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 COLLECTED BY 
 
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 eeOUEATHED TO CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 
Cornell University Library 
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 Universal peace 
 
 3 1924 007 373 065 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007373065 
 
UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 BY 
 
 INTERNATIONAL GOVERNMENT 
 

UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 VICTOR HUGO DURAS 
 
 L.L.B., L.L.M., D.C.L., M.Dit. 
 
 PAX 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 BROADWAY PUBLISHING COMPANY 
 
 1908 
 
Copyright 1908, by 
 VICTOR HUGO DURAS 
 
Dedicated 
 
 With Profound 
 
 Respect and Gratitude 
 
 to 
 
 Andrew Carnegie 
 
 President Peace Society of New York 
 
 Founder, Palace of Peace 
 
 at 
 
 The Hague 
 
'Vox Popoli vox Dei 
 Vox Dei vox Popoli.^' 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The sole reason that prompts me to publish this 
 work on peace is my deep interest in the subject, which 
 I consider the greatest and most laudable that has ever 
 engaged the sober thought of a people. For years I 
 have watched this universal movement, and have borne 
 in mind the conclusions set forth in this book; but I 
 had not considered the time auspicious or opportune 
 for making these views public, for fear they might have 
 been consmered impracticable, idealistic and chimerical. 
 
 Even to-day, while the influences that bind the 
 world together in common interests are seen at work, 
 I am not satisfied that my most worthy and learned 
 reader will not consider me a dreamer, and I can ask 
 only for his indulgence while I portray the future in 
 the colors of the past, sincerely hoping that time will 
 bear me out in my predictions, which are based entirely 
 upon historical facts. 
 
 It is very easy and natural to call a man an idealist 
 when he promulgates some new and large idea, but in 
 a clearer light we are to-day seeing things which were 
 undreamed of a decade ago, and the rapidity with 
 which progress is making revolutionary changes right 
 before our eyes is astonishing. Why, then, should we 
 consider those things unreasonable which past events 
 
 7 
 
8 PREFACE 
 
 have demonstrated entirely feasible and practicable? 
 And I believe it is simply a matter of time that will 
 prove my views quite correct. 
 
 As more events of historic interest have been 
 crowded into the nineteenth century than in all past 
 time, we may reasonably believe that there will be 
 more activity in international affairs in the twentieth 
 century than there was up to its beginning. 
 
 The second Hague Conference is at a close, and the 
 most significant fact of it all is that here, at an interna- 
 tional conference, the governments which have been 
 unanimously fighting representative institutions and 
 democracy, within and without the armed camp of 
 Europe, have participated in this conference, and have 
 thus recognized the justice in the democratic idea of 
 "majority rule." The ruler of the most undemocratic 
 government has launched the first conference, and upon 
 the initiative of a ruler of the most democratic gov- 
 ernment the second conference was convoked, thus 
 recognizing the right of an imperial sovereign to 
 convoke future conferences at the instance of a demo- 
 cratic ruler. 
 
 The first Hague Conference made the peace con- 
 ference a permanent congress of nations, which we 
 may say is a ligament of an International Government, 
 substituting law for war as it really is to-day. 
 
 I deem it very significant that in my travels over 
 Europe, where national boundaries practically bristle 
 with bayonets and swords to protect the existing na- 
 tional dividing lines (which are being obliterated by 
 
PREFACE 9 
 
 economic ties), I had been able to commute from one 
 capital to another without the least hindrance and 
 without a passport. 
 
 In view of the fact that "UNIVERSAL PEACE" 
 carries so vasfan idea, I have concluded that in order 
 to establish its practicability it is necessary for me to 
 show that the "United Nations of the World," com- 
 monly called the confederation of the world, has been 
 in the minds of men from time almost immemorial; 
 hence I quote from the works of ancient and modern 
 authors, and take great pleasure in giving due credit 
 to the authorities I cite in my bibliography. 
 
 This manuscript was written after my tour of the old 
 continent in 1905, during which I made a special study 
 of politics, diplomacy and militarism in Europe, and 
 has not been published at an earlier date owing to the 
 foregoing reasons, so I offer this work to the public 
 without fear, favor or prejudice. 
 
 But slight- revision has been made to incorporate the 
 second Hague Conference. 
 
 I shall plunge into my arguments without further 
 comment, as explanations are-most uninteresting. 
 
 Victor H. Duras. 
 Washington, D. C„ April 18, 1908. 
 
INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 Arbitration is the art of settling disputes without 
 resort to arms. In order to obtain a clear and com- 
 prehensive knowledge of the development of arbitra- 
 tion it is necessary to give a brief outline of the evolu- 
 tion of the tendency toward peace, as shown in various 
 ancient peoples' customs. 
 
 The -Greeks. — ^The Amphictyonic Council of the 
 Greeks, known by some writers as a board of inter- 
 national arbitration, was modeled on the lines of the 
 Kantian scheme. Although it was a religious assem- 
 bly, it cemented the provinces closer and closer to- 
 gether into a unity by protecting a common temple of 
 worship in the Delphic Amphictyonic oath. 
 
 The Romans. — The Romans showed a tendency of 
 peace by closing the doors of the Temple of Janus. 
 Janus was worshipped as the god of the year and as 
 the arbiter of peace and war. On the first of the year 
 the armies retired in peace over the Empire. 
 
 The Teutons. — In the Middle Ages the "Truce 
 of God," so often proclaimed by the clergy, limited the 
 sphere of war, protected unarmed women and children 
 and consecrated places. 
 
 We see that the forces favoring the abolition of war 
 have been in progress almost from the beginning of 
 
12 INTRODUCTORY 
 
 organized government and that the right of peace and 
 the wrong of war were ever recognized. So, coming 
 events cast their shadows before, and no one can dis- 
 pute the possibility of an international government as 
 a result of the Hague Tribunal. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL PEACE. 
 
 International peace has been in the minds of great 
 men from the beginning of organized government, ever 
 reverberating in importance. Hugo Grotius declared 
 that the congress of Christian nations should be held 
 and controversies should be decided by third parties. 
 Henry IV. of France called a congress to discuss the 
 maintenance of peace. William Penn published a 
 scheme for the estabhshment of a European Diet. 
 Abbe Saint-Pierre, Bentham, Kant and others devised 
 schemes along different lines. Military conquerors 
 had the idea in mind. Alexander, Caesar, Napoleon 
 argued that only military conquest could bring about 
 universal peace. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 
 
 I PAGE 
 
 Arbitration , 17 
 
 Right of War , , , 23 
 
 Anarchism — Liberalism — Socialism .. .1. .,. .,. .. 27 
 
 Colonization and Commerce , . , 30 
 
 Education . ,. ., , ,..,.,..,., 36 
 
 THE STATE 
 II 
 
 Nature and Purpose ,. .,. ,. . ,„ , 47 
 
 Democracy — Republic — Empire ., 50 
 
 Impracticability of War.. ., ,. .,. . . ... .; 55 
 
 Economics ,. ,, , 62 
 
 UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 
 
 III 
 
 The World State.. , 73 
 
 The United Nations of America 79 
 
 The United Nations of Europe 84 
 
 The United Nations of the World , 89 
 
 GOVERNMENT 
 
 IV 
 
 The International Court , 107 
 
 The International Parliament ,. . 118 
 
 The International Executive 133 
 
 SUMMARY 
 
 V 
 Orient versus Occident., ..■..,.. 161 
 
 Conclusion 183 
 
 Bibliography . . . ., . . 185 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS. 
 
I. 
 
 ARBITRATION. 
 
 In this treatise it is my purpose to deal primarily 
 with the causes that bring about international arbitra- 
 tion, pointing out the causes that have brought about 
 the adjustment of international dispute without resort 
 to the force of arms, "or war." It is my further purpose 
 to point out that while peace and war are antithetic, 
 they are still relative and comparable conditions, and 
 that Universal Peace is possible only by the establish- 
 ment of a system of International Government. 
 
 I do not believe in the pessimistic idea that war is 
 purgatory or in the optimistic idea that peace is para- 
 dise ; for if war is hell, peace must be heaven, and they 
 have nothing to do with earthly things. 
 
 Perpetual peace and the eternal abolition of war are 
 as inconsistent and illogical as perpetual war and the 
 eternal abolition of peace, for as long as human beings 
 inhabit the earth there will be a life of strife and self- 
 sacrifice. The very law of nature is the law of the sur- 
 vival of the fittest and a law of struggle. 
 
 War is armed struggle, civilized and legalized whole- 
 sale murder, and is but an evolutionary phenomenon 
 
 17 
 
l8 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 in the efforts of mankind toward self-preservation and 
 survival of the strongest and fittest. 
 
 Peace is the absence of this armed struggle between 
 peoples, sections and nations, as such. 
 
 It is the latter of which I shall speak in this disser- 
 tation. 
 
 As a hypothesis it is, then, true that there is no such 
 thing as perpetual peace, for there is no condition that 
 can remain perpetual in this world. But there is such 
 a thing as an extended universal peace, and modern 
 civilization is far enough advanced for the considera- 
 tion of this world's peace, "Magnus Pax Orbum." An- 
 cient and mediaeval nations have turned to ways of 
 peace again and again, only to be disturbed by another 
 and another call to arms; but as peace is the normal 
 condition of society, they had come back to it again 
 and again, for a nation's life rests upon the soldier, be 
 he behind the Gatling gun, or the gunner on a battle- 
 ship, or at the helm of an airship (which is destined 
 to become one of the most deadly implements of future 
 wars), and -the individual must return to the pursuits 
 of peace long before his implements and munitions 
 of warfare are exhausted. 
 
 So we see that modern warfare is not primarily a 
 blow at the human life of a nation, but at its wealth, at 
 the ten-million-dollar battleship (or at the airships, 
 which will hereafter determine the destiny of nations), 
 and war is becoming an international fight between 
 dollars. 
 
 The purpose of every war and the prompting cause, 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS IQ 
 
 in the last analysis, is, was and ever will be, economic ; 
 and during the commerce of international trade only a 
 naval flotilla can protect the commerce of a nation and 
 secure a market. 
 
 In this commercial strife the importance of infantry 
 diminishes as the field of battle is transferred to the 
 high seas, with the acquisition of wealth as a goal. 
 Many strained relations and conflicts are bound to be 
 the result of the Eastern question, as the powers are 
 developing their sphere of influence in China and other 
 regions, for China is the commercial prize of the world, 
 and is certainly the basis of future international con- 
 flicts. In fact, as one surveys the situation he cannot 
 help but foresee a world conflict over this commercial 
 prize, for the first sight of the "Yellow Peril" is actual- 
 ly perceived in the success of the Japanese over the 
 Russians. 
 
 This war has proven the abject helplessness of a 
 nation without a navy, where international strength is 
 being statistically estimated so closely that the result of 
 a conflict may be foretold, and the old notion of a fight 
 for the sake of honor is being done away with, and 
 especially against a power which is demonstrably un- 
 conquerable no nation will wage war. 
 
 We often hear that wars are a good thing, and it is 
 certainly true that wars have been the cornerstones of 
 civilization, for they have developed the Stone, Copper 
 and Iron and Steel ages. They have built up nations 
 and they have destroyed them. 
 
 Again and again the world has been disrupted in the 
 
20 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 turmoils of war, but the spirit of the people would sub- 
 side finally to the ways of peace. There is, however, 
 such a thing as armed peace in the preparation for war 
 — a modern propaganda that has kept the modern civ- 
 ilized world in statu quo for over a century. There 
 have been but few wars that have involved the whole 
 civilized world, or universal wars. Although such 
 general convulsions have disturbed the peace of the 
 world, these have not been as disastrous as many 
 smaller conflicts. The world has been in a state of 
 war but few times, which shows that peace is the nor- 
 mal condition or status of civilized nations as between 
 themselves. 
 
 War, then, is an abnormal condition of affairs by 
 reason of its being against the safety of men's lives 
 and against the laws of human nature and of the 
 higher enlightenment of civilization. A soldier re- 
 frains from the promptings of nature and against his 
 instincts of self-preservation through motives of self- 
 sacrifice and patriotism. Hence war is usually to be 
 found prevailing among semi-civilized nations, and 
 peace becomes more and more the normal state of 
 society as it progresses in civilization. 
 
 There is no warfare in absolute savagery, because 
 there are no instruments of warfare among the sav- 
 ages. It is only when the savage becomes a barbarian 
 and first picks up a stick that he can engage in war. 
 It is said that the progress of civilization holds in 
 abeyance the petty conflicts that might exist during the 
 barbarian state, but aggravates the evils of warfare 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 21 
 
 by the use of improved instruments of destruction and 
 tactics on a large scale. There is a kernel of truth in 
 this statement, but it is likewise a fact that modern 
 warfare is not a struggle to exterminate life, as in 
 mediaeval times, but a war of economic destruction of 
 the instruments of warfare. When the machinery of 
 strife is destroyed a nation falls helplessly at the feet 
 of the destroyer, and as nations become maritime pow- 
 ers, which is the tendency in commercial times like 
 these, entire merchant marine fleets are at the mercy 
 of destroying agents. 
 
 It is still, however, a fact that the ultimate strength 
 of a nation is in the individual man, and when all men 
 become citizens of the united world we can see that 
 his patriotism will subside as to any particular section 
 or nation. 
 
 However, as history shows that great conflicts are 
 followed by prolonged peace, we may well say that in 
 many instances war brings about peace, and when we 
 hear the doctrine of "peace at any price," even if we 
 have to fight for it, we know war does really bring 
 about peace. 
 
 To-day the western powers are Christianizing the 
 Asiatics, as did the Crusaders centuries ago, and who 
 knows but that the joining of hands in this movement 
 will unite the civilized powers of the western world, as 
 the Crusades united the feudal lords, and thus brought 
 about the modern European states ? Every one knows 
 that a great world conflict would be so destructive that 
 the people would shudder at the waste of wealth and 
 
22 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 life and declare an international brotherhood. God 
 works in mysterious ways for righteousness. 
 
 Are not then, all human tendencies toward the rec- 
 ognition of the international court of arbitration, and 
 is there not a general consensus of opinion against the 
 economic greed of commerce? Is it possible that this 
 very commercial conflict is bringing about a merger or 
 internationality tending to perpetuate civilization and 
 not to destroy it? If this be true, is there not such a 
 possibility as an international government? In the de- 
 velopment of this industrial and commercial age the 
 world is bound to grow smaller in its distances, lines of 
 trafific shorter and the nations more and more uniform 
 in ideas and ideals, for the solvent rays of universal 
 ideas will certainly bring all the people into one body 
 politic. Numerous international conferences are an- 
 nually held, which points a tendency toward inter- 
 nationalization. 
 
 The history of the world shows that as society de- 
 velops it becomes united over broader and broader 
 areas, taking in more and more peoples into one body 
 politic. Athens became too powerful and enlightened 
 to allow her sister cities to stand out against her, and 
 incorporated them, as did Rome. With coequal and 
 co-ordinate states where the balance of power can 
 play, such a political body is impossible, but when one 
 state becomes pre-eminently over-powerful, such a po- 
 litical state is not only possible but inevitable. 
 
 The signs of the times point toward this predomi- 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 23 
 
 nance in America; yet who knows but what America 
 is premature, as was England, and that Russia is to be 
 the real guardian of the future World State ? 
 
 Constantinople is called in Russian "Tzarograd," or 
 the City of the Tzar. Who knows but that the Tzar's 
 rescript of August 24, 1898, convoking the Peace Con- 
 ference, has brought about the first bond of a world 
 federation by the establishment of the International 
 Court at The Hague as the first branch of a system of 
 International Government ? 
 
 RIGHT OF WAR. 
 
 In the evolution of the beast to the man the change 
 was slight, for he was still a savage. The beast falls 
 upon his prey and kills according to the natural law 
 of appetite. The savage did likewise, and killed with 
 but little discrimination as to the quality and quantity 
 of the food. He came down from the tree when he 
 lost his tail, or conversely he lost his tail when he 
 came down from the tree and began his savage, bar- 
 barian and individualistic life. He was still quite as 
 sovereign as the beast that fell upon his prey. He 
 substituted the family as the unit of society. He united 
 the families into tribes for common protection; into 
 democracies, republics and empires for the same rea- 
 son. He built cities, states and nations to protect him- 
 self from his fellow-man. 
 
 During all this process of development this indi- 
 vidual "man" sunk lower and lower into society, ever 
 
24 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 losing his individual right and natural liberty to kill 
 or act without the sanction of the community. 
 
 Individual man merged into social man, and is sur- 
 rendering more and more of his natural freedom as 
 he is becoming socialized. During all this develop- 
 ment man discovered fire, and that is all-important, for 
 there is no power that does not emanate from friction, 
 and the force of fire is constantly diminishing the 
 sphere of the right of war. 
 
 The development of cities, states and nations has 
 continually broadened the area where the right of war 
 is being limited and usurped by the governmental 
 forces. 
 
 Athens and Rome spread this sphere over the known 
 world, and since the fall of these empires we can see 
 the same tendency toward the reunion^ of the broken- 
 up parts of the world's area, as the nations are being 
 reconstructed again and again along more natural and 
 more reasonable lines. 
 
 Although we may always have revolution and rebel- 
 lion, we can see how, by the union of the states of the 
 world, we can do away with international wars. Sim- 
 ply for the reason that there will be hut one nation, 
 and international war will be an impossibility. If, then, 
 the right of armament will lie in the international gov- 
 ernment, all conflict will be but rebellion and revolu- 
 tion, and the right of international war will be abso- 
 lutely eliminated by the government of the World 
 State. 
 
 Only as an international right is the right of war 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 2$ 
 
 to-day conceivable. By this I do not mean the justifi- 
 cation of war or that war determines what is right, 
 but the right as it is recognized by and between na- 
 tions, with relation to one another. But inasmuch as 
 the nations, according to their present ideas of right, do 
 not wish war, and consequently accept in practice what 
 is wrong in principle, we may reasonably expect a 
 growing federation which will develop the positive 
 idea of a World State as a preventive of international 
 war. Such a union will hold in check the lawless and 
 hostile passions of men high up in the affairs of gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Originally no one race of people had the superior 
 right to occupy any particular portion of the earth's 
 surface, but their final attachment to the soil made 
 communities of men separated by seas, mountains and 
 deserts. Man has conquered the ocean, tunneled the 
 mountains, and drawn segregated communities into 
 one world community, so that it is easier to go around 
 the world to-day than it was to cross a continent fifty 
 years ago. The remotest peoples have come into 
 friendly relations with one another and are being gov- 
 erned by a most mutual public law which is drawing 
 them closer into a world-citizenship. The community 
 of the nations of the earth has advanced so far that 
 an injustice in one part of the world is felt throughout 
 its extent, and the idea of cosmopolitan universal right 
 is no fantastic and strained conception of right, but is 
 only the completion of the unwritten law. This code 
 speaks not only for the rights of the states, but of the 
 
26 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 peoples as well, so as to make it coextensive with the 
 rights of men in general, through the establishment of 
 which international peace may come. This guarantee is 
 furnished by nothing else than the great artist and 
 harmonizer, Natura dcedala rerum. 
 
 The idea of international right presupposes a num- 
 ber of independent states; and although such a state 
 of things is really a state of contemplated war, unless 
 there is some federate union between them to prevent 
 outbreaks of hostility, yet from the standpoint of rea- 
 son such a condition is better than the fusion of all 
 states into one state through power, when such a union 
 is premature and unreasonable. Every great states- 
 man and ruler has attempted by various means to bring 
 the world to a state of lasting peace by placing greater 
 and greater areas under his sway. But imperfect topo- 
 g'raphy has willed it otherwise, for she has divided the 
 peoples by oceans, rivers and mountains. Civilization 
 is just beginning to surmount these difficulties, and is 
 bringing common customs and religion to all the peo- 
 ples. It is only by fusion and reaction among each 
 other of the various dispositions and traits of the dif- 
 ferent races that a lasting union can be established, 
 and not by arbitrary power. Hence the right of war 
 has done much to bring nations and peoples together 
 as well as to sever them, for it has guaranteed that 
 all lasting confederation shall be based upon just and 
 natural foundations, and as the surrendering of arms 
 to a superior power by a locality for protection is com- 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 2"] 
 
 monly considered as the broadening of the sphere of 
 peace and the Hmiting of the right of war, this right 
 of peace is destined to substitute the right of war. 
 
 ANARCHISM LIBERALISM SOCIALISM. 
 
 Since the beginning of organized government there 
 have been two economic and poHtical forces at work, 
 individualism and socialism. In history, the evo- 
 lutionary development of these antagonistic forces 
 have been known by various terms, according to their 
 expressions, as democracy versus absolutism, individu- 
 alism versus socialism, and anarchism versus commun- 
 ism. In all these systems and organizations the two 
 forces are at opposition to one another, the one tending 
 towards centralization, the other towards decentraliza- 
 tion, and of necessity the triumph of one means the ruin 
 of the other. However, these two forces can never 
 absolutely overcome each other, although at times it 
 seems that one force has so submerged the other that 
 its influence cannot be felt. 
 
 The normal condition exists when these are at an 
 equilibrium. The history of government shows that 
 in society the normal status is the most usual and the 
 most beneficent, and that absolute centralization or ab- 
 solute decentralization of power is quite unusual. These 
 forces develop a democracy out of an aristocracy as 
 well as a plutocracy out of a democracy. The French 
 Republic is an example of the development of the for- 
 mer, and the American Empire of the latter, for we 
 
28 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 have to-day an imperial republic in the United States 
 and their colonies. 
 
 The modern doctrine of evolution is sound in its 
 application to the principles of government and to the 
 conditions of society, as well as to nature. 
 
 The work of natural selection is nowhere so unre'- 
 mitting and remorseless as in the development of the 
 processes of government. By the force of the natural 
 law that "might is right," and the logical law that 
 "right is might," political institutions of necessity rest 
 upon popular assent, and the final and ultimate source 
 of all government is in the consent of the peoples gov- 
 erned. The many are stronger than the few, and the 
 majority is ever the ultimate strength source of all 
 government. If, then, might and right are identical, 
 when the government of a majority is good the major- 
 ity is entitled to the fruits of its own efforts; if it is 
 bad, they have only to partake of their own govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The Reformation was a struggle between individual- 
 ism and socialism, as the struggle for religious liberty 
 was but a fight for political and economic liberty in 
 that conflict; and while constitutions have grown up 
 to protect the individualism of the people, they are 
 working as well for their socialization. 
 
 Constitutions and constitutional governments had 
 their existence before the modern state systems, for 
 Athens and Rome had their constitutions before they 
 were superseded by the will of the Emperor during the 
 existence of the Empire. When these empires were 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 29 
 
 established there was secured to the civilized world 
 the result which had sought establishment for so many 
 centuries, namely, the establishment of a public control 
 so organized and so endowed with power as to provide 
 a means whereby domestic peace and order and free- 
 dom from external interference could be secured to 
 the whole population. 
 
 This spread of power made the "Magnus-Pax 
 Romanum" possible. 
 
 Deprived of this universal unity wherein adminis- 
 tration was based upon a crude localized government, 
 the centrifugal forces failed and the weakened empire 
 relapsed into the disorders of the Dark Ages. After 
 the fall of the last world-empire the great struggle for 
 territorial sovereignty began, known as Feudalism, 
 and then came the struggle for imperial rule, known 
 as nationalism. 
 
 Every great period of social and political reconstruc- 
 tion has invariably been brought about by a great 
 change in the opinions and modes of thinking of so- 
 ciety, as the spirit of the time is only the result of the 
 thought in that country at such a time, while the 
 thought of a nation is principally the product of the 
 geographical environment as it impresses itself upon 
 the inhabitants. Thus we may see why the West is 
 permeated with the spirit of individualism and the 
 East with socialism, while liberalism is the middle 
 ground, where it is ever camping and holding in bal- 
 anc^hese diametrically opposing forces. 
 
 Liberalism has fostered the laissez-faire doctrine, and 
 
30 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 the free competition of the West begins to fade away 
 as it is invaded by the spirit of socialism from the East. 
 It is likewise a notable fact that the very principle of 
 local sovereignty which was the main difficulty that 
 Rome had to contend with in incorporating other peo- 
 ples is facilitated and done away with by the principle 
 of representation — a principle which to-day is the most 
 important factor in successfully binding political bodies 
 together, as it guarantees a certain amount of inde- 
 pendence and makes possible the Universal Empire 
 towards which civilization is ever moving, under the 
 benignant influences of popular government and liber- 
 alism in thought. 
 
 COLONIZATION AND COMMERCE. 
 
 The age of commerce has begun and colonial ex- 
 pansion, its complement, is bringing on the war for 
 trade and land. The Congress of Berlin brought about 
 the "Armed Peace" which is unexampled since the 
 age of the Antonines in its duration and integrity, for it 
 has settled numerous disputes over colonial territory. 
 
 This armed peace, the legacy of Bismarck and 
 Moltke to the world, has been for two decades the 
 dominant factor in European international politics. 
 Amid constant rumors of war, the temper of responsi- 
 ble statesmen has never before been less warlike, for 
 the spirit of commerce cannot tolerate war, and sooner 
 or later conflict of arms must give way to the peaceful 
 conflict of trade. Above all the forces at the disposal 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 3I 
 
 of the State, the powers of wealth are the most indis- 
 pensable, for states see themselves compelled not only 
 by motives of morality to further the maintenance of 
 peace, and mediation steps in to prevent war wherever 
 there is a threatened conflict and a lack of capital to 
 carry on war. 
 
 In the leagues of the great powers the primary mo- 
 tive was ever the preservation of peace, and they were 
 only successful according to the unanimity of the com- 
 pact, for Nature herself guarantees international peace 
 through the mechanism of human inclinations. Public 
 opinion is less likely to declare war, in the face of its 
 modern consequences, especially where every man is 
 liable to military service. And so, in spite of the na- 
 tional rivalries; which have never been more intense 
 than they are becoming in this commercial age, in 
 spite of unhealed sores and new wounds, the peace of 
 the world remains founded upon the common fear of 
 war. 
 
 Of course, as human nature is fickle, public opinion 
 is shifty and public will changeable; but as certainly 
 as public welfare is governed by commerce, so cer- 
 tainly does trade govern the public will and make the 
 attainment of peace not at all chimerical. Commerce is 
 indeed the white-winged dove of peace, for it has 
 bridged the rivers, tunneled the mountains, conquered 
 the seas, and is obliterating all barriers to civilization 
 and human brotherhood. 
 
 There is but one barrier left, but one force working 
 against unification, and that is brute force. We may 
 
32 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 well ask: If trade is the cementer of the world, will 
 not the system of competition give way to a system of 
 profit-sharing? Think of the economic injustice of 
 the competitive system in the industrial world of to- 
 day, where thousands are being enslaved by the few, 
 where women and children are selling their blood, bone 
 and marrow for a living. Why is it so ? 
 
