A HA Nneon 
 
 Cornell University Library 
 
 HX 21.B64 
 
 A handbook of socialism; a statemen 
 
 tof s *J I'l 
 
CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL 
 
 OF 
 
 INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR 
 
 RELATIONS 
 
 THE GIFT OF 
 
 EVALINE BURNS 
 
The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924002310740 
 
A HANDBOOK OF SOCIALISM 
 
A HANDBOOK OF SOCIALISE 
 
 A STATEMENT OF SOCIALISM IN ITS VARIOUS ASPECTS, AND 
 
 A HISTORY OF SOCIALISM IN ALL COUNTRIES, TOGETHER 
 
 WITH STATISTICS, BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON 
 
 PROMINENT SOCIALISTS, BIBLIOGRAPHY, 
 
 CALENDAR, CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 AND CHART 
 
 W. D. P. BLISS 
 
 ' '' 
 EDITOR OF "THE ENCYCLOPiCDIA OF SOCIAL REFORM' 
 
 LONDON 
 
 SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO. 
 
 NEW YORK : CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 I?95 
 
"ALL FOR THE CAUSE." 
 
 ' For the Cause alone is worthy, till the good days bring the best.^ 
 
 William Morris. 
 
 FRC.'-'-.i'i^Y OF LiBiiA..! 
 
 NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL 
 
 INDUSTRIAL Ai-4D LACOli REuATiONS 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 In an experience, now continuing over some years, of 
 trying to extend the knowledge and acceptance of the 
 principles of Socialism, the author has felt the lack -of any 
 one book to which he could refer readers for a statement 
 of both the principles and the historical developments of 
 modern Socialism. He has, therefore, endeavoured, in the 
 liniits of one small volume, to condense as much as possible 
 of the principles of Socialism in its various aspects, and of 
 the history of the movement in all countries. In biblio- 
 graphical notes and in appendices, he has endeavoured to 
 direct those who would read further on any point, where 
 to go. 
 
 This book is meant for a popular handbook for English 
 and American readers, rather than for scholars ; the refer- 
 ences therefore are, in the main, only to available books in 
 English. In German, Drs. Stegmann and Hugo's Handbuch 
 des Socialismus, and Bernstein and Kautsky's Die Geschichte 
 des Sozialismus, both now appearing in parts, are perhaps 
 the best books, and are excellent, yet needing to be 
 frequently supplemented, 
 the Socialist movement 
 sources ; mistakes, then 
 this book will be greatly 
 may be sent him (to the 
 
 He desires simply 1 
 expressed in this book 
 large extent, with the 
 
viii Preface. 
 
 gramme and ideal, he still differs radically from the 
 Socialism presented in this volume. He differs from it at 
 the root. He believes that no Socialism can be successful 
 unless rooted and grounded in Christ, the Liberator, the 
 Unifier, because the Head of Humanity. The Church he 
 believes to be the world's first, greatest, and necessary 
 International. Modern Socialism he believes to have 
 sprung from Christianity ; but, largely through the fault of 
 Christians, to have become disowned by most Christians to- 
 day, and thus driven into hostility to its Mother — a condition 
 which he believes will endure till the Church awakes and 
 introduces into the world a Socialism that is grounded in 
 Christ. Till then, he believes that Socialism will only find 
 a modicum of success, with mainly negative results to drive 
 the world to Christ. 
 
 A few chapters, however, which the author had written 
 upon Christian Socialism for this book have been omitted ; 
 the subject is so large that they will be expanded into a 
 book by themselves, which, by the kindness of the publishers 
 of this volume, the author is already permitted to announce. 
 
 He desires in closing to acknowledge his indebtedness 
 to Messrs. Edward R. Pease, H. Quelch, Halliday Sparling, 
 John Trevor, Robert A. Peddie, Domela Nieuwenhuis, 
 Wilhelm Liebknecht, and many others. Among books he 
 has made particular use of the German Handbuch referred 
 to above, various Fabian publications. Prof Ely's works on 
 American subjects, and the Foreign Reports of the Royal 
 Commission on Labour, with constant reference to the 
 Socialist literature and press of the various Socialist parties 
 of different countries. 
 
 W. D. P. BLISS. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER p^^^ 
 
 I. Definitions of Socialism i 
 
 Alphabetically arranged by authors. 
 
 II. What Socialism is Not - . . 7 
 
 (a) Not gavemmentalism or paternalism. 
 
 (b) Not a systematising of society. 
 
 (c) Not Co-operation. 
 
 (d) Not Communism. 
 
 (e) Not Anarchism. 
 
 (f ) Not Anarchist-Communism. 
 
 III. What Socialism Is - - 17 
 
 A principle of social action — Perfectly definite in principle, 
 perfectly flexible in form — Varying in different countries 
 and at different times, but always that principle according 
 to which society should own land and capital collectively, and 
 operate it co-operatively for the equitable good of all — Various 
 Socialist ideals. 
 
 IV. The History of Socialism in General - 39 
 
 The origin and beginnings of Socialism — The Utopian period — 
 The period of Inaction — The period of the International — The 
 present period of political Social Democracy — International Con- 
 gresses. 
 
 V. Socialism in England - 50 
 
 VI. Socialism in France - 71 
 
 VI I. Socialism in Germany 83 
 
 VIII. Socialism in Belgium hi 
 
 IX. Socialism in Switzerland - - 120 
 
 X. Socialism in the United States - 131 
 
 XI. Socialism in Australia and New Zealand - 150 
 
 XII. Socialism in Other Countries - - 154 
 
 Austria-Hungary — The Balkan States — Denmark — Holland — 
 
 Italy — Norway and Sweden — Russia — Spain. 
 
Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 XIII. Socialism and the Political Economists - - - 172 
 
 Socialists of the Chair— Quotations from Political Economists. 
 
 XIV. Socialism the Only Solution of the Industrial Problem 182 
 
 Mere Trades Unionism, mere Co-operation, Profit-sharing, mere 
 Charity, mere Land Nationalisation or Taxation, not sufficient 
 — Anarchism presents no hope. 
 
 XV. Objections to Socialism - 192 
 
 (a) That Socialism is impracticable. 
 
 (b) That it is undesirable, because it would check individuality 
 and individual freedom. 
 
 (c) That it would result in over-population, or, if this be pre- 
 vented, in deterioration of the race. 
 
 (d) That it is Utopian and far away. 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 A. Biographical Notes on Socialist Writers and Leaders, 
 
 alphabetically arranged .... 205 
 
 B. A Brief Bibliography of Socialism .... 264 
 
 C. Socialist Papers and Magazines . 284 
 
 D. A Socialist Calendar . - . . 287 
 
 E. Chronology of Socialistic Literature . . 290 
 Chart ... .293 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 THE DEFINITION OF SOCIALISM. 
 
 All Socialists and all authorities upon Socialism are agreed as to 
 what Socialism is. This is shown by the following quotations, 
 all of which, though using different expressions, are in well-nigh 
 absolute agreement. As Sidney Webb has pointed out, not to 
 know what Socialism is, is today simply intellectual laziness. 
 Socialism is not paternalism, nor the expansion of State activity, 
 nor the regimentation of life, nor the adoption of a fixed form of 
 society, nor even the co-operation of arbitrary groups of workers, 
 nor the total abolition of competition, nor the leaping into a Utopia 
 of brotherly love, nor the sudden and violent overturn of existing 
 institutions. Socialism is the fixed principle, capable of 
 
 INFINITE AND CHANGING VARIETY OF FORM, AND ONLY GRADU- 
 ALLY TO BE APPLIED, ACCORDING TO WHICH THE COMMUNITY 
 SHOULD OWN LAND AND CAPITAL COLLECTIVELY AND' OPERATE 
 THEM CO-OPERATIVELY FOR THE EQUITABLE GOOD OF ALL. 
 
 See the following definitions : — 
 
 Aristotle. Politics, bk. i., 2, §§ 12-14: — 
 
 The State is, by nature, clearly prior to the individual and to the 
 family, since the whole is of necessity prior to the part. . . . The proof 
 that the State is a creation of nature, and prior to the individual, is that 
 the individual, when isolated, is not self-sufficing ; and therefore he is 
 like a part in relation to the whole. But he who is unable to live in 
 society, or who has no need because he is sufficient for himself, must be 
 either a beast or a god. 
 
 Bellamy, Edward (Nationalist) : — • 
 
 Industrial self-government is a very convenient and accurate definition 
 of Nationalism. 
 
 I 
 
Handbook of Socialism^ 
 
 Century Dictionary : — 
 
 Socialism is any theory or system of social organisation whicli would 
 abolish, entirely or in great part the individual effort and competition on 
 which modern society rests, and substitute for it co-operative action; 
 would introduce a more perfect and ec[ual distribution of the products of 
 labour, and would make land and capital, as the instruments and means 
 of production, the joint possession of the members of the community. 
 
 Clarke, William. Political Science Quarterly, Dec, 1888 : — 
 
 A Socialist is one who believes that the necessary instruments of pro- 
 duction should be held and organised by the community, instead of by 
 individuals, or groups of individuals, within or outside of the community. 
 
 Ely, Prof. Richard T. Socialism and Social Reform, p. 
 19:— 
 
 The results of the analysis of Socialism may be brought together in a 
 definition which would read somewhat as follows : Socialism is thai con- 
 templated system of industrial society which proposes the abolition of private 
 property in the great material instruments of production, and the substitution 
 therefor of collective property ; and advocates the collective management of pro- 
 duction, together with the distribution of social income by society, and private 
 property in the larger proportion of this social income. 
 
