoned, 
 it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150. 
 persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200". & odd moneys 
 of all y° venturs you can I'eckone, besids some cloath, stock- 
 ings, & shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte 
 at least 3. or 400''. I would have had some thing shortened 
 at first of beare & other provissions in hope of other adventurs, 
 & now we could have, both in Amsterd: & Kente, beere inough 
 to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without preju- 
 dice. You fear we have begune to build & shall not be able 
 to make an end ; indeed, our courses were never established by 
 counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, ther 
 was a [36] schisme amongst us 3. at y** first. You wrote to 
 M'. Martin, to prevente y" making of y" provissions in Kente, 
 which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would 
 have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or excep- 
 tion. Surely he y' is in a societie & yet regards not counsell, 
 may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if ther 
 be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we y' 
 should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples 
 of jangling & insulting. Yet your money which you ther must 
 have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500''. you say 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 71 
 
 will serve ; for y'' rest which hear & in Holand is to be used, 
 we may gee scratch for it. For M'.* Crabe, of whom you write, 
 he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be 
 without feare till I see him shipped, for he is much opposed, 
 yet I hope he will not faile. Thiake y° best of all, and bear 
 with patience what is wanting, and y'^ Lord guid us all. 
 
 Your loving freind, 
 London, June 10. Robart Cushman. 
 
 An": 1620. 
 
 I have bene y° larger in these things, and so shall 
 crave leave in some like passages follovring, (thoug 
 in other things I shal labour to be more contracte,) 
 that their children may see with what difficulties their 
 fathers wrastled in going throng these things in their 
 first beginings, and how God brought them along not- 
 withstanding all their weaknesses & infirmities. As 
 allso that some use may be made hereof in after times 
 by others in such like waightie imployments ; and here- 
 with I will end this chapter. 
 
 The 7. Chap. 
 
 Of their departure from Leyden, and other things ther 
 aboute, with their arivall at South hamton, were they 
 all mete togeather, and toohe in ther provissions. 
 
 At length, after much travell and these debats, all 
 things were got ready and provided. A smale ship f 
 was bought, & fitted in Holand, which was intended as 
 
 * He was a minister. t Of some 60 tune. 
 
72 HISTORY OF [chap. VII. 
 
 to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in y" 
 cuntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs 
 as might be for y" good & benefito of y'* colonie when 
 they came ther. Another was hired at London, of 
 burden about 9. score ; and all other things gott in 
 readines. So being ready to departe, they had a day 
 of solleme humiliation, their pastor taking his texte 
 from Ezra 8. 21. And ther at if river, by Ahava, 1 
 proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before 
 our God, and seehe of him a right tvay for us, and 
 for our children, and for all our substance. Upon which 
 he spente a good parte of y" day very profitably, and 
 suitable to their presente occasion. The rest of the 
 time was spente in powering out prairs to y*^ Lord with 
 great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And 
 y'^ time being come that they must departe, the}' were 
 accompanied with most of their brethren out of y'' 
 citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven, 
 wher the ship lay ready to receive them. So they lefte 
 y' goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting 
 place near 12. years ; but they knew they were pil- 
 grimes,* & looked not much on those things, but lift 
 up their ej'es to y"" heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and 
 quieted their spirits. When they [37] came to y'^ 
 place they found y° ship and all things read^y ; and 
 shuch of their freinds as could not come with them 
 followed after them, and sundrie also came from Am- 
 
 * Heb. 11. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 73 
 
 sterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave 
 of them. Tliat night was spent with litle sleepe by 
 y'^ most, but with freindly entertainmente & christian 
 discourse and other real! expressions of true christian 
 love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente 
 aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly dolfull 
 was y'' sight of that sade and mournfull parting ; to see 
 what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst 
 them, what tears did gush from every eye, & pithy 
 speeches peirst each harte ; that sundry of y° Dutch 
 strangers y* stood on y" key as spectators, could not 
 refraine from tears. Yet comfortable & sweete it was 
 to see shuch lively and true expressions of dear & un- 
 fained love. But y*^ tide (which stays for no man) 
 caling them away y' were thus loath to departe, their 
 Reve": pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they 
 all with him,) with watrie cheeks com ended them with 
 most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. 
 And then with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they 
 tooke their leaves one of an other ; which proved to 
 be y" last leave to many of them. 
 
 Thus hoysing saile,* with a prosperus winde they 
 came in short time to Southhamton, wher they found 
 the bigger ship come from London, lying ready, w* 
 all the rest of their company. After a joyfull well- 
 come, and mutuall congratulations, with othe" frendly 
 entertainements, they fell to parley aboute their bussi- 
 
 * This tras about 22. o( July. 
 
74 HISTOEY or [chap. VII. 
 
 nes, how to dispatch with y" best expedition ; as allso 
 with their agents, aboute y' alteration of y" conditions. 
 M^ Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton, 
 and knew not well what y" other had don at London. 
 M'. Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what 
 he was urged too, partly by y'^ grounds of equity, and 
 more espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene 
 dasht and many undon. And in y'' begining he 
 aquainted his felow agents here with, who consented 
 unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive 
 y'= money at London and send it downe to them at 
 Hamton, wher they made y'' provissions ; the which he 
 accordingly did, though it was against his minde, & 
 some of j" marchants, y' they were their made. And 
 for giveing them notise at Ley den of this change, he 
 could not well in regarde of y" shortnes of y'^ time ; 
 againe, he knew it would trouble them and hinder 
 y" bussines, which was already delayed oveiiong in 
 regard of y" season of y" year, which he feared they 
 would find to their cost. But these things gave not 
 contente at presente. M''. Weston, likwise, came up 
 from London to see them dispatcht and to have y'= 
 conditions confirmed ; but they refused, and answered 
 him, that he knew right well that these were not 
 according to y' first agreemente, neither could they 
 yeeld to them without y'' consente of the rest that 
 were behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge 
 when they came away, from the cheefe of those that 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 75 
 
 were behind, not to doe it. At which he was much 
 offended, and tould them, they must then looke to 
 stand on their owne leggs. So he returned in dis- 
 pleasure, and this was y" first ground of discontent 
 betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near 
 lOO". to clear things at their going away, he would 
 not take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift 
 as they could. [38] So they were forst to selle of 
 some of their provissions to stop this gape, which 
 was some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which com- 
 oditie they might best spare, haveing provided too 
 large a quantitie of y' kind. Then they write a leter 
 to y'' marchants & adventures aboute y" diferances 
 concerning y" conditions, as foloweth. 
 
 Aug. 3. An": 1620. 
 Beloved freinds, scry we are that ther should be occasion 
 of writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected 
 to see y" most of you hear, but espetially because ther should 
 any differance at all be conceived betweene us. But seing 
 it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it 
 meete (though brefly) to show you y' just cause & reason of 
 our differing from those articles last made by Kobart Cushman, 
 without our comission or knowledg. And though he might 
 propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his 
 doing it. Our maine diference is in y° 5. & 9. article, con- 
 cerning y' deviding or holding of house and lands ; the injoy- 
 ing wherof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall 
 motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This 
 was thought so reasonable, y' when y" greatest of you in 
 adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he 
 
76 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 propouncled conditions to us freelj' of liis owne accorde, he 
 set this downe for one ; a coppy wherof v,-e have sent unto 
 you, with some additions then added by us ; which being 
 liked on both sids, and a day set for y' paimente of moneys, 
 those of Holland paid in theirs. After y', Robart Cushman, 
 M'. Peirce, & M'. Martine, brought them into a better forme, 
 & write them in a booke now extante ; and upon Robarts 
 shewing them and delivering M'. Mullins a coppy therof uoder 
 his hand (which we have), he payd in his money. And we 
 of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, 
 but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them ; 
 upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put 
 of our estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late 
 to rejecte y"^ vioage. Judge therfore we beseech you iudifer- 
 ently of things, and if a faulte have bene coiuited, lay it wher 
 it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to stand for y"* one, 
 then you have for y" other. We never gave Robart Cushman 
 comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him 
 to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to 
 further y' provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste 
 him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as 
 well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to y" end of 
 our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, 
 which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to 
 all men y' we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire 
 also y' good & inriching of our freinds who have adventured 
 your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article 
 to y" rest, promising you againe by leters in y"^ behalfe of the 
 whole company, that if large profits should not arise within 
 y" 7. years, y' we will continue togeather longer with you, if 
 y' Lord give a blessing.* This we hope is suflicente to satistie 
 any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured y' if 
 the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will 
 
 * It was well for them y' this was not accepted. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 77 
 
 not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c. We are in 
 shucli a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60''. 
 worth of Qur provissions to cleare y" Haven, & withall put our 
 selves upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no 
 oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword 
 to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, &c. And 
 yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch emineute 
 dangers as are like to insue, & trust to y" good providence 
 of God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken 
 of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching 
 y*' Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our 
 harts in y' bonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest. 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 Aug. 3. 1620. 
 
 It was subscribed with many names of y" cheefest 
 of y' company. 
 
 At their parting M'. Eobinson write a leter to y'= 
 whole company, which though it hath already bene 
 printed, yet I thought good here likwise to inserte 
 it ; as also a breefe leter writ at y* same time to M'. 
 Carver, in which y" tender love & godly care of a true 
 pastor appears. 
 
 My dear Brother, — 1 received inclosed in your last leter 
 y' note of information, w"'' I shall carefuly keepe & make use 
 of as ther shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your 
 perplexitie of mind & toyle of body, but I hope that you who 
 have allways been able so plentifully to administer comforte 
 unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe 
 as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone 
 (though I coftceive them to have been great enough) cannot 
 
78 HISTORY OF [chap. VII. 
 
 oppresse you, though they press you, as y^ Aspostle speaks. 
 The sph-ite of a man (sustained by y' spirite of God) will sus- 
 taine his infirmitie, I dout not so will yours. And y" beter 
 much when you shall injoye y' presence & help of so many 
 godly & wise bretheren, for y' bearing of part of your burthen, 
 who also will not admitte into their harts y"^ least thought of 
 suspition of any y' least negligence, at least presumption, to 
 have been in you, what so ever they thinke in others. Now 
 what shall I say or write unto you & your goodwife my loving 
 sister? even only this, I desire (& allways shall) unto you 
 from y' Lord, as unto my owne soule ; and assure your selfe 
 y' my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily 
 coming at y" first oppertunitie. I have writen a large leter to 
 y' whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to 
 them ; & the more, considering y' wante of a preacher, which 
 I shall also make sume spurr to my hastening after you. I 
 doe ever coinend my best affection unto you, which if I thought 
 you made any doubte of, I would express in more, & y'' same 
 more ample & full words. And y" Lord in whom you trust & 
 whom you serve ever in this bussines & journey, guid you with 
 his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you & us his 
 salvation in y" end, & bring us in y' mean while togeather in 
 y" place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake. 
 Amen. Yours, &c. 
 
 July 27. 1620. Jo: R. 
 
 This was y* last letter y' M^. Carver lived to see 
 from him. The other follows. 
 
 * Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily & in y'' Lord salute 
 you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best 
 
 • This letter is omitted in Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters. — 
 Prince. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 79 
 
 affection, and most ernest longings after you, thougli I be 
 constrained for a while to be bodily absente from you. I say 
 constrained, God knowing bow willingly, & much rather then 
 otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first 
 brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for y" present. 
 Make accounte of me in y'' mean while, as of a man devided in 
 my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set a side) 
 having my beter parte with [40] you. And though I doubt 
 not but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve 
 upon y' which concerneth your presente state & conditi6n, 
 both severally & joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty 
 to add some furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune 
 allready, if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in 
 love & dutie. And first, as we are daly to renew our repent- 
 ance with our God, espetially for our sines known, and gener- 
 ally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth y"* Lord call us in 
 a singuler maner upon occasions of shuch difflcultie & danger 
 as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search & carefuU 
 reformation of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to 
 remembrance our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take 
 advantage against us, & in judgmente leave us for y° same 
 to be swalowed up in one danger or other ; wheras, on the 
 contrary, sine being taken away by ernest repentance & y' 
 pardon therof from y' Lord sealed up unto a mans conscience 
 by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all 
 dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie 
 deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death. 
 
 Now next after this heavenly peace with God & our owne 
 consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men 
 what in us lieth, espetially with our associats, & for y' watch- 
 fullnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe 
 give, no nor easily take offence being given by others. Woe 
 be unto y' world for offences, for though it be necessarie (con- 
 sidering y'' malice of Satan & mans corruption) that offences 
 
80 HISTORY OF [chap. VII. 
 
 come, yet woe unto y" man or woman either by whom y' offence 
 Cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if offences in y' un- 
 seasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more 
 to be feared then death itself e, as y° Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor. 
 9. 15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither 
 honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be re- 
 garded. Neither yet is it sufflciente y' we keepe our selves 
 by y' grace of God from giveing offence, esepte withall we be 
 armed against y"* taking of them when they be given by others. 
 For how unperfect & lame is y' work of grace in y' person, 
 who wants charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as y' 
 scriptures speake. Neither are you to be exhorted to this 
 grace only upon y' coiuone grounds of Christianitie, which 
 are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie, 
 to cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie ; 
 or lastly, are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our 
 Lord teacheth, Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne expe- 
 rience, few or none have bene found which sooner give offence, 
 then shuch as easily take it ; neither have they ever proved 
 sound & profitable members in societies, which have uurished 
 this touchey humor. But besids these, ther are diverse motives 
 provoking you above others to great care & conscience this 
 way : As first, you are many of you strangers, as to y'^ per- 
 sons, so to y" infirmities one of another, & so stand in neede 
 of more watchfuUnes this way, least when shuch things fall 
 out in men & women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly 
 affected with them ; which doth require at your hands much 
 wisdome & charitie for y' covering & preventing of incident 
 offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civill 
 comunitie will minister continuall occasion of offence, & will 
 be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with 
 brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence causlesly or 
 easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how much 
 more heed is to be taken y' we take not offence at God him 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 81 
 
 selfe, which yet we certahily doe so ofte as we doe murniure 
 at his provideuce iu our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch 
 afflictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us. Store up 
 therfore patience against y' evill day, without which we take 
 offence at y" Lord him selfe in his holy & just works. 
 
 A 4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that 
 with your coISone imployments you joyne coiiioue affections 
 truly bente upon y" generall good, avoyding as a deadly 
 [41] plague of your both coinone & spetiall comfort all re- 
 tirednes of minde for proper advantage, and all singularly 
 affected any maner of way ; let every man represe in him 
 selfe & y"' whol body in each person, as so many rebels 
 against y° coiiione good, all private respects of mens selves, 
 not sorting with y** generall conveniencie. And as men are 
 carfull not to have a new house shaken with any violence 
 before it be well setled & y'* parts firmly knite, so be you, 
 I beseech you, brethren, much more carfull, y' the house of 
 God which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with un- 
 necessarie novelties or other oppositions at y' first setling 
 therof. 
 
 Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst 
 your selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any 
 persons of spetiall eminencie above y'^ rest, to be chosen by you 
 into office of goverment, let your wisdome & godlines appeare, 
 not only in chusing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will 
 promote y'^ coinone good, but also in yeelding unto them all 
 due honour & obedience in their lawfuU administrations ; not 
 behoulding in them y" ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods 
 ordinance for your good, not being like y' foolish multitud 
 who more honour y= gay coate, then either y" vertuous minde 
 of y'' man, or glorious ordinance of y" Lord. But you know 
 better things, & that y" image of y" Lords power & authoritie 
 which y" magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane per- 
 sons soever. And this dutie you both may y' more willingly 
 
82 HISTORY OF [chap. VII. 
 
 and ought y' more conscionably to performe, because you are 
 at least for y" present to have only them for your ordinarie 
 governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that 
 worke. 
 
 Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde 
 of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will 
 not so farr wrong your godly minds as to thiuke you heedless 
 of these things, ther being also diverce among you so well able 
 to admonish both them selves & others of what concerneth 
 them. These few things therfore, & y° same in few words, 
 I doe ernestly coiiiend unto your care & conscience, joyning 
 therwith my daily incessante prayers unto y" Lord, y' he who 
 hath made y'^ heavens & y' earth, y= sea and all rivers of 
 waters, and whose providence is over all his workes, espetially 
 over all his dear children for good, would so guide & gard 
 you in your wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly 
 by y' hand of his power, as y' both you & we also, for & with 
 you, may have after matter of praising his name all y' days 
 of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you 
 trust, and in whom I rest. 
 
 An unfained wellwiller of your hapie 
 success in this hopefull voyage, 
 
 John Robinson. 
 
 This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in 
 it selfe, and suitable to their occation, I thought meete 
 to inserte in this place. 
 
 All things being now ready, & every bussines dis- 
 patched, the company was caled togeather, and this 
 letter read amongst them, which had good acceptation 
 with all, and after fruit with many. Then they ordered 
 & distributed their company for either shipe, as they 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 83 
 
 conceived for j" best. And chose a Gov' & 2. or 3. 
 assistants for each shipe, to order y" people by y*" way, 
 and see to y" dispossing of there provissions, and shuch 
 like affairs. All which was not only with y'^ liking 
 of y* maisters of y' ships, but according to their 
 desires. Which being done, they sett sayle from 
 thence aboute y** 5. of August; but what befell them 
 further upon y'= coast of England will appeare in y" 
 nexte chapter. 
 
 The 8. Chap. 
 
 Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea 
 being forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther 
 ships & some of their companie behind them. 
 [42] Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, 
 but M'. Reinolds y" m". of y' leser ship complained 
 that he found his ship so leak as he durst not put 
 further to sea till she was mended. So y'^ m''. of y^ 
 biger ship (caled M"". Jonas) being consulted with, they 
 both resolved to put into Dartmouth & have her ther 
 searched & mended, which accordingly was done, to 
 their great charg & losse of, time and a faire winde. 
 She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to sterne, 
 some leaks were found & mended, and now it was 
 conceived by the workmen & all, that she was sufE- 
 ciente, & they might proceede without either fear or 
 danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put 
 to sea againe, conceiving they should goe comfortably 
 
84 HISTORY OF [chap. VIII. 
 
 on, not looking for any more lets of this kind ; but 
 it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to sea 
 againe above 100. leagues without the Lands End, 
 houlding company togeather all this while, the m'. of 
 y'' small ship complained his ship was so leake as he 
 must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce 
 free her with much pumping. So they came to con- 
 sultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up 
 backe againe & put into Pliinoth, which accordingly' 
 was done. But no spetiall leake could be founde, but 
 it was judged to lie y"^ generall woaknes of y" shipe, 
 and that shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage. 
 Upon which it was resolved to dismise her & parte of 
 y' companie, and proceede with y" other shipe. The 
 which (though it was greevous, & caused great dis- 
 couragmente) was put in execution. So after they 
 had tooke out such provission as y" other ship could 
 well stow, and concluded both what number and what 
 persons to send bak, they made another sad parting, 
 y' one ship going backe for London, and y" other was 
 to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were 
 for the most parte such as were willing so to doe, 
 either out of some discontente, or feare they conceived 
 of y" ill success of y" vioage, seeing so many croses 
 befale, & the year time so farr spente ; but others, in 
 regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many 
 yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most 
 unfite to bear y" Itruute of this hard adventure ; unto 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 85 
 
 which worke of God, and judgmente of their brethern, 
 they were contented to submite. And tlius, like Gedions 
 armie, this small number was devided, as if y" Lord by 
 this worke of his providence thought these few to many 
 for y great worke he had to doe. But here by the way 
 let me show, how afterward it was found y' the leaknes 
 of this ship was partly by being over masted, and too 
 much pressed with sayles ; for after she was sould & 
 put into her old trime, she made many viages & per- 
 formed her service very sufficiently, to j' great profite 
 of her owners. But more espetially, by the cuning & 
 deceite of j" m^ & his company, who were hired to 
 stay a whole year in y" cuntrie, and now fancying dis- 
 like & fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strate- 
 gem to free them selves ; as afterwards was knowne, & 
 by some of them confessed. For they apprehended 
 y' the greater ship, being of force, & in whom most 
 of y'= provissions were stowed, she would retayne 
 enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or 
 y'= passengers ; & indeed shuch speeches had bene cast 
 out by some of them ; and yet, besids other incourag- 
 ments, y' cheefe of them that came from Leyden wente 
 in this shipe to give y" m'. contente. But so strong 
 was self love & his fears, as he forgott all duty and 
 [43] former kindnesses, & delt thus falsly with them, 
 though he pretended otherwise. Amongest those that 
 returned was M^ Cushman & his familie, whose hart 
 & courage was gone from them before, as it seems, 
 
8(3 HISTORY or [chap. vin. 
 
 though his body was with them till now he departed; 
 as may appear by a passionate letter he write to a 
 freind in London from Dartmouth, whilst y"^ ship lay 
 ther a mending ; the which, besids y" expressions of his 
 owne fears, it shows much of y" providence of God work- 
 ing for their good beyonde man's expectation, & other 
 things concernins; their condition in these streats. I will 
 hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities 
 in him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he 
 continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and 
 to doe y'' offices of a loving freind & faithfuU brother 
 unto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them. 
 The letter is as followth. 
 
 To his loviug friend Ed: S.* at Henige House in y" Duks Place, 
 
 these, &c. 
 
 Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 
 
 Loving friend, mj' most kind remembrance to you & your 
 wife, with loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke 
 to see againe. For besids y° eminente dangers of this viage, 
 which are no less then deadly, an inflrmitie of body hath ceased 
 me, which will not in all lic'lyhoode leave me till death. What 
 to call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were, 
 crushing my harte more & more these 14. days, as that ail- 
 though I doe y" acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as 
 dead ; but y"= will of God be done. Our pinass will not cease 
 leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, 
 our viage hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves 
 have been of crokednes. We put in hear to triiSe her, & I 
 
 * In Governor Bradford's Collectioyi of Letters, this is Edward Southworth.— 
 Prince. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 87 
 
 thiiike, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. 
 howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And 
 though she was twise triilied at Hamton, yet now shee is 
 open and leakie as a seive ; and ther was a borde, a man 
 might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher 
 y' water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. 
 days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear 
 waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have 
 done these 4. days, and are like to lye 4. more, and by y' 
 time y' wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton. Our 
 victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from 
 the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall 
 not have a months victialls when we come in y° countrie. 
 Neare 700''. hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I 
 know not. M^ Martin saith he neither can nor will give 
 any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts 
 he crieth out of unthankfullnes for his paines & care, that 
 we are susspitious of him, and flings away, & will end noth- 
 ing. Also he so insulteh over our poore people, with shuch 
 scorne & contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe 
 his shoes. It would break your hart to see his dealing,* and 
 y' mourning of our people. They complaine to me, & alass ! 
 I can doe nothing for them ; if I speake to him, he flies 
 in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be 
 heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are for- 
 warde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear 
 them. Ther are others y' would lose all they have put in, 
 or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might 
 departe ; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe 
 ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are 
 so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling & con- 
 trouling in things he knows not what belongs too, as y' some 
 threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave y" shipe 
 
 * He was governour in y biger ship, & M'. Cushman assistante. 
 
HISTORY OF [chap. VIII. 
 
 & goe their way. But at y" best this cometh of it, y' he maks 
 him selfe a scorne & laughing stocli unto them. As for M'. 
 Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will 
 hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not con- 
 firming y= conditions. But now, since some pinches have 
 taken them, they begine to reveile y" trueth, & say M'. Robin- 
 son was in y'' falte who charged them never to consente to 
 those conditions, nor chuse me into ofHce, but indeede apointed 
 them to chose them they did chose.* But be & they will rue 
 too late, they may [44] now see, & all be ashamed when it 
 is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate 
 in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to scale 
 those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left 
 y*^ whole bussines, excepte they would scale them, & better y° 
 vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such 
 miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our 
 loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of y' cheefe 
 of them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe 
 on those conditions. And M'. Martine, he said he never re- 
 ceived no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to 
 y' marchants for a pine, they were bloudsuckers, & I know not 
 what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions w"' 
 the marchants, nor ever spake with them. But did all that 
 money flie to Hampton, or was it his owne? Who will goe & 
 lay out monej' so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know 
 how he comes by it, or on what conditions? 2'^. I tould him 
 of y*^ alteration longe agoe, & he was contente ; but now he 
 dominires, & said I had betrayed them into y'^ hands of slaves ; 
 he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe 
 to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50". in, & if he 
 should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left 
 him, as I am persuaded,! &c. Freind, if ever we make a 
 
 • I thinke lie was deceived in these things, 
 t This was found true afterward. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 89 
 
 plantation, God works a mirakle ; especially considering how 
 scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all nnunited 
 amongst onr selves, & devoyd of good tutors & regimente. 
 Violence will break all. Wher is y' meek & humble spirite 
 of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified y" wals of Jerusa- 
 lem, & y" state of Israeli? Is not y' sound of Rehoboams 
 braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not y" philosophers and 
 all wise men observed y', even in setled coiuone welths, vio- 
 lente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, 
 to ruine ; how much more in y" raising of coinone wealths, 
 when y"" morter is yet scarce tempered y' should bind y" 
 wales. If I should write to you of all things which pro- 
 miscuously forerune our ruine, I should over charge my weake 
 head and greeve your tender hart ; only this, I pray you pre- 
 pare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for us in- 
 stantly, it may be y" Lord will be yet entreated one way or 
 other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall 
 escape even y" gasping of hunger starved persons ; but God 
 can doe much, & his will be done. It is better for me to 
 dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, & es- 
 pecte it howerly ; haveing received y" sentance of death, 
 both within me & without me. Poore William King & my 
 self e doe strive * who shall be meate first for y" fishes ; but 
 we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus 
 after y" flesh no more, but looking unto y" joye y' is before 
 us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light 
 in comparison of y' joye we hope for. Remember me in all 
 love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I 
 desire ernestly, & wish againe to see, but not till I can with 
 more comforte looke them in y'' face. The Lord give us 
 that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a 
 desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. 
 
 * In the manuscript it is ■' strive dayly," but a pen has been drawn through 
 the latter word. 
 
90 HISTORY or [chap. IX. 
 
 I doabte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to 
 utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That 
 which I have writen is treue, & many things more which I 
 have forborne. I write it as upon my life, and last confes- 
 sion in England. What is of use to be spoken [45] of 
 presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, 
 conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, 
 & my body feeble, y= Lord make me strong in him, & keepe 
 
 both you & yours. 
 
 Your loving freind, 
 
 Rob ART CUSHMAN. 
 
 Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620. 
 
 These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth, 
 they must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth. 
 
 The 9. Chap. 
 
 Of their vioage, & how they passed i/ sea, and of their 
 safe arrivall at Cape Codd. 
 
 Sept": 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now 
 all being compacte togeather in one shipe,* they put 
 to sea againe with a prospems winde, which continued 
 diverce days togeather, which was some incourag- 
 mente unto them ; yet according to y° usuall maner 
 many were afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may not 
 omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providence. Ther 
 was a proud & very profane yonge man, one of y* 
 sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the 
 
 * For Governor Bradford's list of passengers in tlie Mayflower, see Appendix, 
 No. I. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 91 
 
 more hauty ; he would allway be contemniug y" poore 
 people in their sicknes, & cursing them dayly with 
 greeous execrations, and did not let to tell them, that 
 he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over boai'd 
 before they came to their jurneys end, and to make 
 mery with what they had ; and if he were by any 
 gently reproved, he would curse and swear most 
 bitterly. But it plased God before they came halfe 
 seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous 
 disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and 
 so was him selfe y** first y' was throwne overbord. 
 Thus his curses light on his owne head ; and it was 
 an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it 
 to be y'^ just hand of God upon him. 
 
 After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for 
 a season, they were incountred many times with crosse 
 winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, with which 
 y'' shipe was shi'oudly shaken, and her upper works 
 made very leakie ; and one of the maine beames in 
 y'= midd ships was bowed & craked, which put them 
 in some fear that y^ shipe could not be able to per- 
 forme y*^ vioage. So some of y" cheefe of y" com- 
 pany, perceiveing y" mariners to feare y' sutEsiencie 
 of y'' shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they 
 entred into serious consulltation with y<= m^ & other 
 officers of y" ship, to consider in time of y' danger; 
 and rather to returne then to cast them selves into a 
 desperate & inevitable perill. And truly ther was 
 
92 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 great distraction & diiferance of opinion amongst y« 
 mariners them selves ; faine would the}' doe what 
 could he done for their wages sake, (being now halfe 
 the seas over,) and on y' other hand they were loath 
 to hazard their lives too desperatly. But in examen- 
 ing of all opinions, the m'. & others aiErmed they 
 knew y' ship to be stronge & iirme under water; and 
 for the buckling of y" maine beame, ther was a great 
 iron scrue y° passengers brought out of Holland, which 
 would raise y'^ beame into his place ; y"" which being 
 done, the carpenter & m^ affirmed that with a post 
 put under it, set firme in y'= lower deck, & otherways 
 bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for y" 
 decks & uper workes they would calke them as well 
 as they could, and though with y^ workeing of y' ship 
 they [46] would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther 
 would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not 
 overpress her with sails. So they comited them selves 
 to y"" will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie 
 of these stormes the winds were so feirce, & y* seas 
 so high, as they could not beare a knote of saile, but 
 were forced to hull, for diverce days togither. And 
 in one of them, as the}' thus lay at hull, in a mighty 
 storme, a lustie yonge man (called John Rowland) 
 coming upon some occasion above y'* graftings, was, 
 with a seele of y'' shipe throwne into [y'^] sea ; but 
 it pleased God y' he caught hould of y'^ top-saile 
 halliards, which hunge over board, & rane out at 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 93 
 
 length ; yet he held his hould (though he was sundrie 
 fadomes under water) till he was hald up l)y y" same 
 rope to y" brime of y" water, and then Avith a boat 
 hooke & other means got into y" shipe againe, & his 
 life saved ; and though he was something ill with it, 
 yet he lived many years after, and became a profitable 
 member both in church & coinone wealthe. In all this 
 viage ther died but one of y" passengers, which was 
 William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, 
 when they drew near y*^ coast. But to omite other 
 things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at 
 sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod ; 
 the which being made & certainly knowne to l)e it, 
 they were not a litle joyfuU. After some deliberation 
 had amongst them selves & with y'= m^ of y'= ship, they 
 tacked aboute and resolved to stande for y" southward 
 (y' wind & weather being faire) to finde some place 
 aboute Hudsons river for their habitation. But after 
 they had sailed y' course aboute halfe j" day, they 
 fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers, 
 and they were so farr intangled ther with as they 
 conceived them selves in great danger; & y'' wind 
 shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear 
 up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy 
 to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke 
 them, as by Gods providence they did. And y" next 
 day they gott into y' Cape-harbor wher they ridd in 
 saftie. A word or too by y' way of this cape ; it was 
 
94 HISTORY OF [chap. IX. 
 
 thus first named by Capten Gosnole & his company,* 
 An°: 1602, and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape 
 James ; but it retains y'' former name amongst sea- 
 men. Also y' pointe which first shewed those danger- 
 ous shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, & 
 Tuckers Terrour ; but y° French & Dutch to this day 
 call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds, 
 and y'' losses they have suifered their. 
 
 Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe 
 to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed y"" God 
 of heaven, who had brought them over y' vast & 
 furious ocean, and delivered them from all y' periles 
 & miseries therof, againe to set their feete on y'' firme 
 and stable earth, their proper elemente. And no mar- 
 veil if they were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca 
 was so aflTected with sailing a few miles on y" coast 
 of his owne Italy; as he afiirmed,f that he had rather 
 remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass 
 by sea to any place in a short time ; so tedious & 
 dreadfull was y*" same unto him. 
 
 But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and 
 stand half amased at this poore peoples presente con- 
 dition ; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he 
 well considers [47] y'= same. Being thus passed y* 
 vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their prep- 
 aration (as may be remembred by y' which wente 
 before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them, 
 
 • Because yy tooke mnch of j' fishe ther. f Epist : 53. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 95 
 
 nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten 
 bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, 
 to seeke for succoure. It is recorded in scripture* 
 as a mercie to y'' apostle & his shipwraked company, 
 y' the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in 
 refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when 
 they mette with them (as after will appeare) were 
 readier to fill their sids full of arrows then other- 
 wise. And for y* season it was winter, and they 
 that know y'^ winters of y' cuntrie know them to be 
 sharp & violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes, 
 deangerous to travill to known places, much more to 
 serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see 
 but a hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts 
 & willd men? and what multituds ther might be of 
 them they knew not. Nether could they, as it were, 
 goe up to y'^ tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willder- 
 nes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops ; for 
 which way soever they turnd their eys (save up- 
 ward to y* heavens) they could have litle solace or 
 content in respecte of any outward objects. For 
 sumer being done, all things stand upon them with 
 a wetherbeaten face; and y'^ whole countrie, full of 
 woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw. 
 If they looked behind them, ther was y*^ mighty 
 ocean which they had passed, and was now as a 
 maine barr & goulfe to seperate them from all y'^ 
 
 • Act. 28. 
 
96 HISTOET OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 civill parts of y'' world. If it be said they had a 
 ship to sucour them, it is trew ; but what heard 
 they daly from y" m'. & company? but y' with 
 speede they should looke out a place with their 
 shallop, wher they would be at some near distance ; 
 for y" season was shuch as he would not stirr from 
 thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them 
 wher they would be, and he might goe without 
 danger ; and that victells consumed apace, but he 
 must & would keepe sufficient for them selves & 
 their returne. Yea, it was muttered by some, that 
 if they gott not a place in time, thej^ would turne 
 them & their goods ashore & leave them. Let it 
 also be considred what weake hopes of supply & 
 succoure they left behinde them, y' might bear up 
 their minds in this sade condition and trialls they 
 were under ; and they could not but be very smale. 
 It is true, indeed, j" affections & love of their 
 brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards 
 them, but they had litle power to help them, or 
 them selves ; and how y' case stode betweene them 
 & y'= marchants at their coming away, hath allready 
 been declared. AA'hat could now sustaine them but 
 j" spirite of God & his grace? May not & ought 
 not the children of these fathers rightly say : Our 
 faithers ivere Englishmen which came over this great 
 ocean, and were ready to perish in this loilldernes;* 
 
 • Deu: 26.5, 7. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 97 
 
 but tliey cried unto y" Lord, and he heard their voyce, 
 and looked on their adversitie, (&c. Let them therfore 
 praise y" Lord, because he is good, & his mercies en- 
 dure for ever* Yea, let them which have been redeemed 
 of y" Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from y' 
 hand of y" oppressour. TVfien they ivandered in y' 
 deserte willdernes out of y" way, and found no citie 
 to dwell in, both hungrie, & thirstie, their sowle ivas 
 overivhelmed in them. Let them confess before y" Lord 
 his loving hindnes, and his ivonderfull ivorks before y' 
 sons of men. 
 
 The 10. Chap. 
 
 Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and 
 what befell them therahoute. 
 
 [48] Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod y" 11. of 
 November, and necessitie calling them to looke out 
 a place for habitation, (as well as the maisters & 
 mariners imjjortunitie,) they having brought a large 
 shalop with them out of England, stowed in quarters 
 in y'' ship, they now gott her out & sett their carpenters 
 to worke to trime her up ; but being much brused & 
 shatered in y* shipe w"* foule weather, they saw she 
 would be longe in mending. Wherupon a few of 
 them tendered them selves to goe by land and dis- 
 covere those nearest places, whilst y** shallop was in 
 mending ; and y" rather because as they wente into 
 
 » lOyPsa; V. 1, 2, 4, 5, ( 
 
98 HISTORY or [chap. X. 
 
 y' harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or 
 3 leagues of, which y"" maister judged to be a river. 
 It was conceived ther might be some danger in y" 
 attempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were per- 
 mited to goe, being 16. of them well armed, under 
 y" conduct of Captain Standish, having shuch instruc- 
 tions given them as was thought meete. They sett 
 forth y" 15. of Nove''": and when they had marched 
 aboute y"" space of a mile by y"" sea side, they espied 
 5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them, 
 who were salvages ; but they fled from them, & rane 
 up into y' woods, and y'' English followed them, 
 partly to see if they could sjDeake with them, and 
 partly to discover if ther might not be more of them 
 lying in ambush. But y'= Indeans seeing them selves 
 thus followed, they againe forsooke the woods, & rane 
 away on y*" sands as hard as they could, so as they 
 could not come near them, but followed them by y^ 
 tracte of their feet sundrie miles, and saw that they 
 had come the same way. So, night coming on, they 
 made their randevous & set out their sentinels, and 
 rested in quiete y' night, and the next morning fol- 
 lowed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, 
 & so left the sands, & turned an other way into y" 
 woods. But they still followed them by geuss, hope- 
 ing to find their dwellings ; but they soone lost both 
 them & them selves, falling into shuch thickets as 
 were ready to tear their cloaths & armore in peeces. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 99 
 
 but were most distresed for wante of drinke. But 
 at length they found water & refreshed them selves, 
 being y"* first New-England water they drunke of, and 
 was now in thir great thirste as pleasante unto them 
 as wine or bear had been in for-times. Afterwards 
 they directed their course to come to y° other [49] 
 shore, for they knew it was a necke of land they 
 were to crosse over, and so at length gott to y*" 
 sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, & by 
 y' way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly 
 after a good quantitie of clear ground wher y' Indeans 
 had formerly set corne, and some of their graves. 
 And proceeding furder they saw new-stuble Avher 
 corne had been set y" same year, also they found 
 wher latly a house had been, wher some planks and 
 a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly 
 padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found 
 in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, 
 and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce coUours, 
 which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (haveing 
 never seen any shuch before). This was near y"" place 
 of that supposed river they came to seeck ; unto which 
 they wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes 
 with a high cliffe of sand in y'' enterance, but more 
 like to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for 
 ought they saw ; and that ther was good harborige 
 for their shalope ; leaving it further to be discovered 
 by their shalop when she was ready. So their time 
 
100 HISTORY OF [chap. X. 
 
 limeted them being expired, they returned to y" ship, 
 least they should he in fear of their saftie ; and tooke 
 with them parte of y" corne, and liuried up y* rest, 
 and so like y^ men from Eshcoll carried with them 
 of y'' fruits of y' land, & showed their breethren ; of 
 which, & their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and 
 their harts incouraged. 
 
 After this, y'' shalop being got ready, they set out. 
 againe for y^ better discovery of this place, & y^ m''. 
 of y'^ ship desired to goe him selfe, so ther went 
 some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for 
 ships but only for boats ; ther was allso found 2. 
 of their houses covered with matts, & sundrie of 
 their implements in them, but y° people were rune 
 away & could not be seen ; also ther was found 
 more of their corne, & of their beans of various 
 coUours. The corne & beans -they brought away, 
 purposing to give them full satisfaction when they 
 should meete with any of them (as about some 6. 
 months afterward they did, to their good contente). 
 And here is to be noted a spetiall providence of 
 God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that 
 hear they gott seed to plant them corne y next 
 year, or els they might have starved, for they had 
 none, nor any liklyhood to get any [50] till y'' season 
 had beene past (as y' sequell did manyfest). Neither 
 is it lickly they had had this, if y" first viage had 
 not been made, for the sround was now all covered 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 101 
 
 with snow, & hard frozen. But the Lord is never 
 wanting unto his in their greatest needs ; let his holy 
 name have all y*^ praise. 
 
 The month of November being spente in these affairs, 
 & much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desem'': they 
 sente out their shallop againe with 10. of their prin- 
 cipall men, & some sea men, upon further discovery, 
 intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. 
 The weather was very could, & it frose so hard as 
 y" sprea of y"^ sea lighting on their coats, they were 
 as if they had been glased ; yet that night betimes 
 they gott downe into y'' botome of y" bay, and as 
 they drue nere y"^ shore they saw some 10. or 12. 
 Indeans very busie aboute some thing. They landed 
 aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a 
 doe to put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats. 
 Being landed, it grew late, and they made them selves 
 a barricade with loggs & bowes as well as they could 
 in y' time, & set out their sentenill & betooke them 
 to rest, and saw y"' smoake of y' fire y'" savages made 
 y' night. When morning was come they devided their 
 company, some to coaste along y' shore in y'' boate, 
 and the rest marched throw y" woods to see y' land, 
 if any fit place might be for their dwelling. They 
 came allso to y' place wher they saw the Indans y^ 
 night before, & found they had been cuting up a great 
 fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thike of 
 fate like a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left 
 
102 HISTORY OF [chap. X. 
 
 by y" way; and y" shallop found 2. more of these 
 fishes dead on y'^ sands, a thing usuall after storms 
 in y' place, by reason of y" great flats of sand that 
 lye of. So they ranged up and doune all y' day, 
 but found no people, nor any place they liked. When 
 y" sune grue low, they hasted out of y' woods to meete 
 with their shallop, to whom they made, signes to come 
 to them into a creeke hardby, the which they did at 
 highwater; of which they were very glad, for they had 
 not seen each other all y' day, since y" morning. So 
 they made them a barricado (as usually they did every 
 night) with loggs, staks, & thike pine bowes, y" height 
 of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter 
 them from y' could & wind (making their fire in y'' 
 midle, & lying round aboute it), and partly to defend 
 them from any sudden assaults of y"' savags, if they 
 should surround them. So being very weary, they 
 betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight, [51] they 
 heard a hideous & great crie, and their sentinell caled, 
 " Arme, arme " ; so they bestired them & stood to their 
 armes, & shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the 
 noys seased. They concluded it was a companie of 
 wolves, or such like willd beasts ; for one of y' sea 
 men tould them he had often heard shuch a no3^se in 
 New-found land. So they rested till about 5. of y"" 
 clock in the morning; for y'= tide, & ther purposs to 
 goe from thence, made them be stiring betimes. So 
 after praier they prepared for breakfast, and it being 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 103 
 
 day dawning, it was thought best to be earring things 
 downe to y' boate. But some said it was not best 
 to Carrie y'' armes downe, others said they would be 
 the readier, for they had laped them up in their coats 
 from y'' dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary 
 theirs till they wente them selves, yet as it fell out, 
 y'' water being not high enough, they layed them 
 downe on y'^ banke side, & came up to breakfast. 
 But presently, all on y" sudain, they heard a great 
 & strange crie, which they knew to be the same 
 voyces they heard in y'' night, though they varied 
 their notes, & one of their company being abroad 
 came runing in, & cried, "Men, Indeans, Indeans"; 
 and w'^all, their arowes came flying amongst them. 
 Their men rane with all speed to recover their armes, 
 as by y' good providence of God they did. In y'' 
 mean time, of those that were ther ready, tow muskets 
 were discharged at them, & 2. more stood ready in 
 y*" enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded 
 not to shoote till they could take full aime at them ; 
 & j" other 2. charged againe with all speed, for ther 
 were only 4. had armes ther, & defended y" baricado 
 which was first assalted. The crie of y** Indeans was 
 dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther men rune out 
 of y'= randevoue towourds y" shallop, to recover their 
 armes, the Indeans wheeling aboute upon them. But 
 some runing out with coats of malle on, & cutlasses 
 in their hands, they soone got their armes, & let flye 
 
104 HISTORY OF [chap. X. 
 
 amongs them, and quickly stopped their violence. Yet 
 ther was a lustie man, and no less valiante, stood be- 
 hind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and let his 
 arrows flie at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes, 
 which were all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a 
 musket, till one taking full aime at him, and made 
 y'" barke or sjalinters of y" tree fly about his ears, 
 after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away 
 they weute all of them. They left some to keep y** 
 shalop, and followed them aboute a quarter of a mille, 
 and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. peces, 
 & so returned. This they did, that they might con- 
 ceive that they were not [52] affrade of them or any 
 way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish 
 their enimies, and give them deliverance ; and by 
 his spetiall providence so to dispose that not any one 
 of them were either hurte, or hitt, though their 
 arrows came close by them, & on every side them, 
 and sundry of their coats, which hunge up in y"* 
 barricado, were shot throw & throw. Aterwards they 
 gave God sollamne thanks & praise for their deliver- 
 ance, & gathered up a bundle of their arrows, & 
 sente them into England afterward by y" uf. of y'' 
 ship, and called that place y^ first encounter. From 
 hence they departed, & costed all along, but discerned 
 no place likly for harbor; & therfore hasted to a 
 place that their pillote, (one M^ Coppin who had 
 bine in j" cuutrie before) did assure them was a good 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 105 
 
 harbor, which he had been in, and they might fetch 
 it before night ; of which they were glad, for it be- 
 gane to be foule weather. After some houres sailing, 
 it begane to snow & raine, & about y*" midle of y*" 
 afternoone, y* wind increased, & y" sea became very 
 rough, and they broake their rudder, & it was as much 
 as 2. men could doe to steere her with a cupple of 
 cares. But their pillott bad them be of good cheere, 
 for he saw y"= harljor ; but y'' storme increasing, & 
 night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to 
 gett in, while they could see. But her with they 
 broake their mast in 3. peeces, & their saill fell over 
 bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to 
 have been cast away; yet l)y Gods mercie they re- 
 covered them selves, & having y'' floud with them, 
 struck into y' harbore. But when it came too, y** 
 pillott was deceived in y"^ place, and said, y'' Lord 
 be mercifuU unto them, for his eys never saw y' 
 place before; & he & the m"-. mate would have rune 
 her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before y' winde. 
 But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which 
 rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they 
 were all cast away; the which they did with speed. 
 So he bid them be of good cheere & row lastly, for 
 ther was a faire sound before them, & he doubted not 
 but they should find one place or other wher they 
 might ride in saftie. And though it was very darJce, 
 and rained sore, yet in y= end they gott under y' lee 
 
106 HISTORY OF [chap. X. 
 
 of a smalle Hand, and remained ther all y' night in 
 saftie. But they knew not this to be an Hand till 
 morning, but were devided in their minds ; some would 
 keepe y" boate for fear they might be amongst y' 
 Indians ; others were so weake and could, they could 
 not endure, but got a shore, & with much adoe got 
 fire, (all things being so wett,) and y" rest were glad 
 to come to them ; for after midnight y' wind shifted 
 to the [53] north-west, & it frose hard. But though 
 this had been a day & night of much trouble & 
 danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning of 
 comforte & refreshing (as usually he doth to his chil- 
 dren), for y' next day was a faire sunshinig day, and 
 they found them sellvs to be on an iland secure from 
 y'^ Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their 
 peeces, & rest them selves, and gave God thanks for 
 his mercies, in their manifould deliverances. And this 
 being the last day of y" loeeke, they prepared ther to 
 keepe y' Sabath. On Munday they sounded y'= harbor, 
 and founde it fitt for shipping ; and marched into y'' 
 land, & found diverse cornfeilds, & litle runing brooks, 
 a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation ; at least 
 it was y' best they could find, and y" season, & their 
 presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. 
 So they returned to their shipp againe with this news 
 to y' rest of their people, which did much comforte 
 their harts. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 107 
 
 On y" 15. of Desenf: they wayed anchor to goe to 
 y'= place they had discovered, & came within 2. leagues 
 of it, but were faine to bear up again e ; but y" 16. 
 day y'= winde came faire, and they arrived safe in this 
 harbor. And after wards tooke better view of y'' 
 place, and resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; 
 and y" 25. day begane to erecte y^' first house for 
 comone use to receive them and their goods. 
 
The 2. Booke. 
 
 The rest of this History (if God give me life, & ' 
 opportunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way 
 of annalls, noteing only the heads of principall things, 
 and passages as they fell in order of time, and may 
 seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. 
 And this may be as y* 2. Booke. 
 
 The remainder of An": 1620. 
 
 I SHALL a litle returne backe and begine with a 
 combination made by them before they came ashore, 
 being y'^ first foundation of their govermente in this 
 place ; occasioned partly by y* discontented & mutinous 
 speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had 
 let fall from them in y" ship — That when they came 
 a, shore they would use their owne libertie ; for none 
 had power to comand them, the patente they had 
 being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which 
 belonged to an other Goverment, with which y" Vir- 
 ginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that 
 shuch an [54] acte by them done (this their condi- 
 tion considered) might be as firme as any patent, and 
 in some respects more sure. 
 
 The forme was as foUoweth. 
 
110 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 In y" name of God, Ameu. We whose names are under- 
 writeu, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King 
 James, by y"^ grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland 
 king, defender of y'' faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for y" glorie 
 of God, and advancemente of y" Christian faith, and honour of 
 our king & countrie, a voyage to plant y'' first colonic in y' 
 • Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & 
 mutualy in y" presence of God, and one of another, covenant 
 & combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for 
 our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of y° ends 
 aforesaid ; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and 
 frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitu- 
 tions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most 
 meete & convenient for y' generall good of y'' Colonie, unto 
 which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes 
 wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd 
 y"' 11. of November, in y"* year of y"" raigne of our soveraigne 
 lord. King James, of England, France, & Ireland y" eighteenth, 
 and of Scotland y= flftie fourth. An": Dom. 1620. 
 
 After this they chose, or rather confirmed, M''. John 
 Carver (a man godly & well apj;iroved amongst them) 
 their Governour for that year. And after they had 
 provided a place for their goods, or comone store, 
 (which were long in unlading for want of boats, 
 foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,) 
 and begune some small cottages for their habitation, 
 as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of 
 lawes & orders, both for their civill & military Gov- 
 ermente, as y'= necessitie of their condition did re- 
 quire, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in 
 severall times, and as cases did require. 
 
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1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. Ill 
 
 In these hard & diiSculte beginings they found some 
 discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and 
 mutinous speeches & carriags in other ; but they were 
 soone quelled & overcome by y'= wisdome, patience, 
 and just & equall carrage of things by y" Gov"' and 
 better part, w"*' clave faithfully togeather in y" maine. 
 But that which was most sadd & lamentable was, 
 that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their com- 
 pany dyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being y'= 
 depth of winter, and wanting houses & other com- 
 forts ; being infected with y'^ scurvie & [55] other 
 diseases, which this long vioage & their inacomodate 
 condition had brought upon them ; so as ther dyed 
 some times 2. or 3. of a day, in y' foresaid time; 
 that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained. And 
 of these in y*" time of most distres, ther was but 6. 
 or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations 
 be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but 
 with abundance of toyle "and hazard of their owne 
 health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest 
 them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome 
 cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them ; in a word, did 
 all y* homly & necessarie offices for them w'=" dainty 
 & quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named ; and 
 all this willingly & cherfully, without any grudging 
 in y*^ least, shewing herein their true love unto their 
 freinds & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to 
 be remembred. Tow of these 7. were M^ William 
 
112 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther 
 Capteiu & military comander, uuto whom my selfe, 
 & many others, were much beholden in our low & 
 sicke condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these 
 persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at 
 all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what 
 I have said of these, I may say of many others who 
 dyed in this generall vissitation, & others yet living, 
 that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength con- 
 tinuing, they were not wanting to any that had need 
 of them. And I doute not but their recompence is 
 with y"" Lord. 
 
 But I may not hear pass bj' an other remarkable 
 passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell 
 among y' passengers that were to be left here to 
 plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke 
 water, that y" sea-men might have y'' more bear, and 
 one * in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of 
 beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne 
 father he should have none ; the disease begane to 
 fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their 
 company dyed before they went away, and many of 
 their officers and lustyest men, as y'' boatson, gunner, 
 3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others. At w"*" y* 
 m"'. was something strucken and sent to y*^ sick a 
 shore and tould y" Gc^"^ he should send for beer for 
 them that had need of it, though he drunke water 
 
 * Which was this author him selte. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 113 
 
 homward bound. But now amongst his company [56] 
 ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie 
 then amongst y"^ passengers ; for they that before liad 
 been boone companions in drinking & joyllity in y*^ 
 time of their health & wellfare, begane now to deserte 
 one another in this calamitie, saing they would not 
 hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected 
 by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after 
 they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing 
 for them, but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch 
 of y^ passengers as were yet abord shewed them what 
 mercy they could, w"*" made some of their harts re- 
 lente, as y° boatson (& some others), who was a 
 prowd yonge man, and would often curse & scofe at 
 y'^ passengers ; but when he grew weak, they had 
 compassion on him and helped him ; then he con- 
 fessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had 
 abused them in word & deed. O ! saith he, you, I 
 now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one 
 to another, but we let one another lye & dye like 
 doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had 
 not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage, 
 and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this 
 & that, for some of them, he had spente so much, 
 & so much, amongst them, and they wei'e now weary 
 of him, and did not help him, having need. Another 
 gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help 
 him in his weaknes ; he went and got a litle spise 
 
114 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 & made him a mess of meat once or twise, and be- 
 cause he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went 
 amongst his fellows, & swore y'' rogue would cousen 
 him, he would see him choaked before he made him 
 anj'' more meate ; and yet y* pore fellow dyed before 
 morning. 
 
 All this while y*^ Indians came skulking about them, 
 and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but 
 when any aproached near them, they would rune away. 
 And once they stoale away their tools wher they had 
 been at worke, & were gone to diner. But about y" 
 16. of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst 
 them, and spoke to them in broken English, which 
 they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At 
 length they understood by discourse with him, that he 
 was not of these parts, but belonged to y" eastrene 
 parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with 
 whom he was aquainted, & could name sundrie of 
 them by their names, amongst whom he had gott 
 his language. He became proftable to them [57J in 
 aquainting them with many things concerning y*" state 
 of y"" cuntry in y'' east-parts wher he lived, which was 
 afterwards profitable unto them ; as also of y*" people 
 hear, of their names, number, & strength ; of their 
 situation & distance from this place, and who was 
 cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset; he 
 tould them also of another Indian whos name was 
 Squanlo, a native of this place, who had been in Eng- 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 115 
 
 land & could speake better English then him selfe. 
 Being, after some time of entertainmente cfe gifts, dis- 
 mist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more with 
 him, & they brought againe all y' tooles that were 
 stolen away before, and made way for y"' coming of 
 their great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4. 
 or 5. days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds 
 & other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With 
 whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifts given 
 him, they made a peace with him (which hath now 
 continued this 24. years) in these terms. 
 
 1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie 
 or doe hurte to any of their peopl. 
 
 2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of 
 theirs, he should send y'' offender, that they might 
 punish him. 
 
 3. That if any thing were taken away from any of 
 theirs, he should cause it to be restored ; and they 
 should doe y'' like to his. 
 
 4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would 
 aide him ; if any did warr against them, he should 
 aide them. 
 
 5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, 
 to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong 
 them, but might be likewise comprised in y" condi- 
 tions of peace. 
 
 6. That when ther men came to them, they should 
 leave their bows & arrows behind them. 
 
116 HISTOKY OF [book U. 
 
 After these things he returned to his place caled 
 Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, Imt Squanto 
 contiiied with them, and was their interpreter, and 
 was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good 
 beyond their expectation. He directed them how to 
 set their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other 
 comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to 
 unknowne places for their protitt, and never left them 
 till he dyed. He was a native [5S] of this jjlace, & 
 scarce any left alive besids him selfe. He was caried 
 away with diverce others by one Hunt, a m'". of a 
 ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine ; 
 but he got away for England, and was entertained by 
 a marchante in London, & imployed to Xew-found- 
 land & other parts, & lastly brought hither into these 
 parts by one M". Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by 
 S"". Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other 
 designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some 
 thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth 
 An": 1622. by y° Presidente & Counsell for New-Eng- 
 land,* that he made y° peace betweene y" salvages 
 of these parts & y" English ; of which this planta- 
 tion, as it is intimated, had y'' benefite. But what a 
 peace it was, may apeare by what befell him & his 
 men. 
 
 This M'. Dermer was hear the same year that these 
 people came, as apears by a relation written by him, 
 
 * Page 17. 
 
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 117 
 
 & given me by a freind, beai-ing date June 30. An°: 
 1620. And they came in ISfovemb': following, so ther 
 was but 4. months differance. In which relation to 
 his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very 
 place. 
 
 I will first begine (saith he) w"^ that place from whence 
 Squanto, or Tisqitantem, was taken awaj' ; w''' in Cap: Smiths 
 mape is called Plimoth : and I would that Plimoth had y' like 
 comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear he 
 seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. 
 Otherwise at Charlton, because ther y" savages are lese to be 
 feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to y'^ toest of Plimoth, 
 bear an inveterate malice to y' English, and are of more 
 streingth then all y" savags from thence to Penobscote. Their 
 desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who hav- 
 ing many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their 
 murderers & smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no 
 injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it 
 may be douted ; yet they beleeve they were, for y' Frenche 
 have so possest them ; for which cause Squanto caiiot deney 
 but they would have kiled me when I was at JSlamasket, had 
 he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of y" borders of 
 [59] this great bay, may be compared to most of y'= planta- 
 tions which I have scene in Vhginia. The land is of diverce 
 sorts ; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel & 
 Scmghtughtett are for y' most part a blakish & deep mould, 
 much like that wher groweth y'' best Tobaco in Virginia. 
 In y' botume of y' great bay is store of Codd & basse, or 
 mulett, &c. 
 
 But above all he comends Pacanmohite for j" richest 
 soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, &c. 
 
118 HiSTOET or [book II. 
 
 Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, & situate 
 in y= mids betweene both, is full of Hands & peninsulas very 
 fertill for y' most parte. 
 
 With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to tran- 
 scribe, being now better knowne then thsy were to him. 
 
 He was taken prisoner by y" Indeans at Manamoiak 
 (a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He 
 gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but 
 when they had gott what they desired, they kept him 
 still & indevored to kill his men ; but he was freed 
 by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound 
 till they gave him a caunows load of corne. Of 
 which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was 
 An°: 1619. 
 
 After y'= writing of y" former relation he came to 
 y' He of Capawack (which lyes south of this place 
 in y' way to Virginia), and y*" foresaid 8quanto w* 
 him, wher he going a shore amongst y'^ Indans to 
 trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by 
 them, & all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; 
 but him selfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they 
 had cut of his head upon y"^ cudy of his boat, had 
 not y'' man reskued him with a sword. And so they 
 got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher 
 he dj^ed ; whether of his wounds or y' diseases of 
 y' cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. [60] By 
 all which it may appeare how farr these people were 
 from peace, and with what danger this plantation was 
 
1620.] PLYMOIJTH PLANTATION. 119 
 
 begune, save as y'' powerful! hand of the Lord did 
 protect them. These things* were partly the reason 
 why they kept aloofe & were so long before they 
 came to the English. An other reason (as after them 
 selvs made know) was how aboute 3. years before, a 
 French-ship was cast away at Cap-Godd, but y*" men 
 gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their 
 victails, & other goods; but after y'- Indeans heard 
 of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and 
 never left watching & dogging them till they got 
 advantage, and hild them all but 3. or 4. which they 
 kept, & sent from one Sachem to another, to make 
 sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of 
 which y<= foresaid M^ Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) 
 and they conceived this ship was now come to re- 
 venge it. 
 
 Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came 
 to y*^ English to make freindship, they gott all the 
 Poivachs of y° cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a 
 horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them 
 with their cunjurations, which asembly & service they 
 held in a darke & dismale swampe. 
 
 But to returne. The spring now approaching, it 
 pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst 
 them, and y"= sick and lame recovered apace, which 
 put as it were new life into them ; though they had 
 borne their sadd affliction with much patience & con- 
 
 * Thing in the manuscript. 
 
120 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 tentednes, as I thinke any jDeople could doe. But it 
 was y'' Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand 
 jDrepared them ; many having long home y" j^oake, yea 
 from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, 
 sundrie of them having been allready published in a 
 Jurnall made by one of y'= company ; and some other 
 passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to 
 which I referr those that are willing to know them 
 more perticulerly. And being now come to y" 25. 
 of March I shall begine y" year 1621. 
 
 [61] A71710. 1621. 
 They now begane to dispatch y^ ship away which 
 brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, 
 or y'' begining of Aprill. The reason on their parts 
 why she stayed so long, was y" necessitie and danger 
 that lay upon them, for it was well towards y'= ende 
 of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or 
 they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, 
 y" 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a 
 generall randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were 
 faine to retire abord for shilter. Then the sieknes 
 begane to fall sore amongst them, and y" weather so 
 bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. 
 Againe, the Gov' & cheefe of them, seeing so many 
 dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom 
 to send away the ship, their condition considered, and 
 y"^ danger they stood in from y'' Indeans, till they 
 
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 121 
 
 could procure some shelter ; and therfore thought it 
 better to draw some more charge upon them selves 
 & freinds, then hazard all. The m"'. and sea-men like- 
 wise, though before they hasted y' passengers a shore 
 to be goone, now many of their men being dead, & 
 of j" ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of 
 y' rest many lay sick & weake, y'' m\ durst not put 
 to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and y** 
 hart of winter over. 
 
 Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to 
 plant ther corne, in which servise Squanto stood them 
 in great stead, showing them both y" maner how to 
 set it, and after how to dress & tend it. Also he 
 tould them excepte they gott fish & set with it (in 
 these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he 
 showed them y' in y'' midle of Aprill they should have 
 store enough come up y'' brooke, by which they be- 
 gane to build, and taught them how to take it, and 
 wher to get other provissions necessary for them ; all 
 which they found true by triall & experience. Some 
 English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came 
 not to good, eather by y' badnes of y'= seed, or latenes 
 of y" season, or both, or some other defecte. 
 
 [62] In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie 
 about their seed, their Gov' (M^ John Carver) came 
 out of j" feild very sick, it being a hott day ; he 
 complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and 
 within a few bowers his sences failed, so as he never 
 
122 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 spake more till he dyed, which was within a few days 
 after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused 
 great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He 
 was liuried in y'' best maner they could, with some 
 vollies of shott by all that bore armes ; and his wife, 
 being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after 
 him. 
 
 Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gove' in 
 his stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, 
 in which he had been near y* point of death, Isaak 
 Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, 
 who, by renewed election every j'ear, continued sundry 
 years togeather, which I hear note once for all. 
 
 May 12. was y** first mariage in this place, which, 
 according to y" laudable custome of y'^ Low-Cuntries, 
 in which they had lived, was thought most requisite 
 to be performed by the magistrate, as being a civill 
 thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances 
 doe depende, with other things most proper to their 
 cognizans, and most consonante to y" scripturs, Ruth 
 4. and no wher found in y'^ gospell to be layed on 
 y* ministers as a part of their office. "This decree 
 or law about mariage was published by y-^ Stats of 
 y" Low-Cuntries An": 1.590. That those of any re- 
 ligion, after lawful 1 and open publication, coming before 
 y" magistrats, in y^ Town or Stat-house, were to be 
 orderly (by them) maried one to another." Petets 
 Hist, fol: 1029. And this practiss hath continued 
 
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 123 
 
 amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by 
 all y° famous churches of Christ in these parts to 
 this time, — An°: 1646. 
 
 Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at 
 home, it was thought meete to send some abroad to 
 see their new freind Massasoyet, and to bestow upon 
 him some gratuitie to bind him y'' faster unto them ; 
 as also that hearby they might veiw y^ countrie, and 
 see in what maner he lived, what strength he had 
 aboute him, and how y'' ways were to his place, if 
 at any time they should have occasion. So y*" 2. of 
 July they sente M^ Edward Winslow & M'. Hopkins, 
 with y"" foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him 
 a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some 
 other small things, which were kindly accepted ; but 
 they found but short comons, and came both weary 
 & hungrie home. For y" Indeans used then to have 
 nothing [63] so much come as they have since y' 
 Enslish have stored them with their hows, and scene 
 their Industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith. 
 They found his place to be 40. miles frorn hence, y"= 
 soyle good, & y" people not many, being dead & 
 abundantly wasted in y^ late great mortalitie which 
 fell in all these parts aboute three years before y" 
 coming of y" English, wherin thousands of them dyed, 
 they not being able to burie one another; ther souls 
 and bones were found in many places lying still above 
 o-round, where their houses & dwellings had been; a 
 
124 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 very sad speotackle to behould. But they brought 
 word that y" Xarighansets lived but on y' other side 
 of that great baj', & were a strong people, & many 
 in number, living compacte togeather, & had not been 
 at all touched with this wasting plague. 
 
 Aboute y'' later end of this month, one John Billing- 
 ton lost him selfe in y^ woods, & wandered up & 
 downe some 5. days, living on beries & what he could 
 find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. 
 mils south of this place, called Manamet, they conveid 
 him furder of, to JVairsett, among those peopl that had 
 before set upon y*^ English when they were costing, 
 whilest y'^ ship lay at y'' Cape, as is before noted. 
 But y'^ Gove"^ caused him to be enquired for among 
 y* Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher 
 he was, and y" Gove"^ sent a shalop for him, & had 
 him delivered. Those people also came and made their 
 peace ; and thej^ gave full satisfaction to those whose 
 corne thej' had found & taken when thej' were at Cap- 
 Codd. 
 
 Thus ther jDeace & aquaintance was prety well estab- 
 lisht w'" the natives aboute them ; and ther was an 
 other Indean called Hobamack come to live amongst 
 them, a jDroper lustie man, and a man of accounte 
 for his vallour & parts amongst y' Indeans, and con- 
 tinued very faithfull and constant to y" English till 
 he dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon bussines 
 amonge y'^ Indeans, at their returne (whether it was 
 
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 125 
 
 out of eiivie to them or malice to the English) ther 
 was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massasaoyte, 
 but never any good freind to y* English to this daj% 
 mett with them at an Indean towue caled Namassakett 
 14. miles to y'" west of this place, and begane to 
 quarell w"^ [64:] them, and offered to stabe Hobamack ; 
 but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, 
 and came ruiiing away all sweating and tould y'' Gov'' 
 what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed 
 Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no 
 other cause but because they were freinds to y'' Eng- 
 lish, and servisable unto them. Upon this y'" Gove' 
 taking counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne ; 
 for if they should suffer their freinds & messengers 
 thus to be wronged, they should have none would 
 cleave unto them, or give them any inteligence, or 
 doe them serviss afterwards ; but nexte they would 
 fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to 
 send y'' Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe 
 & fall upon them in y" night; and if they found that 
 Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not 
 to hurt any but those that had a hand in it. Hoba- 
 mack was asked if he would goe & be their guid, 
 & bring them ther before day. He said he would, & 
 bring them to y<= house wher the man lay, and show 
 them which was he. So they set forth y<' 14. of 
 August, and beset y» house round; the Captin giving 
 charg to let none pass out, entred y' house to search 
 
126 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 for him. But he was goone away that day, so they 
 mist him ; but understood y' Squauto was alive, & 
 that he had only threatened to kill him, & made an 
 offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld 
 and did no more hurte, & y° jjeople came trembling, 
 & brought them the best provissions they had, after 
 they were aquainted by Hobamack what was only in- 
 tended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out 
 of y*^ house, and asaid to i:)ass through y' garde. 
 These they brought home with them, & they had 
 their wounds drest & cured, and sente home. After 
 this thej' had many gratulations from diverce sachims, 
 and much firmer peace ; yea, those of y' lies of Capa- 
 wack sent to make frendship ; and this Corbitant him 
 selfe used y' mediation of Massassoyte to make his 
 • peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while 
 after. 
 
 After this, y"' 18. of Sepemb'': they sente out ther 
 shalop to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto 
 for their guid and [65] interpreter, to discover and 
 veiw that bay, and trade with y" natives ; the which 
 they performed, and found kind entertainement. The 
 people were much affraid of y« Tarentins, a people to 
 y'= eastward which used to come in harvest time and 
 take away their corne, & many times kill their persons. 
 They returned in saftie, and brought home a good 
 quanty of beaver, and made reporte of y" place, wish- 
 ing they had been ther seated; (but it seems y'^ Lord, 
 
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 127 
 
 who assignes to all men y« bounds of their habitations, 
 had apoynted it for an other use). And thus they 
 found y'' Lord to be with them in all their ways, and 
 to blesse their outgoings & incomings, for which let 
 his holy name have y'" praise for ever, to all posteritie. 
 
 They begane now to gather in y" small harvest they 
 had, and to titte up their houses and dwellings against 
 winter, being all well recovered in health & strenght, 
 and had all things in good plenty; for as some were 
 thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised 
 in fishing, aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which 
 y"'' tooke good store, of which every family had their 
 portion. All y" somer ther was no wante. And now 
 begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, 
 of which this place did abound when they came first 
 (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids 
 water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of 
 which they tooke many, besids venison, &c. Besids 
 they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, 
 or now since harvest, Indean corne to y' proportion. 
 Which made many afterwards write so largly of their 
 plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were 
 not fained, but true reports. 
 
 In Novemb'', about y' time twelfe month that them 
 selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unex- 
 pected or loked for,* in which came M''. Cushman (so 
 much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons to 
 
 • She came y« 9. to y« Cap. 
 
128 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 remaine & live iu y" plantation ; which did not a litle 
 rejoyce them. And they when they came a shore and 
 found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every 
 house, were no less glade. For most of them were 
 lusty yonge men, and many of them wild enough, 
 who litle considered whither or aboute what they 
 wente, till they came into y" harbore at Cap-Codd, 
 and ther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. 
 They then begane to thinke what should become of 
 them, if the people here were dead or cut of by y' 
 In deans. Thej- begane to consulte (upon some speeches 
 that some of y^ sea-men had cast out) to take y*^ sayls 
 from y'^' yeard least y"" ship [6(3] should gett away and 
 leave them ther. But y'' m''. hereing of it, gave them 
 good words, and tould them if any thing but well 
 should have befallne y"^ people hear, he hoped he had 
 vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he 
 had a bitt they should have their parte ; which gave 
 them good satisfaction. So they were all lauded ; but 
 ther was not so much as bisket-cake or any other 
 victialls * for them, neither had they any beding, but 
 some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, 
 nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths, 
 for many of them had brusht away their coats & cloaks 
 at Plimoth as they came. But ther was sent over some 
 burching-lane suits in y° ship, out of which they were 
 supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition 
 
 * Nay, they were faine to spare y" shipe some to carry her home. 
 
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 129 
 
 of strenght, but could have wished that many of them 
 had been of beter condition, and all of them lieter 
 furnished with provissions ; but y' could not now be 
 helpte . 
 
 In this ship M"'. Weston sent a large leter to M". 
 Carver, y" late Gove"', now deseased, full of complaints 
 & expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton ; 
 and y'' keeping y" shipe so long in y" country, and 
 returning her without lading, &c., which for brevitie 
 I omite. The rest is as followeth. 
 
 Part of Mr. Westons letter. 
 
 I durst never aquainte y" adventurers with y'' alteration of 
 y'' conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since 
 been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as 
 much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny 
 of what was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading 
 in the ship is wonderful!, and worthily distasted. I know you' 
 weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of 
 judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of y° time you 
 spente in discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done 
 much more ; but that is past, &c. If you mean, bona fide, to 
 performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us y' favore to coppy 
 them out faire, and subscribe them with y' principall of your 
 names. And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you 
 can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able 
 to o-ive them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with 
 good words to shift of. And consider that y' life of the bussi- 
 nes depends on y' lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any 
 good purpose, that I may be freed from y^' great sums I have 
 disbursed for y' former, and must doe for the later, / promise 
 
130 HISTORY OF [book U. 
 
 you I ivill never quit y' bussines, though all the other adventurers 
 should. 
 
 [67] We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, 
 which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For 
 any thing y' is els worth writtiug, M'. Cushman can informe 
 you. I pray write instantly for M^ Robinson to come to you. 
 And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary 
 both for this life & that to come, I rest 
 
 Your very loving frend, 
 
 Tho. Weston. 
 
 London, July 6. 1621. 
 
 This ship (caled y" Fortune) was speedily dispatcht 
 away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she 
 could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter 
 skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities 
 brought with them at first, being alltogeather unpro- 
 vided for trade ; neither was ther any amongst them 
 that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and 
 were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated 
 to be worth near 500*'. M"'. Cushman returned backe 
 also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston & y'= rest had 
 apoynted him, for their better information. And he 
 doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should 
 have a speedy supply ; considering allso how by M''. 
 Cushmans perswation, and letters received from Ley- 
 den, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeelded* 
 to y'^ afl'oresaid conditions, and subscribed them with 
 their hands. But it proved other wise, for M"'. Wes- 
 
 • Teeled in the manuscript. 
 
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 131 
 
 ton, who had made y' large promise in his later, (as 
 is before noted,) that if all y'' rest should fall of, yet 
 he would never quit y'^ bussines, but stick to them, 
 if they yeelded to y" conditions, and sente some lad- 
 ing in y^ ship ; and of this M^ Cushman was confi- 
 dent, and confirmed y'' same from his mouth, & serious 
 protestations to him selfe before he came. But all 
 proved but wind, for he was y' first and only man 
 that forsooke them, and that before he so much as 
 heard of y'^ returne of this ship, or knew what was 
 done; (so vaine is y^ confidence in man.) But of this 
 more in its place. 
 
 A leter in answer to his write to M^ Carver, was 
 sente to him from y"' Gov"', of which so much as is 
 pertenente to y* thing in hand I shall hear inserte. 
 
 S': Your large letter writen to M'. Carver, and dated y° 6. 
 of July, 1621, I have received y'= 10. of Novemb"', wherin 
 (after y" apologie made for your selfe) you lay mauy heavie 
 imputations upon him and us all. Touching him, he is de- 
 parted this life, and now is at rest [68] in y'= Lord from all 
 those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to 
 strive. He needs not my appologie ; for his care and pains 
 was so great for y*" commone good, both ours and yours, as 
 that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and short- 
 ened his days ; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. 
 At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene, 
 and many losses may sustaine ; but y° loss of his and many 
 other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed 
 at any prise. Of y" one, ther may be hope of recovery, but 
 y= other no recompence can make good. But I will not in- 
 
132 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 siste ia geueralls, but come more perticulerly to y" things them 
 selves. You greatly blame us for keping y'' ship so long in 
 y" countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. 
 weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a 
 long journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we 
 sought out in the foule winter a place of habitation. Then 
 we went in so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter 
 us and our goods, aboute w"^'' labour, manj' of our armes & 
 leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it 
 pleased God to vissite us then, with death daylj', and with 
 so generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie 
 the dead ; and y° well not in any measure sufficiente to tend 
 y° sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting 
 y' ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But 
 you say you know we will pretend weaknes ; and doe you think 
 we had not cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was 
 more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin 
 is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently 
 amongst y° rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which 
 tould you we spent so much time in discoursing & consulting, 
 &c., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared 
 not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded 
 others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound ex- 
 pectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will 
 never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, &c. 
 
 The rest of y" letter declared how they had sub- 
 scribed those conditions according to his desire, and 
 sente him y'' former accounts very perticulerly ; also 
 hovF y"" ship was laden, and in what condition their 
 affairs stood ; that y° coming of these [69] people 
 would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they 
 had not supply in time (as M"^. Cushman could more 
 
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 133 
 
 fully informe him & y*" rest of y'^ adventurers). Also 
 that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, 
 that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his 
 promise, &c. 
 
 After y*" departure of this ship, (which stayed not 
 aljOTe 14. days,) the Gove'' & his assistante haveing 
 disposed these late coiners into severall families, as 
 y^'' best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their 
 provissions in store, and proportioned y" same to y'' 
 number of persons, and found that it would not bould 
 out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. 
 And they could not well give less this winter time till 
 fish came in againe. So they were presently put to 
 half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane 
 to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of 
 supply. 
 
 Sone after this ships departure, y"^ great people of 
 y'= Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger 
 unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with 
 a great sneak-skine ; which their interpretours tould 
 them was a threatening & a chaleng. Upon which 
 y'' Gov', with y^ advice of others, sente them a round 
 answete, that if they had rather have warre then peace, 
 they might begine when they would; they had done 
 them no wrong, neither did y'^'' fear them, or should 
 they find them unprovided. And by another messenger 
 sente y" sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they 
 would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But 
 
134 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 these things I doe but mention, because they are more 
 at large allready put forth in printe, by M''. Winslow, 
 at y" requeste of some freinds. And it is like y" 
 reason was their owne ambition, who, (since y" death 
 of so many of y'' Indeans,) thought to dominire & 
 lord it over j'- rest, & conceived y* English would be a 
 barr in their waj^ and saw that Massasoji; took sheil- 
 ter allready under their wings. 
 
 But this made them y"- more carefully to looke to 
 them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwell- 
 ings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in 
 convenient places, with gates to shute, which were 
 every night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede 
 required ther was also warding in y" day time. And 
 y'' company was by y' Captaine and y" Gov"" [70] ad- 
 vise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had 
 ther quarter apoyuted them, unto which they were to 
 repaire upon anj' suddane alarme. And if ther should 
 be any crie of iire, a company were appointed for a 
 gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet y'' same, to 
 prevent Indean treachery. This was accomplished very 
 cherfully, and y'' towne impayled round by y° begin- 
 ing of March, in which evry family had a prety garden 
 plote secured. And hei-ewith I shall end this year. 
 Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of 
 mirth then of waight. One y" day called Chrismas- 
 day, y'= Gov"" caled them out to worke, (as was used,) 
 but y'^ most of this new-company excused them selves 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 135 
 
 and said it wente against their consciences to work on 
 y* day. So y'= GoV tould them that if they made it 
 mater of conscience, he would spare them till they 
 were better informed. So he led-away y" rest and 
 left them ; but when they came home at noone from 
 their worke, he found them in y° streete at play, 
 openly ; some pitching y" barr, & some at stoole-ball, 
 and shuch like spoiiis. So he went to them, and tooke 
 away their implements, and tould them that was against 
 his conscience, that they should play & others worke. 
 If they made y'' keeping of it mater of devotion, let 
 them kei^e their houses, but ther should be no game- 
 ing or revelling in y" streets. Since which time noth- 
 ing hath, been atempted that way, at least openly. 
 
 Anno 1622. 
 At y'^ spring of y'' year they had apointed y'' Massa- 
 chusets to come againe and trade with them, and be- 
 gane now to prepare for that vioag about y"' later end 
 of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, 
 their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, 
 he feared they were joyned w"' y'^ Narighansets and 
 might betray them if they were not carefull. He inti- 
 mated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gath- 
 ered from some private whisperings betweene him and 
 other Indeans. But [71] they resolved to proseede, 
 and sente out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe 
 men aboute y° begining of Aprill, and both Squanto 
 
136 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 & Hobamake with them, in regax'de of y*^ jelocie be- 
 tweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, but 
 an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing 
 in seeming great fear, and tould them that many 
 of y'= Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought 
 also Massasoyte, were coming against them ; and he 
 gott away to tell them, not without danger. And 
 being examined by y"" Gov'', he made as if they were 
 at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they 
 were at his heels. At which the Gov"" caused them 
 to take armes & stand on their garde, and suppos- 
 ing y° boat to be still within hearing (by reason it 
 was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote 
 of, the which y"' heard and came in. But no Indeans 
 apeared ; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was 
 scene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and 
 thought all was false ; yet y*^ Gov'' caused him to send 
 his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pre- 
 tening other occasions), but ther was nothing found, 
 but all was quiet. After this they proseeded on their 
 vioge to y'' Massachusets, and had good trade, and 
 returned in saftie, blessed be God. 
 
 But by the former passages, and other things of 
 like nature, they begane to see y' Squanto sought his 
 owne ends, and jilaid his owne game, by putting y" 
 Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to en- 
 rich him selfe ; making them beleeve he could stur up 
 warr against whom he would, & make peece for whom 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 137 
 
 he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept y* 
 plague buried in y' ground, and could send it amongs 
 whom they would, which did much terrific the Indeans, 
 and made them depend more on him, and aeeke more 
 to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, 
 and had like to have cost him his life. For after y" 
 discovery of his practises, Maasasoyt sought it both pri- 
 vatly and openly ; which caused him to stick close to 
 y" English, & never durst goe from them till he dyed. 
 They also made good use of y^ emulation y' grue be- 
 tweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more 
 squarely. And y" Gov' seemed to countenance y'= one, 
 and y*' Captaine y'^ other, by which they had better 
 intelligence, and made them both more diligente. 
 
 [72] Now in a maner their provissions were wholy 
 spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came. 
 But about y'' later end of May, they spied a boat at 
 sea, which at first they thought had beene some French- 
 man ; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship 
 which M^ Weston & an other had set out a fishing, 
 at a place called Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to y* 
 eastward of them, wher were y' year many more 
 ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers 
 and some letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. 
 Some part of which I shall set downe. 
 
 M'. Carver, in my last leters by y= Fortune, iu whom M'. 
 Cushman weute, and who I hope is with you, for we daly 
 
138 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 expecte y' shipe back againe. She departed hence, y° begin- 
 ing of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided 
 with necesaries, bj' reason of y" parsemonie of y'^ adventurers.* 
 I have solisited them to send you a supplj^ of men and provis- 
 sions before shee come. Thej' all answer they will doe great 
 maters, when they hear good news. Nothing before ; so faith- 
 full, constant, & carefull of j^our good, are your olde & honest 
 freinds, that if they hear not from j'ou, they are like to send 
 you no supplie, &c. I am now to relate y' occasion of send- 
 ing tJiis ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will 
 have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof 
 Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which 
 is in part true, &c. M'. Beachamp and my selfe bought this 
 litle shij), and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold f 
 y° plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves ; and 
 partly to gett up what we are formerly out ; though we are 
 otherwise censured, &c. This is y' occasion we have sent this 
 ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte ; whom we 
 desire you will frendly entertaine & supply with shuch neces- 
 aries as you cane spare, and they wante, &c. And among 
 other things we pray you lend or sell them some seed corne, 
 and if you have y" salt remaining of y' last year, that y" will 
 let them have it for their presente use, and we will either pay 
 you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt-pan to 
 worke, which we desh-e may be set up in one of y" litle Hands 
 in your bay, &c. And because we intende, if God plase, [73] 
 (and y' generallitie doe it not,) to send loithin a month another 
 shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Vir- 
 ginia, &c. And it may be we shall send a s7naU shijy to abide 
 with you on y" coast, which I conceive may be a great help to 
 y' plantation. To y= end our desire may be effected, which, I 
 assure my selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give 
 them entertainmente in your houses y' time they shall be with 
 
 * Adventures in the manuscript. f I Isnow not v,"^ way. 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 139 
 
 you, that they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand 
 to fell trees & cleave them, to y" end lading may be ready and 
 our ship stay not. 
 
 Some of y' adventurers have sent you hearwith all some 
 directions for your furtherance in y" coiiione bussines, who 
 are like those S'. James speaks of, y' bid their brother eat, 
 and warme him, but give him nothing ; so they bid you make 
 salt, and uphold y'^ plantation, but send you no means wher- 
 withall to doe it, &c. By y° next we purpose to send more 
 people on our oiv7ie accounte, and to take apatente; that if your 
 peopl should be as unhumane as some of y" adventurers, not 
 to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barba- 
 risme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you 
 have any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfle our 
 passengers I must of force doe it ; and for some other reasons 
 not necessary to be writen, &c. I find y*^ generall so backward, 
 and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand 
 on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves. 
 
 Subscribed, 
 
 your loving freind, 
 
 Jan: 12. 1621. Tho : Weston. 
 
 Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & 
 impertinent. 
 
 All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie 
 bellies, and a slender performance of his former late 
 premiss ; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, 
 as those y" Apostle James spake of, by him before 
 mentioned. And well might it make them remember 
 what J" psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust 
 in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa. 
 146. Put not you trust in princes (much less in j" 
 
140 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 marchants) nor in y" sone of man, for iher is no help 
 in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath tf God of 
 Jacob for his help, ivhose hope is in y" Lord his God. 
 And as they -n-ere now fayled of suply by him and 
 others in this their greatest neede and wants, which 
 was caused by him and y'^ rest, who put so great a 
 company of men upon them, as y' former company 
 were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as 
 they must live almost a whole year before any could 
 [74] be raised, excepte they had sente some ; so, upon 
 y" pointe they never had any supply of vitales more 
 afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise) ; 
 for all y" company sent at anj^ time was allways too 
 short for those people y' came with it. 
 
 Ther came allso by y" same ship other leters, but of 
 later date, one from M^ Weston, an other from a parte 
 of y adventurers, as foloweth. 
 
 M'. Carver, since my last, to y° end we might y° more readily 
 proceed to help y' generall, at a meeting of some of y° prin- 
 cipal! adventurers, a proposition was put forth, & alowed by 
 all presente (save Pickering) , to adventure each man y' third 
 parte of what he formerly had done. And ther are some other 
 y' folow his example, and will adventure no furder. In regard 
 wherof y° greater part of y° adventurers being willing to uphold 
 y= bussines, finding it no reason that those j^' are willing should 
 uphold y' bussines of those that are unwilling, whose back- 
 wardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder 
 other new-adventurers from coming in, we having well con- 
 sidered therof, have resolved, according to an article in y* 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 143 
 
 drawne on to this they have done ; and yet I fear y' hope will 
 not draw them much furder. Besids, most of them are against 
 y' sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this hussines was 
 first hegune, and some of y" most religious (as M''. Greene by 
 name) excepts against them. So y' my advice is (you may 
 follow it if you please) that you forthwith break of your 
 joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law & 
 conscience, for y" most parte of y° adventurers have given 
 way unto it by a former letter. And y'^ means you have 
 ther, which 1 hope will be to some purpose by y" trade of this 
 spring, may, with y' help of some freinds hear, bear y" charge 
 of trasporting those of Leyden ; and when they are with you 
 I make no question but by Gods help you will be able to sub- 
 sist of your selves. But 1 shall leave you to your discretion. 
 
 1 desired diverce of y" adventurers, as M'. Peirce, M'. Greene, 
 & others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or 
 leters, to send them hy these ships; and marvelling they sent 
 not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters 
 they had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he 
 had one, which was delivered him with [76] great charge of 
 secrecie ; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, 
 & sow it betweene y"* soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking 
 y'^ leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, 
 and found this treacherous letter subscribed by y" hands of M'. 
 Pickering & M'. Greene. Wich leter had it come to you"' hands 
 without answer, might have caused y'' hurt, if not y= ruine, of 
 us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, 
 and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to 
 hold us in distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occa- 
 sion to have set us togeather by y" eares, to y* distraction of 
 us all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing 
 what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but 
 others also, would have been violent, and heady against you, 
 &c. 1 mente to have setled y"= people I before and now send, 
 
144 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 with or near 3'ou, as well for their as 3'our more securitie and 
 defence, as help on all occasions. But I find y" adventurers 
 so jealous & suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, & 
 given order to my brother & those with him, to doe as they 
 and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, &c. 
 