 The United States are to-day embarking into the 
 colonial ^nd commercial struggle where the powers 
 of Europe have been struggling in the past centuries. 
 It is purely a struggle for the survival of the fittest 
 along economic lines, for colonies are gathered in like 
 fruit and left to ripen until they are ready to be de- 
 voured. In other words, nations of necessity begin 
 colonial administration with leniency and benevolence 
 because the colonies must first be developed before they 
 can be exploited. 
 
 Nations must also begin this system with strong 
 invitations for outstanding colonies to come into the 
 empire ; but later on the will of an outstanding weaker 
 power has little to do with its consent, and the stronger 
 powers wage the wars of conquest, whether they be 
 economic or military. If there is a justification of 
 colonization, it is the attempt to broaden intelligence 
 and peace over a greater area and to enlighten more 
 peoples; in other words, give them the blessings of 
 civilization. 
 
 Religion is the greatest force besides economic in- 
 terests that makes for colonization. The Crusades 
 divulged the culture and wealth of the East to the 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 33 
 
 West, although under the forces of religion are ever 
 at play the economic forces of temporal interests ; for 
 had the feudal lords thought that the deliverance of the 
 Holy Cross from the Mussulman was against their 
 commercial interests, they would never have organized 
 huge armies, whatever were their religious persuasions. 
 
 Religion has been given the credit of having civilized 
 the world, and as historians follow its force from 
 Pagan, Ancestral, Terrestrial and Divine worship, they 
 ever assert that religion is the dominant force that 
 makes for enlightenment ; and faith is really the great- 
 est force in the world, but there is no faith that acts 
 against man's interest. It is indeed true that faith, 
 belief and confidence are the most wonderful means 
 to move people to the accomplishment of things ; but 
 behind every motive, however religious, there is the 
 economic want, the desire for betterment. 
 
 India would not have had English missionaries if 
 they were working against England's economic inter- 
 ests. Missions would not exist in the semi-civilized 
 colonies to-day if it were against the commercial in- 
 terests of the mother country. 
 
 ' As I have stated, the East is the history of the past 
 and the West the history of the future. The people of 
 the East have grown weak by centralization in gov- 
 ernment, and the people of the West remain strong by 
 the forces of dis-centralization in government, where 
 the individual has greater opportunity for develop- 
 ment. Culture and finesse are of the East; boldness 
 and strength are the elements of the West. This fact 
 
34 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 is beautifully illustrated by a legend of the Crusades. 
 The feudal lord severed a horseshoe by the muscular 
 strength of his arms in a contest between Eastern and 
 Western civilization. The Moslem called forth a har- 
 lot from his harem; she waved her veil into the air, 
 where it stayed as a cloud, slowly changing form and 
 floating to the ground. 
 
 This contest distinctly shows the refinedness and 
 sentiment of the East and the brute force of the West 
 of to-day, yesterday and to-morrow. As in a sonata, 
 different but related themes are successively introduced 
 in a first movement, to be combined and developed in 
 a second movement; so, in universal history, the 
 ideals of nations are successively presented to man- 
 kind by the peoples' aspirations and achievements, 
 . making up the story of ancient history ; and they have 
 been combined and recapitulated in harmonies of mar- 
 velous complexity in the history of the peoples that 
 began the theme and completed it as the peoples of the 
 East. 
 
 Only by the contact of the peoples of the East have 
 these themes been developed, combined and recapitu- 
 lated by the peoples of the West. The ancient empires 
 of Babylon and Egypt were, above all else, embodi- 
 ments of power, the first magnificent achievements in 
 civic unity and military strength of which we know. 
 They were the first to achieve the task of cementing 
 aggregations of barbarian tribes and organizing them 
 into one mighty body politic which covered the then 
 known world. These were stupendous undertakings. 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 35 
 
 and their success depended upon the possibiHty of es- 
 tabHshing and maintaining among elements of popula- 
 tion originally diverse a relatively perfect homoge- 
 neity of interest, beliefs and habits, and only after 
 the union came the culture and refinement. 
 
 This was accomplished by the primitive and yet 
 modern policy of colonization which sought to subject 
 all men under the same military discipline, to worship 
 the same God, to wear prescribed costumes, and to 
 order their daily lives by prescribed rules. By these 
 means were created centralized governments of un- 
 precedented power, and by their activity in conquest 
 great wealth was amassed and material magnificence 
 was made possible. Power and prosperity were, then, 
 cherished ideals of that ancient empire. 
 
 Even beyond these stages of moral development, 
 individuals no doubt succeed in passing; but the na- 
 tions of Babylon and Egypt in their entirety got no 
 further. With the fall of these empires the people of 
 that once enlightened world sank into darkness and 
 scattered to the four winds, some to the east, some to 
 the west, some to the north, and some to the south. 
 
 The eastern and western migrations have left most 
 to history, as is evidenced by the Asiatics, Europeans 
 and Americans. But as the civilization of the East 
 is oldest, its history is more obscure than the history 
 of the West, and we know but little of the accomplish- 
 ments of the Mongolian race. However, Western civ- 
 ilization has touched the East from the other side of 
 
36 UNIVERSAL. PEACE 
 
 the earth and is reviving the Eastern peoples, who are 
 making a new history. 
 
 On the Island of Japan eastern and western civili- 
 zations have met and are making of the Asiatics a 
 great people. Japan has come to the front to stand 
 with the powers of the world in the short space of but 
 half a century. She has thrown off Absolutism and 
 has passed into Republicanism and Empire within this 
 period. She has followed the example of the United 
 States, though the transition was much more rapid. 
 If, then, all the nations are grasping for power in the 
 commercial race of this colonial struggle, is not 
 really commerce and colonization the force of nature 
 that is interlacing the nations and making all the peo- 
 ples kin? 
 
 EDUCATION. 
 
 If civilization is the monument of social liberty, and 
 education the foundation of civilization, then the 
 phrase "Republic of Letters," which has long been a 
 familiar one, is not used in vain. It recognizes no 
 local nor national boundaries; it expresses the com- 
 munity of thought and feeling which exists between 
 all educated men. Has there not come to be, or is 
 there not coming to be, by ethical advancement a simi- 
 lar conviction among the leading nations of the world 
 as to the standards of national duty ? 
 
 Grotius said that there was no room for discourse 
 and final arbitration between kings and peoples, be- 
 cause there was no superior power above both to ere- 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 37 
 
 ate or dissolve an obligation under the existing condi- 
 tions, and this opinion showed that he had confidence 
 in the enlightenment of the people of his time to right- 
 ly adjudicate international disputes in an unbiased 
 way; but there was still no force that could put the 
 judgment of the intelligence of the world into effect, 
 for there was no public opinion. There was no such 
 force in his day, owing to the lack of enlightenment 
 of the peoples, but he has helped to make such a force 
 possible in our day. His discourse, discussions and 
 propositions have not only led to something like a 
 systematic code of international law, but to a certain 
 consensus as to the international morals. 
 
 Square dealing is now recognized as the best mode 
 of diplomatic negotiations. No Machiavelli, no Talley- 
 rand would now be tolerated at the head of any depart- 
 ment of foreign affairs. The greater participation of 
 the people in the government, the publicity given to 
 national policies, parliamentary debates, interchange 
 of ideas by the press and cable have changed the face 
 of international politics. Steam and electricity are 
 the force of the age; without these developments of 
 friction our enlightenment wotild soon fade away and 
 the world would fall back into the dark ages of dis- 
 memberment, misunderstanding and conflict. This 
 force is unifying mankind. As we read the morning 
 newspaper we feel the pulse of the world, and it is 
 one and the same. The spirit of unity is felt every- 
 where. 
 
 America has been the pioneer in these inventions and 
 
38 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 discoveries in their successful application, and the 
 fosterer of many just and equitable rules, internally 
 and internationally, which these new ideas have 
 brought about. 
 
 Arbitration has made its step into this world by 
 reason of these forces, and the international court was 
 made a possibility by their power. Hitherto arbitra- 
 tion was brought about by the appointment of arbiters 
 for specific cases, but the facilities of communication 
 and transportation have made it possible for a perma- 
 nent court to sit in judgment over international con- 
 troversies. Over a hundred disputes between nations 
 have been adjusted during the nineteenth century, 
 each of which otherwise might have been an occasion 
 for war, and the United States has been a party to so 
 many of these hearings that it is in a position to judge 
 with some degree of assurance as to their merits and 
 defects. Both are great. 
 
 The importance of a permanent court cannot be 
 over-estimated, for no arbitration agreement made by 
 judges chosen after a particular matter of dispute 
 has arisen can be drawn quite as unreservedly in the 
 interests of justice as one made before. In the selec- 
 tion of arbiters each party is certain to favor those 
 whom it may think most likely to conform to his own 
 views, and in the choice of the place for the hearing 
 there is some thought of the state of the public senti- 
 ment in the circles among which the arbiters may be 
 thrown. On the other hand, the best men to decide 
 the question of the controversy would not be the pri- 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 39 
 
 mary consideration of the powers, but the question 
 of how they would decide it would be of pri- 
 mary importance, and the place would be selected 
 where it was most favorable to the most influential 
 power, thus there being immediately the difficulty of 
 drawing controversies for settlement into biased hands. 
 
 A permanent court at a fixed place or places has 
 these obvious advantages over any temporary board 
 of arbitration constituted for a single cause sitting at 
 various places. This is likewise true in the selection 
 of an international parliamentary body which is to 
 enact and perfect the international law or an inter- 
 national executive which is to execute the decree of 
 the court. 
 
 The tendency is toward concentration and definite- 
 ness in the establishment of this International Govern- 
 mental System, and the development of international 
 political bodies has probably more to do with 
 the establishment of international government than 
 any one thing. The International Peace Society, 
 the Parliamentary Union, the International So- 
 cialistic Party, the International Young Men's 
 Christian Association and the various other congresses 
 are bringing about these diversified international or- 
 ganizations. The International Language, internation- 
 al commercial, industrial, musical and art societies, 
 all have the tendency towards moulding the peoples 
 into one whole, making them feel their unity and 
 solidarity and sectional differences are being obliterated 
 by the higher ideals of these organizations. 
 
40 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 It is true that the pioneer of thought rarely received 
 the credit for his high purpose and courage until his 
 aims have been accomplished and he has passed away. 
 So it is with newly created organizations ; they do their 
 work and pass out of existence, although their princi- 
 ples are accepted as fundamentally correct when some 
 other and later organization has usurped their policies 
 and received the credit. 
 
 Many a modern hero has but to receive ridicule and 
 the name of a fanatic ; but these fanatics are the peo- 
 ple who think and have the courage of their convic- 
 tions. Demosthenes, Cicero and Bryan have been 
 known as the apostles of fanaticism. Huss, Wycliff 
 and Jerome had the same name. Washington, Jeffer- 
 son and Franklin were regarded as cranks by thou- 
 sands of peoples. But they are all known as great men 
 by the millions of to-day. 
 
 A smile came over the countenance of the rulers of 
 the world when the Hague Conference met, and its 
 success was a surprise to every one, for its victory 
 was equal to the conquest of the world. But little did 
 the Czar of Russia dream that he was undermining 
 his own system of tyranny by launching such a move- 
 ment ; but little did this benevolent autocrat know that 
 it was not by reason of his own volition that he called 
 together the Peace Conference for the purpose of dis- 
 armament. However, it was not the Czar of Russia, 
 who is a good and kind-hearted man in a most difficult 
 position, that was acting, but it was the Slavic Race 
 that influenced the action of the Czar through the 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 4I 
 
 Czarina, who was moved by the example of the pa- 
 tience in the suffering of the Slav people. The suc- 
 cess of the conference was overwhelmingly great; it 
 established the first and most important function of 
 International Government, for the tribunal of justice 
 forms the first branch of international government in 
 the United Nations of the World. 
 
 Arbitration was no new thing, as it has been going 
 on for time almost immemorial, by treaties and com- 
 pacts of various kinds ; but a permanent Court of Arbi- 
 tration was an innovation, as it is perpetual, and pre- 
 ceding the disputes it tends to prevent the occasion of 
 any serious controversy. The knowledge of each na- 
 tion that a court is in existence, and has jurisdiction 
 to settle disputes if they are not settled by diplomacy, 
 makes it a strong incentive for a voluntary adjust- 
 ment. In the absence of a court there would always 
 be a right to reject any offer of arbitration, 
 and it would be a right often exercised, particu- 
 larly by the party which is strongest and in the wrong. 
 Even where there were treaties providing for the refer- 
 ence of any controversies that might arise to arbiters, 
 to be chosen for that purpose, it would be a far less 
 manifest breach of duty to refuse to join in selecting 
 arbiters, or to postpone action in that direction until 
 it would become too late to avoid a conflict of arms, 
 than it would be to refuse to respect the summons of 
 a tribunal already constituted for the disposition of 
 such cases. 
 
 Treaty alliances have not the force of a court. There 
 
42 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 was a treaty between Denmark and Prussia in 1863 
 which provided for the settlement by arbitration of 
 such disputes as might arise between these two powers. 
 One did arise with relation to the Schleswig-Holstein 
 succession, and Prussia found , war to her purpose 
 more than arbitration. War followed, and the weaker 
 power lost everything at stake. Permanent judges 
 have also a position entitling their decisions to far 
 more respect than that likely to be accorded to any 
 temporary arbiters, as was pointed out. There is also 
 a certain uniformity in their mode of procedure and 
 certain consistency in their application of legal princi- 
 ples. They are driven by the strongest motives of am- 
 bition as well as of duty to give the closest study and 
 attention to whatever comes before them and set forth 
 the reasons for their judgments in a way to carry con- 
 viction at least to unprejudiced minds. 
 
 They must thus gradually develop for themselves 
 a true system of international jurisprudence, each rule 
 of which does rest upon the approval of civilized 
 nations ; for without that no rule they frame can have 
 any endiu-ance as precedent. The object of organizing 
 an international court with jurisdiction over differ- 
 ences between the powers of the world received the 
 countenance of Leibnitz, Kant, Lamartine and Ben- 
 tham ; and they pointed out that no general revolution 
 in the methods of settling international disputes could 
 ever be accomplished except by a process of evolution. 
 One step at a time is the only way to climb the stairs 
 to the altar of the Golden Gate. 
 
PRINCIPLES OF NATIONS 43 
 
 Mankind advances but step by step, slowly and irre- 
 sistibly, for the only successful accomplishments are 
 those made at the opportune time and under favor- 
 able conditions. And to-day the welfare of the race 
 is becoming too deeply concerned in an attempt to 
 dispense with the substitution of judicial decision for 
 military power ; and to take no risk of the uncertainty 
 of the law a permanent International Parliament is 
 becoming an indispensable necessity. That the judi- 
 ciary will find its workings for justice hampered, by 
 unfixed and unrecognized rules and laws is certain to 
 bring about an international parliament to formulate 
 and codify international law. The movement is op- 
 portune, and in the face of the future alliances and 
 compacts, it is inevitable in the early to-morrow. In 
 England and America the private law is about the 
 same, and is based upon common law. 
 
 On the continent of Europe there is a great simi- 
 larity in the codes, as they are all founded upon the 
 codes of Napoleon and Justinian. What, then, should 
 hinder the peoples in coming closer and closer together 
 along intellectual lines? If nations can colonize and 
 bring closer together barbarian and semi-civilized peo- 
 ples, why cannot the civilized nations come together 
 upon the common camping grounds of political peace, 
 by reason of their culture, refinement and enlighten- 
 ment? 
 
THE STATE. 
 
11. 
 
 NATURE AND PURPOSE 
 
 What is progress and civilization gauged by but 
 the size, prosperity and enlightenment of the family and 
 of the state? Civilization, then, of itself spreads the 
 sphere of unity and solidarity over a broader and 
 broader area until it embraces all the peoples into one 
 form of society. It is an evolutionary movement, as 
 natural as the growth of animate matter, and has its 
 periods of rapid growth according to conditions of 
 time and environment, for the tie between the peoples 
 is ever growing closer. Although there may be sec- 
 tional differences that cause temporary dismember- 
 ment, these ties accelerate proportionately as there is 
 a community of interest or common danger, and states 
 have risen and fallen and likewise empires have risen 
 and fallen ; rising when the common interest or danger 
 are manifest, and declining when they cease to exist. 
 
 As the individual surrenders so much of his natural 
 liberty to the government, society surrenders its liberty 
 only in so far as is necessary for the governing of a 
 community, and the community surrenders so much 
 freedom as is necessary for a national government, 
 why, then, cannot a nation surrender only so ,much as 
 
 47 
 
48 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 is necessary for the international government to com- 
 bine our common interest against our common enemy, 
 "War" ? In fact, all these surrenders are for the good 
 of the individual, for the individual is still alone sov- 
 ereign, if force is the ultimate arbiter of all things, as 
 he is the unit of strength. 
 
 An individual may surrender himself to the laws of 
 the place in which he lives, but he does not thereby 
 surrender his sovereignty. He may surrender his indi- 
 viduality, but he is still sovereign, for if he does not 
 like the condition of society in the place where he re- 
 sides he may endeavor to improve it or go to the place 
 where it is more to his liking, and the right of collec- 
 tions of individuals to sever their relations with a body 
 politic is as fundamental as is the right for collective 
 bodies to form a combination. 
 
 Of course, the subject of territoriality enters into 
 this right and is very intricate. Has a section of a 
 state a right to put up an independent government? is 
 a question that has been answered by the force of 
 arms in both ways. In the short space of a century 
 this question has been answered both ways on the 
 American continent, in the affirmative by the Revolu- 
 tion and in the negative by the Rebellion. 
 
 This same question is bound to come up again and 
 again, and the more frequently it is answered in the 
 negative the closer and closer will the sections of this 
 globe come together; for, as I have pointed out, the 
 breaking-up of a state only comes about by unreason- 
 able and unnatural ties, and in these instances a decision 
 
THE STATE 49 
 
 in the affirmative — that is, to dissolve — really fosters 
 closer and closer ties between the people, because sec- 
 tions forced into union means dissension, while if there 
 is a division and natural ties are still drawing, the 
 separated divisions will finally come together and a re- 
 union is assured. The Roman law was the first to hold 
 that the original source of all political power was in the 
 people, yet it was held to be an alienation and not a 
 revocable delegation of power. "Quid quid principi 
 placuit legis habet vigorum." The inalienable right 
 of the people, however, had been usurped by the Pope 
 during his temporal power, but the Catholic Church 
 stood over the peoples of the earth and preserved the 
 institutions of the Roman Republic while the two 
 great political forces were at stake, threatening to de- 
 stroy each other — absolutism and anarchism. The sys- 
 tem of government in the Roman Empire was giving 
 way to the individualistic anarchistic system which the 
 barbarian was infusing into the dominions of the so- 
 cialized empire, while the Church stood as the arbiter 
 of these two forces, evaded the crises and made pos- 
 sible the modern state. The Roman Catholic Church 
 saved the world from eternal darkness, and, as in all 
 crucial times, by the divine Providence, a strong hand 
 is seen to rise above the cloud of smoke to quell the 
 seething flames of the destructive fires. 
 
 Absolute monarchies were built upon the fusion of 
 these principles to save the world from feudalism, and 
 again and again the peoples asserted their right to 
 local self-government; but again and again they were 
 
50 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 crushed, until the assumption of the European revo- 
 lution — "the thirty years' war"^when the cloud of 
 smoke and devastation again rose from the earth's 
 surface. Constitutions were gained and republics 
 were formed ; for the general will, public opinion and 
 popular clamor are the only means by which popular 
 sovereignty obtains its expression within a state, 
 
 DEMOCRACY REPUBLIC EMPIRE. 
 
 The aim of this subject is to establish the construc- 
 tion of a true system of political evolution as is estab- 
 lished by the ultimate nature of the body politic, show- 
 ing the development of democracy, republic and empire 
 to be coincident with the progress of society from in- 
 dividualism to liberalism and to socialism, and the 
 grounds upon which this assumption may be justified 
 as the progressive stages to universal empire. 
 
 Beyond all previous periods the present century has 
 been prolific in the creation of new and complex politi- 
 cal conditions. With the appearance of the modern 
 political state, with its function and organization re- 
 duced to definite written statements; with the forma- 
 tion of the greatest variety of the federal unions 
 with states formerly independent; with the rise of 
 international relations into political definiteness; with 
 the clear distinction between public and private rights, 
 between moral and civic obligations — with all these 
 phases of political life the one eternal problem of uni- 
 versal empire has arisen. 
 
THE STATE 5I 
 
 It is therefore with the greatest diffidence that this 
 part of the treatise is offered, not as an attempt to fore- 
 tell or prophesy, but to point out the apparent trend 
 of civilization in the Art of Government. 
 
 A social body consists of a group of individuals 
 with mutual and economic interests. A body politic 
 is a social body with an organization. This organiza- 
 tion is the government. When this society becomes 
 organized to effect political interests a state is said 
 to exist. 
 
 The elements essential to a state may be said to be : 
 
 1. A community of people socially united. 
 
 2. A political machinery (government). 
 
 3. A body of rules governing the scope of the public 
 authority. 
 
 The term state is, strictly speaking, an abstract 
 term, while government is emphatically concrete, and 
 a nation is said to be an aggregate of people of the 
 same race, speaking a common language, of the 
 same faith and under the same government. In the 
 light of modern enlightenment this definition will not 
 hold true, and the most loose definition will only fit 
 the existence of many modern nations. However, 
 peoples by these fundamental ligaments are by nature 
 bound into a nation. Each one of these factors in- 
 vites the formation of a nation, though no one of them 
 is strong enough to compel it. In fact, a nation is a 
 body politic, composed of people welded together by 
 some natural and strong ties. 
 
 After all, the power of nature is seen working every- 
 
52 UNIVEKSAL PEACE 
 
 where, and is counteracting the forces Ithat work 
 against the solidarity of the peoples, for the tendency 
 of the peoples toward social intercourse has developed 
 them into a political union. The exchange of ideas 
 and goods is based upon human want, and human want 
 is based upon human selfishness or self-interest. Have 
 not, then, republics and empires been built up and de- 
 stroyed by the same force of self-interest or selfish- 
 ness, and does not this force work both ways, depend- 
 ing upon development of society; for who knows how 
 many civilizations have swept around the world like 
 wildfire, only leaving behind their ashes? The 
 present civilization is said to have begun ten thousand 
 years ago, and its meagre condition for five thousand 
 years leaves us to look back into it but for about five 
 thousand years. We are told that five thousand years 
 ago there flourished an empire universal in dominion, 
 with a people who far surpassed the civilization of to- 
 day. We are told that the little democracy of Greece 
 began a confederation of states that were bound to- 
 gether first by consent and then by conquest, and built 
 up an empire over the known world. We are told 
 that Greece was the purest democracy in the history 
 of the world, and that this very fact was her doom. 
 Is this true? Had the distant lands of the Grecian 
 Empire been governed with the modern facili- 
 ties of communication, I can see no reason why the 
 Empire would not live to-day, for individualism was 
 the only disease that lurked in the colonial govern- 
 
THE STATE 53 
 
 ment, which grew in proportion to the lack of com- 
 munication and association. 
 
 A democratic system of government is the most 
 individtialistic and yet the most practical under mod- 
 ern facilities of communication, because only by a 
 representative can a number of people act as a unit, 
 and while the Catholic Church saved the Roman sys- 
 tem of government and the Teuton system from de- 
 stroying one another, it remained for the Reformation 
 to save the world from absolutue despotism and uni- 
 versalism, which was the drift of the Church.; and the 
 Qlunites blew the first trumpet of modern liberty. The 
 theory of the exclusive divinity of the priesthood has 
 fallen, as is falling the theory of the exclusive divinity 
 of the Pope. The sovereignty of the kings was upheld 
 by the doctrine of the exclusive divinity of the kings ; 
 but the theory of exclusive divinity is fading away 
 in the conception of the sovereignty of the people, for 
 they alone are divine. 
 
 Hence the modern conception of government is 
 based upon the consent of the governed. The ruler 
 is the servant of the people, and the government is "of 
 the people, by the people and for the people." The old 
 theory of divinity gave the power of legislation, ad- 
 judication and execution to one man ; the modern the- 
 ory gives it to the many. The true origin of popular 
 sovereignty, popular government in the state and the 
 nation, can be readily seen to have been a natural evolu- 
 tion of the feelings of an aggregate of peoples toward 
 another that prompts association and unification. 
 
54 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 A common interest may become such by reason of 
 a common danger, and, centering a group of beings 
 closer and closer together, the process of accretion 
 goes on until those of the common danger grow strong 
 enough to have a common cause, and, instead of re- 
 maining on the defensive, they begin to take the of- 
 fensive step. 
 
 At this point of development empires grow up, and, 
 as their power begins to be dreaded as the avalanche, 
 other small groups begin to amalgamate for common 
 protection; but, by reason of their being segregated 
 groups, they are compelled to form loose ties, which 
 give them the "balance of power" to over-awe the 
 power of the greater aggregations by being able to 
 throw their force on either side. The rise of the states 
 after the fall of the Roman Empire was brought about 
 by such readjusting, and the balancing of power by this 
 process is still going on to-day. 
 
 As soon as a power rises that threatens to be a 
 menace to the independence of the modern states the 
 minor powers ally themselves against this would-be 
 monster and equalize the danger, and as these alliances 
 form and re-form themselves they are ever adjusting 
 themselves according to the ever-present influences of 
 race, religion and language. Thus were formed the 
 modern and ancient Democracies, Republics and Em- 
 pires. This process of reconstruction and readjust- 
 ment is ever going on, and will ever go on as long as 
 we find but a semblance of difference among the peo- 
 ples of the world. 
 
THE STATE 55 
 
 However, we can readily see and understand that 
 as peoples become more and more identified, absorbed 
 and solidified, this process of reconstruction will be- 
 come slower and slower until it will almost cease. The 
 stronger the bonds of unity in a nation, the stronger 
 the nation, and this will likewise be the case in the 
 world government. 
 
 IMPRACTICABILITY OF WAR. 
 
 International war has no future. Every change 
 in conditions or dispositions is affirmed and fixed only 
 after a struggle of armaments. However, after an 
 analysis of the history of mankind since the year 1496 
 B.C. to the year 1906 of our era — ^that is, in a cycle 
 of 3,402 years — there were only 257 years of univer- 
 sal peace and 3,145 years during which the peoples 
 were in a state of war. The war years were not years 
 of universal war, but local war, of whatever sort, and 
 we can say that, according to area, and space of time, 
 the world was preponderingly in the state of peace. 
 Even considering it thus, the history of the life of the 
 peoples presents a picture of uninterrupted struggle. 
 The status of war, it would appear, is a normal condi- 
 tion of human life, even though there is no actual 
 warfare during the status of this armed peace. 
 