 EngelSj Frederick. Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, trans, 
 by E. Aveling, thus briefly describes Socialism : — 
 
 With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of 
 commodities is done away with, and simultaneously the mastery of the 
 product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is replaced by 
 systematic, definite organisation. The struggle for individual existence 
 disappears. . . . The whole sphere of the conditions which environ man, 
 and which have hitherto ruled man, now comes under the dominion and 
 control of man, who now for the first time becomes the real conscious 
 lord of Nature, because he has now become master of his own social 
 organisation. ... It is the ascent of man from the kingdom of necessity 
 to the kingdom of freedom. 
 
 KiDD, Benjamin. Social Evolution, p. 207 : — 
 True Socialism has one invariable characteristic by which it may be 
 always recognised . . . always one definite object in view, up to which all 
 its proposals directly or indirectly lead. This is the final suspension of 
 that personal struggle for existence which has been waged not only from 
 the beginning of society, but, in one form or another, from the beginning of 
 life. 
 
The Definition of Socialism. 
 
 KiRKUP, Thomas. In Encydopmdia Britannica : — 
 Whereas industry is at the present carried on by private capitalists 
 served by wage labour, it must be in the future conducted by associated or 
 co-operating work — ^men jointly owning the means of production. On 
 grounds both of theory and history this must be accepted as the cardinal 
 principle of SociaUsm. 
 
 KiRKUP, Thomas. An Inquiry into Socialism, pp. 11-12 : — 
 The essence of SociaUsm is this : it proposes that industry be carried 
 on by associated labourers jointly owning the means of production (land 
 and capital). Whereas industry is at present conducted by private and 
 competing capitalists served by wage labour, it must in the future be 
 carried on by associated labour, with a collective capital, and with a view 
 to an equitable system of distribution. 
 
 Lafargue, Paul (Marxist). In Le Figaro : — 
 Socialism is not the system of any reformer whatever ; it is the doc- 
 trine of those who believe that the existing system is on the eve of a fatal 
 economic evolution which will establish collective ownership in the hands 
 of organisations of workers, in place of the individual ownership of capital. 
 Socialism is of the character, therefore, of an historical discovery. 
 
 Mill, John Stuart. Fortnightly Review, April, 1879 : — 
 What is characteristic of Socialism is the joint ownership by all the 
 members of the community of the instruments and means of production, 
 which carries with it the consequence that the division of all the produce 
 among the body of owners must be a pubhc act performed according to 
 rules laid down by the community. 
 
 ScHAFFLE, Prof. A. E. T. Quintessence of Socialism : — 
 The Alpha and Omega of Socialism is the transformation of private 
 and competing capitals into a united collective capital. 
 
 Again : — 
 
 To replace the system of private capital (that is, the speculative method 
 of production, regulated on behalf of society only by the free competition of 
 private enterprises) by a system of collective capital, that is by a method of 
 production which would introduce a unified (social or ' ' collective ") organisa- 
 tion, national income on the basis of coUeotive or common ownership of 
 the means of production by all the members of the society. This collective 
 method of production would remove the present competitive system, by 
 placing under official administration such departments of production as- 
 can be managed collectively (socially or co-operatively), as well as the-. 
 
Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 distribution among all of the common products of all, according to tha 
 amount and social utility of the productive labour of each. 
 
 Social Democratic Federation (English) states its objects 
 to be : — 
 
 The socialisation of the means of production, distribution, and ex- 
 change, to be controlled by a democratic State in the interests of the 
 entire community, and the complete emancipation of labour from the 
 domination of capitalism and landlordism, with the establishment of social 
 and economic equality between the sexes. 
 
 Wagner, Prof. Adolph : — 
 
 Socialism is a principle which regulates social and economic life 
 according to the needs of society as a whole, or which makes provision for 
 the satisfaction of those needs ; whereas, individualism is a principle which, 
 in social and economic life, places the individual in the foreground, takes 
 the individual as a starting-point, and makes his interests and wishes the 
 rule for society. . . . Extreme Socialism, or the modern scientific, econo- 
 mic Socialism, is a system of economic legal order opposed to the present 
 order. Socialism demands that the material means of production, that is, 
 land and Capital, should not be, as at present, mostly the private property 
 of single private members of the social body, but should be the collective 
 property of society itself ; that, consequently, private undertakings designed 
 to secm-e profit should not stand on one side, and wage-earners, paid 
 according to the conditions of the laboiu* contract, on the other, these 
 various undertakings and wage-earners competing with one another ; that 
 production should not be conducted by individual capitalistic managers 
 according to their individual estimate of demand, which means, on the 
 whole, an unregulated production dependent upon the course of specula- 
 tion and the influences of chance, and that the distribution of the product 
 should take place according to the accidents of the law of supply and de- 
 mand. Socialism requires, on the contrary, that production should taka 
 place according to plans based upon the carefully ascertained demand of 
 the consumers, and that it should be duly regulated by pubUc authority • 
 that it should be carried on in a co-ope/ative manner, or in State and 
 municipal institutions, etc., and that the product should be divided among, 
 the producers in a juster manner than at present, when the distribution is- 
 efiected by means of the law of demand and supply. 
 
 Wallas, Graham. Fabian Essays, p. 133 : — 
 Socialists work for the owning of the means of production by the com- 
 mimity and the means of consumption by individuals. 
 
The Definition of Socialism, 
 
 Westcott, Bishop B. F. Address before Hull Congress, 1 890 : — 
 Individualism regards humanity as made up of disconnected or warring 
 atoms. Socialism regards it as an organic whole. . . . The aim of 
 Socialism is the fulfilment of service ; the aim of individualism is the 
 attainment of some personal advantage — riches, place, or fame. Sociahsm 
 seeks such an organisation of life as shall secure for every one the most 
 complete development of his powers ; individualism seeks primarily the 
 satisfaction of the particular wants of each one, in the hope that the pur- 
 suit of private interests will, in the end, secure public welfare. 
 
 Further on in the same address Dr. Westcott asserts that : — 
 The goal of human endeavour is the common well-being of aU alike, 
 sought through conditions which provide for the fullest culture of each 
 man as opposed to the special development of a race or a class, by the 
 sacrifice of others in slavery or serfdom, or necessary subjection. 
 
 He speaks of this as the central idea of Socialism. 
 
 From the Manifesto of the Joint Committee of the 
 (English) Socialist Bodies : — 
 
 It is, therefore, opportune to remind the public once more what 
 Socialism means to those who are working for the transformation of our 
 present unsociaUst state into a coUectivist republic, and who are entirely 
 free from the illusion that the amelioration or " moralisation " of the con- 
 ditions of capitalist private property can do away with the necessity for 
 abolishing it. Even those readjustments of industry and administration 
 which are socialist in form will not be permanently useful, unless the 
 whole State is merged into an organised commonwealth. MunicipaUsatiou, 
 for instance, can only be accepted as Socialism on the condition of its 
 forming a part of national, and, at last, of international Socialism, in 
 which the workers of all nations, while adopting within the borders of their 
 own countries those methods which are rendered necessary by their his- 
 toric development, can federate upon a common basis of the collective 
 ownership of the great means and instruments of the creation and dis- 
 tribution of wealth, and thus brealc down national animosities by the 
 solidarity of human interest throughout the civilised world. 
 
 On this point all Socialists agree. Our aim, one and aU, is to obtain 
 for the whole community complete ownership and control of the means of 
 transport, the means of manufacture, the mines, and the land. Thus we 
 look to put an end for ever to the wage system, to sweep away all distinc- 
 tions of class, and eventually to establish national and international Com- 
 munism on a sound basis. 
 
Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Those who signed the manifesto were : — 
 
 Alfred Beaslbt. Haeby Qubeoh. 
 
 Samtjei, Bullock. H. B. Rogers. 
 
 J. E. DoBSON. Geo. Bebnabd Shaw. 
 
 W. S. Db Mattos. WiLLrB Utley. 
 
 W. H. Gbant. Sidney Webb. 
 
 H. M. Hyndman. Ernest E. Williams. 
 
 William Moreib. Sydney Olivier. 
 
 TOTJZEAU PAERIS. 
 
 The Joint Committee of the Social-Democratic Federation, the Fabian Society, 
 and the Hammersmith Socialist Society. 
 
 Signed on behalf of the under-mentioned bodies : — 
 
 H. W. Lee, Secretary, Social Democratic Federation, 337 Strand, W.O. 
 Edward K. Pease, Secretary, Fabian Society, 276 Strand, W.G. 
 Emeky Walker, Secretary, Hammersmith Socialist Society, Kelmsoott House, 
 Hammersmitli. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 WHAT SOCIALISM IS NOT. 
 
 (a) Socialism is not Governmentalism or Paternalism. 
 