 Your loving freind, 
 Aprill 10. 1621. Tho : Weston. 
 
 Some part of 3P Pickerings letter before mentioned. 
 
 To M"'. Bradford & M'. Brewster, &c. 
 
 My dear love remembred unto j'ou all, &c. The company 
 hath bought out M'. Weston, and are very glad they are freed 
 of him, he being judged a man y' thought him selfe above y' 
 generall, and not espresiug so much j'' fear of God as was 
 meete in a man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed 
 in a matter of so great importance. I am sparing to be so 
 plaine as indeed is clear against him ; but a few words to y° 
 wise. 
 
 M'. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, 
 nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some 
 reason in respecte of him selfe, &c. His brother Andrew, 
 whom he doth send as principall in one of these s/wps, is a 
 heady yong man, & violente, and set against you ther, & y' 
 company hear ; ploting with M'. Weston their owne ends, which 
 tend to your & our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, 
 and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney 
 we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pre- 
 tending he comes for and from y° adventurers, and will seeke 
 to gett what you have in readynes [77] into his ships, as if 
 they came from y"= company, & possessing all, will be so much 
 profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what 
 spetiall places or things you have discovered, to y° end that 
 they may supres & deprive you, &c. 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 145 
 
 The Lord, who is y" watchman of Israll & slepeth not, pre- 
 serve you & deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie 
 that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning 
 this man ; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you 
 into thousands, to the advancemente of y" glorious gospell of 
 our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well. 
 
 Your loving freinds, 
 
 Edward Pickering. 
 William Greene. 
 
 I pray conceale both y* writing & deliverie of this leter, but 
 make the best use of it. We Iwpe to sete forth a ship our selves 
 ivith in this month. 
 
 TJie heads of his ansiver. 
 
 M'. Bradford, this is y'* leter y' I wrote unto you of, which 
 to answer in every perticuler is needles & tedious. My owne 
 conscience & all our people can and I thinke will testifle, y' 
 my end in sending y' ship Sparrow was your good, &c. Now 
 I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, 
 as these men terme them ; yet I presume they will be governed 
 by such as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able 
 to reclaime them from y' profanenes that may scandalise y" 
 vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, &c. I am 
 80 farr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by 
 fraude or violence of what is yours, as I have charged y' 
 m'. of y"* ship Sparroiv, not only to leave with you 2000. of 
 bread, but also a good quantitie of flsh,* &c. But I will 
 leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or 
 might have done, had it come to your hands & taken y° 
 effecte y° other desired. 
 
 Now if you be of y" mind y' these men are, deale plainly 
 with us, & we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you 
 
 * But y^ [he] left not his own me7i a bite of bread* 
 
146 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 are as freindly as we have thought you to be, give us y' 
 entertainment of freinds, and we will take nothing from you, 
 neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one 
 kind or other, pay you for, &c. I shall leave in y' coun- 
 trie (t litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners 
 & fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with y' 
 savages, & y" old plantation. It may be we shall be as 
 helpfuU to you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see 
 you y' next spring ; and so I comend you to y° protection 
 of God, who ever keep you. 
 
 Your loving freind, 
 
 Tho : Weston. 
 
 [78] Thus all ther hops in regard of M^ Weston 
 were layed in y*^ dust, and all his promised helpe 
 turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended 
 was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. 
 And they were not only thus left destitute of help in 
 their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any 
 thing to trade with, but others prepared & ready to 
 glean up what y* cuntrie might have afforded for their 
 releefe. As for those harsh censures & susspitions in- 
 timated in y' former and following leters, they desired 
 to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, 
 waighing them in y' ballance of love and reason ; and 
 though they (in parte) came from godly & loveing 
 freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise 
 from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with un- 
 meete provocations, though they well saw M^ Weston 
 pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 147 
 
 For after the receit of y*^ former leters, the Gov"' re- 
 ceived one from M''. Cushman, who went home in y' 
 ship, and was allway intimate with M'. Weston, (as 
 former passages declare), and it was much marveled 
 that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But 
 it should seeme it was y"= difficulty of sending, for 
 this leter was directed as y leter of a wife to her 
 husband, who was here, and brought by him to y'' 
 Gov"'. It was as followeth. 
 
 Beloved S': I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, 
 and many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we 
 got well home y'^ 17. of Feb. Being robbed by y" French- 
 men by y'' way, and carried by them into France, and were 
 kepte ther 15. days, and lost all y' we had that was worth 
 taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives 
 & ship. I see not y' it worketh any discouragment hear. 
 I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, / hope in June 
 nexte, or before. In y" mean space know these things, and 
 I pray you be advertised a litle. M'. Weston hath quite 
 broken of from our company, through some discontents y' 
 arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath 
 sould all his adventurs, & hath now sent 3. smale s7wps for his 
 perticuler i:ilantation. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune, 
 M''. Reynolds goeth m^ and he with y' rest purposeth to 
 come him selfe ; for what end I know not. 
 
 The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore 
 I pray you entertaine them not, neither eschainge man for 
 man with them, excepte it be some of your worst. He hath 
 taken a patente for him selfe. If they off err to buy any 
 thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let 
 them give y" worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, 
 
148 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 let them leave a good pawne, &c. It is like he [78*] will 
 plant to y'' southward of y' Cape, for William Trevore hath 
 lavishly tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack, 
 Mohiggen, & y'' Narigansets. I fear these people will hardly 
 deale so well with y" savages as they should. I pray you 
 therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body 
 from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither 
 must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their 
 fidelitie. "We are aboute to recover our losses in France. 
 Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as 
 many as can tliis time. I hope all will turne to y"" best, 
 wherfore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your 
 selfe to goe thorow these dificulties cherfuUy & with courage 
 in y' place w'herin God hath sett you, untill y" day of re- 
 freshing come. And y'' Lord God of sea & land bring us 
 comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie. 
 
 Yours, Rob ART Cushman. 
 
 On y" other sid of y"" leafe, in y'= same leter, came 
 these few lines from Mj. John Peirce, in whose name 
 the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow, 
 to be spoken in its place. 
 
 Worthy S': I desire you to take into consideration that 
 which is writen on y" other side, and not any way to 
 damnific your owne coUony, whos strength is but weaknes, 
 and may therby be more infeebled. And for y" leters of 
 association, by y" next ship we send, I hope you shall re- 
 ceive satisfaction ; in y' mean time whom you admite I will 
 approve. But as for M'. Weston's company, I thinke them 
 so base in condition (for y'' most parte) as in all apearance 
 
 * The number is repeated in the Ms. 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 149 
 
 not fltt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove 
 other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but 
 cease in these few lins, and so rest 
 
 Your loving freind, 
 
 John Peiece. 
 
 All these things they pondred and well considered, 
 yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente ; 
 partly in regard of M^ Weston him selfe, considering 
 what he had been unto them, & done for them, & to 
 some, more espetially ; and partly in compassion to y'^ 
 people, who were now come into a willdernea, (as 
 them selves were,) and were by y" ship to be pres- 
 ently put a shore, (for she was to cary other passen- 
 gers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they 
 were alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to 
 doe. So as they had received his former company of 
 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so 
 they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men), 
 and gave [79] housing for them selves and their 
 goods ; and many being sicke, they had y" best means 
 y'= place could aford them. They stayed hear y'^ most 
 parte of y"" somer till y" ship came back againe from 
 Virginia. Then, by his direction, or those whom he 
 set over them, they removed into y"* Massachusset 
 Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by 
 light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). 
 Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were 
 setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not 
 
150 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing 
 els in recompence of any courtecie done them ; neither 
 did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly 
 company, and had no good govermente over them, and 
 by disorder would soone fall into wants if M''. Wes- 
 ton came not y' sooner amongst them ; and therfore, 
 to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of 
 them. 
 
 Amids these streigths, and y'^ desertion of those 
 from whom they had hoped for supply, and when 
 famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not know- 
 ing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) pre- 
 sents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. 
 This boat which came from y'^ eastward brought them 
 a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had 
 never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come 
 ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. Being 
 thus inscribed. 
 
 To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c. 
 
 Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours : I salute you, and wish 
 you all health and hapines in y' Lord. I make bould with 
 these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were ua- 
 humane, I can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it selfe 
 too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with 
 many good freinds in j" south-collonie of Virginia, have re- 
 ceived shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make 
 good our losses. Therfore I doe iutreat you (allthough not 
 knowing you) that y* old rale which I learned when I went 
 to schoole, may be sufficente. That is, Hapie is he whom 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 151 
 
 other mens harmes cloth make to beware. And now againe 
 and againe, wishing all those y' willingly would serve y'= 
 Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting 
 peace in y" world to come. And so I rest, 
 
 Yours, 
 
 John Hudlston. 
 
 By this boat y" Gov"' returned a thankfull answer, 
 as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with 
 them, which was piloted by them, in which M^ Wins- 
 low was sente to procure what provissions he could 
 of y'= ships, who was kindly received by y'^ foresaid 
 gentill-man, who not only spared what he [90 *] could, 
 but writ to others to doe y" like. By which means 
 he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by 
 which y'^ plantation had a duble benefite, first, a pres- 
 ent refreshing by y<^ food brought, and secondly, they 
 knew y' way to those parts for their benifite hear- 
 after. But what was gott, & this small boat brought, 
 being devided among so many, came but to a litle, 
 yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It 
 arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to 
 each person ; and y' Gov'' caused it to be dayly given 
 them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, 
 they would have eate it up & then starved. But thus, 
 with what els they could get, they made pretie shift 
 till corne was ripe. 
 
 * Mr. Hunter writes: "Here is an error in Bradford's pagination. He 
 passes from 79 to 90. No part of the manuscript is here lost." 79 is repeated 
 in the paging. 
 
152 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 This soffier they builte a fort with good timber, 
 both strong & comly, wliich was of good defence, made 
 with a flate rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance 
 were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, 
 espetially in time of danger. It served tliem allso for 
 a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that 
 use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes 
 and time of wants ; but y" deanger of y"" time required 
 it, and both y" continuall rumors of y" fears from y' 
 Indeans hear, espetially y'' Narigansets, and also y^ 
 hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all 
 hands willing to despatch y" same. 
 
 Now j" wellcome time of harvest aproached, in 
 which all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose 
 but to a litle, in comparison of a full years supplie ; 
 partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted 
 with j" maner of Indean corne, (and they had no 
 other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly 
 their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they 
 should have done. Also much was stolne both by 
 night & day, before it became scarce eatable, & much 
 more afterward. And though many were well whipt 
 (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet 
 hunger made others (whom conscience did not re- 
 straine) to venture. So as it well appeared y' famine 
 must still insue y'' next year allso, if not some way 
 prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst 
 not trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH I^LANTATION. 153 
 
 only j' Indeans, and they had no tradmg comodities. 
 Behold now another providence of God ; a ship comes 
 into y'' [91] harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe 
 therin. They were set out by some marchants to dis- 
 covere all y'^ harbors betweene this & Virginia, and y'^ 
 shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along y'- coast wher 
 they could. This ship had store of English-beads 
 (which were then good trade) and some knives, but 
 would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good 
 quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of y" occa- 
 sion, and faine to buy at any rate ; they were faine 
 to give after y" rate of cento per cento, if not more, 
 and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3'. per"-, which in a 
 few years after yeelded 20\ By this means they were 
 fitted againe to trade for beaver & other things, and 
 intended to buy what corne they could. 
 
 But I will hear take libei-ty to make a litle digres- 
 sion. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name 
 M"'. John Poory ; he had been secretarie in Virginia, 
 and was now going home passenger in this ship. 
 After his departure he write a leter to j" Gov"" in y"^ 
 postscrite wherof he hath these lines. 
 
 To your selfe and M". Brewster, I must acknowledg my 
 selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you 
 thinke very well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch 
 juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much 
 less to begg) M'. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon y' 5. 
 books of Moyses. Both his & M'. Robinsons doe highly 
 
154 HISTORY OF [book H. 
 
 comend the authors, as being most conversante iu y' scrip- 
 turs of all others. And what good (who knows) it may 
 please God to worke by them, through my hands, (though 
 most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them. 
 God have j'ou all in his keeping. 
 
 Your unfained and flrme freind, 
 Aug. 28. 1622. John Port. 
 
 These things I hear inserte for honour sake of y" 
 authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus in- 
 geniusly acknowledg ; and him selfe after his returne 
 did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those 
 of no mean ranck. But to returne. 
 
 [92] Shortly after harvest M''. Westons people who 
 were now seated at y° Massachusets, and by disorder 
 (as it seems) had made havock of their provissions, 
 begane now to perceive that want would come upon 
 them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading 
 comodities & intended to trade for corne, they write 
 to y'^ Gov'' and desired they might joyne with them, 
 and they would imploy their small ship in y' servise ; 
 and furder requested either to lend or sell them so 
 much of their trading comodities as their part might 
 come to, and they would undertake to make paymente 
 when M'". Weston, or their supply, should come. The 
 Gov'' condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, 
 thinkeing to goe aboute y" Cap to y° southward 
 with y*^ ship, wher some store of corne might be 
 got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was 
 
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 155 
 
 apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid & 
 interpreter, about y'= latter end of September; but y* 
 winds put them in againe, & putting out j" 2. time, 
 he fell sick of a feavor, so y^ Gov'' wente him selfe. 
 But they could not get aboute y° should of Cap-Cod, 
 for flats & breakers, neither could Squanto directe 
 them better, nor y° m'. durst venture anj further, so 
 they put into Manamoyack Bay and got w' * they 
 could ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an 
 Indean feavor, bleeding much at y" nose (which y'' 
 Indeans take for a simptome of death) , and within a 
 few days dyed ther ; desiring y" Gov"' to pray for him, 
 that he might goe to y" Englishmens God in heaven, 
 and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his 
 English freinds, as remembrances of his love ; of whom 
 they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one 
 place & other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne & 
 beans, which was more then y'' Indeans could well 
 spare in these parts, for y'' set but a litle till they got 
 English hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory 
 they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better 
 laden. After ward y" Gov" tooke a few men & wente 
 to y" inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch 
 it home at y"^ spring, which did help them something. 
 [93] After these things, in Feb: a messenger came 
 from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over M'. Wes- 
 ton's men in y" bay of Massachusets, who brought a 
 
 * IF'* in the manuscript. 
 
156 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 letter shewing the great wants they were folen into ; 
 and he would have borrowed a SB of corne of y" In- 
 deans, but they would lend him none. He desired 
 advice whether he might not take it from them by 
 force to succore his men till he came from y'' east- 
 ward, whither he was going. The Gov"' & rest de- 
 swaded him by all means from it, for it might so 
 exasperate the In deans as might endanger their saftie, 
 and all of us might smart for it ; for the}' had already 
 heard how they had so wronged y"" Indeans by steal- 
 ing their corne, &c. as they were much incensed 
 against them. Yea, so base were some of their own 
 company, as they wente & tould y^ Indeans y' their 
 Gov'' was purposed to come and take their corne by 
 force. The which with other things made them enter 
 into a conspiracie against y'' English, of which more 
 in y" nexte. Hear with I end this year. 
 
 A7ino Dom: 1623. 
 It may be thought Strang that these people should 
 fall to these extremities in so short a time, beinar left 
 competently provided when y'= ship left them, and had 
 an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got by 
 trade, besids much they gott of y' Indans wher they 
 lived, by one means & other. It must needs be their 
 great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they 
 had, or could get it ; and, it may be, wasted parte 
 away among y« Indeans (for he y' was their cheef 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 157 
 
 was taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean 
 women, how truly I know not). And after they 
 begane to come into wants, many sould away their 
 cloathes and lied coverings ; others (so base were tliey) 
 became servants to y° Indeans, and would cutt them 
 woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of corne ; 
 others fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from 
 y'' Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In 
 y'^ end, they came to that misery, that some starved 
 & dyed with could & hunger. One in geathering 
 shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in y*' mudd, 
 and was found dead in y"^ place. At last most of them 
 left their dwellings & scatered up & downe in y" [94] 
 woods, & by y" water sids, wher they could find 
 ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By 
 which their cariages they became contemned & scorned 
 of y" Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over 
 them in a most insolente maner ; insomuch, many times 
 as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot 
 with ground nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the 
 Indeans would come and eate it up ; and when night 
 came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or 
 such like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would 
 take it and let y" other lye all nighte in the could; 
 so as their condition was very lamentable. Yea, in 
 y= end they were faine to hange one of their men, 
 whom they could not reclaime from stealing, to give 
 y'' Indeans contente. 
 
158 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Whilst things wente in this maner with them, y'* 
 Gov"" & people hear had notice y' Massasoyte ther 
 freind was sick & near unto death. They sent to 
 vissete him, and withall sente him such comfortable 
 things as gave him great contente, and was a means 
 of his recovery ; upon which occasion he discovers y* 
 conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved 
 to cutt of M^ Westons people, for the continuall in- 
 juries they did them, & would now take opportunitie 
 .of their weaknes to doe it ; and for that end had con- 
 spired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. 
 And thinking the people hear would revenge their 
 death, they therfore thought to doe y'^ like by them, 
 & had solisited him to joyne with them. He advised 
 them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by tak- 
 ing of some of y° cheefe of them, before it was to 
 late, for he asured them of y" truth hereof. 
 
 This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into 
 serious delibration, and found upon examenation other 
 evidence to give light hear unto, to longe hear to 
 relate. In y'^ mean time, came one of them from 
 y'' Massachucts, with a small pack at his back; and 
 though he knew not a foote of y' way, yet he got 
 safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, 
 for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them 
 hear how all things stood amongst them, and that he 
 durst stay no longer, he apprehended they (by what 
 he observed) would be all knokt in y* head shortly. 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 159 
 
 This made them make y"* more hast, & dispatched a 
 boate away w"' Capten Standish & some men, who 
 found them in a miserable condition, out of which he 
 rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut of 
 some few of y" cheefe conspirators, and, according to 
 his order, offered to bring them all hither if they 
 thought good ; and they should fare no worse then 
 them selves, till M''. Weston or some supplie came to 
 them. Or, if any other course liked them better, 
 he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could. They 
 thanked him & y'' rest. But most of them desired he 
 would help them with some corne, and they would 
 goe with their smale ship to y** eastward, wher hapily 
 they might here of M'. Weston, or some supply from 
 him, seing y'' time of y" year was for fishing ships 
 to [95] be in y'' land. If not, they would worke 
 among y'' fishermen for their liveing, and get ther pas- 
 sage into England, if they heard nothing from M^ 
 Weston in time. So they shipped what they had of 
 any worth, and he got them all y'^ corne he could 
 (scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them 
 well out of y' bay, under saile at sea, and so came 
 home, not takeing j" worth of a peny of any thing 
 that was theirs. I have but touched these things 
 breefly, because they have allready been published in 
 printe more at large. 
 
 This was y* end of these that some time bosted of 
 their strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what 
 
160 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 they would doe & bring to pass, iu comparison of y* 
 , people hear, who had many women & children and 
 weak ons amongst them ; and said at their first arivall, 
 when they saw the wants hear, that they would take 
 an other course, and not to fall into shuch a condition, 
 as this simple people were come too. But a mans 
 way is not in his owne power ; God can make ye 
 weake to stand ; let him also that standeth take heed 
 least he fall. 
 
 Shortly after, M^ Weston came over with some of 
 y' fishermen, under another name* and y'^ disguise of a 
 blacke-smith, were he heard of y'' mine and disolution 
 of his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 
 2. came to see how things were. But by y" way, for 
 wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in 
 y"" botome of y"" bay between Meremek river & Pas- 
 cataquack, & hardly escaped with life, and afterwards 
 fell into the hands of y'' In deans, who pillaged him 
 of all he saved from the sea, & striped him out of 
 all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pas- 
 cataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got 
 means to come to Plimoth. A Strang alteration ther 
 was in him to such as had seen & known him in his 
 former florishing condition ; so uncertaine are y" muta- 
 ble things of this unstable world. And j^et men set 
 their harts upon them, though they dayly see y^ vanity 
 therof. 
 
 After many passages, and much discourse, (former 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 161 
 
 things boyling in his mind, but bit in as was dis- 
 cernd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of them; 
 and tould them he had hope of a ship & good supply 
 to come to him, and then they should have any thing 
 for it they stood in neede of. They gave litle credite 
 to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered 
 former curtesies. Thej^ tould him he saw their wants, 
 and they knew not when they should have any supply ; 
 also how y' case stood betweene them & their ad- 
 venturers, he well knew ; they had not much bever, 
 & if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to 
 make a mutinie among y"^ people, seeing ther was no 
 other means to procure them foode which they so much 
 wanted, & cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they 
 would help him, considering his necessitie, but must 
 doe it secretly for y' former reasons. So they let 
 him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170". odd 
 pounds. Thus they helpt him when all y" world faild 
 him, and with this means he went againe to y" ships, 
 and stayed his small ship & some of his men, & 
 bought provissions and fited him selfe ; and it was y" 
 only foundation [96] of his after course. But he re- 
 quited them ill, for he j^roved after a bitter enimie 
 unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them 
 any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill 
 words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none 
 of their best freinds, whilst he yet had y'' beaver in 
 his boat ; that he could now set them all togeather by 
 
162 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 y'' ears, because they had done more then they could 
 answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did 
 not spare to doe what he could. But his malice could 
 not prevaile. 
 
 All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew 
 they when they might expecte any. So they begane 
 to thinlie how they might raise as much corne as they 
 could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, 
 that they might not still thus languish in miserie. At 
 length, after much debate of things, the Gov' (with 
 y'= advise of y" cheefest amongest them) gave way that 
 they should set corne every man for his owne per- 
 ticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves ; in all 
 other things to goe on in y'^ generall way as before. 
 And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, 
 according to the proportion of their number for that 
 end, only for present use (but made no devission for 
 inheritance), and ranged all boys & youth under some 
 familie. This had very good success ; for it made all 
 hands very industrious, so as much more corne was 
 planted then other waise would have bene by any 
 means y" Gov"' or any other could use, and saved him 
 a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. 
 The women now wente willingly into y'' feild, and 
 tooke their litle-ons with them to set corne, which 
 before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie ; whom to 
 have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie 
 and oppression. 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 163 
 
 The experience that was had in this comone course 
 and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst 
 godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of 
 that conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded 
 by some of later times; — that y" taking away of 
 propertie, and bringing in comunitie into a comone 
 wealth, would make them happy and florishing ; as if 
 they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so 
 farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & 
 discontent, and retard much imploymet that would 
 have been to their benefite and comforte. For y" 
 yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour & 
 service did repine that they should spend their time 
 & streingth to worke for other mens wives and chil- 
 dren, with out any recompence. The strong, or man 
 of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, 
 then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter 
 y"" other could ; this was thought injuestice. The aged 
 and graver men to be ranked and [97] equalised in 
 labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with y" meaner & 
 yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect 
 unto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to 
 doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, wash- 
 ing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, 
 neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon y" 
 poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike, 
 they thought them selves in y"' like condition, and one 
 as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those 
 
164 HISTOEY OF [book II. 
 
 relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did 
 at least much diminish and take of j" mutuall respects 
 that should be preserved amongst them. And would 
 have bene worse if they had been men of another 
 condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, 
 and nothing to y" course it selfe. I answer, seeing all 
 men have this corruption in them, God in his wis- 
 dome saw another course liter for them. 
 
 But to returne. After this course setled, and by 
 that their core was planted, all ther victails were 
 spente, and they were only to rest on Gods provi- 
 dence ; at night not many times knowing wher to have 
 a bitt of any thing y"" next day. And so, as one well 
 observed, had need to pray that God would give them 
 their dayly brade, above all people in j" world. Yet 
 they bore these wants with great patience & allacritie 
 of spirite, and that for so long a time as for y" most 
 parte of 2. years ; which makes me remember what 
 Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying y'= Spaniards) in 
 his 5. Decade, pag. 208. They (saith he) led a 7nis- 
 erable life for 5. days togeather, with y" parched graine 
 of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then con- 
 cluds, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, 
 he thought none living which is not a Spaniard could 
 have endured. But alass ! these, when thej^ had maize 
 (y' is, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a 
 feast, and wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but 
 some time 2. or 3. months toijeather, and neither had 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 165 
 
 bread Bor any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other 
 place, in his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how 
 others of them were worse put to it, wher they were 
 faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so 
 dyed almost all. From these extremities the * Lord in 
 his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great 
 wants preserved both their lives and healthes ; let his 
 name have y" praise. Yet let me hear make use of 
 his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied 
 to this people : T?tat ivith their miseries they oj)ened 
 a way to these neiv-lands; and after these stormes, with 
 what ease other men came to inhahite in them, in respecte 
 of y^ calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to 
 goe to a bride feaste wher all things are provided for 
 thein. 
 
 They haveing but one boat left and she not over 
 well fitted, they were devided into severall companies, 
 6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so wente out 
 with a nett they had bought, to take bass & such like 
 fish, by course, every company knowing their turne. 
 No sooner was y' boate discharged [98] of what she 
 brought, but y'' next company tooke her and wente 
 out with her. Neither did they returne till the}^ had 
 cauight something, though it were 5. or 6. days be- 
 fore, for they knew ther was nothing at home, and to 
 goe home emptie would be a great discouragements 
 to y° rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. 
 
 * Thetj in the MS. 
 
166 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 If she stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seek- 
 ing of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out 
 of y° sands. And this was their living in y" somer 
 time, till God sente y" l)eter ; & in winter they were 
 helped with ground-nuts and foule. Also in y*" somer 
 they gott now & then a dear ; for one or 2. of y° 
 fitest was apoynted to range y" woods for y' end, & 
 what was gott that way was devided amongst them. 
 
 At length they received some leters from y' ad- 
 venturers, too long and tedious hear to record, by 
 which they heard of their furder crosses and frustra- 
 tions ; begining in this maner. 
 
 Loving freinds, as your sorrows & afflictions have bin 
 great, so our croses & interceptions in our proceedings hear, 
 have not been small. For after we had with much trouble 
 & charge sente y' Parragon away to sea, and thought all y" 
 paine past, within 14. days after she came againe hither, 
 being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious 
 stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into y" docke, and 
 an 100''. bestowed upon her. All y' passengers lying upon 
 our charg for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and dis- 
 temper was occasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente 
 had like to insewed. But we trust all shall be well and 
 worke for y' best and your benefite, if yet with patience 
 you can waite, and but have strength to hold in life. 
 Whilst these things were doing, M'. Westons ship came 
 and brought diverce leters from you, &c. It rejoyseth us 
 much to hear of those good reports y' diverce have brought 
 home from you, &c. 
 
 These letters were dated Des. 21 : 1622. 
 
1(323.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 167 
 
 So farr of this leter. 
 
 This ship was brought by M^ John Peirce, and set 
 out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. 
 These passengers, & y'' goods the company sent in 
 her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed 
 with him to be delivered hear. This was he in whose 
 name their first patente was taken, by reason of 
 aquaintance, and some aliance that some of their 
 freinds had with him. But his name was only used in 
 trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfuUy thus 
 seated, and by y" success God gave them had obtained 
 y" favour of j" Counsell of New-England, he goes and 
 sues to them for another patent of much larger extente 
 (in their names), which was easily obtained. But he 
 mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what 
 he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his 
 courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which 
 follows. But y° Lord marvelously crost him ; for after 
 this first returne, and y" charge above mentioned, 
 when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and 
 taks in more passengers, and those not very good to 
 help to bear his losses, and sets out y" 2. time. But 
 [99] what y* event was will appear from another leter 
 from one of y"" cheefe of y" company, dated y' 9. of 
 Aprill, 1623. writ to y" Gov'' hear, as followeth. 
 
 Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have 
 received one from you well-nigh by this time. But when 
 I write in Des: I litle thought to have seen M^ John 
 
168 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Peirce till he had brought some good tidings from you. But 
 it pleased God, he brought us y° wofuU tidings of his 
 returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, 
 werin y"" goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their 
 lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so great, to M\ Peirce, 
 &c., and y" companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, &c. 
 
 Now with great trouble & loss, we have got JP. John 
 Peirce to assigne over y"" grand patente to y" companie, 
 ■which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd 
 our former grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke 
 y' the hand of God was justly against him, both y" first 
 and 2. time of his returne ; in regard he, whom you and 
 we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for y' 
 company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make 
 you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance 
 or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means. I 
 desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingnes to 
 part with his royall Lordship, and y"^ high-rate he set it at, 
 which was 500". which cost him but 50''., maks many speake 
 and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in 
 his ship, with charge aboute y" passengers, 640"., &c. 
 
 We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140. 
 tunes, caled y' Anne, which is to be ready y' last of this 
 month, to bring 60. passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c. 
 
 This was dated Aprill 9. 1623. 
 
 These were ther owne words and judgmente of this 
 mans dealing & proceedings ; for I thought it more 
 meete to render them in theirs then my owne words. 
 And yet though ther was never got other recompence 
 then the resignation of this patente, and y' shares he 
 had in adventure, for all y*" former great sumes, he 
 was never quiet, but sued them in most of y'= cheefe 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 169 
 
 courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought 
 it to y' Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I will 
 leave him to y" Lord. 
 
 This ship suffered y"' greatest extreemitie at sea at 
 her 2. returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be 
 saved ; as I have been informed by M''. William Peirce 
 who was then m"^. of her, and many others that were 
 passengers in her. It was aboute y'^ midle of Feb: 
 The storme was for y" most parte of 14. days, but 
 for 2. or 3. days & nights togeather in most violent 
 extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, y*" 
 storme beat of their round house and all their uper 
 works; 3. men had worke enough at y' helme, and he 
 that cund y" ship before y" sea, was faine [100] to be 
 bound fast for washing away ; the seas did so over- 
 rake them, as many times those upon y*" decke knew 
 not whether they were within bord or withoute ; and 
 once she was so foundered in y° sea as they all 
 thought she would never rise againe. But yet y*" 
 Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe 
 to Ports-mouth, to y'^ wonder of all men y' saw in 
 what a case she was in, and heard what they had 
 endured. 
 
 About y* later end of June came in a ship, with 
 Captaine Francis West, who had a comission to be 
 admirall of New-England, to restraine interlopers, and 
 shuch fishing ships as came to fish & trade without 
 a licence from y Counsell of New-England, for which 
 
170 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 they should pay a round sume of money. But he 
 could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge 
 for him, and he found y" fisher men to be stuberne 
 fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to 
 y^' Parlemente, procured an order y' fishing should be 
 free. He tould y' Gov"' they spooke with a ship at 
 sea, and were abord her, y' was coming for this plan- 
 tation, in which were sundrie passengers, and they 
 marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage ; 
 for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after 
 they had been abord. "Which relation filled them full 
 of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m^ of this ship 
 had some 2. SB of pease to sell, but seeing their 
 wants, held them at 9". sterling a hoggshead, & under 
 8". he would not take, and yet would have beaver at 
 an under rate. But they tould him they had lived 
 so long with out, and would doe still, rather then 
 give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to 
 Virginia.* 
 
 * I may not here oraite how, notwithstand all their great paines & Indus- 
 trie, and J" great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to hlast, & take 
 away the same, and to threaten further & more sore famine unto them, by 
 a great drought which continued from y" 3. weeks in May, till about y» 
 midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for y« most parte), 
 insomuch as y» corne begane to wither away, though it was set with tishe, 
 the moysture wherof helped it much. Yet at length it begane to languish 
 sore, and some of y° drier grounds were partched like withered hay, part 
 wherof was never recovered. Upon which they sett a parte a solemne day 
 of humilliation, to seek y« Lord by humble & fervente prayer, in this great 
 distrese. And he was pleased to give them a gracious & speedy answer, both 
 to their owne, & the Indeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For all 
 J' morning, and greatest part of tlie day, it was clear weather & very hotte, 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 171 
 
 About 14. days after came in this sliip, caled j" 
 Anne, wherof M'. William Peii'ce was m^, and aboute 
 a weeke or 10. days after came in y'' pinass which in 
 foule weather thej^ lost at sea, a fine new vessell of 
 about 44. tune, which y" company had builte to stay 
 in the cuntrie. They brought about 60. persons for 
 y" generall, some of them being verj^ usefull persons, 
 and became good members to y" body, and some were 
 y'' wives and children of shuch as were hear allready. 
 And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at 
 charge to send them home againe y' next year. Also, 
 besids these ther came a company, that did not belong 
 to y" generall body, but came one * their perticuler, 
 and were to have lands assigned them, and be for 
 them selves, yet to be subjecte to y" generall Gov- 
 
 and not a cloud or any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening it 
 begane to overcast, and sliortly after to raine, with shucli sweete and gentle 
 showers, as gave them cause of rejoyceing, & blesing God. It came, without 
 either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in y' abundance, 
 as that J" earth was thorowly wete and soked therwith. Which did so 
 apparently revive & quicken y» decayed corne & other fruits, as was won- 
 derfuU to see, and made y» Indeans astonished to behold ; and afterwards the 
 Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange of faire warme 
 weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfuU & liberall harvest, to 
 their no small comforte and rejoycing. For which mercie (in time con- 
 veniente) they also sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing. This being overslipt 
 in its place, I thought meet here to inserte y= same. 
 
 [The above is written on the reverse of page 103 of the original, and 
 should properly be inserted here. This passage, "being overslipt in its 
 place," the author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the preceding 
 year; but, discovering his error before completing it, drew his pen across it, 
 and wrote beneath, " This is to be here rased out, and is to be placed on 
 page 103, wher it is inserted."] 
 * On. 
 
172 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 erment ; which caused some diferance and disturbance 
 [101] amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall 
 hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out 
 of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather 
 to manefest things in ther M'ords and ap2:)rehentions, 
 then in my owne, as much as may be, without 
 tediousness. 
 
 Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of 
 your healths & wellfare, being right sorie y' no supplie hath 
 been made to you all this while ; for defence wher of, I 
 must referr you to our generall leters. Naitheir indeed have 
 we now sent you many things, which we should & would, 
 for want of money. But persons, more then inough, (though 
 not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but 
 monys come creeping in to us. Some few of your old 
 freinds are come, as, &c. So they come droping to you, 
 and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all. 
 And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often 
 shuch as are none of y" fitest, I pray you write ernestly to 
 y' Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It 
 greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet 
 had I not been hear they had been weaker. You must still 
 call upon the company hear to see y' honest men be sente 
 you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, &c. 
 We are not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an 
 noughty persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without my con- 
 sente ; but y= importunitie of their freinds got promise of 
 our Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther need we 
 should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men 
 enew, &c. 
 
 Your assured freind, 
 
 R. C. 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 173 
 
 The following was from y^^ genrall. 
 
 Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you iu all love and 
 harty affection ; being yet in hope y' the same God which 
 hath hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet 
 continue your lives and health, to his owne praise and all 
 our comforts. Being right sory that you have not been sent 
 unto all this time, &c. We have in this ship sent shuch 
 women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands 
 and freinds, with their children, &c. We would not have 
 you discontente, because we have not sent you more of your 
 old freinds, and in spetiall, him* on whom j'ou most depend. 
 Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne him. But 
 as y" intente was at first, so y= evente at last shall shew it, 
 that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expec- 
 tations to the full. Ther are also come unto you, some 
 honest men to plant upon their particulers besids you. A 
 thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong 
 both them and you. Them, by puting them on things more 
 inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will 
 be a strengthening to y° place, and good neighbours [102] 
 unto you. Tow things we would advise you of, which we 
 have likwise signified them hear. First, y" trade for skins 
 to be retained for the generall till y'' devidente ; 2'^. y' their 
 setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither 
 inconvenient for y' lying of your lands, nor hurtful! to your 
 speedy & easie assembling togeather. 
 
 We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, &c. 
 Diverse other provissions we have sente you, as will appear 
 in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we 
 would (because our cash is small), yet it is y' we could, &c. 
 
 And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more 
 rivers and fertill grounds then y' wher you are, yet seeing by 
 
 * L R. 
 
174 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Gods providence y' place fell to you'' lote, let it be accounted 
 as your portion ; and rather fixe your eyes upon that which 
 may be done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher. 
 If your place be not y" best, it is better, you shall be y" 
 less envied and encroached upon ; and shuch as are earthly 
 minded, will not setle too near your border.* If y' land 
 afford you bread, and y' sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while 
 contented, God will one day afford you better fare. And all 
 men shall know you are neither fugetives nor discontents. 
 But can, if God so order it, take y" worst to your selves, 
 with content,! & leave y' best to your neighbours, with 
 cherfuUnes. 
 
 Let it not be greeveous unto you y' you have been instru- 
 ments to breake y° ise for others who come after with less 
 dificulty, the honour shall be yours to y" worlds end, &c. 
 
 We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection 
 is towards you all, as are y*^ harts of hundreds more which 
 never saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as 
 their owne, as we our selves both doe & ever shall, that y'' 
 same God which hath so marvelously preserved you from 
 seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all 
 future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and 
 glorious in blise at y' last day. And so y" Lord be with 
 you all & send us joyfull news from you, and inable us 
 with one shoulder so to accomplish & perfecte this worke, 
 as much glorie may come to Him y' confoundeth y° mighty 
 by the weak, and maketh small thinges great. To whose 
 greatnes, be all glorie for ever & ever. 
 
 This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names. 
 These passengers, when they saw their low & poore 
 condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, 
 
 * This proved rather, a propheti, then advice. 
 t Contejid in the manuscript. 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 175 
 
 and according to their diverse humores were diversly 
 affected ; some wished them selves in England againe ; 
 others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in 
 what y"^ saw now in others ; other some pitying the 
 distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and 
 still were under ; in a word, all were full of sadnes. 
 Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, 
 and y' it was no worse with them, for they could not 
 expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should 
 injoye better days togeather. And truly it was [103] 
 no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were 
 in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell, 
 & some litle beter then halfe naked ; though some y' 
 were well stord before, were well enough in this re- 
 gard. But for food they were all alike, save some y' 
 had got a few pease of y" ship y' was last hear. The 
 best dish they could presente their freinds with was 
 a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any 
 thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And y" 
 long continuance of this diate, and their labours abroad, 
 had something abated y*" freshnes of their former com- 
 plexion. But God gave them health and strength in 
 a good measure ; and shewed them by experience y" 
 truth of y' word, Deut. 8. 3. Y' man liveth not hy 
 bread only, but by every word y' proceedeth out of y" 
 mouth of y* Lord doth a man live. 
 
 When I think how sadly y'' scripture speaks of the 
 famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns. 
 
176 HISTORY or [book n. 
 
 Goe buy us food, that we may live and not dye. 
 Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or 
 heavie in the land ; and yet they had such great herds, 
 and store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, 
 must needs produse other food, as milke, butter & 
 cheese, &c., and yet it was counted a sore aMctioa ; 
 theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who 
 not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these 
 things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd 
 them out of y" sea for y" most parte, so wonderfull 
 is his providence over his in all ages ; for his mercie 
 endureth for ever. 
 
 On y" other hand the old planters were afFraid that 
 their corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to y" 
 new-comers, whose provissious w°'* they brought with 
 them they feared would fall short before y" year wente 
 aboute (as indeed it did). They came to y" Gov'' and 
 besought him that as it was before agreed that they 
 should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly 
 they had taken extraordinarj' pains ther aboute, that 
 they might freely injoye the same, and they would not 
 have a bitte of y" victails now come, but waite till 
 harvest for their owne, and let y" new-comers injoye 
 what they had brought ; they would have none of it, 
 excepte they could purchase any of it of them by 
 liargaine or exchainge. Their requeste was granted 
 them, for it gave both sides good contente ; for y'^ 
 new-coiners were as much afraid that y'^ hungrie 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 177 
 
 planters would have eat up y" provissions brought, and 
 they should have fallen into y° like condition. 
 
 This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, 
 by y" help of many hands. Also they sente in her all 
 y^ beaver and other furrs they had, & M^ Winslow 
 was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and 
 procure such things as were thought needfuU for their 
 presente condition. By this time harvest was come, 
 and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, 
 and y' face of things was changed, to y*^ rejoysing of 
 y'^ harts of many, for which they blessed God. And 
 y'^ effect of their particuler planting was well scene, for 
 all had, one way & other, pretty well to bring y'= year 
 aboute, and some of y'' abler sorte and more [104] 
 industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any 
 generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them 
 since to this day. 
 
 Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater 
 matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute 
 building great houses, and such pleasant situations for 
 them, as them selves had fancied; as if they would be 
 great men & rich, all of a sudaine ; but they proved 
 castls in y" aire. These were y"* conditions agreed on 
 betweene y" colony and them. 
 
 First, that y'' GoV, in y" name and with y" consents 
 of y*^ company, doth in all love and frendship receive 
 and imbrace them ; and is to allote them competeute 
 places for habitations within y'' towne. And promiseth 
 
178 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be rea- 
 sonable for them to desire, or us to performe. 
 
 2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such 
 laws & orders as are already made, or hear after shall 
 be, for y'= publick good. 
 
 3. That they be freed and exempte from y* generall 
 imployments of the said company, (which their pres- 
 ente condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte com- 
 mune defence, & such other imployments as tend to 
 y" perpetuall good of y* collony. 
 
 4'y. Towards y"' maintenance of Gov"^, & publick 
 officers of y"* said collonj% every male above y*" age 
 of 16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or 
 y*^ worth of it, into y'^ commone store. 
 
 5'^. That (according to y"* agreemente y'' marchants 
 made with y™ before they came) they are to be wholy 
 debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts 
 of furrs, and such like commodities, till y'= time of y" 
 comunallitie be ended. 
 
 About y" midle of September arrived Captaine 
 Robart Gorges in y" Bay of y" Massachusets, with 
 sundrie passengers and families, intending ther to 
 begine a plantation ; and pitched upon y" place M"'. 
 "Weston's people had forsaken. He had a comission 
 from y" Counsell of New-England, to be generall Gove"' 
 of y' cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell & 
 assistance, Captaine Francis West, y"= aforesaid admirall, 
 Christopher Levite, Esquire, and y* Gov'' of Plimoth for 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 179 
 
 y'' time beeing, &c. Allso, they gave him authoritie to 
 chuse such other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave 
 (by their coinission) full power to him & his assistants, 
 or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was allway to be 
 one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme 
 good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, &c., 
 with diverce other instructions. Of which, & his 
 comission, it pleased him to sufi'er y* Gov"^ hear to 
 take a coppy. 
 
 He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but 
 before they could visite him he went to y'= eastward 
 with y* ship he came in ; but a storme arising, (and 
 they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those 
 parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his 
 men were hear kindly entertained ; he stayed hear 
 14. days. In y'^ mean time came in M"". Weston with 
 his small ship, which he had now recovered. [105*] 
 Captaine Gorges tooke hold of y" opportunitie, and 
 acquainted y" Gov"' hear, that one occasion of his 
 going to y" eastward was to meete with M". Weston, 
 and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to 
 lay to his charge. Wherupon he called him before 
 him, and some other of his assistants, with y'= Gov"^ of 
 this place ; and charged him, first, with y" ille carriage 
 of his men at y" Massachusets ; by which means the 
 peace of y'' cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe & the 
 people which he had brought over to plante in that 
 
 * In MS. also 145. 
 
180 HISTORY OE [book II. 
 
 bay were therby much prejudised. To this M"'. Weston 
 easily answered, that what was that way done, was in 
 his absence, and might have befalen any man ; he lei^ 
 them sufficently provided, and conceived they would 
 have been well governed ; and for any errour comitted 
 he had suflSciently smarted. This particuler was passed 
 by. A 2'*. was, for an abuse done to his father, S\ 
 Ferdenando Gorges, and to y" State. The thing was 
 this ; he used him & others of y"' Counsell of New- 
 England, to procure him a licence for y'= transporting 
 of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, 
 pretending great fortification hear in y'^ countrie, & I 
 know not what shipping. The which when he had 
 obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his 
 private profite ; for which (he said) y'' State was much 
 offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and 
 he had order to apprehend him for it. M"'. Weston 
 excused it as well as he could, but could not deney 
 it ; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which 
 he with-drew himself. But after many passages, by 
 y"" mediation of y'^ Gov"^ and some other freinds hear, 
 he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended y" 
 abuse of his father deeply) ; which, when M''. Weston 
 saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such pro- 
 vocking & cutting speches, as made him rise up in 
 great indignation & distemper, and vowed y' he would 
 either curb him, or send him home for England. At 
 which M''. Weston was something clanted, and came 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 181 
 
 privatly to y" Gov"' hear, to know whether they would 
 suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was 
 tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed 
 him, y' after they had pacified things, he should thus 
 breake out, by his owne folly & rashnes, to bring 
 trouble upon him selfe & them too. He confest it 
 was his passion, and prayd y'" Gov'' to entreat for him, 
 and pacific him if he could. The which at last he 
 did, with much adoe ; so he was called againe, and y'^ 
 Gov"^ was contente to take his owne bond to be ready 
 to make further answer, when either he or y'= lords 
 should send for him. And at last he tooke only his 
 word, and ther was a freidly parting on all hands. 
 
 But after he was gone, M"'. Weston in lue of thanks 
 to y" Gov'' and his freinds hear, gave them this quib 
 (behind their baks) for all their pains. That though 
 they were but yonge justices, j^-et they wear good 
 beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly 
 after y* Gov"^ tooke his leave and went to j" Mas- 
 sachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind 
 entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her 
 selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther 
 to deliver ; and with her returned sundrie of those 
 from hence which came over on their perticuler, some 
 out of discontente and dislike of y'^ cuntrie ; others by 
 reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt y"" houses 
 they lived in, and all their provisions [106 *] so as 
 
 • In MS. also 146. 
 
182 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occa- 
 sioned by some of y sea-men that were roystering in 
 a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in 
 very could weather, which In'oke out of y'' chimney 
 into y'= thatch, and burute downe 3. or 4. houses, and 
 consumed all y" goods & provissions in y". The 
 house in which it begane was right against their store- 
 house, which they bad much adoe to save, in which 
 were their comone store & all their provissions ; y" 
 which if it had been lost, y" plantation had been over- 
 throwne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by 
 y'^ great dilligence of y" jDeople, & care of y'' Gov'' & 
 some aboute him. Some would have had y" goods 
 throwne out ; but if they had, ther would much have 
 been stolne by the rude company y* belonged to these 
 2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty 
 company was plased within, as well as those that with 
 wet-cloaths & other means kept of y" fire without, 
 that if necessitie required they might have them out 
 with all speed. For y'^-' suspected some malicious 
 dealling, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was 
 only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, 
 that when y" tumulte was greatest, ther was a voj^ce 
 heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid 
 them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds 
 y' were near them. And shortly after, when the 
 vemencie of y" fire was over, smoke was seen to arise 
 within a shed y' was joynd to y*" end of y'' store- 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 183 
 
 house, which was watled up with bowes, in y" withered 
 leaves wherof y'' fire was kindled, wliicli some, ruHing 
 to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, 
 lying under y'^ wale on y" inside, which could not 
 possibly come their by cassualtie, but must be laid 
 ther by some hand, in y" judgmente of all that saw 
 it. But God kept them from this deanger, what ever 
 was intended. 
 
 Shortly after Captaine Gorges, y" generall Gov% was 
 come home to y"" Massachusets, he sends a warrante 
 to arrest iVP. Weston & his ship, and sends a m^ to 
 bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that 
 belonged to him) to conducte him along. The Gov'' 
 & others hear were very sory to see him take this 
 course, and tooke exception at y* warrante, as not 
 leoall nor sufficiente ; and withall write to him to dis- 
 swade him from this course, shewing him y' he would 
 but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this ; for 
 he could not doe M"'. "Weston a better tui'ne, (as things 
 stood with him) ; for he had a great many men that 
 belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged 
 to them for wages, and was in a maner out of victails 
 (and noiv ivinler) ; all which would light upon him, if 
 he did arrest his barke. In y'= mean time M'. Weston 
 had notice to shift for him selfe ; but it was conceived 
 he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend 
 him selfe, but was rather glad of y"= occasion, and so 
 stirred not. But y' Gov'' would not be pers waded, but 
 
184 HISTORY or [book ir. 
 
 [107] sent a very formall warrente under his hand & 
 seall, with strict charge as tliey would answere it to 
 y"* state ; he also write that he had better considered 
 of things since he was hear, and he could not answer 
 it to let him goe so ; besids other things that were 
 come to his knowledg since, wliich he must answer too. 
 So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the 
 end that to be true that was tould him ; for when an 
 inventorie was taken of what was in y" ship, ther was 
 not vitailes found for above 14. days, at a pare allow- 
 ance, and not much else of any great worth, & the 
 men did so crie out of him for wages and diate, in y" 
 mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in con- 
 clusion it turned to his loss, and y" expence of his 
 owne provissions ; and towards the spring they came to 
 agreement, (after they had bene to y"' eastward,) and 
 y"" Gov"^ restord him his vessell againe, and made him 
 satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, 
 for what he had made use of that was his, or what 
 his men had any way wasted or consumed. So M''. 
 Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his 
 course for Virginie, & so for present I shall leave 
 him.* 
 
 The Gov"^ and some y' depended upon him returned 
 for England, haveing scarcly saluted y'' cuntrie in his 
 Govermente, not finding the state of things hear to 
 
 * He dyed afterwards at Bristol!, in y» time ol the warrs, of y» sicknes 
 in y' place. 
 
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 185 
 
 answer his quallitie & condition. The jjeopl dispersed 
 them selves, some went for England, others for Vir- 
 ginia, some few remained, and were helped with sup- 
 plies from hence. The Gov'' brought over a minister 
 with him, one M^ Morell, who, about a year after j" 
 Gov"^ returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I 
 know not what power and authority of superintendancie 
 over other churches granted him, and sundrie instruc- 
 tions for that end ; but he never shewed it, or made any 
 use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine ;) 
 he only speake of it to some hear at his going away. 
 This was in effect y'^ end of a 2. plantation in that 
 place. Ther were allso this year some scatering be- 
 ginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, 
 by M'. David Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other 
 places by sundrie others. 
 
 It rests now y' I speake a word aboute y" pinass 
 spoken of before, which was sent by y' adventurers to 
 be imployed in j" cuntrie. She was a fine vessel], and 
 bravely set out,* and I fear y'' adventurers did over 
 pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How 
 ever, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her ; first, 
 though she had a sufEciente maister, yet she was rudly 
 maned, and all her men were upon shars, and none was 
 to have any wages but y" m''. 2'^, wheras thej^ mainly 
 lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to 
 trade with. When the men came hear, and mette with 
 
 * With her flages, & streamers, pendents, & wastcloaths, &c. 
 
186 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 ill counsell from M''. Weston & his crue, with others 
 of y'' same stampe, neither m''. nor Gov"^ could scarce 
 rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they were 
 abused & deceived, for thej^ were tould they should 
 goe for a man of warr, and take I know not whom, 
 French & Spaniards, &c. They would neither trade 
 nor fish, excepte they had wages ; in fine, they would 
 obey no coEliand of y" maisters ; so it was appre- 
 hended they would either rune away with y'= vessell, or 
 get awaj^ w"" y" ships, and leave her; so as IP. Peirce 
 & others of their freinds perswaded the Gov"' to chaing 
 their condition, and give them wages ; which was ac- 
 cordingly done. And she was sente about j" Cape to 
 y'' Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore 
 vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but y" 
 Dutch used to furnish them with cloath & better comod- 
 ities, they haveing only a few beads & knives, which 
 were not ther much esteemed. Allso, in her returne 
 home, at y'= very entrance into ther owne harbore, she 
 had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was 
 forced to cut her maine mast by y' bord, to save her- 
 selfe from driving on y" flats that lye without, caled 
 Browns Hands, the force of j" wind being so great as 
 made her anchors give way and she drive right upon 
 them ; but her mast & takling being gone, they held 
 her till y'' wind shifted. 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 187 
 
 Anno Dom: 1624. 
 
 The time of new election of ther officers for this 
 year being come, and* y" num?jer of their people in- 
 creased, and their troubls and occasions therwith, the 
 Gov'' desired them to chainge j" persons, as well as 
 renew y'' election ; and also to adde more Assistans 
 to y' Gov"" for help & counsell, and y" better carrying 
 on of affairs. Showing that it was necessarie it should 
 be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte 
 others should be made pertakers of it ; if it was a 
 burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others 
 should help to bear it ; and y' this was y° end of 
 Anuall Elections. The issue was, that as before ther 
 was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the 
 Gov" a duble voyce ; and aftwards they increased them 
 to 7. which course hath continued to this day. 
 
 They having with some truble & charge new-masted 
 and rigged their pinass, in y' begining of March they 
 sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She 
 a,rrived saflj' at a place near Damarins cove, and was 
 there well harbored in a place wher ships used to 
 ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out 
 of England. But shortly after ther [109] arose such 
 a violent & extraordinarie storme, as j" seas broak 
 over such places in y" harbor as was never seene be- 
 fore, and drive her against gi-eat roks, which beat such 
 
 * And is repeated in the MS. 
 
188 HISTORr OF [book II. 
 
 a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have 
 gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, wher she 
 lay sunke. The m''. was drowned, the rest of y" men, 
 all save one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all 
 her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost. 
 And here I must leave her to lye till afterward. 
 
 Some of those that still remained hear on their per- 
 ticuler, begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being 
 privie to a strong faction that was among y" adventur- 
 ers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend, 
 by their private whispering they drew some of the 
 weaker sorte of y" company to their side, and so fiUd 
 them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them 
 excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler 
 allso ; and made great offers, so they might be freed 
 from y'= generall. The Gov'' consulting with y' ablest 
 of y"" generall body what was best to be done hear 
 in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon 
 equall conditions. The conditions were the same in 
 effect with y" former before related. Only some more 
 added, as that they should be bound here to remaine 
 till y° generall i^artnership was ended. And also that 
 they should pay into y" store, y" on halfe of all such 
 goods and comodities as they should any waise raise 
 above their food, in consideration of what charg had 
 been layed out for them, with some such like things. 
 This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther 
 was but a few that undertooke this course when it 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 189 
 
 came too ; and they were as sone weary of it. For 
 the other had perswaded them, & M''. Weston to- 
 geather, that ther would never come more supply to 
 y" generall body ; but y" perticulers had such freinds 
 as would carry all, and doe for them I know not 
 what. 
 
 Shortly after, M''. Wiuslow came over, and brought 
 a prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a 
 thing fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers 
 & a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind 
 in y"= land, with some cloathing & other necessaries, as 
 will further appear ; but withall y" reporte of a strong 
 faction amongst the adventurers * against them, and 
 espetially against y" coming of y' rest from Leyden, 
 and with what difliculty this supply was procured, and 
 how, by their strong & long opposision, bussines was 
 so retarded as not only they were now falne too late 
 for y' fishing season, but the best men were taken up 
 of j" fishermen in y" west countrie, and he was forct 
 to take such a m''. & company for that imployment as 
 he could procure upon j" present. Some letters from 
 them shall beter declare these things, being as fol- 
 io weth. 
 
 [110] Most worthy & loviug freinds, your kind & loving 
 leters I have received, and render you many thanks, &c. It 
 hath plased God to stirre up y" harts of our adventurers * 
 
 • Adventures in the manuscript. 
 
190 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 to raise a new stock for y' seting forth of this shipe, caled 
 y'' Charitie, with men & necessaries, both for y" plantation 
 and y" fishing, though accomplished with very great diffi- 
 culty ; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubt- 
 edly aime more at their owne private ends, and y= thwarting 
 & opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments,* of 
 Gods glory elswher, then at y' generall good and further- 
 ance of this noble & laudable action. Yet againe we have 
 many other, and I hope y' greatest parte, very honest Chris- 
 tian men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are 
 wholy for y' glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in y' propaga- 
 tion of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages 
 to y' knowledg of God. But, as we have a proverbe, One 
 seabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecontented 
 persons, & turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to 
 withdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even 
 from y" generall bussines ; and yet under show and pretence 
 of godlynes and furtherance of y'' plantation. Wheras the 
 quite contrary doth plainly appeare ; as some of y' honester 
 harted men (though of late of their faction) did make manifest 
 at our late meeting. But what should I trouble you or my 
 selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I double 
 will be continuall disturbers of our frendly meetings & love. 
 On Thurs-day y" 8. of Jan : we had a meeting aboute the 
 artickls betweene you & us ; wher they would rejecte that, 
 which we in our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition 
 to y° time of our joynt stock). And their reason which 
 they would make known to us was, it trobled their con- 
 science to exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon 
 at y° first. But that night they were so followed and crost 
 of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and 
 offered to sell their adventurs ; and some were willing to buy. 
 But I, doubting they would raise more scandale and false 
 
 * He means M'. Robinson. 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 191 
 
 reports, aud so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of 
 in such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adven- 
 turers amongst us, would not suffer them. But on y'= 12. of 
 Jan : we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of 
 us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great 
 combats & reasoning, pro & con. But at night when we 
 mete to read y" generall letter, we had y^ loveiugest and 
 frendlyest meeting that ever I knew * and our greatest ene- 
 mise offered to lend us 50h- So I sent for a potle of wine, 
 (I would you could f doe y" like,) which we dranke freindly 
 together. Thus God can turne y" harts of men when it 
 pleaseth him, &c. Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you 
 all in y° Lord, hoping ever to rest, 
 
 Yours to my power, 
 Jan : 25. 1623. James Sheklet. 
 
 [Ill] Another leter. 
 
 Beloved S'., &c. We have now sent you, we hope, men 
 & means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making, 
 and boat making ; if you can bring them to pass to some 
 perfection, your wants may be supplyed. I pray you bend 
 you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses. Let y° 
 ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bil- 
 bow. You must send some discreete man for factore, whom, 
 once more, you must also authorise to confirme y" conditions. 
 If M\ Winslow could be spared, I could wish he came 
 
 * But this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford & others to send 
 over. 
 
 t It is worthy to be ohserved, how y Lord doth chaing times & things; 
 for what is now more plentifuU then wine ? and that of y» best, coming from 
 Malago, y« Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading in a year. So 
 as ther is now more cause to complaine of y« excess and ye abuse of wine 
 (through mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of any defecte or wante 
 of J' same. Witnes this year 1646. The good Lord lay not y sins & un- 
 thaukfuUnes of men to their charge in this perticuler. 
 
192 HISTORY OF [BOOK n. 
 
 againe. This ship carpenter is thought to be the fittest man 
 for you in the laud, and will no doubte doe you much good. 
 Let him have an absolute comand over his servants & 
 such as you put to him. Let him build you 2. catches, a 
 lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as soone as you can. 
 The salt-man is a skillfull & industrious man, put some to 
 him, that may quiclily apprehende y' misterie of it. The 
 preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine mau, 
 though none of y'= most eminente and rare. Aboute chusing 
 him into office use your owne liberty & discretion ; he knows 
 he is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome & 
 universalitie may make him forget him selfe. M'. Winslow 
 & m}' selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some 
 hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of 
 children. 
 
 We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, &c. I am sory 
 ther is no more discretion used by some in their leters 
 hither.* Some say you are starved in body & soule ; others, 
 y' you eate piggs & doggs, that dye alone ; others, that y» 
 things hear spoakeu of, y" goodnes of y" cuntry, are gross 
 and palpable lyes ; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene, 
 or a fish to be taken, and many such like. I would such 
 discontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when 
 y" whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to y° 
 passionate humors of some discontented men. And for my 
 selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some y' would goe, and 
 have not better composed their affections ; mean space it is 
 all our crosses, and we must bear them. 
 
 I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things, 
 but in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile 
 y° ship, provide salte & other fishing implements, &c. as we 
 could not provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger, 
 &c. I hope the returne of this ship, and the James, will 
 
 * This was John Oldome & Ms like. 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 193 
 
 put us in cash agaioe. The Lord make you full of courage 
 in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto, 
 till God give us rest from our labours. Fare well in all 
 harty affection. 
 
 Your assured freind, 
 Jan: 24. 1623. R. C. 
 
 With y" former letter write by M^ Sherley, there 
 were sente sundrie objections coucerning which he thus 
 writeth. "These are the cheefe objections which they 
 [112] that are now returned make against you and 
 the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer 
 them by the first conveniencie." These objections were 
 made by some of those that came over on their pertic- 
 uler and were returned home, as is before mentioned, 
 and were of y^ same suite with those y' this other 
 letter mentions. 
 
 I shall here set them downe, with y" answers then 
 made unto them, and sent over at y' returne of this 
 ship ; which did so confound y^ objecters, as some 
 confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they 
 had said, and eate their words, & some others of them 
 have since come over againe and heere lived to con- 
 vince them selves sufiiciently, both in their owne & 
 other mens judgments. 
 
 1. obj. was diversitie aboute Eeligion. Ans : We 
 know no such matter, for here was never any con- 
 troversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to 
 our knowledg,) since we came. ^ 
 
194 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 2. ob : Neglecte of familie duties, one y'^ Lords day. 
 Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our 
 
 selves & others ; and they that thus reporte it, should 
 have shewed their Christian love the more if they had 
 in love tould y' offenders of it, rather then thus to 
 reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no 
 more) we wish them selves had given better examjjle. 
 
 3. ob : Wante of both the sacremeuts. 
 
 Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is 
 kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for 
 we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and 
 baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to 
 baptise. 
 
 4. ob : Children not catechised nor taught to read. 
 Ans : Neither is true ; for diverse take pains with 
 
 their owne as they can ; indeede, we have no comone 
 schoole for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means 
 to maintaine one ; though we desire now to begine. 
 
 5. ob : Many of y* perticuler members of y** planta- 
 tion will not work for y"" generall. 
 
 Ans : This allso is not wholy true ; for though some 
 doe it not willingly, & other not honestly, yet all doe 
 it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode & 
 something besids. But we will not excuse them, but 
 labour to reforme them y<= best we cane, or else to 
 quitte y"* plantation of them. 
 
 6. ob : The water is not wholsome. 
 
 Ans : If they mean, not so wholsome as j° good 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 195 
 
 beere and wine in London, (which they so dearly 
 love,) we will not dispute with them; but els, for 
 water, it is as good as any in y" world, (for ought 
 we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can 
 be contente therwith. 
 
 7 . ob : The ground is barren and doth bear no 
 grasse. 
 
 [113] Ans : It is hear (as in all places) some better 
 & some worse ; and if they well consider their words, 
 in England they shall not find such grasse in them, as 
 in their feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for 
 they are as fatt as need be ; we wish we had but one 
 for every hundred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, 
 this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here 
 which see and know y* contrary. 
 
 8. ob : The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete. 
 Ans : This is as true as that which was written, 
 
 that ther is scarce a foule to be scene or a fish to 
 be taken. Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher 
 so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing ; they 
 might as well say, there can no aile or beere in Lon- 
 don be kept from sewering. 
 
 9. ob : Many of them are theevish and steale on 
 from an other. 
 
 Ans : Would London had been free from that crime, 
 then we should not have been trobled with these here ; 
 it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, 
 and so are y" rest like to doe, if they be taken. 
 
196 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 10. ob : The countrie is auoyed with foxes and 
 woules. 
 
 Ans : So are many other good cunti-ies too ; but 
 poyson, traps, and other such means will helj^ to 
 destroy them. 
 
 11. ob : The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay, 
 and are likely to overthrow the trade. 
 
 Ans : They will come and jDlante in these parts, 
 also, if we and others doe not, but goe home and 
 leave it to them. We rather commend them, then 
 condemne them for it. 
 
 12. ob : The people are much anoyed with mus- 
 keetoes. 
 
 Ans : They are too delicate and unfitte to begine 
 new-plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the 
 biting of a muskeeto ; we would wish such to keepe 
 at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet 
 this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth 
 that y° more y^ land is tild, and y'' woods cut downe, 
 the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarse any 
 at all. 
 
 Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may 
 handle things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other 
 letters from M'. Eobinson their jDastor ; the one to y" 
 Gov", y" other to M^ Bi-ewster their Elder, which will 
 give much light to y" former things, and express the 
 tender love & care of a true pastor over them. 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 197 
 
 His leter to y" Qov''. 
 
 My loving & much beloved freind, whom God hath 
 hithertoo preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his 
 glorie, and y° good of many ; that his blessing inay make 
 your godly and wise endeavours answerable to y" valuation 
 which they ther have, & set upon y" same. Of your love 
 too and care for us here, we never doubted ; so are we glad 
 to take knowledg of it in that fuUnes we doe. Our love & 
 care to and for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of com- 
 ing [114] unto you be small, and weaker then ever. But 
 of this at large in M'. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and 
 he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as 
 I desire you may doe these, &c. 
 
 Concerning y° killing of those poor Indeans, of which we 
 heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine rela- 
 tion, oh ! how happy a thing had it been, if you had con- 
 verted some, before you had killed any ; besids, wher blond 
 is one begune to be shed, -it is seldome stanched of a long 
 time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it ; but 
 upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish 
 Christians?* Besids, you, being no magistrats over them, 
 were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you 
 were by necessitie constrained to inflicte. Necessitie of this, 
 espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems, 
 they would, if they could,) I see not. Methinks on or tow 
 principals should have been full enough, according to that 
 approved rule. The punishmente to a few, and y'' fear to 
 many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you 
 seriouly to consider of y" dispossition of your Captaine, whom 
 I love, and am perswaded y"^ Lord in great mercie and for 
 much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He 
 is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards all 
 
 • M'. Westons men. 
 
198 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 in ordinarie course. But now if this be nieerly from an 
 humane spirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion, 
 espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting y' tendernes 
 of y' life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete. 
 It is also a thing more glorious in mens eyes, then pleas- 
 ing in Gods, or couvenieute for Christians, to be a terrour 
 to poore barbarous people ; and indeed I am afraid least, bj' 
 these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of 
 railing course in the world. I doubt not but you will take 
 in good part these things which I write, and as ther is 
 cause make use of them. It were to us more comfortable 
 and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in 
 presence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always 
 long after you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted 
 time. The adventurers it seems have neither money nor 
 any great mind of us, for y= most parte. They deney it to 
 be any part of y' covenants betwiste us, that they should 
 trasporte us, neither doe I looke for any further help from 
 them, till means come from you. We hear are strangers in 
 effecte to y" whole course, and so both we and you (save as 
 your owne wisdoms and worths ha%'e intressed you further) 
 of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessa- 
 ries, &c. My -wife, with me, resalute you & yours. Unto 
 him who is y" same to his in all places, and nere to them 
 which are farr from one an other, I comend you and all 
 with you, resting. 
 
 Yours truly loving, 
 
 John Robinson. 
 Leyden, Des : 19. 1623. 
 
 His to 31''. Brewster. 
 Loving and dear freind and brother: That which I most 
 desired of God in regard of you, uamly, y' continuance of 
 your life and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 199 
 
 you, that I most gladly hear of, aud praise God for the 
 same. And I hope M". Brewsters weake and decayed state 
 of bodj- will have some reparing by the coming of her 
 daughters, and the provissions in this aud former ships, I 
 hear is made for you ; which maks us with more patience 
 bear our languishing state, aud y' deferring of our desired 
 trasportation ; w°'' I call desired, rather than hoped for, 
 whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others. For first, 
 ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can conceive of, of 
 any new stock to be raised for that end ; so that all must 
 depend [115] upon returns from you, in which are so many 
 uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaiutie can thence 
 be concluded. Besids, howsoever for y° presente the adven- 
 turers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an in- 
 vincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others 
 without doubte will be found. For the beter clearing of this, 
 we must dispose y° adventurers into 3. parts; and of them 
 some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us, 
 above any others. Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed 
 adversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be 
 honestly minded, & loveingly also towards us ; yet such as 
 have others (namly y' forward preachers) nerer unto them, 
 then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any differance, 
 they would rather advance then ours. Now what a hanck 
 these men have over y" professors, you know. And I per- 
 swade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling 
 I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an 
 eye that way them selves ; as thinking if I come ther, ther 
 market will be mard in many regards. And for these ad- 
 versaries, if they have but halfe y' witte to their malice, they 
 will stope my course when they see it intended, for which 
 this delaying serveth them very opportunly. And as one 
 restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or 
 3. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw for- 
 
200 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 ward, so will it be in this case. A notable * experimente of 
 this, they gave in your messengers presence, constraining y' 
 company to promise that none of the money now gathered 
 should be expended or imployed to y' help of any of us 
 towards you. Now touching y° question propounded by you, 
 I judg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom. 
 12. 7. 8. & 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach 
 & eshorte and labore in y'' word and doctrine, to which y" 
 sacrements are anexed, to administer them, nor convenient 
 if it were lawfull. Whether any larned man will come unto 
 you or not, I know not ; if any doe, you must Consiliu 
 capere in arena. Be you most hartily saluted, & you'' wife 
 with you, both from me & mine. Your God & ours, and 
 y" God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep 
 us in the mean while, and allways to his glory, and make us 
 servisable to his majestie, and faithfull to the end. Amen. 
 
 Your very loving brother, 
 
 John Robinson. 
 Leyden, Des : 20. 1623. 
 
 These things premised, I shall now prosecute y" pro- 
 cedings and afairs here. And before I come to other 
 things I must speak a word of their planting this 
 year ; they having found y'^ benifite of their last 
 years harvest, and setting corne for their jDarticuler, 
 having therby with a great deale of patience over- 
 come hunger & famine. Which maks me remember 
 a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of 
 libertie is a ivell governed belly, and to be patiente in all 
 wants. They begane now highly to prise corne as 
 
 * Notabe in MS. 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 201 
 
 more pretious then silver, and those that had some to 
 spare begane to trade one with another for smale 
 things, by y'^ quarte, potle, & peck, &c. ; for money 
 they had none, and if any had, corne was prefered 
 before it. That they might therfore encrease their 
 tillage to better advantage, they made suite [116] to 
 the Gov'' to have some portion of land given them 
 for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that 
 means, that which y'' more industrious had brought 
 into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to 
 leave it y'^ nexte, and often another might injoye it; 
 so as the dressing of their lands were the more 
 sleighted over, & to lese profite. Which being well 
 considered, their request was granted. And to every 
 person was given only one acrre of land, to them & 
 theirs, as nere y" towne as might be, and they had no 
 more till y*^ 7. years were expired. The reason was, 
 that they might be kept close together both for more 
 saftie and defence, and y'' better improvement of y'' 
 generall imployments. Which condition of theirs did 
 make me often thinke, of what I had read in Plinie * 
 of y" Eomans first beginings in Eomulus time. How 
 every man contented him selfe loith 2. Acres of land, 
 and had no more assigned them. And chap. 3. It 
 ivas thought a great reward, to receive at y" hands of 
 y^ people of Rome a pinte of corne. And long after, 
 the greatest presente given to a Oaptaine y' had gotte a 
 
 * Plin : lib : 18. chap. 2. 
 
202 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 victory over their enemise, -was as much ground as 
 they could till in one day. And he ivas not counted 
 a good, hut a dangerous man, that ivoidd not contente 
 him selfe toith 7. Acres of land. As also how they 
 did pound their come in niorters, as these people were 
 forcte to doe many years before they could get a 
 mille. 
 
 The ship which l)rought this supplj^, was speedily 
 discharged, and with her m^ & company sente to 
 Cap-Amie (of which place they had gott a patente, as 
 before is shewed) on fishing, and because y"" season was 
 so farr spente some of j" planters were sent to help 
 to build their stage, to their owne hinderance. But 
 pai-tly by j" latenes of y" year, and more espetialy by 
 y" basnes of y^' m"'., one Baker, they made a poore 
 viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and 
 did nothing (in a maner) but drink, & gusle, and 
 consume away y'-' time & his victails ; and most of 
 his company followed his example ; and though M^ 
 William Peirce was to over see the busiues, & to 
 be m^ of y^ ship home, yet he could doe no good 
 amongst them, so as y" loss was great, and would 
 have bene more to them, but that they kept one a 
 trading ther, which in those times got some store of 
 skins, which was some help unto them. 
 
 The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an 
 honest and very industrious man, and followed his 
 labour very dilligently, and made all that were im- 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 203 
 
 ployed with him doe y" like ; he quickly builte them 
 2. very good & strong shalops (which after did them 
 greate service) , and a great and strong lighter, and 
 had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost, 
 for he fell into a feaver in y" bote season of y" year, 
 and though he had the best means y"" place could aforde, 
 yet he dyed; of whom they had a very [117] great 
 loss, and were very sorie for his death. But he whom 
 they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish, self- 
 willd fellow ; he bore them in hand he could doe great 
 matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke 
 out fitte ground for his purpose ; and after some serch 
 he tould y'' Gov' that he had found a sufficente place, 
 with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very 
 conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time 
 to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great 
 profite ; but he must have 8. or ten men to be con- 
 stantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that y' 
 ground was good, and other things answerable, and 
 y* he could bring it to perfection ; otherwise he would 
 bring upon them a great charge by imploying him 
 selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, 
 so confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to 
 rear a great frame for a large house, to receive j" salte 
 & such other uses. But in y' end all proved vaine. 
 Then he layed fault of y" ground, in which he was 
 deceived ; but if he might have the lighter to cary 
 clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now though 
 
204 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 y*" Gov' & some other foresaw that this would come to 
 litle, yet they had so many malignant spii'its amongst 
 them, that would have laid it upon them, in their let- 
 ters of complainte to y' adventurers, as to be their 
 falte y* would not suffer him to goe on to bring his 
 work to perfection ; for as he by his bould confidence 
 & large promises deceived them in England that sente 
 him, so he had wound him selfe in to these mens high 
 esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on 
 till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any 
 thing but boyle salt in pans, & yet would make them 
 y' were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a 
 misterie in it as was not easie to be attained, and 
 made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their 
 eys, till they discerned his sutltie. The next yere he 
 was sente to Cap-Anne, and y'^ pans were set up ther 
 wher the fishing was; but before somer was out, he 
 burte the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it 
 spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was 
 the end of that chargable bussines. 
 
 The 3"- eminente person (which y" letters before men- 
 tion) was y" minister which they sent over, by name 
 M'. John Lyford, of whom & whose doing I must be 
 more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I 
 can. When this man first came a shore, he saluted 
 them with that reverence & humilitie as is seldome to 
 be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed 
 and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 205 
 
 hands if they would have [118] suffered him;* yea, 
 he wept & shed many tears, blessing God that had 
 brought him to see their faces ; and admiring j" things 
 they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been 
 made all of love, and y'' humblest person in y" world. 
 And all y'' while (if we may judg by his after cariags) 
 he was but like him mentioned in Psa : 10. 10. That 
 croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by 
 his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,f who, 
 when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and 
 mette them y' were coming to offer incence in j" house 
 of j^ Lord ; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to 
 slay them. They gave him y° best entertainment y'=^" 
 could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of 
 food out of y" store then any other had, and as the 
 Gov"^ had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with 
 their Elder, M''. Brewster, (togeither with his assist- 
 ants,) so now he caled M''. Liford also to counsell with 
 them in their waightiest bussineses. Ater some short 
 time he desired to joyne himselfe a member to y" 
 church hear, and was accordingly received. He made 
 a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledge- 
 mente of his former disorderly walking, and his being 
 intangled with many corruptions, which had been a 
 burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this 
 opportunitie of freedom & libertie to injoye y" ordi- 
 nances of God in puritie among his people, with many 
 
 • Of w'!i" were many witneses. t Jer. 41. 6. 
 
206 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 more such like expressions. I must hear speake a word 
 also of M\ John Oldom, who was a copartner with 
 him in his after courses. He had bene a cheefe sticler 
 in y'' former faction among y" perticulers, and an 
 intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the 
 coming of this ship and he saw j" supply that came, 
 he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of y* 
 cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done 
 them wrong both by word & deed, & writing into 
 England ; but he now saw the cminente hand of God 
 to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which 
 made his hart smite him, neither should those in Eng- 
 land ever use him as an instrumente any longer against 
 them in any thing ; he also desired former things 
 might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon 
 him as one that desired to close with them in all 
 things, with such like expressions. Now whether this 
 was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of 
 conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. 
 Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his love, 
 and carry towards him in all frendiynes, and called 
 him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y^ 
 other, without any distrust at all. 
 
 Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and 
 smothly on amongst them, at which they did much 
 rejoyce; but this lasted not [119] long, for both Oldom 
 and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of 
 great malignancie, drawing as many into faction as 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLAiSJTATION. 207 
 
 they could; were they never so vile or profane, they 
 did nourish & back them in all their doings ; so they 
 would but cleave to them and speak against y" church 
 hear ; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and 
 whisperings amongst them ; they feeding themselves & 
 others with what they should bring to pass in England 
 by the faction of their freinds their, which brought 
 others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. 
 Yet they could not cary so closly but much of both 
 their doings & sayings were discovered, yet outwardly 
 they still set a faire face of things. 
 
 At lenght when y"" ship was ready to goe, it was 
 observed Liford was long in writing, & sente many 
 letters, and could not forbear to comunicate to his 
 intimats such things as made them laugh in their 
 sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand suffi- 
 ciently. The Gov"^ and some other of his freinds know- 
 ing how things stood in England, and what hurt these 
 things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with 
 the ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords 
 & Oldums letters. IVP. William Peirce being m'. of 
 y'' ship, (and knew well their evill dealing both in 
 England & here,) afforded him all y" assistance he 
 could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many 
 of them larg, and full of slanders, & false accusations, 
 tending not only to their prejudice, but to their ruine 
 & utter subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, 
 only tooke copys of them, but some of y'= most materiall 
 
208 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 they sent true copyes of them, and kept y' originalls, 
 least he should deney them, and that they might 
 produce his owne hand against him. Amongst his let- 
 ters they found y" coppyes of tow letters which he 
 sent inclosed in a leter of his to M^ John Pember- 
 ton, a minster, and a great opposite of theirs. These 
 2. letters of which he tooke the copjiyes were one of 
 them write by a gentle-man in England to M"'. Brewster 
 here, the other by M'". Winslow to M''. Eobinson, in 
 Holand, at his coming away, as y' ship lay at Gravs- 
 end. They lying sealed in y'= great cabin, (whilst 
 M". Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of y" ship,) 
 this slye marchante taks & opens them, taks these 
 coppys, & seals them up againe ; and not only sends 
 the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adver- 
 sarie, but adds thertoo in y"' margente many scurrilous 
 and flouting anotations. This ship went out toivards 
 eving, and in the night j" Gov"^ retured. They were 
 somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when 
 they heard nothing, they then were as briske as ever, 
 thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone 
 currente, and that the Gov'' went but to dispatch his 
 owne letters. The reason why the Gov"' & rest con- 
 cealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen, 
 that they [120] might y" better discover their intents 
 and see who were their adherents. And y'= rather 
 because amongst y^ rest they found a letter of one of 
 their confederats, in w* was writen that M^ Oldame 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 209 
 
 & M'. Lyford intended a i-eformation in church and 
 commone wealth ; and, as soone as the ship was gone, 
 they intended to joyne togeather, and have the sacre- 
 ments, &c. 
 
 For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he 
 was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legiljle,) 
 yet he was as deepe in j" mischeefe as the other. And 
 thinking they were now strong enough, they begane 
 to pick quarells at every thing. Oldame l)eing called 
 to watch (according to order) refused to come, fell 
 out with y'^ Capten, caled him raskell, and beggerly 
 raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him ; 
 though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille 
 termes, but with all fairnes required him to doe his 
 duty. The Gov'', hearing y*" tumulte, sent to quiet it, 
 but he ramped more like a furious beast then a man, 
 and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other 
 such foule language as I am ashamed to remember ; 
 but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him 
 selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe 
 upon his behaviour for further censure. 
 
 But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this 
 esseue, that Lyford with his complicies, without ever 
 speaking one word either to j" Gov', Church, or Elder, 
 withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting 
 apai-te, on y" Lord's day ; with sundry such insolente 
 cariages, too long here to relate, begining now pub- 
 likly to acte what privatly they had been long plotting. 
 
210 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 It was now thought high time (to prevent further 
 mischeefe) to calle them to accounte ; so y" Gov' 
 called a courte and suinoned the whol company to 
 appeare. And then charged Lyford & Oldom with 
 such things as they were guiltj^ of. But they were 
 stiffe, & stood resolutly upon y" deneyall of most 
 things, and required proofe. They first alledged what 
 was write to them out of England, compared with 
 their doings & pactises hear; that it was evident they 
 joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their 
 peace, both in respecte of their civill & church state, 
 which was most injurious ; for both they and all y** 
 world knew they came hither to injoye y*^ libertie of 
 their conscience and y* free use of Gods ordinances ; 
 and for y' end had ventured their lives and passed 
 throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and 
 their freinds had borne the charg- of these bes'ininos, 
 which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte 
 was sent over on this charge, and that both he and 
 his great family was maintained on y' same, and also 
 was joyned to y' church, & a member of them ; and 
 for him to plote against them & seek their ruine, 
 was most unjust & perfidious. And for [121] Oldam 
 or any other that came over at their owne charge, and 
 were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received in 
 curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to 
 seeke shelter & protection under their wings, not being 
 able to stand alone, that they, (according to y'' fable,) 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 211 
 
 like the Hedghogg whom y* conny in a stormy day in 
 pittie received into her borrow, would not be content 
 to talie part with her, but in the end with her sharp 
 pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne bor- 
 row ; so these men with the like injustice indevored to 
 doe y*' same to thos that entertained them. 
 
 Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with 
 them in England, or knew of their courses, and made 
 other things as strange that he was charged with. 
 Then his letters were prodused & some of them read, 
 at which he was struck mute. But Oldam begane to 
 rage furiously, because they had intercepted and opened 
 his letters, threatening them in very high language, 
 and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up 
 & caled upon y* people, saying, My maisters, wher is 
 your harts? now shew your courage, you have oft 
 complained to me so & so ; now is y"" time, if you will 
 doe any thing, I will stand by you, &c. Thinking y' 
 every one (knowing his humor) that had soothed and- 
 flattered him, or other wise in their discontente uttered 
 any thing unto him, would now side w"" him in open 
 rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man ojoened 
 his mouth, but all were silent, being strucken with the 
 injustice of y" thing. Then y' Gov'' turned his speech 
 to M''. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had 
 done evill to open his letters ; but he was silente, & 
 would not say a word, well knowing what they might 
 reply. Then y' Gov"' shewed the people he did it as 
 
212 HISTORY or [book ii. 
 
 a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to 
 prevent y" mischeefe & ruine that this couspiracie and 
 plots of tlieirs would bring on this poor colony. But 
 he, besids his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly 
 with his freinds y' trusted him, & stole their letters 
 & opened them, and sent coppies of them, with dis- 
 gracefull anotations, to his freinds in England. And 
 then y" GoV produced them and his other letters un- 
 der his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and 
 caused them to be read before all y'^ people ; at which 
 all his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say. 
 
 It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his 
 letters (which would almost fill a volume), though I 
 have them by me. I shall only note a few of y^ 
 cheefe things collected out of them, with y'= answers 
 to them as they were then given ; and but a few of 
 those many, only for instance, by which the rest may 
 be judged of. 
 
 [121*] 1. First, he saith, the church would have 
 none to live hear but them selves. 2'''. Neither are 
 any willing so to doe if they had company to live els- 
 wher. 
 
 Ans : Their answer was, that this was false, in both 
 y" parts of it ; for they were willing & desirous y' any 
 honest men may live with them, that will cary them 
 selves peacably, and seek y'^ coinone good, or at least 
 doe them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that 
 
 * 121 is repeated in tlie paging? of the original. 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 213 
 
 will not live els wher so long as they may live with 
 them. 
 
 2. That if ther come over anj' honest men that are 
 not of y" seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c. 
 
 A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false 
 callumniation, for they had many amongst them that 
 they liked well of, and were glad of their company ; 
 and should be of any such like that should come 
 amongst them. 
 
 3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doc- 
 trins raised from 2. Sam : 12. 7. First, that ministers 
 must sume times perticulerly appl}' their doctrine to 
 spetiall persons ; 2''', that great men may be reproved 
 as well as meaner. 
 
 A. Their answer was, that both these were without 
 either truth or colour of y'' same (as was proved to 
 his face), and that they had taught and beleeved these 
 things long before they knew M^ Liford. 
 
 4. That they utterly sought y'' ruine of y'= perticu- 
 lers; as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer 
 any of y'= generall either to l)uy or sell with them, or 
 to exchaing one coiSoditie for another. 
 
 Ans : This was a most malicious slander and voyd 
 of all truth, as was evidently proved to him Ijefore all 
 men ; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing 
 with them as often as they had any occation. Yea, 
 and allso both lend & give to them when they wanted ; 
 and this the perticuler persons them selves could not 
 
214 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 deney, but freely confest in open court. But y' 
 ground from whence this arose made it much worse, 
 for he was in counsel! with them. When one was 
 called before them, and questioned for receiving pow- 
 der and bisket from y' gurier of y"* small ship, which 
 was y' companys, and had it put in at his window in 
 the night, and allso for buying salt of one, that had 
 no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being 
 one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating 
 his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds 
 this mischeeous & most false slander : That because 
 they would not suifer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, 
 they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine. 
 
 5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; 
 that they turned [122] men into their perticuler, and 
 then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all 
 means of subsistance. 
 
 A. To this was answered, he did them manifest 
 wrong, for they turned none into their perticuler ; it 
 was their owne importunitie and ernest desire that 
 moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it. And 
 they apealed to y'' persons them selves for y' truth 
 hereof. And they testified the same against him be- 
 fore all present, as allso that they had no cause to 
 co'mplaine of any either hard or unkind usage. 
 
 6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and 
 writeth, that it was a Strang difference, that some have 
 bene alowed 16''. of meale by y' weeke, and others 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 215 
 
 but 4". And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some 
 mens mouths and bellies are very litle & slender over 
 others. 
 