 But the position has changed and still the new con- 
 tinues to contend with the remnants of the old, which 
 is ever changing and being superseded by the modern 
 order of things. Sieys compared the old order of 
 
56 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 things with a pyramid standing upon its apex, declar- 
 ing that it must be given a more natural position and 
 placed upon its base. This demand has been fulfilled 
 by the success of the new order; the edifice of state 
 has been placed upon foundations incomparably wider 
 than before, affirmed on the rights and will of millions 
 of people — the so-called middle order of society. 
 
 It is natural that the greater the number of voices in- 
 fluencing the cause of affairs, the more complex is the 
 sum of interests to be considered. The economic revo- 
 lution caused by the application of steam has been a 
 cause of entirely new and unexpected conditions be- 
 tween the different countries of the world and the dif- 
 ferent classes inhabiting them, encircling and strength- 
 ening some, impoverishing and weakening others, in 
 the same measure as the new conditions permitted to 
 each participation in the new distribution of revenues, 
 capital and influence. With the innumerable voices 
 which are bound up in our own public opinion, and the 
 many different representatives of its interests, nat- 
 urally appealr very different views on militarism and 
 its object — war, if perchance it be a strong preventive. 
 The propertied class, in particular those whose impor- 
 tance and condition was established during the former 
 distribution of wealth and power by the former mili- 
 tary method of acquisition, precisely thdse classes 
 whom we call Conservatives, are inclined to confuse 
 even the intellectual movement against militarism with 
 aspirations for the subversion of social order, which 
 they can never tolerate. They attribute too great an 
 
THE STATE 57, 
 
 importance upon militarism as a force to retain the 
 statu quo, while no sufficient attention is turned to the 
 dangers in the fermentation of minds awakened by the 
 present and growing burdens of armaments and mili- 
 tarism. 
 
 On the other hand, agitators seeking influence on 
 the minds of the masses, having deduced from the new 
 conditions, with recklessness and even intentional mis- 
 representation, the most extreme conclusions, deny all 
 existing rights, and promise to the masses more than 
 the most perfect institutions could give them. 
 
 In striving to arouse the masses against militarism, 
 such agitators unceremoniously ascribe to every 
 thinker who does not share their views selfish im- 
 pulses, although in reality he may be following sincere 
 convictions. 
 
 And although the masses are slow to surrender 
 themselves to abstract reasoning, and act usually only 
 under the influence of passion and disorder, there can 
 be no doubt that the propaganda ceaselessly carried 
 out in parliaments, on platforms and in the press pene- 
 trates more and more deeply the people and awakens 
 in them those feelings which, in the midst of the dis- 
 asters called forth by war, might easily lead them to 
 action. 
 
 The evil "militarism" serves to-day as the chief in- 
 strument of the activity of agitators, and is a tangible 
 object for attack, while in reality those agitators strive 
 not only for the suppression of militarism, but for the 
 destruction of the whole social order. 
 
58 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 With such a position of affairs — that is, on the one 
 hand the ruinous competition in constantly increasing 
 armaments, and on the other the social danger for all 
 which grows under a general burden — it is necessary 
 that influential and educated men should seriously con- 
 sider and gain for themselves a clear account of the 
 effects of war under modern conditions, whether it 
 will be possible to realize the aims of war, and whether 
 the extermination of millions of wealth and thousands 
 of men will be wholly without result. 
 
 Civilization increases the value of the life of every 
 citizen, and, although modern and futur£ warfare may 
 not be so destructive to life as in the past, we may 
 ask: will society tolerate the destruction of its wealth 
 in the face of poverty and suffering to humanity ? The 
 social grievance is being minimized, but the economic 
 grievance is accelerating. 
 
 Think of the result of an international war between 
 the five great powers, with ten millions of soldiers and 
 billions of wealth in its fortifications, navies and arma- 
 ments! Such a war would settle the future of war 
 itself and bring about a period of prolonged peace. It 
 would bankrupt the world and would create such a 
 moral uprising as has never been heard of. So, war 
 is becoming more and more impracticable, and its com- 
 bined jimpracticaMlity, by reason of increased and 
 equalized efficiency of modern armaments, is making it 
 an impracticable possibility. 
 
 The implements of war are growing more rapidly 
 than the productiveness of nations, and armaments are 
 
THE STATE 59 
 
 beginning more and more to swallow the income of 
 the people. 
 
 Meanwhile, the relations of the nations are becom- 
 ing closer and closer, their independence more plain 
 and their dependence more manifest as their solidarity 
 is becoming recognized. 
 
 The development of armaments and explosive is be- 
 coming so deadly that war in the future is impractica- 
 ble and impossible. The loss of life is becoming smaller 
 and smaller, but even in the face of the fact that the 
 future battles are to be fought on the high seas and 
 between million-dollar machines of warfare which will 
 require fewer men to manage these labor-saving in- 
 struments of destruction, yet a general international 
 war would prove very destructive to life. Modern 
 warfare is going back to the principle of feudal war- 
 fare, when the war lord was represented by his mailed 
 knight, on whom money was lavished in appurtenances 
 and in developing his skill, so as to make certain the 
 determination of disputes. Our battleships are our 
 modern knights. Here again history is repeating itself. 
 Yet it will slowly become uneconomic to build this 
 machinery of warfare, although it is at present a pro- 
 tection to commerce, and no commercial nation can 
 do without it. 
 
 The powers of to-day might arise and disarm, but 
 the powers of to-morrow might assert themselves and 
 prevail, to rule over them, as is evidenced by the sud- 
 den accession of strength in the Japanese; for the 
 sphere of civilization is not yet fully expanded and 
 
6o UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 well defined, or at its greatest breadth, and the powers 
 cannot safely disarm without the building of a wall. 
 
 The wall of China withstood the warlike hordes of 
 the West for centuries, but it is practically of no con- 
 sequence to-day. How, then, can modern civilization 
 uphold the lax bonds of a disarmed peace, maintain 
 it, and yet protect itself ? There is need of some cen- 
 tral force of coherence by which it can protect itself 
 from internal and external uprisings. There is need 
 of an International Guard of the people, of an organ- 
 ized international government. 
 
 As long as peoples will be governed by the harsh 
 law of the survival of the fittest there will be struggle 
 and warfare; but, as I have stated, there is such a 
 thing as the absence of international war, and interna- 
 tional peace can come about only after international 
 wars have ravaged the world, for the two are well re- 
 lated and follow each other. "After war, peace." A 
 salutary and extended international peace ensued after 
 the Thirty Years' War, which was a European or uni- 
 versal war. 
 
 Jules Simon, of the Paris Senate, writes : "It is hor- 
 rible to think that one is journeying every day toward 
 the universal war which will be the cataclysm of his- 
 tory, and no one wishes it." 
 
 The same year a memorial was drawn up by a con- 
 ference of free churches in England, It stated : "The 
 ruinous rivalry of armaments is the inevitable, al- 
 though the deplorable, result of the absence of any 
 international understanding. It can be arrested only 
 
THE STATE 6l 
 
 by an international agreement or an international war." 
 Yet the war budget is growing every year, and the 
 people are clamoring against all this waste and im- 
 mensely destructive effort. 
 
 Later, a British Prime Minister suggested to Czar 
 Alexander III. that he call a conference to consider 
 the reduction of armaments. In 1894 Alexander died 
 and the project was dropped. In 1896 the Interna- 
 tional Conference of Peace met at Peste. The Marquis 
 of Salisbury, speaking at the Mansion House, said: 
 "The one hope that we have to prevent this competi- 
 tion from ending in a terrible effort at mutual self- 
 destruction which will be fatal to Christian civilization 
 — ^the one hope that we have is that the powers may 
 be gradually brought together in a friendly spirit on 
 all subjects of difference that may arise until at least 
 they shall be welded together in some international 
 constitution which shall give to the world, as a result 
 of their great strength, a long spell of unfettered com- 
 merce, prosperous trade and continued peace." The 
 Czar's rescript followed on August 24, 1898. 
 
 Centuries before, statesmen had been looking to 
 some system for the preservation of peace. But the 
 Czar of Russia was the only ruler that dared propose 
 an international congress for the purpose of disarma- 
 ment, for the moment was opportune, and it was des- 
 tined that the Slavic race should have the honor of 
 being sponsors for this, the greatest of movements. 
 
 The Great Roman Peace was in the minds of Riche- 
 lieu, Wolsey, and Napoleon, who attempted to estab- 
 
62 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 lish it by force of arms. It was also in the minds of 
 Paine, Rousseau and Voltaire, who attempted to estab- 
 lish it by force of argument. They all failed because 
 the time was not opportune. The power of sword and 
 pen is equally indispensable to the realization of uni- 
 versal peace, and the time is now opportune, for the 
 moment for action has arrived. 
 
 ECONOMICS. 
 
 Economic evolution as ever tending to broaden 
 spheres of activity, and is conducive to a unification of 
 industrial enterprise and the solidification of political 
 entities over broader areas. A highly developed ex- 
 change in the securities between nations, or inter- 
 national exchange of corporate stock, is in itself a 
 strong bond between nations, through community of 
 economic interests. It causes still another demand for 
 peace, and is another argument against war. Finan- 
 cial considerations are beginning to play the most de- 
 cisive part in the extermination of war, for no two 
 countries would be apt to engage in conflict when the 
 interests of each are utterly against war. 
 
 Strict neutrality does not, however, prevent the 
 loaning to belligerents of financial aid, and war has 
 often proven to be a wonderful field of exploitation 
 for financiers. This practice will soon be prohibited, 
 as the interests of trade are more and more dominant. 
 Such an apparently slight cause as the fall of prices is 
 beginning to aflfect the whole world as it is becoming 
 
THE STATE 63 
 
 more peopled and united, for the importance of trade 
 is becoming greater and greater and demands a free 
 and unobstructed course. 
 
 Success in the future will depend upon the sound- 
 ness and simplicity of economic conditions. It is like- 
 wise dependent upon geographical environment and 
 geodetic possibilities. Not only the surface of the 
 earth, but its interior, and the surrounding atmosphere 
 and climate as well, determine man's destiny. Like- 
 wise, governments are established upon the earth, and 
 their course and destiny is a product of the environing 
 agents; and the earth, being an infinitesimal part of 
 the universe, is itself but a product of its environment. 
 It is an organism; it has its course in space, its sea- 
 sons, its forces of attraction and resistance; it has its 
 own life to live and its destiny. 
 
 Tlie earth, then, is a simple organism composed of 
 animal and vegetable, or organic matter, and mineral, 
 or inorganic matter. The animal matter lives on vege- 
 table life, and the vegetable world springs from the 
 mineral world ; and so the circular course of existence 
 and life is perpetuated. By the law of indestructibility 
 of matter those same substances entered into the com- 
 position of the vegetable and animal world, as well as 
 the mineral, and we cannot get away from the planet, 
 for everything is of the earth, earthy. All life, then, 
 is indeed but the product of its environment. 
 
 Even so with nations. Their success, character and 
 destiny can be determined only by what is above, on 
 and under the surface of the earth, and geographical 
 
64 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 environment determines the course, the growth and 
 decay of a nation. 
 
 Let me instance the United States as materially 
 illustrating my argument. Its wealth has put it in a 
 high rank among nations. In a little more than a hun- 
 dred, or,, at most, two hundred, years of wealth-gather- 
 ing we have piled up $110,000,000,000. These stupen- 
 dous figures are beyond mental grasp. When the In- 
 dian wants to tell his tribesmen, upon his return from 
 New York, that he saw vast numbers of men, he says 
 they were as numerous as the leaves on the trees or the 
 grasses in the fields. The savage realizes number and 
 quantity in his peculiarly picturesque way. When I 
 speak to mathematicians of $100,000,000,000 they form 
 but an indefinite picture of this sum. To aid in the reali- 
 zation of such a vast sum of wealth, it may be said that 
 Great Britain, after two thousand years, a country 
 which has been piling up wealth since its mines sold 
 tin to the Phcenicians, and Caesar's legions encamped 
 in its numerous castra or chesters, has accumulated 
 only $55,000,000,000, or half the wealth of the United 
 States. France, La Belle France, her vineyards, olive 
 orchards, rose gardens — the sunny land of Roland and 
 Bayard, the land in which thrift is the law and waste 
 a legend — ^has amassed only $50,000,000,000. Ger- 
 many, including Alsace and Lorraine, an empire whose 
 industrial and commercial history, at least in the last 
 hundred years, reads like a romance, has gathered only 
 $48,000,000,000. Russia, an empire whose scepter 
 sways over one-sixth of the world, a land with a thou- 
 
THE STATE 65 
 
 sand years of recorded history, commands only $35,- 
 000,000,000. Austria-Hungary, the great dual empire, 
 including Bohemia, the Bohemia of song and story, 
 owns but $30,000,000,000. Italy, imperial Italy, the 
 land of the Romans and the Renaissance, has only 
 $18,000,000,000. Spain, poor Spain, after the billions 
 taken from the mines of Mexico and Peru, owns her 
 $12,000,000,000. 
 
 To put all this in another form, this land in which 
 we live — God's country, as the exiled consuls, ambas- 
 sadors and ministers call it — ^possesses but a small part 
 of the world's area, in rough figures, one-fourteenth, 
 and of its population, one-twentieth. Yet it produces 
 20 per cent, of the world's wheat, 30 per cent, of its 
 gold, 32 per cent, of its coal, 33 per cent, of its silver, 
 34 per cent, of its manufactured products, 35 per cent, 
 of its iron, 36 per cent, of its cattle, 38 per cent, of its 
 steel, 50 per cent, of its petroleum, 54 per cent, of its 
 copper, 75 per cent, of its cotton, 84 per cent, of its 
 corn. 
 
 In 1904 it produced 13,000,000,000 pound bales of 
 cotton, 27,000,000,000 bushels of corn and more than 
 775,000,000,000 bushels of wheat. 
 
 We have 20 per cent, of the world's money inside 
 our gates, 25 per cent, of its coin and bullion, 6y per 
 cent, of its banking power, or $14,000,000,000, 33 1-3 
 per cent, of its savings bank deposits, 42 per cent, of 
 its railroads, and more than half of its thirty best har- 
 bors. The foreign trade of the world is about $22,000,- 
 000,000 per twelve months; the internal trade of the 
 
66 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 United States is $22,000,000,000. Is comment neces- 
 sary? 
 
 Europe has 12,000 square miles of coal lands, much 
 of it nearing exhaustion — so much so that Great 
 Britain, in alarm, has created two commissions latterly 
 to examine the situation. Twenty years ago Jevons 
 stated that the mines, at the rate of consumption then 
 going on, would be exhausted in from 150 to 200 
 years. Again alarmed, England had Wallace report 
 on the situation. He declared that if the mines were 
 run far under the sea they would last another hundred 
 years, or from 250 to 350 years. Three hundred years 
 is not a long period in the history of a nation. It is 
 only three hundred years since the age of Elizabeth, 
 and yet to history students, at least to men familiar 
 with the dynasties of Egyptian and Assyrian kings, it 
 is modern, very modern. 
 
 In the bowels of our earth is coal enough, at the 
 present rate of consumption, or 300,000,000 tons a 
 year, to last six thousand years. The only countries 
 that can possibly compare with us are China and Rus- 
 sia. According to Richupfen, the great German geog- 
 rapher and geologist, the Celestial Empire — and he 
 explored only a part — ^has, to his knowledge, 225,000 
 square miles of coal. 
 
 Siberia alone contains one-ninth of the world's area. 
 Great Britain and all of Europe, except Russia, to- 
 gether with the whole of the United States, could be 
 put into Siberia, and, as its mineral deposits are 
 inestimable, at its present rapid rate of settlement it 
 
THE STATE 67 
 
 is destined to become the future mineral and grain 
 market of the world. 
 
 Mr. Atkinson, of Boston, boasted in 1890 that 1900 
 would see the world producing 40,000,000 tons of iron. 
 It did produce 40,018,000 tons. In 1900 he said that 
 1916, or possibly 1910, would see a 6o,ooo,ooo-ton 
 iron output. It promises realization by that time. The 
 history of our iron and steel industry reads like a ro- 
 mance; it is romance, for the story of Peter White 
 is the story of our iron industry. The work in the 
 Gobegic, Vermillion and Mesaba ranges in Michigan, 
 Wisconsin and Minnesota rivals the romances of Du- 
 mas and Scott. Iron ore is found in these mines in an 
 oxidized form, is scooped up by great automatic shov- 
 els, poured into 30 or 40 ton steel wagons, and carried 
 often by gravitation to Duluth, Two Harbors or Mar- 
 quette, on Lake Superior, when it is then dumped into 
 huge io,GOO or 12,000 ton steamers, filling one of these 
 leviathans in as many hours, now, as it formerly took 
 days to fill boats, the largest of which was 2,000 tons. By 
 these boats the iron ore is carried across the lakes to 
 Buffalo, Toledo, Cleveland and Chicago, on Lake Erie 
 and Lake Michigan, and is dumped into huge furnaces. 
 Most of the work, if not quite all, is done by automatic, 
 machinery. There it is converted into steel billets, 
 rails, or the ten thousand things for which it serves, 
 among which are principally the implements of human 
 destruction. With all these things we have gone into 
 the earth to bless man with implements of construction 
 and implements of destruction. The figures given 
 
68 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 above were for 1900. Since that time a great change has 
 come over the iron world. In 1905 we produced 22,- 
 300,000 tons of the world's total, 52,000,000, beating 
 England and Germany by 2,600,000 tons. In 1893 we 
 had 39 per cent, of the world's total, 46,368,000 tons. 
 In 1863 we produced only 831,770, to Great Britain's 
 4,825,254 and Germany's 759,900, and the world's 
 total, 9,250,000 tons. For five years we have been 
 producing as much as both. This, with coal, has given 
 us the mastery of the world's markets. They have put 
 us at the head of the procession of the so- 
 called Anglo-Saxon civilization. It is weighing 
 us down with great and grave responsibilities; 
 it is inaugurating an era in which this country 
 is to sit at the head of the table in the world's great 
 council chambers. The only blur in it all is the limit 
 of the supply. The world's estimated iron deposits 
 amount to only 10,000,000,000 tons. Luckily, there 
 are lands still unexplored. In "these may be many 
 billions more. Of the 10,000,000,000 tons known, the 
 United States is said to have 1,100,000,000; Germany, 
 2,000,000,000; Great Britain, 1,000,000,000 tons. The 
 remainder of 6,000,000,000 tons is, for the most part, 
 found in Scandinavia, Spain, Russia, Canada and the 
 various countries of Asia and the islands of the sea. 
 
 In the production of steel the record is romantic, 
 we may say. In 1900 we produced 10,188,000 tons of 
 steel; the United Kingdom, 4,901,000; Germany, 
 6,362,000 tons. In 1903 our production reached 14,- 
 517,763 tons, or 40.5 per cent, of the world's total of 
 
THE STATE 69 
 
 35,846,000 tons. During that year Germany, keeping 
 pace with modern movement in far better form than 
 England, produced 8,801,515 tons and Great Britain 
 5,134,101, both together producing far less than the 
 United States, and the discrepancy has continued to 
 grow in the years 1904 and 1905. It is probable that 
 the steel production of the United States is rapidly 
 moving toward 20,000,000 tons. Indeed, the thought- 
 ful and observing student will have noted the marvel- 
 ous rapidity with which we have risen from a place 
 behind Germany and England to the foremost rank in 
 iron and steel production. 
 
 As late as 1883, Great Britain produced 8,490,224 
 tons of iron and 2,158,880 tons of steel; Germany, 
 3,397,588 tons of iron and 1,066,920 of steel, against 
 4,595,510 and 1,673,534 tons, respectively, for the 
 United States. Still further back, both countries sur- 
 passed us in the two products. In all this, one begins 
 to realize the meaning and value of these minerals, 
 coal and iron: they are the real royal metals, or, in 
 other words, they are the real sources of power. It 
 is to these that Great Britain owes her pre-eminent 
 position. They gave her the world, and are now giv- 
 ing the world to the United States. Behind Gibraltar, 
 the Suez, the islands of the Mediterranean, India, Aus- 
 tralia, Canada, and the mighty places of the world 
 upon which her guns have been erected, are the coal 
 and iron mines of England, Scotland and Wales. Be- 
 hind the United States' success at home and abroad 
 are the coal and iron mines of our country, which are 
 
70 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 forces and factors that make every possibility a mar- 
 velous opportimity of manifest destiny. 
 
 The meaning of this vast wealth, both at hand and 
 in reserve, is evident. It creates new and vast respon- 
 sibilities. While it gives us power, it gives responsi- 
 bilities. To be true to them all, to live up to the past, 
 and to be as virtuous as our fathers, we shall have to 
 work ceaselessly in the cause of Peace, so that our 
 resources may be used for the upbuilding of the nation 
 and not the destruction of its glorious opportunity. 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE. 
 
III. 
 
 THE WORLD STATE. 
 
 Since the fall of the Roman Empire as the last 
 world state civilization has been gathering itself to- 
 gether in various parts of the European continent, 
 where successive but unsuccessful attempts were made 
 to establish a unified state. For centuries the Church 
 took the role of mediator and dictator among the in- 
 creasingly powerful monarchs in whom were centered 
 the economic forces of the time. 
 
 Otto the Great was the first ruler to conceive the 
 possibility of a reunified empire. Then followed the 
 house of the Capets, and subsequently the Philips, en- 
 throning successively the Teutons, the Franks and the 
 Spaniards. Under Catholic guardianship Spain de- 
 veloped the greatest Empire the world has ever known, 
 even though it was a very loose one. She claimed the 
 whole of America, but her weakness and decline soon 
 lost her all she had. Little England has taken the 
 place of Spain, and America is already taking the 
 place of the British Empire. The United States of 
 America justifies the United States of Europe, and the 
 union of these united states justifies the United Na- 
 tions of the World. 
 
 73 
 
74 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 The United Nations of America is no preconceived 
 idea, as the Monroe Doctrine has years ago bound 
 North and South America together by a frail ligament. 
 The Pan-American Congress held at Washington in 
 189s formulated a project for a general treaty of arbi- 
 tration between all republics upon the western conti- 
 nent. Its first article declares that arbitration is the 
 principle of American international law, while the 
 Monroe Doctrine declares that "America is for the 
 Americans." 
 
 Once it seemed as though Spain would dominate 
 the world, but now lies she there, and none so poor to 
 do her reverence. Through her initiative and energy, 
 Columbus discovered this continent, and the Pope gave 
 the new world to the grateful Isabella, who pledged 
 her jewels to the faith of the poor Genoese sailor, thus 
 creating the greatest empire in all history. Spain 
 has stumbled and fallen ; little Holland had threatened 
 to supersede her power by the great wealth which her 
 ships gathered upon the high seas. Then France took 
 the dominant position on the continent of Europe, 
 under the leadership of Napoleon, and threatened to 
 put all the people under the rule of the sword. To-day 
 Germany is acquiring the dominant position in Euro- 
 pean affairs, for she is spreading her influence every- 
 where. We thus see that the center of power has 
 swept back and forth over the continent, ever accel- 
 erating in velocity and magnitude, while economic 
 forces are changing the face of the map by eradicating 
 national lines. 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 75 
 
 All Europe is interested in the liquidation of the 
 debt of the Ottoman Empire, and the six ministers of 
 foreign affairs are gradually becoming a* European 
 Cabinet by learning the habit of working together 
 under the pressure of daily events, and are thus bring- 
 ing about a united Europe, as a result of mutual fear 
 and distrust rather than brotherly love and neighborly 
 confidence. This is an instance which proves that 
 mutual dread, as well as mutual affection, cements 
 nations, and that the evil of war, to put it paradoxi- 
 cally, is the greatest promoter of peace. In other 
 words, that which may bring about the greatest evil 
 is equally, at times, productive of the greatest 
 good. 
 
 The history of the development of every nation re- 
 peats the result of the process whereby a strong force 
 has gradually crushed all rivals and established au- 
 thority which is now recognized by consent involun- 
 tarily forced upon the people, and even though eco- 
 nomic interest requires the statu quo, commerce can 
 flourish under the assurance of a certain permanency 
 in the condition of affairs. 
 
 Trade is the unifier of the race. Barriers have been 
 swept away by 'the impetus of commercial progress, 
 and as the oceans were once a formidable barrier to 
 unification, they are to-day a strong economic bond. 
 Commercially, coast cities are closer toge^ther than 
 cities of the interior, and the oceans are thus render- 
 ing, by navigation, a means of common nationaliza- 
 tion. There is yet infinitely more in store for the 
 
"^6 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 future, for the air itself has yet to be conquered ; and 
 who knows the possibilities of aerial fleets, which are 
 to be the means of transportation, as well as terrific 
 engines of destruction ? 
 
 The reforms of all the ages were primarily economic, 
 although they may have outwardly been social or re- 
 ligious reforms, such as the Reformation of the 
 Clunites, the Pragmites and the Lutherans. Some- 
 times these reforms are known as political, as in the 
 American, the French and the Russian revolutions. 
 These revolutions only come about when the middle 
 class of the people is economically forced into the low- 
 est class by the highly unequal distribution of wealth 
 which divides the people into the rich and poor, and 
 society of necessity falls back to a government of the 
 many by the limited few. It develops a debtor and 
 a creditor class, and finally the debtor becomes the 
 economic slave of the creditor, with no chance of 
 emancipation except by the force of arms. 
 
 Society has gone through this process time and time 
 again, which goes to show that the status of society 
 and of government is dependent upon economic forces. 
 Probably there is nothing so conducive to the devel- 
 opment of these extremes than the passage of class 
 laws, which are but special privileges to the few, and 
 supply the means for the transfer of wealth from one 
 class to another. In democratic governments where 
 the industrial inequality is growing we hear such theo- 
 ries as the tyranny of the majority, propounded by the 
 preferred few, and the question is often raised whether 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE ^^ 
 
 the supreme right of control is of right in the hands of 
 the ignorant many, or logically and justly in the hands 
 of the intelligent few. This is an argument against 
 the justice of democracy, for the fundamental rule of 
 democratic self-government is majority rule. 
 
 It is an argument against popular sovereignty and 
 in favor of autocracy in its last analysis, for it raises 
 the question whether popular sovereignty is the rule 
 of ignorance. It is true that socialism sacrifices in- 
 dustrial freedom for political freedom, and thereby is 
 confiscatory in its nature, but it works on the principle 
 that economic democracy is political freedom crystal- 
 lized. They say that majority rule is based upon the 
 "right of might," and not upon the theory that "right is 
 might." In truth, a purely individualistic form of gov- 
 ernment, if such can be conceived, is based upon the 
 former, and a purely socialistic form upon the lat- 
 ter; but the liberal form of government upholds 
 "might as right" as long as it is right, and "right as 
 might" as long as it is right. 
 