 In not one of the definitions from the authorities quoted in 
 chapter i. does the word " government " appear, save in the phrase 
 self-government. If these writers then, or if Socialists themselves, 
 know anything about Socialism, Socialism is not turning things 
 over to the State, to the municipality, or to government of any kind. 
 By the derivation of the word from the Latin socius, an associate, 
 by its history, by its use by Socialists themselves. Socialism 
 is essentially fraternal, the very opposite of paternalism. All the 
 great Socialists have been democrats ; they have opposed pater- 
 nalism ; they have opposed paternal governments and the exten- 
 sion of such governments ; some of them have opposed the State 
 altogether. Robert Owen, Fourier, Blanqui, Louis Blanc, Karl 
 Marx, Lassalle, Maurice, Hyndman, William Morris — where is 
 there a paternalist or a governmentalist among the great Socialists ? 
 In Germany the Socialists all vote against the State insurance 
 schemes of the imperial government ; in France the Socialists 
 favour the maintenance for a while of peasant proprietorship, 
 fearing that till the government become thoroughly socialised, to 
 nationalise land would give the State too much power. If 
 Socialists would largely use the State to realise their ideals, it is 
 only because they would make the State first democratic, -/i^the 
 State be the community democratically or fraternally organised, 
 then Socialists believe in the State, otherwise not. To call 
 paternalism Socialism is, therefore, hopelessly to confuse. The 
 so-called State Socialism of the German Empire, with its State 
 
8 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 insurance schemes, etc., was introduced to defeat Socialism. Said 
 Herr Liebknecht at the Socialist Congress at Berlin in November, 
 1892 : "Social democracy has nothing in common with the so- 
 called State Socialism, a system of half measures dictated by fear 
 and aiming merely at undermining the hold of social democracy 
 over the working classes by petty concessions and palliatives ". To 
 Socialists the State is a means, not an end. Says Prof. Ely 
 (Socialism and Social Reform, p. 33) : " Characteristic of the 
 Socialism of to-day is the general desire, on the part of Socialists, 
 to reduce the functions of government to a minimum. There is 
 a general agreement among them that there should be as little 
 government as is compatible with their main ends. They all 
 favour whatever government or regulation is necessary to secure 
 the Socialistic production and distribution of wealth; and they 
 will endorse all those measures which are held to be necessary to 
 guarantee opportunities to all, for the full development of all their 
 faculties. But beyond this they will not go, and they continually 
 seek to devise plans for the accomplishment of these ends with 
 the least possible exercise of governmental authority. It can 
 safely be said that, outside the educational and economic spheres, 
 they advocate a general laissez faire, or non-interference policy. 
 The State Church, for example, is not of necessity incompatible 
 with Socialism ; but, as a matter of fact, Socialist parties invariably 
 oppose anything of the kind ; and the German social democrats, 
 in their platform, expressly declare religion to be a private 
 matter." 
 
 Friedrich Engels says (Die Entwicklung des Sozialisvms von 
 der Utopie zur Wissenschaft) : " The first act in which the State 
 really appears as the representative of society as a whole, namely, 
 the seizure of the means of production in the name of society, is 
 at the same time its last independent act as a State. Interfer- 
 ence of the State in social relations gradually becomes superfluous 
 in one department after another, and finally of itself ceases (goes 
 to sleep). The place of government over persons is taken by 
 administration of things and the management of productive 
 processes," 
 
What Socialism is not. 
 
 Bebel (Die Frau und Sozialismus, pp. 312-314) argues that 
 under Socialism, ministers, parliaments, armies, police, courts, 
 attorneys, taxation, will all disappear, their place being taken 
 by administrative colleges or boards. Even when English or 
 American Socialists declare for the State they mean the same as 
 German Socialists in declaring against it. Both denounce the 
 paternal State, both favour a truly democratic, coUectivist organi- 
 sation of the people. 
 
 It is for the same reason that all Socialists are working 
 for the decentralisation of government. They wish to transfer 
 functions from central governments to local political units, in 
 order that the business of the people may be near the people. 
 County Councils, Local Government bills, are supported by all 
 Socialists. For a further consideration of this point see chapter 
 XV., " Objections to Socialism ". 
 
 ((5) Socialism is not the Regimentation of Society. 
 
 Mr. Sidney Webb says : " It seems almost impossible to bring 
 people to understand that the abstract word Socialism denotes, 
 like radicalism, not an elaborate plan of society, but a principle of 
 social action ". He points out that Socialism inevitably suffers if 
 identified with any particular scheme, or even with the best vision 
 we can yet form of collectivism itself. People become so much 
 concerned with details, he tells us, that they miss the principle. 
 " They cannot see the forest for the trees." The moment will 
 never come when we can say, "Now Socialism is established," 
 for Socialism is not a status but a life. Society is not to be run 
 into it as a mould. Socialism is evolutionary, though the evolution 
 may be a gradual and peaceful revolution. This evolutionary 
 character of Socialism is its marked modern aspect. Fifty years 
 ago Socialism was Utopian. Owen, St. Simon, Fourier, Cabet, all 
 had their ideal Utopias into which they would have run society. 
 Many of these Utopias were tried in various local communities in 
 America. Some of these still exist, but are slowly dying. Com- 
 mencing mainly with German Socialism, modern European 
 
10 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Socialism has, as a movement, outgrown this Utopian stage. It 
 was a necessary stage. All great ideas are born in Utopia. But 
 movements, as well as men, outgrow cradles, and European 
 Socialism is now evolutionary, though revolutionary, and is not 
 Utopian. In America Socialism, being a younger movement, has 
 scarcely outgrown its Utopian stage. Nationalism may be said to 
 represent this Utopian stage. True Socialism is as flexible in its 
 system, as it is definite in its aim. Any system that would carry 
 out its principle is Socialistic. This means that in different coun- 
 tries and under different conditions, Socialism would take very 
 various forms. In Germany to-day it aims at a national develop- 
 ment. In France it makes little of the nation, and centres around 
 the commune, or township. In Belgium it comes very near to 
 non-political co-operation, and yet is Socialism, not co-operation. 
 In England it is parliamentary and municipal. In Switzerland 
 it centres around the canton. In the United States it will 
 probably follow the national instinct, and be a federation 
 of industrial and political federations. Socialism, therefore, 
 cannot be identified with any one form of Socialism. It is not 
 Fourierism, nor Marxism, nor Bellamyism, nor the system of any 
 reformer. Characteristic of modern Socialism is the name of 
 Engels' latest book, The Development of Socialism from Utopia to 
 Science. Says Prof. Ely {Socialism and Social Reform, p. 175): 
 " Socialism is as strong as the strongest presentation which can be 
 made of it. This must be clearly borne in mind by all students 
 of the subject ; for in the course of statement and re-statement 
 Socialism will be made stronger than any presentation of it which 
 has ever yet been given. No impartial person can deny this, any 
 more than any such person can deny that it has become stronger 
 in its programme as time has gone on, and this programme has 
 been elaborated and improved." 
 
 (c) Socialism is not Co-operation. 
 
 Co-operation in social science means the union of any group of 
 persons, not using government as an instrument, for the purposes 
 
What Socialism is not. ii 
 
 of joint purchase, production, distribution or consumption, on 
 equitable principles and for their mutual benefit. Such groups 
 may, and often do, compete with each other and with the world. 
 They are composed of any persons, no matter where they live, 
 who enter into the co-operation, and may represent a very small 
 fraction of any community. Socialism is the union of the 
 whole of any community for common ownership and manage- 
 ment of land or capital ; and while it may and often does favour 
 the development of little groups or communes, it is the action of 
 the whole of the community however small, and would not have 
 the groups compete with each other. It would, too, very largely 
 use the democratic State or municipality as an instrument to accom- 
 plish its ends, while co-operation /«?• se would not. Co-operation'- 
 springs from individuals who unite ; SociaUsm from the natural 
 or geographical unity of a whole community. Co-operation is 
 usually for specific objects ; Socialism would affect all industrial 
 life. The distinction therefore is marked. Yet there is nothing 
 contradictory between the two. Socialism is complete industrial 
 co-operation. It has been called the Co-operative Common- 
 wealth. Yet it does not follow that co-operation and Socialism 
 differ simply in degree. There is a qualitative as well as a quan- 
 titative difference. They work in different ways — Socialism 
 starting from the community; co-operation from individuals. Hence 
 co-operation is not partial Socialism, or necessarily even a step- 
 ping stone towards Socialism. The two are simply not incon- 
 sistent. Any Socialist may be a co-operator and any co-operator 
 a Socialist. As a matter of fact, however, most Socialists have 
 objected to co-operation on the ground (i) that it does not recog- 
 nise the fundamental position and starting point of Socialism, the 
 natural and necessary unity of the whole community; (2) that it 
 would not completely replace the present competitive system, and 
 is therefore reactionary, in absorbing the attention of wage- 
 workers upon gaining a few petty advantages, while blinding them 
 to the great advantages to be gained by Socialism. Tiiis oppo- 
 sition, however, is now somewhat modified. The great success 
 of co-operation, particularly in Great Britain and in Belgium, is 
 
12 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 convincing Socialists of the advantages and immediate benefits to 
 be gained by co-operation, while the recent spread of Socialistic 
 ideas and principles is teaching co-operators the futility of mere 
 co-operation and the necessity of political and Socialistic action. 
 In Belgium, especially, co-operation is being used to raise the 
 funds to spread Socialism (see chapter viii.); while in England the 
 two movements are more and more coming to aid each other, 
 though remaining distinct. 
 
 (d) Socialism is not Communism. 
 