 Ans : This might seeme strange indeed to those to 
 whom he write his leters in England, which knew not 
 y*" reason of it ; but to him and others hear, it could 
 not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the 
 first comers had none at all, but lived on their corne. 
 Those w'^'' came in y" Anne, y' Auguat before, & were 
 to live 13. months of the provissions they brought, 
 had as good alowance in meal & pease as it would 
 extend too, y" most part of y'' year ; but a litle be- 
 fore harvest, when they had not only fish, but other 
 fruits began to come in, they had but 4". having 
 their libertie to make their owne provisions. But 
 some of these which came last, as j' ship carpenter, 
 and samiers, the salte-men & others that were to fol- 
 low constante imployments, and had not an howers 
 time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing 
 above their alowance ; they had at first, 16" alowed 
 them, and afterwards as fish, & other food coued be 
 gott, they had as balemente, to 14. &. 12. yea some 
 of them to 8. as the times & occasions did vary. And 
 yet those which followed planting and their owne 
 occasions, and had but 4". of meall a week, lived better 
 then y" other, as was well knowne to all. And yet 
 it must be rememljered that Lyford & his had allwais 
 the highest alowance. 
 
216 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Many other things (in his letters) he accused them 
 of, with many aggravations ; as that he saw exseeding 
 great wast of tools & vesseles ; & this, when it came 
 to be examened, all y'^ instance he could give was, that 
 he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, 
 and a broken how or tow lefte carlesly in y'= feilds by 
 some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man 
 was appointed to looke to these things. But these 
 things & such like was write of by him, to cast dis- 
 grace & prejudice upon them ; as thinking what came 
 from a [123] minister would pass for currente. Then 
 he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther 
 was not above 7. of y'^ adventurers y' souight y' 
 good of y^ collony. That M''. Oldam & him selfe had 
 had much to doe with them, and that y' faction here 
 might match y° Jesuits for politic. With many y'= like 
 greevious complaints & accusations. 
 
 1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his 
 freinds counsell and directtion. And first, that y"" 
 Leyden company (M^ Eobinson & j" rest) must still 
 be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least 
 any of them should be taken in privatly soraewher on 
 y*' coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,) 
 they must chaing the m^ of y" ship {M\ William 
 Peirce), and put another allso in Wiuslows stead, for 
 marchante, or els it would not be prevented. 
 
 2. Then he would have such a number provided as 
 might oversway them hear. And that y'= perticulers 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 217 
 
 should have voyces in all courts & elections, and be 
 free to bear any » office. And that every perticuler 
 should come over as an adventurer, if he l)e but a 
 servante ; some other venturing 10''., y" bill may he 
 taken out in y° servants name, and then assigned to 
 y' party whose money it was, and good covenants 
 drawn betweene them for y' clearing of y"" matter ; 
 and this (saith he) would be a means to strengthen 
 this side y'^ more. 
 
 3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they 
 spoake of should come over hither as a generall, he 
 was perswaded he would be chosen Capten ; for this 
 Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in 
 utter contempte. 
 
 4. Then he shows that if by y' forementioned 
 means they cannot be strengthened to cary & over- 
 bear things, it will be best for them to plant els 
 wher by them selves ; and would have it artickled by 
 them that they might make choyse of any place that 
 they liked best within .3. or 4. myls distance, shew- 
 ing ther were farr better places for plantation then 
 this. 
 
 5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number 
 came not over to bear them up here, then ther would 
 be no abiding for them, but by joyning with these 
 hear. Then he adds : Since I begane to write, ther 
 are letters come from your company, wherin they 
 would ofive sole authoritie in diverce things unto the 
 
218 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 GoV here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. 
 But I hope you will be more vigilante hereafter, that 
 nothing may pass in such a maner. I suppose (saith 
 he) M'. Oldame will write to you further of these 
 things. I pray j'ou conceall me in the discovery of 
 these things, &c. 
 
 Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in 
 his leters, and shall now returne to their procceeding 
 with him. After the reading of his leters before the 
 whole company, he was demanded what he could say 
 to these things. [124] But all y" answer he made 
 was, that Billington and some others had informed him 
 of many things, and made sundrie complaints, which 
 they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was 
 a sufficiente ground for him thus to accuse & traduse 
 them by his letters, and never say word to them, con- 
 sidering the many bonds betweene them. And so they 
 went on from poynte to poynte ; and wisht him, or 
 any of his freinds & confederats, not to spare them in 
 any thing ; if he or they had anjr joroofe or witnes 
 of any corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or their 
 evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was 
 the whole company and sundery strangers. He said 
 he had been abused by others in their informations, (as 
 he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And this 
 was all the answer they could have, for none would 
 take his parte in any thing; but Billington, & any 
 whom he named, deneyed the things, and protested he 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 219 
 
 wronged them, and would have drawne them to such 
 & such things which they could not consente too, 
 though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. 
 Then they delte with him aboute his dissembling with 
 them aboute y° church, and that he professed to concur 
 with them in all thinofs, and what a laroe confession 
 he made at his admittance, and that he held not 
 him selfe a minister till he had a new calling, &c. 
 And yet now he contested against them, and drew a 
 company aparte, & sequestred him selfe ; and would 
 goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall caling) 
 without ever speaking a word unto them, either as 
 magistrats or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully 
 convicted, and burst out into tears, and " confest he 
 feared he was a reprobate, his sinns were so great 
 that he doubted God would not pardon them, he was 
 unsavorie salte, &c. ; and that he had so wronged 
 them as he could never make them amends, con- 
 fessing all he had write against them was false & 
 nought, both for matter & maiier." And all this 
 he did with as much fullnes as words & tears could 
 express . 
 
 After their triall & conviction, the court censured 
 them to be expeld the place ; Oldame j^resently, though 
 his wife & family had liberty to stay all winter, or 
 longer, till he could make provission to remove them 
 comfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months. 
 It was, indeede, with some eye to his release, if he 
 
220 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 caried him selfe well in the meane time, and that his 
 repentance proveel sound. Lyford acknowledged his 
 censure was farr less then he deserved. 
 
 Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in j" church, 
 with tears more largly then Ijefore. I shall here put 
 it downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it 
 from his owne words, as him selfe utered them. Ac- 
 knowledging [125] "That he had don very evill, and 
 slanderously abused them ; and thinking most of y'' 
 people would take jaarte with him, he thought to cary 
 all by violence and strong hand against them. And 
 that God might justly lay iiiocente l>lood to his 
 charge, for he knew not what hurt might have come 
 of these his writings, and blest God they were stayed. 
 And that he spared not to take knowledg from any, 
 of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his eyes & 
 ears against all the good ; and if God should make 
 him a vacabund in y'= earth, as was Caine, it was but 
 just, for he had sined in envie & malice against his 
 brethren as he did. And he confessed 3. things to be 
 y' ground & causes of these his doings : pride, vaine- 
 glorie, & selfe love." Amplifying these heads with 
 many other sade expressions, in the perticulers of 
 them. 
 
 So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts 
 of him upon this his repentance, and admited him to 
 teach amongst them as before ; and Samuell Fuller (a 
 deacon amongst them), and some other tender harted 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 221 
 
 men amongst them, were so taken with his signes of 
 sorrow & repentance, as they professed they would 
 fall upon their knees to have his censure released. 
 
 But that which made them all stand amased in the 
 end, and may doe all others that shall come to hear 
 y"" same, (for a rarer president can scarse be showne,) 
 was, that after a month or 2. notwithstand all his for- 
 mer conifessions, convictions, and pulilick acknowledg- 
 ments, both in y'' face of y'^ church and whole company, 
 with so many tears & sadde censures of him selfe be- 
 fore God & men, he should goe againe to justifie what 
 he had done. 
 
 For secretly he write a 2*. leter to y'^ adventurers 
 in England, in w"^** he justified all his former writings, 
 (save in some things which tended to their damage,) 
 the which, because it is brefer then y"" former, I shall 
 here inserte. 
 
 Worthy S" : Though the filth of mine owne doings may 
 justly be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my per- 
 petuall silence, yet that y"" truth may not herby be injuried, 
 3'our selves any longer deluded, nor injurious* dealing caried 
 out still, with bould out facings, I have adventured once 
 more to write unto you. Firest, I doe freely confess I delte 
 very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters w'" I wrote 
 to private freinds, for y" courses in coming hither & the 
 like ; which I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired 
 up ther unto in the beholding y" indirecte courses held by 
 
 * Imirious in MS. 
 
222 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 others, both hear, & ther with you, for effecting their de- 
 signes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to y*^ glory 
 of God & mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which leters 
 being intercepted by the Gov', I have for y'^ same under- 
 gone y' censure [126] of banishmente. And had it not 
 been for y' respecte I have unto you, and some other mat- 
 ters of private regard, I had returned againe at this time by 
 y" pinass for England ; for hear I purpose iiot to abide, 
 unless I receive better incouragmente from you, then from 
 y" church (as they call them selves) here I doe receive. I 
 purposed before I came, to undergoe hardnes, therfore I shall 
 I hope cherfuUy bear y" conditions of y" place, though very 
 mean ; and they have chainged my wages ten times allready. 
 I suppose my letters, or at least y" coppies of them, are 
 come to your hands, for so they hear reporte ; which, if it 
 be so, I praj' you take notice of this, that I have writen 
 nothing but what is certainly true, and I could make so 
 apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours 
 be cast to darken y° truth, and some ther are very audatious 
 this way ; besids manj' other matters which are f.arre out of 
 order hear. My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any fur- 
 ther, but in respecte of diverse poore souls here, y' care of 
 whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute of the 
 meas of salvation. For how so ever y' church are provided 
 for, to their contente, who are y' smalest number in y' coU- 
 ony, and doe so appropriate y' ministrie to them selves, 
 houlding this principle, that y' Lord hath not appointed any 
 ordinary ministrie for y'= conversion of those y' are without, 
 so y' some of y' poor souls have w"" tears complained of this 
 to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in geuerall. 
 Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they 
 came, but such as may be performed by any of you, by their 
 owne possition, what soever great pretences they make ; but 
 herin they equivocate, as in many other things they doe. 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 223 
 
 But I exceede y'' bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting 
 thus, untill I hear further from you, so it be within y° time 
 limited me. I rest, &c., 
 
 Remaining yours ever, 
 
 John Lyford, Exille. 
 Dated Aug: 22. An": 1624. 
 
 They made a breefe answer to some things in this 
 leter, but referred cheefly to their former. The eifecte 
 was to this j^urpose : That if God in his providence 
 had not brought tliese things to their hands (both y" 
 former & later), they might have been thus abused, 
 tradused, and calumniated, overthrowne, & undone; and 
 never have knowne by whom, nor for what. They 
 desired but this equall favoure, that they would be 
 pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accu- 
 sations, and waigh them in y° balance of justice & 
 reason, and then censure as they pleased. Thej'' had 
 write breefly to y' heads of things before, and should 
 be ready to give further [127 J answer as any occasion 
 should require ; craving leave to adde a word or tow 
 to this last. 
 
 1. And first, they desire to examene what filth 
 that was y* he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne 
 in his face, and might cause blushing & perpetuall 
 silence ; some gi'eat mater sure ! But if it be looked 
 into, it amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscre- 
 tion, and thats all; and yet he licks of y' too with 
 this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by behold- 
 
224 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 ing y'= indirecte course here. But this point never 
 troubled him here, it was counted a light matter both 
 by him & his freinds, and pat of with this, — that 
 any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds 
 to come over for their best advantage. All his sor- 
 row & tears here was for y" wrong & hurt he had 
 done us, and not at all for this he pretends to be done 
 to 3'ou : it was not counted so much as indiscretion. 
 2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he 
 thinks he may lay load of us here. And first com- 
 plains that we have changed his wages ten times. 
 AYe never agreed with him for any wages, nor made 
 any bargen at all with him, neither know of any 
 that you have made. You sent him over to teach 
 • amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; 
 and more then this we know not. That he hath 
 beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves 
 from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne 
 mouth. If you please to looke upon that writing 
 of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which 
 he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth 
 otherwise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears 
 us. In y' latter end therof he hath these words. 
 I speak not this (saith he) out of any ill affection to 
 the men, for I have found them very kind & loving 
 to yne. You may ther see these to be his owne 
 words under his owne hand. 2'^'. It will appere by 
 this that he hath ever had a larger alowance of food 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 225 
 
 out of y" store for him and his then any, and 
 clothing as his neede hatlr required ; a dwelling in 
 one of our best houses, and a man wholy at his 
 owne comand to tend his private affairs. What 
 cause he hath tberfore to complaine, judge ye ; and 
 what he means in his speech we know not, except 
 he aluds to y' of Jaacob & Laban. If you have 
 promised him more or other wise, you may doe it 
 when you please. 
 
 3. Then with an impudente face he would have 
 you take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write 
 nothing but what is certainly true, yea, and he could 
 make it so appeare plainly to any indiffe rente men. 
 This indeed doth astonish us and causeth us to 
 tremble at y'' deceitfullnes [128] and desperate wick- 
 ednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, 
 and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that 
 after such publick confession, and acknowledgmente 
 in court, in church, before God, & men, with such 
 sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting 
 into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie 
 all ao-aine. If things had bene done in a corner, it 
 had been some thinge to deney them ; but being done 
 in y'= open view of y" cuntrie & before all men, it is 
 more then strange now to avow to make them plainly 
 appear to any indifferente men ; and here wher things 
 were done, and all y" evidence that could be were 
 presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even 
 
226 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 his freinds condemnd him & gave their voyce to his 
 censure, so grose were they ; we leave your selves 
 to judge herein. Yet least this man should triumph 
 in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, 
 when, or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to 
 our charg, though we have done it sufficiently allready. 
 
 4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for 
 some poore souls here who are destiute of y'' means 
 of salvation, &c. But all his soothing is but that 
 you would use means, that his censure might be 
 released that he might here continue ; and under 
 you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his 
 freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about & 
 effecte. For such men pretend much for poor souls, 
 but they will looke to their wages & conditions ; if 
 that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what 
 they will, they will shift for them selves, and seek 
 poore souls some wher els among richer bodys. 
 
 Next he fals upon y"= church, that indeed is y* 
 burthensome stone that troubls him. First, he saith 
 they hold this principle, that the Lord hath not 
 apointed any ordinarie ministrie for y'= converssion of 
 those without. The church needs not be ashamed of 
 what she houlds in this, haveing Gods word for her 
 warrente ; that ordinarie officers are bound cheefly to 
 their flocks. Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extrava- 
 gants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs 
 to shift for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves. 
 
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 227 
 
 But he perverts y'= truth in this as in other things, 
 for y" Lord hath as well appoynted them to con- 
 verts, as to feede in their severall charges ; and he 
 wrongs y'' church to say other wise. Againe, he 
 saith he was taxed for preaching to all in gen- 
 erall. This is a meere untruth, for this dissembler 
 knows that every Lords day some are appointed to 
 visite suspected places, & if any be found idling and 
 neglecte y"* hearing of y" word, (through idlnes or 
 profanes,) they are punished for y* same. Now to 
 procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him 
 for preaching to all, were to play y'' mad men. 
 
 [129] 6. Next (he saith) they have had no min- 
 istrie since they came, what soever pretences they 
 make, &c. We answer, the more is our wrong, that 
 our pastor is kept from us by these mens means, 
 and then reproach us for it when they have done. 
 Yet have we not been wholy distitute of y'' means of 
 salvation, as this man would make y" world beleeve ; 
 for our reve"* Elder hath laboured diligently in dis- 
 pencing the word of God unto us, before he came; 
 and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfe 
 in preaching the same ; and, be it spoaken without 
 ostentation, he is not inferriour to M'. Lyford (& 
 some of his betters) either in gifts or laming, 
 though he would never be perswaded to take higher 
 office upon him. Nor ever was more pretended in 
 this matter. For equivocating, he may take it to 
 
228 HISTOET OF [book H. 
 
 him selfe ; what y" church houlds, they have mani- 
 fested to y"* world, in all plaines, both in open 
 confession, doctrine, & writing. 
 
 This was y" sume of ther answer, and hear I will 
 let them rest for y° presente. I have bene longer 
 in these things then I desired, and yet not so long 
 as the things might require, for I pass many things 
 in silence, and many more deserve to have been 
 more largly handled. But I will returne to other 
 things, and leave y"" rest to its place. 
 
 The pinass that was left sunck & cast away near 
 Damarins-cove, as is before showed, some of y" fish- 
 ing maisters said it was a pity so fine a vessell 
 should be lost, and sent them word that, if they 
 would be at y* cost, they would both directe them 
 how to waygh her, and let them have their car- 
 penters to mend her. They thanked them, & sente 
 men aboute it, and beaver to defray y" charge, 
 (without which all had been in vaine). So they gott 
 coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of 
 cask, and being made tight and fastened to her at 
 low-water, they boyed her up ; and then with many 
 hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher 
 she might be wrought upon ; and then hired sundrie 
 carpenters to work upon her, and other to saw 
 planks, and at last fitted her & got her home. But 
 she cost a great deale of money, in thus recovering 
 her, and buying riging & seails for her, both now 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 229 
 
 and when before she lost her mast ; so as she proved 
 a chargable vessell to y" poor plantation. So they 
 sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last 
 letter, in great secrecie ; but j" party intrusted with 
 it gave it y'' GoV. 
 
 The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie 
 affairs, without any spetiall mater worth noteing; 
 saveing that many who before stood something of 
 from y"" church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous deal- 
 ing, and malignitie against y'' church, now tendered 
 them selves to y' church, and were joyned to y*' 
 same ; proffessing that it was not out of y' dislike 
 of any thing that they had stood of so long, but a 
 desire to fitte them selves beter for such a state, and 
 they saw now y' Lord cald for their help. [130] 
 And so these troubls prodused a quite contrary eflPecte 
 in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. 
 Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to 
 draw on men by unlickly means ; and that in reason 
 which might rather have set them further of. And 
 thus I shall end this year. 
 
 Ajino Dom: 1625. 
 At y"= spring of y'' year, about y'^ time of their 
 Election Court, Oldam came againe amongst them ; and 
 though it was a part of his censure for his former 
 mutinye and miscariage, not to returne without leave 
 first obtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed 
 
230 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 without any leave at all, being also set on & hardened 
 by y" ill counsell of others. And not only so, but 
 suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond y" limits 
 of all rea,son and modestie ; in so much that some 
 strangers which came with him were ashamed of his 
 outrage, and rebuked him; but all reprofes were but 
 as oyle to y" fire, and made y" flame of his coller 
 greater. He caled them all to nought, in this his 
 mad furie, and a hundred rebells and traytors, and 
 1 know not what. But in conclusion they comited 
 him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of 
 musketers w"""" he was to pass throw, and ever one 
 was ordered to give him a thump on y" brich, with 
 y" but end of his musket, and then was conveied to 
 y* water side, wher a boat was ready to cary him 
 away. Then they bid him goe & mende his maners. 
 
 Whilst this was a doing, M"^. William Peirce and 
 M"'. Winslow came up from y* water side, being come 
 from England ; but they were so busie with Oldam, 
 as they never saw them till they came thus upon 
 them. They bid them not spare either him or Liford, 
 for they had played y'' vilans with them. But that I 
 may hear make an end with him, I shall hear once 
 for all relate what befell concerning him in y*" future, 
 & y' breefly. After y" removall of his familie from 
 hence, he fell into some straits, (as some others did,) 
 and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards win- 
 ter, he intended a vioage for Virginia ; but it so 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 231 
 
 pleased God that y" barke that caried him, and many 
 other passengers, was in that danger, as they dis- 
 paired of life ; so as many of them, as they fell to 
 prayer, so also did they begine to examine their con- 
 sciences [131] and confess such sins as did most 
 burthen them. And M'. Ouldame did make a free 
 and large confession of y° wrongs and hurt he had 
 done to y" people and church here, in many pertic- 
 ulers, that as he had sought their ruine, so God had 
 now mette with him and might destroy him ; yea, he 
 feared they all fared y" worce for his sake ; he prayed 
 God to forgive him, and made vowes that, if y° Lord 
 spard his life, he would become otherwise, and y"' 
 like. This I had from some of good credite, yet 
 living in y° Bay, and were them selves partners in 
 the same dangers on y'^ shoulds of Cap-Codd, and 
 heard it from his owne mouth. It pleased God to 
 spare their lives, though they lost their viage ; and 
 in time after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly 
 towards them, and acknowledged y"" hand of God to 
 be with them, and seemed to have an honourable 
 respecte of them ; and so farr made his peace with 
 them, as he in after time had libertie to goe and 
 come, and converse with them, at his pleasure. He 
 went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sick- 
 nes, but recovered and came back againe to his familie 
 in j" Bay, and ther lived till some store of people 
 came over. At lenght going a trading in a smale ves- 
 
232 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 sell among y'= Indians, and being weakly mand, upon 
 some quarell they knockt him on y"" head with a 
 hatched, so as he fell downe dead, & never spake 
 word more. 2. litle boys that were his kinsmen were 
 saved, but had some hurte, and y'' vessell was strangly 
 recovered from y" Indeans by another that belonged 
 to y" Bay of Massachusets ; and this his death was 
 one ground of the Pequente warr which followed. 
 
 I am now come to M''. Lyford. His time being 
 now expired, his censure was to take place. He was 
 so farre from answering their hopes by amendmente 
 in y* time, as he had dubled his evill, as is before 
 noted. But first behold y'' hand of God conceiring 
 him, wherin that of y" Psalmist is verified. Psa : 
 7. 15. He hath made a pitte, & digged it, and is 
 fallen into the pitte he made. He thought to bring 
 shame and disgrace upon them, but in stead therof 
 opens his owne to all y° world. For when he was 
 delte with all aboute his second letter, his wife was 
 so afl"ected with his doings, as she could no longer 
 conceaill her greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens 
 y" same to one of their deacons & some other of her 
 freinds, & after uttered y'' same to M^ Peirce upon 
 his arrivall. Which was to this purpose, that she 
 feared some great judgment of God would fall upon 
 them, and upon her, for her husbands cause ; now 
 that they were to remove, she feared to fall into y" 
 Indeans hands, and to be defiled by them, as he had 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 233 
 
 defiled other women ; or some shuch like [132] judg- 
 mente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12. 11. 
 I will raise up evill against y% and will take thy 
 wives & give them, &c. And upon it showed how 
 he had wronged her, as first he had a bastard by 
 another before they were maried, & she having some 
 inkling of some ill cariage that way, when he was 
 a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard, 
 & deneyd him ; but she not certainly knowing y"" 
 thing, other wise then by some darke & secrete mut- 
 erings, he not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie 
 her tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter. 
 Upon which she gave consente, and maried with him ; 
 but afterwards it was found true, and y'= bastard 
 brought home to them. She then charged him with 
 his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should 
 els not have had her. And yet afterwards she could 
 keep no maids but he would be medling with them, 
 and some time she hath taken him in y'' maner, as 
 they lay at their beds feete, with shuch other cir- 
 cumstances as I am ashamed to relate. The woman 
 being a grave matron, & of good cariage all y'= while 
 she was hear, and spoake these things out of y" sor- 
 row of her harte, sparingly, and yet w''' some further 
 intimations. And that which did most seeme to 
 afiecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his for- 
 mer cariage in his repentance, not only hear with 
 y<' church, but formerly about these things; sheding 
 
234 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 tears, and using great & sade expressions, and yet 
 eftsone fall into the like things. 
 
 Another thing of y" same nature did strangly con- 
 curr herewith. When M"'. Winslow & M''. Peirce were 
 come over, M'. Winslow informed them that they had 
 had y" like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England, 
 as they had with him selfe and his freinds hear, 
 aboute his letters & accusations in them. And many 
 meetings and much clamour was made by his freinds 
 theraboute, crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to 
 be so esteemed & taxed they held a great skandale, 
 and threated to prosecute law against them for it. 
 But things being referred to a further meeting of most 
 of y" adventurers, to heare y" case and decide y** mat- 
 ters, they agreed to chose 2. eminente men for mod- 
 erators in the bussines. Lyfords faction chose M"'. 
 White, a counselor at law, the other parte chose Eeve*. 
 M^ Hooker, y"* minister, and many freinds on both 
 sids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie. 
 In y" mean time, God in his providence had detected 
 Lyford's evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst 
 y'' company, who made it knowne to M^ Winslow, and 
 directed him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would 
 testifie y" same (if caled therunto) upon their oath. 
 The thing was this ; he being gott into Ireland, had 
 wound him selfe into y'^ esteeme of sundrj^ godly & 
 zelous professours in those parts, who, having been 
 burthened with y'' ceremonies in England, found ther 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 235 
 
 some more liberty to their consciences ; amongst whom 
 were these 2. men, which gave [133] this evidence. 
 Amongst y" rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge 
 man that intended to marie, and cast his affection on 
 a maide which lived their aboute ; but desiring to chose 
 in y" Lord, and preferred y'= fear of God before all 
 other things, before he suffered his affection to rune too 
 farr, he resolved to take M"". Lyfords advise and judg- 
 mente of this maide, (being y" minister of y" place,) 
 and so broak y'^ matter unto him ; & he promised 
 faithfully to informe him, but would first take better 
 knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her ; 
 and so had sundry times ; and in conclusion coiuended 
 her highly to y" yong man as a very fitte wife for him. 
 So they were maried togeather ; but some time after 
 mariage the woman was much troubled in mind, and 
 afHicted in conscience, and did nothing but weepe and 
 mourne, and long it was before her husband could get 
 of her what was y" cause. But at length she dis- 
 covered y'^ thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for 
 Lyford had overcome her, and defiled her body before 
 marriage, after he had comended him unto her for 
 a husband, and she resolved to have him, when he 
 came to her in that private way. The circumstances 
 I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to hear 
 them related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her, 
 yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.) These things 
 being thus discovered, y" womas husband tooke some 
 
236 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 godly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this 
 evill. At length he confest it, with a great deale of 
 seeming sorrow & repentance, but was forct to leave 
 Irland upon it, partly for shame, and partly for fear 
 of further punishmente, for y° godly withdrew them 
 selves from him upon it ; and so coming into England 
 unhapily he was light upon cS; sente hither. 
 
 But in this great assembly, and before y"" moderators, 
 in handling y*" former matters aboute y'' letters, upon 
 provocation, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords 
 defenders, M^ Winslow let fall these words. That he 
 had delte knavishly ; upon which on of his freinds 
 tooke hold, & caled for witneses, that he cald a minister 
 of y"^ gosjDell knave, and would prosecute law upon it, 
 which made a great tumulte, upon which (to be shorte) 
 this matter broke out, and the witnes were prodused, 
 whose persons were so grave, and evidence so plaine, 
 and y" facte so foule, yet delivered in such modest 
 & chast terms, and with such circumstances, as strucke 
 all his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; inso- 
 much as y'^ moderators with great gravitie declared 
 that y"" former matters gave them cause enough to 
 refuse him & to deal with him as they had done, but 
 these made him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any 
 more, what repentance soever he should pretend ; with 
 much more to like effecte, and so wisht his freinds to 
 rest quiete. Thus was this matter ended. 
 
 From hence Lyford wente to Natasco, in y" Bay of 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATfON. 237 
 
 y'^ Massachusets, with some other of his freinds with 
 him, wher Oldom allso lived. From thence he removed 
 to Namkeke, since called Salem ; but after ther came 
 some people over, wheather for hope of greater profite, 
 or what ends els I know not, he left his freinds that 
 followed him, and went from thence to "Virginia, wher 
 he shortly after dyed, and so I leave him to y" Lord. 
 His wife afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, and 
 thus much of this matter. 
 
 [134] This storme being thus'blowne over, yet sun- 
 drie sad eflFects followed y" same ; for the Company 
 of Adventurers broake in peeces here upon, and y" 
 greatest parte wholy deserted y'' colony in regarde of 
 any further supply, or care of their subsistance. And 
 not only so, but some of Lyfords & Oldoms freinds, 
 and their adherents, set out a shipe on fishing, on 
 their owne accounte, and getting y" starte of y' ships 
 that came to the plantation, they tooke away their 
 stage, & other necessary provisions that they had made 
 for fishing at Cap- Anne y° year before, at their great 
 charge, and would not restore y" same, excepte they 
 would fight for it. But y" Gov"' sent some of y" planters 
 to help y'' fiaher men to build a new one, and so let 
 them keepe it. This shipe also brought them some 
 small supply, of little value; but they made so pore 
 a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these men 
 make them any returne for y"= supply sente,) so as, after 
 this year, they never looked more after them. 
 
238 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in y 
 name of y'= rest) certaine reasons of their l:)reaking of 
 from y' plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine con- 
 ditions, of reuniting againe. The which because they 
 are longe & tedious, and most of them aboute the former 
 things already touched, I shall omite them ; only give- 
 ing an instance in one, or tow. 1. reason, they charged 
 them for dissembling with his majestie in their petition, 
 and with y'' adventurers about y" French discipline, &c. 
 2'^, for receiving * a man f into their church, that in 
 his conffession renownced all, universall, nationall, and 
 diocessan churches, &c., by which (say they) it appears, 
 that though they deney the name of Browists, j^et they 
 practiss y^ same, &c. And therfore they should sine 
 against God in building up such a people. 
 
 Then they adde : Our dislikes thus laid downe, that 
 we may goe on in trade w* better contente & credite, 
 our desires are as folio weth. First, that as we are 
 partners in trade, so we may be in Gov" ther, as the 
 patente doth give us power, &c. 
 
 2. That the French discipline may be practised in the 
 plantation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in y* 
 substance ; wherby y' scandallous name of y'' Brownists, 
 and other church diflFerences, may be taken away. 
 
 3. Lastly, that M^ Robinson and his company may 
 not goe over to our plantation, unless he and they 
 
 * Receive in the manuscript. 
 t This was Lyford himselfe. 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 239 
 
 will reconcile themselves to our church by a recantation 
 under their hands, &c. 
 
 Their answer in part to these things was then as 
 foloweth. 
 
 Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestie & 
 y" adventurers aboute y" French discipline, you doe us wrong, 
 for we both hold & practice y' discipline of y" French & other 
 reformed churches, (as they have published y'' same in y' 
 Harmony of Confessions,) according to our means, in effecte 
 & substance. But wheras you would tye us to the French 
 discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from y^ libertie 
 we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would have 
 none to follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ, 
 much less ought any Christian or church in y" world to doe 
 it. The French may erre, we may erre, and other churches 
 may erre, and doubtless doe in many circumstances. That 
 honour therfore belongs only to y' infallible word of God, 
 and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and fol- 
 lowed as y" only rule and pattern for direction herin to all 
 churches & Christians. And it is too great arrogancie for 
 any man, or church [135] to thinke y' he or they have so 
 sounded y' word of God to y"* bottome, as precislie to sett 
 downe y" churches discipline, without error in substance or 
 circumstance, as y' no other without blame may digress or 
 differ in any thing from y* same. And it is not difflculte to 
 shew, y' the reformed churches differ in many circumstances 
 amongest them selves. 
 
 The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to 
 prosecute these men or their doings any further, but 
 shall returne to y* rest of their freinds of y* company, 
 w"" stuck to them. And I shall first inserte some part 
 
240 HISTOKY OF [book II. 
 
 of their letters as followeth ; for I thinke it best to ren- 
 der tlieir minds in ther owne words. 
 
 To our loving freinds, &c. 
 
 Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and y" evill 
 we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett 
 you, nor our freindship and fellowship which togeather we 
 have had some years ; wherin though our expressions have 
 been small, yet our harty affections towards you (unknown 
 by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea, 
 to our owne selves. And though this your freind M'. Wins- 
 low can tell you y° state of things hear, yet least we should 
 seeme to neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderfull providence 
 of God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once 
 more to write unto you, to let you know what is here befallen, 
 and y" resons of it ; as also our purposes & desirs toward you 
 for hereafter. 
 
 The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dis- 
 solved from what it was ; and wheras you & we were for- 
 merly sharers and partners, in all viages & deallings, this way 
 is now no more, but you and we are left to bethinke our 
 sellves what course to take in y' future, that your lives & 
 our monies be not lost. 
 
 The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. 
 First and mainly, y'= many losses and crosses at sea, and 
 abuses of sea-men, v/"^^ have caused us to rune into so much 
 charge, debts, & ingagements, as our estats & means were 
 not able to goe on without impoverishing our selves, except 
 our estats had been greater, and our associats cloven beter 
 unto us. 2'-'', as here hath been a faction and siding amongst 
 us now more then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach 
 and sequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full 
 dissertion and forsaking of you, without any intente or pur- 
 pose of medliug more with you. And though we are per- 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 241 
 
 swaded the maine cause of this their doiug is wante of 
 money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,) 
 yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, 
 &c. Now what use you or we ought to make of these things, 
 it remaineth to be considered, for we know y° hand of God to 
 be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish some 
 thing therby, and to looke what is amise. And allthough it 
 be now too late for us or you to prevent & stay these things, 
 yet it is* not to late to exercise patience, wisdom, and con- 
 science in bearing them, and in caring our selves in & under 
 them for y' time to come. 
 
 [136] And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all 
 occasions that may tend to y'' furthrance of so hopefuU a 
 work, rather admiring of what is, then grudging for what is 
 not; so it must rest in you to make all good againe. And 
 if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie 
 & conscience be still approved, & lose not one jote of j^ou' 
 innocencie, amids your crosses & afflictions. And surl3' if 
 you upon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe 
 on fairly, as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall 
 need no other weapon to wound your adversaries ; for when 
 your righteousnes is revealled as y" light, they shall cover 
 their faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your over- 
 throw. 
 
 Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther 
 apertaine to the geuerall, be kept & preserved togeather, and 
 rather increased daylj', then any way be dispersed or imbeseled 
 away for anj' private ends or intents whatsoever. And after 
 your necessities are served, you gather togeather such coillodi- 
 ties as y' cuntrie yeekls, & send them over to pay debts & 
 clear ingagements hear, which are not less then 1400''. And 
 we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements, &c. 
 Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see 
 
 * Is it nut m the MS. 
 
242 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence 
 will worke for ns. We still are perswaded you are y" people 
 that must make a plantation in those remoate places when all 
 others faile and retnrne. And your experience of Gods provi- 
 dence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts 
 will not faile you, though your freinds should forsake you 
 (which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long 
 as your honestie so well appereth). Yet surly help would 
 arise from some other place whilst you waite on God, with 
 uprightnes, though we should leave you allso. 
 
 And lastly be yea all intreated to walke circumspectly, and 
 carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as y' no man 
 may make just exceptions against you. And more espetially 
 that y" favour and countenance of God may be so toward you, 
 as y' you may find abundante joye & peace even amids tribu- 
 lations, that you may say with David, Though my father & 
 mother should forsake me, yet y" Lord would take me up. 
 
 We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, 
 leather, &c., but in another nature then formei'ly, as it stood 
 us in hand to doe ; we have coiiiitted them to y'^ charge 
 & custody of M'. AUerton and M'. Winslow, as our factours, 
 at whose discretion they are to be sould, and comodities to 
 be taken for them, as is iitting. And by how much y" more 
 they will be chargable unto you, the better* they had need to 
 be husbanded, &c. Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck 
 up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your 
 difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of 
 men, yet y° work may goe on you are aboute, and not be 
 neglected. Which is so much for y° glorie of God, and the 
 furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with 
 more comforte [137] spend his life in it, then live y" life 
 of Mathusala, in wasting y" plentie of a tilled land, or eating 
 y" fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to 
 
 • Bet- in MS. 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 243 
 
 you all, and barty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our 
 leaves, this 18. of Des : 1624. 
 
 Your assured freinds to our powers, 
 
 J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. &e. 
 
 By this leter it appears in what state y" affairs of y" 
 plantation stood at this time. These goods they bought, 
 hut they were at deare rates, for they put 40. in y" hun- 
 dred upon them, for profite and adventure, outward 
 hound; and because of y" vnture of y"^ paiment home- 
 ward, they would have 30.* in y<= 100. more, which was 
 in all 70. p^ cent ; a thing thought unreasonable by some, 
 and too great an oppression upon y" poore people, as their 
 case stood. The catle were y' best goods, for y'^ other 
 being ventured ware, were neither at y'^ best (some of 
 them) nor at y<= best prises. Sundrie of their freinds 
 disliked these high rates, but coiling from many hands, 
 they could not help it. 
 
 They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne 
 acounte ; the one was y" pinass that was cast away y" last 
 year hear in y« cuntrie, and recovered by y" planters, (as 
 was before related,) who, after she came home, was at- 
 tached by one of y'' company for his perticuler debte, and 
 now sent againe on this accounte. The other was a great 
 ship, who was well fitted with an experienced m''. & com- 
 pany of fisher-men, to make a viage, & to goe to Bilbo 
 or Sabastians with her fish ; the lesser, her order was 
 
 * II I mistake not, it was not much less. [30" in tlie manuscript ] 
 
244 HiSTORV or [book ii. 
 
 to load with cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for 
 England, y' should be received for y' goods sould to y"= 
 plantation. This bigger ship made a great viage of good 
 drie fish, the which, if they had gone to a market w'", 
 would have yeelded them (as such fish was sould y' 
 season) 1800". which would have enriched them. But 
 because ther was a bruite of warr with France, y** m^ 
 neglected (through timerousnes) his order, and put first 
 into Plimoth, & after into Portsmouth, and so lost their 
 opportunitie, and came by the loss. The lesser ship had 
 as ill success, though she was as hopfuU as y'' other for 
 y^ marchants profite ; for they had fild her with goodly 
 cor-fish taken upon y' banke, as full as she could swime ; 
 and besids she had some 800". weaight of beaver, besids 
 other fuiTS to a good value from y" plantation. The m''. 
 seeing so much goods come, put it abord y'' biger ship, 
 for more saftie ; but M"'. Winslow (their factor in this 
 busines) was bound in a bond of 500". to send it to Lon- 
 don in y'' smale ship ; ther was some contending between 
 y'' m\ & him aboute it. But he tould y^ m^ he would 
 follow his order aboute it ; if he would take it out after- 
 ward, it should be at his perill. So it went in y'' smale 
 ship, and he sent l)ill8 of lading in both. The m''. was 
 so carfuU l)eing lioth so well laden, as they went joj'tuUy 
 home togeather, for ho towed y'' leser ship at his sterne 
 all y'" waj' over bound, and they had such fayr weather 
 as he never cast her of till thej' were shott deep in to 
 3'- English Chanell, almost within y" sight of Plimoth; 
 
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 245 
 
 and yet ther she was iinhaply taken by a Turks man 
 of waiT, and carried into Saly, wher y" m". and men 
 were made slaves, and many of y' beaver skins were 
 soiild for 4''- a peece. [138] Thus was all their hops 
 dasht, and the joyfuU news they ment to cary home 
 turned to heavie tidings. Some thought this a hand of 
 God for their too great exaction of y*^ poore plantation, 
 but Gods judgments are uuseerchable, neither dare I be 
 bould therwith ; but however it shows us y"" uncertainty 
 of all humane things, and what litle cause ther is of 
 joying in them or trusting to them. 
 
 In y° bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Stan- 
 dish from y'^ plantation, w* leters & instructions, both 
 to their freinds of y"" company which still clave to them, 
 and also to y'= Honourable Counsell of New-England. 
 To y" company to desire y' seeing that they ment only 
 to let them have goods upon sale, that they might have 
 them upon easier termes, for they should never be able 
 to bear such high intrest, or to allow so much per cent ; 
 also that what they would doe in y' way that it might 
 be disburst in money, or such goods as were fitte and 
 needfuU for them, & bought at best hand; and to 
 aquainte them with y' contents of his leters to y'= Counsell 
 above said, which was to this purpose, to desire their 
 favour & help ; that such of y' adventurers as had thus 
 forsaken & deserted them, might be brought to some 
 order, and not to keepe them bound, and them selves be 
 free. But that they might either stand to ther former 
 
246 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 covenants, or ells come to some faire end, by dividente, 
 or composition. But he came in a very bad time, for 
 y° Stat was full of trouble, and y'^ plague very bote in 
 Loudon, so as no bussines could be done ; yet he spake 
 with some of y° Honourd Counsell, who promised all 
 helpfullnes to y^ plantation which lay in them. And 
 sundrie of their freinds y^' adventurers were so weakened 
 with their losses y"" last year, l)y y" losse of y" ship 
 taken by the Turks, and y'' loss of their fish, w'^" by rea- 
 son of j" warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth, 
 and so came to litle ; so as, though their wills were 
 good, yet they'' power was litle. And ther dyed such 
 multituds weekly of y" plague, as all trade was dead, 
 and litle money stirring. Yet with much adooe he 
 tooke up 150". (& spent a good deal of it in expences) 
 at 50. per cent, which he bestowed in trading goods 
 & such other most needful! comodities as he knew 
 requiset for their use ; and so returned passenger in 
 a fhishing shijD, haveing prepared a good way for y° 
 compossition that was afterward made. 
 
 In y' mean time it jjleased y'= Lord to give y' plan- 
 tation peace and health and contented minds, and so to 
 blese ther labours, as they had corne sutficient, (and 
 some to spare to others,) with other foode ; neither ever 
 had they any supply of foode liut what they first brought 
 with them. After harvest this year, they sende out 
 a boats load of corne 40. or 50. leagues to y" east- 
 ward, up a river called Kenibeck ; it being one of those 
 
1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 247 
 
 2. shalops which their carpenter had built them y'^ year 
 before ; for bigger vessel! had they uone. They had 
 laid a litle deck over her midships to keeps y" corne 
 drie, but y° men were faine to stand it out all weathers 
 without shelter ; and y' time [139] of y° year begins to 
 growe tempestious. But God preserved them, and gave 
 them good success, for they brought home 700". of beaver, 
 besids some other furrs, having litle or nothing els but 
 this corne, which them selves had raised out of y" earth. 
 This viage was made by M"". Winslow & some of y" old 
 standards,* for seamen they had none. 
 
 A.Jino Dom: 1626. 
 About y'^ begining of Aprill they heard of Captain 
 Standish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home, 
 and y" things he had brought. Welcome he was, but 
 y'' news he broughte was sadd in many regards ; not 
 only in regarde of the former losses, before related, 
 which their freinds had sufiered, by which some in a 
 maner were undon, others much disabled from doing 
 any further help, and some dead of y" plague, Init also 
 y' M"'. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck 
 them with much sorrow & sadnes, as they had cause. 
 His and their adversaries had been long & continually 
 plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but 
 y'= Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning 
 
 * First written as iu the text, tlieu altered to standerss. 
 
248 HisTOPa' OF [book ii. 
 
 whose death & the maner therof, it will appere by these 
 few lines write to y" Gov'' & M''. Brewster. 
 
 Loving & kind frinds, &c. I know not whether this will 
 ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have 
 done ; yet in regard of y' Lords dealing with us hear, I have 
 had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to 
 bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, & sorrows, as we doe 
 w"" you. These are therfore to give you to understand, that 
 it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears, 
 your and our loving & faithfull pastor, and my dear & Eeve*^ 
 brother, M'. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He 
 begane to be sick on Saturday in y' morning, yet y'^ next day 
 (being the Lords day) he taught us twise. And so y" weeke 
 after grew weaker, every day more then other ; yet he felt 
 no paine but weaknes all y" time of his sicknes. The phisick 
 he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew 
 weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, and sensible to 
 y" very last. He fell sicke y" 22. of Feb : and departed this 
 life y" 1. of March. He had a continuall inwarde ague, but 
 free from infection, so y' all his freinds came freely to him. 
 And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his 
 life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished 
 his course, and performed his worke which y" Lord had 
 appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with j-' Lord in 
 eternall hapines. We wanting him & all Church Gov", 
 yet we still (by y' mercie of God) continue & hould close 
 togeather, in peace and quietnes ; and so hope we shall doe, 
 though we be very weake. Wishing (if such were y" will of 
 God) that you & we were againe united togeather in one, 
 either ther or here ; but seeing it is y' will of y'^ Lord thus 
 to dispose of things, we must labour w"' patience to rest 
 contented, till it please y' Lord otherwise to dispose. For 
 [140] news, is here not much; only as in England we have 
 
1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 249 
 
 lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a 
 month agoe, so here they have lost y'' old prince, Grave 
 Mourise ; who both departed this life since my brother Robin- 
 son. And as in England we have a new-king Charls, of 
 whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince 
 Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, &c. Thus with my 
 love remembred, I take leave & rest, 
 
 Your assured loving freind, 
 
 Roger White. 
 Leyden, Aprill 28. 
 An": 1625. 
 
 Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this 
 world near aboute one time. Death maks no difference. 
 
 He further brought them notice of y"" death of their 
 anciente freind, jVr. Cush-man, whom y' Lord tooke 
 away allso this year, & aboute this time, who was as their 
 right hand with their freinds y" adventurers, and for 
 diverce years had done & agitated all their bussines with 
 them to ther great advantage. He had write to y" Gove"' 
 but some few months before, of y" sore sicknes of M"'. 
 James Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to y' plantation, 
 and lay at y"^ pointe of death, declaring his love & help- 
 fuUnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they 
 should have of him, if God should now take him away, 
 as being y" stay & life of y' whole bussines. As allso his 
 owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days 
 with them. But he that thus write of anothers sicknes, 
 knew not y' his owne death was so near. It shows allso 
 that a mas ways are not in his owne power, but in his 
 
250 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 hands who hath y'' issues of hfe and death. Man may 
 purpose, but God doth dispose. 
 
 Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to 
 them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss ; and though 
 their wills wei'e good to come to them, yet they saw no 
 probabilitie of means, how it might be effected, but con- 
 cluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and 
 many, being aged, begane to drop awaj^ by death. 
 
 All which things (before related) being well weighed 
 and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great 
 perplexitie ; and to looke humanly on y'' state of things 
 as they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell 
 it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But 
 they gathered up their spirits, and y** Lord so helped 
 them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they 
 were at lowest * they begane to rise againe, and being 
 striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he 
 brought things aboute other wise, in his devine provi- 
 dence, as thej' were not only upheld & sustained, but 
 their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others ; 
 as by y'^ sequell will more appeare, if y^ Lord spare me 
 life & time to declare y*^ same. 
 
 Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to 
 intend, but only their trading & planting, they sett them 
 selves to follow the same with j" best Industrie they 
 could. The planters finding their come, what they could 
 spare from ther necessities, to be a comoditie, (for they 
 
 * Note. 
 
1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 251 
 
 sould it at 6' a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting 
 y'^ same. And y" Gove' and such as were designed to 
 manage the trade, (for it was retained for y'^ generall 
 good, [141] and none were to trade in perticuler,) they 
 followed it to the best advantage they could ; and want- 
 ing trading goods, they understoode that a plantation 
 which was at Monhigen, & belonged to some marchants 
 of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods 
 was ther to be sould ; the Gove"^ and M^ Winslow tooke 
 a boat and some hands and went thither. But M^ David 
 Thomson, who lived at Pascataway, understanding their 
 purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was 
 some hinderance to them both ; for they, perceiveiug their 
 joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates ; 
 and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their 
 trading goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest they 
 should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy 
 all, & devid them equally between them. They bought 
 allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home 
 as they saw neede & occasion, and tooke corne for them 
 of y'^ people, which gave them good content. Their 
 moyety of y'^ goods came to above 400*'. starling. Ther 
 was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Saca- 
 dahock, in w'* were many Biscaie ruggs & other couiodi- 
 ties, which were falen into these mens hands, & some 
 other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso 
 bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to 
 above 500". This they made shift to pay for, for y'' most 
 
252 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 part, with y" beaver & comodities they had gott y" winter 
 before, & what they had gathered up y' somer. M^ 
 Thomson having some thing overcharged him selfe, de- 
 sired they would talte some of his, but they refused 
 excejot he would let them have his French goods only ; 
 and y" marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take 
 their bill for to be paid y' next year. They were both 
 willing, so the^^ became ingaged for them & tooke them. 
 By which means thej' became very well furnished for 
 trade ; and tooke of therby some other ingagments w*'" 
 lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine 
 Standish, and y'' remains of former debts. With these 
 goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good store 
 of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingage- 
 ments against y*" time, & to get some cloathing for y" 
 people, and had some comodities before hand. But now 
 they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild y" 
 Indeans with corne, and beat downe y'^ prise, giveing 
 them twise as much as they had done, and under traded 
 them in other comodities allso. 
 
 This year they sent M'. Allerton into England, and 
 gave him order to make a composition with y" adventur- 
 ers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some 
 way had ben made y'' year before by Captaine Standish) ; 
 but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they 
 knew y'' termes, and had well considered of them ; but 
 to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr 
 y'' conclusion to them. Also they gave him a comission 
 
1626.] PLYMOUTH PLAiNTATlON. 253 
 
 under their hands & seals to take up some money, pro- 
 yided it exeeded not such a sume specified, for which 
 they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to 
 lay out y'' same for y' use of y'' plantation. 
 
 And finding they rane a great hazard to goe so lono- 
 viages in a smale open boat, espetialy y'' winter season, 
 they begane to thinke how they might gett a small 
 pinass ; as for y'' reason afforesaid, so also because 
 others had raised y** prise with y^ Indeans above y" 
 halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in such 
 a boat they could not [143 *] carry a quantity suffi- 
 cient to answer their ends. They had no ship-carpen- 
 ter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at 
 presente ; but they having an ingenious man that was 
 a, house carpenter, who also had wrought with y'' ship 
 carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats, 
 at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall 
 that way of his skill ; and tooke one of y" bigest of 
 ther shalops and sawed her in y" midle, and so lenth- 
 ened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her 
 with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck 
 on her ; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome 
 vessell, ver}' fitt & comfortaljle for their use, which 
 did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her 
 finished, and fitted with sayles & anchors, y" iusuiug 
 year. And thus passed y" aflairs of this year. 
 
 Here occurs another error in the paging of the original; H'2 is omitted. 
 
254 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 An7io Bom: 1627. 
 At y"" usuall season of y" coming of ships JNP. Aller- 
 ton returned, and brought some usfull goods with him, 
 according to y'' order given him. For upon his com- 
 mission he tooke up 200''. which he now gott at 30. 
 per cent. The which goods they gott safiy home, 
 and well conditioned, which was much to the comfort 
 & contente of y" plantation. He declared unto them, 
 allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he 
 had made a composition with y*" adventurers, by the 
 help of sundrie of their faithful! freinds ther, who had 
 allso tooke much pains ther about. The agreement or 
 bargen he had brought a draught of, with a list of ther 
 names ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell 
 of law they could get, to make it firme. The heads 
 wherof I shall here inserte. 
 
 To all Christian people, greeting, &c. Wheras at a meeting 
 y' 20. of October last past, diverse & sundrie persons, whose 
 names to y= one part of these presents are subscribed in a 
 schedule hereunto annexed. Adventurers to New-Plimoth in 
 New-England in America, were contented and agreed, in con- 
 sideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred 
 pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme foiling,) to 
 sell, and make sale of all & every y" stocks, shares, lands, 
 marchandise, and chatles, what soever, to y' said adventurers, 
 and other ther fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid, 
 any way accruing, or belonging to y" generalitie of y"^ said 
 adventurers aforesaid ; as well by reason of any sume or sumes 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 255 
 
 of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adventured 
 or disbursed by them, or other wise howsoever ; for y" better 
 expression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the 
 parties to these presents subscribing, doe for [144] them selves 
 severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargau, alien, sell, 
 and transfere all & every y" said shares, goods, lands, mar- 
 chaudice, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto 
 Isaack Alerton, one of y'' planters resident at Plimoth affore- 
 said, assigned, and sent over as agente for y"^ rest of y" 
 planters ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid 
 as y'^ said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall, 
 shall by writing or otherwise thiuke fltte to joyne or partake 
 in y' premisses, their heirs, & assignes, in as large, ample, 
 and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes, 
 as y° said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or 
 performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, &c. to the said 
 adven : in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belong- 
 ing, the said adven : doe warrant & defend unto the said 
 Isaack Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against them, their 
 heirs and assignes, by these presents. And therfore y'^ said 
 Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant, 
 promise, & grant too & with y" adven : whose names are here 
 unto subscribed, ther heirs, &c. well & truly to pay, or cause 
 to be payed, unto y° said adven : or 5. of them which were, at 
 y' meeting afforsaid, nominated & deputed, viz. John Focock, 
 John Beacham.p, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James 
 Sherley, marchants, their heirs, &c. too and for y" use of y" 
 generallitie of them, the sume of 1800'". of lawfull money 
 of England, at y' place appoynted for y'= receipts of money, 
 on the west side of y° Royall Exchaing in London, by 200". 
 yearly, and every year, on y' feast of St. Migchell, the first 
 paiment to be made An": 1628. &c. AUso y" said Isaack is 
 to indeavor to procure & obtaine from y' planters of N. P. 
 aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings oblig- 
 
256 
 
 HiSTOEr or 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 atory, to make paiment of y' said sume of ISOO*". in forme 
 afforsaid, according to y'^ true meaning of these presents. In 
 testimonie wherof to tiiis part of these presents remaining with 
 y' said Isaaclc Allerton, y' said subscribing adven : have sett 
 to their names,* &c. And to y"' other part remaining with 
 y'^ said adven : the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his 
 name, y' 15. Nov'"'. An": 1626. m y' 2. year of his Majesties 
 raigne. 
 
 * Below are the names o( the adventurers subscribed to this paper, taken 
 from Bradford's Letter-Book, 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 48; being forty-two in 
 number. The names of six of these persons are found subsequently among 
 the members of the Massachusetts Company, viz. John White, John Pocock, 
 Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, John Revell, and Thomas Andrews. Mr. 
 Haven, who edited the Records of the Massachusetts Company, is of opinion 
 that the first person on the list is the celebrated clergyman of Dorchester, the 
 reputed author of the Planter's Plea. Emnu. Alltham is probably the same 
 person named in the Council Records, under date January 21, 1622-3 : " Emanuel 
 Altum to command the Pinnace built for Mr. Peirce's Plantation." Smith 
 speaks of " Captaine AUom " as commanding this vessell, but Morton says the 
 name of the master of the Little James was Mr. Bridges, who it appears was 
 drowned at Damariscove, in March, 1624. See Coll. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc, 
 III. 26, 62, Preface ; Felt's MS. Memoranda from the Council Records ; Smith's 
 Generall Historic, p. 239; Morton's Memorial, p. 48. 
 
 John White, 
 John Pocock, 
 Robert Kean, 
 Edward Bass, 
 William Hobson, 
 William Penington, 
 William Quarles, 
 Daniel Poynton, 
 Richard Andrews, 
 Newman Rookes, 
 Henry Browning, 
 Richard Wright, 
 John Ling, 
 Thomas Goffe, 
 
 Samuel Sharpe, 
 Robert Holland, 
 James Sherley, 
 Thomas Mott, 
 Thomas Fletcher, 
 Timothy Hatherly, 
 Thomas Brewer, 
 John Thorned, 
 jNIyles Knowles, 
 William Collier, 
 John Revell, 
 Peter Gudburn, 
 Emnu. Alltham, 
 John Beauchamp, 
 
 Thomas Hudson, 
 Thomas Andrews, 
 Thomas Ward, 
 Fria. Newbald, 
 Thomas Heath, 
 .Joseph Tilden, 
 William Perrin, 
 Eliza Knight, 
 Thomas Coventry, 
 Ptobert AUden, 
 Lawrence Anthony, 
 John Knight, 
 Matthew Thornhill, 
 Thomas Millsop. 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 257 
 
 This agreemente was very well liked of, & approved 
 by all y" plantation, and consented unto ; though they 
 knew not well how to raise y" payment, and discharge 
 their other ingagements, and supply the yearly wants 
 of y' plantation, seeing they were forced for their 
 necessities to take up money or goods at so high in- 
 trests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of y"' 
 cheefe of y*" place became joyntly bound for y" pai- 
 mente of this 1800". (in y'= behalfe of y" rest) at y'' 
 severall days. In which they rane a great adventure, 
 as their present state stood, having many other heavie 
 burthens allread}' upon them, and all things in an un- 
 certaine condition amongst them. So y* next returne 
 it was absolutly confirmed on both sids, and y" bargen 
 fairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put 
 into better forme, by y'^ advice of y" learnedest counsell 
 they could gett ; and least any forfeiture should fall on 
 y' whole for none paimente at any of y'' days, it rane 
 thus : to forfite oO'- a weeke if they missed y" time ; 
 and was concluded under their hands & seals, as may 
 be seen at large by y" deed it selfe. 
 
 [145] Now though they had some untowarde per- 
 sons mixed amongst them from the first, which came 
 out of England, and more afterwards by some of y'' 
 adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them, 
 — though sundrie were gone, some for Virginia, and 
 some to other places, — yet diverse were still mingled 
 amongst them, about whom y" Gove"^ & counsell with 
 
258 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 other of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration, 
 how to setle thino;s in reg-ard of this new baro^en or 
 
 CO ~ 
 
 purchas made, in respecte of y" distribution of things 
 both for y" presente and future. For y" present, ex- 
 cepte peace and union were preserved, they should be 
 able to doe nothing, but indanger to over throw all, 
 now that other tyes & bonds were taken away. Ther- 
 fore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all 
 amongst them, that were either heads of families, or 
 single yonge men, that were of abillity, and free, (and 
 able to governe them selvs with meete descretion, and 
 their affairs, so as to be helpfull in y'^ comone-welth,) 
 into this partnership or purchass. First, y"^' consid- 
 ered that they had need of men & strength both for 
 defence and carrying on of bussinesses. 2'^", most of 
 them had borne ther parts in former miseries & wants 
 with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to 
 partake in a better condition, if y« Lord be pleased to 
 give it. But cheefly they saw not how peace would 
 be preserved without so doing, Ijut danger & great dis- 
 turbance might grow to their great hurte & prejudice 
 other wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in 
 distribution of lands, and other courses, as should not 
 hinder their growth in others coming to them. 
 
 So they caled y" company togeather, and conferred 
 with them, and came to this conclusion, that y'= trade 
 should be managed as before, to help to pay the debts ; 
 and all such persons as were above named should be 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 259 
 
 reputed and inrouled for purchasers ; single free men 
 to have a single share, and every father of a familie to 
 be alowed to purchass so many shares as he had per- 
 sons in his family ; that is to say, one for him selfe, 
 and one for his wife, and for every child that he had 
 living with him, one. As for servants, they had none, 
 but what either their maisters should give them out of 
 theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from y" com- 
 pany afterwards. Thus all were to be cast into single 
 shares according to the order abovesaid ; and so every 
 one was to pay his part according to his proportion 
 towards y*" purchass, & all other debts, what y" profite 
 of y'^ trade would not reach too ; viz. a single man for 
 a single share, a maister of a famalie for so many as 
 he had. This gave all good contente. And tirst ac- 
 cordingly the few catle which they had were devided, 
 which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons 
 or shars, & 2. goats to y'^ same, • which were tirst 
 equalised for age & goodnes, and then lotted for ; 
 single persons consorting with others, as they thought 
 good, & smaler familys likwise ; and swine though 
 more [146] in number, yet by y"' same rule. Then 
 they agreed that every jjerson or share should have 
 20. acres of land devided unto them, besids y*" single 
 acres they had allready ; and they appoynted were to 
 begin first on y" one side of y'^ towne, & how farr to 
 goe ; and then on y' other side in like maner ; and 
 so to devid it by lotte ; and appointed sundrie by 
 
260 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 name to doe it, and tj'ed them to certaine ruls to pro- 
 ceed by ; as that they should only lay out settable or 
 tillable land, at least such of it as should butt on y^ 
 water side, (as y'' most they were to lay out did,) and 
 pass by y" rest as refuse and coinune ; and what they 
 judged fitte should be so taken. And they were first 
 to agree of y'' goodnes & fitnes of it before the lott 
 was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of 
 ther owne, as an other mans ; and this course they 
 were to hould throwout. But yet seekeing to keepe 
 y" people togither, as much as might be, they allso. 
 agreed upon this order, b\' mutuall consente, before 
 any lots were cast : that whose lotts soever should fall 
 next y'' towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they 
 should take to them a ueigboure or tow, whom they 
 best liked ; and should suffer them to plant corne with 
 them for 4. years ; and afterwards they might use as 
 much of theirs for as long time, if they would. Allso 
 every share or 20. acers was to be laid out 5. acres 
 in breadth by y'= water side, and 4. acres in lenght, 
 excepting nooks & corners, which were to be measured 
 as y''"' would bear to best advantage. But no meadows 
 were to be laid out at all, nor were not of many years 
 after, because they were but streight of meadow grounds ; 
 and if they had bene now given out, it would have 
 hindred all addition to them afterwards ; but every 
 season all were appoynted wher they should mowe, 
 according to y' proportion of catle they had. This 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 261 
 
 distribution gave generall}^ good contente, and setled 
 mens minds. Also they gave y° Gove"' & 4. or 5. of 
 y' spetiall men amongst them, y' houses they lived in ; 
 y^ rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent rate, 
 and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a 
 better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as 
 y" valuation wente. 
 
 Ther is one thing that fell out in y'^ begining of y° 
 winter before, which I have refferred to this place, that 
 I may handle y'^ whole matter togeither. Ther was a 
 ship, with many passengers in her and sundrie goods, 
 bound for Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea, 
 either by y"* insufficiencie of y'^ maister, or his ilnes ; 
 for he was sick & lame of y' scurvie, so that he could 
 but lye in y"^ cabin dore, & give direction ; and it should 
 seeme was badly assisted either w"' mate or mariners ; 
 or else y' fear and unrulines of y'' passengers were such, 
 as they made them stear a course betweeue y'^ southwest 
 & y'^ norwest, that they might fall with some land, 
 what soever it was they cared not. For they had been 
 6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any 
 woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske ; 
 only one of y*^ company had a hogshead of wine or 2. 
 which was allso allmost spente, so as they feared they 
 should be starved at sea, or consumed with diseases, 
 which made them rune this desperate course. But it 
 plased God that though they came so neare y' shoulds 
 of Cap-Codd [147] or else ran stumbling over them in 
 
262 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 y' night, they knew not how, they came right before 
 a small blind harbore, that lyes about y'^ midle of Mana- 
 moj^ake Bay, to y' southward of Cap-Codd, with a small 
 gale of wind ; and about highwater toucht upon a baj"r 
 of sand that lyes before it, but had no hurte, y" sea 
 being smoth; so they laid out an anohore. But towards 
 the eveing the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so 
 rough, as broake their cable, & beat them over the barr 
 into y^ harbor, wher they saved their lives & goods, 
 though much were hurte with salt water ; for w* beating 
 they had sprung y'' but end of a planke or too, & beat 
 out ther occome ; Imt they were soone over, and ran 
 on a drie flate within the harbor, close by a beach ; so 
 at low water they gatt out their goods on drie shore, 
 and dried those that were wette, and saved most of 
 their things without any great loss ; neither was y" ship 
 much hurt, but shee might be mended, and made ser- 
 visable againe. But though they were not a litle glad 
 that they had thus saved their lives, yet when they had 
 a litle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on 
 their condition, not knowing wher they were, nor 
 what they should doe, they begane to be strucken 
 with sadnes. But shortly after they saw some Indians 
 come to them in canows, which made them stand 
 upon their gard. But when they heard some of y"= 
 Indeans speake English unto them, they were not a 
 litle revived, especially when they heard them demand 
 if they were the Gove'' of Plimoths men, or freinds ; 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 263 
 
 and y*- they would bring them to y'= English houses, or 
 carry their letters. 
 
 They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many 
 giftes ; and sente 2. men and a letter with them to y'^ 
 Gove', and did intreat him to send a boat unto them, 
 with some pitch, & occume, and spiks, w'" divers other 
 necessaries for y"" mending of ther ship (which was re- 
 coverable). AUso they besought him to help them with 
 some corne and sundrie other things they wanted, to 
 enable them to make their viage to Virginia ; and they 
 should be much bound to him, and would make satis- 
 faction for any thing they had, in any comodities they 
 had abord. After y*" Grov"" was well informed by y^ 
 messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be 
 made ready, and such things to be provided as they 
 write for ; and because others were abroad upon trading, 
 and such other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto 
 them, he went him selfe, & allso carried some trading 
 comodities, to buy them corne of y" Indeans. It was 
 no season of y" year to goe withoute y" Cape, but 
 understanding wher y" ship lay, he went into y' bottom 
 of y* bay, on y'' inside, and put into a crick called 
 Naumskachett, wher it is not much above 2. mile over 
 [148] land to y' bay wher they were, wher he had 
 y" Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them. Of 
 his arrivall they were very glad, and received the 
 things to mend ther ship, & other necessaries. Allso 
 he bought them as much corne as they would have ; 
 
264 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 and wheras some of their sea-men were rune away 
 amonge the Indeans, he procured their returne to y° 
 ship, and so left them well furnished and contented, 
 being very thankfull for y'' curtesies they receaved. But 
 after the Gove'' thus left them, he went into some other 
 harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with corne, 
 which he traded, and so went home. But he had not 
 been at home many days, but he had notice from them, 
 that by the violence of a great storme, and y" bad 
 morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was 
 put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now 
 wholy unfitte to goe to sea. And so their request was 
 that they might have leave to repaire to them, and 
 soujourne with them, till they could have means to 
 convey them selves to Virginia ; and that they might 
 have means to trasport their goods, and they would 
 pay for y" same, or any thing els wher with y"* plan- 
 tation should releeve them. Considering their distres, 
 their requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done 
 unto them ; their goods transported, and them selves 
 & goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could. 
 The cheefe amongst these people was one M'. Fells 
 and M^ Sibsie, which had many servants belonging 
 unto them, many of them being Irish. Some others 
 ther were y' had a servante or 2. a peece ; but j"^ most 
 were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former 
 persons, who allso had y' most goods. Aifter they 
 were hither come, and some thing setled, the maisters 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 265 
 
 desired some ground to imploye ther servants upon ; 
 seing it was like to be j'^ latter end of y" year before 
 they could have passage for Virginia, and they had 
 now y" winter before them ; they might clear some 
 ground, and plant a crope (seeing they had tools, 
 & necessaries for y' same) to help to bear their charge, 
 and keep their servants in imployment ; and if they 
 had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe, 
 they would sell it on y" ground. So they had ground 
 appointed them in convenient places, and Fells & some 
 other of them raised a great deall of corne, which they 
 sould at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other 
 servants, had a maid servante which kept his house 
 & did his household affairs, and by the intimation of 
 some that belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep 
 her, as his concubine ; and both of them were examined 
 ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and they stood 
 upon their justification ; so with admonition they were 
 dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child, 
 so he gott a small boat, & ran away with her, for 
 fear of punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne, and 
 after into y" bay of y' Massachussets, but could get no 
 passage, and had like to have been cast away; and 
 was forst to come againe and submite him selfe ; but 
 they pact him away & those that belonged unto him by 
 the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone 
 as could, being many untoward people amongst them; 
 though ther were allso some that caried them selves 
 
266 HISTOET OF [book II. 
 
 very orderly all y" time they stayed. And the [149] 
 plantation had some benefite by them, in selling them 
 corne & other provisions of food for cloathing ; for they 
 had of diverse kinds, as eloath, perpetuanes, & other 
 stuffs, besids hose, & shoes, and such like comodities as 
 y'' planters stood in need of. So the}' both did good, 
 and received good one from another ; and a cuple of 
 barks caried them away at y' later end of somer. And 
 sundrie of them have acknowledged their thankfuUnes 
 since from Virginia. 
 
 That they might y" better take all convenient oppor- 
 tunitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them 
 selves, and to disingage them of those great sumes 
 which they stood charged with, and bound for, they 
 resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet, a place 
 20. mile from y'' plantation, standing on y" sea to y'= 
 southward of them, unto which, by an other creeke on 
 this side, they could cary their goods, within 4. or 5. 
 miles, and then trasport them over land to their ves- 
 sell; and so avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and 
 those deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to 
 y'= southward in much shorter time, and with farr less 
 danger. Also for y" saftie of their vessell & goods, 
 they builte a house their, and kept some servants, who 
 also planted corne, and reared some swine, and were 
 allwayes ready to goe out with y' barke when ther was 
 occasion. All which tooke good efl'ecte, and turned to 
 their profite. 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 267 
 
 They now sent (with y" returne of y* ships) M^ 
 AUerton agaiiie into England, giveing him full power, 
 under their hands & seals, to conclude the former bar- 
 gaine with y° adventurers ; and sent ther bonds for y'^ 
 paimente of the money. AUso they sent what beaver 
 they could spare to pay some of their ingagementes, 
 & to defra}' his chargs ; for those deepe interests still 
 kepte them low. Also he had order to procure a patente 
 for a fitt trading place in y'' river of Kenebec ; for being 
 emulated both by the planters at Pascatawajr & other 
 places to y"" eastward of them, and allso by y" fishing 
 ships, which used to draw much profite from y'' Indeans 
 of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante, 
 & shutte them out from thence ; espetially after they 
 saw them so well furnished with comodities, as to carie 
 the trade from them. They thought it but ueedfull to 
 prevente such a thing, at least that they might not be 
 excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had 
 first begune and discovered the same, ad brought it to 
 so good efiecte. This year allso they had letters, and 
 messengers from y^ Dutch-plantation, sent unto them 
 from y' Gov"^ ther, writen both in Dutch & French. 
 The Dutch had traded in these southerne parts, diverse 
 years before they came ; but they begane no jilantation 
 hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here 
 besinins. Ther letters were as followeth. It being 
 their maner to be full of complementall titles. 
 
2G8 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Goveer- 
 neur, eude Eaedeu in Nieu-Pliemfieu residerende ; onse seer 
 Goede vrinden den dirccteur eude Raed van Nieu-Nedeiiande, 
 weusen vwe Edn : eereufesteu, eude wijse voorsinnige geluck 
 saliehitt [geliikzaligheid?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere ; met 
 goede voorspoet, eude gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem. 
 Amen.* 
 
 The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the 
 repetition of superfluous titles. 
 
 [1.50] We have often before this wished for an opportunitie 
 or an occasion to congratulate 3'ou, and your prosperous and 
 praise-worthy undertalieings, and Goverment of your colony 
 ther. And the more, in that we also have made a good 
 begining to pitch y'' foundation of a collonie hear ; and seeing 
 our native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our fore- 
 fathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held 
 frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficently 
 appears by y' old contractes, and entrecourses, confirmed 
 under y= hands of kings & princes, in y" pointe of warr & 
 trafick ; as may be seene and read by all y' world in y' old 
 chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reign- 
 ing confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature 
 deliberation, to make a new covenante, (and to take up 
 armes,) with y" States Generall of our dear native country, 
 against our comone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing 
 
 * The orthography of some of these words differs from the modern way 
 of spelling them; and we have no means of ascertaining the accuracy of 
 Bradford's copy from the original letter. This passage may be rendered 
 thus: — 
 
 "Noble, worshipful, wise, and prudent Lords, the Governor and Council- 
 lors residing in New Plymouth, our very dear friends: — The Director and 
 Council of New Netherland wish to your Lordships, worshipful, wise, and 
 prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with prosperity and health, in 
 soul and body." 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 269 
 
 else but to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and 
 princes lands, that so he might obtains and possess his pre- 
 tended monarchie oyer all Christendom ; and so to rule and 
 coiSand, after his owne pleasui-e, over y" consciences of so 
 many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid. 
 
 And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto 
 us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr 
 northward with their shalop, and met with sundry of y" 
 Indeans, who tould them that they were within halfe a days 
 journey of your plantation, and offered ther service to cary 
 letters unto you ; therfore we could not forbear to salute you 
 with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and 
 servise unto you, in all frendly-kindnes & neighbourhood. 
 And if it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands 
 from our native countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we 
 shall take our selves bound to help and accoiSadate you ther 
 wdth ; either for beaver or any other wares or marchandise 
 that you should be pleased to deale for. And if in case we 
 have no coinodity at present that may give you contente, 
 if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like 
 comodities as may be usefuU for us, for ready money, and 
 let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we 
 have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when 
 we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to 
 deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe. In y' 
 mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured 
 good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection. 
 By the appointment of y'' Gov' and Counsell, &c. 
 
 IsAAK DE Easier, Secrectaris. 
 From y° Manhatas, in y' fort Amsterdam, 
 March 9. An°: 1627. 
 
 To this they returned answer as foUoweth, on y" 
 other side. 
 
270 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 [151] To the Honoured, &c. 
 
 The Gove' & Counsell of New-Plim : wisheth, &c. We have 
 received j'our leters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills 
 & frendship towards us ; but is espresed w* over high titls, 
 more then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But 
 for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in 
 these smale beginings of our poore colonie, we are much 
 bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg y" 
 same ; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and 
 for a certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood. 
 
 Now these are further to give your Wor""'" to understand, 
 that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath 
 not only bene pleased to confirme y' ancient amitie, aliance, 
 and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified 
 by his predecessors of famous inemorie, but hath him selfe 
 (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the 
 better to resist y'= prid of y' coilione enemy y= Spaniard, from 
 whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native coun- 
 tries. Now forasmuch as this is suffieiente to unite us 
 togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our deal- 
 ings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and 
 curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie ; have- 
 ing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, 
 as also many of our freinds doe to this day ; for which we, 
 and our children after us, are bound to be thankfuU to your 
 Nation, and shall never forgett y*" same, but shall hartily 
 desire your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever. 
 
 Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to acoiiiodate 
 and help us with any comodities or marchandise you have, 
 or shall come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, 
 it is to us very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short 
 time we may have profitable coiBerce & trade togeather. 
 But for this year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries, 
 both for cloathing and other things ; but hereafter it is like- 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 271 
 
 we shall deale with you, if your rates be reasonable. And 
 therfore when you please to send to us againe by any of 
 yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by y" 
 pounde, & otters, by y° skine ; and how you will deale per 
 cent, for other comodities, and what you can furnishe us 
 with. As likwise what other commodities from us may be 
 acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things, 
 and what prises you will give, &c. 
 
 Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for our rude 
 and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good 
 parte, because [152] for wante of use we cannot so well 
 express that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing 
 so fully as we should. And so we humbly pray the Lord for 
 his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his 
 keeping & gratious protection. 
 
 By y° Gove' and Counsell of New-Plimoth, 
 
 Your Wor""' very good freinds & neigbonrs, &c. 
 
 New-Plim: March 19. 
 
 After this ther was many passages betweene them 
 both by letters and other entercourse ; and thej^ had 
 some profitable commerce togither for diverce years, till 
 other occasions interrupted y' same, as may happily 
 appear afterwards, more at large. 
 
 Before they sent M". Allerton away for England this 
 year, y" Gove'^ and some of their cheefe freinds had 
 serious consideration, not only how they might discharge 
 those great ingagments which lay so heavily upon them, 
 as is affore mentioned, but also how they might (if pos- 
 siblie they could) devise means to help some of their 
 freinds and breethren of Leyden over unto them, who 
 
272 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 desired so much to come to them, ad they desired as 
 much their company. To eifecte which, they resolved 
 to rune a high course, and of great adventure, not 
 knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which was 
 to hire y' trade of y'' company for certaine years, and 
 in that time to undertake to pay that 1800''. and all y" 
 rest of y" debts that then lay upon y" plantation, which 
 was aboute some 600". more; and so to set them free, 
 and returne the trade to y" generalitie againe at y' 
 end of y*" tei'me. Upon which resolution they called 
 y"" company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto 
 all what their debts were, and upon what terms they 
 would undertake to pay them all in such a time, and 
 sett them clear. But their other ends they were faine 
 to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some 
 of their trusty freinds therwith ; which were glad of y' 
 same, but doubted how they would be able to performe 
 it. So after some agitation of the thing w"^ y« com- 
 pany, it was yeelded unto, and the agreemente made 
 upon y' conditions following. 
 
 Articles of agreemente betweene y» coliony of New-Plii5oth 
 of y° one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles 
 Standisli, Isaack Allerton, &c. one y= other partie ; and 
 shucb otliers as they shall thinke good to take as part- 
 ners and undertakers with them, concerning the trade 
 for beaver & other furrs & comodities, &c. ; made July, 
 1627. 
 First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte y' said 
 parties, that y'' afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles 
 
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 273 
 
 Staudish, & Isaack Allerton, &c. have undertaken, and doe 
 by these presents, covenante and agree to pay, discharge, 
 and acquite y'' said collony of all y' debtes both due for 
 j" purchass, or any other belonging to them, at y'^ day of 
 y" date of these presents. 
 
 [153] Secondly, y° above-said parties are to have and 
 freely injoye y° pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett, 
 and y'' shalop, called y'' Bass-boat, with all other implements 
 to them belonging, that is in y" store of y" said company ; 
 with all y" whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, corne, wam- 
 pampeak, hatchets, knives, &c. that is now in y'' storre, or 
 any way due unto y* same uppon accounte. 
 
 3'^. That y" above said parties have y'' whole trade to them 
 selves, their heires and assignes, with all y" privileges therof, 
 as y' said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full 
 years, to begine y'' last of vSeptember next insuiug. 
 
 4'-''. In furder consideration of y" discharge of y° said 
 debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante 
 yearly to pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said par- 
 ties, during y" full terme of y" said 6. years, 3. bushells of 
 corne, or 6". of tobaco, at y" undertakers choyse. 
 
 5'^. The said undertakers shall dureing y' afforesaid terme 
 bestow 50". per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought 
 over for y'' coUonies use, to be sould unto them for corne 
 at 6'. per bushell. 
 
 6'y. That at y' end of y' said terme of 6. years, the whole 
 trade shall returue to y' use and benefite of y' said collonie, 
 as before. 
 
 Lastly, if y' afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted 
 their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon y' 
 first returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to dis- 
 charge y' debtes of y' said collony, according to y' true mean- 
 ing & intente of these presents, then they are (upon such 
 notice given) to stand in full force ; otherwise all things to 
 
274 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 remaiue as formerly they were, and a true aceounte to be 
 given to y" said collonie, of thie disposing of all things 
 according to the former order. 
 
 M"'. Allertou carried a coppy of this agreemente with 
 him into England, and amongst other his instructions 
 had order given him to deale with some of their special! 
 freinds, to joyne with them in this trade upon y*' above 
 recited conditions ; as allso to imparte their further 
 ends that moved them to take this course, namly, the 
 helping over of some of their freinds from Leyden, as 
 they should be able ; in which if any of them would 
 joyne with them they should thankfully acceistt of their 
 love and partnership herein. And with all (by their 
 letters) gave them some grounds of their hops of the 
 accomplishmente of these things with some advantage. 
 
 A7mo Dom: 1628. 
 After M'. Allertons arivall in England, he aquainted 
 them with his comission and full power to conclude y" 
 forementioned bargan & purchas ; upon [154] the veiw 
 wherof, and y" delivery of y'' bonds for y'^ paymente of 
 y" money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully 
 concluded, and a deede * fairly ingrossed in partch- 
 mente was delivered him, under their hands & seals 
 confirming the same. Morover he delte with them 
 aboute other thing's accordinar to his instructions. As 
 
 • Nov. 6. 1627. Page 238. [Reference is here made to the page of the 
 original manuscript.] 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 275 
 
 to admitt some of these their good freinds into this 
 purchass if they pleased, and to deale witli them for 
 moneys at better rates, &c. Touching which I shall 
 hear inserte a letter of M''. Sherleys, giving light to 
 what followed therof, writ to y'^ Gov'' as followeth. 
 
 S' : I have received yours of j" 26. of May by M'. Gibs, 
 & M'. Goffe, with y'= barrell of otter skins, according to y" 
 contents ; for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them 
 up, and sould them togeather at 78". 12'. sterlhig ; and 
 since, M'. Allerton hath received y' money, as wid apear by 
 the accounte. It is true (as yon write) that your ingag- 
 ments are great, not only the purchass, but you are yet 
 necessitated to take up y'= stock you work upon ; and y' not 
 at 6. or 8. 5' cent, as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea, 
 & some at 50. g' cent, which, were not your gaines great, 
 and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then 
 ordiuarie, it could not be j'' you should longe subsiste in y" 
 maintaining of, & upholding of your worldly affaires. And 
 this your honest & discreete agente, M'. Allerton, hath seri- 
 ously considered, & deeply laid to mind, how to ease you 
 of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of me 
 & some few others, to joyne with you in y' purchass, as 
 partners ; for which I kindly thanke you and all y'^ rest, 
 and doe wdlingly accepte of it. And though absente, shall 
 willingly be at shuch charge as you & y° rest shall thinks 
 meete ; and this year am contented to forbear my former 50''. 
 and 2. years increase for y'= venture, both which now makes 
 it 80". without any bargaine or condition for y» proflte, you 
 (I mean y= generalitie) stand to y'= adventure, outward, and 
 homeward. I have perswaded M'. Andrews and M'. Beachamp 
 to doe y" like, so as you are eased of y"^ high rate, you were 
 at y= other 2. yeares ; I say we leave it freely to your selves 
 
276 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 to alow us what you please, and as God shall blesse. What 
 course I rune, M^ Beachamp desireth to doe y" same ; and 
 though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore, 
 yet now you shall find he is new moulded. I allso see by 
 your letter, you desire I should be your agente or factore 
 hear. I have ever found you so faithfuU, honest, and upright 
 men, as I have oven resolved with my selfe (God assisting 
 me) to doe you all y'' good lyeth in my power ; and therfore 
 if you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for 
 abillities and body, to performe your bussiues, I promise (y' 
 Lord enabling me) to doe y' best I can according to those 
 abillities he hath given me ; and wherin I faile, blame your 
 selves, y' you made no better choyce. Now, because I am 
 sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised M'. AUerton 
 to joyne M'. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which 
 I conceive to be very necessary & good for you ; your charge 
 shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me under- 
 take j'our [156*] bussiues. Thus comending you & yours, 
 and all Gods people, unto y' guidance and protection of y" 
 Allmightie, I ever rest. 
 
 Your faithfull loving freind, 
 London, Nov. 17. 1628. James Sheklet.I 
 
 * 155 omitted in original MS. — Com. 
 
 t Another leter of his, that should have bene placed before; — 
 We cannot but taixC notice how y*^ Lord hath been pleased to crosse our 
 proseedings, and caused many disasters to befale us therin. I conceive y 
 only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods glorie ; 
 but now I hope y* cause is taken away; the bargen being fully concluded, as 
 farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our hands & seals, to 
 M^ AUerton & y^ rest of his & your copartners. But for my owne parte, 
 I confess as I was loath to hinder y*^ full confirming of it, being ye first pro- 
 pounder ther of at our meeting ; so on y^ other side, I was as unwilling to 
 set my hand to y" sale, being y receiver of most part of y« adventurs, and 
 a second causer of much of y» ingagments ; and one more threatened, being 
 most envied & aimed at (it they could find any stepe to ground their malice 
 onj then any other whosoever. I profess I linow no just cause they ever 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 277 
 
 With this leter they sent a draught of a forniall depu- 
 tation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to 
 authorise them as their agents, according to what is 
 mentioned in y" above said letter ; and because some 
 inconvenience grue tberby afterward I shall here in- 
 serte it. 
 
 had, or have, so to doe ; neither shall it ever be proved y' I have wronged 
 them or any of y» adventurers, wittingly or willingly, one peny in y dis- 
 bursing of so many pounds in those 2. years trouI)le. No, y sole cause why 
 they maligne me (as I & others conceived) was y' I would not side with 
 them against you, & the going over of y Leyden people. But as I then card 
 not, so now I litle fear what they can doe ; yet charge & trouble I know they 
 may cause me to be at. And for these reasons, I would gladly have per- 
 Bwaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they 
 would not; so rather then it should faile, M'. Alerton having talien so much 
 pains, I have sealed w"' y° rest ; with this proviso & promise of his, y' if any 
 trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe y charge. Wherfore now I doubt 
 not but you will give your generallitie good contente, and setle peace amongst 
 your selves, and peace with the natives; and then no doubt but y» God of 
 Peace will blese your going out & your returning, and cause all y' yon sett 
 your hands unto to prosper; the which I shall ever pray y Lord to grante 
 if it be his blessed will. Asuredly unless y Lord be mercifuU unto us & y 
 whole land in generall, our estate & condition is farr worse then yours. 
 Wherfore if y Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is much 
 to be feared,) and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know 
 no place safer then to come to you, (for all Europ is at varience one with 
 another, but cheefly w"' us,) not doubting but to find such fi-endly enter- 
 tainmente as shall be honest & conscionable, notwithstanding wh.at hath latly 
 passed. For I profess in ye word of an honest man, had it not been to pro- 
 cure your peace & quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have 
 sealed to this last deed ; though you would have given me all my adventure 
 and debte ready downe. Thus desiring y Lord to blesse & prosper you, 
 I cease ever resting, 
 
 Your faithfull & loving freind," 
 to my power, 
 Des : 27. James Sheelet. 
 
 [The above letter was written on the reverse of page 1.04 of the original 
 manuscript.] 
 
278 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 To all to whom these prets shall come greeting ; know yee 
 that we, William Bradford, GoV of Plimoth, in N. E. in 
 America, Isaak Allertou, Myles Standish, William Brewster, 
 & Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by 
 these presents for us & in our names, make, substitute, & 
 appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, & John Beachamp, Salter, 
 citizens of Loudon, our true & kiwfull agents, factors, sub- 
 stitutes, & assignes ; as well to take and receive all such 
 goods, wares, & marchandise what soever as to our said 
 substitutes or either of them, or to y"' citie of London, or 
 other place of y° Relme of Engl : shall be seute, transported, 
 or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter, 
 or exchaing y' said goods, wares, and marchandise so from 
 time to time to ])e sent to such person or persons upon 
 credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents 
 & factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme 
 meete. And further we doe make & ordaine our said sub- 
 stituts & assignes joyutly & severally for us, & to our uses, 
 & accounts, to buy and consigue for and to us into New- 
 Eugl : aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided 
 here, and to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or 
 either of them, shall be thought fitt. And to recover, receive, 
 and demand for us & in our names all such debtes & sumes 
 of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente 
 accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes 
 or means ; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any 
 debte or sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be 
 due or oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us. 
 And generally for us & in our names to doe, performe, and 
 execute every acte & thing which to our said assignes, or 
 either of them, shall seeme meete to be done in or aboute y' 
 premissies, as fully & effectually, to all intents & purposes, 
 as if we or any of us were in person presente. And what- 
 soever our said agents & factors joyntly or severally shall 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 279 
 
 doe, or cause to be done, ia or aboute y" premisses, we will 
 & doe, & every of us doth ratife, alow, & coufirme, by 
 these presents. In wittnes wherof we have here unto put 
 our hands & seals. Dated 18. Nov*" 1628. 
 