 In a nation where liberty is at its zenith the middle 
 class is always in its greatest power and splendor. It 
 is not the rich class, or the poor class, neither the more 
 ignorant nor the more intellectual class, but it is the 
 middle class that is the power ; yet when liberal ideals 
 begin to dwindle away because of economic forces, the 
 liberty of the people is at stake, and the nation is gov- 
 erned alternately by the terror of the ignorant class 
 and the absolutism of the intelligent ranks. Intelli- 
 gence always holds closer to the helm of the nation, 
 
78 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 while ignorance stands at the rudder, ever threatening 
 to run the ship of state into reefs if the intellectual 
 body does not submit to certain reforms. 
 
 When a nation comes to this stage of development, 
 democracy is fading away and the ship of state is ever 
 in danger of foundering. The conservative element 
 concede less and less, until the radical party in its 
 frenzy brings about the reign of terror. This condition, 
 which has been often repeated in the world's history, 
 teaches that the only way political power can be made 
 to further the well-being of a community or of a class 
 is through the establishment and the maintenance of 
 civil liberty throughout the world, based upon liberal 
 compromise. 
 
 Experience, over and over again demonstrated that a 
 high degree of material prosperity and happiness can 
 be attained only through freedom of enterprise and 
 universal organization, and that the highest type of 
 personality can be developed only through intelligent 
 liberty and industrial responsibility. It is likewise 
 conceivable that industrial organization of society, like 
 the political electorate, may become altogether demo- 
 cratic. 
 
 Co-operative associations may displace or be the 
 outcome of the modern industrial corporation by their 
 popularization ; so we may feel assured of the realiza- 
 tion of this modern economic conception as the real 
 foundation of civil liberty, upon which can stand the 
 monumental structure of the World State. 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 79 
 
 THE UNITED NATIONS OF AMERICA. 
 
 As I have already stated, the first article in the con- 
 federation of the American States is the Monroe Doc- 
 trine, and as the great American Republic has already 
 achieved the highest position among the nations of the 
 earth, it is destined to play the star part on the stage 
 of diplomacy in future time. In but a century the 
 United States have come to the front by leaps and 
 bounds, from an agricultural to an industrial and now 
 to a commercial nation. 
 
 The period of agriculture covered the time be- 
 tween the Revolution and the Rebellion. The indus- 
 trial period reaches from the Rebellion to the Spanish- 
 American War, and the commercial period from that 
 war to the present time. All the necessary funda- 
 mentals for the building up of a strong nation have 
 been gone through in but a century and a quarter, and 
 with the remarkable strides that this nation has made 
 in the past century, with its practically untouched and 
 boundless resources, who can predict the future? 
 
 Babylon, Egypt, Greece and Rome, by virtue of 
 their geographical advantages and favorable environ- 
 ment, became so pre-eminently superior to the sur- 
 rounding nations that the smaller and weaker nations 
 naturally fell at the feet of their great guardian for 
 protection. The position of these states as world em- 
 pires was helped by the forces of nature, which are 
 more powerful than human design and ingenuity, and 
 the incorporation into one nation of all the surround- 
 
80 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 ing states assured the world's peace. It absolutely did 
 away with interstate war and made less possible intra- 
 state war. We have heard of the Great Babylonian 
 Peace, the Great Egyptian Peace, the Great Grecian 
 Peace and the Great Roman Peace, and these are the 
 only instances in history of universal pacification. I 
 believe that the establishment of the fifth great univer- 
 sal peace is in progress to-day, and to whom are the 
 people of the world looking to as leader, but the United 
 States ? 
 
 Of necessity there is no such thing as perpetual 
 peace. Roman Virgil says, "Furor Impius intus fremit 
 horridus ore cruente." We know that the Chinese have 
 lived in a state of peace for centuries, and, in fact, they 
 built the Great Chinese Wall to keep out the western 
 spirit of war. But western civilization has swept 
 around the world and has entered the great empire of 
 peace from the eastern shores. Over the Pacific it 
 breathed the spirit of war into the nostrils of fifty 
 millions of Japanese, making therh the dominant force 
 in the Orient, and when the five hundred millions of 
 Asiatics learn the western martial hymn the world will 
 realize the meaning of the Yellow Peril. This peril 
 is simply the development of a warlike race out of a 
 peace-loving people. America has transmitted western 
 civilization to the Japanese and the Japanese are teach- 
 ing it to China, and who knows but that it may be bet- 
 ter to let China sleep and dream her dream of opium 
 contentment ? We in America look forward to a Yel- 
 low Peril as do the Europeans to an American Peril, 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 8l 
 
 for Europe is in fear that America will swamp the 
 world's markets and become a second Venice. 
 
 Although in this age the fight is along commercial 
 lines, none the less military force is behind the success- 
 ful competitor, and in this final struggle for the sur- 
 vival of the fittest, conflicts are bound to arise. But as 
 rapidly as treaties of arbitration and peace will be 
 entered into {pactum pacts) which will contain anti- 
 war clauses claiming precedence to the International 
 Court at The Hague, these anti-war clauses will of 
 themselves become loose ties which will grow into a 
 pacific federation (foedus paciftcium) , in which it will 
 be the aim to abolish war by putting an end to it and 
 allowing the commercial struggle to go on undisturbed. 
 
 This federation will not be vested in a single power 
 of a constituted state, but will simply secure the pres- 
 ervation and security of the freedom of a particular 
 state and of others federated with it, until the federa- 
 tion will become universal — ^however, without any of 
 them having to submit themselves to the public laws 
 of another. The practicability of this idea of federa- 
 tion, which ought gradually to be extended to all states 
 and thus lead to universal peace, is perfectly demon- 
 strable. 
 
 If it should happen that a powerful and enlightened 
 people should, as is likely with Russia, form an im- 
 perial republic, as is the present tendency, a form of 
 government naturally tending to universal peace, this 
 would form a nucleus tending to a federative union 
 for other states to connect themselves with. Thus the 
 
82 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 States would secure that condition of freedom which, 
 through the adhesion of other peoples according to 
 the idea of international right, might be extended 
 more and more. 
 
 It is easy to see how a people may say to tliemselves, 
 "We will have no war among ourselves, for we will 
 form ourselves into one state, set ourselves up as a 
 supreme law-giving government, with authority peace- 
 fully to dispose of our strifes." If it is easy to under- 
 stand how a people may enter into such a compact, 
 making one nation of lesser states, and a still larger 
 federation of small nations, why, then, should it not 
 be possible or reasonable for modern nations to 
 form such an international federation? 
 
 The United States is the model for the government 
 of the world, and I dare say for the United Nations of 
 the World. The Supreme Court of the United States 
 of America determines all controversies between or 
 among sovereign states, and so prevents interstate war. 
 The Congress enacts laws that govern these states 
 only so far as these states have surrendered their right 
 in the Constitution. The President executes the 
 laws. Local self-government is the guarantee of the 
 Constitution and the foundation of the Union, and at 
 the basis of it all is the individual, who has an equal 
 voice in the function of the government. 
 
 As the principle of self-government is spreading 
 among the nations we hear of the Americanization of 
 the world, and rulers point with dread toward Ameri- 
 can progress. But if we stop to consider that America 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 83 
 
 IS but a composite of the best blood of Europe, and 
 that it came to the West to do great things ; that the 
 democratic theory of government was itself expounded 
 by Europeans, although it took American soil to foster 
 and put this idea into practice, we may well call Amer- 
 ica "European America." The lesser powers of Eu- 
 rope heralded the German Peril as Germany spreads 
 her power in all directions, and we see that there is not 
 one peril, but a number of them ; but still these "perils" 
 or common dreads ally the lesser states against the 
 impending danger. We have in Europe a balance of 
 power reacting against German aggression; in the west- 
 ern world we have Europe allied against America, and 
 in the world at largewe have theOccident allied against 
 the Orient. I do not hesitate to say that the develop- 
 ment of Asia will cause the greatest peril of all, which 
 will overshadow the lesser evils and join the West in 
 a common alliance against the East, as a federation of 
 all Christendom against heathenism. 
 
 During the closing years of the nineteenth century 
 the center of political gravity has shifted with astound- 
 ing rapidity and to great distances. This center of 
 diplomatic power has crossed the Atlantic to America, 
 as it has tripped to England from Holland across the 
 English Channel, from Spain to Holland, from France 
 to Spain, from Germany to France, from Rome to Ger- 
 many, and to Rome across the Mediterranean from 
 Greece. This center ever goes westward, and in cir- 
 cular form, is "an infinitely ascending spiral leading 
 from man to God, from matter to spirit." Ever strug- 
 
84 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 gling with the elements of resistance as civilization 
 has moved step by step westward toward the north 
 pole, it has marched on with an irresistible tread, gath- 
 ering strength in its course, until the mighty power of 
 centrifugal attraction is at last in North America. In 
 the opening years of the twentieth century there have 
 been evidences that this mighty force has crept across 
 the great Pacific, where the future battles for peace 
 are to be fought, and the United Nations of America 
 will be an important factor in this contest for Universal 
 Empire. 
 
 THE UNITED NATIONS OF EUROPE. 
 
 Already I have stated that the United Nations of 
 Europe must necessarily stand against the wonderful 
 development and power of the United States of Amer- 
 ica. In one hundred years the American states have 
 developed an empire thrice the size of the combined 
 states of Europe. And the most significant fact of 
 all, is, the rapid transition of the great American com- 
 monwealth from a democracy to a republic and then to 
 an empire in but the course of little over a century. 
 
 The American Republic has been deeply interested 
 in the establishment of a court of arbitration over the 
 American continent, and took the leading part in the 
 establishment of the International Court, thus becom- 
 ing a dominant factor in European affairs. And I 
 again say that the most significant fact of the nine- 
 teenth century is that democratic America had stepped 
 out for empire and arbitration, while the despotic 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 85 
 
 power of Russia asserted its belief in disarmament and 
 peace. 
 
 It is true that history only changes as rapidly as the 
 forms of government do, and these curious facts are 
 the cornerstones in the story of nations, during the 
 close of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth 
 centuries. 
 
 Europe has been spending her money on her soldier, 
 while America has been spending her money upon her 
 scholar ; but the converse is becoming true. 
 
 The rulers of the states of Europe are practically 
 all bound by a common tie of blood, while the King 
 and Queen of Denmark were regarded as the grand- 
 parents of Europe. They having passed away, and it 
 is left to their children to be brotherly, and intermar- 
 riage among royalty is bound again and again to es- 
 tablish a common house with an international head. 
 
 The Diplomatic and Consular system is forming a 
 closer union of the nations, while the Custom Union 
 and tariff is an economic wall or boundary fine sepa- 
 rating nations quite as forcibly as the geographic di- 
 viding line; but it is being eradicated throughout the 
 continents by the reduction of tariffs. The Pbstal 
 Union has long ago' effaced a radical difference in post- 
 age rates, and all these and other economic unions are 
 tending to eradicate the boundary lines and make all 
 peoples the citizens of the world. 
 
 A passport is no longer necessary, and a person may 
 pass from nation to nation unstamped and unlabeled. 
 Even diplomacy cannot divide nations where economic 
 
86 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 forces join them, should it will to do so, but this amal- 
 gamation of the peoples and the nations shall go on 
 towards the ideals of justice and peace. 
 
 Peace leagues and congresses, such as the Women's 
 League of International Disarmament of Bavaria, the 
 International Council of Women, the Peace Society 
 of New York, the Peace Society of England, and 
 other societies and peace congresses and conferences, 
 all have a binding influence upon the nations. 
 
 The works of such writers as Jean de Bloch, Bertha 
 von Sutner, Madame Movikofif and others establish 
 this solidarity, and there is no object more worthy of 
 the combined efiforts of the womanhood of the world 
 than the movement in arrest of the increasing growth 
 and burden of armaments. 
 
 Jean de Bloch points out that the Railroads of the 
 European continent are the arteries, the Telegraph 
 and Telephone lines are the nerve centers of one body. 
 This is certainly an age of speed in locomotion, for 
 transportation is rapid through the world and news 
 is flashed instantaneously to all parts of the globe ; and 
 we may say Electricity is the world's blood, for as one 
 section of the globe develops more than the other it 
 becomes either the blood center, heart, nerve center, or 
 brain, of the world. 
 
 We see a steady approximation to unity through- 
 out the globe, as we trace the development of the 
 European continent into the European Concert by the 
 common regulation of the great international water- 
 ways and railways ; and we can trace the development 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 8^ 
 
 of a public sentiment of the peoples of the West 
 against the peoples of the East. 
 
 Reduced to its essence, the question of the Bos- 
 phorus and the Dardanelles, or, in other words, the 
 question of the near East, brought about the Concert 
 of Powers formally established by the Treaty of Paris 
 in 1856, which was asserted anew in the Berlin Treaty 
 of 1878. Behind all the fine principles that are in- 
 voked in the diplomatic instruments governing the 
 complex congress in its relation to the near East, the 
 bedrock of the argument, the kernel, the central es- 
 sence, is the control of the strategic channel of the 
 Dardanelles and the international regulation of this 
 waterway connecting the Black Sea with the Medi- 
 terranean Sea. 
 
 Because the Turk squats astride both sides of this 
 strait, the Turk has been of great interest to Europe 
 for more than a century, and in order to deal with a 
 question of such international interest, which will have 
 something to do in determining the question of the 
 survival of the fittest, international action was neces- 
 sary. The near eastern question brought about the 
 Concert of Powers, and the Concert of Powers is that 
 principle which, more than anything else, holds within 
 it the promise and potency of every form of interna- 
 tional development. It can be well called the embryo 
 of a continental organism, which may shape itself into 
 a government. 
 
 From a standpoint of internationality, Berne is to- 
 day the capital of the continent; here are seated the 
 
88 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 various international bureaus, such as the International 
 Postal Union of 1874, the Telegraphic Union of 1865, 
 the International Union of Railways of 1890, the In- 
 ternational Union of Patents, Copyrights and Trade- 
 marks of 1883. There are other centers which have 
 other bureaus, but Berne has the greatest number. In 
 Paris is located the International Bureau of Metrical 
 Weights and Measures; in Berlin, the International 
 Geodesque Bureau ; in Brussels, the International Bu- 
 reau of Customs, Tariffs, etc. 
 
 Commerce is certainly the white-winged dove of 
 peace, for it brings about international difficulties, 
 which compel the nations to come together and adjust 
 them; and the crescent and the cross themselves, are 
 not equal to the force of trade. 
 
 Constantinople is the center of the old continent, 
 and hence is at the heart of the struggle of the East 
 with the West ; while Prague is the geographic center 
 of Europe. 
 
 Berlin is the intellectual capital of Europe, with its 
 collection of scientific and economic data; Paris the 
 artistic capital, with its treasures of living art. There 
 is as great a multiplicity of continental capitals as there 
 are various ties that are binding the peoples and the 
 nations of the continent together. All these centers 
 are developing one center that is growing in strength 
 and importance in proportion as the other centers are 
 losing their prestige. 
 
 What, then, should hinder the European states from 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 89 
 
 forming a confederation, if their ties are so mutual 
 and their interests so common? 
 
 They have a common religion and interests; what, 
 then, if they have not a common tongue and are of 
 many nationalities? 
 
 The United States of America have nothing more 
 in common; here are peoples of many nationalities; 
 here are three races, the black, white and yellow ; here 
 are peoples with many languages, who are being taught 
 but one. In fact, the United States is a common camp- 
 ing ground for the peoples not only of Europe, but for 
 the peoples of the entire earth, where the battle for 
 peace is being taught the world by the example of a 
 heterogeneous population living in harmony. Is it 
 not, then, by analogy, reasonable to speak of the 
 United Nations of Europe and say "E pluribus unum" ? 
 
 THE UNITED NATIONS OF THE WORLD. 
 
 Although this treatise is throughout more or less 
 general in historical treatment, there are certain facts 
 in history after the fall of the Roman Empire which 
 are too valuable to omit. 
 
 With the fall of Rome the Grseco-Roman civilization 
 subsided and the world dropped into chaotic darkness. 
 The darkest day of the Dark Ages began with the 
 death of Lothair I., one of the three sons of Charle- 
 magne, when the World Empire which Charlemagne 
 had revived, after spreading its sphere of influence over 
 a greater area than did the old-world state, which took 
 
90 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 in practically all of Europe; had gone to pieces upon 
 his death, and to smaller pieces upon the death of his 
 three sons, among whom the Empire was broken up by 
 unbrotherly quarrels. 
 
 The united armies of the then known world met 
 in the Valley of the Yonne, where all the nations of 
 the Empire were arrayed against one another, brother 
 against brother, and fought the decisive and disastrous 
 battle of Fontenay. This was the first world war after 
 the fall of Rome and the division of the Empire, and 
 was a war for supremacy fought between brothers, 
 the sons of Charles the Great — Lothair, Charles and 
 Lewis. The treaty, or rather partition, of Verdun, 843, 
 A.D., followed, and finally broke up the Empire by 
 compact. Although Charles and Lewis restored to 
 Lothair his capital at Aachen and consented to recog- 
 nize him as Emperor and to respect him as the older 
 brother, yet for the future they were for all practical 
 purposes independent sovereigns. 
 
 Lothair had no power or authority outside the dis- 
 trict which his brothers consigned to his direct sov- 
 ereignty, and from this date began the alignment of 
 smaller states against the more powerful and ambi- 
 tious, to prevent an overlordship and consequently a 
 universal empire, as was evidenced in this quarrel 
 between brothers. 
 
 The partition of Verdun paved the way to the mod- 
 ern state system by dividing the empire into three 
 long strips running north and south, and under three 
 sovereign and independent rulers. 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 9I 
 
 This treaty was the first compact dividing finally the 
 Roman Empire, and evidences the fact that a readjust- 
 ment is ever going on, for the map of Europe has been 
 reconstructed again and again to make an equiUbrium 
 of power as is consistent with the geographical sur- 
 face. The empire of Charlemagne, "Charles the 
 Great," as he is also known, was being constantly sub- 
 divided into smaller and smaller divisions, until it 
 became shattered into the feudal principalities, and the 
 chaos of the Dark Ages began. 
 
 Under the reign of Charles the Great the effete Em- 
 pire was revived to the highest point, and with it prog- 
 ress and civilization. The succeeding age had sunk 
 away from enlightenment, and it was not until the 
 middle of the tenth century that a rise was once more 
 perceptible. Thus after four hundred years of vacil- 
 lation, but permanent progress toward union, strength 
 and civilization, the western world began to relapse 
 and to fall back into disunion, weakness and ignorance. 
 
 Then came the age of the Feudal Lord and castle, 
 and afterwards follows the period of transition, the 
 age of gradual progress, the old order gradually pass- 
 ing away and a new society springing up from amidst 
 the ruins of the dying system that had done its work. 
 
 The Feudal Lord played his important part in the 
 history of the world's drama, for Feudalism triumphed 
 and by its attachment to the Church saved Christian- 
 ity to the world, but at what a price ; and from its ruins 
 begins to bloom a regenerated society, and we have 
 the Renaissance. Feudalism ends the Dark Ages and 
 
92 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 renews the struggle of the Papacy, and the effete Em- 
 pire spread Christianity far into the corners of the 
 world, while the spirit that brought about the Crusades 
 of the Latin East, fostered the modern National Mon- 
 archies. Feudalism saved Christianity for the west- 
 ern world, for Christianity united the broken-up 
 Occident against the unchristian Orient, confederated 
 the fiefs and revived intellectual life. 
 
 The monastic revivals, the strong but limited intel- 
 lectual Renaissance of the twelfth century, and the 
 marvelous development of art, letters, and the material 
 civilization that followed from it are the product of 
 modern civilization. 
 
 However, the Empire was never more than a half- 
 realized theory, and while the world had theoretically 
 but one master under the Papacy, it was in reality 
 ruled by a multitude of petty feudal chieftains. In 
 other and simpler words, there was a religious union, 
 but economic disunion. 
 
 The conflict of Papacy and Empire impaired both 
 and again brought about a subdivision in the growth 
 of the great national states of the thirteenth century. 
 
 Then Otto the Great took up the power of the tem- 
 poral and secular scepter, and the Capetians of France 
 and subsequently the Philips of Spain each and every 
 one ruled in twain over the spirit and body. Thus the 
 Pope begins gradually to lose his temporal power, and 
 with the Clunites comes about the Reformation and 
 the Middle Ages. The schism follows, and finally the 
 idea of a General Council again brought the old Em- 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 93 
 
 pire together under the Church. The Church as repre- 
 sented by a General Council which is superior, "or the 
 head," as the whole body is superior to any member, 
 was the idea that was supported by the Universities 
 of Paris, Oxford and Prag. 
 
 Afterwards came about the Council of Pisa as the 
 result of the new project; and on March 25, 1409, Gre- 
 gory and Benedict were cited to appear and answer 
 charges before the Council. The Council was divided 
 into two parties, the Causa Unionis and the Causa Re- 
 formationis. It, however, broke up, under the im- 
 pression that it had accomplished the most important 
 part of its programme ; but it was soon evident that the 
 schism was as far from an end as ever. Then followed 
 the Council of Constance, November i, 1414, which 
 ended the schism and burned at the stake John Huss, of 
 the University of Prag, the leader of the Causa Re- 
 formationis faction. The restoration of unity was ever 
 the aim of these Councils, as is evidenced by their 
 opposition to reform. 
 
 The ideas of man may change, indeed, but the prin- 
 cipal aims of a social order are hard to change. The 
 old generation melts into the new, as night into tlie 
 day, and no one can say just where darkness changes 
 into dawn or twilight into darkness; but the general 
 rise and fall of civilization is ever felt and evidenced, 
 sometimes by the effort of one human soul, and we 
 can see that the nights are getting darker, the days 
 are growing brighter in every age. 
 
 For centuries the I'ace had lived that was to take a 
 
94 
 
 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 hand in the final overthrow of the unity of the western 
 Church, and while the order of society was breaking 
 up, and the links of feudalism which bound a man to 
 his lord, to his trade or his guild, to his fellows, to his 
 livelihood, were bursting; the old life was disappear- 
 ing and the individual of modern life was emerging. 
 
 To this change many things contributed. The move- 
 ment of the Renaissance emancipated men from the 
 somewhat narrow limits of medisevalism ; it opened 
 to them the knowledge of the ancients and gave them 
 the glimpse of a world of thought beyond, of which 
 the New World about to be discovered to the west 
 seemed but a type. 
 
 The economic revolution had a like effect. The 
 breaking-up of the organization of trades under the 
 system of close guilds was accomplished by the rise 
 of modern competition. 
 
 In life, as in thought, the individual was asserting 
 himself, and amid the clashing of rival interests which 
 this revolution necessitated a new principle of unity — • 
 that of a nationality — arose. This conception, due to 
 an appreciation of the identity of interest based on 
 such things as common language, common religion, 
 natural boundaries, common hopes and fears, if a less 
 attractive one than that of the Holy Roman Empire, 
 was at least more capable of realization, and alone 
 seemed able to control the spirit of individualism from 
 running riot. It was in the territory covered by mod- 
 ern Germany, France, Spain and England that this 
 new spirit of nationality had been most successful; 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 95 
 
 and if Germany was no more than a loose confedera- 
 tion of princes, the Hapsburgs had already had the 
 foundation of a monarchy of their own, while the 
 Pope was becoming more and more the prince of a 
 temporal kingdom in Italy. 
 
 The first result of this triumph of nationality was 
 not surprising, for when once a people have realized 
 the identity of their interests they are apt to be ag- 
 gressive. This now occurred. England, indeed, iso- 
 lated from the continent, and absorbed in domestic 
 questions, did not take much part in continental af- 
 fairs as yet ; but the others began to look abroad, and 
 Italy, where alone no political unity existed, offered 
 fair hopes of spoil. No sooner had France made the 
 first move in pursuit of her claims on Naples than the 
 other confederations' cupidity was aroused, and west- 
 ern Europe was involved in a series of international 
 wars, which continued with but little intermission until 
 the Peace of Vervius, 1598. Thus we see the rivalry 
 between nations cause the first international war from 
 a modern conception. The circumstances of the age 
 gave to this struggle its peculiar character. National 
 consideration had been accompanied by the triumph 
 of monarchial principle, after its stern struggle, which 
 of late had not been confined to temporal sphere, but 
 had been illustrated also within the Church by the 
 conflicts between the Papacy and the General Councils. 
 It followed that the dynastic interests of the reigning 
 families predominated. The monarchies no doubt rep- 
 resented the passions and aspirations of their subjects. 
 
96 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 Nevertheless, their policy was deeply colored by their 
 personal and family rivalries, and hence the wars were 
 more prolonged than they otherwise might have been. 
 To this must also, in part, be attributed the shifting 
 combinations of alliances and counter-alliances, which 
 change with the variety and rapidity of a kaleidoscope, 
 and which make the period, so far as its wars are con- 
 cerned, one of the most confused in history. In the 
 struggle which ensued, the Romans and the Teutonic 
 Nations came into close touch and hostile combat ; the 
 theory of the balance of power became a guiding prin- 
 ciple of politics, and diplomacy found its birth. 
 
 Before many years had passed the unity of the 
 Church of the West was broken by the accomplished 
 Reformation; for it was inevitable that the religious 
 and political questions should become involved, as 
 in this struggle for supremacy in Europe the internal 
 politics of the several kingdoms were deeply affected 
 by the religious issues. 
 
 The web of European complications became more 
 confused than ever, and if the interest of the period 
 before us is thus enhanced, its difficulty is certainly in- 
 creased. Into it all the problems of the Middle Ages 
 became absorbed, and out of it Modern Europe was 
 to arise. 
 
 The Thirty Years' War causes another general up- 
 rising and brings about the second international war, 
 causing disruption and a general readjustment of 
 boundaries and a rise in national importance, as a 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 97 
 
 necessity for the preservation of peace. The Peace of 
 Westphalia follows, October 24, 1648. 
 
 The religious territoriality was settled by referring 
 back to the status of the lands on the first day of 1624 
 as a criterion. Then came the partition treaties and 
 the Grand Alliance, followed by the War of the Span- 
 ish Succession and the Treaty of Utrecht, September, 
 1714. 
 
 Article I. "recognized Philip V. as King of Spain 
 and the Indies, on the condition that the Crowns of 
 France and Spain should never be united under the 
 same head." The Peace of Utrecht had been de- 
 nounced perhaps with greater fervor than any of the 
 greater settlements of European affairs, except the 
 Treaty of Vienna, 1815, as the interests of nations and 
 parties was the chief consideration, and not the general 
 welfare of Europe, and the treaty is justly liable to 
 censure for the means which were taken to bring it 
 about. 
 
 However, it recognized the due position of France, 
 the commercial and maritime supremacy of England, 
 and established safeguards against France. 
 
 France again takes the lead in European affairs and 
 \enters upon a course of embittered rivalry with Ger- 
 many, in which England assumes a position of first 
 importance in the affairs of Europe. Europe is then 
 divided upon the principle of territorialism under the 
 rule of the absolute monarchs. The Emperor is ousted 
 from his effective control of German policies and 
 
98 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 finds the true center of his power on the Danube, and 
 thus grows up the question of the Near East. 
 