 Socialism and Communism are by some identified. The 
 early Socialists, especially, used the two words synonymously, 
 and by preference used the word Communism. Latterly, however. 
 Communism is less used, and when used is more and more dis- 
 tinguished from Socialism. Socialism puts its emphasis on com- 
 mon production and disiriduf ion ; Communism on /ife in common. 
 Communism makes less of existing political institutions as instru- 
 ments ; Socialism would very largely use them, It is characteristic 
 of the development that modern Socialism is undergoing that it 
 talks less about Communism, though, perhaps, most Socialists 
 hold Communism in their minds as an ultimate ideal. Says Mr. 
 Kadd, speaking of modern Socialism {Social Revolution, p. 205) : 
 "The Utopian projects which distinguished the writings of its 
 earlier advocates have disappeared, and even the essential ideals 
 of the movement tend to be kept in the background, to be dis- 
 cussed among the faithful as the ultimate goal, rather than with 
 the adversary as the immediate end of endeavour. We have now 
 not to deal with mere abstract and transcendental theories, but 
 with a clearly defined movement in practical politics." Socialists 
 are to a man evolutionists. They are coming more and more, 
 therefore, to leave the future to the future. They ask not how life 
 should be organised in the future, whether communal or not. 
 What they ask is that society now own and conduct all industry. 
 Some Socialists are Communists ; some are not. Most Socialists 
 would have all personal effects, clothing, furniture, books and 
 
What Socialism is not. 13 
 
 pictures (to a moderate extent), heirlooms, etc., held as private 
 belongings. They would have families and individuals live, either 
 separately, or in common, exactly as they prefer. Socialism pro- 
 poses the utmost freedom of personal choice in all ways of Hving. 
 If Socialism produces Communism, it will be because individuals 
 choose it ; Socialism does not require any one mode of life. 
 
 (e) Socialism is not Anarchism. 
 
 Anarchism is of two schools — -Individual Anarchism, some- 
 times called Philosophical Anarchism, or Anarchism Proper, and 
 Anarchist Communism. In this section we consider the former 
 alone. From it Socialism is utterly distinct. Anarchism bases 
 itself upon a philosophy of Individual Sovereignty. Socialism, 
 ■while believing that it will really ensure the freedom of the indi- 
 vidual, vastly more than Anarchism, knows nothing of the philo- 
 sophy of Individual Sovereignty. It holds this to be a mere 
 philosophical figment of the imagination, having no basis in fact, 
 — a dream, too, in which, as long as one lives, one can never find 
 freedom in reality. As a matter of fact, say Socialists, man is 
 born in society of one kind or another, and cannot escape from 
 that fact ; so that the sooner it is recognised the better. Socialism 
 starts from the recognition of this fact, and by giving man the 
 lordship over his social organisation would make him free. 
 Anarchism vainly struggles to abolish the fact ; and thus, aiming at 
 a mirage, must always be nugatory. 
 
 Differing thus in their philosophy, Socialism and Anarchism 
 differ even more in their methods. Socialists would largely use 
 the State to gain freedom ; Anarchists would abolish the State. 
 Government Anarchists define as "the subjection of the non- 
 invasive individual to an external will" (Tucker), the State as 
 " the embodiment of the principle of invasion in an individual or 
 band of individuals assuming to act as representatives or masters 
 of the entire people within a given area ". 
 
 These definitions Socialists cannot accept. States hitherto 
 have been largely invasive, it is true ; but it is a limping logic that 
 
14 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 declares that therefore they must always be so. Through all 
 history, with exceptions which only prove the rule, States have 
 been growing steadily less invasive, while they are, according to 
 the Anarchists themselves, a mighty power. Which is the wiser, 
 then, to take this mighty and steadily improving force and use it 
 for the service of man, or to throw it away, because it has often 
 been badly used ? Natural philosophers could once have made 
 out a stronger case as to the evil properties of electricity than 
 Anarchists make out against the State. Do Anarchists to-day 
 advise the disuse of electricity ? No ; the terror of man has now 
 become his servant. So with the State. The State is the collec- 
 tive expression of the popular will. No king, no veriest tyrant 
 ever ruled except by the will of the people. Because the popular 
 will has been ignorant and evil. States have been evil. As the 
 popular will grows less invasive under the workings of co-operative 
 industry and freedom of life, so will the State grow less invasive. 
 Socialism would Use the State to further freedom ; Anarchism 
 would overthrow the State. Differing thus in their philosophy 
 and in their methods. Anarchism and Socialism, it must be added, 
 do not materially differ in their ultimate aims. Both seek the 
 most absolute freedom for the individual. Many Anarchists 
 would find this in voluntary co-operation ; any man, however, 
 unwilling to co-operate being left free to carry on industry by 
 himself, if he can. Socialists would have society through the 
 democratic State carry on industry in co-operative ways, and be- 
 Ueve that it will be sure to be so advantageous to all that no one 
 will desire to conduct private undertakings. Some Socialists are 
 so sure of this that they would even allow anybody who desired 
 to conduct private business to do so, convinced that he would 
 soon fail ; yet even these people are not Anarchists, because they 
 believe in the State. They are voluntary Socialists. The ulti- 
 mate aims of Anarchism and Socialism are thus not so far apart, 
 though their ways of reaching them be utterly distinct. In Ger- 
 many, in France, in England, in the United States, in all countries, 
 Socialism is a political movement, obeying law, supporting govern- 
 ment, respecting life. Anarchism in all countries despises politics, 
 
What Socialism is not. 15 
 
 breaks law, plots against government, makes life unsafe. Socialism 
 is peaceable, orderly, fraternal. Anarchism is a confessed self-seek- 
 ing that knows no law. 
 
 (/) Socialism is not Anarchist Communism. 
 
 Anarchist Communism is the theory that " all things belong to 
 all ; and, provided that men and women contribute their share of 
 labour for the production of necessary objects, they are entitled 
 to their share of all that is produced by the community ". This 
 is to be realised not in the name of religion or of the State, " but 
 in the name of the people " (Kropotkine). It claims to spring, 
 like Philosophical Anarchism, from the doctrine of Individual 
 Sovereignty, though the Philosophical Anarchists do not allow 
 this claim ; and it is hard to see how it can be substantiated, since 
 if the individual be sovereign, why may he not own private pro- 
 perty, if he can hold it, as the Philosophical Anarchists indeed 
 consistently do allow, but which is contrary to the creed of An- 
 archist Communism? With these inconsistencies, however, we 
 have not here to do. If Anarchist Communism does spring from 
 the philosophy of Individual Sovereignty, Socialism differs from 
 it fundamentally as from all Anarchism. In any case it wholly 
 differs from its methods. Anarchist Communism, like all Anarch- 
 ism, would overthrow the State. As a matter of fact, it is far 
 more revolutionary in point of deed than Individual Anarchism. 
 The Individual Anarchists have no scruples against using physical 
 force; but they are wise enough to see that they are too few, at 
 present at least, to use force successfully, and so they only resort 
 to the dynamite of ideas. The Anarchist Communists, however, 
 from the days of Bakunin to the present of Ravachol and Cesario 
 Santo, and including Kropotkine and Reclus, quite as truly as 
 Louise Michel and Vaillant, have glorified physical force, and mag- 
 nified " the propaganda of the deed". Almost all the recent 
 dynamiters and political assassins of Europe and America have 
 been Anarchist Communists. Such methods Socialists utterly 
 abhor. How near Socialism would come to Communism, how 
 
i6 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 completely Socialists desire the freedom of the individual, we have 
 seen ; but in the way of obtaining it, Socialism and Anarchism of 
 all kinds are as different as light and darkness. 
 
 From the day when Karl Marx and Bakunin, after the Con- 
 gress of the International at the Hague in 1872, led their forces 
 into separate camps of Anarchists and Socialists, the two parties 
 have never worked together. Says Prof. Ely {Socialism and Social 
 Reform, p. 92) : " Everywhere Socialism fights Anarchy, and, on 
 the other hand, is antagonised by it. Where the one is strong, 
 the other, as already stated, is likely to languish. Social Democ- 
 racy drove John Most out of Germany, and from early days has 
 exerted itself most vigorously to keep down anything like an 
 Anarchistic movement. The weakness of Anarchy in Germany 
 is to be attributed more largely to the efforts of the Social Democ- 
 racy than to any other force. Anarchists, when discovered, are 
 regularly expelled from the conventions of the Social Democrats 
 in Germany, and they were expelled from the International 
 Socialistic Convention in Brussels in 1891, and again in Zurich in 
 1893." 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 WHAT SOCIALISM IS. 
 