 This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, 
 and 4. more of the cheefe of them under their hands 
 & seals, and delivered unto them. Also M'. Allerton 
 formerly had authoritie under their hands & seals for 
 y*^ transacting of y*^ former bussiues, and taking up of 
 moneys, &c. which still he retained whilst he was 
 imployed in these affiiires ; they mistrusting neither 
 him nor any of their freinds faithfuUnes, which made 
 them more remisse in lookin<j to shuch acts as had 
 passed under their hands, as necessarie for y" time ; 
 but letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled, 
 it turned to their harme afterwards, as will appere in 
 its place. 
 
 [157] M^ Allerton having setled all things thus in 
 a good and hopfull way, he made hast to returne in y° 
 first of y'' spring to be hear with their supply for trade, 
 (for y'^ fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth 
 in winter & be here betimes.) He brought a resonable 
 supply of goods for y" plantation, and without those 
 great interests as before is noted ; and brought an 
 accounte of y' beaver sould, and how y= money was 
 disposed for goods, & y" paymente of other debtes, 
 having paid all debts abroad to others, save to M^ 
 Sherley, M''. Beachamp, & IVr. Andrews; from whom 
 
280 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 likwise he brought an accouute which to them all 
 amounted not to above 400*'. for which he had passed 
 bonds. Allso he had payed the tirst paymente for j" 
 purchass, being due for this year, viz. 200". and brought 
 them y'' bonde for y" same canselled ; so as thej' now 
 had no more foreine debtes ))ut y" abovesaid 400". and 
 odde pownds, and y" rest of y" j'early purchass monie. 
 Some other debtes they had in y' cuntrie, but they 
 were without any intrest, & they had wherwith to dis- 
 charge them when they were due. To this pass the 
 Lord had brought things for them. Also he brought 
 them further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed, 
 & some others that would joyne with them in y' 
 trad & purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden, 
 for a competente number of them, to l)e hear the next 
 year without fayle, if j" Lord pleased to blesse their 
 journey. He allso brought them a patente for Kene- 
 beck, but it was so straite & ill bounded, as they were 
 faine to renew & inlarge it the ne.vt year, as allso that 
 which they had at home, to their great charge, as will 
 after appeare. Hithertoo W. Allerton did them o-ood 
 and faithfull service; and well had it been if he had 
 so continued, or els they had now ceased for imploy- 
 ing him any longer thus into England. But of this 
 more afterwards. 
 
 Having procured a patente (as is above said) for 
 Kenebeek, they now erected a house up above in y" 
 river in j^ most convenientest place for trade, as they 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 281 
 
 conceived, and furnished tiie same with coiSodities for 
 y' end, botli winter & somcr, not only with corne, but 
 also with such other commodities as y" fishermen had 
 traded with them, as coats, shirts, ruggs, & blankets, 
 biskett, pease, prunes, &c. ; and what they could not 
 have out of England, they bought of the fishing ships, 
 and so carried on their bussines as well as they could. 
 This year the Dutch sent againe unto them from 
 their plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse 
 comodities, as suger, linen cloth, Holand iiner & 
 courser stufes, &c. They came up with their barke 
 to Manamete, to their house ther, in which came their 
 Secretarie Easier; who was accompanied with a noyse 
 of trumpeters, and some other attendants ; and desired 
 that they would send a boat for him, for he could 
 not travill so farr over land. So they sent a boat 
 to Manonscussett, and brought him to y° plantation, 
 with y" cheefe of his company. And after some few 
 days entertainmente, he returned to his barke, and 
 some of them wente with him, and bought sundry of 
 his goods ; after which begining thus made, they sente 
 often times to y'' same place, and had entercourse to- 
 geather for diverce years ; and amongst other comodi- 
 , ties, they vended [158] much tobaco for linen cloath, 
 stuffs, &c., which was a good benefite to y' peoj^le, 
 till the Virginians found out their plantation. But 
 that which turned most to their profite, in time, was 
 an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake ; for they 
 
282 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 now bought aboute 50"- worth of it of them ; and they 
 tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania ; 
 and did perswade them thej^ would find it so at Kene- 
 beck ; and so it came to pass in time, though at first 
 it stuck, & it was 2. years before they could put of 
 this small quantity, till y" inland people knew of it; 
 and afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for 
 them, for many years togeather. And so this, with 
 their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite from 
 y' fisher-men, and in great part from other of y" strag- 
 ling planters. And strange it was to see the great all- 
 teration it made in a few years amonge y' Indeans 
 them selves; for all the Indeans of these parts, & y" 
 Massachussets, had none or very litle of it,* but y" 
 sachems & some spetiall persons that wore a litle of 
 it for ornamente. Only it was made & kepte amonge 
 y" Nariganssets, & Pequents, which grew rich & potent 
 by it, and these people were poore & begerly, and had 
 no use of it. Neither did the English of this planta- 
 tion, or any other in y" land, till now that they had 
 knowledg of it from y" Dutch, so much as know what 
 it was, much less y' it was a comoditie of that worth 
 & valew. But after it grue thus to be a comoditie 
 in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to 
 learne how to make it; for y'' Narigansets doe geather 
 y' shells of which y'^' make it from their shors. And 
 it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this 
 
 * Pea? 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 283 
 
 20. years, and it may prove a druirg in time. In y"" 
 mean time it maks y" Indeans of these parts rich & 
 power full and also prowd therby ; and fills them with 
 peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine, 
 by reasone of y* bassnes of sundry unworthy persons, 
 both English, Dutch, & French, which may turne to 
 y'^ ruine of many. Hithertoo y"" Indeans of these parts 
 had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes & 
 arrowes, nor of many years after ; nether durst they 
 scarce handle a gune, so much were they affraid of 
 them ; and y" verj' sight of one (though out of kilter) 
 was a terrour unto them. But those Indeans to y'= east 
 parts, which had comerce with y" French, got peces of 
 them, and they in y' end made a commone trade of it ; 
 and in time our English fisher-men, led with y'' like 
 covetoussnes, followed their example, for their owne 
 gaine ; but upon complainte against them, it pleased 
 the kings majestic to prohibite y'= same by a stricte 
 proclaimation, commanding that no sorte of armes, or 
 munition, should by any of his subjects be traded with 
 . them. 
 
 Aboute some 3. or ,4. years before this time, ther 
 came over one Captaine Wolastone, (a man of pretie 
 parts,) and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie, 
 who brought with them a great many servants, with 
 provissions & other implments for to begine a planta- 
 tion ; and pitched them selves in a place within the 
 Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains 
 
284 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 name, Mouut-AYollaston. Amongst whom was one M'. 
 Morton, who, it should seeme, had some small adventure 
 (of his owne or .other mens) amongst them; but had 
 litle respecte [159] amongst them, and was sleghted 
 by y" meanest servants. Haveing continued ther some 
 time, and not finding things to answer their expecta- 
 tions, nor profite to arise as they looked for, Captaine 
 Wollaston takes a great part of y"" sarvants, and trans- 
 ports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good 
 rates, selling their time to other men ; and writs back 
 to one M"'. Rassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and 
 accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of 
 them to Verginia likewise, intending to put them of 
 ther as he had done y*^ rest. And be, w"^ y'^ consente 
 of y'' said Easdall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his 
 Livetenante, and governc y'^ remaines of y'^' planta- 
 tion, till he or Easdall returned to take further order 
 theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more 
 craft then honestie, (who had been a kind of petie- 
 fogger, of Furnefells Inne,) in y'' others absence, 
 watches an oppertunitie, (commons being but hard 
 amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck & other 
 junkats, & made them a feast ; and after they were 
 merie, he begane to tell them, he would give them 
 good counsell. You see (saith he) that many of your 
 fellows are carried to Virginia ; and if you stay till 
 this Rasdall rcturne, you will also be carried away 
 and sould for slaves with y" rest. Therfore I would 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 285 
 
 advise you to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher ; and 
 I, having a parte in the plantation, will, receive you 
 as my partners and consociats ; so may you be free 
 from service, and we will converse, trad, plante, & 
 live togeather as equalls, & supports & protecte one 
 another, or to like effecte. This counsell was easily 
 received ; so the}^ tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Leve- 
 tenante Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to 
 come no more amongst them, but forct him to seeke 
 bread to eate, and other releefe from his neigbours, 
 till he could gett passages for England. After this 
 they fell to great licenciousnes, and led a dissolute 
 life, powering out them selves into all profanenes. 
 And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained 
 (as it were) a schoole of Athisme. And after they 
 had gott some good into their hands, and gott much 
 by trading with y*^ Indeans, they spent it as vainly, 
 in quaffing & drinking both wine & strong waters in 
 great exsess, and, as some reported, 10**. worth in a 
 morning. They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and 
 dancing aboute it many days togeather, inviting the 
 Indean women, for their consorts, dancing and frisk- 
 ing togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,) 
 and worse practises. As if they had anew revived & 
 celebrated the feasts of y'' Roman Goddes Flora, or 
 y* beasly practieses of y** madd Bacchinalians. Mor- 
 ton likwise (to shew his poetrie) composed sundry 
 rimes & verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, and 
 
286 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 others to y" detraction & scandall of some joersons, 
 which he affixed to this idle or idoll May-polle. They 
 chainged allso the name of their place, and in stead 
 of calling it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Merie- 
 mounte, [160] as if this joylity would have lasted 
 ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton 
 was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,) 
 shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, M'". 
 John Indecott, Avho brought over a patent under y" 
 broad seall, for y" govermente of y' Massachusets, who 
 visiting those parts caused y' May-polle to be cutt 
 downe, and rebuked them for their profannes, and 
 admonished them to looke ther should be better walk- 
 ing ; so they now, or others, changed y'^ name of their 
 place againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon. 
 
 Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and pro- 
 fuse excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and 
 hearing what gaine y'^ French & fisher-men made by 
 trading of peeces, powder, & shotte to y" Indeans, he, 
 as y'' head of this consortship, begane y"^ practise of y'' 
 same in these parts ; and first he taught them how to 
 use them, to charge, & discharg, and what proportion 
 of powder to give y" peece, according to y" sise or 
 bignes of y" same; and what shotte to use for foule, 
 and what for deare. And having thus instructed them, 
 he imployed some of them to hunte & fowle for him, 
 so as they became farr more active in that imploy- 
 mente then any of y' English, by reason of ther 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 287 
 
 swiftnes of foote, & nimblnes of body, being also 
 quick-sighted, and by oontinuall exercise well know- 
 ing y'^ hants of all sorts of game. So as when they 
 saw y*" execution that a peece would doe, and y' bene- 
 fite that might come by y" same, they became madd, 
 as it were, after them, and ATould not stick to give 
 any prise they could attaine too for them ; account- 
 ing their bowes & arrowes but babies in comparison 
 of them. 
 
 And here I may take occasion to bewaile y" mis- 
 chefe that this wicked man began in these parts, and 
 which since base covetousnes prevailing in men that 
 should know better, has now at length gott y" upper 
 hand, and made this thing coiSone, notwithstanding any 
 laws to y' contrary ; so as y'' Indeans are full of peeces 
 all over, both fouling peeces, muskets, pistols, &c. 
 They have also their moulds to make shotte, of all 
 sorts, as muskett buUetts, pistoll bullets, swane & gose 
 shote, & of smaler sorts ; yea, some have seen them 
 have their scruplats to make scrupins them selves, when 
 they wante them, with sundery other implements, wher- 
 with they are ordinarily better fited & furnished then 
 y' English them selves. Yea, it is well knowne that 
 they will have powder & shot, when the English want 
 it, nor cannot gett it ; and y' in a time of warr or 
 danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead 
 hath been scarce, and men for their owne defence would 
 gladly have given a groat a li., which is dear enoughe, 
 
288 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 yet hath it bene bought up & sent to other places, 
 and sould to shuch as trade it with y*^ Indeans, at 
 12. pence y" ti. ; and it is like they give 3. or 4.= y' 
 pound, for they will have it at any rate. And these 
 things have been done in y' same times, when some of 
 their neigbours & freinds are daly killed by y" Indeans, 
 or are in deauger therof, and live but at y'= Indeans 
 mercie. [161] Yea, some (as they have aquainted them 
 with all other things) have tould them how gunpowder 
 is made, and all y* materialls in it, and that they are 
 to be had in their owne land; and I am confidente, 
 could they attaine to make saltpeter, they would teach 
 them to make powder. O the horiblnes of this vilanie ! 
 how many both Dutch & English have been latly slaine 
 by those Indeans, thus furnished ; and no remedie pro- 
 vided, nay, y" evill more increased, and y' blood of 
 their brethren sould for gaine, as is to be feared ; and 
 in what danger all these colonies ai'e in is too well 
 known. Oh ! that princes & parlements would take 
 some timly order to prevente this mischeefe, and at 
 length to suppress it, by some exemplerie punishmente 
 upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for thej^ 
 deserve no better title,) before their collonies in these 
 parts be over throwne by these barbarous savages, thus 
 armed with their owne weapons, by these evill instru- 
 ments, and traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie. But 
 I have forgott my selfe, and have been to longe in this 
 digression ; but now to returne. This Morton having 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 289 
 
 thus taught them y" use of peeces, he sould them all 
 he could spare ; and he and his consorts deth-mined 
 to send for many out of England, and had by some 
 of y" ships sente for above a score. The which being 
 knowne, and his neigbours meeting y" Indeans in y" 
 ■woods armed with guns in this sorte, it was a terrour 
 unto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no 
 strenght in any place. And other places (though more 
 remote) saw this mischeefe would quietly spread over 
 all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should 
 keep no servants, for Morton would entertaine any, 
 how vile soever, and all y" scume of y" countrie, or 
 any discontents, would flock to him from all places, 
 if this nest was not broken ; and they should stand 
 in more fear of their lives & goods (in short time) 
 from this wicked & deboste crue, then from y" sal- 
 vages them selves. 
 
 So sundrie of y" cheefe of y' stragling plantations, 
 meeting togither, agreed by mutual! cousente to soUissite 
 those of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then 
 them all) to joyne with them, to prevente y" further 
 grouth of this mischeefe, and suppress Morton cS; his 
 consortes before y'^^ grewe to further head and strength. 
 Those that joyned in this acction (and after contributed 
 to j" charge of sending him for England) were from 
 Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett, 
 Natasco, and other places wher any English were seated. 
 Those of Plimoth being thus sought too by their mes- 
 
290 HISTOEY or [book II. 
 
 sengers & letters, and waying both their reasons, and 
 the comone danger, were willing to aflbrd them their 
 help ; though them selves had least cause of fear or 
 hurte. So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly to 
 write to him, and in a freindly & neigborly way 
 to admonish him to forbear these courses, & sent 
 a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. 
 But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and 
 asked who had to doe with him ; he had and would 
 trade peeces with y' Indeans in dispite of all, with 
 many other scurillous termes full of disdaine. They 
 sente to him a second time, and bad him be better 
 advised, and more temperate in his termes, for y'' 
 countrie could not beare j' injure he did ; it was 
 against their comone saftie, and against y'' king's proc- 
 lamation. He answerd in high terms as before, and 
 that y" kings proclaimation was no law ; demanding 
 what penaltie was upon it. It was answered, more 
 then he could [162] bear, his majesties displeasure. 
 But insolently he persisted, and said y<* king was dead 
 and his displeasure with him, & many y' like things ; 
 and threatened withall that if any came to molest 
 him, let them looke to them selves, for he would pre- 
 pare for them. Upon which they saw ther was no 
 way but to take him by force ; and having so farr 
 proceeded, now to give over would make him farr more 
 hautie & insolente. So they mutually resolved to 
 proceed, and obtained of y' Gov'' of Plimoth to send 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 291 
 
 Captaine Standish, & some other aide with liim, to 
 take Morton by force. The which accordingly was 
 done ; but they found him to stand stiflj^ in his de- 
 fence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts, 
 set diverse dishes of powder & bullets readj^ on y" 
 table ; and if they had not been over armed with drinke, 
 more hurt might have been done. They soiSaned him 
 to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett 
 nothing but scofes & scorns from him ; but at length, 
 fearing they would doe some violence to y'^ house, he 
 and some of his crue came out, but not to yeeld, but 
 to shoote ; but the}' were so steeld with drinke as their 
 peeces were to heavie for them ; him selfe with a car- 
 bine (over charged & allmost halfe fild with powder 
 & shote, as was after found) had thought to have shot 
 Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, & put by his 
 peece, & tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done 
 to any of either side, save y' one was so drunke y' he 
 rane his owne nose upon y' pointe of a sword y' one 
 held before him as he entred y'^ house ; but he lost 
 but a litle of his hott blood. Morton they brought 
 away to Plimoth, wher he was kepte, till a ship went 
 from y'^ He of Shols for England, with which he was 
 sente to y" Counsell of New-England ; and letters writen 
 to give them information of his course & cariage ; and 
 also one was sent at their comone charge to informe 
 their • Ho" more perticulerly, & to prosecute against 
 him. But he foold of y" messenger, after he was gone 
 
292 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 from heoce, and though he wente for England, yet 
 nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte, for 
 ought was heard ; but returned y'' nexte year. Some 
 of y' worst of y" company were disperst, and some 
 of y"* more modest kepte y' house till he should be 
 heard from. But I have been too long aboute so un- 
 worthy a person, and bad a cause. 
 
 This year M^ AUerton brought over a yonge man 
 for a minister to y"- people hear, wheather upon his 
 owne head, or at }'- motion of some freinds ther, I 
 well know not, but it was without y" churches send- 
 ing ; for they had l)ene so bitten by M''. Lyford, as 
 they desired to know y* person well whom they should 
 invite amongst them. His name was M''. Rogers ; but 
 they perceived, upon some triall, that he was erased in 
 his braine ; so they were faine to be at further charge 
 to send him back againe y'' nexte year, and loose all 
 y'' charge that was expended in his hither bringing, 
 which was not smalle by M''. Allerton's accounte, in 
 provissions, aparell, Ijedding, &c. After his returne 
 he grue quite distracted, and M''. Allerton was much 
 blamed y' he would bring such a man over, they hav- 
 ing charge enough otherwise. 
 
 M"'. Allerton, in y" years before, had brought over 
 some small quautie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, 
 and sould them for his owne private benefite ; which 
 was more then any man had j^et hithertoo attempted. 
 But because he had other wise done them good ser- 
 
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 293 
 
 vice, and also he sould them among y'^' people at y" 
 plantation, by which their wants were supplied, and 
 he aledged it was the [163] love of M''. Sherley and 
 some other freinds that would needs trust him with 
 some goods, couceiveing it might doe him some ^ood, 
 and none hui'te, it was not much lookt at, but past 
 over. But this year he brought over a greater quan- 
 titie, and they were so intermixte with y' goods of 
 y" generall, as they knew not which were theirs, & 
 w'^'' was his, being pact up together ; so as they well 
 saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might 
 have laid y'^ whole on them, if he would; for ther was 
 no distinction. Allso what was most vendible, and 
 would yeeld presente pay, usualj' that was his ; and 
 he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine 
 places, which, considering their comone course, they 
 began to dislike. Yet because love thinkes no evill, 
 nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for ex- 
 cuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for 
 England ; considering how well he had done y" former 
 bussines, and what good acceptation he had with their 
 freinds ther ; as also seeing sundry of their freinds 
 from Leyden were sente for, which would or might 
 be much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the 
 patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of 
 y^ former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was 
 conceived, in a maner, y'= same charge would serve to 
 inlarge this at home with it, and he that had begane 
 
294 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 j" former y" last yeav would be y" fittest to effecte 
 this ; so they gave him instructions and sente him 
 for England this year againe. And in his instructions 
 bound him to bring over no goods on their accounte, 
 but 50". in hose & shoes, and some linen cloth, (as 
 y"" were Ijound by covenante when they tooke y° 
 trad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and 
 in no case to exseed his instructions, nor rune them 
 into any further charge ; he well knowing how their 
 state stood. Also y' he should so provide y' their 
 tradina: ffoods came over betimes, and what so ever 
 was sent on their accounte should be pact up by it 
 selfe, marked with their marke, and no other goods 
 to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to 
 give him such instructions as they saw good, and he 
 would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or farther 
 oifence, upon the former forementioned dislikes. And 
 thus the}^ conceived they had well provided for all 
 things. 
 
 Anno Dom: 1629. 
 M". Alleeton safly arriving in England, and deliv- 
 ering his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting 
 them with his instructions, found good acceptation with 
 them, and they were very forward & willing to joyne 
 with them in y'= partnershiiD of trade, & in y° charge 
 to send over 3-*^ Leyden people ; a company wherof 
 were allready come out of Holand, and prepared to 
 come over, and so were sent away before M'. Allerton 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 295 
 
 could be ready to come. They had passage with y'= 
 ships that came to Salem, that brought over many 
 godly persons to begine y" plantations & churches of 
 Christ ther, & in y" Bay of Massachussets ; so their 
 long stay & keeping back [164] was recompensed by 
 y' Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing, 
 in that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther 
 late expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be 
 cutt of,) but, with them, many more godly freinds 
 & Christian breethren, as y° begiuing of a larger har- 
 vest unto y'' Lord, in y" increase of his churches & 
 people in these parts, to y" admiration of many, and 
 allmost wonder of y" world ; that of so small begin- 
 ings so great things should insue, as time after mani- 
 fested ; and that here should be a resting place for so 
 many of y* Lords people, when so sharp a scourge 
 came upon their owne nation. But it was y" Lords 
 doing, & it ought to be marvellous in our eyes. 
 
 But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, 
 which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir 
 proceedings. 
 
 A leter of M'. Sherleys to y' Gov''. 
 
 May 25, 1629.* 
 S': &c. Here are now many of your and our freinds 
 from Leyden coming over, who, though for y' most parte 
 be but a weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that 
 
 * 1629, May 25, the first letter concerning the former company of Leyden 
 people. ^ Prince. 
 
296 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 end obtained which was aimed at, and which hath been so 
 strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. But 
 God hath his working in these things, which man cannot 
 frustrate. With them we have allso sent some servants in 
 y" ship called the Talbut, that wente hence latly ; but these 
 come in y" May-flower. M"'. Beachamp & my selfe, with 
 M'. Andrews & M''. Hatherly, are, with your love and lik- 
 ing, joyned partners with you, &c. 
 
 Your deputation we have received, and y" goods have 
 been taken up & sould by your freind & agente, M^ AUer- 
 ton, my selfe having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at 
 Amsterdam & other parts in y' Low-Countries. I see further 
 the agi'eemente you have made with y" generallitie, in which 
 I cannot understand but j^ou have done very well, both for 
 them & you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. M'. 
 Beachamp, M'. Andrews, M'. Hatherley, & my selfe, doe 
 so like and approve of it, as we are willing to joyne with 
 you, and, God directing and inabling us, will be assisting 
 and helpfull to you, y^ best y' possiblie we can. Nay, had 
 you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should 
 accomplish y' end you first aimed at, and some others in- 
 devored these years ^ past. We know it must keep us from 
 y' profite, which otherwise by y" blessing of God and your 
 indeaours, might be gained ; for most of those that came 
 in May, & these now sente, though I hope honest & good 
 people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, 
 ney, certaiue must, some while, be chargable to you & us; 
 at which it is lickly, had not this wise & discreete course 
 been taken, many of your generalitie would have grudged. 
 Againe, you say well in your letter, and I make no doubte 
 but you will performe it, that now being but a few, on 
 whom y' burthen must be, you will both menage it y' beter, 
 and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no discontente nor 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 297 
 
 contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeitbev, in affection 
 and counsell, as God no doiibte will blesse and prosper your 
 honest labours & indeavors. And therfore in all respects 
 I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, & 
 advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good con- 
 tente ; I mean y' are reasonable & honest men, such as 
 make conscience of giving y" best satisfactiou thej^ bo able 
 for theu' debts, and y' regard not their owne perticuler so 
 much as y'^ accomplishing of y' good end for which this 
 bussines was first intended, . &c. Thus desiring y'^ Lord 
 to blese & prosper you, & all yours, and all our honest 
 endeavors, I rest 
 
 Your unfained & ever loving freind, 
 
 James Sherley. 
 Lon: March 8. 1629.* 
 
 [165] That I may handle things together, I have 
 put these 2. companies that came from Leyden in this 
 place; though they came at 2. severall times, 3'et they 
 both came out of England this year. The former com- 
 pany, being 35. persons, were shiped in May, and 
 arived here aboute August. The later were shiped in 
 y^ begining of March, and arived hear y" later end of 
 May, 1630. M^ Sherleys 2. letters, y" effect wherof 
 I have before related, (as much of them as is perti- 
 nente,) mentions both. Their charge, as M''. Allerton 
 brousht it in afterwards on accounte, came to above 
 550"- besids ther fetching hither from Salem & y* 
 Bay, wher they and their goods were landed ; viz. 
 
 * 1629-30, March 8th, the second letter concerning the latter company of 
 Leyden people. — Prince, 
 
298 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 their transportation from Holland to England, & their 
 charges lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing 
 jirovided for them. For I find hy accounte for j" one 
 company, 125. yeards of karsey, 127. ellons of linen 
 cloath, shoes, 66. p', with manj' other perticulers. The 
 charge of y'' other company is reckoned on y'' severall 
 families, some .50**., some 40"., some 30*^., and so more 
 or less, as their number & expencess were. And besids 
 all this charg, their freinds & bretheren here were to 
 provid corne & other provissions for them, till they 
 could reap a crope which was long before. Those that 
 came in May were thus maintained upward of 16. or 18. 
 months, before they had any harvest of their owne, & 
 y' other by proportion. And all they could doe in y'' 
 mean time was to gett them some housing, and prepare 
 them grounds to plant on, against the season. And 
 this charg of maintaining them all this while was litle 
 less then j" former sume. These things I note more 
 perticulerly, for sundry regards. First, to shew a rare 
 example herein of brotherly love, and Christian care 
 in performing their promises and covenants to their 
 bretheren, too, & in a sorte beyonde their power ; 
 that they should venture so desperatly to ingage them 
 selves to accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheer- 
 fully ; for they never demanded, much less had, any 
 repaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed. 
 2'^'. It must needs be that ther was more then of man 
 in these acheevements, that should thus readily stire up 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 299 
 
 y" harts of shuch able frinds to joyne in partnership 
 with them in shuch a case, and cleave so faithfullie 
 to them as these did, in so great adventures ; and the 
 more because the most of them never saw their faces 
 to this day ; ther being neither kindred, aliance, or 
 other acquaintance or relations betweene any of them, 
 then hath been before mentioned ; it must needs be 
 therfore the spetiall worke and hand of God. 3'''. 
 That these poore people here in a wilderness should, 
 notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these 
 ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon 
 them through the unfaithfuUnes of some, and many 
 other great losses which they sustained, which will be 
 made manifest, if y* Lord be pleased to give life and 
 time. In y^ mean time, I cannot but admire his ways 
 and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire 
 to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo. 
 [166] The Leyden people being thus come over, and 
 sundry of y'' generalitie seeing & hearing how great y" 
 charg was like to be that was that way to be expended, 
 they begane to murmure and repine at it, notwith- 
 standing y'= burden lay on other mens shoulders ; 
 espetially at y'- paying of y" 3. bushells of corne 
 a year, according to y** former agreemente, when y' 
 trad was lett for y^ 6. years aforesaid. But to give 
 them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that 
 if they could doe it in y<^ time without it, they would 
 never demand it of them; which gave them good con- 
 
300 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 tente. And indeed it never was paid, as will appeare 
 by y'' sequell. 
 
 Concerning iP. Allertons proceedings about y^ in- 
 larging & confirming of their patent, both y' at home 
 & Kenebeck, will best appere by another leter of 
 M''. Sherleys ; for though much time & money was 
 expended aboute it, yet he left it unaccomplisht this 
 year, and came without it. See M'. Sherle3^s letter. 
 
 Most worthy & loving freinds, &c. 
 
 Some of your letters I received in July, & some since 
 by M'. Peirce, but till our maine bussines, y'= patent, was 
 granted, I could not setle my mind nor pen to writing. M'. 
 AUerton was so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not 
 nor could not have undergone it, if I might have had a 
 thousand pounds ; but y' Lord so blessed his labours (even 
 beyond expectation in these evill days) as he obtained y'^ 
 love & favore of great men in repute & place. He got 
 granted from y"= Earle of Warwick & S'. Ferdinando Gorge 
 all that M'. Winslow desired in his letters to me, & more 
 also, which I leave to him to relate. Then he sued to y'^ 
 king to confii'me their grante, and to make you a corporation, 
 and so to inable you to make & execute lawes, in such 
 lai'ge & ample maner as y"' Massachusett plantation hath it ; 
 which y"^ king graciously granted, referring it to y° Lord 
 Keeper to give order to j° solisiter to draw it up, if ther 
 were a presidente for it. So y° Lord Keeper furthered it all 
 he could, and allso y*" solissiter ; but as Festus said to Paule, 
 With no small sume of money obtained I this freedom ; for 
 by y' way many ridells must be resolved, and many locks 
 must be opened with y* silver, ney, y' golden key. Then 
 it was to come to y° Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 301 
 
 for freeing y'' custume for a certaine time ; but lie would 
 not doe it, but refferd it to y" Counsell table. And ther 
 M^ Allerton atended day by day, when they sate, but could 
 not gett his petition read. And bj' reason of M"'. Peirce 
 his staying with all y" passengers at BristoU, he was forct 
 to leave y'^ further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther 
 is no fear nor doubte but it will be granted, for he hath y" 
 cheefe of them to freind ; yet it will be marvelously need- 
 full for him to returne by y"* first ship y' comes from thence ; 
 for if you had this confirmed, then were you compleate, 
 and might bear such sway & goverment as were fitt for 
 your ranke & place y' God hath called you unto ; and stope 
 y" moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, y' are ready 
 to question & threaten j'ou in every action you [167] doe. 
 And besids, if you have y° custome free for 7. years inward, 
 & 21. outward, y" charge of y" patent will be soone re- 
 covered, and ther is no fear of obtaining* it. But such 
 things must work by degrees ; men cannot hasten it as thej' 
 would ; werefore we (I write in behalfe of all our partners 
 here) desire you to be ernest with M'. Allerton to come, 
 and his wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this 
 great & waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much 
 for your good, & I hope for your posteritie, and for many 
 generations to come. 
 
 Thus much of this letter. It was dated y" 19. March, 
 1629. 
 
 By which it appears what progress was made herein, 
 & in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished, 
 and some reason of y" same ; but in truth (as was 
 
 * This word is here substituted for recovering in the maouscript, on the 
 authority of Bradford's Letter-Book. 
 
302 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 afterwards appehended) the meaine reason was i\P. 
 Allerton's policie, to Lave an opportunitie to be sent 
 over againe, for other regards ; and for that end pro- 
 cured theru thus to write. For it might then well 
 enough have been finshed, if not with j* clause, aboute 
 y^ custumes, which was M". AUertons & M''. Sherleys 
 device, and not at all thought on by y' colony here, 
 nor much regarded, yet it might have been done with- 
 out it, without all queston, having passed y'' kings hand ; 
 nay it was conceived it might then have bcene done 
 with it, if he had pleased ; but covetousnes never brings 
 ought home, as y- j^roverb is, for this oppertunytie 
 being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great deale 
 of money veainly & lavishh' cast awaj^ aboute it, as 
 doth appear upon their accounts. But of this more in 
 its place. 
 
 M"'. Alertou gave them great and just ofence in this 
 (which I had omited * and almost forgotten), — in 
 bringing over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy 
 man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was 
 sent home but y" year before for his misdemenors. He 
 not only brought him over, but to y'' towne (as it were 
 to nose them), and lodged him at his owne house, and 
 for a while used him as a scribe to doe his bussines, 
 till he was caused to pack him away. So he wente to 
 his old nest in y^ Massachusets, wher it was not long 
 
 » This paragraph is written on the reverse of the page immediately pre- 
 ceding, in the original manuscript. 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 303 
 
 but by his miscariage he gave them just occation to 
 lay hands on him ; and he was by them againe sent 
 prisoner into England, wher he lay a good while in 
 Exeter Jeole. For besids his miscai'iage here, he was 
 vemently suspected for y" murder of a man that had 
 adventured moneys with him, when he came first into 
 New-England. And a warrente was sente from y- Lord 
 Cheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he 
 was by the Gov'' of y* Massachusets sent into England ; 
 and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they 
 demolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost 
 for shuoh unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got free 
 affaine, and write an infamouse & scurillous booke 
 against many godly & cheefe men of y" cuntrie ; full 
 of lyes & slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies 
 against their names and persons, and y" ways of 
 God. After sundry years, when y' warrs were hott 
 in England, he came againe into y" cuntrie, and was 
 imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things, 
 being grown old in wickednes. 
 
 Concerning y'= rest of M"'. AUertons instructions, in 
 which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above 
 y' 50". in y*^ goods before mentioned, not to bring any 
 but trading comodities, he followed them not at all, 
 but did the quite contrarie ; bringing over many other 
 sorts of retaile goods, selling what he could by the 
 way on his owne accounte, and delivering the rest, 
 which he said to be theirs, into y* store; and for 
 
304 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 trading goods brought but litle in comparison ; excusing 
 the matter, they had laid out much about y'^ Laiden 
 people, & patent, &c. And for other goods, they had 
 much of them of ther owne dealings, without present 
 disbursemente, & to like effect. And as for passing 
 his bounds & instructions, he laid it on M"^. Sherley, 
 &c., who, he said, they might see his mind in his 
 leters ; also that they had sett out Ashley at great 
 charg ; but next year they should have what trading 
 goods they would send for, if things were now well 
 setled, &c. And thus were they put ofl"; indeed M"'. 
 Sherley write things tending this way, but it is like he 
 was overruled by ]\r. Allerton, and barkened more to 
 him then to their letters from hence. 
 
 Thus he further writs in y" former leter. 
 
 I see what you write in your leters concerning y'^ over- 
 coming & paying of our debts, which I confess are great, 
 and had need be carfully looked unto ; j^et no doubt but 
 we, joyning in love, may soone over-come them ; but we 
 must follow it roundly & to purposs, for if we pedle out 
 y° time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But 
 we know y' you have y' aquaintanee & experience in y" coun- 
 trie, as none have the like ; wherfore, freiuds & partners, be 
 no way discouraged with y' greatnes of y' debt, &c., but let 
 us not fulfill y" proverbe, to bestow 12''. on a purse, and put 
 6'^. [168] in it; but as you and we have been at great charg, 
 and undergone much for setliug you ther, and to gaine ex- 
 perience, so as God shall enable us, let us make use of it. 
 And think not with 50". pound a yeare sent you over, to 
 rayse shuch means as to pay our debts. We see a possi- 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 305 
 
 billitie of good if you be well supplied, aud fully furnished ; 
 and cheefly if you lovingly agree. I know I write to godly 
 aud wise men, such as have lerned to bear one au others 
 infirmities, and rejoyce at any ones prosperities ; and if 
 I were able I would press this more, because it is hoped 
 by some of your enimies, that you will fall out one with 
 another, and so over throw j'our hopfull bussines. Nay, 
 I have heard it crediblie reported, y' some have said, that 
 till you be disjoynted by discontents & factions * amongst 
 your sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in hope of getting 
 or doing good in those parts. But we hope beter things of 
 you, and that you will not only bear one with another, but 
 banish such thoughts, and not suffer them to lodg in your 
 brests. God grant you may disappointe y'' hopes of your 
 foes, and procure y'' hartie desire of your selves & freiuds 
 in this perticuler. 
 
 By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance 
 betweene M'. AUerton and them in these things, and 
 that they gave more regard to his way & course in 
 these things, then to y" advise from hence ; which made 
 him bould to presume above his instructions, and to 
 rune on in y'' course he did, to their greater hurt after- 
 vt^ards, as will appear. These things did much trouble 
 them hear, but they well knew not how to help it, 
 being loath to make any breach or contention hear 
 aboute ; being so premonished as before in y" leter 
 above recited. An other more secrete cause was here- 
 with concurrente; M'. Allerton had maried y'= daughter 
 of their Reverend Elder, M^ Brewster (a man beloved 
 
 • Fractions in the manuscript. 
 
306 ' HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 & honoured amongst them, and who tooke great paines 
 in teaching & dispenceing y'' word of God unto them), 
 whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend, 
 so as they bore with much in that respecte. And with 
 all M'. Allerton carried so faire with him, and procured 
 such leters from M'. Sherley to him, with shuch ap- 
 plause of M\ AUertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes, 
 in y'^ bussines ; and as things stood none were so fitte 
 to send aboute them as he ; and if any should suggest 
 other wise, it was rather out of envie, or some other 
 sinister respecte then other wise. Besids, though pri- 
 vate gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause 
 to lead M'. Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I 
 thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he 
 intended to deale faithfully with them in y^ maine, and 
 had such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some 
 experience of y'' benefite that he had made in this 
 singuler way, as he conceived he might both raise him 
 selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in such 
 profite to M"'. Sherley, (and it may be y' rest,) as 
 might be as lickly to bring in their moneys againe 
 with advantage, and it may be sooner then from the 
 generall way; or at least it was looked upon by some 
 of them to be a good help ther unto ; and that neither 
 he nor any other did intend to charge y" generall 
 accounte with any thing that rane in perticuler; or 
 y' M'. Sherley or any other did purposs but y' y" 
 generall should be first & fully supply ed. I say charitie 
 
1629.] PLT-MOUTH PLANTATION. 307 
 
 makes me thus conceive ; though things fell out other 
 wise, and they missed of their aimes, and y'= generall 
 suflered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear. 
 
 [169] Togeither hercAvith sorted an other bussines 
 contrived hy M'. AUerton and them ther, w"'out any 
 knowledg of y"^ partners, and so farr proceeded in as 
 they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in 
 y'^ same, though they had no great liking of it, but 
 feared what might be y"^ evente of y' same. I shall 
 relate it in a further part of M''. Sherley's leter as 
 foloweth. 
 
 I am to aquainte yon that we have thought good to joyne 
 with one Edward Ashley (a man I thiuke y' some of you 
 know) ; but it is only of y' place wherof he hath a patente 
 in M'. Beachamps name ; and to that end have furnished 
 him with larg provissions, &c. Now if you please to be 
 partners with us in this, we are willing you shall ; for after 
 we heard how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some 
 able men of his owne kindrid) have been to stock & sup- 
 ply him, hoping of profile, we thought it fitter for us to lay 
 hould of such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of ruiiLng 
 plantation, then others who have not borne y° burthen of 
 setling a plantation, as we have done. And he, on y' other 
 side, like an understanding yonge man, thought it better to 
 joyne with those y' had means by a plantation to supply 
 & back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only 
 after proflte. Now it is not knowne that you are partners 
 with him; but only we 4., M'. Andrews, M'. Beachamp, my 
 selfe, & M'. Hatherley, who desired to have y" patente, in 
 consideration of our great loss we have allready sustained 
 in setling y'' first plantation ther ; so we agreed togeather to 
 
308 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 take it in our names. And now, as I said before, if you 
 please to joyne with us, we are willing you should. M'. 
 AllertoQ had no power from you to make this new con- 
 tracte, neither was he willing to doe any thing therin with- 
 out your consente & approbation. M'. William Peirce is 
 joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente, 
 because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please ; 
 and he will bend his course accordinglj'. He hath a new 
 boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5. 
 lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now in case 
 you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fear- 
 ing y" charge & doubting y" success, yet thus much we in- 
 treate of you, to afford him all the help j'ou can, either by 
 men, commodities, or boats ; yet not but y' we will pay 
 you for anj' thing he hath. And we desire you to keep 
 y' accounts apart, though you joyne with us ; becase ther 
 is, as you see, other partners in this then j" other ; so, for 
 all mens wages, boats-hire, or cotnodities, which we shall 
 have of 3'ou, make him debtore for it ; and what j^ou shall 
 have of him, make y" plantation or j'our selves debtore 
 for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of y" ac- 
 counts. 
 
 And now, loving freinds & partners, if you joyne in Ashles 
 patent & bussines, though we have laid out y' money and 
 taken up much to stock this bussines & the other, yet I 
 thinke it conscionable and reasonable y' you should beare 
 your shares and proportion of y'^ stock, if not bv present 
 money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come 
 too ; for it is not barly y' interest y' is to lie alowed & con- 
 sidered of, but allso y' adventure ; though I hope in God, 
 by his blessing & your honest iudeavors, it may soon be 
 payed ; yet y' years y' this partnership holds is not long, 
 nor many ; let all therfore lay it to harte, and make y° best 
 use of y* time that possiblie we canu, and let everj' man 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 309 
 
 put too his shoulder, and y'' burthen will be the ligliter. 
 I know you are so honest & consciouable men, as you will 
 consider hereof, [170] and returne shuch an answer as may 
 give good satisfaction. Ther is none of us that would ven- 
 ture as we have done, were it not to strengthen & setle j'ou 
 more then our owne perticuler profite. 
 
 Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buj'ing y" debte 
 for y" purchas. I know some will not abate y" interest, and 
 therfore let it rune its course ; thej^ are to be paied yearly, 
 and so I hope they shall, according to agreemente. The 
 Lord grant y' our loves & affections may still be united, 
 and knit togeither ; and so we rest your ever loving friends, 
 , James Sherley. 
 
 Timothy Hathekley. 
 
 Bristoll, March 19. 1629. 
 
 This mater of y' buying y"" debts of y' purchass 
 was parte of M''. Allertons instructions, and in many 
 of them it might have been done to good profite for 
 ready pay (as some were) ; but INI''. Sherley had no 
 mind to it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did not 
 a litle trouble them ; for though he had wite & abillitie 
 enough to menage y'^ bussines, yet some of them knew 
 him to be a very profane yonge man ; and he had for 
 some time lived amouge y'^ Indeans as a savage, & 
 wente naked amongst them, and used their maners (in 
 w* time he got their language), so they feared he 
 might still rune into evill courses (though he prom- 
 ised better), and God would not prosper his ways. 
 As soone as he was landed at y'" place intended, caled 
 Penobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place, he 
 
310 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 write (& afterwards came) for to desire to be sup- 
 pljed with Wampampeake, corne against winter, and 
 other things. Tiiey considered these were of their 
 cheefe comodities, and would be continually- needed by 
 him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade 
 at Kenebeck if they did not joj'ne with him in y* 
 ordering of things, if thus they should supply him ; 
 and on y*^ other hand, if they refused to joyne with 
 him, and allso to afford any supjoly unto him, they 
 should greatly otfeud their above named friends, and 
 might hapily lose them hereby ; and he and M^ Aller- 
 ton, laj'ing their craftie wits togither, might gett sup- 
 plies of these things els wher ; besicls, they considered 
 that if they joj-ned not in y' bussines, they knew M"'. 
 Allerton would be with them in it, & so would swime, 
 as it were, betweene both, to y*" prejudice of boath, 
 but of them selves espetially. For they had reason 
 to thinke this bussines was cheefly of his contriving, 
 and Ashley was a man fitte for his turne and dealings. 
 So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to 
 joyne in y" bussines, and gave him supplies in what 
 they could, & overlooked his proceedings as well as 
 they could; the which they did y" better, by joyning 
 an honest yonge man,* that came from Leyden, with 
 him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as 
 a servante. Which yonge man being discreete, and 
 one whom they could trust, they so instructed as 
 
 * Thomas Willett. 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 311 
 
 keept Ashley in some good mesure within bounds. 
 And 80 they returned their answer to their freinds 
 in England, that they accepted of their motion, and 
 joyned with them in Ashleys bussines ; and yet with- 
 al! tould them what their fears were concernina: 
 him. 
 
 But when they came to have full notice of all y"* 
 goods brought them that year, the^^ saw the}^ fell very 
 short of trading goods, and Ashley- farr better sup- 
 pleyed then [171] themselves; so as they were forced 
 to buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea, 
 & cottens & carseys & other such like cloath (for 
 want of trading cloath) of M''. AUerton himselfe, and 
 so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under 
 rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente 
 home, to help to discharge their great ingagementes ; 
 which was to their great vexation ; but M"'. Allerton 
 prayed them to be contente, and y" nexte yere they 
 might have what they would write for. And their in- 
 gagmentes of this year were great indeed when they 
 came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2. 
 years after) ; and that which made them y" more, M'. 
 Allerton had taken up some large sumes at Bristol! at 
 50. p"' cent, againe, which he excused, that he was 
 forcte to it, because other wise he could at y" spring 
 of year get no goods transported, such were their 
 envie aoainst their trade. But wheither this was any 
 more then an excuse, some of them doubted ; but how- 
 
312 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 ever, y'' burden did lye on their backs, and they must 
 bear it, as they did manj' heavie loads more in y"* 
 end. 
 
 This paying of .^O. g"' cent, and dificulty of having 
 their goods trasported by y" fishing ships at y'^ first 
 of y'^ year, (as was beleeved,) which was y^ cheefe 
 season for trade, put them upon another projecte. iP. 
 Allerton, after y" fishing season was over, light of a 
 bargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought 
 it; which came to aboute 113*'.; and shortly after he 
 might have had 30''. cleai-e profite for it, without any 
 more trouble aljoute it. But ]M''. Winslow coming that 
 way from Kenebeck, & some other of ther partners 
 with him in y" barke, they mett with M''. Allerton, 
 and falling into discourse with him, they stayed him 
 from selling y'^ salte ; and resolved, if it might please 
 y' rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship 
 in y" west cuntrie to come on fishing for them, on 
 shares, according to y- coustome ; and seeing she might 
 have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte 
 & fitted wher the salt lay safely landed & housed. 
 In stead of bringing salte, they might stowe her full 
 of trading goods, as bread, pease, cloth, &c., and so 
 they might have a full supply of goods without paing 
 fraight, and in due season, which might turne greatly to 
 their advantage. Coming home, this was propounded, 
 and considered on, and aproved by all but y'* Gov', 
 who had no mind to it, seeing they had allway lost 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 313 
 
 by fishing ; but y"^ I'est were so ernest, as thinkeing 
 that they might gaine well by y' fishing in this way ; 
 and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing 
 by it, y"" other benefits would be advantage inough ; 
 so, seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was 
 referd to their freinds in England to alow, or disalow 
 it. Of which more in its place. 
 
 Upon y' consideration of y'' bussines al)0ut y'- paten, 
 & in what state it was left, as is before remembred, 
 and ^r. Sherleys ernest pressing to have M'. AUerto 
 to come over agaiue to finish it, & perfect y'' accounts, 
 &c., it was concluded to send him over this year 
 againe ; though it was with some fear & jeolocie ; yet 
 he gave them fair words and promises of well perform- 
 ing all their bussineses according to their directions, 
 and to mend his former errors. So he was accordingly 
 sent with full instructions for all things, with large let- 
 ters to ]VP. Sherley & y'' rest, both aboute Ashleys 
 bussines and their owne suply with trading comodities, 
 and how much it did concerne them to be furnished 
 therwith, & what y'= had suftered for wante therof; and 
 of what litle use other goods were [172] in com- 
 parison therof; and so likewise aboute this fishing ship, 
 to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods, 
 which might both supply them & Ashley, and y" 
 benefite therof; which was left to their consideration 
 to hire & set her out, or not; but in no case not to 
 send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with trading 
 
314 HISTOEY OF [book II. 
 
 goods. But what these things came too will appere 
 in y' next years passages. 
 
 I had like to have omited an other passage that 
 fell out y' begining of this year. Ther was one M'. 
 Ralfe Smith, & his wife & familie, y' came over into 
 }•" Bay of y" Massachusets, and sojourned at presente 
 with some stragling people that lived at Natascoe ; here 
 being a boat of this place putting in ther on some 
 occasion, he ernestly desired that they would give him 
 & his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as 
 they could well carrie ; having before heard }'' ther was 
 liklyhood he might procure house-roome for some time, 
 till he should resoh^e to setle ther, if he might, or 
 els-wher as God should disposs ; for he was werie of 
 being in y' uncoth place, & in a poore house y' would 
 neither keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing him to 
 be a grave man, & understood he had been a minister, 
 though they had no order for any such thing, yet they 
 presumed and brought him. He was here accordingly 
 kindly entertained & housed, & had y" rest of his goods 
 & servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst 
 them, and afterwards was chosen into y" ministrie, and 
 so remained for sundrie years. 
 
 It was before noted that sundrj' of those that came 
 from Leyden, came over in the ships y' came to Salem, 
 wher M"'. Endecott had cheefe ooiuand ; and bj' infection 
 that grue amonge y'" passengers at sea, it spread also 
 among them a shore, of which many dyed, some of y'' 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 315 
 
 scurvie, other of an infectious feaoure, which continued 
 some time amongst them (though our people, through 
 Gods goodnes, escaped it). Upon which occasion he 
 write hither for some help, understanding here was one 
 that had some skill y' way, & had cured diverse of y*^ 
 scurvie, and others of other diseases, by letting blood, 
 & other means. Upon which his request y"* Gov' hear 
 sent him unto them, and also write to him, from whom 
 he received an answere ; the which, because it is breefe, 
 and shows y*" begining of their aquaintance, and closing 
 in y^ truth & ways of God, I thought it not unmeete, 
 nor without use, hear to inserte it ; and an other show- 
 ing y'' begining of their fellowship & church estate ther. 
 Being as followeth. 
 
 Right worthy S': 
 
 It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one m\ and of y" 
 same houshold shouldbe strangers; I assure you I desire it 
 not, nay, to speake more plainly, I cauuot be so to you. 
 Gods people are all marked with one and y" same marke, 
 ■and sealed with one andy'' same seale, and have for y"' maine, 
 one & y" same harte, guided by oue & same spirite of 
 truth ; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, uay, here 
 must needs be sweete harmonie. And y" same request (with 
 you) I make unto y" Lord, that we may, as Christian 
 breethren, be united by a heavenly & unfained love ; bend- 
 ing all our harts and forces in furthering a worke be- 
 yond our strength, with reverence & fear, fastening our eyse 
 allways on him that only is able to directe and prosper all 
 our ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound to you for 
 your kind love and care in sending M'. Fuller among us, 
 
316 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 and rejoyce much y' I am by him satisfied touching your 
 judgments of y'^ outward forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as 
 farr as [173] I can yet gather, no other then is warrented 
 by y*^ evidence of truth, and y" same which I have proffessed 
 and maintained ever since y*" Lord in mercie revealed him 
 selfe unto me ; being farr from y'' commone reporte that 
 hath been spread of you touching that perticuler. But Gods 
 children must not looke for less here below, and it is y"^ 
 great mercie of God, that he strengthens them to goe through 
 with it. I shall not neede at this time to be tedious unto 
 you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your face shortly. 
 In y* mean time, I humbly take my leave of you, coinitiug 
 you to y" Lords blessed protection, & rest, 
 
 Your assured loving friend, 
 
 Jo : Endecott. 
 Naumkeak, May 11. An°. 1629. 
 
 This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their 
 church affaires at Salem, which was y^ 2. church erected 
 in these parts ; and afterwards y' Lord established many 
 more in sundrie places. 
 
 S': I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to 
 certifie you how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since 
 you heard from us. How, notwithstanding all opposition 
 that hath been hear, & els wher, it hath pleased God to lay 
 a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word in 
 every thing. The 20. of July, it pleased y" Lord to move 
 y' hart of our Gov' to set it aparte for a solemne day of 
 humilliation for y= choyce of a pastor & teacher. The former 
 parte of y' day being spente in praier & teaching, the later 
 parte aboute y' election, which was after this maner. The 
 persons thought on (who had been ministers in England) 
 
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 317 
 
 were demanded eouceming their callings ; they acknowledged 
 ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward calling, 
 when y" Lord moved y° harte of a man to take y' calling 
 upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for y= same ; the 
 second was an outward calling, which was from y'= people, 
 when a company of beleevers are joyned togither in cove- 
 nante, to walke togither in all y'^ ways of God, and every 
 member (being men) are to have a free voyce in y" choyce 
 of their officers, &c. Now, we being perswaded that these 
 2. men were so quallified, as y" apostle speaks to Timothy, 
 wher he saith, A bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to 
 teach, &c., I thinke I maj' say, as y' eunuch said unto 
 Philip, What should let from being baptised, seeing ther 
 was water? and he beleeved. So these 2. servants of G-od, 
 clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,) 
 we saw noe reason but "we might freely give our voyces for 
 their election, after this triall. So M'. Skelton was chosen 
 pastor, and M'. Higgisou to be teacher ; and they accepting 
 y choyce, M\ Higgison, with 3. or 4. of y° gravest mem- 
 bers of y" church, laid their hands on M'. Skelton, using 
 prayer therwith. This being done, ther was imposission of 
 hands on M'. Higgison also. And since that time, Thursday 
 (being, as I take it, y" G. of August) is appoynted for 
 another day of humilliation, for y" choyce of elders & 
 deacons, & ordaining of them. 
 
 And now, good 8% I hope y' you & y' rest of Gods people 
 (who are aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will 
 say that hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2. 
 blessed servants of y" Lord came in at y" dore, and not at y' 
 window. Thus I have made bould to trouble you with these 
 few lines, desiring you to remember us, &c. And so rest. 
 At your service in what I may, 
 
 Charles Gott. 
 
 Salem, July 30. 1629. 
 
318 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 [174] Anno Dom: 1630. 
 
 Ashley, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered 
 a good parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he 
 sent it all home, and would not pay for y*^ goods he 
 had had of y" plantation hear, but lett them stand still 
 on y* score, and tooke up still more. Now though 
 they well enough knew his aime, yet they let him goe 
 on, and write of it into England. But partly y"' beaver 
 they received, & sould, (of which they weer sencible,) 
 and partly by M'. Allertons extolling of him, they cast 
 more how to supplie him then y'^ plantation, and some- 
 thing to upbraid them with it. They were forct to 
 buy him a barke allso, and to furnish her w* a m^ & 
 men, to transporte his corne & provissions (of which 
 he put of much) ; for y* Indeans of those parts have 
 no corne growing, and at harvest, after corne is ready, 
 y*' weather grows foule, and y"^ seas dangerous, so as 
 he could doe litle good with his shallope for y' pur- 
 poss. 
 
 They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring, 
 by the fishing ship which they expected, and had been 
 at charg to keepe a stage for her ; but none came, nor 
 any supply heard of for them. At length they heard 
 sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at 
 which they something marvelled, and the more y' they 
 had no letters either from M^ Allerton or M\ Sherley; 
 so thej^ went on in their bussines as well as y*^ could. 
 
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 319 
 
 At last they heard of M''. Peirce his arivall in y'^ Bay 
 of y" Massachusetts, who brought passengers & goods 
 thither. They presently sent a shallop, conceiving they 
 should have some thing by him. But he tould them 
 he had none ; and a ship was sett out on fishing, but 
 after 11. weeks beating at sea, she mett with shuch 
 foull weather as she was forcte Imck againe for Eng- 
 land, and, y'' season being over, gave off y" vioage. 
 Neither did he hear of much goods in her for y"" plan- 
 tation, or y' she did belong to them, for he had heard 
 some thing from M''. Allerton tending that way. But 
 M". Allerton had bought another ship, and was to 
 come in her, and was to fish for bass to y'' east- 
 ward, and to bring goods, &c. These things did much 
 trouble them, and half astonish them. M''. Winslow 
 haveing been to y'^ eastward, brought nuese of the like 
 things, w'* some more perticulers, and y' it was like 
 M''. Allerton would be late before he came. At length 
 they, having an oppertuoitie, resolved to send M''. 
 Winslow, with what beaver they had ready, into Eng- 
 land, to see how y" squars wente, being very jeolouse 
 of these things, & M^ Allertons courses ; and writ 
 shuch leters, and gave him shuch instructions, as they 
 thought meet ; and if he found things not well, to dis- 
 charge M^ Allerton for being any longer agent for 
 them, or to deal any more in y' bussines, and to see 
 how y** accounts stood, &c. 
 
 Aboute y"^ midle of somer arrives M^ Hatherley in 
 
320 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 y" Bay of y" Massachusetts, (being one of y' part- 
 ners,) and came over in y'' same ship that was set 
 out on fhishing (called y'' Frendship). They presently 
 sent to him, making no question but now they had 
 goods come, and should know how all things stood. 
 But they found [175] the former news true, how this 
 ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled 
 her provissions, and overthrowne y" viage. And he 
 being sent over by y' rest of y'^ partners, to see how 
 things wente hear, being at BristoU with M^ Allerton, 
 in \''= shipc bought (called y" White-Angell), ready to 
 set sayle, over night came a messenger from Bastable 
 to M^ Allerton, and tould him of y'' returne of y' 
 ship, and what had befallen. And he not knowing 
 what to doe, having a great chareg under hand, y* 
 ship lying at his rates, and now read}' to set sajde, 
 got him to goe and discharg y'' ship, and take order 
 for y"' goods. To be short, they found M''. Hatherley 
 some thing reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (M'. 
 Allerton not being ther,) not knowing how to dispose 
 of y'-' goods till he came ; but he heard he was arived 
 with y" other ship to y'' eastward, and expected his 
 coming. But he tould them ther was not much for 
 them in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and 
 2. hoggsheads of meatheglin, drawne out in wooden 
 flackets (but when these flackets came to be received, 
 ther was left but 6. gallons of y" 2. hogsheads, it be- 
 ing drunke up under y' name leackage, and so lost). 
 
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 321 
 
 1 
 
 But the ship was filled with goods for sundrie gentle- 
 men, & others, that were come to plant in y"^ Mas- 
 sachusets, for which they payed fraight by y" tun. 
 And this was all the satisfaction they could have at 
 presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods 
 & returned with this nues, and a letter as obscure ; 
 which made them much to marvell therat. The letter 
 was as folio weth. 
 
 Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, &c. 
 
 Breefly thus : wee have this year set forth a fishing ship, 
 and a trading ship, which later we have bought ; and so 
 have disbursed a great deale of money, as may and will 
 appears by y" accounts. And because this ship (called y° 
 White Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing 
 for bass, and trading ; and that while M'. Allertou was im- 
 pioyed aboute y° trading, the fishing might suffer by car- 
 lesnes or neglecte of y' sailors, we have entreated your and 
 our loving friend, M'. Hatherley, to goe over with him, 
 knowing he will be a comforte to M'. AUerton, a joye to 
 you, to see a carfull and loving friend, and a great stay to 
 y' bussines ; and so great contente to us, that if it should 
 please God y" one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet y" other 
 would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte. For we 
 are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte 
 you withall, &c. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred 
 pounds a peece, we looked not much after it, but left it to 
 you, & your agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite 
 thanks & comendations, both of you & us, for bis pains, 
 &c.) ; but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece, some 
 of us, &c. ; which maks us both write, and send over our 
 friend, M'. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaiue kindly, 
 of which we doubte not of. The main end of sending him 
 
322 HisTORr OF [bookii. 
 
 is to see y' state and accounte of all y' bussines, of all which 
 we pray you informe him fully, though y"^ ship & bussines 
 wayte for it and him. For we should take it very unkindly 
 that we should intreat him to take such a journey, and that, 
 when it pleaseth God he returnes, he could not give us con- 
 tente & satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of 
 any of you. [176] But we hope you will so order bussines, 
 as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to 
 doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, &c. I 
 will not promise, but shall indeaour & hope to effecte y' full 
 desire and grant of your patente, & that ere it be longe. 
 I would not have you take any thing unkindly. I have 
 not write out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing. Be you 
 all kindly saluted in y' Lord, so I rest, 
 
 Yours in what I may, 
 
 James Sherlet. 
 March 25. 1630. 
 
 It needs not be thought strange, that these things 
 should amase and trouble them ; first, that this fishing 
 ship should be set out, and fraight with other mens 
 goods, & scarce an^^ of theirs ; seeing their maine end 
 was (as is before remembred) to bring them a full 
 supply, and their speatiall order not to sett out any 
 excepte this was done. And now a ship to come on 
 their accounte, clean contrary to their both end & order, 
 was a misterie they could not understand ; and so much 
 y'' worse, seeing she had shuch ill success as to lose 
 both her vioage & provissions. The 2. thing, that 
 another ship should be bought and sente out on new 
 designes, a thing not so much as once thought on by 
 
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 323 
 
 an^' here, niuch less, not a word intimated or spoaken 
 of by any here, either by word or letter, neither could 
 they imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was 
 never lookt at by them, but as soone as ever they 
 heard on it, they looked at it as a vaine thing, that 
 would certainly turne to loss. And for M''. Allerton 
 to follow any trade for them, it was never in their 
 thoughts. And 3'^, that their frieds should complaine 
 of disbursements, and yet rune into such great things, 
 and charge of shiping & new projects of their owne 
 heads, not only without, but against, all order & advice, 
 was to them very Strang. And 4'-', that all these mat- 
 ters of so great charg & imployments should be thus 
 wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they knew 
 not what to make of it. But amids all their doubts 
 they must have patience till M^ Allerton & M'. 
 Hatherley should come. In y' mean time M''. Winslow 
 was gone for England ; and others of them were forst 
 to folow their imployments with y"^ best means they 
 had, till they could hear of better. 
 
 At length J\r. Hatherley & M'. Allerton came unto 
 them, (after they had delivered their goods, ) and find- 
 ing them strucken with some sadnes aboute these 
 things, M^ Allerton tould them that y« ship Whit- 
 Angele did not belong to them, nor their accounte, 
 neither neede they have any thing to doe with her, 
 excepte they would. And M'. Hatherley confirmed y* 
 same, and said that they would have had him to have 
 
324 HisTOPvY OF [book II. 
 
 had a parte, but he refused; but he made question 
 whether they would not turne her upon y" generall 
 accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was liije), 
 seeing M'. AUerton laid downe this course, and put 
 them on this projecte. But for y'' fishing ship, he tould 
 them they need not be so much troubled, for he had 
 her accounts here, and showe^d them that her first set- 
 ing out came not much to exceed 600". as they might 
 see by y'^ accounte, which he showed them ; and for 
 this later viage, it would arrise to profite by y" fraight 
 of y'^ goods, and y** salle of some katle which he shiped 
 and had allready sould, & was to be paid for partly 
 here & partly by bills into England, so as they should 
 not have this put on their acounte at all, except they 
 [178] * would. And for y" former, he had sould so 
 much goods out of her in England, and imployed y"" 
 money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods 
 & implements as M''. Allerton must need aboute his 
 fishing, would rise to a good parte of y'^ money ; for he 
 must have y'= sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, &c. ; 
 all which would rise to nere 400".; so, with y'^ bearing 
 of their parts of y" rest of y° loses (which would not 
 be much above 200".), they would clear them of this 
 whole accounte. Of which motion they were glad, not 
 being willing to have any accounts lye upon them ; but 
 aboute their trade, which made them willing to barken 
 therunto, and demand of M". Hatherley how he could 
 
 * 177 is omitted in MS. 
 
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 325 
 
 make this good, if they shovild agree their unto, he 
 tould them he was sent over as their agente, and had 
 this order from them, that whatsoever he and M^ 
 Allerton did togeather, they would stand to it ; but 
 they would not alow of what M''. Allerton did alone, 
 except they liked it ; hut if he did it alone, they would 
 not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him & M'. 
 Allerton all y' rest of y'^ goods, and gave them present 
 possession of them ; and a writing was made, and con- 
 firmed under both M^ Hatherleys and M\ Allertons 
 hands, to y* effecte afforesaide. And M". Allertone, 
 being best aquainted w"' y"* people, sould away presenly 
 all shuch goods as he had no need of for y'' fishing, 
 as 9. shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and y" 
 roads for them being all new, with sundry such useful! 
 goods, for ready beaver, by M"'. Hatherleys allowance. 
 And thus they thought they had well provided for 
 them selvs. Yet they rebuked M"". Allerton very much 
 for runing into these courses, fearing y"" success of them. 
 M''. Allerton & M'. Hatherley brought to y'= towne with 
 them (after he had sould what he could abroad) a great 
 quantity of other goods besids trading comodities ; as 
 linen cloath, bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c., 
 and tould them they were to have them, if they would; 
 but they tould M'. Allerton that they had forbid him 
 before for bringing any such on their accounte ; it 
 would hinder their trade and returnes. But he & M"'. 
 Hatherley said, if they would not have them, they 
 
326 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 would sell them, them selves, and take corne for what 
 they could not otherwise sell. They tould them they 
 might, if they had order for it. The goods of one 
 sorte & other came to upward of 500''. 
 
 After these things, ]\T. Allerton wente to y* ship 
 aboute his bass fishing ; and M'. Hatherle}^ (according 
 to his order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood 
 at y'^ plantation, (of all which they informed him 
 fully,) he then desired a boate of them to goe and 
 visito y'^ trading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley 
 at Penobscote ; for so they in England had injoyned 
 him. They accordingly furnished him with a boate & 
 men for y'^ viage, and aquainted him jjlainly & thorowly 
 with all things ; by which he had good contente and 
 satisfaction, and saw plainly y' M''. Allerton plaid his 
 owne game, and rane a course not only to y" great 
 wrong & detrimente of y^ plantation, who imployed & 
 trusted him, but abused them in England also, in pos- 
 sessing them with prejudice against y" plantation ; as 
 y' they would never be able to repaye their moneys 
 (in regard of their great charge), but if [179] they 
 would follow his advice and projects, he & Ashley 
 (being well supplyed) would quickly bring in their 
 moneys with good advantage. M"'. Hatherley disclosed 
 also a further projecte aboute y' setting out of this 
 ship, y" "White-angell ; how, she being wel fitted with 
 good ordnance, and known to have made a great fight 
 at sea (when she belongd to Bristoll) and caried away 
 
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 327 
 
 y'' victory, they had agreed (by M''. Allerton's means) 
 that, after she had brought a fraight of goods here iuto 
 -^"^ countrie, and fraight her selfe with fish, she should 
 goe from hence to Port of porte,* and ther be sould, 
 both ship, goods, and ordenance ; and had, for this 
 end, had speech with a factore of those parts, before- 
 hand, to whom she should have been consigned. But 
 this was prevented at this time, (after it was known,) 
 partly by y*" contrary advice given by their freinds 
 hear to M^ Allerton & M^ Hatherley, showing how it 
 might insnare their friends in England, (being men 
 of estate,) if it should come to be knowne ; and for 
 y'' plantation, they did and would disalow it, and pro- 
 test against it ; and partly by their bad viage, for 
 they both came too late to doe any good for fishing, 
 and allso had such a wicked and drunken company as 
 neither M''. Allerton nor any els could rule ; as M". 
 Hatherley, to his great greefe & shame, saw, & be- 
 held, and all others that came nere them. 
 
 Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before M'. 
 Hatherley returned,) for trading powder & shote with 
 y'' Indeans ; and was ceased upon by some in author- 
 itie, who allso would have confiscated above a thousand 
 weight of beaver; but y' goods were freed, for j" 
 Gov' here made it appere, by a bond under Ashley s 
 hand, wherin he was bound to them in 500''. not to 
 trade any munition with y" Indeans, or other wise 
 
 Oporto, called by the Dutch Port a port. 
 
328 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 to abuse him selfe ; it was alao manifest against him 
 that he had coiSited uncleannes with Indean woQien, 
 (things that they feared at his first imployment, which 
 made them take this strict course with him in y" be- 
 gining) ; so, to be shorte, they gott their goods freed, 
 but he was sent home prisoner. And that I may make 
 an end concerning him, after some time of imprison- 
 mente in y' Fleet, by y' means of friends he was set 
 at liberty, and intended to come over againe, but y" 
 Lord j^revented it; for he had a motion made to him, 
 by some marchants, to goe into Eussia, because he had 
 such good skill in y'-' beaver trade, the wiiich he ac- 
 cepted of, and in his returtie home was cast away at 
 sea ; this was his end. 
 
 ]\'r. Hatherley, fully understanding y"" state of all 
 things, had good satisfaction, and could well informe 
 them how all things stood betweene M''. Allerton and 
 y^ plantation. Yea, he found y' jM'. Allerton had gott 
 within him, and [180] got all y' goods into his owne 
 hands, for which M''. Hatherley stood joyntly insjaged 
 to them hear, aboute y" ship-Freidship, as also most 
 of y* fraigte money, besids some of his owne perticuler 
 estate ; about w""*" more will appear here after. So he 
 returned into England, and they sente a good quantity 
 of beaver ^^ith him to y'' rest of y'' partners ; so both 
 he and it was very wellcome unto them. 
 
 M'. Allerton followed his aflaires, & returned with 
 his White Angell, being no more imployed by j'* plan- 
 
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 329 
 
 tation ; but these bussinesses wei'e not ended till uiany 
 years after, nor well understood of a longe time, but 
 foulded up in obscuritie, & kepte in y" clouds, to y" 
 great loss & vexation of y" plantation, who in y' end 
 were (for peace sake) forced to bear y"^ unjust burthen 
 of them, to their allmost undoing, as will appear, if 
 God give life to finish this history. 
 
 They sent their lettei's also by M'. Hatherley to y" 
 partners ther, to show them how M^ Hatherley & 
 IVr. Allerton had discharged them of y' Friendships 
 accounte, and that they boath atErmed y' the White- 
 Angell did not at all belong to them ; and therfore 
 desired that their accounte might not be charged ther- 
 with. Also they write to M'. Winslow, their agente, 
 that he in like maner should (in their names) protest 
 against it, if any such thing should be intended, for 
 they would never yeeld to y" same. As allso to sig- 
 nifie to them that they renounsed M^ Allerton wholy, 
 for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe in 
 any of their bussines. 
 
 This year John Billinton y* elder (one that came 
 over with y"" first) was arrained, and both by grand 
 & petie jurie found guilty of willfuU murder, by plaine 
 & notorious evidence. And was for the same accord- 
 ingly executed.* This, as it was y" first execution 
 
 • Hnbhard, on page 101, notices the execution of Billington as tailing 
 place "about September" of this year. "The murtherer expected that, 
 either for want of power to execute for capital offences, or for want of 
 
330 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 amongst them, so was it a mater of great sadnes unto 
 them. Thej^ used all due means about his triall, and 
 tooke y" advice of M'. Winthrop and other y" ablest 
 gentle-men in y'' Bay of y^ Massachusets, that were 
 then new-ly come over, who concured with them y' he 
 ought to dye, and y" land to be purged from blood. 
 He and some of his had been often punished for mis- 
 cariags before, being one of }''' profanest families amongst 
 them. They came from London, and I know uot by 
 what freinds shufled into their company. His facte was, 
 that he way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comin, 
 (about a former quarell,) and shote him with a gune, 
 wherof he dyed.* 
 
 Having by a providence a letter or to j^' came to 
 my hands concerning the proceedings of their Re'': 
 freinds in y'' Bay of y"^ Massachusets, who were latly 
 come over, I thought it not amise here to inserte 
 them, (so farr as is pertenente, and may be usefuU 
 for after times,) before I conclude this year. 
 
 S': Being at Salem y" 25. of July, being y"^ saboath, after 
 y" eveiug exercise, M'. .Johnson received a letter from y' 
 
 people to increase the plantation, he should hare his lite spared; hut jus- 
 tice otherwise determined, and rewarded him, the first murtherer of his neigh- 
 bour there, with the deserved punishment of death, for a warning to others." 
 The first offence committed in the colony was by Billington, in 1621, who, 
 tor contempt of the Captain's lawful command, with opprobrious speeches, 
 was adjudged to have his neck and heels tied together. Prince, I. 103, from 
 Bradford's pocket-book. 
 
 * This paragraph was written on the reverse of page 180 of the original 
 manuscript, near this place. 
 
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 331 
 
 Gov', M^ John Winthrop, manifesting y'' liand of God to 
 be upon them, and against them at Charles-towne, in visit- 
 ing them with siclines, and taking diverse from amongst 
 them, not sparing y° righteous, but partaiving with y'= wicked 
 in these bodily judgments. It was therfore by his desire 
 taken into y' Godly consideration of y' best hear, what was 
 to be done to pacifie j" Lords wrath, &c. Wher it was con- 
 cluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes ; and 
 to that end, y' 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke, 
 is set aparte, that they may humble them selves before God, 
 and seeke him in his ordenances ; and that then also such 
 godly persons that are amongst them, and know each to 
 other, may publickly, at y" end of their exercise, make 
 known their Godly desire, and practise y'^ same, viz. solerialy 
 to enter into [181] covenante with y" Lord to walke in his 
 ways. And since they are so disposed of in their outward 
 estats, as to live in three distinct places, each having men 
 of abilitie amongst them, ther to observe y" day, and be- 
 come 3. distincte bodys ; not then intending rashly to pro- 
 ceed to y' choyce of officers, or y'' admitting of any other 
 to their societie then a few, to witte, such as are well knowne 
 unto them ; promising after to receive in such by confession 
 of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for y estate. 
 They doe ernestly entreate that 3'" church of Plimoth would 
 set apparte y" same day, for y' same ends, beseeching y' 
 Lord, as to withdraw his hand of correction from them, so 
 also to establish and direct them in his wayes. And though 
 y'^ time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly 
 worke, seing y" causes are so urgente ; wherin God will be 
 honoured, and they & we undoubtedly have sweete com- 
 forte. Be you all kindly saluted, &c. 
 
 Your brethren in Christ, &c. 
 Salem, July 26. 1630. 
 
332 HISTORY OF [book TI. 
 
 S': &c. The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and 
 many are dead ; y" Lord in mercie looke upon them. Some 
 are here entered into church covenante ; the first were 4. 
 namly, y* Gov', M^ John Wiathrop, M'. Johnson, M'. Dud- 
 ley, and M'. Willson ; since that 5. more are joyned unto 
 them, and others, it is like, will adde them selves to them 
 dayly ; the Lord increase them, both in number and in holi- 
 nes for his mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one M'. Cot- 
 tington, (a Boston man,) who tould me, that M'. Cottons 
 charge at Hamton was, that they should take advise of 
 them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them. 
 Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see 
 us, some out of love which they bear to us, and y' good 
 perswasion they have of us ; others to see whether we be so 
 ill as they have heard of us. We have a name of holines, 
 and love to God and liis saincts ; the Lord make us more 
 and more answerable, and that it may be more then a name, 
 or els it will doe us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and 
 all the rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus blese us, and y" 
 whole Israll of God. Amen. 
 
 Your loving brother, &c. 
 
 Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630. 
 
 Thus out of smalle besinings greater thinofs have been 
 prodused by his hand y' made all things of nothing, 
 and gives being to all things that are ; and as one 
 small candle may light a thousand, so y'' light here 
 kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our 
 whole nation ; let y' glorious name of Jehova have all 
 y"" praise. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 333 
 
 [182] Anno Bom: 1631. 
 
 Ashley being thus by y* hand of God taken away, 
 and M''. Allerton discharged of his imploymente for 
 them, their bussines began againe to rune in one 
 chanell, and them selves better able to guide the same, 
 Penobscote being wholy now at their disposing. And 
 though M''. William Peirce had a parte ther as is before 
 noted, yet now, as things stood, he was glad to have 
 his money repayed him, and stand out. M^ Winslow, 
 whom they had sent over, sent them over some supply 
 as soone as he could ; and afterwards when he came, 
 which was something longe by reason of bussines, he 
 brought a large supply of suitable goods with him, 
 by which ther trading was well carried on. But by 
 no means either he, or j" letters y" write, could take 
 off M"'. Sherley & y' rest from putting both y'' Friend- 
 ship and Whit-Angell on y'' generall accounte ; which 
 caused continuall contention betweene them, as will 
 more appeare. 
 
 I shall inserte a leter of M'. Winslow's about these 
 things, being as foloweth. 
 
 S': It fell out by Gods providence, y' I received and 
 brought your leters p' M'. Allertou from Bristoll, to London; 
 and doe much feare what will be Y event of things. M'. 
 Allerton intended to prepare y° ship agaiue, to set forth 
 upon fishing. M'. Sherley, W. Beachamp, & M'. Andrews, 
 they renounce all perticulers, protesting but for us they 
 
334 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 would never have adventured one penie into those parts ; 
 M'. Hatherley stands inclinable to either. And wheras you 
 write that he and M'. AUerton have taken y'= Whit-Angell 
 upon them, for their partners here, they professe they neiver 
 gave any such order, nor will make it- good ; if them selves 
 will cleare y' accounte & doe it, all shall be well. What 
 y= evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord 
 so directe and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by 
 our divissions. I hear (p' a freind) that I was much blamed 
 for speaking w' * I heard in y° spring of y'= year, concerning 
 y" buying & setting forth of y' ship ; j sure, if I should not 
 have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which 
 report I offered now to prove at Bristoll) , I should have 
 been unworthy my imploj'mente. And concerning j" coimis- 
 sion so long since given to M'. Allerton, the truth is, the 
 thing we feared is come up6n us ; for M'. Sherley & y' rest 
 have it, and will not deliver it, that being y° ground of our 
 agents credite to procure shuch great sumes. But I looke 
 for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from 
 sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting y' former. 
 I would I had a more thankfull imploymente ; but I hope 
 a good conscience shall make it comefortable, &c. 
 
 Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 1631. 
 
 The comission above said was given by them under 
 their hand and seale, when M^ Allerton was first 
 imployed by them, and redemanded of him in y'' year 
 29. when they begane to suspecte his course. He 
 tould them it was amongst his papers, but he would 
 seeke it out & give it them before he wente. But he 
 
 * W" in manuscript. 
 
 t This was about y« selling y ship in Spaine. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 335 
 
 being ready to goe, it was demanded againe. He said 
 he could not find it, but it was amongst his papers, 
 which he must take w'" him, [183] and he would send 
 it by y'' boat from y" eastward; but ther it could not 
 be had neither, but he would seeke it up at sea. But 
 whether M"'. Sherley had it before or after, it is not cer- 
 taine ; but having it, he would not let it goe, but keeps 
 it to this day. Wherfore, even amongst freinds, men 
 had need be carfull whom they trust, and not lett 
 things of this nature lye long unrecaled. 
 
 Some pai-ts of M'. Sheiiey's letters aboute these things, in 
 which y° truth is best manifested. 
 
 S': Yours I have received by our loving friends, M'. Aller- 
 ton & M^ Hatlierley, who, blesed be God, after a long & 
 dangerous passage with y'= ship Angell, are safely come to 
 Bristoll. M'. Hatherley is come up, but M'. Allerton I have 
 not yet seen. We thauke you, and are very glad you have 
 disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and y' he did not 
 goe on in these designes he intended ; for we did all uterly 
 disliek of that course, as allso of y" fishing y' y" Freindship 
 should have performed ; for we wished him to sell y" salte, 
 and were unwilling to have him undertake so much bussines, 
 partly for j" ill success we formerly had in those affairs, and 
 partly being loath to disburse so much money. But he per- 
 swaded us this must be one way y' must repay us, for y" 
 plantation would be long in doing of it ; ney, to my remem- 
 berance, he doubted you could not be able, with y° trade 
 ther, to maintaine your charge & pay us. And for this very 
 cause he brought us on y' bussines with Ed : Ashley, for he 
 was a stranger to us, &c. 
 
336 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 For y' fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and 
 will be willing to bear our parts. What M'. Hatherley & 
 M'. Allerton have done, no doubt but them selves will make 
 good ; * we gave them no order to make any composition, 
 to seperate you and us in this or any other. And I thinke 
 you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you upon no 
 new thing, but what your agent perswaded us to, & you by 
 your Jetters desired. If he exceede your order, I hope you 
 will not blame us, much less cast us of, when oar moneys 
 be layed out, &c. But I fear neither you nor we have been 
 well delte withall, for sure, as you write, halfe 4000"., nay, a 
 quarter, in fitting comodities, and in seasonable time, would 
 have furnished you beter then you were. And yet for all 
 this, and much more I might write, I dare not but thinke 
 him honest, and that his desire and intente was good ; but y* 
 wisest may faile. Well, now y' it hath pleased God to give 
 lis hope of meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore 
 to perfecte these accounts just & right, as soone as possibly 
 we can. And I supposs you sente over M'. Winslow, and we 
 M'. Hatherley, to certifie each other how y" state of things 
 stood. We have received some contente upon M'. Hath- 
 erley's returne, and I hope you will receive good contente 
 
 * They were too short in resting on M"^. Hatherleys honest word, for his 
 order to discharg them from y Friendship's accounte, when he and M'. 
 Ailerton made y bargane "with them, and they delivered them the rest of y^ 
 goods ; and therby gave them oppertunitie also to receive all the fraight 
 of boath viages, without seeing an order (to have such power) under their 
 hands in writing, which they never doubted of, seeing he affirmed he had 
 power; and they both knew his honestie, and y' he was spetially imployed 
 for their agente at this time. And he was as shorte in resting on a verball 
 order from them ; which was now denyed, when it came to a perticuler of 
 loss ; but he still affirmed the same. But they were both now taught how 
 to deale in y^ world, espetially with marchants, in such cases. But in ye end 
 this light upon these here also, for M'. Allerton had gott all into his owne 
 hand, and M'. Hatherley was not able to pay it, except they would have 
 uterlie undon him, as y- sequell will manifest. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 337 
 
 upon M'. Winslow's returne. Now I should come to answer 
 more perliculerly your letter, but herin I shall be very breefe. 
 The coming of y' White Angele on your accounte could not 
 be more Strang to you, then y° buying of her was to us; 
 for you gave him coinission * that what he did you would 
 stand too ; we gave him none, and yet for his credite, and 
 your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, &c. For y' 
 I write she was to acte tow parts, fishing & trade ; beleeve 
 me, I never so much as thought of any perticuler trade, 
 nor will side with anj' y' doth, if I conceive it may wrong 
 you ; for I ever was against it, useing these words : They 
 will eate up and destroy y" generall. 
 
 Other things I omite as tedious, and not very perte- 
 nente. This was dated Nov"'. 19. 1631. 
 
 In an other leter bearing date y' 24. of this month, 
 being an answer to y'^ generall order, he hath these 
 words : — 
 
 [184] For y' White Angell, against which you write so 
 ernestly, and saj' we thrust her upon you, contrary to y" 
 iutente of y° buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves, 
 and doe us wrong. We will not take uppon us to devine 
 what J-" thougts or intents of y'' buyer was, but what he 
 spack we heard, and that we will affirme, and make good 
 against any y' oppose it; which is, y' unles shee were 
 bought, and shuch a course taken, Ashley could not be 
 supplyed ; and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we could 
 not be satisfied what we were out for you. And further, 
 you were not able to doe it ; and he gave some reasons 
 
 •This comission is atiused; he never had any for shuch end, as they well 
 knew, nether had they any to pay this money, nor would have paid a peny, 
 if they had not pleased for some other respecte. 
 
338 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 which we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable re- 
 fusall you will force us, and so hasten y' lire which is a 
 kindling too fast allready, &c. 
 
 Old of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631. 
 
 We purpose to keep y" Freidship and y" Whit Angell, 
 for y" last year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping 
 togeither they will rather produse profile then loss, and 
 breed less confation in our accounts, and less disturbance 
 in our affections. As for y° White Angell, though we layed 
 out y"^ money, and tooke bills of salle in our owne names, 
 yet none of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of 
 deviding from you in any thing this year, because we would 
 not have y° world (I may say Bristoll) take notice of any 
 breach betwixte M'. AUerton and you, and he and us ; and 
 so disgrace him in his proceedings on * in his intended viage. 
 We have now let him y" ship at 30". p' month, by charter- 
 partie, and bound him in a bond of a 1000''. to performe 
 covenants, and bring her to London (if God please). And 
 what he brings in her for you, shall be marked w* your 
 marke, and bils of laden taken, & sent in M'. Winslows 
 letter, who is this day riding to Bristoll about it. So in 
 this viage, we deale & are with him as strangers. He hath 
 brought in 3. books of accounts, one for y" company, an 
 other for Ashley's bussines, and y' third for y" Whit-Angell 
 and Freidship. The books, or coppies, we purpose to send 
 you, for you may discover y° errours in them better then 
 we. We can make it appear how much money he hath had 
 of us, and you can charg him with all y' beaver he hath 
 had of you. The totall sume, as he hath put it, is 7103. 17. 1. 
 Of this he hath expended, and given to M'. Vines & others, 
 aboute 543''. ode money, and then by your books you will 
 
 » in MS. 
 
1G31.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 339 
 
 find whether yovi had such, & so much goods, as he chargeth 
 you with all ; and this is all that I can say at presente con- 
 cerning these accounts. He thought to dispatch them in 
 a few howers, but he and Straton & I'^ogge were above 
 a month aboute them ; but he could not stay till we had 
 examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear he 
 hath allready done, &c. 
 
 AVe blese God, who put both j^ou & us in mind to send 
 each to other, for veril}^ had he rune on in that desperate 
 & chargable course one year more, we had not been able to 
 suport him ; nay, both he and we must have lyen in y" 
 ditch, and sunck under y'^ burthen, &c. Had ther been 
 an orderly course taken, and your bussines better managed, 
 assuredly (by y' blessing of God) you had been y" ablest 
 plantation that, as we think, or know, hath been under- 
 taken by Englishmen, &c. 
 
 Thus farr of these letters of M'". Sherley's.*" 
 [185] A few observations from y'' former letters, 
 and then I shall set downe the simple truth of y'' 
 things (thus in controversie betweene them), at least 
 as farr as by any good evidence it could be made to 
 appeare ; and so laboure to be *breefe in so tedious 
 and intricate a bussines, which hunge in expostulation 
 betweene them many years before y'' same was ended. 
 That though ther will be often occasion to touch these 
 things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to 
 be large therin ; doing it hear once for all. 
 
 First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley's 
 bussines, and y" buying of this ship, and y** courses 
 
 * The last two words not found in the MS. but obYiously intended. 
 
340 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 framed ther upon, were first contrived and proposed 
 by M'. Allerton, as also y' the pleaes and pretences 
 which he made, of y' inablitie of y" plantation to 
 repaye their moneys, &c., and y" hoj^s he gave them 
 of doing it with profite, was more beleeved & rested 
 on by them (at least some of them) then any thing 
 y' plantation did or said. 
 