 Then Europe was swept with revolution, and the 
 greatest attempt to reunite the fragments of the old 
 Empire by the force of arms was launched by Napo- 
 leon. Europe had fallen into a fantastic dream and 
 the dream had rapidly grown into a nightmare, until 
 the continent was again brought to its senses by Wel- 
 lington at Waterloo. 
 
 The peoples again looked forward to a life of sober 
 reality, into a period of facts and not of dreams, and 
 Europe once more relapsed into peace. 
 
 The Congress of Vienna, 1815, assembled the sov- 
 ereigns of Europe in council to lay the foundations of 
 the common weal of the civilized world, which was 
 bathed in blood, and inaugurated the hope of peace. 
 It reconstructed the moral order and regenerated the 
 political system of Europe by founding an enduring 
 peace on the just redistribution of political forces. 
 Even here the real purpose of the council was but to 
 divide the spoils of the conquered among the con- 
 querors. Talleyrand and all the rest washed their 
 hands in the blood of a wounded humanity when they 
 broke up the Polish kingdom and divided it among 
 themselves. 
 
 They mocked the misery of a world bled red with 
 three decades of war when they divided a race, like a 
 human body, and joined its members to three political 
 bodies of Europe. They created inconsistent boun- 
 daries and a racial feeling that can never be eradicated 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE 99 
 
 until these parts are restored to the consistent whole. 
 The weakness of the Congress was due to the fact 
 that its members knew and cared to know nothing of 
 the mind of the age, or the intellectual tendencies of 
 the times. 
 
 The reaction from the licentious idealism of the 
 French Revolution and the striving after a strong basis 
 of life took a double aspect, according to the two 
 eternal tendencies, conservative and progressive (rad- 
 ical) turn of the human mind. On the one hand was 
 the political and religious reaction, which appealed 
 from abstract principles to what seemed the more cer- 
 tain voice of Authority, ecclesiastical and historical. 
 This romantic movement was, as its name implies, also 
 tinged with idealism ; but it was none the less an effort 
 to find in the past a firm standpoint for the present. 
 Its religious side is represented by the wave of Cath- 
 olic revival which spread through western Europe, and 
 which is not yet spent. 
 
 On the other hand, liberalism itself underwent a 
 momentous change. The dogmas most characteristic 
 of the Revolution had fallen into discredit even with 
 the apostles of progress. The gospel of the Rights of 
 Man had proved effective for pulling down the old 
 order, but a sorry foundation for the new. 
 
 Jean Jacques Rousseau was now deposed in favor 
 of Jeremy Bentham. The pretty theories, which had' 
 kept the salons in talk and convulsed the world, were 
 replaced by a system, mathematical in its precision, 
 more suited to a prosaic and practical age, and the 
 
100 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 dreams of the state of nature and the Rights of Man 
 give placeto the gospel of Utilitarianism, with its doc- 
 trine of the "greatest happiness to the greatest num- 
 ber" as the supreme object of the state. 
 
 The chastened temper of Liberalism was relieved 
 in the more modest fight of its ambitions. The prin- 
 ciple of government "by the people for the people" 
 had grown out of the Revolution, but in practice this 
 had come to mean no more than the claim of capital 
 to share in political privileges hitherto monopolized by- 
 birth. 
 
 The presumption, as Metternich called it, was, in 
 the main, due to the expansion of commerce, the de- 
 velopment of manufactures, and consequently the de- 
 velopment of the power of money. The great Revolu- 
 tion had changed the social but not the economic basis 
 of society. It had resulted in the emancipation of the 
 middle classes, but the protest of Gracchus Beloeuf 
 against the privilege of wealth had scarce found a 
 hearing. 
 
 Only with the development of the great economic 
 revolution of the century did the claim of the prole- 
 tariat to an effective share of political power become 
 articulate; and when it did so, individual liberty was 
 constitutionally defined, the ideal of the Revolution 
 was attained, and the individual was placed under the 
 power of the community, and society advanced one 
 step toward socialism. 
 
 Nationality in its Modern sense is largely an indirect 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE lOI 
 
 outcome of the Revolution, with the cosmopolitan spirit 
 of which it has so much in common. 
 
 In the eighteenth century it meant no more than the 
 common tie which bound together a people in allegi- 
 ance to the sovereign, and when the ragged armies of 
 the French Republic first poured over the frontiers of 
 France they believed themselves to be the missionaries 
 of a new political gospel which was to break down all 
 barriers between nations as between classes. When 
 Napoleon placed upon his head the Imperial Crown 
 the victories of humanity had become the victories of 
 France; of a France of which the old provincial 
 boundaries had been swept away by the Revolution, 
 and which now, though its glory was for a moment 
 embodied in the person of the Emperor, would be for 
 the people, who were the source of all government and 
 the arbiters of all things. 
 
 In the National as in the International movements 
 of the world, the motive for confederation will always 
 be found according to the inevitable pressure of mate- 
 rial needs or interests, for it is in fact, after all ; in this 
 conscious recognition of a community of interest, that 
 the strongest tie of nationality consists, as is shown in 
 this illustration of the movement of society through the 
 past ages, in the common danger of war. 
 
 Race, religion, language and, above all, economic in- 
 terests, which are ever obliterating these distinctions, 
 and are ever apparent in the shaping of social or- 
 ganisms, are the cement of humanity. Whatever may 
 be the binding force of the former three, the force of 
 
I02 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 interest is paramount. Economic force caused the 
 American Revolution, for it was taxation of tea that 
 caused the war, and it was prosperity in the raising 
 of tobacco that determined the result. Economic force 
 caused the Civil War, for it was brought about by the 
 South in endeavoring to continue its cheap production 
 of cotton through the system of slavery. 
 
 The past centuries have been ushered in with the 
 grim realities of war, but they had all ended with at 
 least the vision of the brotherhood of man; and to- 
 day, the beginning of the twentieth century, has wit- 
 nessed the Russian- Japanese War, while the armed 
 nations stand face to face, guarding jealously their ex- 
 clusive privileges, and justifying the ruinous burden 
 of their armaments as the necessary insurance of their^ 
 material welfare. 
 
 Out of the French Revolution sprang the Concert 
 of Europe, as is evidenced by the Treaty of Vienna, 
 and the idea of the Balance of Power is reaffirmed, in 
 that "all governments ought to make common cause 
 in order to preserve the public peace, the tranquillity 
 of states, the inviolability of possessions, and the faith 
 of treaties." 
 
 Much has occurred since then to break and re- 
 cement the solidarity of Europe. 
 
 The idea of a permanent International Court is the 
 most important and magnificent one, and the time 
 seems auspicious and favorable to its realization, for 
 men are becoming weary of warfare and in general 
 are prepared to accept any system which will give 
 
UNIVERSAL EMPIRE I03 
 
 a reasonable guarantee for moderate liberty and a 
 continued peace. 
 
 Statesmen begin to look forward to the Confedera- 
 tion of Europe and the time when the Councils of the 
 great powers will be endowed with the efficiency and 
 simplicity of a single state that will guarantee the per- 
 manence of the established order. 
 
 This Concert arose as the result of a common fear 
 of the powers against the encroachment of the Turk ; 
 and the idea of the Balance of Power arose as a result 
 of the common fear of the powers of one another; 
 and the idea of Union or Confederation is beginning 
 to arise by reason of these two common fears and the 
 one impending and ever accelerating danger of the 
 radical revolutionary change in the existing order of 
 society within the states. 
 
 But the great and future fear of the Christian world 
 to-day is the development of a great military power 
 among the millions of the Mongolion nations, which 
 . would simply by force of numbers sweep the Cau- 
 casian race off the face of the earth. It is certainly 
 unreasonable to speak of disarmament in the face of 
 this danger, and when the press heralds the second 
 Peace Conference as a failure ; because it has failed to 
 diminish armaments to-day, it is in great and gross 
 error, for disarmament is only a condition consequent 
 to a mutual federation, which is coming about as soon 
 as the danger of the Yellow Peril is manifest. 
 
 The great Kaiser Wilhelm sees the danger, and 
 knows that even if China and Japan should consent 
 
I04 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 to diminish armaments to a par with all the nations, it 
 aggravates the danger, for it would throw strength 
 entirely upon the force of numbers in population, and 
 as the other rulers will recognize and analyze this fact, 
 the idea of disarmament, will become a thing of the 
 past, for peace is a condition subsequent and not a 
 condition precedent. 
 
 Then we can understand how the question of the 
 Far East, the question of the Near East, and the Prob- 
 lems at home are binding the western nations closer 
 and closer together, until they will become a Confed- 
 erated State. 
 
GOVERNMENT. 
 
IV. 
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL COURT. 
 
 It is one of the most peculiar circumstances in all 
 history that despotic Russia has been the guardian of 
 European liberty, for when the Asiatic hordes of Cos- 
 sacks and Tartars burst upon the western world in a 
 crusade of conquest they were only checked by Sla- 
 vonic blood of the Russians, Poles and Bohemians. 
 Nearly submerged in the blood of their fellow-defend- 
 ers, the Slavs arose again and again in their might and 
 struck down the Ottoman in his path of conquest. The 
 Slavic race liberated itself, and to its valor the world 
 owes its freedom to-day. 
 
 The emancipation of Roumania, Servia, Greece and 
 Bulgaria was accomplished by the Slavonic race. Not 
 a free-breathing free man between the Purth and the 
 Adriatic, the Mediterranean and the North Sea — and 
 we can say between the Atlantic and the Pacific — but 
 owes his liberty to this race, for it was the battle of the 
 double cross against the crescent that saved the single 
 cross to the world. In the Middle Ages Russia re- 
 ceived her share of Tartar sabers, and at the dawn of 
 Modern times, arrested the hand of the western 
 devastator who trailed his path with fire. The burning 
 
 107 
 
I08 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 of Moscow delivered the death-blow to which Leipsic 
 and Waterloo were but the coup de grace, and the 
 names of Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great and Alex- 
 ander I. stand out as cornerstones in Russian history. 
 
 But the name of Nicholas II. stands out as" a corner- 
 stone in the history of the world. 
 
 On March 13, 1881, Emperor Alexander had signed 
 an ukase which would have laid the foundation of a 
 constitutional government in Russia by establishing a 
 consultive assembly elected by the provincial and com- 
 munal assemblies. On the afternoon of the same day, 
 before the decree had been published, he was murdered 
 by the explosion of a nitro-glycerine bomb under his 
 carriage. The fearful crime ended the scheme of Bis- 
 marck in the Triple Alliance of 1883, for Alexander 
 III. was anti-German and had identified himself with 
 the Pan-Slavic movement, which Bismarck recognized 
 as the chief menace to the peace of Europe. 
 
 However, before his demise it was apparent that the 
 Slavic sympathies of the Emperor were held in check 
 by a general love of peace, and a secret treaty guaran- 
 teeing "benevolent neutrality" was signed by the three 
 Emperors. 
 
 Then, in 1896, the Russo-French Alliance was 
 crowned by the visit of the young Emperor Nicholas II. 
 to Paris and a return visit by President Felix Faure, 
 and subsequently the Dual ; like the Triple Alliance was 
 proclaimed by its principals as but one more guarantee 
 of European Peace. Thus France backed up Russia 
 in her expansion into the Far East and the Near East, 
 
GOVERNMENT IO9 
 
 and England was forced into an alliance with Japan as 
 a counterbalance to the force that was behind the Rus- 
 sian policy of Eastern Expansion, "to check the great 
 Bear." 
 
 The mention of Russian advance into China brings 
 vividly before the mind the change in the diplomatic 
 conditions of the world during the last decade of the 
 century. As the war between China and Japan gave 
 Russia an opportunity to acquire Port Arthur, it 
 brought another European power into the heart of the 
 eastern question. France and England were already 
 there. The appearance of Russia as an aggressive 
 power *in China brought her into combat not only with 
 England, whose trade interests in the Celestial Empire 
 are paramount, but with Germany and France, as well 
 as with the new power of the East — ^Japan. 
 
 France had for some time been aiming at building 
 up in another part of the Orient the empire which she 
 had lost in India, where Napoleon had started an en- 
 terprise in 1862 by the acquisition of Saigon. 
 
 A convention signed at Tientsin with Li Hung 
 Chang, the Viceroy of Pe-chilli, on May ii, 1884, was 
 repudiated at Pekin, but after a week or two's fighting 
 the Chinese Government gave in, and the preliminaries 
 of the treaty were signed at Paris by an agent of Sir 
 Robert Hart, the Chinese Director of Customs, by 
 which China agreed to recognize the French protecto- 
 rate over Anam and Tongking, to open up these con- 
 tiguous Chinese provinces to European trade, within 
 three months of the treaty with France. 
 
no UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 The partition of China into spheres of influence, for 
 which France had thus set the example, is to produce 
 a rich crop of results, of which the world will soon 
 begin to gather the bitter fruits. 
 
 It was then that the Russian Emperor Nicholas II. 
 saw these facts looming up in all their significance. 
 He realized that the world must act as a unity in rela- 
 tion to the eastern question, or there was bound to be 
 conflict; he saw that the time for launching the first 
 ligament that would confederate the western world 
 was quite timely and opportune ; he knew that the semi- 
 civilized Asiatic had lived in the state of disarmed 
 peace for centuries, and the civilized European was 
 attempting to maintain an armed peace during this 
 time. 
 
 Did not Nicholas see that an armed peace was a 
 mockery to civilization when he proposed disarma- 
 ment, and did he not have in view the making of arma- 
 ments the common property of all nations and thus 
 relieve the burden of excessive expense ? 
 
 In the famous and immortal Circular of August 24, 
 1898, in which the Czar's proposal for an International 
 Conference to arrange for a general disarmament, was 
 announced to the world; Count Muravieff thus sums 
 up the consequences of the existing political condi- 
 tions : 
 
 "The preservation of peace has been put forward as 
 the object of international policy. It is in its name 
 that the great states have concluded between them- 
 selves powerful alliances ; it is the better to guarantee. 
 
GOVERNMENT III- 
 
 peace that they have developed their military forces 
 in proportions hitherto unprecedented, and still con- 
 tinue to increase them, without shrinking from any 
 sacrifice. All their efforts, nevertheless, have not yet 
 been able to bring about the beneficent results of the 
 desired pacification. In proportion as the armaments 
 of each power increase do they less and less fulfill the 
 objects which the governments have set before them- 
 selves. Economic crises, due in great part to the sys- 
 tem of armaments, are outrageous, and the continual 
 danger which lies in this accumulation of war material 
 is transforming the armed peace of our days into a 
 crushing burden which the peoples have more and 
 more difficulty in bearing. It appears evident, then, 
 that if this state of things continue it will inevitably 
 lead to the very cataclysm which it is desired to avert, 
 and the horrors of which make every thinking being 
 shudder in anticipation." The deduction which the 
 Emperor of Russia desires us (through his minister) 
 to draw from these premises will be dealt with later; 
 meanwhile the statement is valuable as a clear exposi - 
 tion, which there is no reason to distrust, of the under- 
 lying motives of diplomacy since the Berlin Congress. 
 Further the rescript reads: "The intellectual and 
 physical strength of nations, labor and capital, are for 
 the major part diverted from their natural application 
 and unproductively consumed. Hundreds of millions 
 are devoted to acquiring terrible engines of destruc- 
 tion, which, though to-day regarded as the last word 
 of science, are destined to-morrow to lose all value 
 
112 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 in consequence of some fresh discovery in the same 
 field. It appears evident, then, that if the state of 
 things were prolonged it would inevitably lead to the 
 very cataclysm which it is destined to avert, and the 
 horrors of which make every thinking man shudder 
 in advance. To put an end to these incessant arma- 
 ments and to seek the means of warding off the calami- 
 ties which are threatening the whole world — such is 
 the supreme duty which is to-day imposed on all 
 states." 
 
 The Circular is permeated throughout with the 
 economic fallacy of continuing the present armed 
 peace. 
 
 But the 24th day of August, 1898, is the birthday 
 of International Disarmed Peace as certainly as it is 
 a Declaration of International Dependence. The Arti- 
 cles of Confederation are yet to be drafted and the 
 Constitution to be framed, but they are both inevita- 
 bilities. Since this declaration we have had great wars, 
 and great wars are yet to come before the peoples are 
 aroused to the realization that they are sacrificing their 
 lives and their wealth for nothing, and only by reason of 
 the fact that there is no system that can prevent it 
 and there will be none until they refuse to fight. As a 
 result of the Czar's initiative, an International Court 
 has been established ; but what is the Court without the 
 other necessary adjuncts to a workable system of gov- 
 ernment? It is a step in the right direction and the 
 most important branch of government, but the judi- 
 
GOVERNMENT II3 
 
 ciary cannot stand long without the legislative and the 
 executive branches of government. 
 
 As the certainty of the law is the guarantee of na- 
 tional peace, so it is the guarantee of international 
 peace, for the Court may exist, but the power of its 
 decree will depend upon the certainty, unity and sanc- 
 tity of the law. 
 
 Lower courts may develop with jurisdiction over 
 commercial matters, but the same rule will apply to 
 them. 
 
 The .Supreme Court of the United States had but 
 little to adjudge the first ten years, but the Interna- 
 tional Court has already adjudged many questions 
 which would have been just causes of war in the course 
 of but five years. Who, then, can doubt the effective'- 
 ness of this tribunal and its great future ? 
 
 The United States of America justify the existence 
 of the United States of the World, and even if our 
 republic is being heralded as a failure, it is certainly 
 the most successful failure in history. I am willing 
 to admit that as civilization is evolving from darkness, 
 so the most imperfect government is shaping itself 
 into perfection ; and as in all the old governments that 
 history records, which were evolved from the tribal 
 stage, where the chief was the absolute ruler (and was 
 yet practically without power), so there is a centraliza- 
 tion tendency in all government. 
 
 As governments developed, these chiefs became pow- 
 erful and became finally the monarchs of the modern 
 European states. They were ever becoming more 
 
114 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 powerful and despotic; but as the enlightenment of 
 the peoples was also becoming brighter, they demanded 
 more and more freedom and right to participate in the 
 affairs of state, and though rulers are supreme, the 
 branches of all modern government are vested in the 
 representatives of the people. 
 
 These principles of government were fought for by 
 the peoples, step by step, and compose the bloody 
 pages of history. First they gained the right to have 
 their rights determined by a court; then they gained 
 the right to determine what laws would govern the 
 court; then they gained the right to execute the laws. 
 Step by step the battle was fought, and is not yet at 
 an end, even though constitutions have been gained, 
 which are guarding these rights for the peoples of 
 the civilized world. 
 
 By the example of the United States of America 
 many nations of the world have established consti- 
 tutional governments. 
 
 Here on this continent the peoples were given the 
 right to govern themselves vyith the sweep of the pen, 
 but it took the sweep of the sword and the march 
 through marshes of blood before constitutions were 
 established elsewhere as the guardians of civil liberty. 
 
 Here on this continent the peoples were given the 
 right to govern themselves by a mutual compact; 
 elsewhere the peoples only acquired it by the force of 
 arms. 
 
 This is a significant fact, and goes to show that just 
 governments can be set up without the force of arms 
 
GOVERNMENT II5 
 
 and bloodshed. The Constitution of the United States 
 provides for the judiciary, legislative and executive 
 branches of government all at once. Each co-ordinate 
 and co-equal, acts as a check and balance against the 
 other. Each has supreme power over certain functions 
 of government with which the other branches can- 
 not interfere. No system of government was ever 
 organized so well or upon such just principles as is 
 organized, by the Constitution of the Ufiited States, 
 and it has withstood the storm of dismemberment and 
 expansion, of rebellion and revolution, and I dare say 
 will prove a model for the Constitution of the World. 
 
 When we look over the storms of the past and look 
 into the gathering clouds of the future we may well 
 ask ourselves which of the three branches of govern- 
 ment is the most important: the Executive, which is 
 represented by the President; the Legislative, which 
 is represented by the Congress ; or the Judiciary, which 
 is represented by the Supreme Court. 
 
 The executive branch is of great importance, for of 
 what effect would be the law without its proper execu- 
 tion? The legislative branch is of great importance, 
 for the rapidity of modern progress would soon leave 
 us without law concerning many subjects and the 
 strength of the law would be defeated by its uncer- 
 tainty. 
 
 The judiciary branch of government is of great im- 
 portance, for of what effect would be legislation and 
 execution without adjudication? 
 
Il6 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 The right of trial is the rock of liberty; without it 
 governments fail and fall. 
 
 Destroy all the branches of government, but leave 
 the courts, and they will soon furnish the necessary 
 accessories ; but destroy the courts and the government 
 itself is destroyed. The Supreme Court of the United 
 States was the greatest body in the world until the 
 establishment of the International Court at The 
 Hague, for, in fact, the sanctity, impartiality and jus- 
 tice of an arbiter carries with it the three functions of 
 government. 
 
 The peoples are sovereign in the United States ; for 
 the President, Congress and the Supreme Court are but 
 the servants of the Public. And even the Constitution, 
 which is pre-eminently above all the branches of gov- 
 ernment, is not above the people, for they may amend 
 and consequently practically repeal it. 
 
 The President's supremacy is asserted when he re- 
 fuses to sign a bill and make it a law, and his suprem- 
 acy from a legal standpoint goes only as far as the 
 veto, which may be submerged, and the bill passed by 
 a two-thirds vote. Thus the Congress takes away the 
 supreme supremacy of the President and becomes itself 
 supreme. 
 
 But in the last analysis the Supreme Court is above 
 the President, above the Congress, yes, above the Con- 
 stitution itself upon all constitutional questions; for 
 the law may be enacted by the Congress and signed 
 by the President, but when it comes before the Su- 
 preme Court upon the question of constitutionality, the 
 
GOVERNMENT ItJ 
 
 Supreme Court interprets the Constitution, stretches 
 it, defines it, and limits it, according to its best judg- 
 ment, in the light of precedent and the intent of the 
 framers of this immortal document, and we see that 
 the power of interpretation carries with it the power 
 of legislation and execution. 
 
 Laws may be executed by a wholesome public senti- 
 ment, as the intelligence of the people is growing. 
 New laws may come into being by judicial decision 
 and thus do away with the necessity of an executive 
 and legislative body, but organized government cannot 
 last long without the power of determining the rights 
 existing between the peoples. Adjudication is the ful- 
 crum on which the balance scales of justice rest and 
 the greatest force for the advancement and progress 
 of civilization. 
 
 Why, then, should any man look to the International 
 Court with any other than the greatest confidence in its 
 future in determining disputes between nations? Ad- 
 judication tells the world what is right, and the civi- 
 lized world affirms by the great force of public opinion. 
 The first and greatest branch of an international gov- 
 ernment has been established, and, although the na- 
 tions have not yet crystallized an executive and legis- 
 lative branch, we can foresee the inevitability of the 
 realization of an International Parliament in the near 
 future. 
 
 The second step is most certainly a step in the 
 right direction, and is bound to hasten the third and 
 last step as inevitably as the night followeth the day. 
 
Il8 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 Twilight of the rising sun of Peace is stealing over 
 the yet dark world, and no reasonable man can predict 
 anything other than the Republic of the World as the 
 crowning act in the fullness of day; for only at high 
 noon will the nations all join in a common unity of 
 brotherhood, and then, as the evening approaches 
 again, into the shadowy sunset, the peoples will sink 
 back into midnight darkness. 
 
 Such is the history of civilization, the rise and fall 
 of man. 
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL PARLIAMENT. 
 
 The crude yet steady development of international 
 law foretells the necessity of an international parlia- 
 ment and foreshadows its consummation. 
 
 In the days of Ayala, Brunus, Gentilis, Grotius and 
 Pufendorf' their theories as to what should be the rules 
 that would rightly govern the conduct between nations 
 had but little effect. These conditions have so changed 
 that to-day a body of fairly established rules and prin- 
 ciples are observed in interstate action, and form the 
 subject matter of international law. 
 
 This law is divided into public international law, 
 which treats of the rules and principles which are gen- 
 erally observed in interstate action, and private inter- 
 national law, which treats of the rules and principles 
 which are observed in cases of conflict of jurisdiction 
 in regard to private rights, termed, according to Judge 
 Story, "Conflict of Laws." 
 
 International law is generally observed by civilized 
 
GOVERNMENT II9 
 
 States; even some of those states not fully open to 
 western civilization profess to observe its rules. 
 
 The expansion of commerce and trade, the introduc- 
 tion of new and rapid means of communication, the 
 diffusion of knowledge through books and travel, the 
 establishment of permanent embassies, the making of 
 many treaties containing the same general provisions, 
 and the whole movement of modern civilization to- 
 ward unifying the interests of states have rapidly en- 
 larged the range of international action and the scope 
 of international law. Civilized states, so far as pos- 
 sible, observe these rules of international law in their 
 dealings with uncivilized communities which have not 
 yet attained model statehood. International Law cov- 
 ers all the relations into which civilized states may 
 come, both peaceful and hostile. 
 
 In general it does not extend its scope so as to inter- 
 fere with domestic affairs or to limit domestic jurisdic- 
 tion, though it does often limit the economic and 
 commercial action of a given state and determine to 
 some extent its policy. The conception of these rules 
 and principles of which international law treats has 
 varied greatly with periods, with conditions, and with 
 writers. 
 
 The early terminology indicates the vagueness of 
 the conceptions of the principles governing conduct 
 of man toward his fellows. 
 
 Jus natures is defined broadly by Ulphian as "the 
 law which Nature has taught all living creatures, so 
 as to be common to men and beasts." Hugo Grotius 
 
I20 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 also used this term, defining it as "the dictate of right 
 reason, indicating that any act from its agreement or 
 disagreement with rational nature has in it moral tur- 
 pitude or moral necessity, and consequently such act 
 is either forbidden or enjoined by God, the author of 
 nature." Lieber says, "The law of nature or natural 
 law ... is the law, the body of rights, which we de- 
 duce from the essential nature of man." 
 
 The discussion of jus natures has been carried on 
 from an early period, covering many portions of the 
 field of modern international law and making possible 
 the broadening and strengthening of its foundations. 
 
 Jus gentium, according to Justinian, is "that which 
 natural reason has established among men, that which 
 all peoples uniformly regard." Jus gentium is com- 
 mon to the whole of human kind. This idea of a body 
 of law common to all men assumed a different mean- 
 ing when states multiplied and writer after writer re- 
 defined and qualified its meaning. Jus gentium became 
 the subject of many controversies and finally became 
 the law between the foreigner and the' Roman citizen. 
 
 Among the qualifying terms, "internal," "neces- 
 sary," "natural," "positive" and other terms were used 
 to name the field or portions of the field of modern 
 international law. Jus 'fetiale applied particularly to 
 the declaration of war and sanction of treaties. Jus 
 inter gentes was used by Zouch in 1650 to name the 
 real field of international law. Laws of nations were 
 commonly used as a term in England until the days 
 of Bentham; since then the term international law, 
 
GOVERNMENT 121 
 
 which he adopted, has steadily grown in favor till 
 almost universal in the English language. 
 