 Socialism is that principle of society according to which the 
 community as a whole, fraternally organised, should collectively 
 own and co-operatively operate land and capital for the equitable 
 good of all. It is as definite as a principle, as flexible in form. 
 In different countries it is developing different forms. In Ger- 
 many it aims at a national development. In France it centres 
 around the commune; in Switzerland, around the canton. In 
 Belgium it comes very near to non-poUtical co-operation. In 
 England it is parliamentary and municipal. In the United States 
 it will probably develop the federated form. It is distinctly evolu- 
 tionary. It holds that industrial life conforms to the laws of evolu- 
 tion as does any other portion of life ; and that therefore no- fixed 
 formula can be laid down as of universal application, but that the 
 system must be suited to the degree of development obtained by 
 any people or civilisation. It holds that industry must go through 
 (a) a period of primitive individualism when the natural resources 
 of the earth are yet unmonopolised, and invention so little 
 developed that capital and tools are scarcely needed, and each 
 man is therefore comparatively free, though poor, ill-fed, ill-housed 
 and ill-clad ; (p) a period when, each living for self, the strong 
 overcome the weak and compel the weak (women and slaves) to 
 produce and toil for them in slavery, too often identical with 
 the family ; W a period when, law and order somewhat developing, 
 and the poor somewhat voluntarily or involuntarily putting them- 
 selves under the protection of the powerful, a feudal system is 
 developed, when the worker is abused, but often materially cared 
 for and protected, though not free ; (d) a period when, industry 
 
1 8 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 developing invention and machinery, society throws off all feudal 
 restraints and brings back the old but now different individualism, 
 an individualism endowed with all the advantages of science. At 
 the close of this period and in the beginning of a new, Socialists 
 say we now are. Individuals producing and struggling each for 
 self, those who have inherited wealth or education, or ability or 
 advantage of rank and circumstance, have been able to gain the 
 ownership of the most valuable lands and of machinery, and have 
 left the rest of mankind, deprived of land and machinery, to 
 sustain existence only by working for the possessing classes (the 
 wage system). Individual competition of manufacturers and em- 
 ployers compels them to produce as cheaply as possible in 
 order to be able to sell as cheaply as possible. If they do 
 not they must go out of business ; for under free competition 
 he who sells a given article the cheapest will get the trade. There- 
 fore the manufacturer and producer, compelled to buy in the 
 cheapest market, strive among other things to buy labour as 
 cheaply as possible. The labourer, meanwhile, having no good land 
 and no adequate capital, is compelled to sell his labour force at the 
 best price he can. But since men multiply rapidly while land and 
 capital are limited, and since machinery and invention constantly 
 enable fewer and fewer men to do work formerly done by many, 
 there soon comes to be competition of two (or two thousand) men 
 to get the same job. Now, the employer we have seen to be com- 
 pelled to employ those who will work cheapest. There thus 
 comes to be a competition between workmen to see who will 
 work cheapest, and so get the job. This goes on developing till 
 wages fall to just that which will support and renev/ the lowest 
 form of life, that will turn out the requisite grade of work. It is 
 true that to an extent it pays to employ the higher grades of 
 labour, because they turn out more and better work which will 
 command more money; but this is more than counterbalanced, ex- 
 cept in a small residuum of industry, by machinery and invention, 
 which more and more enable unskilled labour, or at least labour 
 very slightly skilled, to take the place of skilled labour. Women, 
 usually partly supported by fathers, husbands, brothers, and more 
 
What Socialism is. 19 
 
 and more by lovers, can afford to work cheaper than men, and 
 hence supplant men ; boys supplant women, girls boys, ignorant 
 races those more educated ; — a process not theoretical, but which 
 can be seen in the history of any factory town. The division of 
 labour, marvellously increasing the product, more and more com- 
 pels the worker to become a mere "hand," dependent on his 
 machine, and knowing only one detail of one branch of one in- 
 dustry ; so that when invention changes that detail he is left an 
 unskilled worker. Competition, too, continually drives machinery 
 at a faster and faster rate; so that while skilled American labourers, 
 for example, get higher wages than those of any other country, 
 they turn out a still greater relative product, and are sooner worn 
 out and left to earn nothing. Organisations of labourers strive to 
 prevent competition amongst themselves, and to unite against 
 employers, who in their turn are compelled to unite, bringing on 
 all the evils of strikes and a class war. Meanwhile, in spite of 
 the trades unions, since they are able to organise only a compara- 
 tively few of the more skilled workmen, the competition of the 
 unorganised either brings down wages or produces miseries which 
 grow more rapidly than trades unionism can do good, causing in- 
 dustrial depression in spite of trades unionism. On the part of 
 employers, too, combinations beget larger combinations. Leading 
 firms unite. Monopoly sets in.' Employers see that to combine 
 is better than to compete. Railways, gas companies, various in- 
 dustries develop gigantic monopolies. Wealth is concentrated in 
 the hands of the few. This means a decreased demand for 
 ordinary products; since the masses, though needy, have no 
 money with which to buy. Demand is reduced, even while the 
 people are starving. Crises grow more and more frequent. 
 Great wealth and great possibilities of gain for the few develop a 
 love for speculation and luxury. The wealthy are educated and 
 cultured; they have time for art and religion. They are often 
 charitable and generous. The workers meanwhile, compelled to 
 work and strain harder and harder under the competition to live, 
 grow materialistic and reckless. The rich come to appear to de- 
 serve their wealth. But inherited wealth develops fast living ; and 
 
20 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 inherited poverty, hopelessness, recklessness, and thriftlessness. 
 In a word, we have the modern world. This, say Socialists, is 
 what has happened and must happen as long as industrial com- 
 petition reigns. 
 
 Profit sharing, trades unions, partial co-operation, model tene- 
 ments, charities, may do a little temporary good, but are mere 
 bubbles on the ocean of competition ; the only way is to slowly 
 replace competition by universal co-operation, which is Socialism. 
 A mere land reform, by the Single Tax, or by any other method, 
 would do some good; but since land and capital are both necessary 
 to production, the monopolisation of machinery would soon en- 
 able the monopolisers to control the many, thus making permanent 
 relief impossible till both were socialised. The present cannot 
 endure. Competition is at an end. Combination of some kind 
 we must have. It is not a question of competition or combination ; 
 but, of what kind of combination we shall have — the combination 
 of the few or of the many. Such is the essence of the Socialistic 
 contention. 
 
 Outside of this there is endless variety of view. Some Socialists 
 would allow some private property, others would not ; some would 
 socialise land and capital through the nation, others through the 
 State, still others through the commune ; but on the above analysis 
 all Socialists are substantially agreed. Given this, they hold that 
 all else will come — education, art, science, universal progress. 
 To accomplish this freedom through political organisation is the 
 next task, say the Socialists, before humanity, the evolution of a 
 true social organism out of the contending human organisms. 
 Socialism, then, is the replacing of industrial competition by uni- 
 versal industrial co-operation. It would have the community as 
 a whole own all land and capital, and operate them for the com- 
 mon good. It would have this done by the community as a whole, 
 not through any section of the community. True Socialists, there- 
 fore, do not believe that small groups of co-operating workers, 
 who may chance to bind themselves together, should own capital 
 and conduct it co-operatively. That is co-operation, not Socialism 
 (see chap, ii., § c). True Socialists do not believe in trades unions 
 
What Socialism is. 21 
 
 owning and conducting the plant in their respective trades ; they 
 do not believe in communistic colonies or in brotherhood trusts, 
 of any group of individuals who may choose to unite. These 
 steps may possibly be wise as makeshifts or transition measures, 
 but they are not Socialism. Socialism is not the coming together 
 of individuals at all, but the recognition of the natural unity of the 
 w^ok community and the conduct of industry from this basis. 
 Hence, in democratic countries. Socialism largely uses the govern- 
 ment, which is the organised unity of the community. Through 
 such government it would more and more own land and capital 
 and conduct industry. The government, however, must be dis- 
 tinctly democratic. Socialism we have seen to be (chap, ii., § a) 
 distinctly fraternal. It opposes all despotic or paternal govern- 
 mentalism. It strives steadily to decentralise government and 
 render it more democratic. It would do away with rulers, and 
 introduce self-government through the Referendum and the Initia- 
 tive. It is democracy in industry. Nor would Sociahsm limit 
 a// competition. Competition is not its devil. It recognises good 
 as well as evil in competition. It would simply abolish indus- 
 trial competition. It believes in the evolution of competition. 
 Competition was once mainly physical ; this produced the survival 
 of the fittest to survive in physical strife. " There were giants in 
 those days," the Nimrods, the Gohaths, the Agamemnons, " kings 
 of men". Organised society gradually restrained that physical 
 strife, and competition became chiefly military between states. 
 This was the distinguishing feature of the Greek state and of the 
 -Roman civilisation. It produced an Alexander, a Hannibal, 
 a Csesar, and continued to the time of Napoleon, and is not 
 yet dead. But gradually advancing fraternalism has replaced 
 military by industrial competition. To-day men strive neither 
 with guns nor with poisoned arrows, so much as with cornerings of 
 the market and with poisoned groceries. It has produced the 
 survival of the fittest to survive in such a strife, — the Rothschilds, 
 the Jay Goulds, the Vanderbilts, the Pullmans, the Napoleons of 
 finance. Therefore, Socialists do not urge the abolition of com- 
 petition. They simply say that it is time to lift competition to a 
 
a Handbook of Sociattsni. 
 
 higher level, and make it intellectual not industrial. As or- 
 ganised fraternalism has to a large measure put down physical 
 strife, and is putting down militarism, so Socialists would have it 
 gradually supplant industrial competition by industrial co-opera- 
 tion. When men by co-op>erating for a few hours a day, during 
 the main portion of life, in working for the common good, are 
 ensured an existence and relieved from industrial competition, 
 they will begin to compete for honour in art, in science and in 
 literature. This will produce the survival of those most fitted 
 to survive in such strife, — kings of art, of literature, of science. At 
 different times in the world's history, notably in Athens, in Rome 
 of the Augustan age, more or less continually in England, France, 
 Germany and Italy, certain classes have been largely relieved 
 from industrial competition, and intellectual competition has pro- 
 duced intellectual giants, the competition enlisting even some not 
 belonging to those classes; but the amount of talent has been 
 largely proportional to the extent to which some portion of the 
 community have been relieved from the daily struggle for bread. 
 Now Socialists would lift all society above that sordid struggle. 
 Socialists thus do not deny a large measure of truth in the Dar- 
 winian theory of the necessity of competition to progress, 
 though most Socialists do deny that this is the only source of pro- 
 gress. Socialists even plant themselves on the Darwinian theory, 
 and believe in the evolution of competition, the survival of that 
 form of competition most fitted to survive. Competition, first 
 physical, then military, then industrial, they would now have intel- 
 lectual, while they press on to the final competition taught by the 
 First Great Socialist, when He said to His followers : " If any 
 man will be chief among you let him be servant of all". 
 Socialists thus believe not in the repression of the individual, but 
 in his development. They seek not slavery but freedom, and they 
 believe that fraternal (not military) order is the mother of freedom. 
 As the largely individualistic French Revolution sought Liberty, 
 Equality, Fraternity (in that order), and even in successful revo- 
 lution failed to reach liberty, the Socialistic evolution would reverse 
 the order and aim first at Fraternity, then at Equality, and so 
 
What Socialism is. 23 
 
 Liberty. They urge that Socialism will mean the very " Open 
 Sesame " to woman and man, of true individuality, giving us a 
 twentieth-century renaissance in art, a revival of learning, a refor- 
 mation in religion. 
 