 2. It is like, though M". Allerton might thinke not 
 to wrong y* plantation in y'' maine, yet his owne 
 gaine and private ends led him a side in these things ; 
 for it came to be knowne, and I have it in a letter 
 under M^ Sherley's hand, that in y*^ first 2. or 3. 
 years of his imploymente, he had cleared up 400". and 
 put it into a brew-house of M^ Colliers in London, 
 at first under M". Sherley's name, &c. ; besids what 
 be might have other wise. Againe, M''. Sherle}* and 
 he had perticuler dealings in some things ; for he 
 bought up y" beaver that sea-men & other passengers 
 brought over to Bristol!, and at other places, and 
 charged y'" Ijills to London, which M^ Sherley payed; 
 and they got some time 50". a jieece in a bargen, as 
 was made knowne by M'. Hatherley & others, besids 
 what might be other wise ; which miirht make M'. 
 Sherley' barken unto him in many things ; and yet 
 I beleeve, as he in his forementioned leter write, 
 he never would side in any perticuler trade w*^'' he 
 conceived would wrong y" plantation, and eate up & 
 destroy y" generall. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 341 
 
 3'^. It may be perceived that, seeing they had done 
 90 much for y" plantation, both in former adventures 
 and late disbursements, and allso that M''. Allerton 
 was y'' first occasioner of bringing them upon these 
 new designes, which at first seemed faire & profitable 
 unto them, and unto which they agreed; but now, 
 seeing them to turne to loss, and decline to greater 
 intanglments, they thought it more meete for y" plan- 
 tation to bear them, then them selves, who had borne 
 much in other things allready, and so tooke advan- 
 tage of such comission & power as M"". Allerton had 
 formerly had as their agente, to devolve these things 
 upon them. 
 
 4'^. With pitie and compassion (touching M''. Aller- 
 ton) I may say with y° apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim. 
 6. 9. They that luiJl be rich fall into many temtations 
 and snares, &c., and pearce them selves throw with 
 many sorrows, (&c. ; for the love of money is y' roote of 
 all evill, V. 10. God give him to see y' evill in his 
 failings, that he may find mercie by repentance for y" 
 wrongs he hath done to any, and this pore plantation 
 in spetiall. They that doe such things doe not only 
 bring them selves into snares, and sorrows, but many 
 with them, (though in an other kind,) as lamentable 
 experience shows ; and is too manifest in this bussines. 
 [186] Now about these ships & their setting forth, 
 the truth, as farr as could be learned, is this. The 
 motion aboute setting forth y'^ fishing ship (caled y" 
 
342 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Frindship) came first from y" plantation, and y° rea- 
 sons of it, as is before rememl)ered ; but wholy left to 
 them selves to doe or not to doe, as they saw cause. 
 But when it fell into consideration, and y'= designe was 
 held to be profitable and hopefull, it was propounded 
 by some of them, why might not they doe it of them 
 selves, seeing they must disburse all y'^ money, and 
 what need they have any retferance to y" plantation 
 In jrt ; they might take y"" profite them selves, towards 
 other losses, & need not let y" plantation share therin ; 
 and if their ends were other wise answered for their 
 supplyes to come too them in time, it would be well 
 enough. So they hired her, & set her out, and 
 fraighted her as full as she could carry with passen- 
 gers goods y' belonged to y"= Massachussets, which rise 
 to a good sume of money ; intending to send y' plan- 
 tations supply in y* other ship. The eflecte of this 
 M"'. Hatherley not only declared afterward upon occa- 
 sion, but affirmed upon othe, taken before y« Gov"' & 
 Dep : Gov' of y'^ Massachusets, M''. Winthrop & M^ 
 Dudley : That this ship-Frindship was not sett out nor 
 intended for y'= joynt partnership of y'= plantation, but 
 for y" perticuler accounte of M"'. James Sherley, M"'. 
 Beachampe, M^ Andrews, M''. AUerton, & him selfe. 
 This deposition was taken at Boston y" 29. of Aug: 
 1639. as is to be seen under their hands; besids some 
 other concurente testimonies declared at several! times 
 to sundrie of them. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 34.3 
 
 About y' Whit-Angell, though she was first bought, 
 or at least the price beaten, by M''. Allerton (at Bris- 
 tol!), yet that had been nothing if M'. Sherley had 
 not liked it, and disbursed y*" money. And that she 
 was not intended for y" plantation appears by sun- 
 drie evidences ; * as, first, y° bills of sale, or charter- 
 parties, were taken in their owne names, without any 
 mention or refl'erance to y'' plantation at all; viz. M''. 
 Sherley, M''. Beachampe, M'. Andrews, M"'. Denison, 
 and M^ Allerton; for M'. Hatherley fell ofi", and 
 would not joyne with them in this. That she was 
 not bought for their accounte, M"'. Hatherley tooke 
 his oath before y° parties afforesaid, y"" day and year 
 above writen. 
 
 M"". Allerton tooke his oath to like eifecte concerning 
 this ship, the Whit-Angell, before y" Gov' & Deputie, 
 the 7. of Sep: 1639. and likewise deposed, y'' same 
 time, that M''. Hatherley and him selfe did, in the 
 behalfe of them selves and y"' said M''. Sherley, M'". 
 Andrews, & M''. Beachamp, agree and undertake to 
 discharge, and save harmless, all y"" rest of y' partners 
 & purchasers, of and from y" said losses of Freindship 
 for 200*'., which was to be discounted therupon ; as by 
 ther depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare 
 more at large, and some other depositions & other 
 
 * About y» Whit-Angell they all mette at a certaine tayerne in London, 
 ivher they had a diner prepared, and had a conference with a factoj-e aboute 
 selling of her in Spaine, or at Port a porte, as hath been before mentioned ; 
 as M^ Hatherley manifested, & M'". Allerton could not deney. 
 
344 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 testemonies by M''. Winslow,* &c. But I suppose 
 these may he sufiicente to evince the truth in these 
 things, against all pretences to y'' contrary. And yet 
 the burthen lay still upon y" plantation ; or, to speake 
 more truly and rightly, upon those few that were 
 ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through 
 these things without an}' help from any. 
 
 [187] Concerning M^ Allerton's accounts, they were 
 so larg and intrecate, as they could not well understand 
 them, much less examine & correcte them, without a 
 great deale of time & help, and his owne presence, 
 which was now hard to gett amongst them ; and it was 
 2. or 3. 3'ears before they could bring them to any 
 good pass, but never make them perfecte. I know 
 not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it, 
 for he tooke upon him to make up all accounts till 
 this time, though M"'. Sherley was their agente to buy 
 & sell their goods, and did more then he therin ; yet 
 he past in accounts in a maner for all disbursments, 
 both concerning goods bought, which he never saw, 
 
 * M"". Winslow deposed, y" same time, V>efore y^ Gov afore said, &c. that 
 when he came into England, and y^ partners inquired of y^ success of y** 
 Whit Angell, which should have heen laden w^'^ Lass and so sent for Port, 
 of Porting-gall, and their ship & goods to Ije sould; having informed them 
 that they were like to faile in their lading of bass, that then M^. James 
 Sherley used tliese ternies ; Feck, we must make one accounte of all; and 
 ther upon presed him, as agente for y" partners in Neu-England, to accepto 
 y said ship Whit-Angell, and her accounte, into y» joynte partner-ship; which 
 he refused, for many reasons ; and after received instructions from New-Engl : 
 to refuse her if she should Ije offered, which instructions he shewed them; 
 and wheras he was often pressed to accept her, he ever refused her, &c. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 345 
 
 but were done when he was hear in y'' cuntrio or at 
 sea ; and all y" expences of y" Leyden people, done 
 by others in his absence ; the charges aboute y° patente, 
 &c. In all which he made them debtore to him above 
 300". and demanded paimente of it. But when things 
 came to scaning, he was found above 2000''. debtore 
 to them, (this wherin M'. Hatherley & he being joyntly 
 ingaged, which he only had, being included,) besids 
 I know not how much y' could never be cleared ; and 
 interest moneys which ate them up, which he never 
 accounted. Also they were faine to alow such large 
 bills of charges as were intolerable ; the charges of y*^ 
 patent came to above 500''. and yet nothing done in it 
 but what was done at first without any confirmation ; 
 30". given at a clape, and 50". spent in a journey. No 
 marvell therfore if M''. Sherley said in his leter, if their 
 bussines had been better managed, they might have 
 been y' richest jjlantation of any English at y' time. 
 Yea, he scrued up his poore old father in law's accounte 
 to above 200". and brought it on y° generall accounte, 
 and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of 
 those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per 
 cent., because he knew they would never let it lye 
 on y" old man, when, alass ! he, poore man, never 
 dreamte of any such thing, nor y' what he had could 
 arise nere y' valew ; but thought that many of them 
 had been freely bestowed on him & his children by 
 M''. AUerton. Nither in truth did they come nere y' 
 
346 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 valew in worth, but y' sume was blowne up by interest 
 & high prises, which y" company did for y"- most parte 
 bear, (he deserving farr more,) being most sory that 
 he should have a name to have much, when he had in 
 effecte litle. 
 
 This year also M'. Sherley sent over an accounte, 
 which was in a maner but a cash accounte what M"^. 
 Allerton had had of them, and disbursed, for which 
 he referd to his accounts ; besids an account of beaver 
 sould, which M^ Winslow & some others had carried 
 over, and a large supplj^ of goods which M'. Winslow 
 had sent & brought over, all which was comprised in y' 
 accounte, and all y^ disbursments aboute y'' Freindship, 
 & Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts 
 from first to last ; or any thing else he could charg 
 y*' partners with. So they were made debtor in y*^ 
 foote of that accounte 4770*'. 19. 2.* besids 1000''. still 
 due for y'= purchase yet unpaj'ed ; notwithstanding all 
 y" beaver, and returnes that both Ashley & they had 
 made, which were not small. 
 
 [188] In these accounts of M''. Sherley's some things 
 were obscure, and some things twise charged, as a 100. 
 
 * So as a while before, wheras their great care was how to pay the pur- 
 chase, and those other few delits which were upon them, now it was with 
 them as it was some times with Saule's father, who left careing for j-« Asses, 
 and sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2. So that which before thej looked 
 at as a heayie burthen, they now esteeme but a small thing and a light 
 mater, in comparison of what was now upon them. And thus y° Lord 
 oftentimes deals with his people to teach them, and humble them, that he 
 may doe them good in y" later end. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 347 
 
 of Bastable ruggs which came in y" Freindship, & cost 
 75"., charged before by M^ Allerton, and now by him 
 againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull, 
 to be twise or thi-ise charged; as also a sume of 600''. 
 which M''. Allerton deneyed, and they could never un- 
 derstand for what it was. They sent a note of these 
 & such like things afterward to M''. Sherley by M''. 
 Winslow ; but (I know not how it came to pass) could 
 never have them explained. 
 
 Into these deepe sumes had M"^. Allerton rune them 
 in tow years, for in y'= later end of y" year 1628. all 
 their debts did not amounte to much above 400"., as 
 was then noted ; and now come to so many thousands. 
 And wheras in y'= year 1629. M"'. Sherley & M'. Hath- 
 erley being at Bristoll, and write a large letter from 
 thence, in which they had given an account of y" debts, 
 and what sumes were then disbursed, M^ Allerton 
 never left begging & intreating of them till they had 
 put it out. So they bloted out 2. lines in y' leter in 
 which y' sumes were contained, and write upon it so 
 as not a word could be perceived ; as since by them 
 was confessed, and by y'^ leters may be seene. And 
 thus were they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were 
 so deeply ingaged. And wheras M\ Sherley did so 
 ernestly press y' M". Allerton might be sent over to 
 finish y" great bussines aboute y'' patente, as may 
 be seen in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded, 
 and y' they should be ernest w"' his wife to suffer him 
 
348 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 to goe, &c., he hath since confessed by a letter under 
 my hands, that it was M"'. AUerton's owne doings, and 
 not his, and he made him write his woi-ds, & not his 
 owne. The patent was but a pretence, and not y"* 
 thing. Thus were they abused in their simplicitie, 
 and no beter then bought & sould, as it may seeme. 
 
 And to mend y' matter, M^ AUerton doth in a sorte 
 wholy now deserte them ; having brought them into y"^ 
 briers, he leaves them to gett out as they can. But 
 God crost him mightily, for he having hired y'= ship 
 of M"'. Sherly at 30''. a month, he set forth againe 
 with a most wicked and drunken crue, and for covet- 
 ousnes sake did so over lade her, not only filling her 
 hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she was 
 walte, and could not bear sayle, and they had like to 
 have been cast away at sea, and vrere forced to put 
 for Millford Havene, and new-stow her, & put some 
 of ther ordnance & more heavie goods in y" botome ; 
 which lost them time, and made them come late into 
 y** countrie, lose ther season, and made a worse viage 
 then y"^ year before. But being come into y'^ countrie, 
 he sells trading comodities to any y' will buy, to y*^ 
 great prejudice of y" plantation here ; but that which 
 is worse, what he could not sell, he trustes ; and sets 
 up a company of base felows and maks them traders, 
 to rune into every hole, & into y° river of Kenebeck, 
 to gleane away y"' trade from y"" house ther, aboute 
 y'= patente & priviledge wherof he had dasht away so 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 349 
 
 much money of theirs here ; [189] and now what in 
 him lay went aboute to take away y" benetite therof, 
 and to overthrow them. Yea, not only this, but he 
 furnishes a company, and joyus with some consorts, 
 (being now deprived of Ashley at Penobscote,) and 
 sets up a trading house beyoned Penobscote, to cute 
 of y'^ trade from thence also. But y" French perceiv- 
 ing that that would be greatly to their damage allso, 
 they came in their begining before the}' were well 
 setled, and displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and 
 tooke all their goods to a good valew, y" loss being 
 most, if not all, M^ Allerton's ; for though some of 
 them should have been his partners, yet he trusted 
 them for their partes ; the rest of y"* men wei'e sent 
 into France, and this was the end of y' projecte. The 
 rest of those he trusted, being lose and drunken fel- 
 lows, did for y" most parte but coussen & cheate him 
 of all they got into their hands ; that howsoever he 
 did his friends some hurte hereby for y'= presente, yet 
 he gate litle good, but wente by y" loss by Gods just 
 hand. After in time, when he came to Plimoth, y" 
 church caled him to accounte for these, and other his 
 grosse miscarrages ; he confessed his faulte, and prom- 
 ised better walking, and that he would wind him selfe 
 out of these courses as soone as he could, &c. 
 
 This year also M^ Sherley would needs send them 
 over a new-acountante ; he had made mention of such 
 a thing y'^ year before, but they write him word, that 
 
350 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 their charge was great allready, aod they neede not 
 increase it, as this woukl ; but if they were well delte 
 with, and had their goods well sent over, they could 
 keep their accounts hear them selves. Yet he now 
 sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger 
 brother of JVP. Winslows, whom they had been at 
 charge to instructe at London before he came. He 
 came over in the White Angell with M'. Allei'ton, 
 and ther begane his first imploymente; for though 
 M'. Sherley had so farr befreinded M". Allerton, as 
 to cause * M"". Winslow to ship y'^ supply sente to y' 
 partners here in this ship, and give him 4". p' tune, 
 wheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay 
 their fraight ready downe, before y*" ship wente out of 
 y" harbore, wheras others payed upon certificate of y'' 
 goods being delivered, and their fraight came to up- 
 ward of 6. score pounds, yet they had much adoe to 
 have their goods delivered, for some of them were 
 chainged, as bread & j^ease ; they were forced to take 
 worse for better, neither could they ever gett all. 
 And if Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been 
 worse ; for he had y'^ invoyce, and order to send them 
 to y' trading houses. 
 
 This year their house at Penobscott was robed by y" 
 French, and all their goods of any worth they carried 
 away, to y'^ value of 400. or 500". as y"' cost first peny 
 worth; in beaver 300". waight ; and y" rest in trading 
 
 * This word is obscure in MS. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 3.51 
 
 goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c. It was 
 in this maner. The m''. of j" liouse, and parte of y" 
 company with him, were come with their vessell to y" 
 westward to fecth a supplj' of goods which was brought 
 over for them. In y' mean time comes a smale French 
 ship into y" harbore (and amongst y"" company was a 
 false Scott) ; they pretended they were nuly come from 
 y*^ sea, and knew not wher they were, and that their 
 vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her 
 a shore and stop their leaks. And many French com- 
 plements they used, and congees they made ; and in 
 y" ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, y' were ser- 
 vants, and by this Scoth-man understanding that y" 
 maister & ye rest of y' company were gone from 
 home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets, 
 that lay upon racks by y" wall side, and tooke them 
 downe to looke on theqi, asking if they were charged. 
 And when they were possesst of them, one presents 
 a peece ready charged against y'^ servants, and another 
 a pistol! ; and bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver 
 them their goods, and carries some of y"* men aborde, 
 & made y'^ other help to carry away y" goods. And 
 when they had tooke what they pleased, they sett them 
 at liberty, and wente their way, with this mocke, bid- 
 ing them tell their m^ when he came, that some of 
 y'= He of Rey gentlemen had been ther.* 
 
 * The above paragraph was written on the reverse of page 188 of the 
 original manuscript. 
 
352 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 * This year, on S' Christopher Gardener, being, as 
 him selfe said, descended of y' house y' the Bishop of 
 Winchester came of (who was so great a persecutor 
 of Gods saincts in Queene Maries daj's), and being a 
 srreat traveler, received his first honour of knls^hthood 
 at Jerusalem, being made Knight of y' Sepulcher ther. 
 He came into these parts under pretence of forsaking 
 y* world, and to live a jirivate life, in a godly course, 
 not unwilling to put him selfe upon anj- meane imploy- 
 ments, and take any paines for his living ; and some 
 time offered him selfe to joyne to y" churchs in sundry 
 places. He brought over with him a servante or 2. 
 and a comly yonge woman, whom be caled his cousin, 
 but it was suspected, she (after y'= Italian maner) was 
 his concubine. Living at y" Massachusets, for some 
 miscariages which he should have answered, he fled 
 away from authority, and gott , amonge y" Indeans of 
 these parts; they sent after him, but could not gett 
 him, and promissed some reward to those y' should 
 find him. The Indeans came to y" Gov' here, and 
 tould wher he was, and asked if they might kill him ; 
 he tould them no, by no means, but if they could take 
 him and bring him hither, they should be payed for 
 their paines. They said he had a gune & a rapier, 
 & he would kill them if y'-"' went aboute it; and y' 
 
 • The loUowing account of Sir Christopher Gardiner, with the documents 
 accompanying it, extending to page 357, does not appear in the text of the 
 original manuscript, — having l)een perhaps inadvertently omitted, — but was 
 written on the reverse of pages 189-191. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 353 
 
 Massachuset Indeans said they might kille him. But 
 y*^ Gov' tould them no, they should not kill him, but 
 watch their opportunitie, & take him. And so they 
 did, for when they light of him by a river side, he 
 got into a canowe to get from them, & when they 
 came nere him, whilst he presented his peece at them 
 to keep them of, the streame carried y'' canow against 
 a rock, and tumbled both him & his peece & rapier 
 into y'' water ; j^et he got out, and having a litle 
 dagger by his side, they durst not close with hiui, but 
 getting longe pols thej^ soone beat his dagger out of 
 his hand, so he was glad to yeeld ; and they brought 
 him to y' Gov''. But his hands and armes were swolen 
 & very sore with y' blowes they had given him. So 
 he used him kindly, & sent him to a lodging wher his 
 armes were bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly 
 well againe, and blamed y*" Indeans for beating him 
 so much. They said that they did but a litle whip 
 him with sticks. In his lodging, those y' made his 
 bed found a litle note booke that by accidente had 
 slipt out of his pockett, or some private place, in 
 which was a memorial! what day he was reconciled 
 to y'' pope & church of Rome, and in what universitie 
 he tooke his scapula, and such & such degrees. It 
 being brought to y" Gov'', he kept it, and sent y" 
 Gov'' of y^ Massachusets word of his taking, who sent 
 for him. So y"* Gov'' sent him and these notes to y° 
 Gov'' ther, who tooke it very thankfuly; but after he 
 
354 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 gott for England, he shewed his aialice, but God pre- 
 vented him. 
 
 See y" Gov'' leter on y" other side.* 
 
 S'^: It hath pleased God to briug S^ Christopher Gardener 
 safe to us, with thos that came with him. Aud howsoever I 
 never intended any hard measure to him, but to respecte and 
 use him according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your 
 care of him, and y' he shall speed y'^ better for your medi- 
 ation. It was a spetiall providence of God to bring those 
 notes of his to our hands ; I desire y' you will please to 
 speake to all y' are privie to them, not to discovere them 
 to any one, for y' may frustrate y" means of any further 
 use to be made of them. The good Lord our God who hath 
 allways ordered things for y" good of his poore churches 
 here, directe us in this arighte, and dispose it to a good 
 issue. I am sorie we put you to so much trouble about this 
 gentleman, espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but 
 I know not how to avoyed it. I must againe intreate you, 
 to let me know what charge & troble any of your people 
 have been at aboute him, y' it may be recompenced. So 
 with the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to 
 your selfe & yours, aud to all my worthy friends with you 
 (whom I love in y' Lord), I comende you to his grace & 
 good providence, & rest 
 
 Your most assured friend, 
 
 John Winthrop. 
 
 Boston, May 5. 1631. 
 
 By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to 
 declare what fell out by this mans means & malice, 
 
 * That is, in the original manuscript. 
 
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 355 
 
 complying with others. And though I doubt not but 
 it will be more fully done by my honourd friends, 
 whom it did more directly concerne, and have more 
 perticuler knowledg of y"^ matter, j^et I will here give 
 a hinte of y" same, and Gods providence in preventing 
 y"' hurte that might have come by y^ same. The 
 intelligence I had by a letter from my much hon'* 
 and beloved freind, M"'. John Winthrop, Gov'' of y" 
 Massachusets. 
 
 S': Upon a petition exhibited by S'. Christo : Gardner, S^ 
 Ferd : Gorges, Captaine Masson, &c., against you and us, the 
 cause was heard before y'' lords of y' Privie Counsell, and 
 after reported to y'' king, the sucsess wherof maks it evi- 
 dent to all, that y' Lord hath care of his people hear. Tlie 
 passages are admirable, and too long to write. I hartily 
 wish an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being may 
 sheets of paper. But y° conclusion was (against all mens 
 expectation) an order for our incouragmente, and much blame 
 and disgrace upon y*^ adversaries, w"'' calls for much thank- 
 fullnes from us all, which we purpose (y" Lord willing) to 
 express in a day of thanks-giving to our mercifull God, 
 (I doubt not but you will consider, if it be not fitt for you 
 to joyne in it,) wdio, as he hath humbled us by his late cor- 
 rection, so he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing, 
 in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger ; so as that 
 w"*" our enemies buUte their hopes upon to mine us by. He 
 hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall 
 further aquainte you, when occasion shall serve. 
 
 The coppy of y" order follows. 
 
356 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 At y" courte at Whit-hall y' 19. Jan: 1632. 
 
 Present 
 
 Sigilliiin Lord Privie Seale Lord Cottinton 
 
 Ea: of Dorsett M'. Tre' 
 
 Lo: Vi: Falkland M'. Vic Chamb' 
 
 Lo : Bp : of London M"'. Sec : Cooke 
 
 Maister Sec : AViudebanck 
 
 Wheras his Ma"° hath latly been informed of great dis- 
 traction and much disorder in y' plantation in y" parts of 
 America called New-England, which, if they be true, & suf- 
 fered to rune on, would tende to y° great dishonour of this 
 kiugdome, and utter mine of that plantation. For pre- 
 vention wherof, and for y° orderly settling of goverment, 
 according to y" intention of those patents which have been 
 granted by his Ma'"' and from his late royall father king 
 James, it hath pleased his Ma'"' that y'= lords & others of his 
 most honourable Privie Couusell, should take y'' same into 
 consideration. Their lordships in y" first place thought fltt 
 to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination of y° 
 matters informed ; which comitties having called diverse of 
 y'= principal! adventurers in y' plantation, and heard those 
 that are complanants against them, most of the things in- 
 formed being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties 
 that must be called from y' place, which required a long 
 espence of time ; and at presente their lordships finding the 
 adventurers were upon dispatch of men, victles, and mar- 
 chandice for y' place, all which would be at a stand, if y° 
 adventurers should have disconragmente, or take suspition 
 that the state hear had no good opinion of y' plantation; 
 their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any be) 
 of some perticuler men upon the generall govermente, or 
 principall adventurers, (which in due time is further to be 
 
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 357 
 
 inquired into,) have thought fitt in y'' meane time to declare, 
 that the appearenees were so faire, and hopes so greate, y' 
 the countrie would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom, 
 and profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as y' the ad- 
 venturers had cause to goe on cherfuUy with their under- 
 takings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was 
 pretended when y° patents were granted, and accordingly as 
 by the patentes it is appointed, his Majestie would not only 
 maintaine the liberties & privileges heretofore granted, but 
 supply any thing further that might tend to the good gover- 
 mente, pi'osperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that 
 place, &c. 
 
 William Trumball. 
 
 A^ino Dom: 1632. 
 
 M". Allerton, returning for England, litle regarded 
 his bound of a 1000*'. to performe covenants ; for 
 wheras he was bound by y'' same to bring j" ship to 
 [190] London, and to pay 30*'- per month for her hire, 
 he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristol! 
 againe, from whence he intended to sett her out againe, 
 and so did y*" 3. time, into these parts (as after will 
 appear) ; and though she had been 10. months upon 
 y" former viage, at 30". p'' month, yet he never payed 
 peney for hire. It should seeme he knew well enough 
 how to deale with M^ Sherley. And INP. Sherley, 
 though he would needs tye her & her accounte upon 
 y'^ generall, yet he would disj^ose of her as him selfe 
 pleased; for though M''. Winslow had in their names 
 protested against y'^ receiving her on y' accounte, or if 
 
358 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 ever they should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet 
 never to suffer M'. AUerton to have any more to doe 
 in her, 3'et he y"' last year let her wholy unto him, 
 and injoyned them to send all their supplye in her to 
 their prejudice, as is liefore noted. And now, though 
 he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire, 
 nor was ever like to keep covenants, j^et now he goes 
 and sells him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from 
 first to last (and in effecte he might as well have given 
 him y^ same) ; and not only this, but he doth as 
 good as provide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him 
 one j^ears time to prepare his accounte, and then to 
 give up y'^ same to them here ; and then another year 
 for him to make paymente of what should be due upon 
 y' accounte. And in y'^ mean time writs ernestly to 
 them not to interupte or hinder him from his bussines, 
 or stay him aboute clearing accounts, &c. : so as he 
 in y* mean time gathers up all monies due for fraighte, 
 and any other debtes belonging either to her, or y° 
 Frindship's accounts, as his owne perticuler ; and after, 
 sells ship, & ordnans, fish, & what he had raised, in 
 Spaine, according to y' first designe, in effecte ; and 
 who had, or what became of y'^ money, he best knows. 
 In y- mean time their hands were bound, and could doe 
 nothing but looke on, till he had made all away into 
 other mens hands (save a few catle & a litle land & 
 some small maters he had here at Plimoth), and so in 
 y'' end removed, as he had allready his person, so all 
 
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 359 
 
 his from hence. This will better appere by M^ Sher- 
 ley's leter. 
 
 S': These few lines are further to give you to understand, 
 that seeing you & we, that never differed yet but aboute y° 
 White-Angell, which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive 
 it doth you. And now M'. Allerton beeing here, we have 
 had some coufferance with him about her, and And him very 
 willing to give you & us all contente y' possiblie he can, 
 though he burthen him selfe. He is contente to take y' 
 "White-Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett 
 with pirates nere y° coast of lerland, which tooke away his 
 best sayles & other provissions from her ; so as verily if we 
 should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small price, 
 besids her ordnance. And to set her forth againe with fresh 
 money we would not, she being now at BristoU. "VVherfore 
 we thought it best, both for you & us, M'. Allerton being 
 willing to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand 
 pounds, to give [191] j'Ou a true & perfecte accounte, and 
 take y*^ whole charge of y'^ Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe, 
 from y" first to y' last. The accounte he is to make and 
 perfecte within 12. mouths from y'' date of this letter, and 
 then to pay you at 6. and G. months after, what soever shall 
 be due unto you and us upon the foote of y' accounte. 
 And verily, notwithstanding all y" disasters he hath had, 
 I am perswaded he hatli enough to pay all men here and 
 ther. Only they must have patience till he can gather in 
 what is due to him ther. I doe not write this slightly, but 
 upon some ground of what I have seen (and perhaps you 
 know not of) under y' hands & seals of some, &c. I rest 
 Your assured friend, 
 
 James Sherlet. 
 
 Des: 6. 1632. 
 
360 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 But heres not a word of y'' breach of former bonds 
 & covenants, or paimente of y' ships hire ; this ia 
 passt b}' as if no such thing had been ; besids what 
 bonds or obligments so ever they had of him, ther 
 never came any into y'' hands or sight of y*" partners 
 here. And for this j'' M". Sherley seems to intimate 
 (as a secrete) of his abilitie, under y"^ hands & seals 
 of some, it was but a ti'ick, having gathered up an 
 accounte of what was owing form such base fellows as 
 he had made traders for him, and other debts ; and 
 then got M^ Mahue, & some others, to afhrme under 
 their hand & scale, that they had seen shuch accounts 
 y' were due to him. 
 
 M'. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon 
 his owne occasions, and begane to make jDreparation 
 to plant & dwell in y' countrie. He with his former 
 dealings had wound in what money he had in y° patner- 
 ship into his owne hands, and so gave off all partner- 
 ship (excepte in name), as was found in y'' issue of 
 things ; neither did he medle, or take any care aboute 
 y'= same ; only he was troubled about his ingagmente 
 aboute y^ Friendship, as will after appeare. And now 
 partly aboute y' accounte, in some reconings betweene 
 ]\F. Allerton and him, and some debts y' ]\r. Allerton 
 otherwise owed him upon dealing between them in 
 perticuler, he drue up an accounte of above 2000"., 
 and would faine have ingaged y'' partners here with it, 
 because M^ Allerton had been their agent. But they 
 
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 361 
 
 tould him they had been fool'd longe enough with such 
 things, and shewed him y' it no way belonged to 
 them ; but tould him he must looke to make good his 
 ingagment for y' Freindship, which caused some trouble 
 betweene M^ Allerton and him. 
 
 M''. William Peirce did y" like, M''. Allerton being 
 wound into his debte also upon particuler dealings ; 
 as if they had been bound to make good all mens 
 debts. But they easily shooke off these things. But 
 M''. Allerton herby rane into much trouble & vexation, 
 as well as he had troubled others, for M^ Denison sued 
 him for y" money he had disbursed for y^ 6. part of 
 y'' Whit-Angell, & recovered y" same with damages. 
 
 Though y"^ partners were thus pluged into great in- 
 gagments, & oppresed with unjust debts, yet y"" Lord 
 prospered their trading, that they made 3'early large 
 returnes, and had soone wound them selves out of all, 
 if yet they had otherwise been well delt with all ; as 
 will more appear here after. [192] Also y» people 
 of y^ plantation begane to grow in their owtward 
 estats, by reason * of y*" flowing of many people into 
 y" cuntrie, espetially into y'' Bay of y'' Massaclmsets ; 
 by which means corne & catle rose to a great prise, 
 by w* many were much inriched, and coinodities grue 
 plentifuU ; and yet in other regards this benefite turned 
 to their hurte, and this accession of strength to their 
 weaknes. For now as their stocks increased, and y"" 
 
 • Rea- in the manuscript. 
 
362 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 increse vendible, ther was no longer any holding them 
 togeather, but now they must of necessitie goe to their 
 great lots ; they could not other wise keep their katle ; 
 and having oxen growne, they must have land for 
 plowing & tillage. And no man now thought he could 
 live, except he had catle and a great deale of ground 
 to keep them ; all striving to increase their stocks. 
 By which means they were scatered all over y'' bay, 
 quickly, and y' towne, in which they lived compactly 
 till now, was left very thine, and in a short time 
 allmost desolate. And if this had been all, it had 
 been less, thoug to much ; but y' church must also be 
 devided, and those y' had lived so long togeather in 
 Christian & comfortable fellowship must now part and 
 sufler many divissions. First, those that lived on their 
 lots on y^ other side of y'^ bay (called Duxbcrie) the}' 
 could not long bring their wives & children to y* 
 publick worship & church meetings here, but with such 
 burthen, as, growing to some competente number, they 
 sued to ))e dismissed and become a body of them 
 selves ; and so they were dismiste (about this time) , 
 though very unwillingly. But to touch this sadd 
 matter, and handle things together that fell out after- 
 ward. To prevent any further scatering from this 
 place, and weakning of y" same, it was thought best to 
 give out some good farms to spetiall persons, y"^ would 
 promise to live at Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull 
 to y*^ church or comonewelth, and so tye y'^ lands to 
 
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 363 
 
 Plimoth as farmes for the same ; and ther they might 
 keepe their catle & tillage by some servants, and re- 
 taine their dwellings here. And so some spetiall lands 
 were granted at a place generall, called Greens Harbor, 
 wher no allotments had been in y^ former divission, a 
 plase very weell meadowed, and fitt to keep & rear 
 catle, good store. But alass ! this remedy proved worse 
 then y"' disease ; for w"'in a few years those that had 
 thus gott footing ther rente them selves away, partly 
 by force, and partly wearing y" rest with importunitie 
 and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer 
 them to goe, or live in continuall opposition and con- 
 tention. And others still, as y'^'' conceived them selves 
 straitened, or to want accomodation, break away under 
 one pretence or other, thinking their owne conceived 
 necessitie, and the example of others, a warrente suffi- 
 cente for them. And this, I fear, will be y« ruine of 
 New-England, at least of y" churches of God ther, & 
 will provock y* Lords displeasure against them. 
 
 [193] This year, M''. William Perce came into y" 
 cuntry, & brought goods and passengers, in a ship 
 caled y" Lyon, which belonged cheefly to M^ Sherley, 
 and y" rest of y'' Loudon partners, but these hear had 
 nothing to doe with her. In this ship (besides beaver 
 which they had sent home before) they sent upwards 
 of 800". in her, and some otter skines ; and also y" 
 coppies of M^ Allertons accounts, desiring that they 
 would also peruse & examene them, and rectifie shuch 
 
364 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 things as they should find amise in them ; and rather 
 because they were better acquaynted with y" goods 
 bought ther, and y' disbursments made, then they 
 could bee here ; yea, a great part were done by them 
 selves, though W. Allerton brougt in y" accounte, 
 and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had 
 need of clearing. Also they sente a booke of excep- 
 tions against his accounts, in such things as they could 
 manifest, and doubted not but they might adde more 
 therunto. And also shewed them how much M^ Aller- 
 ton was debtor to y*^ accounte ; and desired, seeing 
 they had now put y" ship White- Angell, and all, 
 wholy into his power, and tj'ed their hands here, that 
 they could not call him to accounte for any thinge, till 
 y*" time was expired which they had given him, and 
 by that time other men would get their debts of him, 
 (as sume had done already b}' suing him,) and he 
 would make all away here quickly' out of their reach ; 
 and therfore praj^ed them to looke to things, and gett 
 paj'mente of him ther, as it was all j" reason they 
 should, seeing they keept all y' bonds & covenants 
 they made with him in their owne hands ; and here 
 they could doe nothing by y^ course they had taken, 
 nor had any thing to show if they should goe aboute 
 it. But it pleased God, this ship, being first to goe 
 to Verginia before she wente home, was cast away on 
 y' coast, not farr from Virginia, and their beaver was 
 all lost (which was y^ first loss they sustained in that 
 
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 365 
 
 kind) ; but M"'. Peirce & y" men saved their lives, 
 and also their leters, and gott into Virginia, and so 
 safly home. Y" accounts were now sent from hence 
 againe to them. And thus much of y" passages of this 
 year. 
 
 A part of M''. Peirce his Jeter * from Virginia. 
 It was dated in Des : 25. 1632. and came to their 
 hand y° 7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from 
 England. 
 
 Dear freinds, &c. Y' bruit of this fatall stroke that y' 
 Lord hath brought both on me and you all will come to your 
 ears before this coineth to your hands, (it is like,) and ther- 
 fore I shall not need to inlarg in perticulers, &c. My whole 
 estate (for y' most parte) is taken away ; and so yours, in 
 a great measure, by this and your former losses [he means 
 by y' French & M'. AUerton] . It is time to looke aboute 
 us, before y= wrath of y' Lord breake forth to utter destruc- 
 tion. The good Lord give us all grace to search our harts 
 and trie our ways, and turue unto y" Lord, and humble our 
 selves under his mightie hand, and seeke atonemente, &c. 
 Dear freinds, you may know y' all your beaver, and y° books 
 of your accounts, are swallowed up in y" sea ; your letters 
 remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if God bring me 
 home. But what should I more say? Have we lost our 
 outward estates? yet a hapy loss if our sonles may gaine ; 
 ther is yet more in y'' Lord Jehova than ever we had yet 
 in y" world. Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained 
 from y" things here below, which are vanity and vexation 
 
 * This letter was written on the reverse of folio 192 of the original manu- 
 script, and may properly be inserted here. 
 
366 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 of spirite ; and yet we fooles catch after shadows, y' flye 
 away, & are gone in a momente, &c. Thus with my con- 
 tinuall remembrance of you in my poore desires to y" throne 
 of grace, beseeching God to renew his love & favoure towards 
 you all, in & through y" Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall 
 & temporall good things, as may be most to the glory & praise 
 of his name, and your everlasting good. So I rest. 
 Your afflicted brother in Christ, 
 
 William Peiece. 
 Virginia, Des : 25. 1632. 
 
 A7ino Bom: 1633. 
 
 This year M"'. Ed : Winslow was chosen Governor. 
 
 By the first returne this year, they had leters from 
 M^ Sherley of M^ Allertons further ill success, and 
 y^ loss by M^ Peirce, with many sadd complaints ; 
 but litle hope of any thinge to be gott of M''. AUer- 
 ton, or how their accounts might be either eased, or 
 any way rectified by them ther ; but now saw plainly 
 y' the burthen of all would be cast on their backs. 
 The spetiall passages of his letters I shall here inserte, 
 as shall be pertinente to these things ; for though I am 
 weary of this tedious & uncomfortable subjecte, yet 
 for y*^ clearing of y" truth I am compelled to be more 
 larg in y'' opening of these matters, upon w"=*' [194] 
 so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard cen- 
 sures have jDassed on both sids. I would not be par- 
 tiall to either, but deliver y"" truth in all, and, as nere 
 as I can, in their owne words and passages, and so 
 leave it to the impartiall judgment of any that shall 
 
EDWARD WINSLOW, 
 
1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 367 
 
 come to read, or veiw these things. His leters are as 
 folow, dated June 24. 1633. 
 
 Loving friends, my last* was sente in y= Mary & John, 
 by M'. William Collier, &c. I then certifled you of y= great, 
 & uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you & we had, in 
 y" loss of M'. Peirce his ship, y' Lyon ; but y' Lords holy 
 name be blessed, who gives & taks as it pleaseth him ; his 
 will be done, Amen. I then related unto you y' fearfuU 
 accidente, or rather judgmente, y" Lord pleased to lay on 
 London Bridge, by fire, and therin gave you a touch of my 
 great loss ; the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear 
 it, and faith to trust in him, & not in these slipery and un- 
 certaine things of this world. 
 
 I hope M'. Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this ; 
 but he had many disasters here before he could gett away ; 
 yet y" last was a heavie one ; his ship, going out of y" har- 
 bor at Bristoll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on y" 
 shore, as it cost him above 100". before shee could be gott 
 off againe. Verily his case was so lamentable as I could 
 not but afford him some help therin (and so did some 'Were 
 strangers to him) ; besids, your goods were in her, and if 
 he had not been supported, he must have broke off his 
 viage, and so loss could not have been avoyded on all 
 sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he had made 
 a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never set 
 her forth. I hope he sees y° Lords hand against him, 
 and will leave of these viages. I thinke we did well in 
 parting with her ; she would have been but a clogge to 
 y' accounte from time to time, and now though we shall 
 not gett much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall lose 
 no more. And now, as before I have writte, I pray you 
 finish all y' accounts and reconings with him there ; for here 
 
 • March 22. 
 
368 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 he hath nothing, but manj' debtes that he stands ingaged 
 to many men for. Besids, here is not a man y' will spend 
 a day, or scarce an hower, aboute y" accounts but my selfe, 
 and y' bussines will require more time and help then I can 
 afford. I shall not need to say any more ; I hope you will 
 doe y' which shall be best & just, to which adde mercie, 
 and consider his iutente, though he failed in many perticu- 
 lers, which now cannot be helped, &c. 
 
 To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 300''. 
 and M'. Beachamp is out of y° towne, yet y' bussines I 
 must doe. Oh the greefe & trouble y' man, M'. Allerton, 
 hath brought upon you and us ! I cannot forgett it, and 
 to thinke on it draws many a sigh from mj^ harte, and 
 teares from my ej'es. And now y' Lord hath visited me 
 with an other great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more 
 patience. But this I have foUishly pulled upon my selfe, 
 &c. [And in another, he hath this passage :] By M^ AUer- 
 tons faire propositions and large [195] promises, I have 
 over rune my selfe ; verily, at this time greefe hinders me 
 to write, and tears will not suffer me to see ; wherfore, as 
 you love those that ever loved you, and y' plantation, thinke 
 upon us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused 
 your trust and wronged our loves ! but now to complaine is 
 too late, nither can I complaine of your backwardnes, for 
 I am perswaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth 
 on our purses or credites. And had y' Lord sent M'. 
 Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of some 
 of those debts ; the Lord I hope will give us patience to 
 bear these crosses ; and that great God, whose care & 
 providence is every where, and spetially over all those that 
 desire truly to fear and serve him, direct, guid, prosper, 
 & blesse you so, as y' you may be able (as I perswade 
 my selfe you are willing) to discharge & take off this great 
 & heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks ; 
 and I hope in y" ende for y° good of you, and many thou- 
 
1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 369 
 
 sands more ; for had not you & we joyned & continued 
 togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce linowne, 
 I am perswaded, not so replenished & inhabited with honest 
 English people, as it now is. The Lord increase & blesse 
 thetn, &c. So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest 
 Your assureil loving friend, 
 
 James Sherlet. 
 June 24. 1633. 
 
 By this it apperes when M''. Sherly sould. him y" ship 
 & all her accounts, it was more for ]\r. AUertons ad- 
 vantage then theirs ; and if they could get an^^ there, 
 well & good, for they were like to have nothing here. 
 And what course was held to hinder them there, hath 
 allready beene manifested. And though M^ Sherley 
 became more siusible of his ownc condition, by these 
 losses, and therby more sadly & plainly to complaine 
 of M''. AUerton, yet no course was taken to help them 
 here, but all left unto them selves ; not so much as to 
 examene & rectifie y° accounts, b\' which (it is like) 
 some hundereds of pounds might have been taken off. 
 But very probable it is, the more they saw was taken 
 off, y" less might come unto them selves. But I leave 
 these maters, & come to other things. 
 
 M\ Eoger Williams (a man godly & zealous, having 
 many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente) 
 came over first to y'^ Massachusets, but upon some dis- 
 contente left y' place, and came hither, (wher he was 
 friedly entertained, according to their poore abilitie,) 
 and exercised his gifts amongst them, & after some 
 
370 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 time was admitted a memljer of y*" cliurcti ; and his 
 teaching well approoved, for y" benetite wherof I still 
 blese God, and am thankfuU to him, even for his 
 sharpest admonitions & reproufs, so farr as they agreed 
 with truth. He this year begane to fall into some 
 Strang oppiions, and from opinion to practise ; which 
 caused some coutroversie betweene y'' church & him, 
 and in y" end some discoutente on his i^arte, by occa- 
 sion wherof he left them some thing abruptly. Yet 
 after wards sued for his dismission to y'^ church of 
 Salem, whicii was granted, with some caution to them 
 concerning him, and what care they ought to have of 
 him. But he soone fell into more things ther, both 
 to their and y" goverments treble and [196] disturb- 
 ance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they are 
 too well knowen now to all, though for a time y*' 
 church here wente under some hard censure by his 
 occasion, from some that afterwards smarted them 
 selves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and 
 so I shall leave y"" matter, and desire y"" Lord to shew 
 him his errors, and reduse him into y'' way of truth, 
 and give him a setled judgment and constancie in y^ 
 same ; for I hope he belongs to y° Lord, and y' he 
 will shew him mercie. 
 
 Having had formerly converse and famliarity with 
 y' Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them 
 seated here in a barren quarter, tould them of a river 
 called by them y"" Fresh River, but now is known 
 
1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 371 
 
 by y'' name of Conightecute-River, which they often 
 comended unto them for a fine place both for plantation 
 and trade, and wished them to make use of it. But 
 their hands being full otherwise, they let it pass. But 
 afterwards ther coming a company of banishte Indeans 
 into these parts, that were drivene out from thence by 
 the i^otencie of y" Pequents, which usurped upon them, 
 and drive them from thence, they often sollisited them to 
 goe thither, and they should have much trad, espetially 
 if they would keep a house ther. And having now 
 good store of comodities, and allso need to looke out 
 wher they could advantage them selves to help them 
 out of their great ingagments, they now begane to send 
 that way to discover y'= same, and trade with y'^ natives. 
 They found it to be a fine place, but had no great 
 store of trade ; but y^ Indeans excused y*' same in re- 
 gard of y'^ season, and the fear y^ Indans were in of 
 their enemise. So they tried diverce times, not with 
 out profite, but saw y'= most certainty would be by 
 keeping a house ther, to receive y" trad when it came 
 down out of y'= inland. These Indeans, not seeing 
 them very forward to build ther, solisited them of y" 
 Massachusets in like sorte (for their end was to be 
 restored to their countrie againe) ; but they in y" Bay 
 being but latly come, were not fitte for y' same ; but 
 some of their cheefe made a motion to joyne w"' the 
 partners here, to trad joyntly with them in y' river, 
 the which they were willing to imbrace, and so they 
 
372 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 should have builte, and put in equall stock togeather. 
 A time of meeting was appointed at y" Massachusets, 
 and some of y" cheefe here was appointed to treat with 
 them, and went accordingly ; Init they cast many fears 
 of deanger & loss and the like, which was perceived 
 to be the maine obstacles, though they alledged they 
 were not provided of trading goods. But those hear 
 offered at preseute to put in sufficiente for both, pro- 
 vided they would l)ecome ingaged for y'= halfe, and 
 prepare against y"^ nexte year. They conflessed more 
 could not be oflered, but thanked them, and tould them 
 they had no mind to it. Thej" then answered, they 
 hoped it would be no ofl'ence unto [197] them, if them 
 sellves wente on without them, if they saw it meete. 
 They said ther was no reason they should ; and thus 
 this treaty broake of, and those here tooke conveniente 
 time to made a begining ther ; and were y" first English 
 that both discovered that place, and built in y'^ same, 
 though they were litle better then thrust out of it after- 
 ward as may appeare. 
 
 But y'' Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing 
 of their purpose & j^reparation, indOoured to prevente 
 them, and gott in a litle before them, and made a 
 slight forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, threten- 
 ing to stopp their passage. But they having made 
 a smale frame of a house ready, and haveing a great 
 new-barke, they stowed their frame in her hold, & 
 bords to cover & finishe it, having nayles & all other 
 
1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 373 
 
 provisions fitting for their use. This they did y" rather 
 that they might have a presente defence against y" 
 Indeans, who weare much ofi'ended that they brought 
 home & restored y'^ right Sachem of y° place (called 
 Natawanute) ; so as they were to incounter with a duble 
 danger in this attempte, both y'= Dutch and y" Indeans. 
 When they came up y'' river, the Dutch demanded 
 what they intended, and whither they would goe ; they 
 answered, up y" river to trade (now their order was 
 to goe and seat above them). They bid them strike, 
 & stay, or els they would shoote them ; & stood by 
 ther ordnance ready fitted. They answered they had 
 comission from y'= Gov"" of Plimoth to goe up y" river 
 to such a place, and if they did shoote, they must oliey 
 their order and proceede ; they would not molest them, 
 but would goe one. So they passed along, and though 
 the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they shoot not. 
 Coming to their place, they clapt up their house 
 quickly, and landed their provissions, and left y' com- 
 panie appoynted, and sent the barke home ; and after- 
 wards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them 
 selves better. The Dutch sent word home to y'' Mon- 
 hatas what was done : and in proces of time, they sent 
 a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner, with 
 collours displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them 
 strengtened, & that it would cost blood, they came 
 to parley, and returned in peace. And this was their 
 enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not 
 
374 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 by freinds to have l)een thrust out, as in a sorte they 
 were, as will after appere. They did y" Dutch no 
 wrong, for they took not a foote of any land they 
 bought, but went to y° place above them, and bought 
 that tracte of land which belonged to these Indeans 
 which tlie\' curried with them, and their friends, with 
 whom y'= Dutch had nothing to doe. But of these 
 matters more in another place. 
 
 It pleased y" Lord to visite them this year with an 
 infectious fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and 
 upward of 20. jDersons dyed, men and women, Ijesids 
 children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends 
 which had lived in Holand ; as Thomas Blossome, 
 Richard Masterson, with sundry [198] others, and in 
 y'' end (after he had much helped others) Samuell 
 Fuller, who was their surgeon & phisition, and had 
 been a great help and comforte unto them ; as in his 
 facultie, so otherwise, being a deacon of y" church, 
 a man godlj^ and forward to doe good, being much 
 missed after his death ; and he and y"" rest of their 
 brethren much lamented b}' them, and caused much 
 sadnes & mourning amongst them ; which caused them 
 to huml>le them selves, & seeke y'' Lord; and towards 
 winter it j^leased the Lord y'^ sicknes ceased. This 
 disease allso swept away many of y° Indeans from 
 all y'^ places near adjoyning ; and y*" spring before, 
 espetiallj^ all y"" month of ^lay, ther was such a 
 quantitie of a great sorte of flies, like (for bignes) 
 
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 375 
 
 to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came out of holes iu 
 y^ ground, and replenished all y" woods, and eate y^ 
 green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes, 
 as made all y'= woods ring of them, and ready to deafe 
 y' hearers. They have not by y" English been heard 
 or seen before or since. But y" Indeans tould them 
 y' sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July, 
 August, and y" cheefe heat of somer. 
 
 It pleased y*" Lord to inable them this year to send 
 home a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their 
 charges, & debts at home, which good returne did 
 much incourage their freinds in England. They sent 
 in beaver 3366". waight, and much of it coat beaver, 
 which yeeled 20". p'' pound, & some of it above ; and 
 of otter-skines * 346. sould also at a good prise. And 
 thus much of y*" affairs of this year. 
 
 Anno Dom: 1634. 
 
 This year M"'. Thomas Prence was chosen Gov''. 
 
 IVT. Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of 
 theirs this year. I will forbear to coppy any part 
 therof, only name a head or 2. therin. First, he 
 desirs they will take nothing ill in what he formerly 
 write, professing his good affection towards them as 
 before, &c. 2'^'. For M''. Allertons accounts, he is 
 perswaded they must suffer, and y' in no small sumes ; 
 
 • The skin was sold at 14'. and 15. y pound. 
 
376 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 and that they have cause enough to complaine, but it 
 was now too late. And that he had failed them ther, 
 those here, and him selfe in his owne aimes. And 
 that now, having thus left them here, he feared God 
 had or would leave him, and it would not be Strang, 
 but a wonder if he fell not into worse things, &c. 3'^'. 
 He blesseth God and is thankfull to them for y" good 
 returne made this yein\ This is y" effects of his 
 letters, other things being of more private nature. 
 
 I am now to enter iipon one of y'' sadest things that 
 befell them since they came ; but before I begine, it 
 will be needfull to premise such parte of their patente 
 as gives them right and priviledge at Kenebeck ; as 
 followeth : 
 
 [199] The said Couusell hath further given, granted, bar- 
 ganed, sold, iufeoflfed, alloted, assigned, & sett over, aud 
 by these presents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante, 
 bargane, sell, alliene, enffeofe, allote, assigne, and confirme 
 unto y" said William Bradford, his heires, associates, aud 
 assignes. All that tracte of land or part of New-England 
 in America afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and 
 extendeth it selfe from y° utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which 
 adjoyneth to y' river of Kenebeck, towards the westerne 
 ocean, and a place called y' falls of Nequamkick in America, 
 aforsaid ; and y" space of 15. English myles on each side 
 of J'" said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all y" 
 said river called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits 
 & bounds, eastward, westward, northward, & southward, last 
 above mentioned ; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers, 
 waters, fishing, &c. And by vertiie of y' authority to us de- 
 
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 377 
 
 rived by his said late Ma"* Lres patents, to take, apprehend, 
 seise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and 
 goods, as shall attempte to inhabite or trade with y' savage 
 people of that countrie within y' severall precincts and limits 
 of his & their severall plantations, &c. 
 
 No\T it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to 
 y'' plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and 
 comodities to trade in that river, and would needs 
 press into their limites ; and not only so, but would 
 needs goe up y'^ river above their house, (towards y" 
 falls of y" river,) and intercept the trade that should 
 come to them. He that was cheefe of y'^ place forbad 
 them, and prayed him that he would not offer them 
 that injurie, nor goe aboute to infring their liberties, 
 which had cost them so dear. But he answered he 
 would goe up and trade ther in dispite of them, and 
 lye ther as longe as he pleased. The other tould him 
 he must then be forced to remove him from thence, or 
 make seasure of him if he could. He bid him doe his 
 worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther. The 
 other tooke a boat & some men & went up to him, 
 when he saw his time, and againe entreated him to 
 departe bj^ what perswasion he could. But all in 
 vaine : he could gett nothing of him but ill words. 
 So he considred that now was y'= season for trade 
 to come downe, and if he should suffer him to lye, 
 & take it from them, all ther former charge would be 
 lost, and they had better throw up all. So, eon- 
 
378 HisTOKY OF [book n. 
 
 suiting with his men, (who were willing thertoe,) he 
 resolved to put him from his anchores, and let him 
 drive downe y'' river with y" stveame ; hut comanded y'^ 
 men y' none should shoote a shote upon any occasion, 
 except he coinanded them. He spoake to him againe, 
 but all in vaine ; then he sente a cuple in a canow to 
 cutt his cable, the which one of them performes ; but 
 Hocking taks ujo a pece which he had layed ready, 
 and as y' barke shered bj^ y" canow, he shote [200] 
 him close under her side, in y" head, (as I take it,) 
 so he fell downe dead instantlj'. One of his fellows 
 (that loved him well) could not hold, but with a 
 muskett shot Hocking, who fell downe dead and never 
 speake word. This was y" truth of y^ thing. The 
 rest of y" men carried home the vcssell and y^ sad 
 tidings of these things. Xow y* Lord Saye & y" Lord 
 Brooks, with some other great persons, had a hand in 
 this plantation ; thej' write home to them, as much as 
 they could to exasperate them in y'' matter, leaveing 
 out all y" circomstances, as if he had been kild without 
 any offenc of his parte, conceling y' he had kild another 
 first, and y' just occasion that he had given in offering 
 such wrong ; at w'^'' their Lords"" were much oflended, 
 till they were truly informed of y' mater. 
 
 The bruite of this was quickl_y carried all aboute, 
 (and y' in y" worst maner,) and came into y"* Bay 
 to their neighbours their. Their owne barke coiiiino: 
 home, and bringing a true relation of y" matter, sundry 
 
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 379 
 
 were sadly affected with y" thing, as they had cause. 
 It was not long Ijefore they had occasion to send their 
 vessell into y'^ Bay of y" Massachusetts ; but they were 
 so prepossest with this matter, and affected with y" 
 same, as they comited M'. Alden to prison, who was 
 in y° bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no 
 actore in y"" bussines, but wente to carie them supply. 
 They dismist y*^ barke aboute her bussines, but kept 
 him for some time. This was thousrht Strang here, 
 and they sente Capten Standish to give them true in- 
 formation, (togeather with their letters,) and y*^ best 
 satisfaction they could, and to procure M"'. Alden's 
 release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will show 
 the passages of these things, as folloeth. 
 
 Good S': 
 
 I have received your Ire' by Captaine Standish, & am 
 unfainedlj' glad of Gods inercie towards you in y' recovery 
 of your liealth, or some way tliertoo. For y'= bussines you 
 write of, I thought meets to answer a word or 2. to your 
 selfe, leaving the answer of your Gov' h-e to our courte, to 
 whom y'= same, together with my selfe is directed. I conceive 
 (till I hear new matter to y" contrary) that your patente may 
 warrente your resistance of any English from trading at 
 Kenebeck, and y' blood of Hocking, and y' partie he slue, 
 will be required at his hands. Yet doe I with your selfe & 
 others sorrow for their deaths. I thinke likewise y* your 
 generall ires will satisfle our courte, and make them cease 
 from any further inter medling in y' mater. I have upon 
 y' same Ire sett M'. Alden at liberty, and his sureties, and 
 yet, least I should seeme to neglecte y= opinion of our court 
 
380 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 & y' frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound 
 Captaine Standish to appeare y" 3. of June at our nexte 
 courte, to make aftidavid for y" coppie of y" pateute, and 
 to manifest the circumstances of Hoclvins provocations ; both 
 which will tend to y" clearing of your iilocencie. If any 
 unkindnes hath ben taken from what we have done, let it 
 be further & better considred of, I pra}' j'ou ; and I hope y' 
 more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you will impute to us. 
 At least j'ou ought to be just in differencing them, whose 
 opinions concurr [201] with your owne, from others who 
 were opposites ; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken w"" 
 no man in y' bussines who taxed you most, but they are 
 such as have many waj'es heretofoi'e declared ther good 
 affections towards your plantation. I further referr my selfe 
 to y" reporte of Captaine Standish & M'. Alldeu ; leaving 
 you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing imto you 
 perfecte recovery of health, and j° long continuance of it. 
 I desire to be lovingly remembred to ir. Prence, j'our Gov', 
 M'. Winslow, M\ Brewster, whom I would see if I knew 
 how. The Lord keepe you all. Amen. 
 
 Your very loving freind in our Lord Jesus, 
 
 Tho : Dudley. 
 New-towne, y' 22. of May, 1(534. 
 
 Another of his about these things as foUoweth. 
 
 S': I am right sorrie for y' news that Captaine Standish & 
 other of your ueigbours and m}' beloved freiuds will bring 
 now to Plimoth, wberin I suffer with you, by reason of my 
 opinion, which dift'ereth from others, who are godly & wise, 
 amongst us here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth 
 me to siispecte myne owne ignorance ; j'et must I remaine 
 in it untill I be convinced therof. I thought not to have 
 shewed your letter written to me, but to have done mj' best 
 
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. ,381 
 
 to have reconciled differences in y' best season & maner I 
 could ; but Captaine Standish requiring an answer therof 
 publickly in y"" courte, I was forced to produce it, and that 
 made y'' breach soe wide as he can tell you. I propounded 
 to y" courte, to answer M'. Prences Ire, your Gov', but our 
 courte said it required no answer, it selfe being an answer 
 to a former Ire of ours. I pray you certifle M'. Prence so 
 much, and others whom it concereth, that no neglecte or ill 
 maners be imputed to me theraboute. The late ires I received 
 from England wrought in me divere fears * of some trials 
 which are shortly like to fall upon us ; and this unhappie 
 contention betweene you and us, aud between you & Pas- 
 cattaway, will hasten them, if God with an extraordinarie 
 hand doe not help us. To reconcile this for y' presente 
 will be very difflculte, but time cooleth distempers, and a 
 comone danger to us boath approaching, will necessitate our 
 uniting againe. I pray you therfore, S''. set your wisdom 
 & patience a worke, and exhorte others to y" same, that 
 things may not proceede from bad to worse, so making our 
 contentions like y" barrs of a pallace, but that a way of 
 peace may be kepte open, wherat y° God of peace may have 
 enterance in his owne time. If j'ou suffer wrong, it shall 
 be your honor to bear it patientl}' ; but I goe to farr in 
 needles putting j'ou in mind of these things. God hath done 
 great things for you, and I desire his blessings may be 
 multiplied upon you more & more. I will commite no more 
 to writing, but comending my selfe to your prayers, doe rest, 
 Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus, 
 
 Tho : Dudley. 
 June 4. 1634. 
 
 • Ther was cause enough of these feares, which arise by y« underworliing 
 of some enemies to y" churches here, Iw which this Comission following was 
 procured from his Ma"". (.See this paper iu appendix, No. IL) 
 
382 HISTORY OF [book U. 
 
 By these things it appars what troubls rise her- 
 upon, and how hard they were to be reconciled; for 
 though they hear were hartily sorrie for what was 
 fallen out, yet they conceived they were unjustly 
 injuried, and provoked to what was done ; and that 
 their neigbours (haveing no jurisdiction over them) 
 did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of 
 theirs, and bind them to [202] their courts. But 
 yet being assured of their Christian love, and per- 
 swaded what was done was out of godly zeale, that 
 religion might not suffer, nor sine any way covered 
 or borne with, espetially y" guilte of blood, of which 
 all should be very consciencious in any whom soever, 
 they did indeavore to appease & satisfie them y^ best 
 they could ; first, by informing them y" truth in all 
 circomstances aboute y^ matter ; 2''", in being willing to 
 referr y^ case to any indifierante and equall hearing 
 and judgmente of the thing hear, and to answere it 
 els wher when they should be duly called therunto ; 
 and further they craved M'. Winthrops, & other of y"* 
 reve'' magistrats ther, their advice & direction herein. 
 This did mollifie their minds, and liring things to a 
 good & comfortable issue in y" end. 
 
 For they had this advice given them by M'. Win- 
 throp, & others concurring with him, that from their 
 courte, they should write to the neigboure plantations, 
 & espetially that of y" lords, at Pascataway, and 
 theirs of y"' Massachusets, to appointe some to give 
 
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 383 
 
 them meeting at some fitt place, to consulte & deter- 
 mine in this matter, so as y" parties meeting might 
 have full power to order & bind, &c. And that noth- 
 ing be done to y'' infringing or prejudice of y" liber- 
 ties of any place. And for y" clearing of conscience, 
 y" law of God is, y' y' preist lips must be consulted 
 with, and therfore it was desired that y" ministers 
 of every plantation might be presente to give their 
 advice in pointe of conscience. Though this course 
 seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well 
 assured of y° justice of their cause, and y'^ equitie 
 of their freinds, as they put them selves upon it, & 
 appointed a time, of which they gave notice to y' 
 severall places a month before hand ; viz. Massachu- 
 sets, Salem, & Pascataway, or any other y' they 
 would give notice too, and disired them to produce 
 any evidence they could in y" case. The place for 
 meeting was at Boston. But when y' day & time 
 came, none apered, but some of y° magistrats and 
 ministers of y" Massachusets, and their owne. Seeing 
 none of Passcataway or other places came, (haveing 
 been thus desired, & conveniente time given them for 
 y' end,) M''. Winthrop & y" rest said they could doe 
 no more then they had done thus to requeste them, 
 y' blame must rest on them. So thejr fell into a fair 
 debating: of thinajs them selves ; and after all things 
 had been fully opened & discussed, and y'= opinione 
 of each one demanded, both magistrats, and ministers, 
 
HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 though they all could have wished these things had 
 never been, yet they could not but Itxy j" blame & 
 guilt on Hockins owne head ; and withall gave them 
 such grave & godly exhortations and advice, as they 
 thought meete, both for y'' presente & future; which 
 they allso imljraced with love & thankfullnes, prom- 
 ising to indeavor to follow y" same. And thus was 
 this matter ended, and ther love and concord re- 
 newed ; and also M''. Winthrop & M"'. Dudley write 
 in their behalfes to y' Lord Ssay & other gentl-men 
 that were interesed in y' plantation, very eflectually, 
 w"' which, togeather with their owne leters, and M\ 
 Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they 
 rested well satisfied. 
 
 [203] M''. Winslow was sente by them this year 
 into England, partlj^ to informe and satisfie y"^ Lord 
 Say & others, in y" former matter, as also to make 
 answer and their just defence for y° same, if any 
 thing should by any l)e prosecuted against them at 
 Counsell-table, or els wher ; but this matter tooke 
 end, without any further trouble, as is before noted. 
 And partly to signifie unto y'- partners in England, 
 that the terme of their trade with y'' company here 
 was out, and therfore he was sente to finishe y" 
 accounts with them, and to brina; them notice how 
 much debtore they should remaine on y' accounte, 
 and that they might know what further course would 
 be best to hold. But y" issue of these things will 
 
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 385 
 
 appear in y'' next years passages. They now sente 
 over by him a great returne, whicli was very accep- 
 table unto them ; which was in beaver 3738*'. waight, 
 (a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at 20^ 
 p'' pound,) and 234. otter skines ; * wliich alltogeather 
 rise to a great sume of money. 
 
 This year (in y"' foreparte of y" same) they sente 
 forth a barke to trad at y'' Dutch-Plantation ; and 
 they mette ther with on Captaine Stone, that had 
 lived in Christophers, one of y° West-Ende Hands, 
 and now had been some time in Virginia, and came 
 from thence into these parts. He kept company with 
 y" Dutch Gove% and, I know not in what drunken 
 fitt, he gott leave of y" Gov'' to ceaise on their l)arke, 
 when they were ready to come away, and had done 
 their markett, haveing y* valew of 500''. worth of 
 goods abord her; having no occasion at all, or any 
 collour of ground for such a thing, but having made 
 y'^ Gov'' drunck, so as he could scarce speake a right 
 word ; and when he urged bim hear aboute, he answered 
 him, Als 'I u heleeft.\ So he gat abord, (the cheefe of 
 their men & marchant being ashore,) and with some 
 of his owne men, made y" rest of theirs waigh an- 
 chor, sett sayle, & carrj' her away towards Virginia. 
 But diverse of j" Dutch sea-men, which had bene often 
 at Plimoth, and kindly entertayned ther, said one to 
 another. Shall we suifer our freinds to be thus abused, 
 
 * And y skin at li». t That is, " If yon please." 
 
386 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 and liave their goods carried away, before our faces, 
 whilst our Gov"' is drunke ? Tliey vowed they would 
 never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pur- 
 sued him, & brought him in againe, and delivered 
 them their barke & goods againe. 
 
 After wards Stone came into y*" Massachusets, and 
 they sent & commensed suite against him for this 
 facte; but by mediation of freinds it was taken up, 
 and y^ suite left fall. And in y" companj^ of some 
 other gentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth, 
 and had freindly & civill entertainmente amongst them, 
 with y'' rest ; but revenge boyled within his brest, 
 (though concelled,) for some conceived he had a pur- 
 pose (at one time) to have staped the Gov^ and put 
 his hand to his dagger for that end, but by Gods 
 providence and y^ vigilance of some was prevented. 
 He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with 
 one Captaine Norton & some others ; and, I know not 
 for what occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigte- 
 cutt River ; and how they carried themselves I know 
 not, but y'' Indeans knoct him in y* head, as he lay 
 in his cabine, and had thrown' y'" covering over his 
 face (whether out of fear or desperation is uncer- 
 taine) ; this was his end. They likewise killed all y'' 
 rest, but Captaine Xorton defended him selfe a long 
 time against them all in y" cooke-roome, till by acci- 
 dente the gunpowder tooke lire, which (for readynes) 
 he had sett in an open thing l)efore him, which did 
 
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 387 
 
 SO burne, & scald him, & blind his eyes, as he could 
 make no longer resistance, but was slaine also by 
 them, though they much comended his vallour. And 
 having killed y'= men, they made a pray of what they 
 had, and chafered away some of their things to y" 
 Dutch that lived their. But it was not longe before 
 a quarell fell betweene the Dutch & them, and they 
 would have cutt of their bark ; but they slue y° cheef 
 sachem w"' y° shott of a murderer.* 
 
 I am now to relate some Strang and remarkable pas- 
 sages. Ther was a company of people lived in y** 
 country, up above in y'' river of Conigtecut, a great 
 way from their trading house ther, and were enimise 
 to those Indeans which lived aboute them, and of 
 whom they stood in some fear (bing a stout people). 
 About a thousand of them had inclosed them selves 
 in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about. 
 3. or 4. Dutch men went up in y"" begining of winter 
 to, live with them, to gett their trade, and prevente 
 them for bringing it to y'^ English, or to. fall into 
 amitie with them ; but at spring to bring all downe 
 to their place. But their enterprise failed, for it 
 pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sick- 
 nes, and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900. 
 and a halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott 
 above ground for want of buriall, and y" Dutch men 
 
 * The two paragraphs above were written on the reverse of folios 202 and 
 203 of the original manuscript, under this j-ear. 
 
388 HISTORT OF [book II. 
 
 allmost starved before they could gett away, for ise 
 and snow. But about Feb : tliey got with much diffi- 
 cultie to their trading house ; whom thej' kindly re- 
 leeved, being alhnost spente with hunger and could. 
 Being thus refreshed l)y them diverce days, they got 
 to their owne place, and y" Dutch were very thankful] 
 for this kindnes. 
 
 This spring, also, those Indeans that lived aboute 
 their trading house there fell sick of y" small poxe, 
 and dyed most miserably ; for a sorer disease cannot 
 befall them ; they fear it more then y* plague ; for 
 usualy they that have this disease have them in abun- 
 dance, and for wante of bedding & lining and other 
 helps, they fall into a lamentable condition, as they 
 l3'e on their hard matts, y" poxe breaking and matter- 
 ing, and Tuning one into another, their skin cleaving 
 (by reason therof) to the matts they lye on ; when 
 they turne them, a whole side will flea of at once, 
 [204] (as it were,) and they will be all of a gore 
 blood, most fearfuU to behold; and then being very 
 sore, what with could and other distempers, they dye 
 like rotten sheep. The condition of this people was 
 so lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of 
 this diseas, as they were (in y" end) not able to help 
 on another; no, not to make a fire, nor to fetch a 
 litle water to drinke, nor any to burie y" dead ; but 
 would strivie as long as they could, and when they 
 could procure no other means to make fire, they 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 389 
 
 would burne y" wodeii trayes & dishes they ate their 
 meate in, and their very bowes & arrowes ; & some 
 would crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water, 
 and some times dye by y^way, & not be able to gett 
 in againe. But those of y* English house, (thou2:h 
 at first they were afraid of y'' infection,) j^et seeing 
 their woeful! and sadd condition, and hearing their 
 pitiful] cries and lamentations, they had compastion 
 of them, and dayly fetched them wood & water, and 
 made them fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived, 
 and buried them when they dyed. For very few of 
 them escaped, notwithstanding they did what thej^ 
 could for them, to y" haszard of them selvs. The 
 cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, & allmost all his 
 freinds & kinred. But by y'= marvelous goodnes & 
 providens of God not one of y'-' English was so much 
 as sicke, or in y" least measure tainted with this dis- 
 ease, though they dayly did these offices for them for 
 manjr weeks togeather. And this mercie which they 
 shewed them was kindlj^ taken, and thankfully' ac- 
 knowledged of all y'' Indeans that knew or heard of 
 y" same ; and their m" here did much comend & re- 
 ward them for y*"- same. 
 
 jinno Dom : 1635. 
 M". WiNSLOW was very wellcome to them in Eng- 
 land, and y" more in regard of y"" large returne he 
 brought with him, which came all safe to their hands. 
 
390 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 and was well sould. And he was borne in hand, (at 
 least he so apprehended,) that all accounts should be 
 cleared before his returne, and all former differences 
 ther aboute well setled. And so he writ over to 
 them hear, that he hoped to cleare y" accounts, and 
 bring them over with him ; and y' the accounte of 
 y" White Angele would be taken of, and all things 
 fairly ended. But it came to pass [205] that, being 
 occasioned to answer some complaints made against 
 the countrie at Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning 
 their neigbours in y' Bay then them selves hear, the 
 which he did to good effecte, and further jDrosecuting 
 such things as might tend to y*" good of y'= whole, as 
 well them selves as others, aboute y'^ wrongs and in- 
 croachments that the French & other strangers both 
 had and were like further to doe unto them, if not 
 prevented, he prefered this petition following to their 
 Hon" that were deputed Comissioners for y' Planta- 
 tions. 
 
 To y' right honorable y' Lords Comissioners for j" Plan- 
 tations in America. 
 
 The humble petition of Edw : Winslow, on y' behalfe of 
 y" plantations in New-England, 
 
 Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, y' wheras your peti- 
 tioners have planted them selves in New England under his 
 Ma"' most gratious protection ; now so it is, right Hon''', 
 that y° French & Dutch doe indeaouer to devide y" land 
 betweeue them ; for which purpose y'' French have, on y' 
 east side, entered and seased upon one of our nouses, and 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 391 
 
 carried away the goods, slew 2. of y" men in anotlier place, 
 and tooke y"" rest prisoners with their goods. And y° Dutch, 
 on y" west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute Eiver, 
 within y' limits of his Maj'" irs patent, where they have 
 raised a forte, and threaten to expell your petitioners thence, 
 who are also planted upon y" same river, maintaining posses- 
 sion for his Ma''° to their great charge, & hazard both of lives 
 & goods. 
 
 In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray 
 that your Lo'''" will either procure their peace w* those foraine 
 states, or else to give spetiall warrante unto your petitioners 
 and y° English Collonies, to right and defend them selves 
 against all foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall 
 pray, &c. 
 
 This petition found good acceptation with most of 
 tliem, and JVP. Winslow was lieard sundry times by 
 them, and appointed further to attend for an answer 
 from their Lo''p% espetially, having upon conferance 
 with them laid downe a way how this might ?_>e doone 
 without any either charge or trouble to y'^ state ; only 
 by furnishing some of y" cheefe of y*" cuntry hear 
 with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne 
 charge, and in such a way as should be without any 
 pub lick disturbance. But this crossed both S"' Ferdi- 
 nandos Gorges' & Cap : Masons designe, and y"" arch- 
 bishop of Counterberies by them ; for S"' Ferd : Gorges 
 (by y« arch-pps favore) was to have been sent over 
 generall Gov'' into j" countrie, and to have had means 
 from j" state for y' end, and was now upon dispatch 
 and conclude of y' bussines. And j" arch-bishops 
 
392 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 purposs & intente was, ]>y his means, & some he 
 should send with him, (to he furnished with Episco- 
 pall power,) [206] to disturbe y" peace of y* churches 
 here, and to overthrow their proceedings and further 
 growth, wliich was y" thing he aimed at. But it so 
 fell out (by Gods providence) that though he in y' 
 end crost this petition from taking any further eftecte 
 in this kind, yet l)y this as a cheefe means the plotte 
 and whole bussines of his & S"' Ferdinandos fell to y' 
 ground, and came to nothing. When M''. T\^inslow 
 should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon y** 
 pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the 
 arch-bishop put a stop upon it, and M'. Winslow, 
 thinking to gett it freed, went to y" bord againe ; but 
 y" bishop, S'' Ferd : and Captine Masson, had, as it 
 seemes, procured IMorton (of whom mention is made 
 before, & his base carriage) to complaine ; to whose 
 complaints M"". Winslow made answer to y" good sat- 
 isfaction of y borde, who checked Morton and re- 
 buked him sharply, & allso blamed S' Per'' Gorges, 
 & Masson, for countenancing him. But y'' bish : had 
 a further end & use of his presence, for he now be- 
 gane to question M". Winslow of many things ; as 
 of teaching in y" church publickly, of which Morton 
 accused him, and gave evidence that he had seen and 
 heard him doe it : to which M''. Winslow answered, 
 that some time (wanting a minster) he did exercise 
 his gifte to help y" edification of his breethren, when 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 393 
 
 they wanted better means, w*^^'' was not often. Then 
 aboute mariage, the which he also confessed, that, 
 haveing been called to place of magistracie, he had 
 sometimes maried some. And further tould their 
 lord''* yt raariage was a civille thinge, & he found no 
 wher in y" word of God y' it was tyed to ministrie. 
 Again, they were necessitated so to doe, having for 
 a long time togeather at first no minister; besids, it 
 was no new-thing, for he had been so maried him 
 selfe in Holand, by y" magistrate in their Statt-house. 
 But in y" end (to be short), for these things, y" 
 bishop, hy vemente importunity, gott y'^ bord at last 
 to consente to his comittemente ; so he was comited 
 to y'' Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks, or ther aboute, 
 before he could gett to be released. And this was y" 
 end of this petition, and this bussines ; only y*^ others 
 designe was also frustrated hereby, with other things 
 concurring, which was no smalle blessing to y'' people 
 here. 
 
 . But y"* charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in 
 M^ Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,) 
 but by y'^ hinderance of their bussines both ther and 
 hear, by his personall imploymente. For though this 
 was as much or more for others then for them hear, 
 and by them cheefly he was put on this bussines, 
 
 (for y' plantation kewe nothing of it till they heard 
 of his imprisonmente,) yet y^ whole charge lay on 
 them. 
 
394 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Now for their owne bussines ; whatsoever M^ Sher- 
 leys mind was before, (or M^ Winslow apjDrehension 
 of y*" same,) he now declared him selfe plainly, that 
 he would neither take of j" White-Angell from y" 
 accounte, nor [207] give any further accounte, till lie 
 had received more into his hands ; only a prety good 
 supply of goods were sent over, but of y" most, no 
 note of their prises, or so orderlj^ an invoyce as for- 
 meii)' ; which M''. Winslow said he could not help, 
 because of his restrainte. Only now M^ Sherley & 
 M^ Beachamp & M^ Andrews sent over a letter of 
 atturney under their hands & seals, to recovere what 
 they could of M'. Allerton for y" Angells accounte ; 
 but sent them neither y"" bonds, nor covenants, or such 
 other evidence or accounts, as thej^ had aboute these 
 matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of 
 M'. Sherleys letters aboute these things. 
 
 Your leter of y" 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our 
 loving friend M'. Winslow, I have received, and your larg 
 parcel! of beaver and otter skines. Blessed be our God, 
 both he and it came safly to us, and we have sould it in 
 tow parcells ; y" skin at 14°. ii. & some at 16. ; y' coate at 
 20'. y"^ pound. The accounts I have not sent you them this 
 year, I will referr you to M'. Winslow to tell you y" reason 
 of it ; yet be assured y' none of you shall suffer by y' not 
 having of them, if God spare me life. And wheras you say 
 y' 6. years are expired y' y' peopl put y" trad into your & 
 our hands for, for y** discharge of y^ great debte w'^'' ]\r. 
 Allerton needlesly & unadvisedly ran you & us into ; yet it 
 was promised it should continue till our disbursments & in- 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 395 
 
 gagements were satisfied. You conceive it is clone ; we feele 
 & know other wise, &c. I doubt not but we shall lovingly 
 agree, notwithstanding all y' hath been writeu, on boath sids, 
 aboute y" Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a letter of 
 atturney, therby giving you power in our names (and to 
 shadow it y" more we say for our uses) to obtaine what may 
 be of M^ Allerton towards y° satisfing of that great charge 
 of y" White Angell. And sure he hath bound him selfe, 
 (though at present I cannot find it,) but he hath often 
 affirmed, with great protestations, y' neither you uor we 
 should lose a peny by him, and I hope you shall find enough 
 to discharg it, so as we shall have no more contesting 
 aboute it. Yet, notwithstanding his unnaturall & unkind 
 dealing with you, in y' midest of justice remember mercie, 
 and doe not all you may doe, &c. Set us out of debte, and 
 then let us recone & reason togeither, &c. M'. Winslow 
 hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I am perswaded 
 it will turne much to all your good. I leave him to relate per- 
 ticuleres, &c. 
 
 Your loving freind, 
 
 James Sherley. 
 London, Sep: 7. 1635. 
 
 This year they sustained an other great loss from y" 
 French. Monsier de Aulnay coming into y" harbore of 
 Penobscote, and having before gott some of y' cheefe 
 y' belonged to y* house abord his vessell, by sutlty 
 coming upon them in their shalop, he gott them to 
 pilote him in ; and after getting y'= rest into his power, 
 he tooke possession of y« house in y° name of y-^ king 
 of France; and partly by threatening, & other wise, 
 made Mr. Willett (their agente ther) to approve of 
 
396 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 y* sale of y^ goods their unto him, of which he sett 
 y'' price him selfe [208] in eifecte, and made an in- 
 ventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but 
 made no paymente for them ; but tould them in con- 
 venient time he would doe it if they came for it. For 
 y" house & fortification, &c. he would not alow, nor 
 accounte any thing, saing that tliey which build on 
 another mans ground doe forfite y' same. So thus 
 turning them out of all, (with a great deale of com- 
 plemente, and many fine words,) he let them have 
 their shalop and some victualls to bring them home. 
 Coming home and relating all the passages, they here 
 were much troubled at it, & haveing had this house 
 robbed hy y" French once before, and lost then above 
 500*'. (as is before remembred), and now to loose 
 house & all, did much move them. So as they re- 
 solved to consulte with their freinds in y'= Baj', and 
 if y"' approved of it, (ther being now manj^ ships 
 ther,) they intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke 
 to beat out y'* Frenche, and recover it againe. Ther 
 course was well approved on, if them selves could bear 
 y° charge ; so thej^ hired a fair ship of above 300. 
 tune, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with y'^ 
 m'. (one Girling) to this effect : that he and his com- 
 pany should deliver them y" house, (after they had 
 driven out, or surprised y' French,) and give them 
 peacable possession therof, and of all such trading 
 comodities as should ther be found ; and give y° 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 397 
 
 French fair quarter & usage, if they would yeekl. In 
 consideration wherof he was to have 700*'. of beaver, 
 to be delivered him ther, when he had done y"" thing ; 
 but if he did not accomplish it, he was to loose his 
 labour, and have nothing. With him thej^ also sent 
 their owne bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine 
 Standish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to order 
 things, if the house was regained; and then to pay 
 him y* beaver, which they keept abord their owne 
 barke. So they with their bark piloted him thither, 
 and brought him safe into y" harbor. But he was so 
 rash & heady as he would take no advice, nor would 
 suffer Captaine Standish to have time to summone 
 them, (who had comission & order so to doe,) neither 
 would doe it him selfe ; the which, it was like, if it had 
 been done, & they come to affaire parley, seeing their 
 force, they would have yeelded. Neither would he 
 have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe 
 execution, but begane to shoot at distance like a 
 madd man, and did them no hurte at all ; the which 
 when those of y" plantation saw, they were much 
 ^reeved, and went to him & tould him he would doe 
 no good if he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for 
 she might lye within pistoll shott of y" house). At 
 last, when he saw his owne folly, he was pers waded, 
 and layed her well, and bestowed a few shott to good 
 purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe 
 some good, his powder was goone ; for though he had 
 
398 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 . * peece of ordnance, it did now [209] appeare he 
 had but a barrell of powder, and a peece ; so he could 
 doe no good, but was faine to draw of againe ; by 
 which means y" enterprise was made frustrate, and y" 
 French incouraged ; for all j' while that he shot so 
 unadvisedly, they lay close under a worke of earth, & 
 let him consume him selfe. He advised with y" Cap- 
 taine how he might be supplyed with powder, for 
 he had not to carie him home ; so he tould him he 
 would goe to y* next plantation, and doe his indeour 
 to procure him some, and so did ; but understand- 
 ing, hj intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on y" 
 barke, & surprise y"" beaver, he sent him the powder, 
 and brought y" bai-ke & beaver home. But Girling 
 never assualted y'^ place more, (seeing him selfe dis- 
 apoji'ented,) but went his way; and this was y'^ end 
 of this bussines. 
 
 Upon y" ill success of this bussines, the Gov' and 
 Assistants here by their leters certified their freinds in 
 y'' Bay, how by this ship they had been abused and 
 disapoynted, and y' the French partly had, and were 
 now likly to fortilie them selves more strongljr, and 
 likly to become ill neigbours to y° English. Upon 
 this they thus writ to them as folloeth : — 
 
 Worthy S": Upon y° reading of your leters, & consid- 
 eration of y' waightiues of y'= cause therin mentioned, the 
 
 * Blank in the original. 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 399 
 
 courte hath joyntly expressed their Tvillingnes to assist you 
 with men & mimition, for y" accomplishing of your desires 
 upon y° French. But because here are none of yours y' have 
 authority to conclude of any thing herein, nothing can be 
 done by us for y" presente. We desire, therfore, that you 
 would with all conveniente speed send some man of trust, 
 furnished with instructions from jmur selves, to make such 
 agreemente with us about this bussines as may be usefuU 
 for you, and equall for us. So in hast we coiuite you to 
 God, and remaine 
 
 Your assured loving freinds, 
 
 John Haynes, G-ov'. 
 
 Ri : Bellingiiam, Dep. 
 
 Jo : WiNTHKOP. 
 
 Tho : Dudley. 
 
 Jo ; HUMFRAY. 
 W: CODDINGTON. 
 W': PiNCHON. 
 
 Athertox Houghe. 
 Increas Nowell. 
 Ric : Ddmer. 
 Simon Bradstrete. 
 New-towne, Octo'' 9. 1635. 
 
 Upon the receite of y" above mentioned, they pres- 
 ently deputed 2. of theirs to treate with them, giving 
 them full power to conclude, according to the instruc- 
 tions they gave them, being to this purposs : that if 
 they would afl'ord such assistance as, togeather with 
 their owne, was like to effecte the thing, and allso 
 bear a considerable parte of y' charge, they would goe 
 on ; if not, [210] they (having lost so much allready) 
 
400 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 should not be able, ))ut must desiste, and waite fur- 
 ther opportunitie as God should give, to help them 
 selves. But this came to nothing, for when it came 
 to y'' issue, they would be at no charge, but sente 
 them this letter, and referd them more at large to 
 their owne messengers. 
 
 S': Having, upon y' consideration of your letter, with y' 
 message you sentc, had some serious consultations aboute 
 y" great importance of your bussines with y" French, we 
 gave our answer to those whom you deputed to conferr w"' 
 us aboute y' viage to Penobscote. We shewed our willing- 
 nes to help, but withall we declared our presente condition, 
 & in what state we were, for our abilitie to help ; which we 
 for our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you 
 sufBciente supply of men & munition. But for matter of 
 moneys we have no authority at all to promise, and if we 
 should, we should rather disapoynte you, then iucourage you 
 by y' help, which we are not able to performe. We likewise 
 thought it fltt to take y" help of other Esterne plantations ; 
 but those things we leave to your owne wisdomes. And for 
 other things we refer you to your owne coiiiitties, who are 
 able to relate all y° passages more at large. We salute 
 you, & wish you all good success in y° Lord. 
 Your faithful! & loving friend, 
 
 Ri : Bellingham, Dep : 
 In y" name of y" rest of the Comities. 
 