 If law is defined, as by Austin, "A rule laid down 
 for guidance of an intelligent being by an intelligent 
 being having power over him," it would be possible 
 to include under it international law, by considering 
 the nations a composite being. If law is defined, as 
 by Blackstone, "A rule of action prescribed by a su- 
 perior power," it is doubtful if international law would 
 come under it, because it is to-day prescribed by no 
 superior power. 
 
 Of course, "having power over him" conveys a "su- 
 perior power," which might be public opinion, public 
 sentiment or public will ; but the term superior power 
 conveys an organized superiority, and, as I have 
 pointed out before, no law is absolutely superior or 
 above the law of force, from which civilization is 
 gradually drifting. 
 
 This continued change in terminology shows in a 
 measure the growth in the feeling of internationality, 
 which is at the same time an assertion of independent- 
 dependence. 
 
 The Jural basis of International Law is the Roman 
 Law, the Canon Law, the Common Law, Equity and 
 Admiralty Law. 
 
 International Law at present is but a body of rules 
 and principles in accordance with which interstate phe- 
 nomena take place, and violations of international law 
 do not meet the same penalties as those of national 
 law, as they have no established tribunal for their 
 
122 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 enforcement and execution. International law is, How- 
 ever, in form "law" and in practice so regarded. 
 
 The history of the development of the rules and 
 principles now considered in international laiv nat- 
 urally falls into three periods, ancient, midd'? and 
 modern. The ancient dates from the development of 
 the earliest European civilization and extends to the 
 beginning of the Christian Era. 
 
 The dispersion of the Greeks in many colonies which 
 became practically independent communities gave rise 
 to systems of intercourse involving the recognition of 
 general obligations. The Maritime Law of Rhodes is 
 an instance of the general acceptance of common prin- 
 ciples. The main body of this law has not survived, 
 yet the fragment appearing in the Digest, De Leges 
 Rodia de Jactu, is, after more than two thousand years, 
 the basis of the present doctrine of jettison. The 
 recognition by Greece of the existence of the inde- 
 pendent states, and the relations into which the states 
 entered, developed crude forms of international comity, 
 as in the sending and receiving of ambassadors and 
 the formation of alliances. 
 
 Rome made many contributions to the principles of 
 international law in the way of the extension of her 
 own laws to wider spheres and in the attempt to adapt 
 Roman laws to conditions in remote territories. In 
 the early period Rome may be said to have contributed 
 to the field of what is now private international law 
 as well as public international law. This is evident in 
 regard to the laws of marriage, contract, property, etc. 
 
GOVERNMENT 123 
 
 The dominance of Rome impressed her laws on others 
 and extended the influence of those precepts which, 
 from general practice or conformity to accepted stand- 
 ards, gained the name Jus Gentium. 
 
 The varied struggle in the middle period, from the 
 beginning of the Christian Era to the middle of the 
 seventeenth century, has a decided influence upon the 
 body and form of international law. The appeal in 
 case of disagreement was not to such standards, but 
 to Caesar. The idea of the common supremacy was 
 deep-rooted, and a similar unifying influence was 
 found in the growth of the Christian Church, which 
 knew no distinction between bond or free, Jew or 
 Gentile. 
 
 Christianity became the state religion early in the 
 fourth century, modeling its organization on that of 
 the Roman Empire ; and from the sixth century, with 
 the decay of the Empire, the Church became the great 
 power. 
 
 The belief in the entity and universality of the Roman 
 dominion was strengthened by the Church, although 
 materially changed in its nature. Whatever the in- 
 consistencies of the Church and State during the first 
 ten centuries of our era, there had grown up the idea 
 of great importance for international law, that there 
 could be a ground upon which all might meet, a belief 
 which all might accept, both in regard to political and 
 religious organizations. 
 
 For five hundred years before the days of Boniface 
 
124 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 VIII. (1294-1303) the holder of the papal office had 
 from time to time acted as an international judge. 
 
 The Canon Law codified by Gregory IX. (1227- 
 1241) was planned to rival the Corpus Juris Civilis. 
 The Popes, with varying degrees of success, tried to 
 render such into national justice as the discordant ele- 
 ments introduced by the growth of cities and rise of 
 nationalities demanded. From the Council of Con- 
 stance (1414-1418), which was a recognition of the 
 fact of nationality, and at which time the Emperor 
 for the last time appeared as the great international 
 head, the decline of both Church and Empire as direct 
 international factors was rapid. 
 
 By the eleventh century Feudalism had established 
 both the temporal and spiritual authorities. This sys- 
 tem, closely related to the possession of land and gra- 
 dation of classes, discouraged the development of the 
 idea of equality of state power necessary for the de- 
 velopment of international law, though it did empha- 
 size the doctrine of sovereignty as based on land in 
 distinction from the personal sovereignty of earlier 
 days. 
 
 The Crusades (1096-1270), uniting Christendom 
 against the Saracen for foreign intervention, awaken- 
 ing Europe to a new civilization, expanding the study 
 and practice of the Roman law which feudal courts 
 had checked, weakening many feudal overlords, en- 
 franchising towns, freeing the third estate, spreading 
 the use of the Latin language, enlarging and diffusing 
 commerce, teaching the possibility of national interests. 
 
GOVERNMENT 125 
 
 led to the apprehension of a broader basis in comity 
 and made the growth of interstate relations more rapid. 
 
 The code of chivalry and the respect for honor 
 which it enjoined introduced a basis of equitable deal- 
 ing which, on account of the international character 
 of the orders of chivalry, reacted upon the state prac- 
 tice throughout Christian Europe. 
 
 The expansion of commerce, especially maritime, 
 emphasized the duties and rights of nations ; for, from 
 the fall of the empire to the Crusades, commerce was 
 attended with great dangers from pirates on the sea 
 and from exactions in the port. The so-called Amalfi- 
 tan Tables seem to have been the sea law of the latter 
 part of the eleventh century. 
 
 The much more detailed Consolato del Mare, of 
 doubtful origin, between the twelfth and fourteenth 
 centuries derived some of its principles from the elev- 
 enth century code. The Consolato was recognized by 
 maritime powers as generally binding and made pos- 
 sible wide commercial intercourse. Many of its prin- 
 ciples have stood to the present day, though touching 
 such questions as the mutual rights of neutrals and 
 belligerents on the sea in time of war. 
 
 As the Consolato formed the code of southern Eu- 
 rope, the Laws of Oleron formed the maritime code 
 for western Europe, and were compiled the latter part 
 of the twelfth century, whether by Richard I. or his 
 mother. Queen Eleanor, is a disputed question. These 
 laws are based in a large measure on the other exist- 
 ing systems. 
 
126 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 The Laws of Wisby, dating from about 1288, sup- 
 plemented the Laws of Oleron and formed the funda- 
 mental law of maritime courts of the Baltic nations. 
 The Hanseatic League (1591) compiled a system of 
 maritime law, called "Jus Hanseaticum Maritinum," 
 based on the code of western and northern Europe, 
 and this maritime law of Europe was practically un- 
 changed for nearly a hundred years, until systematized 
 in 1673 under Louis XIV. Similar to the maritime 
 codes are the Customs of Amsterdam, the Laws of 
 Antwerp and the Guidon de la Mar. 
 
 Closely connected with the development of the mari- 
 time law during the latter part of the middle period 
 was the establishment of the official consul. The con- 
 suls, under the title of "consules marinariorum et mer- 
 catorum," resided in foreign countries, assisted by ad- 
 vice and information the merchants of their own coun- 
 tries, and endeavored to secure to their countrymen 
 such rights and privileges as possible. These seem to 
 have been sent out by Pisa early in the eleventh cen- 
 tury, and were for some time mainly sent by the Medi- 
 terranean countries to the East. 
 
 The Modern period may be divided into three epochs 
 of International Law development : 
 
 First — From the Peace of Westphalia (1648) to the 
 Peace of Utrecht (171 3). Second — From the Peace of 
 Utrecht (1713) to the Congress of Vienna (1815). 
 Third — From the Congress of Vienna to the present 
 time. 
 
 During the first period it became evident at the ter- 
 
GOVERNMENT 127 
 
 mination of the Thirty Years' War that the old doc- 
 trine of a World Empire, whether of the Pope or 
 Emperor, could no longer be sustained. 
 
 The provisions in the Peace of Westphalia, while 
 not creating a code to govern international relations, 
 did give legal recognition to the existence of such con- 
 ditions as Grotius contemplated in De Jure Belli ac 
 Pads, viz., equality of sovereign state, regardless of 
 area or power. 
 
 During the second period the Treaty of Utrecht was 
 enacted, and contained recognition of many of the 
 principles which had become fairly well accepted dur- 
 ing the years since 1648. 
 
 The French Revolution of 1789 introduced new 
 principles. The "armed neutrality" of 1780, while 
 maintaining the principle of "free ships, free goods," 
 made impossible the converse "enemy's ships, enemy's 
 goods," which had been held to be the law. Both the 
 French and the American revolutions made evident 
 the necessity of the development of laws of neutrality 
 (hitherto greatly confined and disregarded), for after 
 the French Revolution it became necessary to define 
 just intervention, that Europe might not again be con- 
 vulsed. It became evident that the state was an entity 
 and distinct from the person of the King. No longer 
 could the King of France or of any European state 
 say, "L'etat c'est moi." The growth of commerce and 
 intercourse made necessary new laws of neutrality and 
 new principles of comity, such as were in part forth- 
 coming in the early days of the nineteenth century, as 
 
128 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 seen in the resistance to the right of search, the decla- 
 ration against African slave trade, establishment of 
 freedom of river navigation, improved regulation in 
 regard to trade in time of war, neutralization of Swit- 
 zerland, placing of protectorate over Ionian Islands, 
 and the determination of precedence and dignities of 
 the various diplomatic agents and the states which 
 they represented. 
 
 During the third period the Peace of Westphalia, 
 the Treaty of Utrecht and the Treaty of Vienna are 
 the three celebrated cases of combined action of the 
 European powers, and they are but the terminus of 
 war, as is said after war, "Peace," 
 
 The "Balance of Power" was gradually being sup- 
 planted by the "Concert of Powers," which would not 
 merely maintain the statu quo of the "balance," but 
 might enter upon a positive policy of concerted action, 
 and during this period the "Holy Alliance" of 1815, to 
 promote "Justice, Christianity, Charity and Peace," 
 was first broken by its originators, though it served 
 its purpose. 
 
 There was a strong feeling that the principles of 
 international law should be followed, however, and 
 this the Declaration of Five Cabinets, November 15, 
 1818, distinctly avowed in their unwarrantable reso- 
 lution never to depart, either among themselves or in 
 their relations with other states, from the strictest ob- 
 servation of the principles of the "Rights of Nations." 
 The attempt to extend the principle of intervention in 
 favor of maintaining the various sovereigns on their 
 
GOVERNMENT I29 
 
 thrones, and in suppression of internal revolutionary 
 disturbances by foreign force, was made in the "Circu- 
 lar of the Three Powers," December 8, 1820. 
 
 The Grecian War of Independence (1821-1829)' 
 brought the new principle of pacific blockade (1827), 
 and at its conclusion the powers guaranteed the sov- 
 ereignty of Greece. 
 
 The subjects of right of search, foreign enlistment, 
 Monroe Doctrine, freedom of commerce and naviga- 
 tion, expatriation, extradition, neutralization of terri- 
 tory, ship canals, consular rights, neutral rights and 
 duties, arbitration reciprocity, mixed courts, interna- 
 tional postage, weights and measures, trade-marks and 
 copyrights, rules of war, submarine cables, and sphere 
 of influence, which have come to the front during the 
 nineteenth century, indicate in a measure the subject 
 matter of international negotiation and the importance 
 of an International Parliament to fix the certainty of 
 the law upon the ever-increasing and multifarious sub- 
 jects of international disputes. 
 
 The International Law has grown up by reason of 
 international practice or custom, but these principles 
 upon which the law is founded are found in the text 
 writers or expounders of the law and in treaties or 
 international compacts, of which I have given brief 
 sketches, for they are practically an international code. 
 
 Among the writers of International Law before the 
 
 days of Grotius the most prominent are Victoria ( 
 
 1550?), Ayala (1548-1584), Swarz (1548-1617) and 
 Gentilis (1551-1611). 
 
130 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 While in many respects their contributions to the 
 science were valuable, the work of Grotius stands out 
 pre-eminently among all the earlier writers. 
 
 Hugo Grotius, who was born in Delft, April 10, 1853, 
 and died in Rostock, August 28, 1645, is the greatest 
 of international law writers. 
 
 Grotius was a scholar, jurist, statesman, of good 
 family, precocious, prodigious in learning of many 
 branches. At fifteen he was with a special embassy 
 at France ; at twenty, a historiographer to the United 
 Provinces ; at twenty-five, advocate-general of the fisc 
 of Holland and Zealand; he married, at twenty-six, 
 Mary von Riegesberg, a worthy helpmate; at thirty 
 he was pensionary of the city of Rotterdam ; was also 
 deputed to England to settle maritime disputes. 
 
 Grotius took an active part in religious disputes, on 
 which account he was sentenced to imprisonment and 
 his property confiscated. Two years later, through the 
 cleverness of his wife, he escaped to Paris. Here were 
 days of adversity and study. 
 
 In 1625 "De Jure Belli ac Pads" was published, and 
 brought immediate fame, but no profit. This treatise 
 attempts to bring into a systematic treatment those 
 principles which have since become known as inter- 
 national law. It touched upon many other subjects. 
 Rich in quotations, its broad philosophical basis gives 
 it permanent value. The conditions in Europe at the 
 time of its appearance gave it immediate and powerful 
 influence in determining the course of modern political 
 history. 
 
GOVERNMENT I3I 
 
 Zouch (1590-1660), the successor of Gentilis as 
 professor in Roman Law at Oxford, while a follower 
 of Grotius in matter and method, deserves mention for 
 his distinction between jus gentium and that law to 
 which he gives the name jus inter gentes, in the French 
 translation called "Droit entre les Gens later Droit 
 International" and in the English, "Law of Nations," 
 and since Bentham, "International Law." 
 
 Pufendorf (1632-1694) in his voluminous work in 
 general follows Grotius. 
 
 Rachel (1628-1691) headed a new school that as- 
 signed a stronger authority to the principle of inter- 
 national law, and gave more attention to usage, 
 whether tacitly admitted or plainly expressed, and to 
 compacts. 
 
 Bynkerhoek (1673- 1743), limiting his work to par- 
 ticular subjects in international law, gave to the eight- 
 eenth century several authoritative treatises which are 
 justly regarded as of the highest worth. He espe- 
 cially defined the laws of maritime commerce between 
 neutrals and belligerents {De Domino Maris, 1702), 
 gave an outline of ambassadorial rights and privileges 
 {De Foro Legatorum, 1721), besides contributing to 
 a much clearer understanding of the general subject 
 of international law. 
 
 Wolfe (1679-1754) published Jus Gentium, basing 
 international law on a state universal, "civitas max- 
 ima," made up of the states of the world, in their 
 capacity as voluntarily recognizing a natural law. 
 
 Vattel (1714-1767), an ardent admirer of Wolfe, 
 
132 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 published, in 1758, "Law of Nations," which he based 
 upon that of Wolfe. 
 
 Moser (1701-1786) brings into the science the posi- 
 tive method which Rachel had hinted at in his work 
 a hundred years before. He narrows his view to the 
 principles underlying the cases of his own day and 
 builds the science upon recent precepts. The method 
 thus introduced has strongly influenced succeeding 
 writers. 
 
 G. F. de Martens (1756-1801) combines in a meas- 
 ure the method of Vattel with the positive method of 
 Moser in his "Precis de Droit des Gens Moderne de 
 I' Europe," 1789. This treatise has been a recognized 
 standard. 
 
 Wheaton (1785-1848), the foremost American 
 writer on International Law, published in 1836 his 
 "Elements of International Law," which has long been 
 recognized as a standard throughout the world. 
 
 Beside the great work of Wheaton justly stands 
 Plulmoie's "Commentaries upon International Law." 
 
 Many other works of the highest merit have ap- 
 peared during the latter half of the new century, such 
 as those of Bluntschili, Travers, Twiss, Calvo, 'Whar- 
 ton, Pradier-Fodere, and the eminent authority, the 
 late William Edward Hall. 
 
 There are many other living writers who are con- 
 tributing to the great work of perfecting international 
 law; but, with all these and the multitude of great 
 writers that may come in the future, the system of 
 international law will be very crude indeed if it is to 
 
GOVERNMENT 1 33 
 
 depend upon expounders whose force is solely good 
 judgment and argument, which is not often recognized 
 until long after they are dead and the principles for 
 which' they had contended become obsolete from the 
 force of human progress, although it was vital and just 
 law at the time that it was expounded. 
 
 Truly, above all force, the force of argument and 
 reason is supreme: but for what counteth the argu- 
 ment of one man when it conflicts with the interests 
 of others? 
 
 I dare say again that the time is opportune for the 
 second important branch of international government, 
 the International Parliament to enact international 
 law and make more certain and definite the rights of 
 nations. 
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL EXECUTIVE. 
 
 I HAVE shown how the different sections of Europe 
 have confederated by loose ties for mutual protection, 
 ever guarding zealously local autonomy and in fear 
 of a central power of government. But as the external 
 danger grew greater and greater, closer and closer 
 became the bond between these principalities, until 
 there were recognized common systems of government 
 and a ruler. The force of arms only hastened this 
 natural tendency, for a centralization in one part of 
 the continent only hastened a centralization in another, 
 as balance of force against an impending danger of 
 attack and invasion. 
 
134 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 The two forces of individualism and collectivism 
 were strongly manifest through the whole period of 
 the formation of the modern European states. The 
 strongest ruler of necessity was the man who had the 
 igteatest following, strength, and possibly the best 
 system. 
 
 In order to demonstrate the feasibility of an Inter- 
 national Executive, I wish to go briefly through the 
 development of the system of government in the 
 United States of America and point out the limitations 
 placed not only upon the executive of the United 
 States, but upon the executive of all the other powers 
 as a result of the example of the United States, as is 
 evidenced by the French Revolution and the constitu- 
 tions that followed immediately afterward. 
 
 The Continental Congress wanted no one head to 
 the government, making the executive powers as weak 
 as possible, and only after the articles of confedera- 
 tion were found wanting in the fundamental of all 
 government, the Constitution was drafted with an 
 executive and the power to tax. It is certain that the 
 individualistic tendency of the West should influence 
 the East, as the world is growing closer and closer, 
 and likewise that the socialism of the East should in- 
 fluence the West, thus bringing the whole civilized 
 world to a common, liberal level ; and yet, at the same 
 time, it is reasonable that certain economic conditions 
 should drive sections into either of the extremes. 
 
 I am likewise led to believe that the individualistic 
 tendency in government, or democracy, as it is gener- 
 
GOVERNMENT 135 
 
 ally known, and the socialistic form of government, or 
 autocracy, as it is generally known, are merging into 
 the Liberal or Republican form of government all over 
 the world. 
 
 The indications are quite obvious that in the tend- 
 ency toward unification of nations the Liberal form 
 of government should be the supreme aim of the 
 peoples. 
 
 It is true that the democratic tendency has been de- 
 veloped to the highest degree, so far, in America, and 
 from this new world all modern individualistic gov- 
 ernments have gained their inspiration. 
 
 This movement is primarily an economic one, due 
 to the contact of individualistic nature and atmosphere 
 of the West, where there is freedom of land and un- 
 tainted free air, which makes for courage and not 
 cowardice. 
 
 In 1765 a congress of delegates from nine colonies, 
 held in New York for the purpose of organizing re- 
 sistance to the oppressions of George III., was fol- 
 lowed by another congress in Philadelphia in 1774, 
 which called itself Continental (for the name America 
 had not yet been established). 
 
 This congress asserted its right of representation 
 "in the name of the good people of these colonies," 
 the first assertion of any sort of national unity among 
 the English in America. This congress, in which, 
 from 1775 onward, all the colonies were represented, 
 was merely a revolutionary body. On July 4, 1776, 
 it declared the independence of the colonies, and in 
 
136 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 1776 it gave itself a new legal character, framing the 
 "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union," 
 whereby the thirteen states (as they called themselves) 
 entered into "a firm league of friendship" with each 
 other, offensive and defensive, while declaring that 
 "each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and inde- 
 pendence, and every power, jurisdiction and the right 
 which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated 
 to the United States in Congress assembled." 
 
 This confederation was rather a league than a gov- 
 ernment, for it possessed no central authority except 
 an assembly, in which every state, the largest and the 
 smallest alike, had one vote, and this assembly had no 
 jurisdiction over the individual citizens. 
 
 There was no Federal Executive, no Federal Judi- 
 ciary, but a Local Judiciary, based upon a common law 
 pnd a parliamentary congress, w'ith practically no 
 power, for the want of the right of taxation — an eco- 
 nomic function. 
 
 This individualistic plan corresponds strikingly to 
 the international condition of affairs to-day. 
 
 There is an international court, with limited powers 
 and only the international compacts and text writers 
 to depend upon for its source of law as a precedent. 
 
 The Interparliamentary Union corresponds striking- 
 ly to the powers of the Continental Congress, which 
 had nothing but the good will of the people and the 
 bad will of the Governors. There was no executive, as 
 there is no International Executive at present; but 
 this movement has the good will of the rulers, pre- 
 
GOVERNMENT 137 
 
 sumptively. Washington was quite liberal and correct 
 when he said it was no better than anarchy. 
 
 The Peace of Paris was ratified in 1783, and in 1786 
 a convention of delegates from five states met at An- 
 napolis, Maryland, to discuss methods of enabling 
 Congress to regulate commerce, which suffered griev- 
 ously from the varying and burdensome regulations 
 imposed by the several states. A convention was sum- 
 moned, upon the suggestion of the Congress of An- 
 napolis, to meet at Philadelphia on the 14th day of 
 May, 1787, for the purpose of revising the Articles of 
 Confederation. George Washington was chosen to 
 preside. 
 
 This famous assembly of fifty-five delegates revised 
 the Articles of Confederation by framing a new Con- 
 stitution, to be considered and ratified neither by Con- 
 gress nor the State Assemblies, but by the People of 
 the several states. This was the most critical moment 
 in the history of the world. 
 
 The convention had sat behind closed doors for five 
 months in work and labor commensurate with the mag- 
 nitude of the past and the splendor of the result, for it 
 was breaking up a Confederation and forming a 
 Union by substituting the Articles of Confederation 
 with a Constitution and creating a more centralized 
 government. 
 
 An executive was provided for, to be known as 
 President, and even then the people heralded a strong 
 ruler and government at home as a worse condition 
 than a despot abroad. Would the People ratify the 
 
138 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 Constitution ? We can hardly to-day realize the enor- 
 mity of these dif55culties. Jefferson framed the Con- 
 stitution and was its principal defender, but when he 
 said, "That government which governs the least is 
 best," Hamilton took exception. Hamilton believed it 
 to be but little better than the Articles of Confedera- 
 tion, and proposed amendments for a strongly central- 
 ized government. 
 
 Out of these opinions sprang the two great parties 
 that are still contending for supremacy — the Republi- 
 can and Democratic. 
 
 Only through the efforts of Washington was the 
 Constitution framed on a compromised ground be- 
 tween the struggling, opposing forces, and it was he 
 who saved the day and is the real hero of the crucial 
 hour. 
 
 Washington stood as the sole arbiter of America's 
 destiny. Immaculately superior in the hearts of his 
 countrymen, his suggestion had the force of the strong- 
 est argument. He was not a radical nor a conserva- 
 tive, but a liberal in the fullest sense of the word. 
 Washington had the confidence of everybody, and in 
 his election as President the people saw only a benevo- 
 lent ruler and felt the assurance of a guarantee of the 
 Bill of Rights, so he was unanimously chosen. 
 
 It was Washington who secured the liberties of this 
 nation by his valor at Valley Forge, his courage in 
 the Convention, and his returned affection in the hearts 
 of the American people. The people had their Courts 
 under George HI., and they established a legislative 
 
GOVERNMENT ' I39 
 
 body by the Continental Congress and subsequently the 
 Executive by the Constitution. 
 
 The United States of America were built up into a 
 Union by a slow process of evolution, and the final 
 solution of the problem came about by the stroke of 
 the pen of Thomas Jefferson, who was learned in the 
 systems of government that existed from the Fall of 
 Babylon, for he did not gain his knowledge except by 
 deep and profound study. 
 
 Rousseau and Hume loaned him paint with which to 
 make his masterpiece. Tacitus and Cicero loaned their 
 paint to Hume and Rousseau, Herititus and Demos- 
 thenes loaned their paint to Tacitus and Cicero, and so 
 on until the United States of America, by the beautiful 
 blending and simplification of colors, is the last great 
 masterpiece in the Art of Government. 
 
 The question of a central head or executive is the 
 point around which the completion of an international 
 government must of necessity rest its contest and will 
 be the crucial period in the establishment of an Inter- 
 national Union. The American Confederation con- 
 clusively proved the want of some central power, and 
 it cannot be conjectured that the alarm felt as to the 
 danger from one-man power was largely quelled by 
 the presence of a man like Washington. 
 
 It was extremely difficult to determine a satisfactory 
 method of choosing a President, as well as the determi- 
 nation of his powers. Hamilton wanted the President 
 to serve for life. Jefferson wanted him to serve for 
 only a limited period. For the People to vote directly 
 
I40 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 for the President would put him into too close touch 
 with the People and might give him excessive power. 
 For the Congress to elect him it would give the Con- 
 gress the executive power, so electors were agreed 
 upon. This plan was expected to secure the choice 
 of the best citizens of each state, who would in a tran- 
 quil and deliberate way choose the Chief Magistrate of 
 the Union. 
 
 The Constitution provided: "The judicial power of 
 the United States shall be vested in one Supreme 
 Court and such inferior courts as Congress may from 
 time to time ordain and establish." 
 
 "All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested 
 in the Congress of the United States." 
 
 "The executive power shall be vested in a President 
 of the United States of America." 
 
 The government was formed into three separate and 
 distinct departments, as was pointed out by Mon- 
 tesquieu to be necessary for the Liberties of a People. 
 
 The Constitution thus guaranteed an indestructible 
 Union of indestructible States. 
 
 The powers and duties of the Executive are as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 "Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Army and Navy 
 and of the militia of the several states when called into 
 the service of the United States." 
 
 "Power to make treaties, but with the aid and advice 
 of the Senate, i.e.j consent of two-thirds of the Senators 
 present. To appoint Ambassadors and Consuls, 
 Judges of the Supreme Court and all other high Fed- 
 
GOVERNMENT I4I 
 
 eral officials, but with advice and consent of the 
 Senate." 
 