 Socialism seeks no break with the past, no sudden revolution ; 
 but a deeper and more revolutionary, although steady and gradual, 
 pressing towards the future on the lines of social evolution, from 
 lower organisms, evolving higher unities and lifting the struggle 
 for existence to higher and higher planes. 
 
 Socialism, thus based on evolution, we are not surprised to 
 find not based on any one system of political economy. Marxian 
 Socialism has been technically called " Scientific Socialism," but 
 to-day by no means all scientific Socialists accept its analysis. 
 Many of them, particularly in England, reject Marxian economics, 
 even in the same breath that they acknowledge the service 
 rendered to mankind by Marx, and even while they enthusiasti- 
 cally support the Marxian Socialist policy. Marx was not the 
 founder of a new economic system. He simply took the economic 
 basis he inherited from Adam Smith and Ricardo, and carried it 
 out with wide learning, masterly analysis, and acutest logic into 
 Socialism. But it may be carried still further to Anarchism. If 
 labour is the source of value, Anarchism is logical, though im- 
 practicable. But the trouble was with what Marx inherited. 
 Most political economists to-day and a growing number of 
 Socialists reject his inherited fundamental basis that labour is the 
 source and measure of (exchange) value. They are coming to 
 hold rather with Jevons, that utility, rightly conceived, is the 
 source of (exchange) value. Rejecting the basis, they therefore 
 reject the Marxian analysis and come to his result from another 
 standpoint. All modern production they declare to be a social 
 process, to which land, capital and labour must «// contribute. 
 If any persons monopolise any one of those elements, all other 
 persons are necessarily at their service. Therefore they would 
 have society, as a whole, own both land and capital and perform 
 labour. " Nine hundred and ninety-nine parts out of the thousand 
 of every man's produce are the result of his social inheritance and 
 
24 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 environment;" so says Edward Bellamy {Contemporary Review, 
 July, 1890); and Mr. Kidd adds: "This is so; and it is, if pos- 
 sible, even more true of the work of our brain than of the work 
 of our hands" {Social Evolution, p. 267). All attempt, therefore, 
 to divide produce according to individual contribution to the 
 result, must be impossible. Labour does not measure value. A 
 bushel of grain carefully and laboriously raised on a desert island 
 sells for no more than a bushel of grain raised in Kent or in Kansas. 
 Utility, rightly understood, is the measure of value. Socialism 
 would divide therefore this product measured by its social value 
 equally among the workers, the problem of getting the best man 
 into the places of organising responsibility and trust being met not 
 by offering higher pay, but by giving them (a far more effectual 
 motive) higher honour, the necessary means of existence being 
 secured to all. This is the view to-day of a growing number of 
 Socialists. Socialism is, however, not committed to this or to any 
 other one economic analysis. Critics tilt against Karl Marx, or 
 Edward Bellamy, or some Fabian; and perhaps, making their point, 
 think they have demolished Socialism. Expecting it to collapse 
 they are surprised to find it rising stronger, purer, more omni- 
 potent than ever. No school of thought ever gained more from 
 its defeats than has Socialism. This is because its basis is deep in 
 social evolution itself, not in any man's or in any school's attempt 
 to analyse and explain that evolution. Karl Marx's great merit 
 will more and more in coming years be seen not to have outlined 
 a system of scientific Socialism, but to have been among the first 
 to see that Socialism was evolutionary, and with resistless energy 
 and commanding will to have organised the Socialist movement, 
 clearing it alike from the revolutionary emptiness of Anarchism, 
 and the reactionary feebleness of mere co-operation, trades unionism 
 and State paternalism. 
 
 As to how Socialists would apply their principles, the answer, 
 we have seen, must vary with the degree of democratic and in- 
 dustrial progress, and the form of civilisation attained in any 
 country. For details we therefore refer the reader to the chapters 
 on the various countries (chapters v.-xii.). But in general we may 
 
What Socialism is. 25 
 
 say that the Socialist programme in all countries is to press for an 
 ever-increasing amount of Socialistic legislation, and still more for an 
 ever-widening spread of Socialistic thought, till finally the majority, 
 in each nation, becoming converted to Socialism, shall seize the 
 reins of a government already far along in the Socialist path, and, 
 with as litde sudden change as possible, institute the complete 
 socialisation of industry. From such a conception of Socialism it 
 follows that Socialists to-day spend little time in dreaming of the 
 future. To the future the future may be left. Content with a 
 firm grasp on their central principle and willing to sacrifice this 
 for no reactionary policy, or side promises however alluring of 
 communistic colonies and co-operative efforts. Socialists are 
 learning more and more to concentrate their efforts on the present 
 political battle, and to leave the details of the future to the de- 
 cision of circumstances. Says Mr. Kidd, speaking of this policy 
 {Social Evolution, p. 206) : "We have not now to deal with mere 
 abstract and transcendental theories, but with a clearly defined 
 movement in practical poKtics, appealing to some of the deepest 
 instincts of a large proportion of the voting population, and profess- 
 ing to provide a programme likely in the future to stand more 
 and more on its own merits in opposition to all other programmes 
 whatever ". Alike in England, Germany and France, has Social- 
 ism lost its Utopian character. Even in the United States, where 
 Socialism is a much more recent development, the Utopian stage 
 represented by the Nationalist movement, under the influence of 
 Mr. Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward, is already giving place 
 to evolutionary Socialism, in which indeed all the Nationalists 
 therhselves believe. Nevertheless, Utopias have their place. 
 The indebtedness of Socialism to More's Utopia, to Cabet's 
 Voyage en Icarie, to Bellamy's Looking Backward and to Morris's 
 News from Nowhere, it were difficult to over-estimate. If Utopias 
 be not taken for photographs, and if Socialism be not limited to 
 any man's dream of it, such idealisations, in quickening thought 
 and rousing the interest of the sluggish and unimaginative, are of 
 the greatest use. We therefore close this chapter, always with the 
 above warning, by quoting one of the best short ideals of 
 
26 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Socialism yet written, that by Mrs. Annie Besant, published in 
 the Fabian Essays : — 
 
 Let us suppose, then, that the evolution of the capitalist system has 
 proceeded but a little further along the present lines, concentrating the 
 control of industry, and increasingly substituting labour-saving machinery 
 for human beings. It is being accompanied, and must continue to be 
 accompanied, by a growth of the numbers of the unemployed. These 
 numbers may ebb and flow, as some of the waves of a rising tide run for- 
 ward some feet and then a few touch a lower level ; but as the tide rises 
 despite the fluctuations of the ripples, so the numbers of the unemployed 
 will increase despite transient mountings and fallings. With these, pro- 
 bably, wiU begin the tentative organisation of industry by the State ; but 
 this organisation wiU soon be followed by the taking over by the com- 
 munity of some of the great Trusts. 
 
 The division of the country into clearly defined areas, each vrith its 
 elected authority, is essential to any efEective scheme of organisation. It 
 is one of the symptoms of the coming change, that, in perfect uncon- 
 sciousness of the nature of his act, Mr. Eitchie has established the Com- 
 mune. He has divided England into districts ruled by County Councils, 
 and has thus created the machinery vsrithout which Socialism was imprac- 
 ticable. True, he has only made an outline which needs to be filled in ; 
 but Socialists can fill in, whereas they had no power to outline. It re- 
 mains to give every adult a vote in the election of councillors ; to shorten 
 their term of office to a year ; to pay the councillors, so that the public 
 may have a right to the whole of their working time ; to give the councils 
 power to take and hold land — a reform already asked for by the Liberal 
 and Radical Union, a body not consciously Socialist ; and to remove all 
 legal restrictions, so as to leave them as free to act corporately as an in- 
 dividual is to act individually. These measures accomplished, the rapidity 
 with which our institutions are socialised depends on the growth of Social- 
 ism among the people. It is essential to the stability of the changed 
 forms of industry that they shall be made by the people, not imposed upon 
 them ; hence the value of Mr. Ritchie's gift of local government, enabling 
 each locality to move swiftly or slowly, to experiment on a comparatively 
 small scale, even to blunder without widespread disaster. The mot d'm'dre 
 for Socialists now is : " Convert the electors ; and capture the County 
 Councils ". These councils, administering local affairs, with the national 
 Executive, administering national affairs, are all destined to be turned 
 into effective industrial organisers ; and the unit of administration must 
 depend on the nature of the industry. The post, the telegraph, the rail- 
 ways, the canals, and the great industries capable of being organised into 
 Trusts, will, so far as we can see now, be best administered each from a 
 
What Socialism is. 27 
 
 single centre for the whole kingdom. Tramways, gas-works, water-works, 
 and many of the smaller productive industries, will be best managed 
 locally. In marking the lines of division, convenience and experience 
 must be our guides. The demarcations are of expediency, not of 
 principle. 
 