 Boston, Octob' 16. 1G35 . 
 
 This thing did not only thus breake of, but some 
 of their merchants shortly after sent to trad with 
 them, and furnished them both with provissions, & 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 401 
 
 poweder & shott ; and so have continued to doe till 
 this day, as they have seen opportunitie for their 
 profite. So as in truth y" English them selves have 
 been the cheefest supporters of these French ; for 
 besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes 
 near unto them) doth not only supply them with 
 what y'"-'' wante, but gives them continuall intelligence 
 of all things that passes among y'' English, (espetially 
 some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they 
 still grow, & incroach more & more upon y"" English, 
 and fill j^ Indeaus with gunes & munishtion, to y° 
 great deanger of y" English, who lye open & unfor- 
 tified, living upon husbandrie ; and y"" other closed up 
 in their forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in 
 good securitie. If these things be not looked too, and 
 remeady provided in time, it may easily be conjectured 
 what they may come toe ; but I leave them. 
 
 This year, y" 14. or 15. of August (being Saturday) 
 was such a mighty storme of wind & raine, as none 
 living in these parts, either English or Indeans, ever 
 saw. Being like (for y'* time it continued) to those 
 Hauricanes and Tuffons that writers make mention of 
 in y"^ Indeas. It began in y'' morning, a litle before 
 day, and grue not by degrees, but came with violence 
 in y"' begining, to y'' great amasmente of many. It 
 blew downe sundry [211] houses, & uncovered others; 
 diverce vessells were lost at sea, and many more in ex- 
 treme danger. It caused y' sea to swell (to y" south- 
 
402 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 ward of this place) above 20. foote, right up & downe, 
 and made roany of the Indeans to clime into trees for 
 their saftie ; it tooke of y^ liorded roofe of a house 
 which belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and 
 Acted it to another place, the posts still standing in 
 y' ground ; and if it had continued long without y' 
 shifting of y'' wind, it is like it would have drouned 
 some parte of y" cuntrie. It blew downe many hun- 
 dered thowsands of trees, turning up the stronger by 
 the roots, and breaking the hiegher pine trees of in 
 the midle, and y^ tall yonge oaks & walnut trees of 
 good biggnes were wound like a withe, very Strang 
 & fearfull to behould. It begane in y^ southeast, and 
 parted toward 3'" south & east, and vered sundry ways ; 
 but y'' greatest force of it here was from y' former 
 quarters. It continued not (in y' extremitie) above 
 5. or G. houers, but y*" violence begane to abate. The 
 signes and marks of it will remaine this 100. years in 
 these i^arts wher it was sorest. The moone suffered 
 a great eclips the 2. night after it. . 
 
 Some of their neighbours in y"' Bay, hereing of y" 
 fame of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind 
 after it, (as was before noted,) and now understanding 
 that y' Indeans were swepte awaj' with y'' late great 
 mortalitie, the fear of whom was an obstacle unto 
 them before, which being now taken away, they be- 
 gane now to prosecute it with great egernes. The 
 greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 403 
 
 plantation and them hear ; for they set their minde 
 on that place, which they had not only purchased of 
 y'= Indeaus, but wher they had builte ; intending only 
 (if they could not remove them) that they should have 
 but a smale moyety left to y" house, as to a single 
 family ; whose doings and proceedings were conceived 
 to be very injurious, to attempte not only to intrude 
 them selves into y' rights & possessions of others, but 
 in effect to thrust them out of all. Many were y"" 
 leters & passages that went betweene them hear aboute, 
 which would Vje to long here to relate. 
 
 I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write 
 by their own agente from thence. 
 
 S': &c. Y' Masscbuset men are coming almost dayly, some 
 by water, & some by land, who are not j'et determined wlier 
 to setle, though some have a great mind to y" place we are 
 upon, and which was last bought. Many of them look at 
 that which this river will not afford, excepte it be at this 
 place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have 
 eomodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they 
 will doe I cannot yet resolve you ; for this place ther is none 
 of them say any thing to me, but what I hear from their 
 servants (by whom I perceive their minds). I shall doe what 
 I can to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason ; as 
 that we were here first, and entred with much difficulty and 
 danger, [212] both in regard of y" Dutch & Indeans, and 
 bought y'= land, (to your great charge, allready disbursed,) 
 and have since held here a chargable possession, and kept 
 y'' Dutch from further inci'oaching, which would els long be- 
 fore this day have possessed all, and kept out all others, &c. 
 
404 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 I hope these & such like arguinents will stoppe them. It was 
 your will we should use their persons & messengers kindly, 
 & so we have done, and doe dayly, to j'our great charge; 
 for 3'' first company had well nie starved had it not been for 
 this house, for want of victuals ; I being forced to supply 
 12. men for 9. days togeather ; and those which came last, 
 I entertained the best we could, helping both them (& y"^ 
 other) witli canows, & guids. They gott me to goe with 
 them to y" Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them 
 to have quiet setling nere them ; but they did peremtorily 
 withstand them. 15at this later company did not once speak 
 therof, &c. Also I gave their goods house roome according 
 to their ernest request, and M'. Pinchous letter in their be- 
 halfe (which I thought good to send j'ou, here inclosed). 
 And what trouble & charge I shall be further at I know 
 not ; for they are coiuing dayly, and I expecte these back 
 againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw y' countrie. 
 All which trouble & charg we under goe for their occasion, 
 may give us just cause (in y° judgmente of all wise & un- 
 derstanding men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. 
 Thus with my duty remembred, &c. I rest 
 Yours to be comanded 
 
 JOHNNATHA BrEWSTEE. 
 
 Matianuck, July 6. 1635. 
 
 Amongst y" many agitations that pased betweene 
 them, I shal note a few out of their last letters, & for 
 y" present omitte y" rest, except upon other occasion 
 I may have fitter opportunity. After their thorrow 
 veiw of y place, they began to pitch them selves upon 
 their land & near their house ; which occasioned much 
 expostulation betweene them. Some of which are such 
 as follow. 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 405 
 
 Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to 
 agitate & bring to an issue some maters in difference be- 
 tweene us, about some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you 
 lay challeng ; upon which God l)y his providence cast us, 
 and as we conceive in a faire way of providence tendered 
 it to us, as a meete place to receive our body, now upon 
 removall. 
 
 We shall not need to answer all y' passages of your larg 
 letter, &c. But wheras you say God in his providence cast 
 you, &c., we tould you before, and (upon this occasion) 
 must now tell you still, that our mind is other wise, and 
 y' you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon 
 that w°'' is your neigbours, and not yours ; and in so doing, 
 your way could not be faire unto it. Looke y' you abuse 
 not Gods providence in such allegations. 
 
 Theirs. 
 
 Now allbeite we at first judged y" place so free y' we might 
 with Gods good leave take & use it, without just offence to 
 any man, it being the Lords [213] wast, and for y' presente 
 altogeather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded y" im- 
 ploymente therof, to y' right ends for which land was created. 
 Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions of any, & uncertaine 
 possibilities of this or that to be done by any, we judging 
 them (in such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be 
 equalled with presente actions (such as ours was) nmch less 
 worthy to be prefered before them ; and therfore did we 
 make some weake begiuiugs in that good worke, in y' place 
 afforesaid. 
 
 Ans : Their answer was to this effecte. That if it 
 was y" Lords wast, it was them selves that found it so, 
 & not they ; and have since bought it of y" right 
 
406 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 oweners, and maintained a chargable possession upon 
 it al this "while, as them selves could not but know. 
 And because of present ingagments and other hinder- 
 ances which lay at presente upon them, must it ther- 
 fore be lawfull for them to goe and take it from 
 them ? It was well known that they are upon a barren 
 place, wher they were by necessitie cast; and neither 
 they nor theirs could longe continue upon y' same ; 
 and why should they (because they were more ready, 
 & more able at presente) goe and deprive them of 
 that which they had w'" charg & hazard provided, & 
 intended to remove to, as soone as they could & were 
 able ? 
 
 They had another passage in their letter ; they had 
 rather have to doe with the lords in England, to 
 whom (as they heard it reported) some of them should 
 say that they had rather give up their right to them, 
 (if they must jnirt with it,) then to j" church of 
 Dorchester, &c. And that they should be less fearfull 
 to oflend y'-' lords, then they were them. 
 
 Ans : Their answer was, that what soever they had 
 heard, (more then was true,) yet y' case was not so 
 with them that they had need to give away their rights 
 & adventurs, either to y" lords, or them ; yet, if they 
 might measure their fear of offence by their practise, 
 they had rather (in that poynte) they should deal with 
 3"' lords, who were beter able to bear it, or help them 
 selves, then they were. 
 
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 407 
 
 But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other 
 things, and come to the conclusion that was made in 
 y" endd. To make any forcible resistance was farr 
 from their thoughts, (they had enough of y' about 
 Kenebeck,) and to live in continuall contention with 
 their freinds & brethren would be uncomfortable, and 
 too heavie a burden to bear. Therfore for peace sake 
 (though they conceived they suflered much in this 
 thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon 
 as good termes as they could gett ; and so they fell to 
 treaty. The first thing y' (because they had made so 
 many & long disputs aboute it) they would have them 
 to grante was, y' they had right too it, or ells they 
 would never treat aboute it. The * which being ac- 
 knowledged, & yeelded unto by them, this was y° con- 
 clusion they came unto in j" end after much adoe : 
 that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. 
 parte of all they had bought of y" Indeans ; and y'* 
 other should have all y" rest of y" land ; leaveing such 
 a moj^ety to those [214] of New-towne, as the}' re- 
 served for them. This 16. part was to be taken in too 
 places ; one towards y'= house, the other towards New- 
 townes proporrtion. Also they were to i)ay according 
 to proportion, what had been disbursed to y" Indeans 
 for y' purchass. Thus was y" controversie ended, but 
 the unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of New- 
 towne delt more fairly, desireing only what they could 
 
 • They in MS. 
 
408 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 conveniently spare, from a competancie reserved for 
 a plantation, for them selves ; which made them the 
 more carfuU to procure a moj^ety for them, in this 
 agreement & distribution. 
 
 Amongst y" other bussinesses that M''. Winslow had 
 to doe in England, he had order from y*" church to 
 provid & bring over some able cS; fitt man for to 
 be their minister. And accordingly he had procured 
 a godlj^ and a worthy * man, one M''. Glover ; but it 
 pleased God when he was prepared for the viage, he 
 fell sick of a feaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he 
 was ready to come awaj% he became acquainted with 
 M"'. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would 
 not ingage him selfe to this place, otherwise then he 
 should see occasion when he came hear ; and if he liked 
 better else wher, to repay y*^ charge laid out for him, 
 (which came to aboute 70*'.) and to be at his libei'ty. 
 He staj'ed alioute a j^ear with them, after he came 
 over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by 
 them ; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many 
 rich & able men, and sundry of his aquaintance ; so he 
 wente to them, & is their minister. Aboute half of 
 y" charg was repayed, y* rest he had for y'= pains he 
 tooke amongst them. 
 
 • Before this word iu the margin appears a capital N. 
 
ItJoG.J PLYiMOUTH PLAXTATIUN. 409 
 
 A7ino Dom: 1636. 
 
 M". Ed : WiNSLOw was chosen Gov'' this year. 
 
 In y"* former year, because they perceived by ]\'r. 
 Winslows later letters that no accounts would be 
 sente, they resolved to keep y" beaver, and send no 
 more, till they had them, or came to some further 
 agreemente. At least they would forbear till M^ 
 Winslow came over, that by more full conferance with 
 him they might better understand what was meete to 
 be done. But when he came, though he Ijrought no 
 accounts, yet he perswaded them to send y'' beaver, 
 & was confident upon y'' receite of y' beaver, & his 
 letters, they should have accounts y'- nexte year ; and 
 though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave 
 him this hope, & made him so confidente, yet by his 
 importunitie they yeelded, & sente j" same, ther being 
 a ship at y" latter end of year, by whom they sente 
 1150". waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins, Ijesids 
 sundrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, 
 &c. And this year, in y"" spring, came in a Dutch 
 man, who thought to have traded at y° Dutch-forte ; 
 [215] but they would not suffer him. He, having 
 good store of trading goods, came to this place, & 
 tendred them to sell ; of whom they l)ought a good 
 quantitie, they being very good & fitte for their turne, 
 as Dutch roll, ketles, &c., which goods amounted to y'' 
 valew of 500"., for y** paymente of which they passed 
 
410 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 bills to M^ Sherley in England, having before sente 
 y" forementioned parcell of beaver. And now this 
 year (by another ship) sente an other good round 
 parcell that might come to his hands, & be sould be- 
 fore any of these bills should be due. The quantity 
 of beaver now sent was 1809". waight, and of otters 
 10. skins, and shortlj^ after (y" same year) was sent by 
 another ship (M". Langrume maister), in beaver 0719". 
 waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which M^ 
 Sherley thus writs. 
 
 Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggstieads of beaver 
 by Ed : Wilkinson, m'. of y" Falcon. Blessed be God for y° 
 safe coming of it. I have also seen & acceped 3. bills of 
 exchainge, &c. But I must now acquainte you how the Lords 
 heavie hand is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly 
 in this cittie, with his judgmente of y" plague. The last 
 weeks bill was 1200. & odd, I fear this will be more ; and 
 it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes. Bj' reason 
 wherof it is incredible y' number of people y' are gone into 
 y" cuntry & left y" citie. 1 am pers waded many more then 
 went out y" last sicknes ; so as here is no trading, carriers 
 from most places put downe ; nor no receiving of any money, 
 though long due. M'. Hall ows us more then would pay 
 these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in y' cuntrie, 60. 
 miles from London. I write to him, he came up, but could 
 not pay us. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell y" 
 beaver at 8'. p' pound, it would not yeeld money ; but when 
 y" Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have 
 better & quicker markets ; so it shall lye by. Before I ac- 
 cepted y" bills, I acquainted M'. Beachamp & M'. Andrews 
 with them, & how ther could be no money made nor 
 
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 411 
 
 received; and that it wouid be a great discredite to you, 
 which never yet had any turned back, and a shame to us, 
 haveiug 1800". of beaver lying by us, and more oweing 
 then y' bills come too, &c. But all was nothing ; neither 
 of them both will put too their finger to help. I offered to 
 supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they 
 neither would nor could, &c. How ever, your bils shall 
 be satisfied to y" parties good contente ; but I would not 
 have thought they would have left either you or me at this 
 time, &c. You will and may expect I should write more, 
 & answer your leters, but I am not a day in y° weeke at 
 home at towne, but carry my books & all to Clapham ; for 
 here is y*^ miserablest time y' I thinke hath been known in 
 many ages. I have know 3. great sickneses, but none like 
 this. And that which should be a means to pacifle y" Lord, 
 & help us, that is taken away, preaching put downe in many 
 places, not a sermone in Westminster on y" saboth, nor in 
 many townes aboute us ; y" Lord in mercie looke uppon 
 us. In y° beginiug of y" year was a great [216] drought, 
 & no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte 
 up, haye, at 5". a load ; and now all raine, so as much 
 sommer corne & later haye is spoyled. Thus y" Lord 
 sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see, 
 nor humble our selves ; and therfore may justly fear heavier 
 judgments, unless we speedyly repente, & returue unto him, 
 which y' Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed 
 will. Thus desiring you to remember us in your prayers, 
 I ever rest Your loving friend, 
 
 James Sherlet. 
 Sep': 14. 1636. 
 
 This was all y"= answer they had from M^ Sherley, 
 by which M'. Winslow saw his hops failed him. So 
 they now I'esoloved to send no more beaver in y' way 
 
412 HISTOEY OF [book II. 
 
 which they had done, till they came to some issue or 
 other aboute these things. But now came over let- 
 ters from M'. Andrews & iP. Beachamp full of com- 
 plaints, that they marveled y' nothing was sent over, 
 by which anj'- of their mone^rs should be payed in ; 
 for it did appear by y" accounte sente in An° 1631. 
 that they were each of them out, aboute a leven 
 hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not 
 received one penie towards y'' same. But now M''. 
 Sherley sought to draw more money from them, and 
 was offended because they deneyed him ; and blamed 
 them hear very much that all was sent to M^ Sher- 
 ley, & nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, 
 for they conceived that much of their moneis had been 
 paid in, & y' yearly each of them had received a pro- 
 portionable quantity out of y" larg returnes sent home. 
 For thej' had sente home since y' accounte was re- 
 ceived in An" 1631. (in which all & more then all 
 their debts, w"' j'' years supply, was charged upon 
 them) these sumes following. 
 
 Novi" 18. An" 1631. By M'. Peirce 0400K. waight of beaver, & otters 20. 
 
 July 13. An» 1632. By M'. Griffin 1348". beaver, & otters 
 
 An° 1633. By M'. Graves 3366« bever, & otters 
 
 An» 1634. By M'. Andrews 3738". beaver, & otters 
 
 An" 163.5. By M'. Baljl) 11.50*1. beaver, & otters 
 
 June 24. An" 1636. By W. Willkinson 1809«. beaver, & otters 
 
 Ibidem. By M'. Lani,'rume 0719". beaver, & otters 
 
 147. 
 346. 
 234. 
 200. 
 010. 
 199. 
 
 12150''.* 1156. 
 
 * Not correctly cast; it should be 12,530". 
 
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 413 
 
 All these sumes were safly rceived & well sould, 
 as appears by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20'. 
 p" pound, and some at 24". ; the skm at 15. & some- 
 times 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It 
 may be y" last year might be something lower, so 
 also ther were some small furrs that are not recconed 
 in this accounte, & some black beaver at higer rates, 
 to make up y" defects. [217] It was conceived that 
 y' former parcells of beaver came to litle less then 
 10000". sterling, and y' otter skins would pay all y'' 
 charge, & they w'" other furrs make up besids if any 
 thing wanted of y"= former sume. When y" former 
 accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White- 
 Angelle & Frendship included) came but to 4770". 
 And they could not estimate that all y' supplies since 
 sent them, & bills payed for them, could come to 
 above 2000". so as they conceived their debts had 
 been payed, with advantage or intrest. But it may 
 be objected, how comes it that they could not as well 
 exactly sett downe their receits, as their returnes, but 
 thus estimate it. I answer, 2. things were y-^ cause 
 of it"; the first & principall was, that y'' new ac- 
 countante, which they in England would needs presse 
 upon them, did wholy faile them, & could never give 
 them any accounte; but trusting to his memorie, & 
 lose papers, let things rune into such confusion, that 
 neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to 
 rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his 
 
414 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 accounts, he desired to have such a time, and such 
 a time of leasure, and he would doe it. In y^ intrime 
 he fell into a great sicknes, and in conclusion it fell 
 out he could make no accounte at all. His books 
 were after a litle good be^ining left altogeather un- 
 perfect; and his papers, some were lost, & others so 
 confused, as he knew not what to make of them him 
 selfe, when they came to be searched & examined. 
 This was not unknowne to M". Sherley ; and they 
 came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it was not 
 their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here; 
 for they conceived they lost some hundreds of pounds 
 for goods trusted out in y^ place, which were lost for 
 want of clear accounts to call them in. Another rea- 
 son of this mischeefe was, that after M"'. Winslow 
 was sente into England to demand accounts, and to 
 excepte against y"" Whit-Angell, they never had any 
 price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce 
 of them; but all things stood in confusion, and they 
 were faine to guesse at y' prises of them. 
 
 They write back to jNI". Andrews & ]NT. Beachamp, 
 and tould them they marveled they should write they 
 had sent nothing home since y" last accounts ; for 
 they had sente a great deale ; and it might rather be 
 marveled how the^^ could be able to send so much, 
 besids defraying all charg at home, and what they 
 had lost by the French, and so much cast away at 
 sea, when M'. Peirce lost his ship on y" coast of Vir- 
 
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 415 
 
 ginia. What tliey had sente was to them all, and to 
 them selves as well as M"'. Sherley, and if they did 
 not looke after it, it was their owne falts ; they must 
 referr them to M'. Sherley, who had received [218] 
 it, to demand it of him. They allso write to M"'. 
 Sherley to y° same purposs, and what the others com- 
 plaints were. 
 
 This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with 
 goods from y"^ Massachusetts of such as removed 
 theither to plante, were in an easterly storme cast 
 away in coming into this harbore in y" night ; the 
 boats men were lost, and y'' goods were driven all 
 alonge y*" shore, and strowed up & downe at high- 
 water marke. But y'= GoV caused them to be gath- 
 ered up, and drawn togeather, and appointed some 
 to take an inventory of them, and others to wash 
 & drie such things as had neede therof; by which 
 means most of y'' goods were saved, and restored to 
 y"* owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (go- 
 ing thither likwise) was cast away near unto Manoan- 
 scusett, and such goods as came a shore were preserved 
 for them. Such crosses they mette with in their be- 
 ginings ; which some imputed as a correction from 
 God for their intrution (to y" wrong of others) into 
 y' place. 'But I dare not be bould with Gods judg- 
 ments in this kind. 
 
 In y"^ year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and war- 
 like people), who had made warrs with sundry of 
 
416 HISTORr OF [book II. 
 
 their neigbours, and jDuft up with many victories, 
 grue now at varience with y" Narigansets, a great 
 peoj^le bordering upon them. These Narigansets held 
 correspondance and termes of freindship with y"' Eng- 
 lisli of y'- Massachusetts. Now y'^ Pequents, being con- 
 scious of y'' guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they 
 knew to be an-Englisli man, as also those }'' were 
 with him, and l)eing fallen out with y"= Dutch, least 
 they should have over many enemies at once, sought 
 to make freindship with y" English of y" Massachu- 
 setts ; and for y' end sent both messengers & gifts 
 unto them, as appears hy some letters sent from y" 
 Gov'' hither. 
 
 Dear & worthy S': &c. To let you know somwhat of 
 our affairs, you may understand that y' Pequents have sent 
 some of theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered 
 much wampam & beaver, &c. The first messengers were 
 dismissed without answer ; with y' nest we had diverce dayes 
 conferance, and taking y' advice of some of our ministers, 
 and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace & freind- 
 ship with them, upon these conditions : that they should de- 
 liver up to us those men who were guilty of Stones death, 
 &c. And if we desired to plant in Conightecute, they should 
 give up their right to us, and so we would send to trade 
 with them as our freinds (which was y' cheefe thing we 
 aimed at, being now in warr with y' Dutch and y" rest of 
 their neigbours). To this they readily agreed; and that 
 we should meadiate a peace betweene them and the Narigan- 
 setts ; for which end tliey were contente we should give the 
 Narigansets parte of y' presente, they would bestow on us 
 
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATIOX. 417 
 
 (for they stood [219] * so much on their honour, as they 
 would not be seen to give any thing of them selves). As 
 for Captein Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of 
 those who had any hand in his death ; and tliat thej' killed 
 him in a just quarell, for (saj' they) he surprised 2. of our 
 men, and bound them, to make them by force to shew him 
 y' vfay up y'^ river ; j and he with 2. other coming on shore, 
 9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe in y° 
 night, the J' kiled them, to deliver their owne men ; and some 
 of them going afterwards to y'' pinass, it was suddaiuly blowne 
 up. We are now preparing to send a pinass unto theili, &c. 
 
 Ill an other of his, dated y" 12. of y'' first month, 
 he hath this. 
 
 Our pinass is latly returned from y" Pequeuts ; they put 
 of but title comoditie, and found them a very false people, 
 so as they mean to have no more to doe with them. I have 
 diverce other things to write unto you, &c. 
 
 Yours ever assured, 
 
 Jo : WiNTHKOP. 
 
 Boston, 12. of y" 1. month, 1634. 
 
 After these things, and, as I take, this year, John 
 Oldom, (of whom much is spolven before,) Ijeing now 
 an inhabitant of y" Massachusetts, went w*'' a small 
 vessel!, & slenderly mand, a trading into these south 
 parts, and upon a quarell betweene him & y' Indeans 
 was cutt of by them (as hath been before noted) at 
 an iland called by y" Indeans Munisses, but since by 
 
 * 119 in MS. 
 
 t Ther is title trust to be given to tlieir relations in these things. 
 
418 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 y' English Block Eaud. This, with y" former about 
 the death of Stone, and the baffoyling of y' Pequents 
 with y'' English of y° Massachusetts, moved them to 
 set out some to take revenge, and require satisfaction 
 for these wrongs ; but it was done so superfitially, and 
 without their acquainting of those of Conightecute & 
 other neighbours with y'' same, as they did litle good. 
 But their neigl)0urs had more hurt done, for some 
 of y° murderers of Oldome fled to y" Pequents, and 
 though the English went to y° Pequents, and had 
 some parley with them, yet they did but delude 
 them, & y" English returned without doing any thing 
 to purpose, being frustrate of their oppertunitie by y'' 
 others deceite. After y" English were returned, the 
 Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of 
 some of y" English as they passed in boats, and went 
 on fouling, and assaulted them the next spring at 
 their habytations, as will appear in its place. I doe 
 l)ut touch these things, because I make no question 
 they will be more fully & distinctlj^ handled by them 
 selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them, and 
 whom they did more properly concerne. 
 
 This year M''. Smith layed downe his place of min- 
 istrie, partly b}^ his owne willingnes, as thinking it 
 too heavie a burthen, and partly at the desire, and 
 by y'-' perswasion, of others; and the church sought 
 out for [220] * some other, having often been disap- 
 
 * 120 in MS. 
 
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 419 
 
 pointed in their liops and desires lieretofore. And it 
 pleased the Lord to send them an able and a godly 
 man,* and of a meeke and Immble spirite, sound in 
 ■y" truth, and every way unreproveable in his life & 
 conversation; whom, after some time of triall, they 
 chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours 
 they injoyed manj^ years with much comforts, in 
 peace, & good agreemente. 
 
 Anno Bom: 103 7. 
 In y'' fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell 
 openly upon y'- English at Conightecute, in y'' lower 
 parts of y*^ river, and slew sundry of them, (as they 
 were at work in y'" feilds,) both men & women, to 
 y° great terrour of y'- rest ; and wente away in groat 
 prid & triumph, with many high threats. They allso 
 assalted a fort at y"' rivers mouth, though strong and 
 well defended ; and though they did not their pre- 
 vaile, yet it struk them with much fear & astonish- 
 mente to see their bould attempts in the face of 
 danger ; which made them in all places to stand 
 upon their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and 
 ernestly to solissite their freinds and confederats in y° 
 Bay of Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for 
 they looked for more forcible assaults. M"'. Vane, 
 being then Gov'', write from their Generall Courte 
 to them hear, to joyne with them in this warr ; to 
 
 * Mr. John lleinor. 
 
420 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 which they were cordiality willing, but tooke oppor- 
 tuuitie to write to them aboute some former thino-s, 
 as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The 
 which will best appear in y'' Gov"' answer which he 
 returned to y'' same, wliich I shall here inserte. 
 
 S'': The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to 
 our late Gov' is fallen to my lott to make auswer unto, 
 I could have wished I might have been at more freedome 
 of time & thoughts also, that I might have done it more to 
 your & my owne satisfaction. But what shall be wanting 
 now may be supplyed hereafter. For y'^ matters which from 
 your selfe & counsell were propounded & objected to us, we 
 thought not fitte to make them so publicke as y" cognizance 
 of our Generall Courte. But as they have been considered 
 by those of our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to re- 
 turne unto you. (1.) AVereas you signifie j'our wdllingues 
 to joyne with us in this warr against y" Pequents, though 
 you cannot ingage your selves without y*^ consente of your 
 Generall Courte, we ackuowledg your good affection towards 
 us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are will- 
 ing to attend your full resolution, when it may most season- 
 ably be ripened. (2''.) Wheras you make this warr to be 
 our peopls, and not [221] to conceirne your selves, otherwise 
 then by consequence, we do in parte consente to you therin ; 
 yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand 
 upon such terms, as w'e hope we should not doe towards 
 you ; and withall we conceive that you looke at y' Pequents, 
 and .all other Indeans, as a coiiione eniniie, who, though he 
 may take occasion of y" begining of his rage, from some 
 one parte of y" English, yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue 
 his advantage, to y" rooting out of y' whole nation. Ther- 
 fore when we desired your help, we did it not without 
 
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 421 
 
 respecte to your owne saftle, as ours. (3'-^.) Wheras j?ou 
 desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occa- 
 sions ; we are perswaded you doc not doubtc of it ; yet as 
 we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, so 
 as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise 
 then as reason may guid & provock you ; so we desire 
 we may be at y° like freedome, when any occasion may 
 call for help from us. And wheras it is objected to 
 us, that we refused to aide you against y" French ; we con- 
 ceive y' case was not alicke ; yet we cannot wholy excuse 
 our failing in that matter. (4'^'.) Weras you objecte that 
 we began y" warr without your privitie, & managed it con- 
 trary to your advise ; the truth is, that our first intentions 
 being only against Block Hand, and y" interprice seeming 
 of small difflcultie, we did not so much as consider of taking 
 advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we had 
 resolved upon y'' Pequents, we sent presenth', or not long 
 after, to you aboute it ; but y" answer received, it was not 
 seasonable for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had 
 seen and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed 
 our owne. 
 
 (.5'^.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure 
 you (to our knowledge) it hath not been bj' any allowance 
 from us ; and what we have provided in this and like cases, 
 at our last Courte, M'. E. W. can certifie you. 
 
 And (6'^') ; wheras you objecte to us y' we should hold 
 trade & correspondaucie with y'' French, your eneuiise ; we 
 answer, you are misinformed, for, besids some letters which 
 hath passed betweene our late Gov' and them, to whieh we 
 were privie, we have neither sente nor incouraged ours to 
 trade with them ; only one vessell or tow, for y*" better con- 
 veace of our letters, had licens from our Gov' to sayle 
 thither.* 
 
 * But hy this means they did furnish them, & hare still continued to doe. 
 
422 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Diverce other things have beeu privatlj' objected to as, Ijy 
 oar worthjT freiud, wheranto he received some answer ; but 
 most of them concerning y° apprehention of perticnler dis- 
 curteseis, or injaeries from some perticnler persons amongst 
 us. It concernes us not to give any other answer to them 
 then this ; that, if y'' offenders shall be brought forth in a 
 right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as y" case shall 
 require. In the nieane time, we desire 3'ou to rest assured, 
 that such things are without our privit}^ and not a litle 
 greeveous to us. 
 
 Now for y° joyning with us in this waii', which indeed 
 concerns us no other wise then it may 3'our selves, viz. : 
 the releeving of our freinds & Christian [222] breethren, 
 who are now first in y'' danger ; though you may thinke us 
 able to make it good without you, (as, if y'^ Lord please 
 to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your 
 consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight 
 with you. (First) y' if we should sinck under this burden, 
 your opportuuitie of seasonable help would be lost in 3. 
 respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves 
 ther, with 3. times y' charge & hazard which now y^ may. 
 2'-'". The sorroAves wiiich we should lye under (if through 
 your neglect) would much abate of y'' acceptablenes of your 
 help afterwards. 3'-''. Those of yours, who are now full of 
 courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so 
 less able to uudergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is 
 this, that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an 
 end before y' end of this soiiier, otherwise y' newes of it 
 will discourage both your & our freinds from coming to us 
 next year ; with what further hazard & losse it may expose 
 us unto, your selves may judge. 
 
 The (3.) thing is this, that if y" Lord shall please to 
 blesse our endeaours, so as we end y' warr, or put it in a 
 hopefull way without you, it may Ijreed such ill thoughts 
 in our people towards yours, as will be hard to enterlaine 
 
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 423 
 
 such opinioiie of your good will towards us, as were fitt to 
 be Durished among such neigbours & brethren as we are. 
 And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise 
 men may fear, & would rather prevente then hope to re- 
 dress. So with my harty salutations to you selfe, and all 
 your counsel!, and other our good freiuds with you, I rest 
 Yours most assured in y° Lord, 
 
 Jo : WiNTHRor. 
 Boston, y" 20. of y" 3. month, 1637. 
 
 In y* mean time, the Pequents, espetially in y'^ win- 
 ter before, sought to make peace with y" Narigansets, 
 and used very pernicious arguments to move them 
 therunto : as that y'^ English were stranegers and be- 
 gane to overspred their countrie, and would deprive 
 them therof in time, if they were sufiered to grow 
 & increse ; and if y' Narigansets did assist y" English 
 to subdue them, they did luit make way for their 
 owne overthrow, for if they were rooted out, the 
 English would soone take occasion to subjugate them ; 
 and if they would barken to them, they should not 
 neede to fear y" strength of y" English; for they 
 would not come to open battle with them, but fire 
 their houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for 
 them as the^^ went abroad upon their occasions ; and 
 all this they might easily doe without any or litle 
 danger to them selves. The which course ])eing held, 
 they well saw the English could not long subsiste, ))ut 
 they would either be starved with hunger, or be forced 
 to forsake the countrie ; with many y'= like things ; in- 
 
424 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 somucli that y" Xarigansets were once wavering, and 
 were halfe minded to have made peace witli them, and 
 joyed against y'' English. But againe wlien they con- 
 sidered, how much wrong they had received from the 
 Pequents, and wliat an. oppertunitie they now had by 
 y'' help of y'' English to right them selves, revenge 
 was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all y" 
 rest ; so as they resolved to joyne with y'' English 
 against them, & did. [223] The Court here agreed 
 forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg ; and 
 w* as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them 
 armed, and had made them ready under sufficiente 
 leaders, and provided a Ijarke to carrie them provisions 
 & tend upon them for all occasions ; but when they 
 were ready to march (with a supply from y'^ Baj^) 
 they had word to stay, for y" enimy was as good as 
 vanquished, and their would be no neede. 
 
 I shall not take upon me exactlj^ to describe their 
 proceedings in these things, because I expecte it will 
 be fullj" done by them selves, who best know the car- 
 rage & circumstances of things ; I shall therfore but 
 touch them in generall. From Connightecute (who 
 were most sencible of y" hurt sustained, & y" pres- 
 ent danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an 
 other partie mett them from y' Bay, at y^ Narigansets, 
 who were to joj^ne with them. Y'' Narigansets were 
 ernest to be gone before y" English were well rested 
 and refreshte, espetially some of them which came last. 
 
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 425 
 
 It should seeme their desire was to come upon y" 
 enemie sudenly, & undiscovered. Ther was a barke 
 of this place, newly put in ther, which was come from 
 Conightecutte, who did incourage them to lay hold of 
 y"" Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forward- 
 nes as thej^, for it would incorage them, and expedi- 
 tion might prove to their great advantage. So they 
 went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans 
 brought them to a forte of y'' enimies (in which most 
 of their cheefe men were) before day. They ap- 
 proached y* same with great silence, and surrounded 
 it both with English & Indeans, that they might not 
 breake out ; and so assualted them with great courage, 
 shooting amongst them, and entered 3^'' forte with all 
 speed ; and those y' first entered found sharp resist- 
 ance from the enimie, who both shott at & grapled 
 with them ; others rane into their howses, & brought 
 out fire, and sett them on fire, which soone tooke in 
 their matts, &, standing close togeather, with j'' wind, 
 all was quicklji- on a flame, and therby more were 
 burnte to death then was otherwise slain ; it burnte 
 their bowstrings, and made them unservisable. Those 
 y' scaped y'^ fire were slaine with y' sword ; some 
 hewed to peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers, 
 so as they were quickly dispatchte, and very few es- 
 caped. It was conceived they thus destroyed about 
 400. at this time. It was a fearfull sight to see 
 them thus frying in y'= fyer, and y" streams of blood 
 
426 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 quenching j" same, and horrible was y' stinclv & 
 sente ther of; but y" victory seemed a sweete sacri- 
 fice, and they gave the prays therof to God, who had 
 wrought so wonderful V for them, thus to inclose their 
 enimise in their hands, and give them so speedy a 
 victory over so proud & insulting an enimie. The 
 Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute, 
 but aloofe from all danger, and left y" whole [224] 
 execution to y'= English, exept it were y" stoping of 
 any y' broke awaj% insulting over their euimies in this 
 their ruine & miserie, when they saw them dancing in 
 y^ flames, calling them by a word in their owne lan- 
 guage, signifing, brave Pequents ! which they used 
 familierly among them selves in their own praj^es, in 
 songs of triumph after their victories. After this ser- 
 vis was thus happily accomplished, they marcht to the 
 water side, wher they mett with some of their vesells, 
 by which they had refreishing with victualls & other 
 necessaries. But in their march y'' rest of y^ Pe- 
 quents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking 
 to have some advantage against them b}^ * reason of 
 a neck of land ; but when they saw the English pre- 
 pare for them, they kept a loofe, so as thej^ neither 
 did hurt, nor could receive any. After their refreish- 
 ing & repair to geather for further counsel] & direc- 
 tions, they resolved to pursue their victory, and follow 
 y'= warr against y"" rest, but y" Narigansett Indeans 
 
 * Be in manuscript. 
 
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 427 
 
 most of them forsooke them, and such of them as they 
 had with them for guids, or otherwise, they found 
 them very could and backward in y"' bussines, ether 
 out of envie, or y' they saw y'^ English would make 
 more profite of y° victorie then they were willing 
 they should, or els deprive them of such advantage as 
 them selves desired by having them become triljutaries 
 unto them, or y"' like. 
 
 For y'' rest of this bussines, I shall only relate y" 
 same as it is in a later which came from if. Win- 
 throp to y"^ Gov' hear, as followeth. 
 
 Worthy S': I received j'our loving letter, and am much 
 provocked to express my affections towards you, but strait- 
 nes of time forbids me ; for my desire is to acquaiute j'ou 
 with y° Lords greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing 
 against his & our enimies ; that you may rejoyce and praise 
 his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing costed 
 along towards y" Dutch plantation, (some times by water, 
 but most liy land,) mett hear et ther with some Pequents, 
 whom they slew or tooke prisoners. 2. sachems they tooke, 
 & beheaded ; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the cheefe 
 sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe and lind 
 him out. He wente and brought them word where he was, 
 but Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was 
 gone, fled away witli some 20. more to y° Mowakes, so our 
 men missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and rang- 
 ing up & dowue, as y'= providence of God guided them (for 
 y'' Indeaus were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not 
 whither to guid them, or els would not), upon y" 13. of this 
 month, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80. 
 strong men, & 200. women & children, in a smaU Indean 
 
428 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 towne, fast by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into 
 before our men could gett to them. Our captains were not 
 then come togeither, but ther was M'. Ludlow and Captaine 
 Masson, with some 10. [225] of their men, & Captaine 
 Patrick with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at y" 
 Indeans, Captaine Trask with .50. more came sooue in at 
 y' noyse. Then they gave order to surround y° swampe, it 
 being aboute a mile aboute ; but Levetenante Davenporte & 
 some 12. more, not hearing that comand, fell into y° swampe 
 among y'= Indeans. The swampe was so thicke with shrub- 
 woode, & so boggie with all, that some of them stuck 
 fast, and received many shott. Levetenant Davenport was 
 dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another shott 
 in y'' head, so as, fainting, thej' were in great danger to 
 have been taken by y° Indeans. But Sargante Eigges, & 
 Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse 
 of y"" Indeans with their swords. After they were drawne 
 out, the Indeans desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas 
 Stanton, our interpretour) that, if they would come out, 
 and yeeld them selves, they should have their lives, all 
 that had not their hands in y' English blood. Wherupon 
 y' sachem of y' place came forth, and an old man or 2. & 
 their wives and children, and after that some other women 
 & children, and so they spake 2. bowers, till it was night. 
 Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call 
 them forth; but they said they would selle their lives their, 
 and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried out, 
 and been presently rescued, they had slaine him. Then our 
 men cutt of a place of y° swampe with their swords, and 
 cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could 
 easier kill them throw y= thickets. So they continued all 
 y' night, standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and 
 y"= Indeans, coming close up to our men, shot their arrows 
 so thicke, as they pierced their hatte brimes, & their sleeves, 
 
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 429 
 
 & stockins, & other parts of their cloaths, yet so miracu- 
 lously did the Loixl preserve them as not one of them was 
 wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into y' swampe. 
 When it was nere day, it grne very darke, so as those of 
 them which were left dropt away betweene our men, thouoh 
 they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder ; but were presenly 
 discovered, & some killed in y° pursute. Upon searchinj)- of 
 y' swampe, y° next morning, they found 9. slaine, & some 
 they pulled up, whom y" Indeaiis had buried in y" mire, so 
 as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did 
 escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight 
 of their wounds received. The prisoners were devided, some 
 to those of y' river, and tlie rest to us. Of tliese we send 
 y" male children to Bermuda,* by M'. William Peirce, & y° 
 women & maid children are disposed aboute in y' townes. 
 Ther have been now slaine & taken, in all, aboute 700. 
 The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so 
 terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive them. 2. 
 of y° sachems of Long Hand came to M^ Stoughton and 
 tendered them selves to be tributaries under our protection. 
 And 2. of y* Neepnett sachems have been with me to seeke 
 our frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have y' wife & 
 children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest counte- 
 nance and behaviour. It was by her mediation that the j 
 2. English [226] maids were spared from death, and were 
 kindly used by her ; so that I have taken charge of her. 
 One of her first requests was, that the English would not 
 abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken 
 from her. Those which were wounded were fetched of sooue 
 by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie 
 houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded 
 men to y'^ piilass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, w"' M^ 
 
 * But j'-y were carried to y West-Indeas, 
 t Th^i/ in tlie manuscript. 
 
430 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off. Our people are all in 
 health, (y'' Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched 
 in their armes all y' day, and had been in fight all y' night, 
 yet they professed they found them selves so fresh as they 
 could willingly have gone to such another bussines. 
 
 This is y° substance of that which I received, though I am 
 forced to omite many considerable circomstances. So, being 
 in jiiuch straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within 
 this 4. days, and in them the Lord Lee and M'. Vane,) I 
 hear brealie of, and with harty saints to, &c., I rest 
 
 Yours assured, 
 
 Jo : "WiNTHROP. 
 
 The 28. of y' 5. month, 1637. 
 
 The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems ; but Sas- 
 sacouse & JMonotto are yet living. 
 
 That I may make an end of this matter : this Sassa- 
 couse (y"" Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to y" 
 Mowhakes, tliey cutt of his head, wdth some other 
 of y'' clieefe of them, wliether to satisfie y' English, or 
 rather y^ Narigansets, (v^dio, as I have since heard, 
 hired them to doe it,) or for their owne advantage, 
 I well know not ; l3nt thus this warr tooke end. The 
 rest of j° Pequents were whol}' driven from their 
 place, and some of them submitted them selves to y' 
 Narigansets, & lived under them; others of them be- 
 tooke them selves to y" j\IonIiiggs, under Uncass, their 
 sachem, w"' the approbation of y' English of Conigh- 
 tecutt, under whose protection Uncass lived, and he 
 and his men had been faithful to them in this warr, 
 & done them very good service. But this did so vexe 
 
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 431 
 
 the Narrigansetts, that they had not y" whole sweay 
 over them, as thej'' have never ceased plotting and 
 contiiving how to bring them under, and because they 
 cannot attaine their ends, because of y'' English who 
 have protected them, they have sought to raise a 
 generall conspiracie against y'^ English, as will appear 
 in an other place. 
 
 They had now letters againe out of England from 
 M''. Andrews & M". Beachamp, that ^I''. Sherley neither 
 had nor would pay them any money, or give them any 
 accounte, and so with much discontent desired them 
 hear to send them some, much blaming them still, that 
 they had sent all to ^l'. Sherley, & none to them 
 selves. Now, though they might have justly referred 
 them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon, 
 & some wise men counselled them so to doe, yet he- 
 cause they beleeved that [227] they were realy out 
 round sumes of money, (espetialy M''. Andrews,) and 
 they had some in their hands, they resolved to send 
 them what bever they had.* ~Si'. Sherleys letters were 
 to this purpose : that, as they had left him in y" 
 paiment of y'" former liills, so he had tould them he 
 would leave them in this, and lieleeve it, they should 
 find it true. And he was as good as his word, for 
 they could never gett peney from him, nor In-ing him 
 to any accounte, though M''. Beachamp sued him in y'= 
 Chancerie. But they all of them turned their com- 
 
 * But staia it till y" next year. 
 
432 IIISTOEY OF [book II. 
 
 plaints against them liere, wlier ther was least cause, 
 and who had suffered luost unjustly ; first from M'. 
 AUerton & them, in being charged with so much of 
 y' which they never had, nor drunke for; and now 
 in paying all, & more then all (as they conceived), and 
 yet still thus more demanded, and that with many 
 heavie charges. They now discharged M'. Sherley from 
 his agencie, and forljad him to buy or send over any 
 more goods for them, and prest him to come to some 
 end about these things. 
 
 Anno Dom: 1638. 
 
 This year M". Thomas Prence was chosen Gov''. 
 
 Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, 
 this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for 
 robery & murder which they had committed ; their 
 names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and 
 Richard Stinnings ; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who 
 was also guilty, but he escaped away, and could not 
 be found. This Arthur Peach was y" cheefe of them, 
 and y" ring leader of all y"" rest. He was a lustie 
 and a desperate yonge man, and had been one of j" 
 souldiers in j" Pequente warr, and had done as good 
 servise as y" most ther, and one of y'= forwardest in 
 any attempte. And being now out of means, and loath 
 to worke, and falling to idle courses & company, he 
 intended to goe to j' Dutch jjlantation ; and had alured 
 these 3., being other mens servants and apprentices, 
 
1638.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 433 
 
 to goe with him. But another cause ther was allso 
 of his secret going away in this maner ; he was not 
 only rune into debte, but lie had gott a maid with 
 child, (which was not known till after his death,) a 
 mans servante in y*" towne, and fear of punishmente 
 made him gett away. The other 3. complotting with 
 him, rane away from their maisters in the night, and 
 could not be heard of, for they went not y" ordinarie 
 way, but shaped such a course as they thought to 
 avoyd y'^ pursute of any [228]. But falling into y'^ way 
 that lyeth betweene y" Bay of Massachusetts and the 
 Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest them selves, 
 struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of y'' way, 
 by y"" ^^y side. At length ther came a Narigansett 
 Indean by, who had been in y'' Bay a trading, and 
 had both cloth & beads aboute him. (They had meett 
 him y"" day before, & he was now returning.) Peach 
 called him to drinke tobaco with them, and he came 
 & sate downe with them. Peach tould y= other he 
 would kill him, and take what he had from him. But 
 they were some thing afraid ; but he said. Hang him, 
 rogue, he had killed many of them. So they let him 
 alone to doe as he would ; and when he saw his time, 
 he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once 
 or twise, and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, 
 and 3. coats of cloath, and wente their way, leaving 
 him for dead. But he scrabled away, when they were 
 gone, and made shift to gett home, (but dyed within 
 
434 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 a few days after,) by which means they were dis- 
 covered ; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For 
 they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, 
 (not thinking their facte had been known,) by y** 
 sachems comand they were carried to Aquidnett Hand, 
 & ther accused of y'' murder, and were examed & 
 comitted upon it by y" English ther. The Indeans sent 
 for M^ Williams, & made a greeveous complainte ; his 
 freinds and kinred were ready to rise in armes, and 
 provock the rest therunto, some conceiving they should 
 now find y" Pequents words trew : that y' English 
 would fall upon them. But W. Williams pacified 
 them, & tould them they should see justice done upon 
 y" ofienders ; & wente to y* man, & tooke M"'. James, 
 a phisition, with him. The man tould him who did it, 
 & in what maner it Avas done ; but y' phisition found 
 his wounds mortall, and that he could not live, (as he 
 after testified upon othe, before y'' jurie in oppen 
 courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both M"^. 
 Williams, M"'. James, & some Indeans testified in 
 courte. The Gov"^' in y' Bay were aquented with it, 
 but refierrd it hither, because it was done in this 
 jurisdiction ; * but pressed by all means y' justice 
 might be done in it ; or els y"^ countrie must rise & 
 see justice done, otherwise it would raise a warr. Yet 
 some of y'' rude & ignoraute sorte murmured that any 
 
 * And yet afterwards they laid claime to those parts in y^ controversie 
 about Seacunk. 
 
1638.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 435 
 
 English should be put to death for y' Indeans. So at 
 last they of y" iland brought them hither, and being 
 often examened, and y"^ evidence prodused, they all in 
 the end freely confessed in effect all y^ the Indean 
 accused them of, & that they had done it, in y' maner 
 afforesaid; and so, upon y'^ forementioned evidence, 
 were cast by y'= jurie, & condemned, & executed for 
 the same. And some of y'' Narigansett Indeans, & of 
 y'^ parties freinds, were presente when it was done, 
 which gave them & all y"" countrie good satisfaction. 
 But it was a matter of much sadnes to them hear, 
 and was y'^ 2. execution which they had since they 
 came ; being both for wilfuU murder, as hath bene 
 before related. Thus much of this mater. 
 
 [229] They received this year more letters from 
 England full of reneued complaints, on y" one side, 
 that they could gett no money nor accounte from M^ 
 Sherley; & he againe, y' he was pressed therto, saying 
 he was to accounte with those hear, and not with 
 them, &c. So, as was before resolved, if nothing came 
 of their last letters, they would now send them what 
 they could, as supposing, when some good parte was 
 payed them, that M'. Sherley & they would more 
 easily agree aboute y*' remainder. 
 
 So they sent to M^ Andrews and M^ Beachamp, by 
 M--. Joseph Yonge, in y' Mary & Anne, 1325". waight 
 of beaver, devided betweene them. M^ Beachamp re- 
 turned an accounte of his moyety, that he made 400*'. 
 
436 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 starling of it, fraight and all charges paid. But M''. 
 Andrews, though he had y" more and beter parte, yet 
 he made not so much of his, through his owne indis- 
 cretion ; and yet turned y" loss * upon them hear, but 
 without cause. 
 
 They sent them more by bills & other paimente, 
 which was received & acknowledged by them, in 
 money | & y" like ; which was for katle sould of M'. 
 Allertons, and y"^ price of a bark sold, which belonged 
 to y" stock, and made over to them in money, 434". 
 sterling. The whole sume was 1234*'. sterling, save 
 what M''. Andrews lost in y'' beaver, which was other- 
 wise made good. But yet this did not stay their 
 clamors, as will apeare here after more at large. 
 
 It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse y" cuntry 
 with such access & confluance of people into it, as it 
 was therby much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood 
 at a high rate for diverce years together. Kine were 
 sould at 20*'. and some at 25". a peece, yea, some 
 times at 28". A cow-calfe usually at 10*'. A milch 
 goate at 3". & some at 4". And femall kids at 30". 
 and often at 40". a peece. By which means y° anciente 
 planters which had any stock begane to grow in their 
 estats. Corne also wente at a round rate, viz. 6". a 
 bushell. So as other trading begane to be neglected ; 
 and the old partners (having now forbidden M''. Sherley 
 to send them any more goods) broke of their trade at 
 
 * Being about 40'<- f And devided betweene them. 
 
1638.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 437 
 
 Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no 
 longer. But some of them, (with other they joyned 
 with,) being loath it should be lost by discontinuance, 
 agreed with y" company for it, and gave them aboute 
 y" 6. parte of their gaines for it ; [230] * with y" first 
 fruits of which they builte a house for a prison ; and 
 the trade ther hath been since continued, to y° great 
 benefite of y° place ; for some well fore-sawe that these 
 high prises of corne and catle would not long continue, 
 and that then j" comodities ther raised would be much 
 missed. 
 
 This year, aboute y'^ 1. or 2. of June, was a great 
 & fearfuU earthquake ; it was in this place heard be- 
 fore it was felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or 
 low murmure, like unto remoate thunder; it came from 
 y*^ norward, & pased southward. As y'= noyse aproched 
 nerer, they earth begane to shake, and came at length 
 with that violence as caused platters, dishes, & such 
 like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter & fall 
 downe ; yea, persons were afraid of y' houses them 
 selves. It so fell oute y' at y" same time diverse of 
 y* cheefe of this towne were mett together at one 
 house, conferring with some of their freinds that were 
 upon their removall from y" jilace, (as if y" Lord 
 would herby shew y"" signes of his displeasure, in their 
 shaking a peeces & removalls one from an other.) 
 How ever it was very terrible for y° time, and as 
 
 • 130 in MS. 
 
438 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 y" men were set talking in y^ house, some women 
 & others were without y" dores, and y" earth shooke 
 with y' violence as they could not stand without 
 catching hould of 3^'' posts & jjails y' stood next 
 them ; but y" violence lasted not long. And about 
 halfe an hower, or less, came an other noyse & 
 shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as y" former, 
 but quickly passed over ; and so it ceased. It was 
 not only on y'' sea coast, but y'^ Indeans felt it 
 within land ; and some ships that were upon y"^ coast 
 were shaken by it. So powerfull is y"" mighty hand of 
 y^ Lord, as to make both the earth & sea to shake, 
 and the mountaines to tremble before him, when he 
 pleases ; and who can stay his hand ? It was observed 
 that y' socaers, for divers years togeather after this 
 earthquake, were not so hotte & seasonable for y'' 
 ripning of corne & other fruits as formerly ; but 
 more could & moyst, & subjecte to erly & untimly 
 frosts, by which, many times, much Indean corne 
 came not to maturitie ; but whether this was any 
 cause, I leave it to naturallists to judge. 
 
 Anno Dom: 1639. & Anno Bom: 1640. 
 These 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them 
 fell not out many things^ more then y" ordinary pas- 
 sages of their comone affaires, which are not need- 
 full to be touched. [231] Those of this j^lantation 
 having at sundrie times granted lands for severall 
 
1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 439 
 
 townships, and amongst y" rest to y' inhabitants of 
 Sityate, some wherof issewed from them selves, and 
 allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4. 
 London partners in y' place, viz. M'. Sherley, M"'. 
 Beacham, M\ Andrews, & M"-. Hatherley. At M"-. 
 Hatherley's request and choys it was by him taken 
 for him selfe and them in y*- place ; for the other 
 3. had invested him with power & trust to chose 
 for them. And this tracte of land extended to their 
 utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their neig- 
 bours of y" Massachusets, who had some years after 
 seated a towne (called Hingam) on their lands next 
 to these pai-ts. So as now ther grue great dilferance 
 betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and 
 some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They 
 of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their 
 people, and measure & stack them out. The other 
 pulled up their stacks, & threw them. So it grew 
 to a controversie betweene the 2. goverments, & many 
 letters and passages were betweene them aboute it ; 
 and it hunge some 2. years in suspense. The Courte 
 of Massachusets appointed some to range their line 
 according to y'= bounds of their patente, and (as they 
 wente to worke) they made it to take in all Sityate, 
 and I know not how much more. Againe, on j" 
 other hand, according to y' line of y'= patente of 
 this place, it would take in Hingame and much more 
 within their bounds. 
 
440 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 In y"" end boath. Courts agreed to chose 2. comis- 
 sioners of each side, and to give them full & absolute 
 power to agree and setle y'' bounds betwene thenl ; and 
 what they should doe in y" case should stand irrevo- 
 cably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could 
 not conclude ; for their comissioners stoode stifily on 
 a clawes in their graunte, That from Charles-river, 
 or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend 
 their limits, and 3. myles further to y^ southward; 
 or from y" most southward parte of y' Massachusets 
 Bay, and 3. mile further. But they chose to stand 
 on y'' former termes, for they had found a smale 
 river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in 
 land trended southward, and issued into some part 
 of y' river taken to be Charles-river, and from j" 
 most southerly part of this, & 3. mile more south- 
 ward of y'' same, they would rune a line east to y*^ 
 sea, aboute 20. mile ; which will (say they) take in 
 a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne 
 y' though this patente & plantation were much the 
 ancienter, yet this inlargemente of y' same (in which 
 Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs 
 were first to take place, before this inlargmente. Now 
 their answer was, first, that, however according to their 
 owne plan, they could noway come upon any part of 
 their ancieante grante. [232] 2'-''. They could never 
 prove y' to be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew 
 not which was Charles-river, but as y' people of this 
 
1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 441 
 
 place, which came first, imposed such a name upon 
 y' river, upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte 
 (supposing y' was it, which Captaine Smith in his 
 mapp so named). Now they y' first named it have 
 best reason to know it, and to explaine which is it. 
 But they only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare 
 as it was by them navigated, and y*- was as farr as 
 a boats could goe. But y' every runlett or small 
 brooke, y* should, fai-r within land, come into it, or 
 mixe their stremes with it, and were ))y y* natives 
 called by other & differente names from it, should 
 now by them be made Charles-river, or parts of it, 
 they saw no reason for it. And gave instance in 
 Humber, in Old England, which had y" Trente, Ouse, 
 and many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet 
 were not counted parts of it ; and many smaler rivers 
 & broks fell into y'' Trente, & Ouse, and no parts 
 of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions & nom- 
 inations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that 
 they had no east line in their patente, but were to 
 begine at y'' sea, and goe west by a line, &c. At 
 this meeting no conclution was made, but things dis- 
 cussed & well prepared for an issue. The next year 
 y'' same comissioners had their power continued or re- 
 newed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded y' mater, 
 as followeth. 
 
442 ■ HISTOEr OF [book II. 
 
 The agreemente of y' bounds betwixte PJimoth and Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by y*^ 2. juris- 
 dictions, y' one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto 
 John Endecott, gent: and Israeli Stoughton, gent: the other 
 of New-Plimoth Govermente, to William Bradford, Gov', and 
 Edward Winslow, gent : and both these for y' setting out, 
 setling, & determining of y° bounds & limitts of y" lands 
 betweene y' said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente 
 age, but y" posteritie to come may live peaceably & quietly 
 in y' behalfe. And for as much as y'' said comissioners on 
 both sids have full power so to doe, as appeareth by y' 
 records of both jurisdictions; we therfore, 3'" said comissioners 
 above named, doe hearby with one consente & agreemente 
 conclude, detirmine, and by these presents declare, that all 
 y"" marshes at Conahasett y' lye of y' one side of y' river 
 next to Hingam, shall belong to y' jurisdition of Massa- 
 chusetts Plantation ; and all y' marshes y' lye on y= other 
 side of y'' river next to Sityate, shall be long to y' jurisdiction 
 of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at y' mouth 
 of y' river, on Sityate side nest to the sea, which we doe 
 herby agree, conclude, & detirmine shall belong to y" juris- 
 dition of Massachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, 
 determine, and conclude, y' the bounds of y'' limites betweene 
 both y' said jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from y'= mouth 
 of y" brook y' runeth into Chonahasett marches (which we 
 call by y' name of Bound-brooke) with a stright & directe 
 line to y* midle of a great ponde, y' lyeth on y'^ right hand 
 of y' uper path, or commone way, j'' leadeth betweene 
 Waimoth and Plimoth, close to y' path as [233] we goe 
 aionge, which was formerly named (and still we desire may 
 be caled) Accord pond, lying aboute five or 6. myles from 
 Weimoth southerley ; and from thence with a straight line to 
 
1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 443 
 
 y" souther-most part of Charles-river,* & 3. miles southerly, 
 inward into y" countrie, according as is expresed in y" patente 
 granted by his Ma"' to y° Company of y" Massachusetts Plan- 
 tation. Provided all ways and never y" less concluded & 
 determined by mutuall agreemente betweene y° said comis- 
 sioners, y' if it fall out y' the said line from Accord-pond 
 to y' sothermost parte of Charles-river, & 3. myles southerly 
 as is before espresed, straiten or hinder any parte of any 
 plantation begune by y'' Gove" of New-Plimoth, or hereafter 
 to be begune within 10. years after y" date of these ^s"'', 
 that then, notwithstanding y*^ said line, it shall be lawfull 
 for y' said Gov" of New-Plimoth to assume on y° northerly 
 side of y° said line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid, 
 so much land as will make up y"^ quantity of eight miles 
 square, to belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to 
 [be] begune as afforesaid ; which we agree, determine, & 
 conclude to appertaine & belong to y" said Gov" of New- 
 Plimoth. And wheras y'' said line, from y° said brooke which 
 runeth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bouud- 
 brooke, and y' pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere y' lands 
 belonging to y"" tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe ther- 
 fore hereby determine & conclude, that if any devissions 
 allready made and recorded, by either y' said townships, doe 
 crose the said line, that then it shall stand, & be of force 
 according to y' former intents and purposes of y' said townes 
 granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). 
 And y' no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter ex- 
 ceede, but containe them selves within y' said lines expressed. 
 In witnes wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions, 
 doe by these presents indented set our hands & scales y" 
 ninth day of y" 4. mouth in 16. year of our soveraiue lord, 
 king Charles; and in y' year of our Lord, 1640. 
 
 William Bradford, Gov'. Jo : Endecott. 
 
 Ed : WiNSLOVr. ISRAELL Stoughton. 
 
 • Which is Charles River may still be questioned. 
 
444 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Wheras y" patente wsis taken in y'' name of William 
 Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes : To 
 him, his heires, and associats & assignes ; and now y° 
 noumber of free-men being much increased, and diverce 
 tounships established and setled in severall quarters of 
 ye govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, 
 Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not 
 longe after, Seacunke (called afterward, at y" desire 
 of y* inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by 
 y' Courte desired that William Bradford should make a 
 suiTender of y'' same into their hands. The which he 
 willingly did, in this maner following. 
 
 Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others y' first in- 
 struments of God in the begining of this great work of 
 plantation, togeather with such as y** allordering hand of God 
 in his providence soone added unto them, have been at very 
 great charges to procure y° lands, priviledges, & freedoms 
 from all iutanghnents, as may appeare by diverse & sundrie 
 deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and payments of 
 debts, &c., bj' reason wherof y" title to y" day of these 
 presents [234] remaineth in y'^ said William Bradford, his 
 heires, associats, and assignes : now, for y° better setling 
 of y" estate of the said lands (contained in y" grant or' 
 pattente) , the said William Bradford, and those first instru- 
 ments termed & called in sondry orders upon publick recorde, 
 Y" Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in spetiall, the one 
 bearing date y'= 3. of March, 163S. the other in Des : the 
 1. An° 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation 
 & agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other 
 y" freemen & inhabitants of y° said corporation. Be it 
 knowne uuto all men, therfore, by these pi'esents, that the 
 
1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 445 
 
 said William Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with 
 y' said purchasers, doe onlj' reserve unto them selves, their 
 heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land mentioned in y" 
 said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date y" first 
 of Des : 1640. viz. first, from y'^ bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles 
 to y'' eastward of Naemschatet, and from sea to sea, crose 
 the neck of land. The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss, 
 which lyeth in y° botome of y° bay adjoj'ning to 3'*^ west-side 
 of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to y" westerne side of y° said 
 river, to an other place called Acushente river, which entereth 
 at y" westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to y" eastward 
 therof, and to extend 8. myles up into y" countrie. The 
 3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Caw- 
 sumsett neck,) which is y' cheefe habitation of y° Indeans, 
 & reserved for them to dwell upon,) extending into y" land 8. 
 myles through y" whole breadth therof. Togeather with such 
 other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are per- 
 sonally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former 
 titles or grante whatsoever. And y** said William Bradford 
 doth, by y" free & full consente, approbation, and agreemente 
 of y° said old-planters, or purchasers, together with y'= liking, 
 approbation, and acceptation of y' other parte of y" said 
 corporation, surrender into y"" hands of y" whole courte, con- 
 sisting of y'' free-men of this corporation of New-Plimoth, all 
 y' other right & title, power, authority, priviledges, immu- 
 nities, & freedomes granted in y= said letters patents by y" 
 said right Honb'" Counsell for New-England ; reserveing his 
 & their personall right of freemen, together w"' the said old 
 planters afforesaid, excepte y' said lands before excepted, 
 declaring the freemen of this corporation, togeather with all 
 such as shal be legally admitted into y" same, his associats. 
 And y° said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, & assignes, 
 doe hereby further promise and grant to doe & performe 
 whatsoever further thing or things, acte or actes, which in 
 him lyeth, which shall be needfiill and expediente for y' better 
 
446 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 confirming and establishing the said premises, as bj' counsel 
 lerned in y"^ lawes shall be reasonablj' advised and devised, 
 when he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the 
 said William Bradford hath in pnbiick courte surrendered 
 the said letters patents actually into y" hands & power of y'^ 
 said courte, binding him selfe, his heires, executors, admin- 
 istrators, and assignes to deliver up whatsoever spetialties are 
 in his hands that doe or may concerne the same. 
 
 [235] In these 2. j^ears they had sundry letters out 
 of England to send one over to end the buissines and 
 accounte with M"'. Sherley ; who now professed he 
 could not make up his accounts without y° help of 
 some from hence, espetialy M". Winslows. They had 
 serious thoughts of it, and y" most parte of y'' partners 
 hear thought it best to send ; but they had formerly 
 written such bitter and threatening letters as M''. Wins- 
 low was neither willing to goe, nor y' anj other of y'^ 
 partners should ; for he was perswaded, if any of them 
 wente, they should be arested, and an action of such 
 a suiiie layed upon them as they should not procure 
 baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would 
 bring them to what they liste ; or other wise they 
 might be brought into trouble by y' arch-liishops 
 means, as y"^ times then stood. But, notwithstand- 
 ing, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine 
 Standish was willing to goe, but they resolved, see- 
 ing they could not all agree in this thing, and that 
 it was waighty, and y' consequence might prove dan- 
 gerous, to take M". Winthrops advise in y'= thing, 
 
1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 447 
 
 and y" rather, because M''. Andrews had by many 
 letters acquaynted him with y'' difl'erences betweene 
 them, and appoynted him for his assigne to receive 
 his parte of y'^ debte. (And though they deneyed to 
 pay him any as a debte, till y'^ controversie was ended, 
 yet they had deposited 110". in money in his hands 
 for M'. Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone 
 as he would come to any agreement with y" rest.) 
 But M''. Winthrop was of M^ Winslows minde, and 
 disswaded them from sending ; so they broak of their 
 resolution from sending, and returned this answer : 
 that the times were dangerous as things stood witli 
 them, for they knew how M^ Winslow had suffered 
 former ley, and for a small matter was clapte up in 
 y^ Fleete, & it was long before he could gett out, 
 to both his & their great loss and damage ; and 
 •times were not better, but worse, in y' respecte. 
 Yet, that their equall & honest minds might appeare 
 to all men, they made them this tender : to retferr y"= 
 case to some gentle-men and marchants in y'= Bay of 
 y^ Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were 
 well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived 
 their wer many of their aquaintance and freinds ther, 
 better knowne to them then y" partners hear,) and 
 let them be informed in y^ case by both sids, and 
 have all y^ evidence y' could be prodused, in writ- 
 ing, or other wise ; and they would be bound to 
 stand to their determination, and make good their 
 
448 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 award, though it should cost them all they had in 
 y° world. But this did not please them, but they 
 were offended at it, without any great reasone for 
 ought I know, (seeing nether side could give in clear 
 accountes, y' partners here could not, by reason they 
 (to their smarte) were failed by y" accountante they 
 sent them, and M''. Sherley pretened he could not 
 allso,) save as they conceived it a disparagmente 
 to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte of y° place 
 and other concurring circomstances. So this came to 
 nothing ; and afterward M''. Sherley write, y' if M"'. 
 Winslow would mett him in France, y* Low-Coun- 
 tries, or Scotland, let y*" place be knowne, and he 
 [236] come to him ther. But in regard of y'^ troubles 
 that now begane to arise in our owne nation, and 
 other reasons, this did not come to any effecte. That 
 which made them so desirous to bring things to an* 
 end was partly to stope y° clamours and aspertions 
 raised & cast upon them hereaboute ; though they 
 conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, 
 and had most cause of complainte ; and partly because 
 they feared j" fall of catle, in which most parte of 
 their estats lay. And this was not a vaine feare ; 
 for they fell indeede before they came to a conclu- 
 sion, and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a 
 month before was worth 20"., and would so have 
 passed in any paymente, fell now to 5*'. and would 
 yeeld no more ; and a goate that wente at 3". or 50". 
 
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 449 
 
 would now yeeld but 8. or 10". at most. All men 
 feared a fall of catle, but it was thought it would 
 be by degrees ; and not to be from y" highest pitch 
 at once to y' lowest, as it did, which was greatly 
 to y'' damage of many, and y'^ undoing of some. An 
 other reason was, they many of them grew aged, 
 (and indeed a rare thing it was that so many part- 
 ners should all live together so many years as these 
 did,) and saw many changes were like to befall; so 
 as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon 
 their children and posteritie, who might be driven to 
 remove places, as they had done ; yea, them selves 
 might doe it yet before thej'- dyed. But this bussi- 
 nes must yet rest ; y" next year gave it more rip- 
 nes, though it rendred them less able to pay, for 
 y'^ reasons afforesaid. 
 
 Anno Dom : 1641. 
 M". Sherley being weary of this controversie, and 
 desirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to 
 M^ John Atwode and M^ William Collier, 2. of y'' 
 inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaint- 
 ance, and desired them to be a means to bring this 
 bussines to an end, by advising & counselling the 
 partners hear, by some way to bring it to a composi- 
 tion, by mutuall agreemente. And he write to them 
 selves allso to y' end, as by his letter may apear ; so 
 much therof as concernse y" same I shall hear relate. 
 
450 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 S'. My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much con- 
 cerning y" ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I 
 know not what more to write, &c. If you desire an end, 
 as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise ; 
 that is, to parfecte all accounts, from y' first to y' last, &c. 
 Now if we find this difHcuIte, and tedious, haveing not been 
 so stricte & carefull as we should and oughte to have 
 done, as for my owne parte I doe confess I have been some- 
 what to remisse, and doe verily thinlie so are you, &c. I 
 fear you can never make a perfecte accounte of all your 
 pety viages, out, & home too & againe, &c.* So then y*^ 
 second way must be, by biding, or [237] compounding ; and 
 this way, first or last, we must fall upon, &c. If we must 
 warr at law for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether 
 will I from you, but to cleave y" heare, and then I dare say 
 y' lawyers will be most gainers, &c. Thus let us set to y° 
 worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways 
 suffer in my name & estate. And you are not free ; nay, 
 y'^ gospell suffers by your delaying, and causeth y° professors 
 of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being many, & now 
 able, should combine & joyne togeather to oppress & bur- 
 den me, &c. Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer ; 
 beleeve me, I will never take any advantage to plead it 
 against you, or to wrong you ; or else let M'. Winslow come 
 over, and let him have such full power & authority as we may 
 ende by compounding ; or else, y° accounts so well and fully 
 made up, as we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be God, 
 y*" times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you 
 returne to you' native countrie againe, and have such free- 
 dome & libertie as y° word of God prescribs. Our bishops 
 were never so near a downfall as now ; God hath miracu- 
 lously confounded them, and turned all their popish & 
 
 • This was but to pretend advantage, for it could not be done, neither did 
 it need. 
 
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 451 
 
 Machavillian plots & projects on their owue heads, &c. 
 Thus you see what is fitt to be done concerning our per- 
 ticulere greevances. I pray you take it seriously into consid- 
 eration ; let each give way a litle that we may nieete, &c. 
 Be you and all yours kindly saluted, &c. So I ever rest. 
 
 Your loving friend, 
 
 James Sherlet. 
 Clapham, May 18. 1641. 
 
 Being thus by this leter, and allso by M'. Atwodes 
 & ]\r. Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an 
 end, (and y*" continuall clamors from y" rest,) and by 
 none more urged then by their own desires, they tooke 
 this course (because many scandals had been raised 
 upon them). They apoynted these 2. men before men- 
 tioned to meet on a certaine day, and called some 
 other freinds on both sids, and M^ Free-man, brother 
 in law to M''. Beachamp, and having drawne up a col- 
 lection of all y'^ remains of y" stock, in what soever it 
 was, as housing, boats, bark, and all implements be- 
 longing to y" same, as they were used in y" time of 
 y'' trad, were they better or worce, with y= remaines 
 of all comodities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or 
 any thing els, as well y'= refuse as y= more vendible, 
 with all debts, as well those y' were desperate as 
 others more hopefull ; and having spent diverce days 
 to bring this to pass, having y" helpe of all bookes and 
 papers, which either any of them selves had, or Josias 
 Winslow, who was their accountante ; and they found 
 y^ sume in all to arise (as y" things were valued) to 
 
452 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 aboute 1400*'. And tiiey all of them tooke a volun- 
 taiy but a sollem oath, in y" presence one of an 
 other, and of all their frends, j" persons abovesaid y' 
 were now presente, that this was all that anj' of them 
 knew of, or could remember ; and Josias Winslow did 
 y' like for his parte. But j' truth is thej' wrongd 
 them selves much in y'' valuation, for they reconed 
 some catle as they were taken of M'. Allerton, as for 
 instance a cowe in _y'' hands of one cost 25". and so 
 she was valued in this accounte ; but when she came 
 to be past away in parte of paymente, after y' agree- 
 mente, she would be accepted but at 4''. 15'. [238] 
 Also, being tender of their oaths, they brought in all 
 they knew owing to y'^ stock ; but they had not made 
 y'' like diligente search what y'' stocke might owe to 
 any, so as many scattering debts fell wpon afterwards 
 more then now they knew of. 
 
 Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente 
 betweene M"' Atwode, on M'. Sherleys behalfe, and 
 them selves. The eflecte is as folloeth. 
 
 Articles of agreemente inade and concluded upon ?/" 15. day of 
 October, 1641. &c. 
 
 Imp : Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce j'ears 
 agreed upon betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and 
 Richard Andrews, of London, marchants, and "William Brad- 
 ford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Mjdes Staudish, 
 William Brewster, John Aldon, & John Howland, w"' Isaack 
 Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines & other furrs arising 
 
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 453 
 
 in New-Engiaud ; the terme of which said partnership being 
 expired, and diverse suines of mouej' in goods adventured 
 into New-England by y" said James Sherley, John Beachamp, 
 & Richard Andrews, and many large returnes made from 
 New-England by y"-' said William Bradford, Ed : Winslow, 
 &c. ; and differance arising aboute y* charge of 2. ships, the 
 one called y" White Angele, of Bristow, and y" other y° 
 Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, &c. ; 
 which said ships & their viages, y" said William Bradford, 
 Ed : W. &c. conceive doe not at all appertaine to their ac- 
 counts of partnership ; and weras y" accounts of y" said 
 partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley 
 appeare (through j" defaulte of Josias AVinslow, y° booke 
 keeper) ; and weras y'= said W. B. &c. have received all 
 their goods for y"" said trade from the foresaid James Sher- 
 ley, and have made most of their returnes to him, by con- 
 sente of y" said John Beachamp & Richard Andrews ; and 
 wheras also y" said James Sherley hath given power & 
 authoritie to M'. John Atwode, with y" advice & conseute 
 of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to 
 put such an absolute end to y"" said partnership, with all 
 and every accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, what- 
 soever, to y" said James Sherley, John Beacham, & Richard 
 Andrews, from y'= said W. B. &c. for and concerning y" said 
 beaver trade, & also y" charge y" said 2. ships, and their 
 viages made or pretended, whether just or unjuste, from y" 
 worlds begining to this presente, as also for y" paimeute 
 of a purchas of 1800". made by Isaack AUerton, for and on 
 y*^ behalfe of y^ said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of y= joynt 
 stock, shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New- 
 England aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date y= 
 6. Nov*"'. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes 
 of money or goods as are received by AViliiam Bradford, 
 Tho : Prence, & Myles Standish, for y' recovery of dues, by 
 accounts betwexte them, y" said James Sherly, John Bea- 
 
454 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 champ, & Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for y' ship 
 caled y' White Angell. Now y° said John Attwode, with ad- 
 vice & counsell of y° said William Collier, having had much 
 comunication & spente diverse days in agitation of all y' 
 said differances & accounts with y' said W. B., E. W., 
 &c. ; and y'= said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with y' said 
 book-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering 
 togeither y" remainder of y° stock of partnership for y° said 
 trade, and what soever hath beene received, or is due by y'' 
 said attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manner 
 of goods, debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those 
 debts that are weake and doubtful! [239] and desperate, as 
 those y' are more secure, which in all doe amounte to y' 
 sume of 1400". or ther aboute ; and for more full satisfac- 
 tion of j° said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard 
 Andrews, the said W. B. and all y° rest of j" abovesaid 
 partners, togeither with Josias Winslow y" booke keeper, 
 have taken a voluntarie oath, y' within y" said sume of 
 1400". or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they knew, to 
 y" utmost of their rememberance. 
 
 In consideration of all which matters & things before ex- 
 pressed, and to y'^ end y' a full, absolute, and flnall end 
 ■may be now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded, 
 and love & peace continued, it is therfore agreed and con- 
 cluded betweene y' said John Attwode, with y' advice & 
 consent of y'' said William Colier, for & on y' behalfe of 
 y'^ said James Sherley, to and with y° said W. B., &c. in 
 maner and forme following: viz. that y" said -John Attwode 
 shall procure a sufficiente release and discharge, under y" 
 hands & seals of y' said James Sherley, .John Beachamp, & 
 Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer & unconcealed unto 
 y'' said William Bradford, &c., at or before y" last day of 
 August, next insuing y'^ date hereof, whereby y'' said William 
 Bradford &c., their heires, executors, & administrators, & 
 
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 455 
 
 every of them shall be fully aud absolutly aquited & dis- 
 charged of all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and 
 demands whatsoever concerning y" generall stock of beaver 
 trade, paymente of y= said 1800". for y' purchass, and all 
 demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or uujuste, con- 
 cerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and Frendship aforesaid, 
 togeather with whatsoever hath been received by y° said 
 William Bradford, of y= goods or estate of Isaack AUerton, 
 for satisfaction of y' accounts of y' said ship called y" 
 Whit Angele, by vertue of a ire of attourney to him, Thomas 
 Prence, & Myles Standish, directed from y° said James Sher- 
 ley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, for y' purpose as 
 afCoresaid. 
 
 It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said 
 parties to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c. 
 shall now be bound in 2400". for paymente of 1200''. in full 
 satisfaction of all demands as afforesaid ; to be payed in 
 maner & forme following ; that is to sajr, 400". within 2. 
 months next after y' receite of the aforesaid releases aud 
 discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready 
 in y" hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by 
 the means of M'. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80". 
 waight of beaver now deposited into y° hands of y" said 
 John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of y° said 
 400". and y" other 800". to be payed by 200". p' aiiume, to 
 such assignes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in 
 Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods & comodi- 
 ties, and at such rates, as the couutrie shall afford at y° 
 time of delivery & paymente ; and in y° mean time y° said 
 bond of 2400". to be deposited into y"' hands of y' said John 
 Attwode. And it is agreed upon by & betweene y' said 
 parties to these presents, that if y'^ said John Attwo<le shall 
 not or cannot procure such said releases & discharges as 
 afCoresaid from y' said James Sherley, John Bachamp, & 
 
456 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Eichard Andrews, at or before y° last day of August next 
 insuing y"" date bear of, y' then y° said John Attwode shall, 
 at y" said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to [240] be de- 
 livered unto y' said W. B., E. W., &c. their said bond of 
 2400''. and y' said 80''. waight of beaver, or y" due valew 
 therof, without any fraud or further delaj' ; and for perform- 
 ance of all & singuler y° covenants and agreements hearin 
 contained and expressed, which on y'= one parte and behalfe 
 of y'^ said James Sherley are to be observed & performed, 
 shall become bound in y'= suilie of 2400". to them, y' said 
 William Bradford, Edward AVinslow, Thomas Prence, Myles 
 Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John How- 
 land. And it is lastly agreed upon betweene y' said parties, 
 that these presents shall be left in trust, to be kepte for 
 boath parties, in y' hands of Mr. John Reanour, teacher of 
 Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all y= said parties have here- 
 unto severally sett their hands, y'= day and year first above 
 writen. 
 
 John Atwode, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, &c. 
 In y' presence of Edmond Freeman, 
 
 AViLLiAM Thomas, 
 
 William Pady, 
 
 Nathaniell Solther. 
 
 The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came 
 to some issue, as will then apjjeare, though not to a 
 finall ende with all y« parties ; but this much for y* 
 presente. 
 
 I had forgoten to inserte in its place how j" church 
 here had invited and sent for M'. Charles Chansey,* a 
 
 * M'. Chancey came to tliem in ye year 1638. and staid till y° later part of 
 this year 1641. 
 
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 457 
 
 reverend, godly, and very larned man, intending upon 
 triall to chose him pastor of y" church hear, for y" 
 more comfortable performance of y° ministrie with M'. 
 John Keinor, the teacher of y" same. But ther fell 
 out some differance aboute baptising, he holding it 
 ought only to be by diping, and putting y" whole body 
 under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfull. The 
 church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was law- 
 full, but in this could countrie not so conveniente. 
 But they could not nor durst not j'eeld to him in 
 this, that sprinkling (which all y" churches of Christ 
 doe for y"" most parte use at this day) was unlawfull, 
 & an humane invention, as y^ same was prest ; but 
 they were willing to yeeld to him as far as y"^^' could, 
 & to y" utmost ; and were contented to suffer him to 
 practise as he was perswaded ; and when he came to 
 minister that ordnance, he might so doe it to any y' 
 did desire it in y' way, provided he could peacably 
 suffer M'. Reinor, and such as desired to have theirs 
 otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering 
 on of water upon them ; so as ther might be no dis- 
 turbance in y*^ church hereaboute. But he said he 
 could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the church pro- 
 cured some other ministers to dispute y' pointe with 
 him publikly ; as M". Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who 
 did it sundrie times, very ablie and sufScently, as allso 
 some other ministers within this govermente. But he 
 was not satisfied ; so y" church sent to many other 
 
458 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 churches to crave their help and advise in [241] this 
 mater, and, with his will & consente, sent them his 
 arguments writen under his owne hand. They sente 
 them to y*" church at Boston in j" Jiay of Massachu- 
 sets, to be comunicated with other churches ther. 
 Also the}^ sent the same to y* churches of Conighte- 
 cutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others ; and re- 
 ceived very able & suiEcent answers, as they con- 
 ceived, from them and their larned ministers, who all 
 concluded against him. But him selfe was not satis- 
 fied therw"". Their answers are too large hear to 
 relate. They conceived y*^ church had done what was 
 meete in y"* thing, so M'. Chansey, having been y" most 
 parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate, 
 wher he now remaines a minister to y'' church ther. 
 Also about these times, now y' catle & other things 
 begane greatly to fall from their former rates, and 
 persons begane to fall into more straits, and many 
 being allready gone from them, (as is noted before,) 
 both to Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, & 
 those of y*" cheefe sorte, as M". Winslow, Captaine 
 Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, & stille some 
 droi^ping away dalJ^ and some at this time, and many 
 more unsetled, it did greatly weaken y'= place, and by 
 reason of y" straitnes and barrennes of y" place, it sett 
 y*^ thoughts of many upon removeall ; as will appere 
 more hereafter. 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 459 
 
 An7io Dom: 1642. 
 
 Marvilous it may be to see and consider how some 
 kind of wickednes did grow & breake forth here, in a 
 land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and 
 so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it 
 was knowne ; as in no place more, or so much, that 
 I have known or heard of; insomuch as they have 
 been somewhat censured, even by moderate and good 
 men, for their severitie in punishments. And yet all 
 this could not suppress y" breaking out of sundrie no- 
 torious sins, (as this year, besids other, gives us too 
 many sad presidents and instances,) espetially drunk- 
 ennes and unclainnes ; not onlj^ incontinencie betweene 
 persons unmaried, for which many both men & women 
 have been punished sharply enough, but some maried 
 persons allso. But that which is worse, even sod- 
 omie and bugerie, (things fearfuU to name,) have broak 
 forth in this land, oftener then once. I say it may 
 justlj^ be marveled at, and cause us to fear & tremble 
 at the consideration of our corrupte natures, which are 
 so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, cannot 
 by any other means but y" powerful! worke & grace of 
 Gods spirite. But (besids this) one reason may be, 
 that y^ Divell may carrie a greater spite against the 
 churches of Christ and y" gospell hear, by how much 
 y^ more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie 
 amongst them, and strictly punisheth the contrary 
 
460 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 when it ariseth either in church or comone wealth ; 
 that he might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon 
 them in y" eyes of [y'] world, who use to he rash in 
 judgmente. I would rather thinke thus, then that 
 Satanc hath more power in these heathen lauds, as 
 som have thought, then in more Christian nations, es- 
 petially over Gods servants in them. 
 
 2. An other reason may be, that it may be in this 
 case as it is with waters when their streames are 
 stopped or daiiied up, when they gett passage they 
 flow with more violence, and make more noys and dis- 
 turbance, then when they are suffered to rune quietly 
 in their owne chanels. So wikednes being here more 
 stopped by strict laws, and y" same more nerly looked 
 unto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of liberty 
 as it would, and is inclined, it searches every wher, 
 and at last breaks out wher it getts vente. 
 
 3. A third reason may he, hear (as I am verily 'pev- 
 swaded) is not more evills in this kind, nor nothing 
 nere so many l)y proportion, as in other places ; but 
 they are here more discoverd and seen, and made pub- 
 lick by due serch, inquisition, and due punishment; 
 for y^ churches looke narrowly to their members, and 
 y'= magistrats over all, more strictly then in other 
 places. Besids, here the people are but few in com- 
 joarison of other places, which are full & populous, 
 and lye hid, as it were, in a wood or thickett, and 
 many horrible evills by y*- means are never seen nor 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 461 
 
 knowne ; wheras hear, thej^ are, as it were, brought 
 into j" light, and set in y" phiine feeld, or rather on 
 a hill, made conspicuous to y" veiw of all. 
 
 But to proceede ; ther came a letter from y" Gov'' 
 in y" Bay to them here, touching matters of y" fore- 
 mentioned nature, which because it may he usefull 
 I shall hear relate it, and y"' passages ther aljoute. 
 