 "To grant reprieves and pardons of offenses against 
 the United States, except in case of impeachment." 
 
 "To convene both houses on extraordinary occa- 
 sions." 
 
 "To veto bills, i.e., to refuse to sign any bill or 
 resolution passed by Congress, but subject to the power 
 of Congress to finally pass the same, after reconsider- 
 ation and passing by a two-thirds vote in each house." 
 
 "Duty to inform Congress of the state of the Union 
 and to recommend measures to Congress." 
 
 "To commission all of the officers of the United 
 States." 
 
 "To receive foreign Ambassadors." 
 
 "To take care that the laws be faithfully executed." 
 
 The domestic authority of the President in time of 
 peace is small and depends upon the aggressiveness 
 and strenuosity of the occupant of the chair, because 
 by far the largest part of law and administration be- 
 longs to the State governments, and because Federal 
 administration is regulated by statutes, which leave 
 little discretion to the Executive. In time of war, how- 
 ever, and especially in a civil war, it expands with por- 
 tentous speed. Both as Commander-in-Chief of the 
 Army and Navy and as charged with the faithful exe- 
 cution of the laws, the President is likely to be led to 
 assume all the powers which the emergency requires. 
 
 How much he can legally do without the aid of stat- 
 utes is disputed, for the acts of President Lincoln dur- 
 
142 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 ing the earlier part of the War of Secession, including 
 his proclamation suspending the Writ of Habeas Cor- 
 pus, were subsequently legalized by Congress ; but it is 
 at least clear that Congress can make him, as it did 
 make Lincoln, almost a dictator. 
 
 The position of the President as respects legislation 
 is a peculiar one. The King of England is a member 
 of the English Legislature, because Parliament is in 
 theory his Great Council, which he summons and in 
 which he presides, hearing the complaints of the peo- 
 ple and devising legislative remedies. 
 
 The President is independent of the Congress and 
 only has his right of veto as a legislative function. The 
 chief presidential function, is, to have one man at the 
 head of a government, where he may be immediately 
 vested with powers, to command the army and navy 
 and crush rebellion or external war. Otherwise his 
 powers are but ministerial. However, executive power 
 within certain limits depends upon the person of the 
 President, as to whether he is strong or weak. The 
 government is so constructed that he can be a tyrant 
 with the masses against the classes, as well as a tyrant 
 with the classes against the masses. 
 
 The theory of the sovereignty of the people places 
 the individual as the center of the political system, and 
 individualism was the cornerstone of the theory of 
 Thomas Jefferson's principle in government. He was 
 a great student of Montesquieu, and did not hesitate 
 to quote the great Frenchman in an address to the 
 Ministry of Quebec, where he used these words : "In 
 
GOVERNMENT 143 
 
 a free state every man who is supposed to be a free 
 agent ought to be concerned in his own government, 
 therefore the legislative function should reside in the 
 whole body of the people or their representatives." A 
 year later Jefferson repeated the idea in the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, and still later was successful in 
 having this ideal incorporated into the Constitution. 
 
 A hundred years before Jefferson, William Penn, 
 one of America's first Democrats, expressed the prin- 
 ciple of popular sovereignty in a letter to the inhab- 
 itants of New Jersey when he said, "We place the 
 power in the People." 
 
 Two hundred years .before Jefferson, Grotius wrote 
 in his Dutch Jurisprudence, "Through birth all men 
 are equal." But only Jefferson was able to consum- 
 mate this ideal of Liberty (the natural right of man) , 
 as he lived in the right place and at the right time. 
 He advanced the doctrine at a crucial period in the evo- 
 lution of democracy, and advanced it so far and so 
 skillfully that we may justly herald him as its author 
 of establishment. He made it the cornerstone of 
 American government, and as Jefferson used Mon- 
 tesquiei^'s "Spirit of LaMrs" as a political bible, upon 
 the theories of that work, our government is founded. 
 It was also a premier of government to Washington. 
 
 It must be noted here that Montesquieu, discussing 
 the natural rights of man, while favoring democracy, 
 advocates whatever government is best suited to the 
 people, as shall be determined by race, climate and 
 geographical situation; and it is also a noticeable fact 
 
144 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 that a clause in the original draft of the Declaration 
 abolishing slavery was stricken out owing to this idea 
 and by reason of the desire of unanimity, being dic- 
 tated by the spirit of compromise. 
 
 So we see that as the Anglo-Saxon blood flowed 
 westward it became more and more individualistic, 
 and the English institutions were a model of the Amer- 
 ican Constitution only in so far as they were consistent 
 with the individualistic spirit in America. 
 
 It is true that to-day England has as democratic a 
 form of government as the United States, and we can 
 readily see that there would be no reason for the 
 United States to sever their relation with England to- 
 day were she on the same basis of government as is 
 Canada. To-day the British Isles would have occasion 
 to declare their independence from a great and power- 
 ful republic which is growing more and more domi- 
 nant and imperialistic. Why, then, should England 
 complain of her loss? When Canada develops to the 
 extent that the United States has, England will become 
 a colony in essence. Edmund Burke was right when 
 he defended the rights of the American colonies on 
 the ground that it was England who would suffer in 
 governing them without representation, for this prodi- 
 gal son (United States) has grown stronger than his 
 mother. 
 
 In ancient republics a caste proposed legislation, 
 which the people might reject or adopt ; but in England 
 the people initiate all legislation through their repre- 
 
GOVERNMENT I45 
 
 sentatives, the House of Commons, especially with re- 
 spect to taxation and appropriation. 
 
 The executive power in the English Government is 
 vested in the Crown, and includes very large and dan- 
 gerous powers. The prerogatives of the King are as 
 follows : 
 
 "The King declares war." 
 
 "The King is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and 
 Navy." 
 
 "The King makes peace and negotiates and ratifies 
 treaties." 
 
 "The King has the absolute veto power upon all 
 bills passed by the two houses." 
 
 "The King holds by hereditary title, but subject to 
 limitation by Parliament." 
 
 The limitation upon the hereditary title of the Crown 
 by act of Parliament has often been exercised, as 
 Blackstone shows, but was vindicated as a settled prin- 
 ciple of the Constitution by the Bill of Rights of 1689 
 and the act of settlement of twelfth and thirteenth 
 William III. in 1700. The House of Lords by statute 
 claimed to hold the Crown de jure, and that the holding 
 by the Kings of the house of Lancaster was only de 
 facto. 
 
 As all governments, the English institutions are 
 divided into the three branches of government: the 
 Judiciary, the Legislative and the Executive. Origi- 
 nally the King, by the right to declare war, act as com- 
 mander, make treaties and veto bills, had absolute 
 power over all the three branches of government. Al- 
 
146 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 though in theory this is still his prerogative, in fact 
 his power is as limited as that of the President of the 
 United States. 
 
 Now, in several of the states of the continent of 
 Europe the main features of a representative govern- 
 ment have been copied directly or indirectly from Eng- 
 lish models, while the details have grown up of them- 
 selves or are a survival of earlier traditions. 
 
 On the continent the origin of parliamentary gov- 
 ernment dates as far back as the beginning of the 
 Middle Ages, which gave birth to two political ideas. 
 
 The first of these was the division of the peoples into 
 separate classes or estates, each of which has independ- 
 ent political functions of its own. 
 
 The second was representative government, or the 
 election by these estates, whose members were too nu- 
 merous to assemble in a body, of deputies authorized 
 to meet together and act for the whole estate. 
 
 The first theory prevailed in the continental govern- 
 ments until the French Revolution, and the latter pre- 
 vailed, as it does to this day. 
 
 Unlike the President of the United States, the 
 French President is not free to use his powers accord- 
 ing to his own judgment, for in order to make him 
 independent of the fate of cabinets, and at the same 
 time to prevent his personal power from becoming too 
 great, the constitutional laws declare that he shall not 
 be responsible for his official conduct, except in case 
 of high treason, and that all his acts, of every kind, 
 to be valid, must be countersigned by one of the min- 
 
GOVERNMENT 147^ 
 
 isters ; and thus, like the British monarch, he has been 
 put under the popular guardianship and can do no 
 wrong. When, therefore, we speak of the powers of 
 the French President, we speak. of those really exer- 
 cised by the ministers, who are responsible to the 
 Chamber of Deputies. 
 
 The President of the United States in theory has 
 but little power ; the President of the French Republic 
 has still less ; and the King of England, who is seem- 
 ingly vested with great powers, is but a figure-head. 
 They all have little power during peace, but are all 
 vested with the power of a Caesar during war. The 
 primary function of an executive is, then, commander- 
 in-chief of the army and navy, for at a moment of im- 
 pending danger there is no time for debate, and rapid 
 action can only be assured by the absolute power of 
 one man, and this power is the most important and at 
 the same time the most dangerous. 
 
 England is probably the most decentralized of gov- 
 ernments among the powers, France coming next, and 
 then the United States. 
 
 Germany's government has the next strongest cen- 
 tralized government of the powers. The Emperor is 
 but the King of Prussia, and enjoys his imperial pre- 
 rogatives by virtue of his royal office. There is, in 
 fact, no imperial crown, and the right to have her 
 King bear the title and exercise the functions of Em- 
 peror is really one of the special privileges of Prussia. 
 The language of the Constitution is : "The Presidency 
 of the Union belongs to the King of Prussia, who 
 
148 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 bears the title of German Emperor." It has been said 
 that as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy 
 the Emperor has in theory the personal direction of 
 the military affairs, but that in all other matters he acts 
 as the delegate of the confederated governments, under 
 the direction of the Bundesrath. 
 
 "He has charge of foreign affairs, makes treaties, 
 subject to the limitations already mentioned, and rep- 
 resents the Empire in its relation to other countries, 
 to the states, or to the individuals." 
 
 "He declares war with the consent of the Bundes- 
 rath and carries on Federal execution against a state 
 when it has been ordered by that body." 
 
 "He summons and adjourns the Chamber, and closes 
 their sessions, and with the consent of the Bunderstrain 
 he can dissolve the Reichstag." 
 
 "He promulgates the laws and executes them so far 
 as their administration is in the hands of the Empire, 
 subject, however, to the important qualification that 
 most of the administrative regulations are made by the 
 Bundesrath." 
 
 "His functions as Emperor and King are, indeed, 
 so interwoven that it is very difficult to distinguish 
 them." 
 
 "As Emperor he has supreme command of the army 
 and appoints the highest officials." 
 
 "As King of Prussia he appoints the lower officers 
 and has the general management of the troops over 
 most of Germany. As Emperor he instructs the Chan- 
 cellor to prepare a bill. As King he instructs him to 
 
GOVERNMENT I49 
 
 introduce it into the Bundesrath, and directs how one- 
 third of the votes of that body shall be cast." 
 
 With the power of the most centralized government 
 of Russia fading away, stripped and rent by bloody 
 revolution; the Empire of Austro-Hungary remains as 
 the most centralized and despotic of the great nations. 
 The powers of the Emperor of Austria are legally and 
 in theory much the same as in the other constitutional 
 monarchy of Germany, but in fact it is more absolute. 
 
 "The Emperor's sanction is required for the enact- 
 ment of laws." 
 
 "He has power to make treaties, to issue ordinances, 
 to appoint officials, to create peers, to grant pardons 
 and amnesties, and to summon, adjourn and dissolve 
 the various legislatures." 
 
 "The Fundamental Law declares that he governs by 
 means of responsible ministers, and by statute all his 
 acts must be countersigned by a minister of state." 
 
 Practically, however, the ministers are the servants 
 of the Crown and not the Parliament, and hence the 
 Emperor can really use his powers with great freedom. 
 He uses this power to quell the incessant quarrels be- 
 tween the different races, which are too bitterly hostile 
 to combine, while no one of them is strong enough to 
 rule alone — a state of things that makes it easy for 
 the government to play off against each other these 
 opposing forces and have its own way. In theory, the 
 parliamentary theory is in force, but in practice the 
 Emperor is so far from being a figure-head that since 
 the present Constitution was adopted he has actually 
 
150 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 refused to sanction a bill passed by both houses of 
 Parliament. 
 
 If we compare his position to that of the German 
 Emperor we shall find that although the forms of par- 
 liamentary government are more closely followed at 
 Vienna than in Berlin, yet, owing to his ability to 
 manage the popular Chamber, Francis Joseph is, in 
 fact, more independent of popular control than 
 William II. 
 
 Finally, the Austrian Government remains the most 
 centralized government of the world, as civilization is 
 enlightening the peoples and giving them more and 
 more freedom at their own hands. This is breaking 
 down the traditional theory of the right of the few 
 as against the many, making better governments and 
 spreading light to the remotest corners of the world. 
 
 I do not mention the system of Russia, for there is 
 at present no definite system ; but there is an assurance 
 that in the near future Russia will have the most indi- 
 vidualistic government on the face of the globe. 
 
 All nations are coming to a common level, which 
 has been heightened by the example of the United 
 States of America. Race, Religion and Language are 
 the dividing elements of Austro-Hungary and a recon- 
 struction period is quite imminent there, while here 
 the force of arms has held together the strongest 
 opposing forces for centuries. Can it be done with- 
 out the force of arms ? Yes ; it has been done. 
 
 In the center of Europe, high up above the other na- 
 tions, where the mountains come together into one 
 
GOVERNMENT l^t 
 
 knot, dividing the falling waters into rivers that flow 
 north and south, east and west, over the continent to ' 
 the different oceans — ^here, from the summit of the 
 loftiest peak, one can stand and survey the world, 
 study Europe, and find at his feet the example of a 
 voluntarily confederated union, of different races, re- 
 ligions, languages and customs, that gives the inevitable 
 assurance that somehow and sometime the nations 
 of the world shall come together into an International 
 Union. The development of the government of Swit- 
 zerland has been practically the reverse of that of 
 Austria, though its peoples are even more divided in 
 race and language, viz., the German, Italian and 
 Frenchman, which are wholly different people, speak- 
 ing different tongues and having different customs. 
 
 In Austria-Hungary the different races which were 
 formed together under a single monarch have been 
 straining to part and striving to assert their independ- 
 ence; while the history of the Swiss has been that of 
 separate communities, of different faith, tongue and 
 custom, uniting voluntarily for mutual protection, and 
 learning to reconcile their discordant elements by 
 drawing closer and closer together. 
 
 The heart of the ancient Swiss Confederation con- 
 sists of the forest canton at the head of Lake Lucerne. 
 One by one other members Joined the league, some 
 of them rural communities in the mountains, some 
 of them cities in the lower country, and thus the Con- 
 federation gradually formed. 
 
 The Congress of Vienna consummated Switzerland's 
 
152 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 independence, and then followed the civil war between 
 the Protestants and Catholics. This crisis, however, 
 brought about a more centralized government by the 
 Constitution of 1848. The Federal power was again 
 increased in 1874 by another Constitution. 
 
 The Confederation is composed of twenty-two can- 
 tons, each with its own peculiar laws, customs, history 
 and habits of thought; or, rather, it would be more 
 accurate to call the number twenty-five, for three of 
 the cantons have, from religious, historical and other 
 causes, split into half cantons, each of which is entirely 
 independent of its twin, and dififers from a whole can- 
 ton only in two respects. The national government 
 has only the power specially conferred upon it, each 
 state being sovereign and having equal rights. 
 
 However, the national government has great power 
 in local administration. It compels the cantons to 
 provide free, compulsory and non-sectarian education, 
 although it has no right to prescribe how the education 
 shall be given. 
 
 The reason for the tendency toward a strongly cen- 
 tralized government is that the Constitution can be 
 amended with comparative ease. The men who framed 
 the Constitution of 1848 were deeply influenced by the 
 example of the United States, especially in regard to 
 the composition of the National Legislature, or Fed- 
 eral Assembly, as it is called. The body consists of 
 the two branches, one of which is known as the Na- 
 tional Council (Conseil National, Nationalrath) and 
 Council of States (Conseil des Etats, Standeratk) . 
 
GOVERNMENT 153 
 
 They established a Federal Tribunal (Tribunal Fede- 
 ral, Bundesgericht) , which resembles the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. 
 
 While the Swiss Federal Government bears a 
 marked resemblance to our own in many of its general 
 outlines, in substance and in actual working it is very 
 different; it is strong where ours is weak and weak 
 where ours is strong. The members of the Federal 
 Council, or the executive body, are all elected at the 
 same time by each new Federal Assembly. They are 
 chosen for three years, and as the work of administra- 
 tion is divided into seven departments, the allotment is 
 made by an arrangement among those elected. Each 
 Counselor presides over a separate department, and, 
 for the sake of convenience and great efficiency, he 
 usually retains the same one continually. 
 
 The Constitution declares that this distribution is 
 made only to facilitate the dispatch of business, and 
 that all decisions emanate from the Council as a whole ; 
 but, in fact, the members who do the work both of 
 political heads and the chief under secretaries only 
 attend to their own department, and hence the admin- 
 istration is supervised only by the President, who does 
 as much in that way as he can, in addition to the par- 
 ticular business of his own department. 
 
 The "President of the Swiss Confederation" is one 
 of the seven Counselors, and is elected, as is also the 
 Vice-President, by the Federal Assembly for one year, 
 the Constitution providing that the President nor the 
 Vice-President shall not be the same person for two 
 
154 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 consecutive years. By the present custom the Vice- 
 President is elected President, so that the office passes 
 by rotation among the members of the Council. The 
 President has no more power than the other Counsel- 
 ors, and is no more responsible than they are for the 
 course of the government. He is simply the chairman 
 of the Executive Committee of the Nation. The labors 
 of the Federal Council are manifold, for, besides the 
 work of administration, it attends to a number of mat- 
 ters distinctly legislative and judicial. 
 
 The separation of the powers, although proclaimed 
 in many of the cantonal constitutions, is by no means 
 strictly carried out. 
 
 The President has no more power than either of 
 the Counselors during Peace, but as Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Army in time of war he has the equal 
 power of all other rulers. 
 
 It will, then, be seen that all governments, even the 
 loosest confederation, in order to perfect a union and 
 guarantee its perpetuity, must have a head that is 
 vested with absolute power during great danger to 
 its existence by war. 
 
 It has been my purpose in analyzing these systems of 
 government, and in particular the executive branch, to 
 demonstrate the fact that some central power must be 
 vested in one man in Interstate Confederations and in 
 International Confederations as well, and that the same 
 forces are at work binding nations together and dis- 
 membering them that have bound states together and 
 dismembered them. Alliances have been formed and 
 
GOVERNMENT 155 
 
 counter alliances, until the international system is a net- 
 work of interlacing ties that are becoming denser and 
 denser, forming the fabric of an International Govern- 
 ment, and an International System of Government may 
 be said to exist in embryo to-day ; but the perfection of 
 the system and the guarantee of the People's Liberties 
 depend upon the existence of a system with the three 
 independent co-equal and co-ordinate departments of 
 government. 
 
 The Federal Council of Switzerland may be taken 
 as a judicious model for an International Executive 
 power, which might vest in a number of Counselors, 
 one from each power represented, elected by the va- 
 rious parliaments, to act as an advisory Cabinet, to the 
 President who might be appointed by an electorate of 
 the rulers. 
 
 The Great Commoner's suggestion, made in London, 
 while he was on his trip around the world in 1906, that 
 "treaties of arbitration be entered into, providing that 
 each of the contracting parties submit their 'causa 
 belli' to arbiters before hostilities are commenced," was 
 the best proposal made to procure rational thought 
 by the extension of time, and among the proposed 
 treaties at the Second Hague Conference the Ameri- 
 can delegation submitted this measure; so that the 
 powers are to-day entering into International Arbitra- 
 tion treaties which provide for the adjudication of all 
 controversies to the Hague Court which arise between 
 the contracting nations before they appeal to arms. 
 
 The first Hague Conference was convoked at the 
 
156 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 instance of the Czar of Russia, to discuss the feature 
 of disarmament, and deserted the issue to establish the 
 Hague Court. 
 
 The second Hague Conference was convoked by the 
 Czar of Russia, at the instance of the President of the 
 United States, for the purpose of substituting law for 
 war, and, as it was represented by delegates from prac- 
 tically every nation which is sovereign and independ- 
 ent, it was a world conference. 
 
 Multitudinous proposals were made for the regula- 
 tion of war, the establishment of international courts, 
 for treaties of arbitration, future conferences, and 
 upon miscellaneous topics ; but the essence and gist of 
 the proposals centered themselves into the one argu- 
 ment of establishing a High Court of International 
 Justice, to act as an integral part of the world's judi- 
 cial machinery, giving it jurisdiction over all the par- 
 ticipating nations. 
 
 This was a proposal of David Jayne Hill, of the 
 American delegation, and he explained that the estab- 
 lishment of such a Court would necessitate a more 
 definite system of International Law and an Interna- 
 tional Law-making body would be established. 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt throughout his career has been 
 a great reformer, but the acts that will be the most 
 highly appreciated by future generations are the bring- 
 ing about of the second Hague Conference and the 
 Treaty of Portsmouth, which terminated the Russo- 
 Japanese War. 
 
 He has again shown his practical purpose and dem- 
 
GOVERNMENT 157 
 
 onstrated he is not a dreamer by his message to Con- 
 gress of April 14, 1908, advocating the immediate in- 
 crease of the navy, owing to the fact that treaties of 
 disarmament or Hmitations of armaments are impos- 
 sible in this age of commercial competition. 
 
 He has sent the American fleet around South Amer- 
 ica in great triumph, and when our battleships circum- 
 navigate the globe we will command the respect and 
 admiration of the world. 
 
 The time is indeed auspicious to launch a system of 
 International Government by electing this "Great 
 Pacificator" the Chief Executive of the United Nations 
 of the World. 
 
•SUMMARY. 
 
ORIENT VERSUS OCCIDENT. 
 
 There is bound forever to be a difference between 
 the civilizations of the East and the West, and let me 
 say here that when we compare the Orientals and 
 Occidentals, civilization is indeed an ambiguous term, 
 for if we are to determine the standard of civilization 
 according to the sphere and length of time a people is 
 in the state of peace, then eastern civilization has at- 
 tained the highest development. If we are to determine 
 the standard of civilization according to the sphere 
 and length of time a people is in the state of war, then 
 western civilization has attained the highest develop- 
 ment ; for the peoples of the East have been living in 
 the state of peace in the past centuries, while the peo- 
 ples of the West have been living in the state of war. 
 
 The Ganges and Nile, the Tigris and Euphrates, 
 the Hwang-Ho and Yangtze-Kiang are the cradles of 
 different civilizations. Here the black, white and yel- 
 low races were nursed into society. The first great 
 movement in the building up of a disarmed peace was 
 brought about in the East by Tsin-Chi-Hoang-Ti, the 
 illustrious Chinese chief who started the building of 
 the Great Wall (25,000 kilometers long) to keep out 
 
 i6i 
 
1 62 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 the Aryan nomads of the West. The Chinese did 
 not know that in centuries to come these very people 
 from the West would encircle the globe and invade 
 China from the East, where she had no wall but the 
 protection of the mighty Pacific. 
 
 As certain as it is a fact that man was born in the 
 East, so certain is it that civilization began with its 
 development there; and as the waters receded from 
 the land and left it stand out above their surface, so 
 man descended into the valleys left by the subsiding 
 waters; and if man was born on Mount Arrarat ten 
 thousand years ago, he has spread to the four winds; 
 and, ever following the same direction, comes nearer 
 and nearer to the shrine of his birth. 
 
 In the history of man we may say : 
 
 He left home alone, but comes back with a family 
 of 15,000,000,000, increasing at the rate of ten millions 
 a year. He has a polychrome family, each contending 
 for superiority over the other. Many differences have 
 hence arisen among them as the stronger color domi- 
 nated the weaker. 
 
 The yellow was first supreme, then came the white, 
 and later, possibly, will come the black, each becoming 
 dominant in all things. The Chinese were the first 
 people to cultivate the ways of peace, after a hard 
 struggle of internal and external disturbance and war. 
 
 The white race has become a great warlike race and 
 threatened to dominate or destroy the world, but their 
 contact with the yellow race soon tamed their ardor 
 and is making them a peace-loving people. 
 
SUMMARY 163 
 
 Butrthe yellow race becomes more warlike on ac- 
 count of this contact with the white race, although its 
 war spirit soon subsides, as is the tendency of the 
 quick blood of the Asiatic. 
 
 It might be well to promulgate the doctrine of 
 America for the Americans, Europe for the Euro- 
 peans, Africa for the Africans, and Asia for the Asi- 
 atics ; but these grand divisions of the earth's surface 
 have come too close together to attempt their isola- 
 tion, and although the question of drawing together 
 the different nationalities of diverse religious concep- 
 tion is an enigma as compared with the power neces- 
 sary to draw together different races of different colors 
 and independent beliefs, yet commerce is doing it all. 
 
 To-day no nation has refrained from meddling with 
 Asiatic or African affairs. Even the United States 
 has stepped out into Asiatic waters to help bear the 
 White Man's Burden, But the White Man's Burden 
 may prove too heavy for us, and the uplifting of Asia, 
 which comprises over two-thirds of the world's popula- 
 tion (with the rapidity that Japan has dashed to 
 the front) , may bring regrets to the white man, for he 
 may then become the Yellow Man's Burden. 
 
 However, it is but natural that the order of things 
 should change in this universe with the shifting sands 
 of time. 
 
 We might say, let the Asiatic sleep, for that race is 
 bound to dominate the earth, simply by reason of the 
 force of numbers. The Asiatics have all the elements 
 necessary to make a powerful people — thrift, economy. 
 
164 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 brightness and perseverance — and no people have such 
 dogged determination as the Japanese, unless the Chi- 
 nese, when once aroused, and the other peoples are 
 just as capable. 
 
 In all probability the white man is regenerating an 
 extinct race which will in time prove his superior, for 
 again and again civilized populations have perished and 
 revivification has taken place in the primitive organisms 
 of man. The Asiatics are now a degenerated race 
 that was once the highest civilization, for the Chinese 
 discovery of gunpowder had advanced the world's 
 civilization quite as equally as the discovery of steam 
 and electricity. The Chinese knew the power of 
 electricity when they used it in their compass gen- 
 erations ago ; they knew how to disseminate knowledge 
 by the press centuries before the western world had 
 come to its use, and the power of the press in civiliza- 
 tion cannot be overestimated. 
 
 We see traces all over the world of races that were 
 in all probability once a great people in their own man- 
 ner, for all civilizations are not alike. 
 
 The American Indian is a remnant of a race that 
 had advanced the farthest west and then died out with 
 the advance of a different civilization. 
 
 Will the Chinese die out with the advance of a dif- 
 ferent civilization? 
 