 The first great problem that will press on the County Council for 
 solution win be that of the unemployed. Wisely or unwisely, it will have 
 to deal with them : wisely, if it organises them for productive industry ; 
 unwisely, if it opens " relief works," and tries, like an enlarged Bumble, to 
 shirk the difficulty by enforcing barren and oppressive toil upon outlawed 
 wretches at the expense of the rest of the community. Many of the un- 
 employed are unskilled labourers : a minority are skilled. They must first 
 be registered as skilled and unskilled, and the former enrolled under their 
 several trades. Then can begin the rural organisation of labour on county 
 farms held by the County Councils. The council will have its Agricultural 
 tjommittee, charged with the administrative details ; and this committee 
 will choose well-trained, practical agriculturists as directors of the farm 
 business. To the county farm will be drafted from the unemployed in the 
 towns the agricultural labourers who have wandered townwards in search 
 of work, and many of the unskilled labourers. On these farms every ad- 
 vantage of machinery and every discovery in agricultural science should 
 be utilised to the utmost. The crops should be carefully chosen with 
 reference to soil and aspect — cereals, fruit, vegetables — and the culture 
 adapted to the crop, the one aim being to obtain the largest amount of 
 produce with the least expenditure of human labour. Whether land is 
 most profitably cultivated in large or small parcels depends on the crop ; 
 and in the great area of the county farm, la grande et la petite culture might 
 each have its place. Economy would also gain by the large number of 
 labourers under the direction of the head farmer, since they could be con- 
 centrated when required at any given spot, as in harvest time, and dispersed 
 to work at the more continuous kinds of tUlage when the seasonal task was 
 
 over. 
 
 To these farms must also be sent some skilled labourers from among 
 the unemployed— shoemakers, tailors, smiths, carpenters, etc. ; so that the 
 county farm may be self-supporting as far as it can be without waste of 
 productive power. All the small industries necessary in daily life should 
 be carried on in it, and an industrial commune thus built up. The democ- 
 racy might be trusted to ordain that an eight hours' day, and a comfort- 
 able home, should be part of the life-conditions on the county farm. 
 Probably each large farm would soon have its central store, with its adja- 
 cent railway station, in addition to the ordinary farm buildings ; its public 
 hall in the centre of the farm village to be used for lectures, concerts, and 
 entertainments of all sorts ; its pubUc schools, elementary and technical ; 
 
28 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 and soon, possibly from the outset, its public meal-room, saving time and 
 trouble to housewives, and, wbile economising fuel and food, giving a far 
 greater oboice and variety of dishes. Large dwellings, with suites of 
 rooms, might perhaps replace old-fashioned cottages ; for it is worth 
 noting, as showing the tendency already existing among ourselves to turn 
 from isolated self-dependence to the advantages of associated living, that 
 many modern flats are being built without servants' rooms, the house- 
 cleaning, etc. , being done by persons engaged for the whole block, and the 
 important meals being taken at restaurants, so as to avoid the trouble and 
 expense of private cooking. It will surely be well in initiating new organ- 
 isations of industry to start on the most advanced lines, and take advan- 
 tage of every modern tendency towards less isolated modes of living. 
 Socialists must work hard to make municipal dealings with the unem- 
 ployed avenues to the higher Ufe, not grudging utilisation of pauper labour. 
 And as they know their aim, and the other political parties live but from 
 hand to mouth, they ought to be able to exercise a steady and uniform 
 pressure, which, just because it is steady and uniform, wiU impress its 
 direction on the general movement. 
 
 The note of urban industrial organisation, as of all other, must be that 
 each person shall be employed to do what he can do best, not what he does 
 worst. It may be desirable for a man to have two trades ; but watch- 
 making and stone-breaking are not convenient alternative occupations. 
 Where the skilled unemployed belong to trades carried on everywhere, 
 such as baking, shoemakiug, tailoring, etc., they should be employed at 
 their own trades in municipal workshops, and their products garnered in 
 municipal stores. These workshops wiU be under the direction of foremen, 
 thoroughly skUled workmen, able to superintend and direct as though in 
 private employment. The working day must be of eight hours, and the 
 wages, for the present, the Trades Union minimum. Then, instead of 
 tailors and shoemakers tramping the streets ragged and barefoot, the 
 tailors will be making clothes and the shoemakers boots and shoes ; and 
 the shoemaker with the wages he earns wUl buy the tailor's products, and 
 the tailor the shoemaker's. Then, instead of supporting the unemployed 
 by rates levied on the employed, they will be set to work to supply their 
 own necessities, and be producers of the wealth they consume, instead of 
 consuming, in enforced idleness or barren penal exercises in the stone- 
 yard, the wealth produced by others. Masons, bricklayers, plumbers, car- 
 penters, etc., might be set to wort in building decent and pleasant 
 dweUings — ^in the style of the blocks of flats, not of the barracks called 
 model dwellings — for the housing of the municipal industrial army. I lay 
 stress on the pleasantness of the dwellings. These places are to be dweU- 
 ings for citizens, not prisons for paupers ; and there is no possible reason 
 why they should not be made attractive. Under Socialism the workers are 
 
What Socialism is. 
 
 29 
 
 to be the nation, and all that is best is for their service ; for, be it remem- 
 bered, our faces are set towards Socialism, and our organisation of labour 
 is to be on Socialist lines. 
 
 It is very likely that among the unemployed some will be found whose 
 trade can only be carried on by large numbers, and is not one of the indus- 
 tries of the town into which their unlucky fate has drifted them. These 
 should be sent into municipal service in the towns where their trade is the 
 staple industry, there to be employed in the municipal factory. 
 
 Concurrently with this rural and urban organisation of non-centraUsed 
 industries will proceed the taking over of the great centraUsed industries, 
 centralised for us by capitalists, who thus unconsciously pave the way for 
 their own supersession. Everything which has been organised into a 
 Trust, and has been worked for a time in the Trust fashion, is ripe for 
 appropriation by the community. All minerals would be most properly 
 worked in this centralised way ; and it will probably be found most con- 
 venient to work all the big productive industries — such as the textile — ^in 
 similar fashion. It is idle to say that it cannot be done by the State when 
 it is being done by a ring of capitalists : a Local Board, an Iron Board, a 
 Tin Board, can be as easily responsible to the nation as to a casual 
 crowd of shareholders. There need be no dislocation of production in 
 making the transference : the active organisers and directors of a Trust do 
 not necessarily, or even usually, own the capital invested in it. If the 
 State finds it convenient to hire these organisers and directors, there is 
 nothing to prevent its doing so for as long or as short a period as it chooses. 
 The temporary arrangements made with them during the transition period 
 must be governed by expediency. 
 
 Let us pause for a moment to estimate the position so far. The unem- 
 ployed have been transformed into communal workers— in the country on 
 great farms, improvements of the Bonanza farms in America — in the 
 towns in various trades. Public stores for agricultural and industrial pro- 
 ducts are open in aU convenient places, and filled with the goods thus 
 communally produced. The great industries, worked as Trusts, are con- 
 trolled by the State instead of by capitalist rings. The private capitalist, 
 however, wiU still be in business, producing and distributing on his own 
 account in competition with the communal organisations, which at present 
 will have occupied only part of the industrial field. But apart from a 
 pressure which will be recognised when we come to deal with the remu- 
 neration of labour, these private enterprises will be carried on under cir- 
 cumstances of ever-increasing difficulty. In face of the orderly oommimal 
 arrays, playing into each other's hands, with the credit of the country be- 
 hind them, the ventures of the private capitalist will be at as great a dis- 
 advantage as the cottage industries of the last century in face of the factory 
 industries of our own period. The Trusts have taught us how- to drive 
 
30 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 competing capitals out of the market by associated capitals. The Central 
 Boards or County Councils will be able to utilise this power of association 
 further than any private capitalists. Thus the economic forces which re- 
 placed the workshop by the factory, will replace the private shop by the 
 municipal store and the private factory by the municipal one. And the 
 advantages of greater concentration of capital and of association of labour 
 will not be the only ones enjoyed by the communal workers. AH waste 
 will be chocked, every labour-saving appliance utilised to the utmost, 
 where the object is the production of general wealth and not the produc- 
 tion of profit to be appropriated by a class ; for in the one case it is the 
 interest of the producers to produce — inasmuch as their enjoyment de- 
 pends on the productivity of their labour — whereas in the other it is their 
 interest to sterilise their labour as far as they dare, in order to render more 
 of it necessary and so keep up its price. As the organisation of the public 
 industry extends, and supplants more and more the individualist producer, 
 the probable demand will be more easily estimated, and the supply regu- 
 lated to meet it. The Municipalities and Central Boards will take the 
 place of the competing small capitalists and the rings of largo ones ; and 
 production will become ordered and rational instead of anarchical and 
 reckless as it is to-day. After a while the private producers will disappear, 
 not because there will be any law against individualist production, but 
 because it vtUI not pay. No one will care to face the worries, the harass- 
 ments, the anxieties, of individuals straggling for livelihood, when ease, 
 freedom, and security can be enjoyed in the communal service. 
 