 S'': Having an opportunitie to siguifie y° desires of our Gen- 
 erall Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly 
 take this occasion to imparte them to yon, y' yon may imparte 
 them to y'^ rest of your magistrats, and also to your Elders, 
 for counsell ; and give us your advise in them. The first is 
 concerning heinous offences in point of uncleannes ; the per- 
 ticnler cases, with y° circomstauces, and y" questions ther 
 npon, you have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is concerniug 
 y' Ilanders at Aquidnett ; y' seeing the cheefest of them are 
 gone from us, iu offences, either to churches, or conione welth, 
 or both ; others are dependants on them, and y° best soi'te 
 are such as close with them iu all their rejections of us. 
 Neither is it only in a faction y' they are devided from us, 
 but in very deed they rend them selves from all y' true 
 churches of Christ, and, many of them, from all y'' powers 
 of majestracie. We have had some experience hereof Ijj' some 
 of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come 
 amougst us, and have made pnblick defiance against magis- 
 tracie, ministrie, churches, & church covenants, &c. as anti- 
 christian ; secretly also sowing y" seeds of Familisme, and 
 Anabaptistrie, to y° infection of some, and danger of others ; 
 so that we are not willing to joyne with them in any league 
 or confederacie at all, but rather that you would consider & 
 advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from 
 being infected by them. Another thuig I should mention 
 
462 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 to j'ou, for y° maintenance of y' trad of beaver ; if ther be 
 not a compau)' to order it in every jurisdition among y" 
 Englisli, wliich companies shiould agree in general! of tlieir 
 way in trade, I supose that y'^ trade will be overthrowne, and 
 y'= Indeans will abuse us. For this cause we have latly put 
 it into order amongst us, hoping of incouragmente from you 
 (as we have had) y' we may continue y" same. Thus not 
 further to trouble you, I rest, with my loving remembrance 
 to your selfe, &c. 
 
 Your loving friend, 
 
 Rl : BflLLINGHAM. 
 
 Boston, 28. (1.) 1642. 
 
 The note inclosed follows on y'' other side.* 
 
 [244] Worthy & beloved S': 
 
 Your letter (with y' questions inclosed) I have comunicated 
 with our Assistants, and we have refered y" answer of them 
 to such Reve* Elders as are amongst us, some of whose 
 answers thertoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their 
 owne hands ; from y"^ rest we have not yet received any. Our 
 farr distance hath bene y' reason of this long delay, as also 
 y' they could not conferr their counsells togeather. 
 
 For our selves, (you know our breedings & abillities,) we 
 rather desire light from j'our selves, & others, whom God 
 hath better inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in 
 cases so difficulte and of so high a nature. Yet under cor- 
 rection, and submission to better judgments, we propose this 
 one thing to your prudent considerations. As it seems to us, 
 in y" case even of willfull murder, that though a man did 
 smite or wound an other, with a full pourpose or desire to kill 
 him, (w'^'' is murder in a high degree, before God,) yet if he 
 
 * A leaf is here wanting in the original manuscript, it having been cnt out. 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 463 
 
 did not dye, the magistrate was not to take away y' others 
 life.* So by proportion in other grosse & foule sines, though 
 high attempts & nere approaches to y" same be made, and 
 such as in the sight & account of God may be as ill as y" 
 accomplishmente of y° foulest acts of y' sine, yet we doute 
 whether it may be safe for y" magistrate to proceed to death ; 
 we thinke, upon y' former grounds, rather he may not. As, 
 for instance, in y' case of adultrie, (if it be admitted y' it is 
 to be punished w"' death, which to some of us is not cleare,) 
 if y" body be not actually defiled, then death is not to be 
 inflicted. So in sodomie, & beastialitie, if ther be not pene- 
 tration. Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and fre- 
 quencie in y° same, doth make us remaine in y° darke, and 
 desire further light from you, or any, as God shall give. 
 
 As for y" 2. thing, concerning y" Ilanders? we have no con- 
 versing with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie 
 or humanity may require. 
 
 And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin 
 held an orderly course, & have been sory to see y° spoyle 
 therof by others, and fear it will hardly be recovered. But 
 in these, or any other things which may concerne y'^ coinone 
 good, we shall be willing to advise & concure with you in 
 what we may. Thus w* my love remembered to your selfe, 
 and y' rest of our worthy friends, your Assistants, I take 
 leave, & rest. 
 
 Your loving friend, 
 
 W. B. 
 
 Plim: 17. 3. month, 1642. 
 
 Now follows y*" ministers answers. And first M'. 
 Reynors. 
 
 * Exod: 21. 22. Den: 19. 11. Num : 35. 16. 18. 
 
464 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Qest : What sodmiticall acts are to be puDished with death, 
 & what very facte (ipso facto) is worthj' of death, or, if y"* 
 fact it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concurring 
 may make it capitall? 
 
 Ans : In y"^ judiciall law (y'-" moralitie wherof coucerneth us) 
 it is manyfest y' carnall knowledg of man, or lying w"' man, 
 as with woman, cum penetratione corporis, was sodomie, to 
 be punished with death ; what els can be understood by Levit : 
 18. 22. & 20. 13. & Gen: 19. 5? 2'^. It seems allso y' this 
 foule sine might be capitall, though ther was not penitratio 
 corporis, but onlj' contactus & fricatio usg ad effusionem 
 seminis, for these reasons: [24.5] 1. Because it was sin to be 
 punished with death, Levit. 20. 13. in y° man who was lyen 
 withall, as well as in him j'' lyeth with him ; now his sin is 
 not mitigated wher ther is not penitration, nor augmented 
 wher it is ; wheras its charged upon y' women, y' they were 
 guilty of this unnaturall sine, as well as men, Eom. 1. 26. 27. 
 y same thing doth furder apeare, 2. because of y' proportion 
 betwexte this sin & be.astialitie, wherin if a woman did stand 
 before, or aproaeh to, a beast, for y' end, to lye downe therto, 
 (whether penetration was or not,) it was capitall, Levit : 18. 
 23. & 20. 16. 3'^'. Because something els might be equivalent 
 to penetration wher it had not been, viz. y'^ fore mentioned 
 acts with frequencie and long continuance with a high hand, 
 utterly extinguishing all light of nature ; besids, full intention 
 and bould attempting of y"" foulest acts may seeme to have 
 been capitall here, as well as coming presumptuously to slay 
 with guile was capitall. Exod : 21. 14. 
 
 Yet it is not so .manyfest y' y" same acts were to be pun- 
 ished with death in some other sines of uncleannes, w''^ yet 
 by y' law of God were capitall crimes ; besids other reasons, 
 (1.) because sodomie, & also beastialitie, is more against y" 
 light of nature then some other capitall crimes of unclainnes, 
 which reason is to be attended unto, as y' which most of all 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 465 
 
 made this sin capitall ; (2.) because it might be coiilited with 
 more secrecie & less suspition, & therfore needed y° more to 
 be restrained & suppresed by y' law ; (3''') because ther was 
 not y° like reason & degree of siiiing against family & pos- 
 teritie in this sin as in some other capitall sines of uncleannes. 
 
 2. Quest: How farr a magistrate may estracte a confession 
 from a delinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime, 
 seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum. 
 
 Ans : A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligeute 
 inquision into y'^ cause brought before him. Job 29. 16. 
 Pro: 24. 11. 12. & 25. 2. (2'''.) If it be manifest y« a capitall 
 crime is committed, & y' comone reporte, or probabilitie, 
 suspition, or some complainte, (or y" like,) be of this or y' 
 person, a magistrate ought to require, and by all due means 
 to procure from y' person (so farr allready bewrayed) a naked 
 confession of y" fact, as apears by y' which is morall & of 
 perpetuall equitie, both in y° case of uncertaine murder, Deut : 
 21. 1. 9. and slander, Deut: 22. 13. 21; for though nemo 
 tenetur prodere seipsum, yet by that w"*" may be known to y" 
 magistrat by y° forenamed means, he is bound thus to doe, 
 or els he may betray his countrie & people to y" heavie dis- 
 pleasure of God, Levit: 18. 24. 2.5. Jos: 22. 18. Psa : 106. 
 30 ; such as are inocente to y° sinfull, base, cruell lusts of 
 y" profane, & such as are delinquents, and others with them, 
 into y' hands of y° stronger temptations, & more bouldness, 
 & hardnes of harte, to coinite more & worse villany, besids 
 all y'' guilt & hurt he will bring upon him selfe. (3'>'.) To 
 inflicte some punishmente meerly for this reason, to extracte 
 a conffession of a capitall crime, is contrary to y'= nature of 
 vindictive justice, which always hath respecte to a know crime 
 comitited by y" person punished ; and it will therfore, for any 
 thing which can before be knowne, be y" provocking and 
 forcing of wrath, compared to y' wringing of y° nose. Pro : 
 30. 33. which is as well forbiden y" fathers of y" countrie as 
 
466 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 of y" family, Ephe. 6. 4. as produsing many sad & dangerous 
 effects. That an oath (ex officio) for such a purpose is no 
 due means, hath been abundantly proved by y' godly learned, 
 & is well known. 
 
 Q. 3. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with 
 other circomstances shall be sufHciente to convince ? or is ther 
 no conviction without 2. witneses? 
 
 Ans : In taking away y' life of man, one witnes alone 
 
 will not suffice, ther must be tow, or y' which is instar ; 
 
 y" texts are manifest, Numb: 35. 30. Deut : 17. 6. & 19. 15. 
 
 2'^. Ther may be conviction by one witnes, & some thing 
 
 y' hath y' force of another, as y' evidencie of y" fact done 
 
 by such an one, & not an other ; unforced confession when 
 
 ther was no fear or danger of suffering for y' fact, hand 
 
 writings acknowledged & confessed. 
 
 John Eetnor. 
 
 [246] M''. Parlrich his ivriting, in ans : to y" questions. 
 
 What is y' sodomiticall acte which is to be punished with 
 death ? 
 
 Though I conceive probable y' a voluntary effusion of seed 
 per modum concubitus of man with man, as of a man with 
 woman, though in concubitu ther be not penetratio corporis, 
 is y' sin which is forbiden, Levit : 18. 22. & adjudged to be 
 punished with death, Levit: 20. 13. because, though ther be 
 not penetratio corporis, yet ther may be similitudo concubitus 
 muliebris, which is y' the law specifieth ; yet I dar not be 
 con-* (1.) because, Gen: 19. 5. y" intended acte of y' Sodo- 
 mits (who were y" first noted maisters of this unnaturall act 
 of more then brutish filthines) is expressed by carnall copu- 
 lation of man with woman : Bring them out unto us, y' we 
 may know them; (2'-'.) because it is observed among y" 
 nations wher this unnaturall unclainnes is coiSited, it is w"" 
 penetration of y' body; (3'^'.) because, in y= judiciall pro- 
 
 * " Confident" ? 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 467 
 
 eeedings of y** judges in England, y" indict : so rune (as 
 I have been informed) . 
 
 Q. How farr may a magistrat extracte a confession of 
 a capitall crime from a suspected and an accused person ? 
 
 Ans. I conceive y' a magistrate is bound, by carfuU ex- 
 amenation of circomstances & waighing of probabilities, to 
 sifte y' accused, and by force of argumente to draw him 
 to an acknowledgment of y'' truth ; but he may not extracte 
 a confession of a capitall crime from a suspected person by 
 any violent means, whether it be by an oath imposed, or 
 by any punishmente inflicted or threatened to be inflicted, 
 for so he may draw forth an ackuowledgmente of a crime 
 from a fearfuU iiiocente ; if guilty, he shall be compelled to 
 be his owne accuser, when no other can, which is against 
 y'^ rule of justice. 
 
 Q. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other 
 circomstances shall be sufficente to convicte ; or is ther no 
 conviction without two witnesses? 
 
 Ans : I conceive y', in y' case of capitall crimes, ther can 
 be no safe proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses, 
 as Numb: 3.5. 30. Deut : 19. 15. excepte ther can some evi- 
 dence be prodused as aveilable & firme to prove y' facte as 
 a witnes is, then one witnes may suffice ; for therin y" end 
 and equitie of y" law is attained. But to proceede unto 
 sentence of death upon presumptions, wher probably ther 
 may subesse falsum, though ther be y' testimony of one 
 wittnes, I supose it cannot be a safe way ; better for such a 
 one to be held in safe custodie for further triall, I conceive. 
 
 Ralph Partrich. 
 
 The A-nsiver of M'. Charles Chancy. 
 
 An contactus et fricatio usg ad seminis effusioem sine 
 penetratione corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda? 
 
 Q. The question is what sodomiticall acts are to be pun- 
 
468 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 ished "w"* death, & what very facte coiuitted, (ipso facto,) 
 is worthy of death, or if y' facte it selfe be not capitall, 
 what circomstances concuring may make it capitall. The 
 same question ma)' be asljed of rape, ineeste, beastialitie, 
 uunaturall sins, presumtuous sins. These be y" words of y" 
 first question. 
 
 Ans : The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God 
 shall directe by his word & spirite) in these following con- 
 clusions: (1.) That y" judicials of Moyses, that are appen- 
 dances to y° morall law, & grounded on y° law of nature, 
 or y" decalogue, are iinutable, and ppetuall, w* all orthodox 
 devines acknowledge ; see y° authors following. Luther, 
 Tom. 1. Whitenberge: fol. 485. & fol. 7. Melancthon, 
 in loc : com loco de conjugio. Calvin, 1. 4. lustitu. c. 4. 
 sect. 15. Juuious de politia Moysis, thes. 29. & 30. Hen: 
 Buliu : Decad. 8. sermo. 8. Wolf: Muscu. loc: com: in 6. 
 precepti explicaci : Bucer de regno Christi, 1. 2. c. 17. 
 Theo : Beza, vol: 1. de hereti : puniendis, fol. 154. Zanch : 
 in 8. prfecept : Ursin : Pt. 4. explicat. contra John. Piscat : 
 in Aphorism! Loc. de lege del aphorism. 17. And more 
 might be added. I forbear, for brevities sake, to set downe 
 their very words ; this being y'' constante & genei-all oppinion 
 of y" best devines, I will rest in this as undoubtedly true, 
 though much more might be said to confirme it. 
 
 2. That all y" sines mentioned in y* question were pun- 
 ished with death by y" judiciall law of Moyses, as adultry, 
 Levit: 20. 10. Deut : 22. 22. Esech : 16. 38. Jhon. 8. 5. 
 which is to be understood not only of double adultrie, when 
 as both parties are marled, (as some conceive,) but who- 
 soever (besids her husband) lyes with a married woman, 
 whether y' man be marled or not, as in y" place, Deut : 22. 
 22. or whosoever, being a marled man, lyeth with another 
 woman (besids his wife), as P. Martire saith, loc: com: 
 ■which in diverce respects maks y'' sine worse on y'' maried 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 469 
 
 mans parte ; for y" Lord in this law hath respect as well to 
 publick honesty, (the sin being so prejiidicall to y" church 
 & state,) as y" private wrongs (saith Juuious). So incest 
 is to be punished with death, Levit: 20. 11. 22. Beastiality 
 likwise, Lev: 20. 15. Exod : 22. 19. Raps in like maner, 
 Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22. & 20. 
 13. And all presumptuous sins. Numb: 15. 30. 31. 
 
 3. That y" punishmente of these foule sines w"' death is 
 grounded on y° law of nature, & is agreeable to the morall 
 law. (1.) Because y"^ reasons anesed shew them to be per- 
 petuall. Deut. 22. 22. So shalt thou put away evill. Incest, 
 beastiality, are caled confusion, & wickednes. (2.) lufauiie 
 to y° whole humane nature, Levit: 22. 12. Levit: 18. 23. 
 Raps are as murder, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie is an abomi- 
 nation, Levit: 22. 22. [247] No holier & juster laws can 
 be devised by any man or angele then have been by y" 
 Judg of all y" world, the wisdome of y'= Father, by whom 
 kings doe raigne, &c. (3.) Because, before y° giving of y" 
 Law, this punishmente was anciently practised. Gen: 26. 11. 
 38. 29. 39. 20. & even by the heathen, by y' very light of 
 nature, as P. Martire shews. (4'^.) Because y° land is de- 
 filed by such sins, and spews out y" inhabitants, Levit: 18. 
 24, 25. & that in regard of those nations y' were not ac- 
 quainted w* the law of Moyses. 5. All y" devins above 
 specified consent in this, that y" unclean acts punisliable 
 with death by y' law of God are not only y" grose acts of 
 uncleannes by way of carnall copulation, but all y" evidente 
 attempts therof, which may appeare by those severall words 
 y' are used by y" spirite of God, expressing y" sins to be 
 punished with death ; as y" discovering of nakednes, Levit : 
 18. 20. which is retegere pudenda, as parts p' euphemismum 
 (saith Junius), or detegere ad cubandum (saith Willett), to 
 uncover y'' shamefuU parts of y" body (saith Ainsworth), 
 -which, though it reaches to y'= grose acts, yet it is plaine it 
 
470 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 dotU comprehend y° other foregoing immodest attempts, as 
 contactum, fricationem, &c. ; liliwise y" phrase of lying with, 
 so often used, doth not only siguifle carnall copulation, but 
 other obscene acts, j5''ceding y° same, is implyed in Pauls 
 word dp6£roKo?Tai, \, Cor: 6. 9. & men lying with men, 
 1. Tim: 1. 9. men defiling them selves w* mankind, men 
 burning with lust towards men, Rom: 1. 2G. & Levit : 18.* 22. 
 sodoiS) & sin going after strange flesh, .Jud : v. 7. 8. and 
 lying with mankind as with a woman, Levit: 18. 22. Abu- 
 lentis says y' it signifies omnes modos quibus masculus mas- 
 culo abutatur, changing y" naturall use into y' which is against 
 nature, Rom: 1. 26. arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well 
 translate Levit: 20. 15. to give consente to Ij'e withall, so 
 .approaching to a beast, & lying downe therto, Levit: 20. 16. 
 ob solum conatu I (saith Willett) or for going about to doe 
 it. Add to this a notable speech of Zepperus de legibus 
 (who hath enough to end controversies of tliis nature) . 
 L. 1. he saith: In crimine adulterii voluntas (understand- 
 ing nianifeste) sine effectu subsecnto de jure attenclitur ; 
 and he proves it out of good laws, in these words : Solici- 
 tatores % alieuum nuptiiim itemg^ matrimonium interpellatores, 
 etsi effectu sceleris potiri non possunt, propter voluntatem 
 tamen perniciosaj libidinis extra ordinem puniuntur ; nam 
 generale est quidem affectu sine effectu [non] puniri, sed 
 contrarium observatur in atrocioribus & horum similibus. 
 
 5. In concluding punishments from y° judiciall law of 
 Moyses }'' is perpetuall, we must often p'ceed bj' analogicall 
 proportion & interpretation, as a parifjus similibus, minore 
 ad majus, &c. ; for ther will still fall out some cases, in 
 every coinone-wealth, which are not in so many words ex- 
 taute in holj^ write, j'et y' snljstance of y' matter in every 
 kind (I conceive under correction) may be drawne and con- 
 cluded out of y° scripture by good consequence of an equeva- 
 
 * 5 in MS. t Contic in MS. X Solicitations in MS. 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 471 
 
 lent nature ; as, for example, ther is no express law against 
 destroying conception in y" wombe by potions, yet by auologie 
 with Exod : 21. 22, 23. we may reason y' life is to be given 
 for life. Againe, y' question. An contactus & fricatio, &c., 
 and methinks y' place Gen : 38. 9. in y' punishmeute of 
 Onans sin, may give some cleare light to it; it was (saith 
 Pareus) beluina crudelit.as quam Deus pari loco cum parri- 
 cidio habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam 
 hominem ex semine generandum occidere ? Propterea juste 
 a Deo occisus est. Observe his words. And againe, Disca- 
 mus quantopere Deus abominetur omnem seminis genitalis 
 abusum, illicita effusionem, & corruptione, &c., very perti- 
 nente to this case. That allso is considerable, Deut : 25. 
 11, 12. God comanded y', if any wife drue nigh to deliver 
 her husband out of y" hand of him y' smiteth him, &c., her 
 hand should be cutt off. Yet such a woman in y' case might 
 say much for her selfe, j'' what she did was in trouble & 
 perplexitie of her minde, & in her husbands defence ; yet 
 her hand must be cutt of for such impuritie (and this is 
 morall, as I conceive). Then we maj^ reason from y" less 
 to y' greater, what greevous sin in y" sight of God it is, 
 by y" instigation of burning lusts, set on fire of hell, to 
 proceede to contactum & fricationem ad emissiouem seminis, 
 &c., & y' contra naturam, or to attempte y° grosse acts of 
 unnaturall filthines. Againe, if y' unnatural! lusts of men 
 with men, or woman with woman, or either with beasts, be 
 to be punished with death, then a pari naturall lusts of men 
 towards children under age are so to be punished. 
 
 6. Circumstantial variant vis e actiunes, (saith y' lawiers,) 
 & circomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all reclied 
 up ; but God hath given laws for those causes & cases that 
 are of greatest momente, by which others are to be judged 
 of, as in y'' differance betwixte chanc medley, & willfull 
 murder ; so in y'' sins of uncleannes, it is one thing to doe 
 
472 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 an acte of uncleannes by sudden temptation, & another to 
 lye in waite for it, yea, to make a coiiiune practise of it ; 
 this mightily augments & multiplies y° sin. Againe, some 
 sines of this nature are simple, others compound, as y' is 
 simple adultrie, or inceste, or simple sodomie ; but when 
 ther is a mixture of diverce kiuds of lust, as when adultery 
 & sodomie & p''ditio seminis goe togeather in y° same acte 
 of uncleannes, this is capital!, double, & trible. Againe, 
 when adultrie or sodomie is coinited by gfessors or church 
 members, I fear it coms too near y' sine of y° preists daugh- 
 ters, forbidden, & comanded to be punished, Levit : 21. 9. 
 besids y° presumption of y" siiies of such. Againe, when 
 uncleannes is comited with those whose chastity thej' are 
 bound to j^serve, this coms very nere the incestious copula- 
 tion, I feare ; but I must hasten to y" other questions. 
 
 [248] 2. Question y' second, upon y'' pointe of exami- 
 nation, how farr a magistrate may extracte a confession 
 from a delinquente to accuse him selfe in a capitall crime, 
 seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum. 
 
 Ans : The words of y'-' question may be understood of 
 extracting a confession from a delinquente either by oath or 
 bodily tormente. If it be mente of extracting by requiring 
 an oath, (ex officio, as some call it,) & that in capitall 
 crimes, I fear it is not safe, nor warented by Gods word, 
 to extracte a confession from a delinquente by an oath in 
 matters of life and death. (1.) Because y' practise in y= 
 Scripturs is other wise, as in y'= case of Achan, Jos : 7. 19. 
 Give, I pray y", glorie to y" Lord God of Israll, and make 
 a confession to him, & tell me how thou hast done. He 
 did not compell him to sweare. So when as Johnathans life 
 was indangered, 1. Sam. 14. 4.3. Saule said unto Johnathan, 
 Tell me what thou hast done ; he did not require an oath. 
 And notable is y', Jer : 38. 14. Jeremiah was charged by 
 Zedechias, who said, I will aske the a thing, hide it not 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 473 
 
 from me ; & Jeremiah said, If I declare it unto y'^, wilt 
 thou not surely put me to death? impling y', in case of 
 death, he would have refused to answer him. (2.) Reason 
 shews it, & experience ; Job : 2. 4. Skin for skin, &c. It 
 is to be feared y' those words (whatsoever a man hath) will 
 comprehend also y" conscience of an oath, and y'^ fear of 
 God, and all care of religion ; therfore for laying a snare 
 before y*' guiltie, I think it ought not to be donn. But 
 now, if y' question be mente of inflicting bodyly torments 
 to extracte a confession from a mallefactor, I conceive y' 
 in maters of higest consequence, such as doe conceirne 
 y° saftie or mine of stats or countries, magistrats may 
 proceede so farr to bodily torments, as racks, hote-irons, 
 &c., to extracte a conffession, espetially wher presumptions 
 are strounge ; but otherwise by no means. God sometims 
 hids a sinner till his wickednes is filled up. 
 
 Question 3. In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes 
 with other circumstances shall be sufflcente to convicte, or 
 is ther no conviction without 2. witneses? 
 
 Dent: 19. 25. God hath given an express rule y' in no 
 case one witness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in 
 capitall cases. God would not put our lives into y° power 
 of any one toungue. Besids, by y' examination of more 
 wittneses agreeing or disagreeing, any falshood ordenarilly 
 may be discovered; but this is to be understood of one 
 witnes of another ; but if a man witnes against him selfe, 
 his owne testimony is sufflcente, as in y^ case of y" Amala- 
 kite, 2. Sam : 1. 16. Againe, when ther are sure & certaine 
 signes & evidences by circumstances, ther needs no witnes 
 in this case, as in y" bussines of Adoniah desiring Abishage 
 y' Shunamite to wife, that therby he might make way for 
 him selfe unto y= kingdome, 1. King: 2. 23, 24. Againe, 
 probably by many concurring circumstances, if probabillity 
 may have y= strength of a witnes, somthing may be this 
 
474 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 way gathered, me thinks, from Sallomons jadging betweexte 
 y" true mother, aud y'' harlote, 1. King. 3. 25. Lastly, I 
 see no cause why in waighty matters, in defeete of witneses 
 & other proof es, we may not have recourse to a lott, as in 
 y" case of Achan, Josu : 7. 16. which is a clearer way in 
 such doubtfuU cases (it being solemnely & religiously per- 
 formed) then any other that I know, if it be made y° last 
 refuge. But all this under correction. 
 
 The Lord in mercie directe & prosper y' desu-es of his 
 servants that desire to walk before him in truth & right- 
 eousnes in the administration of justice, and give them wis- 
 
 dome and largnes of harte. 
 
 Chaeles Channct. 
 
 Besids y" occation before mentioned in these writ- 
 ings concerning the abuse of those 2. children, they 
 had aboute y" same time a case of buggerie fell out 
 amongst them, which occasioned these questions, to 
 which these answers have been made. 
 
 And after y' time of y' writig of these things 
 befell a very sadd accidente of the like foule nature 
 in this govermente, this very year, which I shall 
 now relate. Ther was a youth whose name was 
 Thomas Granger ; he was servant to an honest man 
 of Duxberj', being aboute 16. or 17. years of age. 
 (His father & mother lived at the same time at 
 Sityate.) He was this year detected of buggery (and 
 indicted for y" same) with a mare, a cowe, tow goats, 
 five sheep, 2. calves, and a turkey. Horrible [249] 
 it is to mention, but y" truth of y'= historic requires 
 it. He was first discovered by one y' accidentally 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 475 
 
 saw his lewd practise towards the mare. (I forbear 
 perticulers.) Being upon it examined and comitted, 
 in y° end he not only contest y° fact with that beast 
 at that time, but sundrie times before, and at sev- 
 erall times with all y" rest of y* forenamed in his 
 indictmente ; and this his free-confession was not only 
 in private to y'' magistrats, (though at first he strived 
 to deney it,) but to sundrie, both ministers & others, 
 and afterwards, upon his indictmente, to y'' whole 
 court & jury ; and confirmed it at his execution. 
 And wheras some of y'' sheep could not so well be 
 knowne by his description of them, others with them 
 were brought before him, and he declared which were 
 they, and which were not. And accordingly he was 
 cast by y" jury, and condemned, and after executed 
 about y" 8. of Sepf, 1642. A very sade spectakle 
 it was ; for first the mare, and then y" cowe, and 
 y'' rest of y" lesser catle, were kild before his face, 
 according to y'' law, Levit : 20. 15. and then he him 
 selfe was executed. The catle were all cast into a 
 great & large pitte that was digged of purposs for 
 them, and no use made of any part of them. 
 J Upon y'= examenation of this person, and also of a 
 
 former that had made some sodomiticall attempts upon 
 another, it beins: demanded of them how they came 
 first to y'' knowledge and practice of such wickednes, 
 the one confessed he had long used it in old England ; 
 and this youth last spoaken of said he was taught it 
 
 li 
 
476 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 by an other that had heard of such things from some 
 in England when he was ther, and they kept catle 
 togeather. By which it appears how one wicked per- 
 son may infecte many ; and what care all ought to 
 have what servants they bring into their families. 
 
 But it may be demanded how came it to pass that 
 so many wicked persons and profane people should 
 so quickly come over into this land, & mixe them 
 selves amongst them? seeing it was religious men y' 
 begane y*" work, and they came for religions sake. 
 I confess this may be marveilled at, at least in time 
 to come, when the reasons therof should not be 
 knowne ; and y" more because here was so many 
 hardships and wants mett withall. I shall therfore 
 indeavor to give some answer hereunto. And first, 
 according to y' in y'' gospell, it is ever to be remem- 
 bred that wher y** Lord begins to sow good seed, 
 ther y" envious man will endeavore to sow tares. 
 2. Men being to come over into a wildernes, in 
 which much labour & servise was to be done aboute 
 building & planting, &c., such as wanted help in y' 
 respecte, when they could not have such as y^-^' would, 
 were glad to take such as they could ; and so , many 
 untoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were 
 thus brought over, both men & women kind; who, 
 when their times were expired, became families of 
 them selves, which gave increase hereunto. 3. An 
 other and a maine reason hearof was, that men, find- 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 477 
 
 ing so many godly disposed persons willing lo come 
 into these parts, some begane to make a trade of it, 
 to transeport passengers & their goods, and hired 
 ships for that end ; and then, to make up their 
 fraight and advance their profite, cared not who y" 
 persons were, so they had money to pay them. And 
 by this means the cuntrie became pestered with many 
 unworthy persons, who, being come over, crept into 
 one place or other. 4. Againe, the Lords blesing 
 usually following his people, as well in outward as 
 spirituall things, (though afflictions be mixed with- 
 all,) doe make many to adhear to y'' people of 
 God, as many followed Christ, for y'" loaves sake, 
 lohn 6. 26. and a mixed multitud came into y" 
 willdernes with y'' people of God out of Eagipte 
 of old, Exod. 12. 38 ; so allso ther were sente by 
 their freinds some under hope y' they would be made 
 better ; others that they might be eased of such bur- 
 thens, and they kept from shame at home y' would 
 necessarily follow their dissolute courses. And thus, 
 by one means or other, in 20. years time, it is a 
 question whether y" greater part be not growne y" 
 worser. 
 
 [250] I am now come to y" conclusion of that long 
 & tedious bussines betweene y" partners hear, & them 
 in England, the which I shall manifest by their owne 
 letters as folio weth, in such parts of them as are per- 
 tinente to y" same. 
 
478 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 M''. Sherleys to M''. Attwood. 
 M'. Attwood, my approved loving freind : Your letter of y° 
 18. of October last I have received, wherin I find you have 
 taken a great deall of paines and care aboute y' ti'ouble- 
 Bome bussines betwixte our Plimoth partners & freiuds, & 
 us hear, and have deeply ingaged your selfe, for which 
 complements & words are no reall satisfaction, &c. For 
 y'^ agreemente you have made with M'. Bradford, M'. Wins- 
 low, & y" rest of y' partners ther, considering how honestly 
 and justly I am perswaded they have brought in an accouute 
 of y' remaining stock, for my owne parte I am well satis- 
 fied, and so I thinke is M'. Andrewes, and I supose will 
 be M'. Beachampe, if most of it might acrew to him, to 
 whom y° least is due, &c. And now for peace sake, and 
 to conclud as we began, lovingly and freindly, and to pass 
 by all failings of all, the conclude is accepted of ; I say this 
 agreemente y' you have made is condesended unto, and M'. 
 Andrews hath sent his release to M''. Winthrop, with such 
 directions as he conceives fitt ; and I have made bould to 
 trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in y° pres- 
 ence of M'. Weld, and M'. Peeters, and some others, and 
 I have also sente you an other, for the partners ther, 
 to seale to me ; for you must not deliver mine to them, 
 excepte they seale & deliver one to me ; this is fitt and 
 equall, &c. 
 
 Yours to coinand in what I may or can, 
 
 James Shbrlet. 
 June 14. 1642. 
 
 His to y° partners as followeth. 
 Loving freinds, 
 
 M^ Bradford, M'. Winslow, M\ Prence, Captaine Stan- 
 dish, M^ Brewster, M'. Alden, & M'. Howland, give me 
 leave to joyne you all in one letter, concerning y' flnall end 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 479 
 
 & conclude of y' tedious & troublsome bussiues, & I thinke 
 I may truly say uncomfurtable & unprofitable to all, &c. It 
 hath pleased God now to put us upon a way to sease all suits, 
 and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude with peace 
 and love, as we began. I am contented to yeeld & make 
 good what M'. Attwood and you have agreed upon ; and for 
 y' end have sente to my loving freiud, M'. Attwood, an abso- 
 lute and generall release unto you all, and if ther wante any 
 thing to make it more full, write it your selves, & it shall be 
 done, provided y' all you, either joyntly or severally, scale 
 y" like discharge to me. And for y' end I have drawne one 
 joyntly, and sent it to M'. Attwood, with y' I have sealed to 
 you. M'. Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, & sent 
 it to M'. Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived 
 fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 544''. 
 unto y" gentlemen of y'^ Bay. Indeed, M'. Welld, M^ Peters, 
 & M'. Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines with Mr. 
 Andrews, M'. Beachamp, & my selfe, to bring us to agree, 
 and to y' end we have had many meetings and spent much 
 time aboute it. Bat as they are very religious & honest 
 gentle-men, yet they had an end y' they drove at & laboured 
 to accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for y" gen- 
 erall good of their patente). It had been very well you had 
 sent one over. M'. Andrew wished you might have one 3. 
 parte of y' 1200'". & y' Bay 2. thirds; but then we 3. must 
 have agreed togeather, which were a hard mater now. But 
 M'. AVeld, M'. Peters, & M'. Hibbens, & I, have agreed, they 
 giving you bond (so to compose with M'. Beachamp, as) to 
 procure his generall release, & free you from all trouble & 
 charge y' he may put you too ; which indeed is nothing, for 
 I am perswaded W. Weld will in time gaine him to give them 
 all that is dew to [251] him, which in some sorte is granted 
 allready ; for though his demands be great, yet M'. Andrewes 
 hath taken some paines in it, and makes it appear to be less 
 then I thinke he will consente to give them for so good an 
 
480 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 use ; so you neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save 
 you harmles, you be safe and well. Now our accord is, y' 
 you must pay to y° gentle-men of y' Bay 900''. ; they are to 
 bear all chargs y' may any way arise concerning y" free 
 & absolute clearing of you from us three. And you to have 
 y' other 300". &c. 
 
 Upon y'' receiving of my release from you, I will send you 
 your bonds for y° purchass money. I would have sent them 
 now, but I would have M'. Beachamp release as well as I, be- 
 cause you are bound to him 'in them. Now I know if a man 
 be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all released, 
 and my discharge doth cutt them of ; wherfore doubte you not 
 but you shall have them, & j'our coiuission, or any thing els 
 that is fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of y" purchass 
 money, that I would not owne, for I have formerley certified 
 you y' I would but pay 7. years ; but now you are discharged 
 of all, &c. 
 
 Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, 
 
 James Sheelet. 
 
 June 14. 1642. 
 
 The coppy of his release is as folio weth. 
 
 Wheras diverce questions, differences, & demands have 
 arisen & depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Wins- 
 low, Thomas Prence, Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John 
 AUden, and .John Rowland, gent : now or latly inhabitants or 
 resident at New-Plimoth, in New-England, on y' one party, 
 and James Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in th' 
 other parte, for & concerning a stocke & partable trade of 
 beaver & other comodities, and fraighting of ships, as y" 
 White Angell, Frindship, or others, and y" goods of Isaack 
 Allerton which were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of 
 atturney made by y' said James Sherley and John Beachamp 
 and Richard Andrews, or any other maters concerning y' said 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTx\TION. 481 
 
 trade, either hear in Old-Englaud or ther in New-England or 
 elsewher, all which differences are since by mediation of 
 freiuds composed, compremissed, and all y" said parties 
 agreed. Now know all anen by these presents, that 1, the 
 said James Sherley, in performance of y° said compremise & 
 agreemente, have remised, releaseil, and quite claimed, & doe 
 by these presents remise, release, and for me, myne heires, 
 executors, & Administrators, and for every of us, for ever 
 quite claime unto y° said William Bradford, Edward AVinslow, 
 Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John 
 Allden, & John Rowland, and every of them, their & every 
 of their heires, executors, and administrators, all and all 
 maner of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekoniags, comissions, 
 bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, chal- 
 linges, differences, and demands whatsoever, with or against 
 y= said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, 
 Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John 
 Howlaud, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time 
 to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or 
 thing whatsoever from y' begining of y" world untill y" day 
 of y" date of these presents. In witnes wherof I have here- 
 unto put my hand & scale, given y° second day of June, 1G42, 
 and in y" eighteenth year of y" raigne of our soveraigne lord, 
 king Charles, &c. 
 
 James Sheklet. 
 
 Sealed and delivered 
 
 in y° presence of Thomas Weld, 
 Hdgii Peters, 
 William Hibbins. 
 Arthck Tirrey, Scr. 
 Tno : Sturgs, his servante. 
 
 M^ Andrews his discharg was to y" same effecte ; he 
 was hy agreemete to have 500**. of y' money, the which 
 
482 HISTOKY OF [book II. 
 
 he gave to them in y"" Bay, who brought his discharge 
 and demanded y^ money. And they tooke in his re- 
 lease and paid y'' money according to agreemete, viz. 
 one third of the 500*'. they paid downe in hand, and 
 j" rest in 4. equall payments, to be paid yearly, 
 for whicli they gave their bonds. And wheras 44". 
 was more demanded, they conceived they could take 
 it of with M''. Andrews, and therfore it was not in the 
 bonde. [2.52] But M''. Beachamp would not parte with 
 any of his, but demanded 400''. of y" partners here, & 
 sent a release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon 
 y'^ receite of y" money. But his relese was not per- 
 fecte, for he had left out some of j''' partners names, 
 with some other defects ; and besids, the other gave 
 them to understand he had not near so much due. So 
 no end was made with him till 4. years after ; of which 
 in it plase. And in y* regard, that them selves did not 
 agree, I shall inserte some part of M''. Andrews letter, 
 by which he conceives 3''' partners here were wronged, 
 as foUoweth. This leter of his was write to M'. 
 Edmond Freeman, brother in law to M'". Beachamp. 
 
 M'. Freeman, 
 
 My love remembred unto you, &c. I then certified y' part- 
 ners how I found M^ Beachamp & M'. Sheiiey, in their per- 
 ticuler demands, which was according to mens principles, of 
 getting what they could ; allthough j' one will not shew any 
 accounte, and y" other a very unfaire and unjust one ; and 
 both of them discouraged me from sending y" partners my 
 accounte, M'. Beachamp espetiall}'. Their reason, I have 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 
 
 483 
 
 cause to conceive, was, y' allthough I doe not, nor ever 
 intended to, wrong y" partners or y« bussiues, yet, if I gave 
 no accounte, I might be esteemed as guiltie as they, iu some 
 degree at least; and they might seeme to be y° more free 
 from taxation in not delivering their accounts, who have botli 
 of them charged y' accounte with much intrest they have 
 payed forth, and one of them would likwise for much intrest 
 he hath not paid forth, as appeareth by liis accounte, &c. 
 And seeing y" partners have now made it appear y' ther is 
 1200''. remaining due between us all, and that it may appear 
 by my accounte I have not charged y'= bussiues with any in- 
 trest, but doe forgive it unto y" partners, above 200''. if 1\I^ 
 Sherley & M''. Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged 
 y" bussines so many 100". both in principall & intrest likwise, 
 and have therin wronged me as well and as mucli as any of 
 y'' partners ; yet if they will not make & deliver faire & true 
 accounts^ of y*^ same, nor be conteute to take what by com- 
 putation is more then can be justly due to cither, that is, to 
 M'. Beachamp 150". as by M'. Allertons accounte, and M^ 
 Sherleys accounte, on oath in chancerie ; and though ther 
 might be nothing due to M'^. Sherley, yet he requirs 100". 
 &c. I conceive, seing y" partners have delivered on their 
 oaths y'= snine remaining in their hands, that they may justly 
 detaine y'' 650". which may remaine in their hands, after 1 am 
 satisfied, untill M^ Sherley & M''. Beachamp will be more fair 
 & just in their ending, &c. And as I intend, if y'= partners 
 fayrly end with me, in satisflng in parte and ingaging them 
 selves for y" rest of mj' said 544". to returne back for y' poore 
 my parte of y'= land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to re- 
 linquish my right & intrest in their dear patente, on which 
 much of our money was laid forth, and also mjf right & 
 intrest in their cheap purchass, the which may have cost me 
 first & last 350".* But I doubte whether other men have not 
 
 ** This he means of y first adventures, all which were lost, as hath before 
 been shown; and what he here writs is probable at least. 
 
484 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 charged or taken on accouute what they have disbursed in y" 
 like case, which I have not charged, neither did I conceive 
 any other durst so doe, untill I saw y" aecounte of the one 
 and heard y° words of y'^ other; the which gives me just cause 
 to siispecte both their accounts to be unfaire ; for it seemeth 
 they consulted one with another aboute some perticulers 
 therin. Therfore I conceive y° partners ought y° rather to 
 require just accounts from each of them before they parte 
 with any money to either of them. For marchants understand 
 how to give an acounte ; if they mean fairley, they will not 
 denej' to give an aecounte, for the}' keep memorialls to helpe 
 them to give exacte acounts in all perticulers, and memoriall 
 cannot forget his cliarge, if y" man will remember. I desire 
 not to wrong M''. Beachamp or M'. Sherle}', nor may be 
 silente in such apparentc probabilities of their wronging y° 
 partners, and me likwise, either in dene3'ing to deliver or shew 
 any aecounte, or in delivering one very uujuste in some per- 
 ticulers, and very suspitious in many more; either of which, 
 being from understanding marchants, cannot be from weaknes 
 or simplisitie, and therfore y' more unfaire. So comending 
 you & yours, and all y"^ Lord's people, unto y" gratious pro- 
 tection and blessing of y° Lord, and rest j'our loving friend, 
 
 Richard Andrewes. 
 Apriil 7. 1643. 
 
 This leter was write j'° yea.v after y" agreement, as 
 doth appear; and what his judgmente was herein, y" 
 contents doth manifest, and so I leave it to y" equall 
 judgmente of any to consider, as thej^ see cause. 
 
 Only I shall addo what M^ Sherley furder write in 
 a leter of his, about y" same time, and so leave this 
 bussines. His is as followeth on y'- other side.* 
 
 * Beiug the conclusion, as will be seen, of page 2.32 of tbe original. 
 
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 485 
 
 [253] Loving freinds, M'. Bradford, M'. Winslow, Cap: 
 Standisli, M'. Prence, and y" rest of y" partners w"> you ; I 
 shall write this generall leter to you all, hoping it will be 
 a good conclude of a generall, but a costly & tedious bussines 
 I thinke to all, I am sure to me, &c. 
 
 I received from M'. Winslow a letter of y"= 28. of Sept : last, 
 and so much as concernes y'= generall bussines I shall answer 
 in this, not knowing whether I shall have opportunitie to 
 write perticuler letters, &c. I expected more letters from you 
 all, as some perticuler writs,* but it seemeth no fitt oppor- 
 tunity was offered. And now, though }'" bussines for y' 
 maine may stand, yet some perticulers is alltered ; I say my 
 former agreemente with M^ Weld & M"'. Peters, before they f 
 could conclude or gett any grante of M^ Andrews, they 
 sought to have my release ; and ther upon they sealed me a 
 bond for a 110''. So I sente my acquittance, for they said 
 without mine ther would be no end made (& ther was good 
 reason for it) . Now they hoped, if y"^ ended with me, to 
 gaine M'. Andrews parte, as they did holy, to a pound, (at 
 which I should wonder, but y' I observe some passages,) and 
 they also hoped to have gotten M'. Beachamps part, & I did 
 thinke he would have given it them. But if he did well 
 understand him selfe, & that acounte, he would give it; for 
 his demands make a great sound. | But it seemeth he would 
 not parte with it, supposing it too great a sume, and y' he 
 might easily gaine it from you. Once he would have given 
 them 40". but now they say he will not doe that, or rather 
 I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, & have M'. 
 Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110". 
 3 months hence. Now it will fall out farr better for you, 
 y' they deal not with M". Beachamp, and also for me, if you 
 
 • Perhaps write, for icrole. t The in the manuscript. 
 
 X This was a misterie to them, for ther heard nothing hereof from any 
 side y« last year, till now y conclution was past, and bonds given. 
 
486 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 be as kind to me as I have been & will be to you ; and y' 
 thus, if you pay M'. Andrews, or y" Bay men, by his order, 
 544''. which is his full demande ; but if looked into, perhaps 
 might be less. The man is honest, & in my conscience would 
 not wittingly doe wrouge, yett he may forgett as well as other 
 men ; and M'. Winslow may call to minde wherin he for- 
 getts ; (but some times it is good to buy peace.) The gentle- 
 men of y'= Bay may abate 100''. and so both sids have more 
 right & justice then if they exacte all, &c. Now if you send 
 me a 150", then say M'. Andrews full sume, & this, it is nere 
 700". M'. Beachamp he demands 400''. and we all know 
 that, if a man demands money, he must shew wherfore, and 
 make proofe of his debte ; which I know he can never make 
 good proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall 
 money ; so till he can, you have good reason to keep y' 
 500". &c. This I proteste I write not in malice against 
 M'. Beachamp, for it is a reall truth. You may partly see it 
 by M"". Andrews making up his accounte, and I think j^ou 
 are all perswaded I can say more then M'. Andrews con- 
 cerning that accounte. I wish I could make up my owne as 
 plaine & easily, but because of former discontents, I will 
 be sparing till I be called ; & you may injoye y" 500''. quietly 
 till he begine ; for let him take his course hear or ther, it shall 
 be all one, I will doe him no wronge ; and if he have not on 
 peney more, he is less loser then either M'. Andrews or I. 
 This I conceive to be just & honest ; j" having or not having 
 of his release matters not ; let him make such proafe of his 
 debte as you cannot disprove, and according to your first 
 agreemente you will pay it, &c. 
 
 Your truly affectioned freiud, 
 
 James Sherlet. 
 London, Aprill 27. 1643. 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 487 
 
 Anno Dom: 1643. 
 I AM to begine this year whith that which was a 
 mater of great saddnes and mouring unto them all. 
 Aboute j" 18. of Aprill dyed their Reve'' Elder, and 
 my dear & loving friend, M"'. William Brewster ; a 
 man that had done and suffered much for y"" Lord 
 Jesus and y'' gosi^ells sake, and had bore his parte in 
 well and woe with this poore persecuted church above 
 36. years [254] in England, Holand, and in this 
 wildernes, and done y" Lord & them faithfull service 
 in his place & calling. And notwithstanding y'' many 
 troubls and sorrows he passed throw, the Lord upheld 
 him to a great age. He was nere fourskore years 
 of age (if not all out) when he dyed. He had this 
 blesing added by y'' Lord to all y'^ rest, to dye in his 
 bed, in peace, amongst j" mids of his freinds, who 
 mourned & wepte over him, and ministered what help 
 & comforte they could unto him, and he againe re- 
 comforted them whilst he could. His sicknes was not 
 long, and till y" last day therof he did not wholy 
 keepe his bed. His speech continued till somewhat 
 more then halfe a day, & then failed him ; and aboute 
 9. or 10. a clock that eving he dyed, without any 
 pangs at all. A few bowers before, he drew his 
 breath shorte, and some few minuts before his last, 
 he drew his breath long, as a man falen into a sound 
 slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly 
 departed this life unto a better. 
 
488 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 I would now demand of any, what he was y'' worse 
 for any former suflerings? What doe I say, worse? 
 Nay, sure he was y'= Ijetter, and they now added to 
 his honour. It is a manifest token (saith y'' Apostle, 
 2. Thes : 1. 5, 6, 7.) of if righeous judgmente of God 
 t/ ye may he counted worthy of y" hingdome of God, 
 for which ye alJso suffer; seing it is a righteous thing 
 ivith God to recommence tribulation to them y' trouble 
 you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, lohen 
 3/" Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, ivith his 
 mighty angels. 1. Pet. 4. 14. //' you be reproached 
 for y" name of Christ, hapy are ye, for y" sjiirite 
 of glory and of God resteth iipon you. What though 
 he wanted y° riches and pleasurs of 3'° world in this 
 life, and pompous monuments at his funurall? yet y° 
 memoriall of y'^ just shall be blessed, when y' name 
 of y'^ wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments). 
 Pro: 10. 7. 
 
 I should say something of his life, if to say a litle 
 were not worse then to be silent. But I cannot wholy 
 forbear, though hapily more may be done hereafter. 
 After he had attained some learning, viz. y^ knowledg 
 of y*^ Latine tongue, & some insight in y'= Greeke, and 
 spent some small time at Cambridge, and then being 
 first seasoned with j'" seeds of grace and vertue, he went 
 to y" Courte, and served that religious and godly gentl- 
 man, fi'P. Davison, diverce years, when he was Secre- 
 tary of State ; who found him so discreete and faithfuU 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 489 
 
 as he trusted him above all other that were aboute 
 hioi, and only imploj'ed him in all matters of greatest 
 trust and secrecie. Fie esteemed him rather as a sonne 
 then a servante, and for his wisdom & godliues (in 
 private) he would converse with him more like a freind 
 & familier then a maister. He attended his m''. when 
 he was sente in ambassage by the Queene into y^ Low- 
 Countries, in y'-' Earle of Leicesters time, as for other 
 waighty affaires of state, so to receive possession of the 
 cautionary townes, and in token & signe therof the 
 keyes of Flushing being delivered to him, in her ma"' 
 name, he kepte them some time, and comitted them 
 to this his servante, who kept them under his pilow, 
 on which he slepte y'^ first night. And, at his returne, 
 j" States honoured him with a gould chaine, and his 
 maister comitted it to him, and comanded him to wear 
 it when they arrived in England, as thej' ridd thorrow 
 the country, till they came to y" Courte. He afterwards 
 remained with him till his troubles, that he was put 
 from his place aboute y" death of y" Queene of Scots ; 
 and some good time after, doeing him manie faithfuU 
 offices of servise in y" time of his troubles. Afterwards 
 he wente and lived in y" country, in good esteeme 
 amongst his freinds and y" gentle-men of those parts, 
 espetially the godly & religious. He did much good 
 in y" countrie wher he lived, in promoting and further- 
 ino- religion, not only by his practiss & example, and 
 provocking and incouraging of others, but by procuring 
 
490 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 of good preachers to y" i^laces theraboute, and drawing 
 on of others to assiste & help forward in such a worlie ; 
 he him selfe most comonlj' deepest in 3''' charge, & 
 some times above his abillitie. And in this state he 
 continued many years, doeing y' best good he could, 
 and walking according to y' light he saw, till y' Lord 
 reveiled further unto him. And in y** end, by y"" tir- 
 rany of y'^ bishops against godlj' preachers & people, 
 in silenceing the one & persecuting y'' other, he and 
 many more of those times begane to looke further into 
 things, and to see into y' unlawfullnes of their callings, 
 and y" burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which 
 both he and they endeavored to cast of; as y*^' allso 
 did, as in y' begining of this treatis is to be seene. 
 [255] After they were joyned togither in comunion, 
 he was a spetlall stay & help unto them. Thej^ ordi- 
 narily mett at his house on y" Lords day, (which was 
 a manor of y* bishops,) and with great love he enter- 
 tained them when they came, making provission for 
 them to his great charge. He was y" cheefe of those 
 that were taken at Boston, and suifered y" greatest 
 loss ; and of y* seven that were kept longst in prison, 
 and after bound over to y"^ assises. Affter he came 
 into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had 
 spente y' most of his means, haveing a great charge, 
 and many children ; and, in regard of his former breed- 
 ing & course of life, not so fitt for many imployments 
 as others were, espetially such as were toylesume & 
 
tV" ■ 
 
 1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 491 
 
 laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with 
 much cherfullnes and conteutation. Towards y'' later 
 parte of those 12. years spente in Holland, his outward 
 condition was mended, and he lived well & plentifully; 
 for he fell into a way (l)y reason he had y" Latine 
 tongue) to teach many students, who had a disire 
 to lerne y" English tongue, to teach them English ; 
 and b}" his method they quickly attained it with great 
 facilitie ; for he drew rules to lerne it by, after y" 
 Latine maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes & 
 Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other 
 studies, some of them being great mens sones. He 
 also had means to set up printing, (by y" help of some 
 freinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by 
 reason of many books which would not be alowed 
 to be printed in England, they might have had more 
 then they could doe. But now removeing into this 
 countrie, all these things were laid aside againe, and 
 a new course of living must be framed unto ; in which 
 he was oo way unwilling to take his parte, and to bear 
 his burthen with y'= rest, living many times without 
 bread, or corne, many months together, having many 
 times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also; 
 and drunke nothing but water for many years togeather, 
 yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his death. And yet 
 he lived (by y« blessing of Grod) in health till very old 
 ao-e. And besids y', he would labour with his hands 
 in y' feilds as long as he was able ; yet when the 
 
 #.:- 
 
492 HISTOP.Y OF [book II. 
 
 church had no other minister, he taught twise every 
 Saboth, and y' both powerfully and profitably, to y" 
 great contentment of y^ hearers, and their comfortable 
 edification ; yea, many were brought to God by his 
 ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year, then 
 many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their 
 lives. For his personall abilities, he was qualified 
 above many ; he was wise and discreete and well 
 spoken, having a grave & deliberate utterance, of a 
 very cherfull spirite, very sociable & pleasante amongst 
 his freinds, of an humble and modest mind, of a peace- 
 able disposition, under vallewing him self & his owne 
 abilities, and some time over valewing others ; inoffen- 
 oive and inocente in his life & conversation, w'^ gained 
 him y'' love of those without, as well as those within ; 
 yet he would tell them plainely of their faults & evills, 
 both publickly & privatly, but in such a maner as usu- 
 ally was well taken from him. He was tender harted, 
 and compassionate of such as were in miserie, but 
 espetialy of such as had been of good estate and ranke, 
 and were fallen unto want & poverty, either for good- 
 nes & religions sake, or by y'^ injury & oppression 
 of others ; he would say, of all men these deserved 
 to be pitied most. And none did more offend & dis- 
 please him then such as would hautily and proudly 
 carry & lift up themselves, being rise from nothing, 
 and haveing litle els in them to comend them but a few 
 fine cloaths, or a litle riches more then others. In 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 493 
 
 teaching, he was very moving & stirring of aflections, 
 also very plaine & distincte in what he taught ; by 
 which means he became j" more profitable to y" hearers. 
 He had a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick 
 & private, in ripping up y"^ hart & conscience before 
 God, in y" humble confession of sinne, and begging y" 
 mercies of God in Christ for y'= pardon of y*" same. 
 He always thought it were better for ministers to pray 
 oftener, and devide their prears, then be longe & te- 
 dious in y*" same (excepte upon sollemne & spetiall 
 occations, as in days of humiliation & y'^ like). His 
 reason was, that y"^ harte & spirits of all, espetialy 
 y* weake, could hardly continue & stand bente (as it 
 were) so long towards God, as they ought to doe 
 in y' duty, without flagging and falling of. For 
 y' govermente of y'' church, (which was most [256] 
 proper to his office, ) he was carfull to preserve good 
 order in y"= same, and to preserve puritie, both in 
 y"* doctrine & comunion of y" same ; and to supress 
 any errour or contention that might begine to rise 
 up amongst them ; and accordingly God gave good 
 success to his indeavors herein all his days, and he 
 saw y'' fruite of his labours in that behalfe. But 
 I must breake of, having only thus touched a few, 
 as it were, heads of things. 
 
 I cannot but here take occasion, not only to men- 
 tion, but greatly to admire y"^^ marvelous providence 
 of God, that notwithstanding y^^ many changes and 
 
494 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 hardships that these people wente throwgh, and y'= 
 man^' enemies they had and difficulties they mette with 
 all, that so many of them should live to very olde age ! 
 It was not only this reve" mans condition, (for one 
 swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many 
 n:ore of them did y" like, some dying aboute and 
 before this time, and many still living, who attained 
 to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse to 70. and 
 above, and some nere 80. as he did. It must needs 
 be more then ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that 
 so it should be ; for it is found in experience, that 
 chaing of aeir, famine, or unholsome foode, much drink- 
 ing of water, sorrows & troubls, &c., all of them are 
 enimies to health, causes of many diseaces, consumers 
 of naturall vigoure and y' bodys of men, and shortners 
 of life. And yet of all these things they had a large 
 parte, and suffered deeply in y'- same. They wente 
 from England to Holaud, wher they found both worse 
 air and dyet then that they came from ; from thence 
 (induring a long imprisonmente, as it were, in y= ships 
 at sea) into New-England; and how it hath been with 
 them hear hath aliready beene showne ; and what crosses, 
 troubls, fears, wants, and sorrowes they had been lyable 
 unto, is easie to conjecture ; so as in some sorte they 
 may say with y'= Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. they 
 were in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perills 
 of robers, in periUs of their oivne nation, in perils ainong 
 y' heathen, in perills in y" willdernes, in perills in y" sea, 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 495 
 
 in perills among false hreelhern ; in weari7ies & painfuU- 
 nes, in ivatching often, in hunger and thirst, in fasting 
 often, in could and nahednes. What was it then that 
 upheld them? It was Gods vissitation that preserved 
 their spirits. Job 10. 12. Thou hast given me life 
 and grace, and tlty vissitation hath preserved my sjnrite. 
 He that upheld y' Apostle upheld them. They ivere 
 persecuted, but not forsaken, cast doivne, but perished 
 not. 2. Cor: 4. 9. As unhnowen, and yet knoiven; 
 as dying, and behold we live; as chastened, and yett 
 not kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would have 
 all men to behold and observe such mercies and works 
 of his providence as these are towards his people, that 
 they in like cases might be incouraged to depend upon 
 God in their trials, & also blese his name when they 
 see his goodnes towards others. Man lives not by 
 bread only, Deut : 8. .3. It is not by good & dainty 
 fare, by peace, & rest, and harts ease, in injoying 
 y« contentments and good things of this world only, 
 that preserves health and prolongs life. God in such 
 examples would have y" world see & behold that he 
 can doe it without them; and if y"^ world will shut 
 ther eyes, and take no notice therof, yet he would 
 have his people to see and consider it. Daniell could 
 be better liking with pulse then others were with 
 J' kings dainties. Jaacob, though he wente from one 
 nation to another people, and passed thorow famine, 
 fears, & many afflictions, yet he lived till old age, and 
 
496 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 dyed sweetly, & rested in y" Lord, as infinite others 
 of Gods servants have done, and still shall doe, (through 
 Gods goodnes,) notwithstanding all y* malice of their 
 enemies ; tvhen 'tf branch of y" wicked shall be cut of 
 before his day, Job. 15. .32. and y^ bloody and deceiffull 
 men shall not live out halfe their days. Psa : .55. 23. 
 
 By reason of y° plottings of the Narigansets, (ever 
 since y' Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into 
 a generall conspiracie against y'^ English in all parts, 
 as was in part discovered y' yeare before ; and now 
 made more plaine and evidente by many discoveries 
 and free-conflessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall 
 occasions) from diverse places, concuring in one; with 
 such other concuring circomstances as gave them sufEs- 
 sently to understand the trueth therof, and to thinke 
 of means how to prevente y" same, and secure them 
 selves. Which made them enter into this more nere 
 union & confederation following. 
 
 [257] Articles of Conffederation betweene y° Plantations un- 
 der y' Govermente of Massachusets, y° Plantations under 
 y" Govermente of New-Plimotli, y" Plantations under y" 
 Govermente of Conightecute, and y° Govermente of New- 
 Haven, with y° Plantations in combination therwith. 
 
 Wheras we all came into tliese parts of America with one 
 and y' same end and aime, pamly, to advance the kingdome 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ, & to injoye y" liberties of y° Gospell 
 in puritie with peace ; and wheras in our setling (bj' a wise 
 providence of God) we are further disperced upon y" sea 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 497 
 
 coasts aud rivers then was at first intended, so y' we cannot, 
 according to our desires, with conveniencie comunicatc in one 
 govermente & jurisdiction ; and wheras we live encompassed 
 with people of save rail nations and Strang languages, which 
 hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posteritie ; aud 
 for as much as y" natives have formerly coiSitted sundrie inso- 
 lencies and outrages upon severall plantations of y" English, 
 and have of late combined them selves against us ; and 
 seeing, by reason of those distractions in England (which 
 they have heard of) and by which they know we are hindered 
 from y' humble way of seeking advice or reaping those com- 
 furtable fruits of protection which at other times we might 
 well expecte ; we therfore doe conceive it our bounden duty, 
 without delay, to euter into a preseute consociation amongst 
 our selves, for mutuall help & strength in all our future 
 concernments. That as in nation aud religion, so in other 
 respects, we be & continue one, according to y" tenor and 
 true meaning of the insuing articles. (1) AVherfore it is 
 fully agreed and concluded by & betweene y'' parties or 
 jurisdictions above named, and they joyntly & severally 
 doe by these presents agree & conclude, that they all be 
 and henceforth be called by y" name of The United Colonies 
 of New-England. 
 
 2. The said United Collonies, for them selves & their pos- 
 terities, doe joyntly & severally hereby enter into a flrme 
 & perpetuall league of frendship & araitie, for offence and 
 defence, mutuall advice and succore upon all just occasions, 
 both for preserving & propagating y" truth of y" Gospell, and 
 for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare. 
 
 3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at 
 presente are or hereafter shall be setled with [in] y= limitea 
 of y" Massachusets shall be for ever under y" Massachusets, 
 and shall have peculier jurisdiction amonge them selves in all 
 cases, as an intire body. And y' Plimoth, Conightecutt, and 
 
498 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 New-Haven shall each of them have like peculier jurisdition 
 and govermeute within their limites and in refference to y'^ 
 plantations which allready are setled, or shall hereafter be 
 erected, or shall setle within their limites, respectively ; pro- 
 vided y' no other jurisdition shall hereafter be taken in, as 
 a distincte head or member of this confederation, nor shall 
 any other plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and 
 not allready in combination or under y° jurisdiction of any 
 of these confederats, be received by any of them ; nor shall 
 any tow of y° confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without 
 consente of y" rest, which consete to be interpreted as is 
 espresed in y" sixte article ensewing. 
 
 4. It is by these conffederats agreed, y' the charge of all 
 just warrs, whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte 
 or member of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both 
 in men, provissions, and all other disbursmeuts, be borne by 
 all y" parts of this confederation, in differente proportions, 
 according to their diiferente abillities, in maner following : 
 namely, y' the comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time 
 to time, as ther shall be occasion, bring a true accounte and 
 number of all their males in every plantation, or any way 
 belonging too or under their severall jurisdictions, of what 
 qualitie or condition soever they be, from 16. j'ears old to 
 60. being inhabitants ther ; and y' according to y' differente 
 numbers which from time to time shall be found in each 
 jurisdiction upon a true & just accounte, the service of men 
 and all charges of y' warr be borne by y° pole ; each juris- 
 diction or plantation being left to their owne just course & 
 custome of rating them selves and people according to their 
 differente estates, with due respects to their qualities and 
 exemptions amongst them selves, though the confederats take 
 no notice of any such priviledg. And y' according to their 
 differente charge of each jurisdiction & plantation, the whole 
 advantage of y' warr, (if it please God to blesse their 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 499 
 
 indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be 
 proportiouably devided amonge y" said confederats. 
 
 5. It is farther agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any 
 plantation under or in combynacion with them, be invaded 
 by any eueniie whomsoever, upon notice & requeste of any 
 3. [258] magistrats of y' jurisdiction so invaded, y° rest 
 q{ j" confederats, without any further meeting or expostu- 
 lation, shall forthwith send aj'de to 3'*^ confederate in danger, 
 but in differente proportion ; namely, y'' Massachusets an 
 hundred men sufficently armed & provided for such a service 
 and journey, and each of y' rest forty five so armed & pro- 
 vided, or any lesser number, if less be required according to 
 this proportion. But if such confederate in danger may be 
 supplyed by their nexte confederates, not exeediug y" number 
 hereby agreed, they may crave help ther, and seeke no further 
 for y'^ presente ; y' charge to be borne as in this article is 
 esprest, and at y'= returne to be victuled & suplyed with 
 powder & shote for their jarney (if ther be need) by y' juris- 
 diction which imployed or sent for them. But none of y° 
 jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting 
 of y" coiSissioners for this confederation, a greater aide 
 appear uessessarie. And this proportion to continue till upon 
 knowlege of greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall 
 be brought to y' nexte meeting, some other proportion be 
 ordered. But in such case of sending men for presente 
 aide, whether before or after such order or alteration, it is 
 agreed y' at y^ meeting of y° comissioners for this confeder- 
 ation, the cause of such warr or invasion be duly considered; 
 and if it appeare y' the falte lay in y= parties so invaded, 
 y' then that jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction 
 both to y' invaders whom they have injured, and beare all y" 
 charges of y' warr them selves, without requiring any allow- 
 ance from y= rest of y'= confederats towards y'' same. And 
 further, y' if any jurisdiction see any danger of any invasion 
 
500 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that in such 
 a case 3. magistrats of y' jurisdiction ma^' sufuoue a meeting, 
 at such conveniente place as them selves shall thinke meete, 
 to consider & provid against y" threatened danger, provided 
 when thej' are mett, they may remove to what place they 
 please ; only, whilst any of these foure confederats have but 
 3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, their requeste, or sum- 
 mons, from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall 
 force with y" 3. mentioned in both the clauses of this arti- 
 cle, till ther be an increase of majestrats ther. 
 
 6. It is also agreed y', for y° managing & concluding of 
 all affairs propper, & concerning the whole confederation, 
 tow comissioners shall be chosen by & out of each of these 
 4. jurisdictions; namly, 2. for y' Massachusets, 2. for Plim- 
 oth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for New-Haven, being all 
 in church fellowship with us, which shall bring full power 
 from their severall Generall Courts respectively to hear, ex- 
 amene, waigh, and detirmine all affairs of warr, or peace, 
 leagues, aids, charges, and numbers of men for warr, divis- 
 sions of spoyles, & M'hatsoever is gotten by conquest ; re- 
 ceiving of more confederats, or plantations into combination 
 with any of y"' confederates, and all things of like nature, 
 which are y' proper concomitants or consequences of such 
 a confederation, for amitie, offence, & defence ; not inter- 
 medling with y" govermente of any of y'^ jurisdictions, 
 which by y' 3. article is preserved entirely to them selves. 
 But if these 8. comissioners when they meete shall not all 
 agree, yet it concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing 
 shall have power to setle & determine y" bussines in ques- 
 tion. But if 6. doe not agree, that then such propositions, 
 with their reasons, so farr as they have been debated, be 
 sente, and referred to y' 4. Generall Courts, viz. y' Massa- 
 chusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven ; and if at 
 all y" said Generall Courts y' bussines so referred be con- 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 501 
 
 eluded, then to be prosecuted by y'^ confederats, and all 
 their members. It was further agreed that these 8. comis- 
 sioners shall meete once every year, besids extraordinarie 
 meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to consider, treate, 
 & conclude of all affaires belonging to this confederation, 
 which meeting shall ever be y" first Thursday in September. 
 And y' the next meeting after the date of these presents, 
 which shall be accounted y" second meeting, shall be at 
 Boston in y° Massachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 4. at 
 New-Haven, the 5. at Plimoth, and so in course succes- 
 sively, if in y" meane time some midle place be not found 
 out and agreed on, which may be comodious for all y° 
 jurisdictions. 
 
 7. It is further agreed, y' at each meeting of these 8. 
 comissioners, whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all 
 6. of them agreeing as before, may chuse a presidente out 
 of them selves, whose oflice & work shall be to take care 
 and directe for order, and a comly carrying on of all pro- 
 ceedings in y" present meeting ; but he shall be invested 
 with no such power or respecte, as by which he shall hin- 
 ■ der y'' propounding or progrese of any bussines, or any 
 way cast y° scailes otherwise then in y° precedente article 
 is agreed. 
 
 [259] 8. It is also agreed, y' the comissioners for this 
 confederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary 
 or extraordinarie, as they may have comission or oppor- 
 tunitie, doe indeaover to frame and establish agreements 
 & orders in generall cases of a civill nature, wherin all 
 y' plantations are interessed, for y'' preserving of peace 
 amongst them selves, and preventing as much as may be 
 all occasions of warr or difference with others; as aboute 
 y'^ free & speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, 
 to all y'^ confederats equally as to their owne ; not receiving 
 those y' remove from one plantation to another without due 
 
502 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 certificate ; liow all y° jurisdictions may carry towards y" 
 Indeans, that they neither growe insolente, nor be injured 
 ■without due satisfaction, least warr breake in upon the con- 
 federats through such miscarriages. It is also agreed, y' 
 if any servante rune away from his maister into another 
 of these confederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon 
 y" certificate of one magistrate in y" jurisdiction out of 
 which y' said servante fledd, or upon other due proofe, the 
 said servante shall be delivered, either to his maister, or 
 any other y' pursues & brings such certificate or proofe. 
 And y' upon y" escape of any prisoner whatsoever, or fugi- 
 tive for any criminall cause, whether breaking prison, or 
 getting from y^ ofHcer, or otherwise escaping, upon y' cer- 
 tificate of 2. magistrats of y^ jurisdiction out of which y'^ 
 escape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender 
 at y^ time of y"^ escape, they magistrats, or sume of them of 
 y' jurisdiction wher for y'' presente the said prisoner or fugi- 
 tive abideth, shall forthwith grante such a warrante as y* 
 case will beare, for y' apprehending of any such person, & 
 y= delivering of him into y= hands of y° officer, or other 
 person who pursues him. And if ther be help required, for 
 y" safe returning of any such offender, then it shall be 
 granted to him j^' craves y' same, he paying the charges 
 therof. 
 
 9. And for y' the justest warrs may be of dangerous 
 consequence, espetially to y'= smaler plantations in these 
 United Collonies, it is agreed y' neither y'= Massachusets, 
 Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor New-Haven, nor any member of 
 any of them, shall at any time hear after begine, under- 
 take, or ingage them selves, or this confederation, or any 
 parte therof, in any warr whatsoever, (sudden * exegents, 
 with y° necessary consequents therof excepted, which are 
 also to be moderated as much as y"" case will permitte,) 
 
 * Substituted for sundry on the authority of the original MS. Records. 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 503 
 
 without 5'" consente and agreemente of y' forementioned 8. 
 comissioners, or at y" least 6. of them, as in y'' sixt article 
 is provided. And y' no charge be required of any of they 
 coufederats, in case of a defensive warr, till y° said comis- 
 sioners have mett, and approved y" justice of y"- warr, and 
 have agreed upon y'' suilTe of money to be levied, which 
 sume is then to be paid by the severall confederats in pro- 
 portion according to y* fourth article. 
 
 10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are 
 summoned by three magistrates of anj' jurisdiction, or 2. as 
 in y' 5. article, if any of y*^ comissioners come not, due 
 warning being given or sente, it is agreed y' 4. of the 
 comissioners shall have power to directe a warr which can- 
 not be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out 
 of each jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett; 
 but not less then 6. shall determine the justice of y'^ warr, 
 or alow y*^ demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies 
 to be made for y' same. 
 
 11. It is further agreed, y' if any of y° confederats shall 
 hereafter breake any of these presente articles, or be any 
 other ways injurious to any one of y" other jurisdictions, 
 such breach of agreemente or injurie shall be duly consid- 
 ered and ordered by y" comissioners for y" other jurisdic- 
 tion ; that both peace and this presente confederation may 
 be intirly preserved without violation. 
 
 12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and y" severall 
 articles therof being read, and seriously considered, both by 
 y' Generall Courte for y" Massachusets, and by y" comis- 
 sioners for Plimoth, Conigtecute, & New-Haven, were fully 
 alowed & confirmed by 3. of y= forenamed confederats, 
 namly, y" Massachusets, Couightecutt, and New-Haven ; 
 only y" comissioners for Plimoth haveiug no coiiTission to 
 conclude, desired respite till they might advise with their 
 Generall Courte ; wher upon it was agreed and concluded 
 
504 HISTORY OF [book TI. 
 
 I)}' y"" said Courte of y' Massachusets, and the coinissioners 
 for y" other tow coufederats, that, if Pliuioth conseute, then 
 the whole treaty as it stands in these present articls is, and 
 shall continue, firme & stable without alteration. But if 
 Plimoth come not in, yet y" other three confederats doe by 
 these presents [2G0] confeirme y' whole confederation, and 
 y'' articles therof ; only in September nexte, when y' second 
 meeting of y'^ coiiiiissioners is to be at Boston, new consid- 
 eration may be taken of y" 6. article, which concerns num- 
 ber of comissioners for meeting & concluding the affaires 
 of this confederation, to y* satisfaction of y" Courte of y' 
 Massachusets, and y' comissioners for y*" other 2. confed- 
 erats, but y' rest to stand unquestioned. In y* testimonie 
 wherof, y" Generall Courte of y° Massachusets, by ther 
 Secretary, and y** comissioners for Conightecutt and New- 
 Haven, have subscribed these presente articles this 19. of 
 y*^ third month, comouly called May, Anno Dom : 1G43. 
 
 At a meeting of y' comissioners for y° confederation held 
 at Boston y"" 7. of Sept : it appearing that the Generall Courte 
 of New-Plimoth, and y' severall towneshipes therof, have 
 read & considered & approved these articles of confederation, 
 as appeareth by eoiuission from their Generall Courte bearing 
 date y" 29. of August, 1643. to M'. Edward Winslow and 
 M'. William Collier, to ratifie and conflrme y' same on their 
 behalfes. We, therfore, y" Comissioners for y' Massachusets, 
 Conightecutt, & New Haven, doe also, for our severall gover- 
 meuts, subscribe unto them. 
 
 John Wintiikop, Gov', of y' Massachusest. 
 
 Tho : Dudley. Tiieoph : Eaton. 
 
 Geo : Fenwick. Edwa : Hopkins. 
 
 Thojias Gregson. 
 
 These were y'' articles of agreemente in y'' union and 
 confederation wliich they now first entered into ; and in 
 
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 505 
 
 this their first meeting, held at Boston y" day & year 
 abovesaid, amongst other things tliey had this matter 
 of great consequence to considere on : the Narigansets, 
 after y'^ subduing of y" Pequents, thought to have ruled 
 over all y" Indeans aboute them ; but y" English, espe- 
 tially those of Conightecutt holding correspondencie & 
 frenship with Uncass, sachem of y'= Monhigg Indeans 
 which lived nere them, (as y" Massachusets had done 
 with y*" Narigansets,) and he had been faithfull to them 
 in y" Pequente warr, they were ingaged to supporte 
 him in his just liberties, and were contented y' such of 
 y'^ surviving Pequents as had submited to him should 
 remaine with him and quietly under his protection. 
 This did much increase his power and augmente his 
 greatnes, which y" Narigansets could not indure to see. 
 But Myantinomo, their cheefe sachem, (an ambitious 
 & politick man,) sought privatly and by trearchery 
 (according to y" Indean maner) to make him away, 
 by hiring some to kill him. Sometime they assayed to 
 poyson him ; that not takeing, then in y" night time to 
 knock him on y' head in his house, or secretly to shoot 
 him, and such like attempts. But none of these taking 
 effecte, he made open warr upon him (though it was 
 against y*" covenants both betweene y* English & them, 
 as also betweene them selves, and a plaine breach of y" 
 same). He came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000. 
 men (never denouncing any warr before). Y" others 
 power at y' presente was not above halfe so many; 
 
506 HISTOEY OF [book II. 
 
 but it jDleaaed God to give Uncass y" victory, and he 
 tilew many of liia men, and wounded many more ; but 
 y" cheefe of all was, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner. 
 And seeing he was a greate man, and y'' Narigansets 
 a potente people & would seeke revenge, he would doe 
 nothing in y'' case without y" advise of y'' English ; 
 so he (by y" help & direction of those of Conightecutt) 
 kept him prisoner till this meeting of y'^ comissioners. 
 The comissioners weighed y** cause and passages, as 
 they were clearly represented & sufEceutly evidenced 
 betwixte Uncass and Myantinomo ; and the things being 
 duly considered, the comissioners apparently saw y' 
 Uncass could not be safe whilst Miautynomo lived, but, 
 either by secrete trechery or open force, his life would 
 still be in danger. Wherfore they thought he might 
 justly put such a false & bloud-thirstie enimie to death ; 
 but in his owne jurisdiction, not in y" English i^lan- 
 tations. And they advised, in 3^"= maner of his death 
 all mercy and moderation should bo showed, contrary 
 to y'' practise of y'' Indeans, who exercise torturs and 
 cruelty. And, [261] Uncass having hitherto shewed 
 him selfe a freind to y" English, and in this craving 
 their advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or others shall 
 unjustly assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice 
 and request, y'' English promise to assiste and protecte 
 him as farr as they may agaiste such violence. 
 
 This was y"" issue of this bussines. The reasons and 
 passages hereof are more at large to be scene in 3'-'' acts 
 
1644.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 507 
 
 & records of this meeting of y'' comissioners. And 
 Uncass follewd this advise, and accordingly executed 
 him, in a verj^ faire maner, acording as they advised, 
 with due respecte to his honour & greatnes. But wliat 
 followed ou y" Narigansets })arte will appear hear after. 
 
 Anno Dom: 1644. 
 
 M". Edavaed Winslow was chosen Gov"' this j^ear. 
 
 Many having left this place (as is before noted) by 
 reason of y'^ straightnes & barrennes of y" same, and 
 their finding of better accommodations elsewher, more 
 sutable to their ends & minds ; and sundrie others 
 still upon everj' occasion desiring their dismissions, 
 the church begane seriously to thinke whether it were 
 not better joyntly to remove to some other place, then 
 to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly dis- 
 solved. Many meetings and much consultation was held 
 hearaboute, and diverse were mens minds and opinions. 
 Some were still for staying togeather in this place, 
 aledging men might hear live, if they would be con- 
 tente with their condition ; and y' it was not for wante 
 or necessitie so much y' they removed, as for y'= enrich- 
 ino- of them selves. Others were resolute upon removall, 
 and so signified y' hear y"^-^' could not stay; but if y^ 
 church did not remove, they must; insomuch as many 
 were swayed, rather then ther should be a dissolution, 
 to condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could 
 be found, that might more conveniently and. comforta- 
 
508 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 blie receive y* whole, with such accession of others 
 as might come to them, for their better strength & 
 subsistence ; and some such lilve cautions and limita- 
 tions. So as, with y'' atlbresaide provissos, y" greater 
 parte consented to a removall to a place called Nawsett, 
 which had been superficially veiwed and y*^ good will 
 of y'' purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, with 
 some addition thertoo from y" Courte. But now they 
 begane to see their errour, that they had given away 
 already the best & most comodious places to others, 
 and now wanted them selves ; for this place was about 
 50. myles from hence, and at an outside of y*" countrie, 
 remote from all society; also, that it would prove so 
 straite, as it would not be competente to receive 
 y' whole bod}', much less be capable of any addition 
 or increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they 
 should be worse ther then they are now hear. The 
 which, with sundery other like considerations and in- 
 conveniences, made them chaing their resolutions ; but 
 such as were before resolved upon removall tooke advan- 
 tage of this agreemente, & wente on notwithstanding, 
 neither could y" rest hinder them, they haveing made 
 some begining. And thus was this poore church left, 
 like an anciente mother, growne olde, and forsaken of 
 her children, (though not in their affections,) yett in 
 regarde of their bodily presence and personal! help- 
 fullness. Her anciente members being most of them 
 worne away by death ; and these of later time being 
 
1644.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 509 
 
 like children translated into other families, and she like 
 a widow left only to trust in God. Thus she that had 
 made many rich became her selfe poore. 
 
 [262] Some things handled, and pacified by if comissioner 
 
 this year. 
 
 Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of y" jurisdic- 
 tions in y" Westerne parts, viz. Conightecutt & New-haven, 
 have beene latly exercised by sundrie insolencies & outrages 
 from y'^ Indeans ; as, first, an Englishman, runing from liis 
 m'. out of y'* Massachusets, was murdered in y" woods, in or 
 nere y° limites of Conightecute jurisdiction; and aboute 6. 
 weeks after, upon discovery by an Indean, y° Indean saga- 
 more in these parts promised to deliver the murderer to y' 
 English, bound ; and having accordingly brought him within 
 y'= sight of Uncaway, by their joyute consente, as it is 
 informed, he was ther unbound, and left to shifte for him 
 selfe ; wherupon 10. Englishmen forthwith coming to y' place, 
 being sente by M'. Ludlow, at y" Indeans desire, to receive 
 y= murderer, who seeing him escaped, layed hold of 8. of y" 
 Indeans ther presente, amongst whom ther was a sagamore 
 or 2. and kept them in hold 2. days, till 4. sagamors ingaged 
 themselves within one month to deliver y" prisoner. And 
 about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean came pre- 
 sumtuously and with guile, in y'' day time, and murtherously 
 assalted an English woman in her house at Stamford, and 
 by 3. wounds, supposed mortall, left her for dead, after he 
 had robbed y' house. By which passages y' English were 
 provoked, & called to a due consideration of their owne 
 saftie ; and y' Indeans generally in those parts arose in an 
 hostile maher, refused to come to y' English to carry 
 on treaties of peace, departed from their wigwames, left 
 their corne unweeded, and shewed them selves tumultuously 
 
510 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 about some of y' English plantations, & shott of peeces 
 within hearing of y' towne ; and some Indeans came to y' 
 English & toukl them y" Indeans would fall upon them. 
 So y' most of y° English thought it unsafe to travell in those 
 parts by land, and some of y'' plantations were put upon 
 strong watchs and ward, night & day, & could not attend 
 their private occasions, and yet distrusted their owne strength 
 for their defence. AVherupon Hartford & New-Haven were 
 sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to send into y'' weaker 
 parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger, and New- 
 Haven, for conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway, 
 though belonging to Conightecutt. Of all which passages 
 they presently acquainted y'' comissioners in y' Bay, & had 
 y'^ allowance & approbation from y"^ Generall Courte ther, 
 with directions neither to hasten warr nor to bear such inso- 
 lencies too longe. Which courses, though chargable to them 
 selves, yet through C4ods blessing they hope fruite is, & will 
 be, sweete and wholsome to all y" collonies ; the murderers 
 are since delivered to justice, the publick peace preserved for 
 y" presente, & probabillitie it may be better secured for y' 
 future. 
 
 Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and y° fear of 
 a warr hereby diverted. But now an other broyle was 
 begune bj-- y' Narigansets ; though they unjustly had 
 made warr upon Uncass, (as is before declared,) and 
 had, y'= winter before this, ernestly presed y'= Gove'' 
 of y" Massachusets that they might still make warr 
 upon them to revenge y'- death of their sagamore, w'^'", 
 being taken prisoner, was by them put to death, (aa 
 before was noted,) pretending that they had first received 
 and accepted his ransome, and then put him to death. 
 
1644.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 511 
 
 But y° Gove' refused their presents, and tould them 
 y' it was them selves had done y" wronge, & broaken 
 y'' conditions of peace ; and he nor y" English neither 
 could nor would allow them to make any further warr 
 upon him, but if they did, must assiste him, & oppose 
 them; but if it did appeare, upon good proofe, that 
 he had received a ransome for bis life, before he put 
 him to death, when y"" comissiouers mett, they should 
 have a fair hearing, and they would cause Uncass 
 to returne y" same. But notwithstanding, at y" spring 
 of y*^ year they gathered a great power, and fell upon 
 Uncass, and slue sundrie of his men, and wounded 
 more, and also had some loss them selves. Uncass 
 cald for aide from y" English ; they tould him what 
 y^ Narigansets objected, he deney the same ; they tould 
 him it must come to triall, and if he was inocente, if 
 y<= Narigansets would not desiste, they would aide & 
 assiste him. So at this meeting they [263] sent l)oth 
 to Uncass & y'' Narrigansets, and required their saga- 
 mors to come or send to y" comissioners now mete 
 at Hartford, and they should have a faire & inpartiall 
 hearino- in all their greevances, and would endeavor 
 y' all wrongs should be rectified wher they should be 
 found; and they promised that they should safly come 
 and returne without any danger or molestation ; and 
 sundry y' like things, as appears more at large in 
 y'' messengers instructions. Upon w* the Narigansets 
 sent one sagamore and some other deputies, with fall 
 
512 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 power to doe in y' case as should be meete. Uncass 
 came in person, accompanyed with some cheefe aboute 
 him. After the agitation of y" bussines, y'^ issue was 
 this. The comissioners declared to y' Narigansett depu- 
 ties as followeth. 
 
 1. That they did not find any proof e of any ransome 
 agreed on. 
 
 2. It appeared not y' any wampam had been paied as a 
 ransome, or any parte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life. 
 
 3. That if they had in any measure proved their charge 
 against Uncass, the comissioners would have required him 
 to have made answerable satisfaction. 
 
 4. That if hereafter they can make satisflng profe, y" Eng- 
 lish will consider y'' same, & proceed accordingly. 
 
 5. The comissioners did require y' neither them selves nor 
 y" Nyanticks make any warr or injurious assaulte upon 
 Unquass or any of his company untill they make profe 
 of y' ransume charged, and y' due satisfaction be deneyed, 
 unless he first assaulte them. 
 
 6. That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged 
 to assist him. 
 
 Hearupon y' Narigansette sachim, advising with y" other 
 deputies, ingaged him selfe in the behalfe of y' Narigansets 
 & Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be comitted upon 
 Uncass, or any of his, untill after y" next planting of corne ; 
 and y' after that, before they begine anj' warr, they will give 
 30. days warning to y" Gove' of the Massachusets or Con- 
 ightecutt. The comissioners approving of this offer, and 
 taking their ingagmente under their hands, required Uncass, 
 as he expected y' continuance of y*^ favour of the English, 
 to observe the same termes of peace with y'' Narigansets 
 and theirs. 
 
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. .513 
 
 These foregoing conclusions were subscribed bj' y' comis- 
 sioners, for y" severall jurisdictions, y° 19. of Sept: 1644. 
 
 Edwa : Hopkins, Presidente. 
 Simon Bradstreete. 
 Will". Hathorne. 
 
 EdW : WiNSLOW. 
 
 John Browne. 
 Geor : Fenwick. 
 
 Theoph : Eaton. 
 
 Tho : Gregson. 
 The f orenamed Narigausets deputies did further promise, that 
 if, contrary to this agreemente, any of y° Nyantick Pequents 
 should make any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they 
 would deliver them up to y'' English, to be punished accord- 
 ing to their demerits ; and that they would not use any means 
 to procure the Mowacks to come against Uncass during this 
 truce. 
 