 The Esquimaux of the Polar North indicate the ex- 
 istence of a once mighty and sturdy race that had the 
 strength and civilization which enabled it to march 
 northward further than any other race, and in the last 
 
SUMMARY 165 
 
 analysis the standard of civilization is estimated by the 
 advance of mankind against the resisting elements to- 
 ward the pole, for civilizations have ever moved into 
 a northwesterly direction in a spiral form, ever nearing 
 the northern pole, as if attracted by terrestrial mag- 
 netism. 
 
 Only those peoples that have become the highest 
 developed of necessity could live against this combat 
 with nature, and it is quite evident that when a highly 
 centralized society disintegrates under the pressure of 
 geographic, climatic and economic conditions it is be- 
 cause the energy of the race has been exhausted. 
 
 Consequently, the survivors of such a community 
 lack the power necessary for renewed concentration, 
 and must remain inert until supplied with fresh blood 
 and energetic material by the infusion of what is called 
 barbarian blood. 
 
 The races have all multiplied to such numbers as 
 their civilization would allow, and then, by reason of 
 some natural conditions, began to decline and die out ; 
 so it is sometimes asked how far will our civilization 
 permit the propagation of the race and of the world 
 races. It is estimated that twenty billions of peoples 
 have lived and perished in the past hundred centuries, 
 and when we think that there are only one billion and 
 a half peoples on the earth to-day, we begin to recog- 
 nize that the increase in population is accelerating and 
 civilization in general is advancing; for it is well 
 stated that the highest civilization will support the 
 greatest number of peoples. If this be true, the argu- 
 
l66 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 ment also holds true that the eastern peoples are in 
 advance of the western civilization. 
 
 Of necessity there is an end to everything, and no 
 one can foretell the exact time that a people will 
 terminate the increase of its population, except to 
 say that a general decline of the peoples or a decay 
 of civilizations is due to a combination of the elements. 
 
 Ethically, civilization is regarded as the building up 
 of the mental and moral qualities of man; it is the 
 rounding out of the body, mind and soul ; and, in the 
 light of this definition, the Easterner may be regarded 
 as semi-civilized, because he absolutely forgets his 
 body, and the Westerner may be regarded as semi- 
 civilized, as he forgets his soul. 
 
 In the light of the former assertions one might feel 
 prone to look to the forward in a gloomy sense of fore- 
 boding, for it seems like the teaching of the fatalistic 
 doctrine of "whatever is, is best." 
 
 To be sure, every step in progress, means that a 
 larger and larger portion of the globe is being drawn 
 into a keener struggle for existence ; that the very im- 
 provement in the industrial arts conduces to providing 
 a larger food supply, but with severe toil ; and that the 
 race is steadily growing toward a desperate plight 
 when the numbers will be far greater than the earth 
 can substantially sustain, and the misery of the great 
 majority will become intense. 
 
 But the optimistic law of the survival of the fittest 
 is ever at work, as it is a law of nature and comes to 
 their rescue. And yet I believe that all human law is 
 
SUMMARY 167 
 
 to adjust the injustice of this law of nature, which 
 causes all war and strife; and, as it is necessary that 
 law and order should be established everywhere, there 
 should be an effective police throughout the known 
 world, which can only be established by an inter- 
 national system of government. This law of self-pres- 
 ervation is a force which brings about civilization, and, 
 like all powers, it has its bad feature: that it can be 
 used as equally to cause suffering as well as ease, bar- 
 barism as well as civilization, and war as well as 
 peace. Governments — state, national or international 
 — are interferences with this natural law and at the 
 very foundations of society; but only on this cosmo- 
 politan system is it possible to give security to life and 
 property, and yet to be willing to leave radical habits 
 and national customs comparatively unaffected, and 
 to allow the perpetuation and diffusion of the best 
 social elements in the communities which are brought 
 under western control. 
 
 Also, if China is the commercial prize of the Orient, 
 and is bound to become the carcass upon which will 
 prey the vultures of international greed, these black 
 birds which are hovering over that effete state, alight- 
 ing upon the richest portions, are bound to come 
 into conflict, unless they are organized to harmony; 
 and after this body becomes regenerated it will arise 
 like a Goliath and smite these western birds of greed. 
 The catastrophe which statesmen have foreseen and 
 shuddered at for two generations is being precipitated 
 by this headlong rush of financiers and traders; for 
 
l68 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 commerce may be the black-bird of war as well 
 white-winged dove of peace. The dove of p« 
 hatched, but who knows when the end of all wa 
 come ? for the method of opening markets at th 
 non's mouth and exploiting commercial conc{ 
 by force of arms shall produce grave results ; a 
 development of the yellow race is bound to 
 against the white race, thus consolidating the 
 race into a unity of action to save itself fro 
 Yellow (War) Peril, which was, in fact, the 
 (War) Peril taught to the yellow man. The r( 
 ture question is White or Yellow, Christian oi 
 dhist; and while China is leased to the world f 
 ploitation by reason of her weakness, will the v, 
 world resuscitate her so that she can termina 
 lease, or shall the sphere of influence become a: 
 dial title by limitation? 
 
 Will the great Yellow reservoir of humanity, 
 composes one-third of the world's population, bi 
 banks and overflow the world? Although it n 
 undesirable for the white world, it may be ine 
 and in the order of the universe. Will the 
 Cream and the Yellow Tea make a better bevi 
 Is not the pouring of this cream into the tea tl 
 cause of the Yellow Peril, for is not the flow of v, 
 civilization into the eastern waking up the Far 
 
 If we compare in figures the propagation 
 eastern and the western peoples we can readi 
 which will dominate. Under one-tenth the facili 
 Easterners propagate with ten times the rapic 
 
SUMMARY 169 
 
 their western creature, and as the cream disappears 
 in the tea, so do a white man's children disappear with 
 a yellow woman, or, conversely, also a white woman's 
 children with a yellow man. Intermarriage would 
 make the whole world yellow. Which is the strongest 
 sexually ? Is, then, the whole world to become yellow ? 
 It is easy to speculate, but impossible to predict ; but 
 the first consequences are not hard to foresee. It is 
 said that women as well as men like the yellow consort 
 on account of superior sexuality. (Let me say here 
 that, although international marriages are not a filial 
 success, these intermatrimonial ties are assisting strong- 
 ly to compact the nations into a solidarity.) What race 
 is more hard-working and more economical than the 
 Chinese, and what would their free immigration to 
 all parts of the world mean? As' I have stated, civili- 
 zation is ever flowing around the world in a spiral 
 form, toward the north pole; the most dominant 
 nations having ever been the most northwesternly dur- 
 ing the apogee of their existence. Babylon, Greece, 
 Rome, France, England and America are in this spiral 
 course, and who knows how many civilizations have 
 swept around the earth in the same general direction, 
 only spending their force after they had reached the 
 pole? If there ever was paradise upon the earth, it 
 must certainly have been at the pole, before the 
 earth had cooled sufficiently to starve out human ex- 
 istence; for the highest civilized peoples must have 
 reached the farthest north ; so that before the frosting 
 of the earth at the polar ends, the highest civilization 
 
170 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 lived in the most extreme north, in a temperature 
 a climate that is most inconceivable, and in but 
 long night and one long day. 
 
 As the earth is cooling, civilization can only 
 proach the circumference of the icy coat that is sl( 
 spreading toward the equator, ever usurping n 
 field of action, until he will entirely perish with 
 cold death of old mother earth. 
 
 Are, then, the Esquimaux the remnant of the 
 pies who once really lived in paradise and were hi 
 out by this avalanche, the frosting of the earth; 
 the North American Indian a weak contingent of 
 once mighty race? 
 
 Is the Asiatic a race that had reached its hi| 
 civilization before its advance farther northward, 
 is the Westerner regenerating this race, which, 
 a new energy, will migrate again toward the n( 
 western corner of the world? Will the great Y( 
 reservoir break and spread into Siberia against all 
 sible human restraining, or will the western v 
 bank it up and allow the great Slavic peoples tc 
 velop prolific Siberia? This is the immediate < 
 tion of serious importance. 
 
 Or, is it not possible that the black race of A 
 is really the strongest race sexually and physical! 
 it is proving itself to be in America, and its re 
 will make it a great force in the future ? Who kn 
 
 Individualism and liberty have ever flowed 
 ward with civilization, and despotism and milit; 
 is ever at its heels ; so the western world has be 
 
SUMMARY 171 
 
 militaristic and is now inoculating the yellow race with 
 the virus of war. 
 
 This is the real crime against China and against our- 
 selves, and we shall suffer for it, for China was a dis- 
 armed state, and a most perfect ideal for the western 
 world, as the Orient is an empire of peace and the Oc- 
 cident an empire of war ; but the very opposite will be- 
 come true by reason of our teaching war to the multi- 
 tude in the ethical East. The yellow man teaches no 
 war, but peace, while the white man preaches peace and 
 practices war; and we may well say that the yellow 
 people are cultured in peace, while the white people are 
 civilized in war. It may be argued that if we arm the 
 yellow race it will disarm the white race; for the 
 white man's crusade against war is inconsistent with 
 his armaments in China, and as the virus of bubonic 
 plague is not near so dangerous as the virus of mili- 
 tarism, which is being inoculated into Japan, India 
 and China, we shall suffer for our inconsistency and 
 hypocrisy. Speak of civilization and you speak of 
 war, for when you speak of the uncivilized heathen 
 you speak of the yellow, brown or black peace-loving 
 man, but pray tell me who is in the highest stage 
 of moral development, he who teaches peace or he who 
 preaches war ? The Chinese are three thousand years 
 ahead of our civilization instead of being three thou- 
 sand years behind it. 
 
 We do not understand their civilization; yet by 
 contact we are rapidly moving toward its realization, 
 for what the yellow race is to-day the white race will 
 
172 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 be to-morrow. The white race is not only tea 
 the yellow man to fight, but also the black man, 
 is to-day in the highest stage of individualisn 
 anarchy on the continent of Africa. In the natur 
 the order of things the anarchistic stage is the 
 and the last in the development and decay of so 
 for civilization begins in savagery and ends thus. 
 
 The yellow man has retained peace over one- 
 of the human race for centuries without the for 
 arms, and now the great Chinese peace is broki 
 the white man. Where in the history of the wo 
 there such an example of brotherly love and cont 
 peace over such an empire of peoples? It see 
 crime of crimes for the western world to disturb 
 peace, for when the nations, under the sphere c 
 fluence, develop sections of China into Eurc 
 states, are they not dividing this Empire into sei 
 of hostility ? Are they not teaching them to fight 
 own brothers, their own kin and blood? 
 
 But will the Chinese not in time learn the id. 
 this system of pitting themselves against each 1 
 and will they not rise in their might against the 
 race? In the name of Christian civilization, whj 
 we doing? What can avert this appalling catastr( 
 
 However, as I have stated, the reaction of Ch 
 bound to consolidate the Christian world into a 
 but will it be too late even for a common defense 
 there shall come about a United Western \ 
 against a United Eastern World ? 
 
 Under the banner of "Peace on earth, good w 
 
SUMMARY 173 
 
 ward men," the Christian nations are marching their 
 armies to prepare for war against the most peaceful 
 and peace-loving peoples the world has ever known. 
 Christianity chants, "Blessed are the peace-makers, for 
 they shall be called the children of God"; but in the 
 wake of Christian civilization follows the army and the 
 bloody trail of war, and although man was modeled 
 in the image of his Creator, out of the earth, still to 
 the earth shall he crumble like earthly ruins for his 
 sins. His soul is immortal, but his body is mortal, and 
 his being is only relative to his environment; for we 
 find the geographical environment playing the greatest 
 part in human development and humanity's destinies. 
 Geographical environment has created races, lan- 
 guages, religions and customs; it has formed nations 
 and cities and broken them up again ; it has united the 
 peoples and divided them again ; it has provided west- 
 ern civilization with a common religion as a basis for 
 a common tie of unity, which is proving to be the 
 strongest ligament in the unity of action in the Far 
 East. 
 
 What, then, is the conclusion of the whole matter? 
 Is not the white race getting closer and closer together, 
 and is there not a tendency toward the consolidation of 
 the yellow race to check the White Peril, and, con- 
 versely, a unification of the white race to ward off the 
 Yellow Peril ? Common dangers cause common inter- 
 ests. Is not the Christian world getting closer to- 
 gether, and is not the Buddhist world uniting? Did 
 not race prejudice divide the world into friends and 
 
174 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 enemies? Do not dififerent religions have the same 
 effect ? Yet why is the Buddhist becoming more Chris- 
 tian, and why is the Christian becoming more Bud- 
 dhist? Why are they both, the eastern and the 
 western civilization, becoming more and more alike? 
 What is bringing the peoples, the world over, to 
 a closer and commoner level? Association. What 
 is bringing about this association? Trade and com- 
 merce. What is bringing about this commerce ? The 
 want of man. 
 
 England may be the Commercial Empire of to-day, 
 but the United States of America is the Commercial 
 Empire of to-morrow; and England and the United 
 States are closer together than any other two powers, 
 for they have one more bond than language, for they 
 are more united on religion, being both "Protestant." 
 
 I am led to believe by my own arguments that the 
 United States of America justify the United States of 
 Europe, and foreordain that, through a bond with little 
 England, the two great continents may confederate 
 into the United Nations of the World, to hold in check 
 the Oriental invasion. 
 
 The Great International Pantomime is being en- 
 acted. "The black man is serving his white master. 
 He stumbles; Turkey falls; China is broken up and 
 Africa is humiliated." 
 
 Germany has the common tie of language with 
 Austria, but is sorely divided on religion, while France, 
 Italy and Spain are drawing closer and closer together 
 as the remaining Latin-European community. 
 
SUMMARY 175 
 
 All these tendencies are manifest, and greater and 
 greater states are bound to grow out of the divisions 
 of the old continent, leaving China and Africa to be 
 the modern spheres of exploitation. In 1815, during 
 the Congress of Vienna, Africa had but a fringe of 
 Vi^estern civilization, but to-day it is divided up piece- 
 meal among the great powers. 
 
 France dug the Suez Canal in 1869, but England 
 bought such an interest in the stock that she has joint 
 control in probably the most prolific commercial in- 
 vestment in the Old World. On May 2, 1884, the 
 German flag was informally hoisted at Anga Pequeua, 
 and, although the British Government was taken by 
 surprise, it recognized the German protectorate. On 
 August 7 this was formally proclaimed and the Ger- 
 man imperial standard was broken; she had launched 
 a Colonial Empire. 
 
 A great outcry was at once raised by the Interna- 
 tional African Association against the idea of landing 
 armies over the vast regions by the most militaristic 
 of European states, and the suggestion was made that 
 the whole question should be laid before a Conference 
 of Powers. 
 
 The scramble for Africa had, in fact, by this 
 time resulted in a situation so confused and so preg- 
 nant with possible quarrels that it was more than ex- 
 pedient that some general principles should be laid 
 down by international authority as to the future devel- 
 opment of the partition. 
 
 The Conference assembled at Berlin on November 
 
176 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 15, 1884, and remained in session until January 30, 
 1885. 
 
 Three main questions on which it had to give a 
 decision vsrere that of the Congo, of the Niger, and the 
 conditions on which fresh annexations should be re- 
 garded as valid. On the first of these the decision was 
 to recognize the International African Association as 
 an independent state, under the title of the Congo 
 Free State. Finally, it was decided that occupation 
 of coast territory, to be valid, must be effective, and 
 at the same time the obligations attached to "Sphere 
 of Influence," a term new to diplomacy, were defined. 
 Apart from the intrinsic importance of these decisions, 
 the Conference of Berlin marks an epoch in the world's 
 history. 
 
 With the exception of Switzerland, all the European 
 states were represented in it; but, what was of greater 
 significance, the United States of America, for the 
 first time, shared in the deliberations of Europe. It 
 was a foreshadowing of the momentous change in the 
 center of gravity at the close of the century. Later 
 the Spanish-American War brought America into 
 play in the theater of the World's Politics by the 
 declaration of the Colonial Policy, which is ever the 
 complement to empire. The process had already be- 
 gun, which was accentuated by the Conference at The 
 Hague, the idea of the Concert of Europe expanding 
 into the ideal of the Concert of the World, thus evi- 
 dencing the fact that Expansion brings conflict, and 
 
SUMMARY 177 
 
 conflict fights itself into union, for destructive compe- 
 tition creates monopoly. 
 
 Old issues are being obliterated by new ones of 
 greater and vaster importance and magnitude. The 
 European Alliance at Berlin attempted to keep the 
 Peace of Europe, and now the International Court of 
 Arbitration has superseded all those small treaties, that 
 had ever grown larger and involved greater territory 
 and more peoples until it involves the civilized world. 
 It has the international law as expounded by treaties, 
 the law as expounded by the text writers, the law of 
 human nature, which works both for and against it. 
 Will it succeed? 
 
 Besides the powers of Europe, there were repre- 
 sented at the first Conference the United States, Mex- 
 ico, Japan, China, Persia and even Siam, showing that 
 the frontier of civilization is broadening over the 
 earth. But reflect a moment. The East and West 
 have joined hands on the battle-ground of Europe and 
 declared for the Federation of the World, the Court 
 of Justice, the Parliament of Man and the Adminis- 
 tration of Peace. Will it bind the East to the West? 
 Politically, the world is one; economically, it is and 
 always will be two — the East against the West. Radi- 
 cally, religiously, linguistically, it is many, but the 
 force of interest is obliterating all these differences. 
 
 The whole Japanese question is very simple, and is 
 simply this: Japan has been successful in every war 
 she has undertaken in modern times and has reaped 
 
178 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 great benefits under the old idea, "To the victor be- 
 long the spoils." 
 
 The policy of expansion with Japan is an extreme 
 necessity, owing to a congested population to the num- 
 ber of fifty millions of human souls inhabiting a terri- 
 tory not equal in area to one of the smaller of the 
 United States. The little yellow reservoir had to burst, 
 and is flowing in all directions and taking root under 
 even the most unfavorable conditions, for Japan is 
 destined to dominate the Orient. The success of the 
 Japanese reminds me of the statement a Japanese col- 
 league made to me before the War, when I asked him 
 what would be the outcome of their success. With a 
 smile he said, "Japan will annex Russia." 
 
 Corea, which is larger than Japan, has been subju- 
 gated, and is now under Japanese control and being 
 rapidly populated by Japanese. 
 
 This gives Japan the much-coveted foothold upon 
 Asiatic mainland, for, speaking of ultimate interna- 
 tional results, islands are but outposts. 
 
 She knows that the immediate great international 
 question is the control of the Pacific, and that the na- 
 tion which controls the Pacific by the possession and 
 fortification of the strategic points is destined to con- 
 trol and dominate the world. She knows that Hawaii 
 is the doorway to the portals of universal empire, and 
 that on this island are destined to stand the fortifica- 
 tions that will make it the citadel of the united world. 
 
 The Philippines and other Pacific islands are points 
 of very great importance as accessories in this strug- 
 
SUMMARY 179 
 
 gle for supremacy, and the Panama Canal is the key 
 to the entire situation. 
 
 Japan has disarmed Russia and has put her back in 
 the race for the control of the Pacific, so that the only 
 country she is competing with now is the United States, 
 for they are to-day the closest in the race for the goal. 
 
 Further, Japan knows that if she strikes now she 
 only strikes at the United States, in an unprepared 
 condition; but if she will strike after the Chinese be- 
 come a military power under her control she will 
 strike at the whole world, because then the Yellow 
 Peril will become so manifest that it shall force the 
 White Peril to unify against it. 
 
 This illustration again shows that the progress of 
 civilization aggravates the destructibility of war by 
 pitting against each other broader and broader areas 
 and resources and greater numbers of people, with 
 their accumulated wealth; but it can be reasonably 
 asked whether or not the multitude of petty conflicts 
 which are being thus put oif would not have excelled 
 the greater conflicts in destructiveness of life and 
 property. 
 
 The Vancouver incident has plainly proven that the 
 California persecution of the Japanese was exaggerated 
 by the Japanese and used as a subterfuge to bring on 
 an immediate conflict. The Government of Japan 
 does not, however, evidently agree with the Jingoists 
 as to whether war at present is beneficial or proper, 
 and it is hard to reckon who is correct as to pecuniary 
 benefit, although there is no question that all war is 
 
l80 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 wrong and improper, and particularly a war of ag- 
 grandizement, which is practically piracy. 
 
 The real question, then, is : Shall the world be white 
 or yellow? 
 
 I have emphatically pointed out that civilization has 
 swept around the world ; that the peace-loving peoples 
 of the East have become inoculated with the war spirit 
 of the West, and are proving to be greater masters in 
 the art of war than their tutors themselves. So, as the 
 world state of Greece was taught to fight by the Phoe- 
 nicians, whom she finally conquered in the world con- 
 flict of the ^gean, as the Romans were taught to fight 
 by the Greeks, whom they finally conquered in the 
 world conflict on the Mediterranean, and as the Ameri- , 
 cans defeated the English on the Atlantic, so are the 
 Occidentals teaching the Orientals the science of war, 
 only to be defeated on the Pacific in the fight for inter- 
 national dominance, in the battle for a Universal Em- 
 pire of Peace. Who shall be the victor? 
 
 One of the most significant facts in the second 
 Hague Conference was that the new power of Japan 
 and China had taken part in its deliberations and had 
 become full members of the International group. 
 
 The first Conference failed in its primary motive of 
 "disarmament," but when it provided the Court of 
 Arbitration it moved into the right direction, at the 
 right time; and if the second Conference at The 
 Hague had done nothing else, but, establish the Peace 
 Conference as a permanent Congress of Nations, as it 
 did, it has made a most wonderful stride toward the 
 
SUMMARY 
 
 i8i 
 
 establishment of an International Government, and 
 hence Universal Peace. 
 
 Disarmament can only be an incident to economic 
 equanimity and is impracticable in this age of diverse 
 interest; but the Court is here to settle future Inter- 
 national differences and the Commercial Courts will 
 soon follow. The armed forces of the world will stand 
 behind the decree of the Court only when the other 
 branches of government are organized, and the success 
 of the Court will build up an International Juristic 
 System; it will build up an International Parliamen- 
 tary System; it will build up an International Execu- 
 tive System and complete a government. 
 
 All the necessities of an International Government 
 and political system, are to-day living in embryo in 
 the Hague Court. The code on which the decisions 
 of an international tribunal will have to be based will 
 necessarily be the sum of existing treaties, and these 
 will act as the common law- to the International Parlia- 
 ment that will necessarily be created for codifying 
 International Law. The Executive is of necessity the 
 next and last step in the perfection of this international 
 system. 
 
 Only by this system can the world hold its equilib- 
 rium, while the development goes on as nations rise 
 and fall, as races fail and decay, and civilization is 
 moving toward the light, for the pressure of shifting 
 populations shift the gravity centers, and circumstances 
 are sure to arise, during which the continental barriers 
 
l82 UNIVERSAL PEACE 
 
 erected by the past must go down before the irresist- 
 ible pressure of the struggle for existence. 
 
 Alexander I. of Russia attempted to unite the world 
 in the Holy Alliance and failed. Is his grandson, 
 Nicholas II., to fail in his great project? No ! 
 
 The tragic events of China have once more, after 
 many years, brought the nations shoulder to shoulder 
 in a common cause. The new century opens with a 
 greater fear; it opens, too, with a greater hope — ^hope 
 that, as once the city states of Hellas, long divided by 
 bitter hates and rivalries, united at last in common re- 
 sistance to the barbarian of the East, so the nations 
 of the western world, brought face to face with alien 
 and hostile forces of the eastern world, may, in spite 
 of countless jealousies and misunderstandings, grow 
 in time to realize their unity in all that constitutes a 
 nation — in their common origin, their common tradi- 
 tions, their common interests. 
 
 However different may be the civilization of the 
 Orient from that of the Occident, we cannot fail to 
 find great likeness, even where we find the greatest 
 difference, and cannot help but foresee the realization 
 of Universal Peace by a system of International Gov- 
 ernment, in which all the races and peoples of this 
 earth shall finally merge. 
 
 Yes ! as we survey the world to-day there is every- 
 where an apparent tendency toward a common solidar- 
 ity ; for, in fact, peace and truth are sought with both 
 sides of the shield; all races teach love, all religions 
 
SUMMARY 183 
 
 preach self-sacrifice, and all languages are full of 
 the expressions of truth, peace and brotherhood. 
 
 "Ex Oriente Lux." 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 I BELIEVE that I have demonstrated that International 
 War will cease, by reason of the fact that it is economic 
 suicide as well as human suicide. 
 
 I have shown that International War will cease — 
 
 First — Because International boundaries are fading 
 away and the world is becoming one state. 
 
 Second — Because an International Government is 
 being established which will supersede all governments 
 as the final arbiter of international dispute by judicial 
 determination, by parliamentary legislation and execu- 
 tive administration. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Institutes Justinian 
 
 Germania Tacitus 
 
 Bell Jus .Sallust 
 
 De Officus Cicero 
 
 De Republica Cicero 
 
 Pro Lege Manila Cicero 
 
 Roman Empire Gibbon 
 
 De Jure Belli ac Pads Grotius 
 
 Ancient Law Maine 
 
 Latin Christianity Milman 
 
 (Pradier-Fodere) Trait Droit (International Digest 
 
 of International Law ,. .Wharton) 
 
 International Law in Time of Peace Pomeroy 
 
 International Public Law Taylor 
 
 Science of International Law Walker 
 
 American Diplomacy in Orient Foster 
 
 History of International Arbitration Moore 
 
 Conflict of Laws Dicey 
 
 Volkerrecht Heffter 
 
 Volkerrecht Bluntschili 
 
 German Civil Code 
 
 French Civil Code 
 
 Spanish Civil Code 
 
 Italian Civil Code 
 
 Holy Roman Empire Bryce 
 
 i8s 
 
1 86 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 The New Empire Adams 
 
 Federation of the World Trueblood 
 
 The Parliament of Peace Stead , 
 
 The Children of Nations Bigelow 
 
 Americanization of the World Stead 
 
 United States of Europe Stead 
 
 International Tribunals Darby 
 
 United States and Twentieth Century. . Leroy-Beaulieu 
 American Commercial and Financial Supremacy, 
 
 Leroy-Beaulieu 
 
 Commercial Expansion Hill 
 
 Essay on Colonies Smith 
 
 History of Diplomacy Hill 
 
 Perpetual Peace Trueblood 
 
 Burden of Armaments Cobden 
 
 The Peace Conference HoUs 
 
 The Future of War Bloch 
 
 Slav or Saxon Foulke 
 
 History of Poland Fletcher 
 
 With Fire and Sword Sienkiewicz 
 
 Revolution and Counter Revolution Marx 
 
 History of the World Victor Dupuy 
 
 The Dark Ages Oman 
 
 The Empire and the Papacy Tout 
 
 The Close of the Middle Ages Lodge 
 
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 Revolutionary Europe 
 
 Modern Europe Phillips 
 
m*.- 
 
 t 
 
 r .«s