 These were their names subscribed with their marks. 
 
 Weetowish. Chinnough. 
 Pampiamett. Pummdnish. 
 
 [264] Anno Dom: 1645. 
 The comissioners this year were caled to meete to- 
 gither at Boston, before their ordinarie time; partly in 
 reo-ard of some differances falen betweene y" French and 
 y*^ govermente of y' Massachusets, about their aiding 
 of Munseire Latore against Munsseire de Aulney, and 
 partly aboute y" Indeans, who had broaken y-^ former 
 agreements aboute the peace concluded y'' last year. 
 This meeting was held at Boston, y° 28. of July. 
 
514 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 Besids some underhand assualts made on both sids, 
 the Narigansets gathered a great power, and fell upon 
 Uncass, and slew many of his men, and wounded 
 more, by reason y* they farr exseeded him in number, 
 and had gott store of peeces, with which they did him 
 most hurte. And as they did this withoute y^ knowl- 
 edg and consente of y" English, (contrary to former 
 agreemente, ) so they were resolved to prosecute y"* same, 
 notwithstanding any thing y" English said or should doe 
 against them. So, being incouraged by ther late yic- 
 torie, and promise of assistance from y" Mowaks, (being 
 a strong, warlilie, and desperate people,) they had all- 
 read}^ devoured Uncass & his, in their hops ; and surly 
 they had done it in deed, if the English had not timly 
 sett in for his aide. Eor those of Conightecute sent 
 him 40. men, who were a garison to him, till y" comis- 
 sioners could meete and take further order. 
 
 Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers, 
 viz. Sargent John Davis, Benedicte Arnold, and Francis 
 Smith, with full & ample instructions, both to y"" Nari- 
 gansets and Uncass ; to require them y' they should 
 either come in person or send sufficiente men fully 
 instructed to deale in y" bussines ; and if they refused 
 or delayed, to let them know (according to former 
 agreements) y' the English are engaged to assiste 
 against these hostile invasions, and y' they have sente 
 their men to defend Uncass, and to know of y'' Nari- 
 gansets whether they will stand to y° former peace, 
 
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 515 
 
 or they will assaulte y°' English also, that they may 
 provid accordingly. 
 
 But y'^ messengers returned, not only with a sleight- 
 ing, but a threatening answer from the Narigansets 
 (as will more appear hereafter). Also they brought 
 a letter from M''. Roger Williams, wherin he assures 
 them that y'= warr would presenly breake forth, & y'' 
 whole country would be all of a flame. And y* the 
 sachems of y'' Narigansets had concluded a newtrality 
 with y" English of Providence and those of Aquidnett 
 Hand. Wherupon y" comissioners, considering y" great 
 danger & provocations offered, and y' necessitie we 
 should be put unto of making warr with y' Narigan- 
 setts, and being also carfull, in a matter of so great 
 waiffht & ffcnerall concernmente, to see y" way cleared, 
 and to give satisfaction to all y" colonies, did thinke 
 fitte to advise with such of y' magistrats & elders of 
 y<= Massachusets as were then at hand, and also with 
 some of y*' cheefe millitary comanders ther ; who being 
 assembled, it was then agreed, — 
 
 First, y' our ingagmente bound us to aide & defend 
 Uncass. 2. That this ayde could not be intended only 
 to defend him & his forte, or habitation, but (according 
 to y" comone acceptation of such covenants, or ingag- 
 ments, considered with y" grounds or occasion therof) 
 so to ayde him as he might be preserved in his liberty 
 and estate. 3'^. That this ayde [265] must be speedy, 
 least he might be swalowed up in y'' mean time, and 
 
516 HISTOET OF [book II. 
 
 SO come to late. 4'^'. The justice of this warr being 
 cleared to our selves and y" rest then presente, it was 
 thought meete y' the case should be stated, and y*" 
 reasons & grounds of y" warr declared and published, 
 5'^. That a day of humilliation should be apoynted, 
 which was y* 5. day of y"^ weeke following. 6'^. It was 
 then allso agreed by y" comissioners that y" whole num- 
 ber of men to be raised in all y' colonies should be 300. 
 Wherof from y" Massachusets a 190. Plimoth, 40. 
 Conightecute, 40. New-Haven, 30. And considering 
 y' Uncass was in present danger, 40. men of this num- 
 ber were forthwith sente from j'' Massachusets for his 
 sucoure ; and it was but neede, for y*' other 40. from 
 Couightecutt had order to stay but a month, & their 
 time being out, they returned ; and y'^ Narigansets, hear- 
 ing therof, tooke the advantage, and came suddanly 
 upon him, and gave him another blow, to his further 
 loss, and were ready to doe y" like againe ; but these 
 40. men being arrived, they returned, and did nothing. 
 The declaration which they sett forth I shall not 
 transcribe, it being very larg, and put forth in printe, 
 to which I referr those y' would see y"" same, in which 
 all passages are layed open from y"* first. I shall only 
 note their prowd carriage, and answers to y" 3. mes- 
 sengers sent from y** comissioners. They received them 
 with scorne & contempte, and tould them they resolved 
 to have no peace without Uncass his head ; also they 
 gave them this further answer : that it mattered not 
 
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 517 
 
 who begane y* warr, thej^ were resolved to follow it, 
 and that y'= English should withdraw their garison from 
 Uncass, or they would procure y" Mowakes against 
 them ; and withall gave them this threatening answer : 
 that they would lay y" English catle on heaps, as high 
 as their houses, and y' no English-man should sturr out 
 of his dore to pisse, but he should be kild. And 
 wheras they required guids to pass throw their countrie, 
 to deliver their message to Uncass from y" comissioners, 
 they deneyed them, but at length (in way of scorne) 
 oifered them an old Pequente woman. Besids allso 
 they conceived them selves in danger, for whilst y" in- 
 terpretour was speakeing with them about y" aaswer 
 he should returne, 3. men came & stood behind him 
 with ther hatchets, according to their murderous maner ; 
 but one of his fellows gave him notice of it, so they 
 broak of & came away ; with sundry such like affrontes, 
 which made those Indeans they carryed with them to 
 rune away for fear, and leave them to goe home as 
 they could. 
 
 Thus whilst y' comissioners in care of y" publick 
 peace sought to quench y» fire kindled amongst y" 
 Indeans, these children of strife breath out threatenings, 
 provocations, and warr against y^^ English them selves. 
 So that, unless they should dishonour & provoak God, 
 by violating a just ingagmente, and expose y^ colonies to 
 contempte & danger from y" barbarians, they cannot but 
 exerciese force, when no other means will prevaile to 
 
518 HISTORY OF [book II. 
 
 reduse y'= Narigansets & their confederats to a more 
 just & sober temper. 
 
 So as here upon they went on to hasten y*^ prepa- 
 rations, according to y'' former agreemente, and sent to 
 Plimoth to send forth their 40. men with all speed, 
 to lye at Seacunke, least any deanger should befalle 
 it, before y° rest were ready, it lying next y'' enemie, 
 and ther to stay till y* Massachusetts should joyne with 
 them. Allso Conigtecute & Newhaven forces were to 
 joyne togeather, and march with all speed, and y*" 
 Indean confederats of those parts with them. All which 
 was done accordingly ; and the souldiers of this place 
 were at Seacunk, the place of their rendevouze, 8. or 
 10. days before y' rest were ready; they were well 
 armed all with snaphance peeces, and wente under 
 y' camand of Captain [266] Standish. Those from 
 other places were led likwise by able comanders,* as 
 Captaine Mason for Conigtecute, &c. ; and Majore 
 Gibons was made geuerall over y' whole, with such 
 comissions & instructions as was meete. 
 
 Upon y"" suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the 
 present necessitie requiring it,) the deputies of y" 
 Massachusetts Courte (being now assembled iinediatly 
 after y° setting forth of their 40. men) made a ques- 
 tion whether it was legally done, without their comis- 
 sion. It was answered, that howsoever it did properly 
 belong to j" authorit}^ of y" severall jurisdictions (after 
 
 * Coniander in the MS. 
 
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 519 
 
 y" warr was agreed upon by y'' comissioners, & the 
 number of men) to provid j" men & means to carry 
 on y" warr ; yet in this presente case, the proceeding 
 of y'' comissioners and y" comission given was as suffi- 
 ciente as if it had been done b}' y" Generall Courte. 
 
 First, it was a case of siicti presente & urgente necessitie, 
 as could not stay y"^ calling of y' Courte or 'Counsell. 2'^. 
 In y" Ai'ticles of Confederation, power is given to y° comis- 
 sioners to consult, order, & determine all affaires of warr, 
 &c. And y'' word determine comprehends all acts of author- 
 ity belonging therunto. 
 
 3'^. The comissioners are y'^ judges of y" necessitie of the 
 expedition. 
 
 i^^. The Generall Courte have made their owne comis- 
 sioners their sole counsell for tliese afflres. 
 
 .5'^. These counsels coidd not have had their due effecte 
 excepte they had power to proceede in this case, as they 
 have done ; which were to make y" comissioners power, and 
 y" maine end of j' confederation, to be frustrate, and that 
 mearly for observing a ceremony. 
 
 6'-''. The comissioners haveing sole power to manage y" 
 warr for number of men, for time, place, &c., they only 
 know their owne counsells, & determinations ^ and therfore 
 none can grante coinission to acte according to these but 
 them selves. 
 
 All things being thus in readines, and some of y* 
 souldiers gone forth, and the rest ready to march, 
 the comissioners thought it meete before any hostile 
 acte was performed, to cause a presente to be re- 
 turned, which had been sente to y'= Gove'' of the Mas- 
 sachusetts from y*^ Narigansett sachems, but not by 
 
520 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 him received, but layed up to be accepted or refused 
 as they should carry them selves, and observe y'' cove- 
 nants. Therfore they violating the same, & standing 
 out thus to a warr, it was againe returned, by 2. mes- 
 sengers & an interpretour. And further to let know 
 that their men already sent to Uncass (& other wher 
 sent forth) have hitherto had express order onl}' to 
 stand upon his & their owne defence, and not to 
 attempte any invasion of y'^ Narigansetts country ; and 
 yet if they may have due reperation for what is past, 
 and good securitie for y' futui-e, it shall appear they 
 are as desirous of peace, and shall be as tender of 
 y^ Narigansets blood as ever. If therefore Pessecuss, 
 Innemo, with other sachemes, will (without further 
 delay) come along with you to Boston, the comis- 
 sioners doe promise & assure them, they shall have 
 free liberty to come, and retourne without molesta- 
 tion or any just greevance from y*' English. But 
 deputies will not now serve, nor may the prepara- 
 tions in hand be now stayed, or y" directions given 
 recalled, till j" forementioned sagamors come, and 
 some further order be taken. But if they will have 
 nothing but warr, the English are providing, and will 
 proceede accordingly. 
 
 Pessecouss, Mixano, & Witowash, 3. principall sa- 
 chems of y'^ Narigansett Indeans, and Awasequen, dep- 
 utie for y*^ Nyanticks, with a large traine of men, 
 within a few days after came to Boston. 
 
1(545.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 521 
 
 And to omitte all other circomstances and debata y' 
 past betweene them and the comissioners, they came 
 to this conclusion following. 
 
 [267] 1. It was agreed betwixte y" comissioners of y** 
 United Collonies, and y= forementioned sagamores, & Nian- 
 tick deputie, tbat y' said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores 
 should pay or cause to be payed at Boston, to y'^ Massa- 
 chusets comissioners, y' full sume of 2000. fathome of good 
 white wampame, or a third parte of black wampampeage, 
 in 4. payments ; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days, 
 500. fathome within 4. mouths, 500. fathome at or before 
 next planting time, and 500. fathome within 2. years next 
 after y' date of these presents ; which 2000. fathome y" 
 comissioners accepte for satisfaction of former charges ex- 
 pended. 
 
 2. The foresaid sagamors & deputie (on y° behalf e of y" 
 Narigansett & Niantick Indeans) hereby promise & cove- 
 nante that they upon demand and profe satisfie & re- 
 store unto Uncass, y° Mohigan sagamore, all such cap- 
 tives, whether men, or women, or children, and all such 
 canowes, as they or any of their men have taken, or as 
 many of their owne canowes in y' roome of them, full as 
 o-ood as they were, with full satisfaction for all such corue 
 as they or any of theirs men have spoyled or destroyed, of 
 his or his mens, since last planting time ; and y^ English 
 comissioners hereby promise y' Uncass shall doe y" like. 
 
 3. Wheras ther are sundry differences & greevances be- 
 twixte Narigansett & Niantick Indeans, and Uncass & his 
 men, (which in Uncass his absence cannot now be detir- 
 mined,) it is hearby agreed y' Narigauset & Niantick saga- 
 mores either come them selves, or send their deputies to y' 
 next meeting of y" comissioners for y'= coUonies, either at 
 New-Haven in Sep' 1646. or sooner (upon conveniente warn- 
 
522 HISTORY or [book II. 
 
 ing, if y' said comissioners doe meete sooner) , fully instructed 
 to declare & make due proofe of tiieir injuries, and to sub- 
 mite to y" judgmente of y' comissioners, in giving or receiv- 
 ing satisfaction ; and y" said comissioners (not doubting but 
 Uncass will either come him selfe, or send his deputies, 
 in like maner furnished) promising to give a full hearing 
 to both parties with equall justice, without any partiall 
 respects, according to their allegations and profs. 
 
 4. The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamors & deputies 
 doe hearby promise & covenante to keep and maintaine a 
 flrme & perpetuall peace, both with all y° English United 
 Colonies & their successors, and with Uncass, y° Monhegen 
 sachem, & his men; with Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, 
 Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passaconaway, and all other Indean 
 sagamors, and their companies, who are in freindship with 
 or subjecte to any of y' English ; hearby ingaging them 
 selves, that they will not at any time hearafter disturbe y" 
 peace of y" cuntry, by any assaults, hostile attempts, inva- 
 sions, or other injuries, to any of y'' Unnited CoUonies, or 
 their successors ; or to y"' afforesaid ludeans ; either in their 
 persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly or indirectly ; nor 
 will they confederate with any other against them ; & if 
 they know of any Indeans or others y' conspire or intend 
 hurt against y" said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in 
 freindship with them, they will without delay acquainte & give 
 notice therof to y' English coinissioners, or some of them. 
 
 Or if any questions or differences shall at any time here- 
 after arise or grow betwext them & Uncass, or any Endeans 
 before mentioned, they will, according to former ingagments 
 (which they hearby conflrme & ratifle) first acquainte y° 
 English, and crave their judgments & advice therin ; and 
 will not attempte or begine any warr, or hostille invasion, 
 till they have liberty and alowance from y' comissioners of 
 y' United CoUonies so to doe. 
 
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 523 
 
 5. The said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores & depu- 
 ties doe hearby promise y' they will forthw"* deliver & re- 
 store all such Indean fugitives, or captives which have at 
 any time fled from any of y' English, and are now living 
 or abiding amongst them, or give due satisfaction for them 
 to y" comissioners for y° Massachusets ; and further, that 
 they will (without more delays) pay, or cause to be payed, 
 a yearly tribute, a month before harvest, every year after 
 this, at Boston, to y° English Colonies, for all such Pequents 
 as live amongst them, according to y"* former treaty & 
 agreemente, made at Hartford, 1638. namly, one fathome 
 of white wampam for every Pequente man, & halfe a 
 fathume for each Pequente youth, and one hand length 
 for each mal-child. And if Weequashcooke refuse to pay 
 this tribute for any Pequents with him, the Narigansetts 
 sagamores promise to assiste y' English against him, And 
 they further covenante y' they will resigne & yeeld up the 
 whole Pequente cuntrie, and every parte of it, to y° Eng- 
 lish coUonies, as due to them by conquest. 
 
 6. The said Narigausett & Niantick sagamores & deputie 
 doe hereby promise & covenante y' within 14. days they will 
 bring & deliver to y° Massachusetts comissioners on y" be- 
 halfe of y= collonies, [268] foure of their children, viz. 
 Pessecous his eldest son, the sone Tassaquanawite, brother 
 to Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos sone, a 
 Niantick, to be kepte (as hostages & pledges) by y= English, 
 till both y= forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed 
 at y' times appoynted, and y" differences betweexte themselves 
 & Uncass be heard & ordered, and till these artickles be 
 under writen at Boston, by Jenemo & Wipetock. And fur- 
 ther they hereby promise & covenante, y' if at any time 
 hearafter any of y" said children shall make escape, or be 
 conveyed away from y" English, before y" premisses be fully 
 accomplished, they will either bring back & deliver to y' 
 
524 HISTOET OF [book II. 
 
 Massachusett comissioners y'= same children, or, if they be not 
 to be founde, such & so many other children, to be chosen 
 by y" comissioners for y" United Collonies, or their assignes, 
 and y' within 20. days after demand, and in y" mean time, 
 untill y° said 4. children be delivered as hostages, y* Nari- 
 gansett & Niantick sagamors & deputy doe, freely & of their 
 owne accorde, leave with y° Massachusett comissioners, as 
 pledges for presente securitie, 4. Indeans, namelj', Witowash, 
 Pumanise, Jawashoe, Waughwamino, who allso freely con- 
 sente, and offer them selves to stay as pledges, till y" said 
 children be brought & delivered as abovesaid. 
 
 7. The comissioners for y'^ United Collonies doe hereby 
 promise & agree that, at y** charge of y'' United Collonies, 
 y" 4. Indeans now left as pledges shall be provided for, and y' 
 the 4. children to be brought & delivered as hostages shall 
 be kepte & maintained at y' same charge ; that they will 
 require Uncass & his men, with all other Indean sagamors 
 before named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie againste y' Nari- 
 gansetts and Niantick Indeans for y" future. And further, 
 all y" promises being duly observed & kept by y° Narigansett 
 & Niantick Indians and their compan}^, they will at y' end 
 of 2. years restore y** said children delivered as hostiages, 
 and retaine a flrme peace with y° Narigansets & Nianticke 
 Indeans and their successours. 
 
 8. It is fully agreed bjT & betwixte y" said parties, y' if 
 any hostile attempte be made while this treaty is in hand, 
 or before notice of this agreemente (to stay further prepara- 
 tions & directions) can be given, such attempts & y" conse- 
 quencts therof shall on neither parte be accounted a violation 
 of this treaty, nor a breach of y" peace hear made & con- 
 cluded. 
 
 9. The Narigansets & Niantick sagamors & deputie hereby 
 agree & covenante to & with y" comissioners of y"^ United 
 Collonies, y* henceforth thej^ will neither give, grante, sell, 
 or in any maner alienate, any parte of their countrie, nor 
 
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 525 
 
 any parcell of land theriu, either to any of y' English or 
 others, without consente or allowance of y'' coiuissioners. 
 
 10. Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be 
 found & discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace 
 murdered any of y° English, he or they shall be delivered to 
 just punishmente. 
 
 In witness wherof y° parties above named have inter- 
 
 chaingablie subscribed these presents, the day & year above 
 
 writen. 
 
 John Winthrop, President. 
 
 Herbert Pelha.m. 
 
 Tho : Prence. 
 
 John Browne. 
 
 Geo : Fenwick. 
 
 Edwa : Hopkins. 
 
 Theoph : Eaton. 
 
 Steven Goodyeare. _ 
 
 Pessecouss his mark C/ 
 
 Meekesano his mark ) ^ 
 
 WiTOWASH his mark C C C 
 
 I i the Niantick 
 AUMSEQDEN his mark C_^ deputy. 
 
 Abdas his mark ^ 
 
 Pdmmash his mark Cli^ CA^ 
 
 CuTCHAMAKiN his mark ^^ Q" 
 
 This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of y° 
 United Collonies and y'= sagamores and deputy of Narrigausets 
 and Niantick Indeans was made and concluded, Benedicte 
 Arnold being interpretour upon his oath ; Sergante Callicate 
 & an Indean, his man, being presente, and Josias & Cut- 
 shamakin, tow Indeans aquaiuted with y"^ English language, 
 assisting therin ; who opened & cleared the whole treaty, & 
 every article, to y" sagamores and deputie there presente. 
 
 And thus was y= warr at this time stayed and pre- 
 vented. 
 
526 HiSTORr or [book ii. 
 
 [269] Anno Bom: 1646. 
 
 About y* midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships 
 into this harbor, in warrlike order ; they were found to 
 be men of warr. The captains name was Crumwell, 
 who had taken sundrie prizes from y'' Spaniards in y'= 
 West Indies. He had a comission from y° Earle of 
 Warwick. He had abord his vessels aboute 80. lustie 
 men, (but very unruly,) who, after they came ashore, 
 did so distemper them selves with drinke as they be- 
 came like madd-men ; and though some of them were 
 punished & imprisoned, yet could they hardly be re- 
 strained ; yet in y'' ende they became more moderate 
 & orderly. They continued here aboute a month or 
 6. weeks, and then went to y'= Massachusets ; in which 
 time they spente and scattered a great deale of money 
 among y"^ people, and yet more sine (I fear) then 
 money, notwithstanding all y" care & watchfuUnes that 
 was used towards them, to prevente what might be. 
 
 In which time one sadd accidente fell out. A des- 
 perate fellow of y"" company fell a quarling with some 
 of his company. His captine coinanded him to be quiet 
 & surcease his quarelling ; but he would not, but 
 reviled his captaine with base language, & in y' end 
 halfe drew his rapier, & intended to rune at his caption ; 
 but he closed with him, and wrasted his rapier from 
 him, and gave him a boxe on y"^ earr ; but he would 
 not give over, but still assaulted his captaine. Wher- 
 
1646.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 527 
 
 upon he tooke y" same rapier as it was in y" scaberd, 
 and gave him a blow with y" hilts ; but it light on his 
 head, & y'^ smal end of y^ bar of y" rapier hilts peirct 
 his scull, & he dyed a few days after. But y^ captaine 
 was cleared by a counsell of warr. This fellov^ was 
 so desperate a quareller as y° captaine was faine many 
 times to chaine him under hatches from hurting his 
 fellows, as y** company did testifie ; and this was his 
 end. 
 
 This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth another 
 vioage to the Westindeas, from the Bay of the Massa- 
 chusets, well maned & victuled ; and was out 3. years, 
 and tooke sundry prises, and returned rich unto the 
 Massachusets, and ther dyed the same somere, having 
 gott a fall from his horse, in which fall he fell on his 
 rapeir hilts, and so brused his body as he shortly after 
 dyed therof, with some other distempers, which brought 
 him into a feavor. Some observed that ther might be 
 somthins of the hand of God herein ; that as the fore- 
 named man dyed of y' blow he gave him with y" rapeir 
 hilts, so his owne death was occationed by a like means. 
 
 This year M^ Edward Winslow went into England, 
 upon this occation : some discontented persons under 
 y'^ govermente of the Massachusets sought to trouble 
 their peace, and disturbe, if not innovate, their gover- 
 mente, by laying many [270] scandals upon them ; 
 and intended to prosecute against them in England, by 
 petitioning & complaining to the Parlemente. Allso 
 
528 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. [BOOK II. 
 
 Samuell Gorton & his company made complaints against 
 them ; so as they made ehoyse of M''. Wiuslow to be 
 their agente, to make their defence, and gave him 
 comission & instructions for that end ; in which he so 
 carried him selfe as did well answer their ends, and 
 cleared them from any blame or dishonour, to the 
 shame of their adversaries. But by reason of the great 
 alterations in the State, he was detained longer then 
 was expected ; and afterwards fell into other imploy- 
 ments their, so as he hath now bene absente this 
 4. years, which hath been much to the weakning of 
 this govermente, without whose consente he tooke these 
 imployments upon him. 
 
 An7io 1647. And Anno 1648. 
 
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APPENDIX 
 
 No. I. 
 
 [Passengers of the riayf lower.] 
 
 The names of those which came over first, in y" year 1620. 
 and were by the blessing of G-od the first begiuers and 
 (in a sort) the foundation of all the Plantations and 
 Colonies in New-England ; and their families. 
 
 M^ John Carver ; Kathrine, his wife ; Desire Minter ; 
 
 & 2. man-servants, John Howland, Roger Wilder ; Wil- 
 8. 
 
 ham Latham, a boy ; & a maid servant, & a child y' 
 
 was put to him, called Jasper More. 
 
 M'. William Brewster ; Mary, his wife ; with 2. sons, 
 
 whose names were Love & Wrasling ; and a boy was 
 
 6. put to him called Richard More ; and another of his 
 
 brothers. The rest of his children were left behind, & 
 
 came over afterwards. 
 
 5. 
 
 M'. Edward Winslow ; Elizabeth, his wife ; & 2. men 
 servants, caled Georg Sowle and Elias Story ; also a litle 
 girle was put to him, caled Ellen, the sister of Richard 
 More. ■ . :■ 
 
 2. 
 
 William Bradford, and Dorothy, his wife ; having but 
 one child, a sone, left behind, who came afterward. 
 
 M'. Isaack Allerton, and Mary, his wife ; with 3. chil- 
 6. dren, Bartholmew, Remember, & Mary ; and a servant 
 boy, John Hooke. 
 
532 APPENDIX. 
 
 M'. Samuell Fuller, and a servant, caled William But- 
 2. ten. His wife was behind, & a child, which came after- 
 wards. 
 
 2. John Crakston, and his sone, John Crakston. 
 
 2. Captin Myles Standish, and Eose, his wife. 
 
 M'. Christopher Martin, and his wife, and 2. servants, 
 4. 
 
 Salamon Prower and John Langemore. 
 
 M'. William MuUines, and his wife, and 2. children, 
 Joseph & Priscila ; and a servant, Robart Carter. 
 
 M'. William White, and Susana, his wife, and one 
 
 sone, caled Resolved, and one borne a ship-bord, caled 
 6. ^^ 
 
 Peregriene ; & 2. servants, named William Holbeck & 
 
 Edward Thomson. 
 
 M'. Steven Hopkins, & Elizabeth, his wife, and 2. chil- 
 dren, caled Giles, and Constanta, a doughter, both by 
 8. a former wife ; and 2. more by this wife, caled Damaris 
 & Oceanus ; the last was borne at sea ; and 2. servants, 
 called Edward Doty and Edward Litster. 
 
 M'. Richard Warren ; but his wife and children were 
 lefte behind, and came afterwards. 
 
 John Billinton, and Elen, his wife ; and 2. sones, John 
 4. 
 
 & Francis. 
 
 Edward Tillie, and Ann, his wife ; and 2. children that 
 were their cossens, Henery Samson and Humillity Coper. 
 
 John Tillie, and his wife ; and Eelizabeth, their 
 3. 
 
 doughter. 
 
 Francis Cooke, and his sone John. But his wife & 
 2. 
 
 other children came afterwards. 
 
APPENDIX. 533 
 
 Thomas Rogers, and Joseph, his sooe. His other chil- 
 dren came afterwards. 
 
 3.* Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a sone. 
 
 2. John Rigdale, and Alice, his wife. 
 
 James Chilton, and his wife, and Mary, their dougter. 
 
 3. They had an other doughter, y' was maried, came after- 
 ward. 
 
 3. Edward Fuller, and his wife, and Samuell, their sonne. 
 
 John Turner, and 2. sones. He had a doughter came 
 3. 
 
 some years after to Salem, wher she is now living. 
 
 Francis Eaton, and Sarah, his wife, and Samuell, their 
 3. 
 
 sone, a yong child. 
 
 Moyses Fletcher, John Goodman, Thomas Williams, 
 
 Digerie Preist, Edmond Margeson, Peter Browne, Richard 
 10. » ' 
 
 Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard Gardenar, Gilbart 
 
 Winslow. 
 
 .John Alden was hired for a cooper, at South-Hampton, 
 wher the ship victuled ; and being a hopfull yong man, 
 was much desired, but left to his owne hking to go or 
 stay when he came here ; but he stayed, and maryed here. 
 
 John Allerton and Thomas Enlish were both hired, the 
 later to goe m' of a shalop here, and y" other was reputed 
 2. as one of y" company, but was to go back (being a sea- 
 man) for the help of others behind. But they both dyed 
 here, before the shipe returned. 
 
 * Written 2 in MS. 
 
534 APPENDIX. 
 
 There were allso other 2. seamen hired to stay a year 
 2. here in the country, William Trevore, and one Ely. But 
 when their time was out, they both returned. 
 
 These, bening aboute a hundred sowls, came over in 
 this first ship ; and began this worke, which God of his 
 goodnes hath hithertoo blesed ; let his holy name have 
 y" praise. 
 
 And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see 30. years 
 compleated since these beginings ; and that the great 
 works of his providence are to be observed, I have 
 thought it not unworthj' my paiues to take a veiw of the 
 decreasings & iucreasiugs of these persons, and such 
 Changs as hath pased over them & theirs, in this thirty 
 years. It may be of some use to such as come after ; 
 but, however, I shall rest in my owne benefite. 
 
 I will therfore take them in order as they lye. 
 
 M'. Carver and his wife dj'ed the first year ; he in y' 
 spring, she in y" soiiTer ; also, his man Koger and y" litle 
 boy Jasper dyed before either of them, of y' commone in- 
 fection. Desire Minter returned to her freinds, & proved 
 not very well, and dyed in England. His servant boy 
 Latham, after more then 20. years stay in the country, 
 went into England, and from thence to the Bahamj' Hands 
 in y" West Indies, and ther, with some others, was starved 
 for want of food. His maid servant maried, & dyed 
 a year or tow after, here in this place. 
 
 His servant, John Howland, maried the doughter of 
 
 John Tillie, Elizabeth, and they are both now living, 
 
 and have 10. children, now all living; and their eldest 
 15. 
 
 daughter hath 4. children. And ther 2. daughter, 1. all 
 
 living ; and other of their children mariagable. So 15. 
 
 are come of them. 
 
APPENDIX. 535 
 
 M'. Brewster lived to very old age ; about 80. years he 
 was when he dyed, having lived some 23. or 24. years 
 here in y" countrie ; & though his wife dyed long before, 
 yet she dyed aged. His soue Wrastle dyed a yonge man 
 
 4. unmaried ; his sone Love lived till this year 1650. and 
 dyed, & left 4. children, now living. His doughters 
 which came over after him are dead, but have left sundry 
 children alive; his eldst sone is still liveing, and hath 9. 
 
 2. or 10 children; one marled, who hath a child or 2. 
 
 Richard More his brother dyed the first winter ; but he 
 is marled, and hath 4. or 5. children, all living. 
 
 IVr. Ed : Winslow his wife dj'ed the first winter ; and he 
 
 2. marled with the widow of M''. White, and hath 2. children 
 
 living by her marigable, besids sundry that are dead. 
 
 One of his servants dyed, as also the litle girle, soone 
 
 8. after the ships arivall. But his man, Georg Sowle, is still 
 
 living, and hath 8. childre. 
 
 William Bradford his wife dyed soone after their arivall ; 
 4. and he maried againe ; and hath 4. childi-eu, 3. wherof are 
 marled. 
 
 M'. Allerton his wife dyed with the first, and his ser- 
 vant, John Hooke. His sone Bartle is maried in England, 
 but I know not how many children he hath. His doughter 
 Remember is maried at Salem, & hath 3. or 4. children 
 living. And his doughter Mary is maried here, & hath 4. 
 children. Him selfe maried againe with y° doughter of 
 M'. Brewster, & hath one sone living by her, but she 
 is long since dead. And he is maried againe, and hath 
 left this place long agoe. So I account his increase to 
 be 8. besids his sons in England. 
 
 M'. Fuller his servant dyed at sea ; and after his wife 
 
 2. came over, he had tow children by her, which are living 
 
 and growue up to years ; but he dyed some 15. years agoe. 
 
536 APPENDIX. 
 
 John Crakston dyed in the first mortality ; and about 
 some 5. or 6. years after, liis sone dyed; having lost him 
 selfe in y" wodes, his feet became frosen, which put him 
 into a feavor, of which he dyed. 
 
 * Captain Standish his wife dyed in the first sicknes, 
 4. and he maried againe, and hath 4. sones liveing, and 
 some are. dead. 
 
 M'. Martin, he & all his, dyed in the first infection 
 not long after the arivall. 
 
 M'. Molines, and his wife, his sone, and his servant, 
 
 dyed the first winter. Only his dougter Priscila survied, 
 
 15. and maried with John Alden, who are both living, and 
 
 have 11. children. And their eldest daughter is maried, 
 
 & hath five children. 
 
 M'. White and his 2. servants dyed soone after ther 
 
 landing. His wife maried with M'. Winslow (as is be- 
 
 7. fore noted). His 2. sons are maried, and Eesolved hath 
 
 5. children, Perigrine tow, all living. So their increase 
 
 are 7. 
 
 M^ Hopkins and his wife are now both dead, but they 
 lived above 20. years in this place, and had one sone and 
 4. doughters borne here. Ther sone became a seaman, & 
 dyed at Barbadoes ; one daughter dyed here, and 2. are 
 maried ; one of them hath 2. children ; & one is yet to 
 mary. So their increase which still survive are 5. But 
 4. his sone Giles is maried, and hath 4. children. 
 
 5. 
 
 His doughter Constanta is also maried, and hath 12. 
 children, all of them living, and one of them maried. 
 
 » Who dyed 3. of Octob. 1655. 
 
4. 
 
 7. 
 
 APPENDIX. 537 
 
 M'. Richard Warren lived some 4. or 5. years, and had 
 his wife come over to him, by whom he had 2. sons 
 before dyed; and one of them is niaryed, and hath 2. 
 children. So his increase is 4. But he had .5. doughters 
 more came over with his wife, who are all marled, & 
 living, & have many children. 
 
 John Billinton, after he had bene here 10. yers, was 
 executed for killing a man ; and his eldest sone dyed 
 before him ; but his 2. sone is alive, and marled, & hath 
 8. children. 
 
 Edward Tillie and his wife both dyed soon after their 
 arivall ; and the girle Humility, their couseu, was sent for 
 into England, and dyed ther. But the youth Henery 
 Samson is still liveing, and is marled, & hath 7. children. 
 
 John Tillie and his wife both dyed a litle after they 
 came ashore ; and their daughter Elizabeth marled with 
 John Howland, and hath issue as is before noted. 
 
 Francis Cooke is still living, a very olde man, and hath 
 scene his childrens children have children ; after his wife 
 8. came over, (with other of his children,) he hath 3. still 
 living by her, all marled, and have 5. children; so their 
 encrease is 8. And his sone .John, which came over with 
 him, is maried, and hath 4. chilldren living. 
 
 Thomas Rogers dyed in the first sicknes, but his sone 
 Joseph is still living, and is maried, and hath 6. children. 
 The rest of Thomas Rogers [children] came over, & are 
 maried, & have many children. 
 
 Thomas Tinker and his wife and sone all dyed in the 
 first sicknes. 
 
 And so did John Rigdale and his wife. 
 
 4. 
 
538 APPENDIX. 
 
 James Chilton and his wife also dyed in the first infec- 
 tion. But their daughter Mary is still living, and hath 9. 
 children ; and one daughter is maried, & hath a child ; so 
 their increase is 10. 
 
 Edward Fuller and his wife dyed soon after they came 
 4. ashore ; but their sone Samuell is living, & maried, and 
 hath 4. children or more. 
 
 John Turner and his 2. sones all dyed in the first 
 siknes. But he hath a daugter still living at Salem, well 
 maried, and approved of. 
 
 Francis Eaton his first wife dyed in the generall 
 sicknes ; and he maried againe, & his 2. wife dyed, & 
 4. he maried the 3. and had by her 3. children. One of 
 them is maried, & hath a child ; the other are living, 
 but one of them is an ideote. He dyed about 16. years 
 agoe. His sone Samuell, who came over a sucking child, 
 is allso maried, & hath a child. 
 
 1. 
 
 6. 
 
 Moyses Fletcher, Thomas Williams, Digerie Preist, 
 John Goodman, Edmond Margeson, Richard Britteridge, 
 Richard Clarke. All these dyed sone after their arivall, 
 in the generall sicknes that befell. But Digerie Preist 
 had his wife & children sent hither afterwards, she being 
 M'. Allertons sister. But the rest left no posteritie here. 
 
 Richard Gardinar became a seaman, and died in Eng- 
 land, or at sea. 
 
 Gilbert Winslow, after diverse years aboad here, re- 
 turned into England, and dyed ther. 
 
 Peter Browne maried twise. By his first wife he had 
 2. children, who are living, & both of them maried, and 
 the one of them hath 2. children ; by his second wife he 
 had 2. more. He d3'ed about 16. years since. 
 
APPENDIX. 539 
 
 Thomas English and John AUerton dyed in the generall 
 siknes. 
 
 John Alden maried with Priscila, M'. Mollines his 
 doughter, and had issue by her as is before related. 
 
 Edward Doty & Edward Litster, the servants of M'. 
 Hopkins. Litster, after he was at liberty, went to Vir- 
 ginia, & ther dyed. But Edward Doty by a second wife 
 hath 7. children, and both he and they are living. 
 
 Of these 100. persons which came first over in this 
 first ship together, the greater halfe dyed in the generall 
 mortality ; and most of them in 2. or three monthes time. 
 And for those which survied, though some were ancient 
 & past procreation, & others left y" place and cuntrie, 
 yet of those few remaining are sprunge up above 160. 
 persons, in this 30. years, and are now living in this 
 presente year, 1650. besids many of their children which 
 are dead, and come not within this account. 
 
 And of the old stock (of one & other) ther are yet 
 living this present j'ear, 1650. nere 30. persons. Let the 
 Lord have y= praise, who is the High Preserver of men. 
 
 *Twelfe persons liveing of the old stock this present 
 yeare, 1679. 
 
 Two persons liveing that came over in the first shipe 
 1620, this present yeare, 1690. Resolved White and Mary 
 Chusman,! the daughter of M'. AUerton. 
 
 And John Cooke, tlie son of Frances Cooke, that came 
 in the first ship, is still liveing this present yeare, 1694; 
 & Mary Cushman is still living, this present year, 1698. 
 
 * The following memoranda are in a later hand, 
 t Obviously intended for Cushman. 
 
540 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 [Commission for Regulating Plantations.] 
 
 Charles by y° grace of God king of England, Scotland, France, 
 and Ireland, Defender of y° Faith, &c.* 
 
 To the most Reve'' father in Christ, our wellbeloved & faith- 
 full counsellour, William, by devine providence Archbishop 
 of Counterbery, of all England Primate & Metropolitan ; 
 Thomas Lord Coventry, Keeper of our Great Scale of 
 England ; the most Reverente father in Christ our wellbe- 
 loved and most faithful Counselour, Richard, by devine 
 providence Archbishop of Yorke, Primate & Metropolitan ; 
 our wellbeloved and most faitbfuU coussens & Counselours, 
 Richard, Earle of Portland, our High Treasurer of Eng- 
 land ; Henery, Earle of Manchester, Keeper of our Privie 
 Scale ; Thomas, Earle of Arundalle & Surry, Earle Mar- 
 shall of England ; Edward, Earle of Dorsett, Chamberliue 
 of our most dear consorte, the Queene ; and our beloved & 
 faithfull Counselours, Francis Lord Cottington, Counseler, 
 and Undertreasurour of our Escbequour ; S"': Thomas Ed- 
 monds, knight, Treasourer of our houshould ; S': Henery 
 Vane, Knight, controuler of y° same houshould ; S': John 
 Cooke, Knight, one of our Privie Secretaries ; and Francis 
 Windebanck, Knight, another of our Privie Secretaries, 
 
 Wheras very many of our subjects, & of our late fathers 
 of beloved memory, our sovereigne lord James, late king 
 of England, by means of licence royall, not only with 
 
 * See page 381. This document ivas written on tlie reverse of folio 201 
 et seq. of the original manuscript, and for the sake of convenience is trans- 
 ferred to this place. 
 
APPENDIX. 541 
 
 desire of inlarging y' teritories of our empire, but cheefly 
 out of a pious & religious affection, & desire of propagat- 
 ing y'= gospell of our Lord Jesus Christ, with great industrie 
 & expences have caused to be planted large CoUonies of 
 y'= English nation, in diverse parts of y' world alltogether 
 unmanured, and voyd of inhabitants, or occupied of y" bar- 
 barous people that have no knowledg of divine worship. 
 We being willing to provid a remedy for y' tranquillity & 
 quietnes of those people, and being very confldente of your 
 faith & wisdom, justice & providente circomspection, have 
 constituted you y' aforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie, 
 Lord Keeper of y' Great Seale of England, y'= Archbishop 
 of Yorke, &c. and any 5. or more, of you, our Comission- 
 ers ; and to you, and any 5. or more of you, we doe give 
 and coinite power for y" govermente & saftie of y" said 
 collonies, drawen, or which, out of y'' English nation into 
 those parts hereafter, shall be drawne, to make lawes, con- 
 stitutions, & ordinances, pertaining ether to y'' publick state 
 of these collonies, or y" private profite of them ; and con- 
 cerning y' lands, goods, debts, & succession in those parts, 
 and how they shall demaine them selves, towards foraigne 
 princes, and their people, or how they shall bear them 
 selves towards us, and our subjects, as well in any foraine 
 parts whatsoever, or on y' seas in those parts, or in their 
 returne sayling home ; or which may pertaine to y" clergie 
 govermente, or to y' cure of soules, among y* people ther 
 living, and exercising trad in those parts ; by designing out 
 eongruente porcions arising in tithes, oblations, & other 
 things ther, according to your sound discretions, in politi- 
 call & civill causes ; and by haveing y" advise of 2. or 3. 
 bishops, for y" setling, making, & ordering of y" bussines, 
 for y'^ designeing of necessary ecclesiasticall, and clargie 
 porcions, which you shall cause to be called, and taken to 
 you. And to make provission against y' violation of those 
 
542 APPENDIX. 
 
 laws, constitutions, and ordinances, by imposing penealties 
 & mulcts, imprisonmente if ther be cause, and y' y" quality 
 of y* offence doe require it, by deprivation of member, or 
 life, to be inflicted. With power allso (our assente being 
 had) to remove, & displace y" governours or rulers of those 
 collonies, for causes which to you shall seeme lawfull, and 
 others in their stead to constitute ; and require an accounte 
 of their rule & govermente, and whom you shall finde cul- 
 pable, either by deprivation from their place, or by imposi- 
 tion of a mulcte upon y' goods of them in those parts to 
 be levied, or banishmente from those provinces in w'^'' they 
 have been gove' or otherwise to cashier according to y" 
 quantity of y° offence. And to constitute judges, & magis- 
 trats politicall & civill, for civill causes and nnder y" power 
 and forme, which to you 5. or more of you shall seeme es- 
 pediente. And judges & magistrats & dignities, to causes 
 Ecclesiasticall, and under y'' power & forme which to you 
 5. or more of you, with the bishops vicegerents (provided 
 by y" Archbishop of Counterbure for y'^ time being), shall 
 seeme expediente ; and to ordaine courts, pretoriane and 
 tribunall, as well ecclesiasticall, as civill, of judgmentes ; 
 to detirmine of y' formes and maner of procceedings in 
 y' same ; and of appealing from them in matters & causes 
 as well criminall, as civill, personall, reale, and mixte, and 
 to their seats of justice, what may be equall & well ordered, 
 aiid what crimes, faults, or exessess, of contracts or injuries 
 ought to belonge to y" Ecclesiasticall courte, and what to y' 
 civill courte, and seate of justice. 
 
 Provided never y" less, y' the laws, ordinances, & consti- 
 tutions of this kinde, shall not be put in execution, before 
 our assent be had therunto in writing under our signet, 
 signed at least, and this assente being had, and y° same 
 publikly proclaimed in y'= provinces in which they are to 
 be executed, we will & coinand y' those lawes, ordinances, 
 and constitutions more fully to obtaine strength and be ob- 
 
APPENDIX. 543 
 
 served * shall be inviolably of all men whom they shall con- 
 cerne. 
 
 Notwithstanding it shall be for you, or any 5. or more 
 of you, (as is afforsaid,) allthough those lawes, constitu- 
 tions, and ordinances shalbe proclaimed with our royall 
 assente, to chainge, revocke, & abrogate them, and other 
 new ones, in forme afforsaid, from time to time frame and 
 make as afforesaid ; and to new evills arissing, or new 
 dangers, to apply new remedyes as is fitting, so often 
 as to you it shall seeme expediente. Furthermore you shall 
 understand that we have constituted you, and every 5. or 
 more of you, the afforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie, 
 Thomas Lord Coventrie, Keeper of y" Great Scale of Eng- 
 land, Richard, Bishop of Yorke, Richard, Earle of Portland, 
 Henery, Earle of Manchester, Thomas, Earle of Arundale 
 & Surry, Edward, Earell of Dorsett, Francis Lord Cottin- 
 ton, S' Thomas Edmonds, f knighte, S' Henry Vane, knight, 
 S' Francis Windebanke, knight, our comissioners to hear, 
 & determine, according to your sound discretions, all maner 
 of complaints either against those coUonies, or their rulers, 
 or govenours, at y' instance of y" parties greeved, or at 
 their accusation brought concerning injuries from hence, or 
 from thence, betweene them, & their members to be moved, 
 and to call y' parties before you ; and to the parties or to 
 their procurators, from hence, or from thence being heard 
 y' full complemente of justice to be exhibted. Giving unto 
 you, or any 5. or more of you power, y' if you shall find 
 any of y" collonies afforesaid, or any of y"' cheefe rulers 
 upon y' jurisdictions of others by unjust possession, or 
 usurpation, or one against another making greevance, or 
 in rebelion against us, or withdrawing from our alegance, 
 or our comandments, not obeying, consultation first with us 
 in y' case had, to cause those colonies, or y' rulers of them. 
 
 • A superfluous a?id comes after "observed" in the manuscript, 
 t Edwards in the manuscript. 
 
544 APPENDIX. , 
 
 for y° causes afforesaid, or for other jast causes, either 
 to retume to England, or to comand them to other places 
 designed, even as according to your sounde discretions it 
 shall seeme to stand with equitie, & justice, or necessitie. 
 Moreover, we doe give unto you, & any 5. or more of you, 
 power & spetiall cornand over all y° charters, leters patents, 
 and rescripts royall, of y" regions, provinces, ilands, or 
 lands in foraigne parts, granted for raising colonies, to 
 cause them to be brought before you, & y" same being 
 received, if any thing surrepticiously or unduly have been 
 obtained, or y' by the same priviledges, liberties, & preroga- 
 tives hurtfull to us, or to our crowne, or to foraigne princes, 
 have been prejudicially suffered, or granted ; the same being 
 better made knowne unto you 5. or more of you, to comand 
 them according to y' laws and customs of England to be 
 revoked, and to doe such other things, which to y' profite 
 & safgard of y*^ afforesaid coUonies, and of our subjects 
 residente in y"' same, shall be necessary. And therfore 
 we doe comand you that aboute y° premisses at days & 
 times, which for these things you shall make provission, 
 that you be diligente in attendance, as it becometh you ; 
 giving in precepte also, & firmly injoyning, we doe give 
 coinand to all and singuler cheefe rulers of provinces into 
 which y"' colonies afforesaid have been drawne, or shall 
 be drawne, & concerning y'= colonies themselves, & concern- 
 ing others, y' have been interest therein, y' they give atend- 
 ance upon you, and be observante and obediente unto your 
 warrants in those affaires, as often as, and even as in our 
 name they shall be required, at their perill. In testimoney 
 wherof, we have caused these oar letters to be made pat- 
 tente. Wittnes our selfe at Westminster the 28. day of 
 Aprill, in y' tenth year of our Raigne. 
 
 By write from y" privie seale. 
 
 Willies. 
 Anno Dom : 1634. 
 
INDEX 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abdas, an Indian, 525. 
 
 Accord Pond, 442. 
 
 Acoughcouss, 445. 
 
 Adventurers. See Merchant Adventur- 
 ers. 
 
 Alden, John, arrested in Massachusetts, 
 379. Party to contract, 452,4.58. Set- 
 tlement with, 478, 481. Family, 533, 
 536, 539. 
 
 Alden, Robert, 256. 
 
 Allerton, Bartholomew, 531, 535. 
 
 Allerton, Isaac, 62. Assistant, 121, 242. 
 Goes to England, 252, 267, 274, 313, 
 328. Agreement with, 254 et seg., 271, 
 272. Brings over Mr. Rogers, 292. 
 Marries Elder Brewster's daughter, 
 305. Discharged, 329, 333, 358. Dis- 
 ciplined by church, 349. Disregards 
 his bond, 357, 362. Referred to, 276, 
 278-280, 294, 296, 297, 300-303, 306- 
 312, 318-327, 335, 3S6, 340-3.50, 357- 
 359, 361, 363-369, 375, 394, 432, 436, 
 452. Family, 531. 
 
 Allerton, John, 533, 539. 
 
 Allerton, Mary, 531, 535. 
 
 Allerton, Remember, 531, 535. 
 
 AUtham, Emanuel, 256. 
 
 Amsterdam, 23, 66, 70, 73. 
 
 Anabaptistry, 461. 
 
 Andrews, Richard, adventurer, 256. 
 Undertaker, 275, 279, 296, 307, 333, 
 342, 343, 394. Beaver sent to, 431, 
 
 435. Takes land at Scituate, 439. 
 Settlement with, 452. Letter to Free- 
 man, 482. Referred to, 410, 412, 414, 
 
 436, 447. 
 
 Andrews, Thomas, adventurer, 256. 
 Ann. See Cape Ann. 
 Anne, ship, 168, 171, 177, 215 
 Anthony, Lawrence, 256. 
 
 Aquidnett Inland, 434, 461, 515. 
 
 ArgoU, Captain, 47, 48. 
 
 Arminians, 27, 28. 
 
 Arnold, Benedict, 514, 525. 
 
 Ashley, Edward, 307. His patent and 
 V)usiness, 308 et seq. Sends beaver 
 home, 318, 326. Trades with Indians, 
 327. Referred to, 333, 335, 337, 339, 
 346, 349. His death, 328. 
 
 Assistants at Plymouth, 121, 187. 
 
 Atwood, John, agent for Sherley, 449 
 et seq. Sherley's letter to, 478. 
 
 Aulney, Monsieur d.', captures Penob- 
 scot, 395, 513. 
 
 Aurelius, Marcus, 24. 
 
 Awasequin, chief, 518,1525. 
 
 Awashawe, Indian, 523. 
 
 Babb, Mr., 412. 
 
 Baker, master of the Charity, 202. 
 
 Baptism, differences respecting, 457, 
 461. 
 
 Barnstable, 444. 
 
 Bass, Edward, 255, 256. 
 
 Beastliness, 459 et seq. 
 
 Beauchamp, John, 133, 141, 255, 256, 
 275, 276, 296. Patent in his name, 
 307. Referred to, 333, 342, 343, 368, 
 394, 412, 414, 431, 4.35, 439, 451. Set- 
 tlement with, 452. 
 
 Bellingham, Richard, deputy governor 
 of Massachusetts, 399. Letters from, 
 400, 461. 
 
 Billirike (Billerica), Pilgrims came from, 
 69. 
 
 Billington, Elen, 532. 
 
 Billington, Francis, 532. 
 
 Billington, John, 218. Loses himself, 
 123. Tried for murder and executed, 
 329 Family, 5.32, 537. 
 
 Billington, John, Jr., 532. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 .ckwell, Sir Francis, 47-50, 54. 
 iclv Island, 418, 421. 
 'Ssom, Thomas, 374. 
 iton in England, 16. 
 iton in New England, 342, 354, 383, 
 17, 501, 518. 
 ind Brook, 442. 
 idford, Dorothy, 531, 535. 
 Ldford, Wm., begins writing, 9. "W. 
 ! , 62. Chosen goTernor, 121. Ill- 
 ess, 111, 121. Letter to Weston, 131. 
 .etter from Weston, 142 Letter from 
 'ickeringand Greene, 144, 272. With 
 thers appoints Sherlej and Beau- 
 hamp agents, 278. Patent at Ken- 
 ebec, 376. Surrenders patent, 444. 
 ,etter from, 462. Family, 531, 535. 
 idstreet, Simon, 399, 513. 
 :wer, Thomas, 60, 2.36. 
 iwster, Jonathan, letter from, 403. 
 iwster, Love, 531, 53.5. 
 iwster, Mary, 531. 
 
 iwster, Wm., Eider, 14. Goes to 
 lolland, 22. Assistant to Roliinson, 
 4. Correspondence with Sandys and 
 Vorstenholme, 40-45. As to going to 
 tmerica, 53. Labors for sick, 111. 
 .etters from Pickering, Greene and 
 Veston, 144-146. Letter from Robin- 
 on, 198. Letter from Roger White, 
 48. Referred to, 153, 205, 208, 278, 
 80, 452. Dies, 487. Character, 488 
 t seq. Family, 531, 535. 
 iwster, Wrestling, 531, 535. 
 stol, England, 320, 333, 3.38, 340, 347, 
 59. 
 
 tteridge, Richard, 535, 5.38. 
 )0k. Lord, 378. 
 iwn, John, 513, 525. 
 iwn, Peter, 533, 538. 
 )wning, Henry, 256. 
 iwnists, 238. 
 
 ;ten, Wm., dies, 93. Family, .532. 
 licote. Sergeant, 525. 
 vin, John, 7. 
 )awack, 117, 125, 148. 
 )e Ann, patent for, 192. Mentioned, 
 D2, 204, 237, 265. 
 
 )e Cod, 90. Arrive at, 93. Explore 
 a}' of, 101. French siiip lost on, 118. 
 lentioned, 97, 123, 127, 1.32, 148, 1.53, 
 H, 186,231,261,266. 
 ter, Robert, 532. 
 
 Carver, John, agent to England, 40. 
 Deacon, 40. Letter from Staresmore, 
 50; from Robinson, 58; from S. F. 
 et at., 61; from Cushman, 69; from 
 Robinson, 77; from ^A^eston, 128, 137, 
 140. Keeps letter, 66. Chosen gov- 
 ernor, 109. Mentioned, 50, 54, .58, 61, 
 63, 67-70, 76, 131. At Southampton, 
 74. Dies, 121. Family, 531, 534. 
 
 Carver, Kathrine, 531, 534. 
 
 Cattle, first arrival of, 189. 
 
 Cawsumsett Neck, 445. 
 
 Charity, ship, 190, 207. 
 
 Charles I., commission by, for regulat- 
 ing plantations, 249, 540. 
 
 Charles River, 440. 
 
 Charlestown, 441. 
 
 Charlton, 116. 
 
 Chauncey, Charles, invited to Plymouth, 
 4.56, 558. Letter from, 467. 
 
 Chilton, James, 533, 538. 
 
 Chilton, Mary, 533, 538. 
 
 Chinnough, an Indian, 513. 
 
 Christmas at Plymouth, 134. 
 
 Church covenant, 331. 
 
 Clapham, 411, 451. 
 
 Clarke, pilot of the Mayflower, 67. 
 
 Clarke, Richard, 533, 538. 
 
 Clifton, Rev. Richard, 14. 
 
 Cobiseconte, 376. 
 
 Coddington, Wm., 332, 399. 
 
 Cohasset, 442. 
 
 Collier, Wm., 256, 340, 367. Sherley's 
 agent, 449. 
 
 Colonies of New England, confederation 
 of, 496. 
 
 Commissioners for the plantation, 540. 
 Winslow petitions the, 390. 
 
 Compact of the Pilgrims, 109. 
 
 Connecticut, 371, 386, 387, 391, 402, 405, 
 415, 419, 424, 425, 430, 506, 509. 
 
 Cooke, Francis, 532, 537, 539. 
 
 Cooke, John, 5.32, 537, ,539. 
 
 Cooke, Lord, 50. 
 
 Cooper, Humility, 532, 537. 
 
 Coppin, Robert, Mayflower pilot, de- 
 ceived, 104 
 
 Corbitant takes Squanto, 124, 136. 
 
 Corn. See Indian Corn. 
 
 Cotton, Rev. John, 332. 
 
 Coventry, Thomas, 256. 
 
 Crabe, Rev. Mr., 71 
 
 Crackston, John, family, 532, 536. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 549 
 
 Cromwell, Thomas, Captain, and his 
 
 crew, 526, 527. 
 Crose, Daniel, murderer, escapes, 432. 
 Cushman, Mar.y, 539. 
 
 Cushman, Robert, agent to England, 
 40. Letters from, 46-49. Letter from 
 S. F. et al., 61, 62. Letters to S F. 
 et al., 63-68; to John Carver, 69; to 
 Ed. S., 86-90. Comes in the Fortune, 
 126 Condemns Weston's colonists, 
 147. Letters from, 172, 191. Men- 
 tioned, 49, 50, 54, 58, 60, 69, 74-76, 85, 
 137. His.death, 249. 
 
 Cutshamakin, 522, 525. 
 
 DamariscoYe Islands, 137, 187, 228, 251. 
 
 Dartmouth, England, 83, 86, 90. 
 
 Davenport, Lieutenant, 428. 
 
 Davidson, Wm., 488. 
 
 Davis, John, Sergeant, 514. 
 
 Delft-Haven, 72. 
 
 Dennison, Wm , 343. 
 
 Dermer, Captain, 115, 118. 
 
 Dorchester, 402, 406. 
 
 Doty, Edward, 532, 539. 
 
 Dudley, Thomas, 232, .342. Letter from, 
 379. Mentioned, 384, 399, 501. 
 
 Dumer, Richard, 399. 
 
 Dutch, 54, 196. Send letters, 281. Men- 
 tioned, 370, 372-374, 388. 
 
 Dutch letter, 268. 
 
 Dutchman at Hull, 17, 18, 409. 
 
 Duxbury, 362, 444, 4.17, 458, 474. 
 
 Earthquake in 1638, 437. 
 
 Eaton, Francis, 533, 538. 
 
 Eaton, Samuel, 533, 538. 
 
 Eaton, Sarah, 533, 538. 
 
 Eaton, Theoph., 504, 513, 525. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 7. 
 
 Ely, seaman of Mayflower, 533. 
 
 Endicott, John, arrival of, with patent 
 for Massachusetts, 286-314. Letter to 
 Governor Bradford, 315, 442. 
 
 English, Thomas, seaman on the May- 
 flower, 533, 539. 
 
 Episcopius, 28. 
 
 Ewangsos, an Indian, 523. 
 
 Exeter jail, 303. 
 
 Falcon, ship, 410. 
 
 Familism, 461. 
 
 Farrar, Sir George, 63. 
 
 Fast, in Holland, 52; in Plymouth, 170. 
 
 Fells, Mr., 264, 265. 
 
 Fenwick, George, .504, 513, 525. 
 
 FItcher, Lieutenant, at Merry-Mount, 
 
 284, 285. 
 Fleet Prison, 328, 393, 447. 
 Fletcher, Moses, 533, 538. 
 Fletcher, Thomas, 2.56. 
 Florida, 37. 
 Fogg, 339. 
 
 Fort Orange, now Albany, 282. 
 Fortune, arrival of the, 126. Departs, 
 
 133, 142. 
 France, 147, 148, 448. 
 Freeman, Edmund, 451, 4.56. 
 French robl)ery at Penobscot, 350. 
 French ship lost on Cape Cod, 118, 137. 
 Friendship, ship, 320, 328, 329, 333, 336, 
 
 338, 342, 343, 346, 347, 358, 360, 413, 
 
 4.55. 
 Fuller, Edward, and family, 533, 538. 
 Fuller, Samuel, letter from, 61. Letters 
 
 from Cushman, 63-68. Mentioned, 93, 
 
 220, 315. His death, 374. Family, 
 
 .532, 535. 
 Furnival's Inn, 284. 
 Galopp, John, 429. 
 Gardenar, Richard, .533, 538. 
 Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 352 et seq. 
 Gibbons commands, 518. 
 Gibbs, Mr., mate of the Sparrow, 275. 
 Girling, expedition of, to recover Penob- 
 scot, 396 
 Glover, Rev. Mr., 408. 
 Goffe, Thomas, 256, 275. 
 Goodman, John, 533, 538. 
 Goodyeare, Stephen, 525. 
 Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 115, ISO, 300, 329, 
 
 355, 391. 
 Gorges, Robert, grant to, 178. Meets 
 
 Mr. Weston, 179. Arrests him, 183. 
 
 Returns to England, 184. 
 Gorton, Samuel, .528. 
 Gosnold, Captain, names Cape Cod, 
 
 94. 
 Gott, Charles, 316. 
 Granger, Thomas, 474. 
 Graves, Mr., 412. 
 Greene, Wm., 143, 144. 
 Green's harbor, 362. 
 Gregson, Thomas, 504, 513. 
 Greville, Sir Fulke, 46. 
 Grififln, Mr., 412. 
 Grimsbe and Hull, 18. 
 Gudburn, Peter, 256. 
 Guiana, 36, 55. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 1, Mr., 410. 
 opton, 332. 
 
 son, Captain, 183. 
 
 tford, 501, 510. 
 
 herly, Timoth.y, 256, 296, 307, 309. 
 
 rrives in Massacliusetts Bay, 319- 
 
 9, 334, 335, 340. Affirms by oath, 
 
 2, 343, 345. At Bristol, 347. Again 
 mes to America, 360, 439. 
 
 lorne, Wm., 513. 
 
 nes, John, governor o£ Massachu- 
 
 tts, 399. 
 
 th, Thomas, 256. 
 
 gehog, fable of the, 211. 
 
 drick. Prince, 249. 
 
 5ins, Wm., 479. 
 
 ;inson, Francis, 317. 
 
 ;ham, 439. Boundaries of, 440, 442. 
 
 bamok, an Indian, 123-125, 135- 
 
 7. 
 
 son, Wra., 256. 
 
 king, killed at the Kennelaec, 377- 
 
 1. 
 
 jeck, Wm., 532. 
 
 and, 15, 22, 30, 34, 42, 69, 71, 374, 
 
 S, 490. 
 
 and, Robert, 243, 266. 
 
 ke, John, 531, 535. 
 
 ker, Rer. Thomas, 234. 
 
 kins, Constanta, 532, 536. 
 
 kins, Daraaris, 532. 
 
 kins, Edward, 504, 513, 525. 
 
 kins, Elizabeth, 532, 536. 
 
 kins, Giles, 536. 
 
 kins, Oceanus, born at sea, 5.32. 
 
 kins, Stephen, 122. Visits Massa- 
 
 t, 122. Family, 532, 536. 
 
 ghe, Atlierton, 399. 
 
 land, Elizabeth, 5.34. 
 
 land, John, falls overboard, 92, 
 
 !. Family, 531, 534. 
 
 bard, Wm., historian, 329. 
 
 dleston, John, letter from, 150, 
 
 I. 
 
 son, Thomas, 256. 
 
 son's Bay, 196. 
 
 son's River, 13. 
 
 , 17, 18. 
 
 iber River, 441. 
 
 ifray, John, 399. 
 
 t, Thomas, Captain, captor of 
 
 uanto, 115, 116. 
 
 ter. Rev. Joseph, 151, 197. 
 
 Hurricane at Plymouth, 401. 
 
 Indian corn, 100. Pilgrims take, and 
 later pay for, 100, 123. Squanto 
 teaches how to plant, 120. Indians 
 raise more, 122. Pilgrims do not yet 
 know how to raise, 152. Several hogs- 
 heads secured, 155. Each man to plant 
 for himself, 162. "Women and children 
 set, 162. Fear about supply, 176. 
 
 Indians, expected danger from, 34, 95. 
 First seen, 98. Their corn found, 99. 
 Aljout a grampus, 101. First alarm of, 
 102-104, 106. Skulking, 113. Men- 
 tioned, 119, 123, 127, 134, 136, 156, 157. 
 Resolve to destroy western people, 158. 
 Mentioned, 2.32, 2,53, 262. Value of 
 wampum, 282. Taught bv Morton, 
 286. 
 
 — Long Island, sachems of, 428. 
 
 — Mohawks, 427. Kill Sassacus, 430. 
 jNIentioned, 514. 
 
 — Monhiggs beat the Narragansetts, 
 430. 
 
 — Narragansetts, 123, 133, 135, 136, 148, 
 152, 186, 282, 416, 423, 424, 426, 430, 
 433, 496, 505. Agreement with, 521. 
 
 — Neepnetts, 429. 
 
 — Nyanticks, 512, 518. Agreement 
 with, 521. 
 
 — Pequots,232, 282, 371, 415, 416, 418. 
 Attack English, 419, 420, 423-426, 430, 
 496, 505. 
 
 Innemo, Indian chief, 518. 
 
 Irish servants, 264. 
 
 Isle of Shoals, 291. 
 
 Jackson, Thomas, executed, 432. 
 
 James, a physician, 434. 
 
 James I., 13. Dies, 249. Named, 356. 
 
 James, ship, 192. 
 
 Jeffrey, Sergeant, 328. 
 
 Jenemo and Wipelock, 523. 
 
 Johnson, Rev. Francis, 48, 49. 
 
 Johnson, Mr., 330, 332. 
 
 Johnsone, alderman, 47. 
 
 Jonas, 525. 
 
 Jones, captain of the Discovery, 153. 
 
 Jones, captain of the Mayflower, 83. 
 
 Kean, Robert, 255, 256. 
 
 Kenneljec, load of corn sent iip the, 246. 
 Mentioned, 267, 280, 282, 293,300, 311, 
 326, 348, 379, 407, 421, 437. Patent at, 
 376. 
 
 Kent, 70. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 551 
 
 King, Wm., 89. 
 Knight, Eliza, 2DS. 
 Knight, John, 256. 
 Knowles, Myles, 256. 
 Land's End, 8i. 
 Langemore, John, 532. 
 Langrume, master of a ship, 410, 412. 
 Latham, Wm., 531, 534. 
 LaTonr, French governor, 513. 
 Laud, Wra., archbishop, 391, 392. 
 Lee, Lord, 430. 
 Levett, Christopher, 179. 
 Le3'den, 23, 54, 56, 66, 70. Departure 
 thence, 71. Mentioned, 85, 96, 130, 
 143, 148, 189, 216, 249, 271, 293, 314. 
 Lincoln, Countess of, 51. 
 Lincoln sliire, 13, 16. 
 Ling. John, 256. 
 Lister, Edward, 532, 539. 
 London, 69, 72, 73, 84, 86, 115, 195, 244. 
 
 Plague in, 246,357, 410. 
 London bridge, fire on, 367. 
 Low countries, 22, 26, 121, 206, 448, 
 
 489. 
 Ludlow, Mr , 428, 509. 
 Lyford, John, arrives, 204. Letters in- 
 tercepted, 207, 208. Sets up a public 
 meeting, 209. Cited before the court, 
 210. Mentioned, 213, 215, 219, 238, 292. 
 His acknowledgment, 220. Writes to 
 adventurers, 221. Their opinion of 
 him, 223 et spq , 227, 229, 230. Cen- 
 sured, 232. Facts concerning, 232 et 
 seq. Goes to Nantasket, 236. Dies, 
 237. 
 Lyon, ship, 363. 
 Maggner, Mr., 47. 
 Mahue, Mr., 360 
 Malabar, Cape, 94. 
 Manamoick (Chatham), 117, 125, 155, 
 
 262. 
 Manoanscussett, 281, 415, 
 Manomet (Sandwich), 123. Pinace built 
 
 at, 266. Mentioned, 281, 402. 
 Margeson, Edmond, 533, 538. 
 Marriage, first, at Plymouth, 121. By 
 
 magistrates, 393. 
 Marshfield, 444, 458. 
 Martin, Christopher, 69, 70, 76, 87, 88, 
 
 532, 536. 
 Martyr, Peter, 164. 
 Mary, Queen, 7, 352. 
 Mary, Queen of Scots, 489. 
 
 Mary and Anne, 435. 
 
 Mason, Captain, with Gorges, 355, 391, 
 
 392. 
 Mason, John, Captain, and the Pequots, 
 
 428, 518. 
 Massachusetts, location of, 117. Bay, 
 149, 232, 265, 295. Gorges arrives in 
 Bay, 178,181. Arrival of Ralfe Smith, 
 314. Mr. Pierce and Mr. Hatherley 
 come, 319, 320, 330, 342. Gardiner 
 in, 352, 361. Roger Williams comes, 
 369. Mentioned, 371, 372, 382, 383, 403, 
 416, 419, 433. Boundaries between 
 Massachusetts and Plymouth, 447 
 Massasoit visits Plymouth, 114. Treaty 
 with, 114. Embassy to, 122. Sends 
 word concerning Billington, 123-125, 
 134, 136. Seeks .Squanto's life, 137. 
 Is sick, 158. 
 Masterson, Richard, .50, 374. 
 iSIaurice, Grave, dies, 219. 
 Mayflower, 296. 
 
 May-pole at Merry-Mount, 285, 286. 
 Meekcsano, 525. 
 
 Merchant adventurers, agreement with, 
 70, 76. Weston and the, 138, 143. 
 As to Lyford, 234. Broken up, 237. 
 Names of, 256. 
 Merrimac River, 160. 
 Merry-Mount, 284. 
 !Miantonimo, 505, 512. 
 Milford-Haven, 348. 
 Millsop, Thomas, 2.56. 
 Minter, Desire, 531, 534. 
 Mixano, 518. 
 Monhegan, 148, 185, 251. 
 Mononotto, an Indian, and his wife, 429, 
 
 430. 
 More, Ellen, 531. 
 More, Jasper, 531, 534. 
 More, Richard, 531, 533 
 Morrell, Wm., Rev , comes with Robert 
 
 Gorges, 185. 
 Morton, George, 59. 
 
 Morton, Thomas, at Mount Wollaston, 
 284 et seq. Arrested, 291, 302. Im- 
 prisoned in Boston, .303, 392. 
 Mott, Thomas, 256. 
 Mount Wollaston, 281 et seq. 
 Mullines, Joseph, 532, 6.36. 
 Mullines, Priscila, 532, .536, 539. 
 Mullines, Wm., 76. Family, 532, 536. 
 Nacata, 445. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ischatet, 445. 
 
 Peirce, Wm., master of Paragon, 169. 
 
 asket, 116. 
 
 Master of the Anne, 171, 186, 202, 207, 
 
 assakett, 124. 
 
 216. Comes from England, 2.30, 232, 
 
 skeket Creek, 263. 
 
 234, 308, 319, 333, 361, 363. Letter 
 
 asket, 236, 289. 
 
 from Virginia, 365-367, 412, 414. Car- 
 
 igansetts. See Indians. 
 
 ries Indians to West Indies, 429. 
 
 , Mr., 61, 62. 
 
 Pelham, Herbert, 525. 
 
 wanute, 373. 
 
 Pemaquid, 401. 
 
 akeag (Salem), 235, 316. 
 
 Pemberton, John, 208. 
 
 iton, Sir Robert, 38. 
 
 Pennington, Wm., 256. 
 
 et (Eastham), 116, 123,444 
 
 Penobscot, 116, 309, 326, 3.33, 349, 350, 
 
 auikeck, falls of, 376. 
 
 382, 395, 400. 
 
 jald, Fria, 256. 
 
 Peqnots. See Indians. 
 
 comin, John, killed by BiUington, 
 
 Perkins, Mr., 9. 
 
 
 Perrin, Wm., 256. 
 
 England, 108, 115. Grant from 
 
 Pessecuss, an Indian, .520, 524, 525. 
 
 mcilof, 167, 169, 178, 245. Confed- 
 
 Peters, Hugh, 479 et seq. 
 
 tion of plantations of, 496. 
 
 Pickering, Edward, 58, 60, 138, 140, 143. 
 
 'oundland, 115. 
 
 Letter to Bradford and Brewster, 144, 
 
 Haven, 458, 500-502, 509, 521. 
 
 145. 
 
 own, 399, 407. 
 
 Pierce, John, 76, 143. Likes not Wes- 
 
 )n, Captain, 386. 
 
 ton's company, 148. Sends the Para- 
 
 )n, Kev. John, 408. 
 
 gon ,\66etsecj. Charter taken in name 
 
 ■ay, 19. 
 
 of, 167. 
 
 nghamshire, 13. 
 
 Pilgrims resolve to go to the low coun- 
 
 tians, 9. 
 
 tries, 14. Fate of families left behind, 
 
 ill, Increase, 399. 
 
 20. Remove to Leyden, 23. Obtain 
 
 iticks. See Indians. 
 
 patent from Virginia company, 50, 51. 
 
 omers, 444. 
 
 Agreement with Weston and merchant 
 
 im, John, 206, 208. Resists Captain 
 
 adventurers, 56,70, Their vessels, 71, 
 
 ndish, 209. Cited before the conrt. 
 
 72. Choose governor and assistants. 
 
 . Named, 216, 218, 219. Comes 
 
 83. Sail, 83. Put back, 83. Dismiss 
 
 lin, 229. Sent aivay, 230. Con- 
 
 the Speedwell, 84. List of the, in the 
 
 ies, 231. Killed, 232. Mentioned, 
 
 Mayflower, 531 et seq. Descry Cape 
 
 , 417, 418. 
 
 Cod, 93. Give thanks, 94. First see 
 
 ;o, 327, 343. 
 
 Indians, 98. Find kettle and Indian 
 
 a (Orange) fort, 282. 
 
 corn, 99. First encounter with In- 
 
 nequine, 522. 
 
 dians, 102. Lay out house lots, 107. 
 
 River, 441. 
 
 Their compact, 109. Choose John Car- 
 
 y, \Vm., 456. 
 
 ver governor, 109. Visited by Samo- 
 
 )iamett, 513. 
 
 set, 113; by Squanto and Massasoit, 
 
 con, ship, sent out by John Peirce, 
 
 114. Treaty with Massasoit, 114. 
 
 -168. 
 
 Harvest, 1622, 152. Their meeting 
 
 idge, Ralph, discusses baptism with 
 
 house, 132. 
 
 luncey, 457. Letter from, 466. 
 
 Pinchon, 399, 404. 
 
 .conaway, 522. 
 
 Piscataqua River, 160, 251, 267, 377, 
 
 ngers in the Mayflower, 531 et 
 
 383. 
 
 
 Plague in London, 246, 357. 
 
 ;k. Captain, 328. 
 
 Plantations, commission for regulating, 
 
 •ket River, 445. 
 
 249, 540. 
 
 iet (Plymouth), 116. 
 
 Pliny, 201. 
 
 1, Arthur, executed for murder, 
 
 Plymouth, Eng., Pilgrims put into, 84, 
 
 
 244. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 553 
 
 Plymouth, N. E., 1, 90, 116, 117, 
 
 127, 
 
 Salt-making, 191, 192,203. 
 
 160, 251, 311, 332, 319, 363, 
 
 380. 
 
 Saly (Sailer), 245. 
 
 Bounds between, and Massachusetts, 
 
 Sauioset visits Plymouth, 113. 
 
 442. 
 
 
 Samson, Henry, 532, 537. 
 
 Pocock, John, 256. 
 
 
 Sanders, John, chief of Weston's men, 
 
 Point Care, 94. 
 
 
 155. 
 
 Point Peril, 445. 
 
 
 Sandwich, 444. 
 
 Pokanokets, 116. 
 
 
 Sandys, Sir Edwin, letter from, 40-43, 
 
 Poliander, John, 28. 
 
 
 46. Governor of Virginia company, 
 
 Portsmouth, 169, 244, 246. 
 
 
 47. 
 
 Pory, John, secretary, 153. 
 
 
 Sassacus, sachem, 427- Killed, 430. 
 
 Powows, 118. 
 
 
 Satucket, 116. 
 
 Poynton, Daniel, 256. 
 
 
 Say, Lord, 378, 384. 
 
 Preist, Digerie, 533, 538. 
 
 
 Scituate, 440-444, 458. 
 
 Prince, Thos., chosen governor, 375, 
 
 432. 
 
 Scotland, 448. 
 
 Mentioned, 380, 381,452, 525. 
 
 
 Scott, false, 351. 
 
 Prices of lire stock, 436. 
 
 
 Scurvy, Pilgrims suffer from, 110. 
 
 ProTidence, 515. 
 
 
 Seekonk, 434, 444, 518. 
 
 Prower, Salamon, 532. 
 
 
 Seneca, 94, 200. 
 
 Punham, 522. 
 
 
 Sharpe, Samuel, 256. 
 
 Pummunish, 513, 525. 
 
 
 Sheriver, Mr , 50. 
 
 Puritans, name, 8. 
 
 
 Sherley, James, letters to Pilgrims, 189 
 
 Quarles, Wm., 256. 
 
 
 et seq., 193, 300, 302, 304, 321, 333. 
 
 Rasdell, Mr., at Mt. WoUaston, 284 
 
 _ 
 
 Letters to Governor Bradford, 275 et 
 
 Rasieres, Isaac de, 269. Reply to 
 
 bis 
 
 seq., 295. Letters from, 335 et seq.. 
 
 letter, 270, 281. 
 
 
 346, 359, 367 et seq., 381, 394, 410, 412, 
 
 Rayner, John, Rev., 419, 457. Letter 
 
 450. Settlement with, 452. Letters to 
 
 from, 464. 
 
 
 Atwood, 478; to partners, 478, 485. 
 
 Rehoboth, 444. 
 
 
 His release, 480. Mentioned, 249, 255, 
 
 Rerell, John, 256. 
 
 
 256, 278, 279, 293, 304, 306, 307, 309, 
 
 Reynolds, 67. Captain of the Speed- 
 
 313, 318, 340, 342, 344, 347-350, 357, 
 
 well, 83. Puts back twice, 83 
 
 84. 
 
 360, 363, 375, 414, 415, 431, 435, 439, 
 
 Referred to, 147, 208. 
 
 
 440. 
 
 Rigdale, Alice, 533, 537. 
 
 
 Shoan.an, sachem, 522. 
 
 Rigdale, John, 533, 537. 
 
 
 Sibsie, Mr., 220. 
 
 Riggs, Sergeant, 328. 
 
 
 Skelton, Samuel, 317. 
 
 Robinson, John, Rev., 14. Goe 
 
 3 to 
 
 Small-pox among Indians on the Con- 
 
 Holland, 22-24, 27. Disputes, 
 
 with 
 
 necticut, 388. 
 
 Arminius, 28. Correspondence 
 
 with 
 
 Smith, Francis, 514. 
 
 Sir Edwin Sandys, 40-43; with 
 
 Sir 
 
 Smith, John, 23, 94. His map, 441. 
 
 John Worstenholm, 43-46, 48, 
 
 ,54. 
 
 Smith, John, Rev., 14, 23. 
 
 Letters to John Carver, 58-61, 
 
 77, 
 
 Smith, Ralph, Rev., 314. Resigns his 
 
 78; to Pilgrims, 78-82, 88, 130, 
 
 153. 
 
 ministry, 418. 
 
 Letter to Governor Bradford, 197 
 
 ; to 
 
 Smith, Sir Thomas, 47. 
 
 Wm. Brewster, 198, 216, 238. Dead, 
 
 Sodomy, 459 et seq. 
 
 247 et seq. 
 
 
 Sokanoke, 522. 
 
 Rogers, Mr., at Plymouth, 292. 
 
 
 Southampton, 67. Arrive at, 71. Men- 
 
 Rogers, Joseph, 533, 537. 
 
 
 tioned, 73, 87, 88, 533. 
 
 Rogers, Thomas, 533, 537. 
 
 
 Souther, Nathaniel, 456. 
 
 Rome, 25, 66. 
 
 
 Southworth, Edward, letter from Robt. 
 
 Rookes, Newman, 256. 
 
 
 Cushman, 86-90. 
 
 Sagadahoc, wreck at, 251. 
 
 
 Sowams, 115. 
 
 Salem, 235, 295, 316, 317, 330, 370, 383. 
 
 Sowansett River, 445. 
 
54 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 :)wle, George, 531, 535. 
 pain, 115, 358. 
 parroiv, ship, 1-15. 
 peedwell, ship, 71, 72, 84. 
 ^uanto, history of, 113-117. Teaches 
 corn planting, 120. With embassy 
 to Massasoit, 122. Mentioned, 124, 
 125, 130, 135, 148. Seeks his own 
 ends, 136, 137. Dies, 155. 
 :amford, 509. 
 
 ;andish, Myles, leads a party up Cape 
 Cod, 98. Laljors ior sick. 111. Goes 
 with party about Cape Cod, 155. Res- 
 cues some of Weston's people, 159. 
 Lyford's opinion of , 217. Sent to Eng- 
 land, 245. Comes home, 247, 252, 272, 
 278. Arrests Morton, 291, 379-381. 
 Goes to the Penobscot, 397. Men- 
 tioned, 446, 452, 458, 518, 532, 536. 
 :andish, Rose, 532, 536. 
 ;anton, Thomas, interpreter, 428. 
 aresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 46. Letter 
 to Carver, 50, 51. 
 
 innings, Richard, executed for mur- 
 der, 432. 
 
 one. Captain, influences governor of 
 Dutch plantation, 385. Killed, 386. 
 Mentioned, 416, 418. 
 ory, Elias, 531. 
 
 oughton, Israel, commissioner, 442. 
 oughton, Mr., 429. 
 raton, 339. 
 urgs, Thomas, 481. 
 iborites, 25. 
 ilbut, ship, 296. 
 irantines, 125. 
 issaquanawite, 523. 
 lunton, 444. 
 lanksgiving, first, 126. 
 lomas, Wm., 565. 
 
 lompson, David, at the mouth of the 
 Piscataqua, 185, 251, 252. 
 lompson, Edward, 532. 
 lorned, Thomas, 256. 
 lornhill, Matthew, 256. 
 Iden, Joseph, 256. 
 Hie, Ann, 532, 537. 
 Hie, Edward, 532, 537. 
 Hie, Elizabeth, 532, 534, 537. 
 Hie, John, 532, 534, 537. 
 nker, Thomas, 533, 537. 
 rrey, Arthur, 481. 
 aslt, Captain, 328. 
 
 Trent, River, 441. 
 
 Trevore, Wm., 148, 533. 
 
 Trumball, Wm., 357. 
 
 Tucker's Terror, 94. 
 
 Turkeys, wild, 126. 
 
 Turner, John, 66, 67, 533, 538. 
 
 Uncas, Monhigg chief, 430, 505, 510 et 
 seq., 514, 521, 523. 
 
 Uncaway, 509. 
 
 Union of the New England colonies, 496. 
 
 Vane, Sir Harry, 419, 430. 
 
 Vines, Richard, 338. 
 
 Virginia, 36, 37, 41, 49, 55, 67, 86, 108, 
 117, 127, 138, 149, 150, 152, 153, 170, 
 181. Ship bound for, 261, 265, 266. 
 Mentioned, 364, 385, 414. 
 
 Virginia companj', 3S, 39, 46, 47, 54, 
 108. 
 
 Virginia court and council, 46. 
 
 Walloons, 27. 
 
 Wampum, value of, 282. 
 
 Ward, Thomas, 256. 
 
 Warren, Richard, 532, 537. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, 300, 526. 
 
 Water, first drinic of, in New England, 
 99. 
 
 Waughwamino, 524. 
 
 Weequashcoolie, 523. 
 
 Weesagascussett, 289. 
 
 Weetowish, 513, 518, 525. 
 
 Weld, Thomas, 479 et seq. 
 
 West, Francis, admiral for New Eng- 
 land, 169, 178. 
 
 Weston, Andrew, 144. 
 
 Weston, Thos., 52, 54-56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 
 67, 69, 74, 88. Writes Governor Car- 
 ver, 128, 129. Sends fishing vessel, 
 137. Letters to Mr. Carver, 137-140. 
 Letter to Governor Bradford, 142-144. 
 Remarks in letter of Pickering and 
 Greene, 145. Mentioned, 141, 146, 
 149, 150, 166, 178, 186, 189. His 
 people in trouble, 154 et seq. Comes 
 in disguise, 160. His ingratitude, 161. 
 Arrives with small ship, 179. Cited 
 before Robert Gorges, 179 et seq. Ar- 
 rested, 183. Dies, 184. 
 
 Westminster, 411. 
 
 Weymouth, 442. 
 
 White, Mr., counsellor, 234. 
 
 White, John, Rev., 256. 
 
 White, Peregrine, 532, 536. 
 
 White, Resolved, 532, 536, 539. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 555 
 
 White, Roger, letter from, 248. 
 
 Mentioned, 134, 177, 191, 208,216,234, 
 
 "White, Susannah, 532, 535. 
 
 242, 244, 251, 278, 300, 312, 319, 329, 
 
 White, Wm., 532, 535, 536. 
 
 333, 336, 337, 314, 346, 350, 357, 380, 
 
 White Angel, ship, 320, 321, 326, 328, 
 
 384, 392-394, 408, 442, 446, 452, 513, 
 
 329, 333-335, 337, 338, 343, 344, 346, 
 
 527. Chosen gorernor, 366, 409, 507. 
 
 350, 361, 364, 390, 394, 395, 413, 455. 
 
 In England, 389. Petition of, 390. 
 
 Wilder, Roger, 531, 534. 
 
 Family, 531, 535. 
 
 Wilkinson, Ed., master of the Falcon, 
 
 Winslow, Elizabeth, 531. 
 
 410, 412. 
 
 Winslow, Gilbert, .533, 538. 
 
 Willett, Thomas, agent at Penobscot, 
 
 Winslow, Josias, 452. 
 
 395. 
 
 Winthrop, John, 330-332, 342. Letters 
 
 Williams, Roger, 369 et seq. Pacifies 
 
 from, 3.54, 417, 420, 427. Mentioned, 
 
 Indians, 434, 515. 
 
 382-384, 399, 446, 504, 525. 
 
 Williams, Thomas, 533, 538. 
 
 WoUaston, Captain, 283. His ventures, 
 
 Willson, Mr., surgeon, 430. 
 
 284. 
 
 Wilson, John, 332. 
 
 Worstenholme, Sir John, 43, 45, 47. 
 
 Wincot, Jacob, 51. 
 
 Wraight, Henry, 256. 
 
 Winnisimmet, 289. 
 
 Yarmouth, 444, 445. 
 
 Winslow, Edward, 62. Visits Massa- 
 
 Yeardley, Sir Geo., 47. 
 
 soit, 122. Visits Captain Huddleston, 
 
 Yonge, Joseph, 435. 
 
 151. Brings cattle, 189. Comes from 
 
 Yorkshire, 13. 
 
 England, 230. Calls Lyford a knave. 
 
 Zealand, 17. 
 
 236. Goes up the Kennebec, 247. 
 
 Ziska, 25.