 The best form of management during the transition period, and pos- 
 sibly for a long time to come, will be through the Commimal Councils, 
 which wlU appoint committees to superintend the various branches of 
 industry. These committees vrill engage the necessary manager and fore- 
 man for each shop, factory, etc., and wiU hold the power of dismissal as of 
 appointment. I do not believe that the direct election of the manager and 
 foreman by the employees would be found to work well in practice, or to 
 be consistent with the discipline necessary in carrying on any large busi- 
 ness undertaking. It seems to me better that the commune should elect 
 its council — thus keeping under its own control the general authority — but 
 should empower the council to select the officials, so that the power of 
 selection and dismissal within the various sub-divisions should lie with 
 the nominees of the whole commune Instead of with the particular group 
 immediately concerned. 
 
 There is no practical difficulty in the way of the management of the 
 ordinary productive industries, large or small. The Trusts and co-opera- 
 tion have, between them, solved, or put us in the way of solving, all 
 problems connected with these. But there are difficulties in connection 
 with the industries concerned in the production of such commodities as 
 
What Socialism is. 31 
 
 books and newspapers. During the transitional stage these difficulties 
 will not arise ; but when all industries are carried on by the communG, or 
 the nation, how will books and newspapers be produced ? I only throw 
 out the following suggestions. Printing, like baking, tailoring, shoemak- 
 ing, is a communal rather than ti. national industry. Suppose we had 
 printing offices controlled by the Communal Council. The Priuting Com- 
 mittee might be left free to accept any publication it thought valuable, as 
 a private firm to-day may take the risk of publication, the arrangement 
 with the author being purchase outright, or royalty on copies sold, in each 
 case so much to be put to his credit at the Communal Bank. But there 
 are many authors whose goods are desired by no one : it would be absurd 
 to force the community to publish all minor poetry. Why not accept the 
 principle that in every case where the Printing Committee declines to 
 print at the communal risk, the author may have his work printed by 
 transferring from his credit at the Communal Bank to the account of the 
 Printing Committee sufficient to cover the cost of printing? The com- 
 mittee should have no power to refuse to print, where the cost was covered. 
 Thus liberty of expression would be guarded as a constitutional right, 
 while the community would not be charged with the cost of printing every 
 stupid effusion that its fond composer, might deem worthy of publicity. 
 
 Newspapers might be issued on similar terms ; and it would always be 
 open to individuals, or to groups of individuals, to publish anything they 
 pleased on covering the cost of publication. With the comparative afflu- 
 ence which would be enjoyed by each member of the community, any one 
 who really cared to reach the public ear would be able to do so by dimin- 
 ishing his expenditure in other directions. 
 
 Another difficulty which will meet us, although not immediately, is 
 the competition for employment in certain pleasanter branches of industry. 
 At present an unemployed person would catch eagerly at the chance of any 
 well-paid work he was able to perform. If he were able both to set type 
 and to stitch coats, he would not dream of grumbling if he were by chance 
 offered the job he liked the less of the two : he would be only too glad to 
 get either. But it is quite possible that as the vast ameUoration of life- 
 conditions proceeds, Jeshurun wUl wax fat and kick if, when he prefers to 
 make microscope lenses, he is desired to make mirrors. Under these cir- 
 cumstances, Jeshurun will, I fear, have to accommodate himself to the 
 demand. If the number of people engaged in making lenses suffices to 
 meet the demand for lenses, Jeshurun must consent to turn his talents for 
 the time to mirror-making. After all, his state will not be very pitiable, 
 though Socialism wUl have failed, it is true, to make 2 -^ 2 = 5. 
 
 This, however, hardly solves the general question as to the apportion- 
 ing of labourers to the various forms of labour. But a solution has been 
 found by the ingenious author of Looking Backward, from a.d. 2000. 
 
32 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Leaving young men and women free to choose their employments, he 
 would equalise the rates of volunteering by equalising the attractions of 
 the trades. In many cases natural bent, left free to develop itself during 
 a lengthened educational term, wOl determine the choice of avocation. 
 Human beings are fortunately very varied in their capacities and tastes : 
 that which attracts one repels another. But there are unpleasant and in- 
 dispensable forms of labour which, one would imagine, can attract none — 
 mining, sewer-cleaning, etc. These might be rendered attractive by mak- 
 ing the hours of labour in them much shorter than the normal working 
 day of pleasanter occupations. Many a strong, vigorous man would 
 greatly prefer a short speU of disagreeable work to a long one at a desk. 
 As it is well to leave the greatest possible freedom to the individual, this 
 equalising of advantages ia aU trades would be far better than any attempt 
 to perform the impossible task of choosing an employment for each. A 
 person would be sure to hate any work into which he was directly forced, 
 even though it were the very one he would have chosen had he been left 
 to himself. 
 
 Further, much of the most disagreeable and laborious work might be 
 done by machinery, as it would be now if it were not cheaper to exploit a 
 helot class. When it became illegal to send small boys up chimneys, 
 chimneys did not cease to be swept : a machine was invented for sweeping 
 them. Goal-cutting might now be done by machinery, instead of by a 
 man lying on his back, picking away over his head at the imminent risk 
 of his own life ; but the machine is much dearer than men, so the miners 
 continue to have their chests crushed in by the falling coal. Under 
 Socialism, men's lives and limbs will be more valuable than machinery; 
 and science will be tasked to substitute the one for the other. 
 
 In truth the extension of machinery is very likely to solve many of the 
 problems connected with differential advantages in employment ; and it 
 seems certain that, in the very near future, the skilled worker will not be 
 the man who is able to perform a particular set of operations, but the man 
 who has been trained in the use of machinery. The difference of trade 
 vrill be in the machine rather than in the man : whether the produce is 
 nails or screws, boots or coats, cloth or silk, paper-folding or type-setting, 
 wOl depend on the internal arrangements of the mechanism and not on 
 the method of applying the force. What we shall probably do wiU be to 
 instruct aU our youth in the principles of mechanics and in the handling 
 of machines ; the machines will be constructed so as to turn the force into 
 the various channels required to produce the various articles; and the 
 skilled workman wiU be the skilled mechanic, not the skiUed printer or 
 bootmaker. At the present time a few hours' or a few days' study wUl 
 make the trained mechanician master of any machine you can place 
 before him. The line of progress is to substitute machines for men in 
 
What Socialism is. 33 
 
 every department of production : let the brain plan, guide, control ; but 
 let iron and steel, steam and electricity, that do not tire and cannot be 
 brutalisedj'^do the whole of the heavy toil that exhausts human frames 
 to-day. There is not the slightest reason to suppose that we are at the end 
 of an inventive era. Bather are we only just beginning to grope after the 
 uses of electricity ; and machinery has before it possibilities almost un- 
 dreamed of now, the men produced by our system being too rough-handed 
 for the manipulation of delicate and complicated contrivances. I suggest 
 this only as a probable simpUfioation of balancing the supply and demand 
 in various forms of labour in the future : our immediate method of regula- 
 tion must be the eijualising of advantages in them. 
 
 One may guess that in each nation all - the Boards and communal 
 authorities will ultimately be represented in some central Executive, or 
 Industrial Ministry ; that the Minister of Agriculture, of Mineral Industries, 
 of Textile Industries, and so on, wUl have relations with similar officers in 
 other lands ; and that thus, internationally as well as nationally, co-opera- 
 tion wni replace competition. But that end is not yet. 
 
 We now approach a yet more thorny subject than the organisation of 
 the workers. What should be the remuneration of labour — what the 
 share of the product taken respectively by the individual, the municipality, 
 and the State ? 
 
 The answer depends on the answer to a previous question. Is the or- 
 ganisation of the unemployed to be undertaken in order to transform them 
 into self-supporting, self-respecting citizens ; or is it to be carried on as 
 a form of exploitation, utilising pauper labour for the production of profit 
 for non-paupers ? The whole matter turns on this point ; and unless we 
 know our own minds, and fight for the right method and against the wrong 
 from the very beginning, the organisation of the unemployed will be a 
 buttress for the present system instead of a step towards a better. Al- 
 ready there is talk of establishing labour colonies in connection with 
 workhouses ; and there is no time to be lost if we are to take advantage of 
 the good in the proposal and exclude the bad. The County OouucUs also 
 will lead to an increase of municipal employment ; and the method of 
 that employment is vital. 
 
 The ordinary vestryman, driven by the force of circumstances into 
 organising the unemployed, will try to extract a profit to the ratepayers 
 from pauper farms by paying the lowest rates of wages. He would find 
 this way of proceeding very congenial, and would soon, if permitted, 
 simply municipalise slave-driving. In this way the municipal and rural 
 organisation of labour, even when its necessity and its advantages are 
 realised, can do nothing but change the form of exploitation of labour if 
 the workers in public employ are to be paid a wage fixed by the competi- 
 tion of the market, and the profits of their labour used only for the 
 
 3 
 
34 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 relief of tlie rates. Under such oircumstanoes we should have the whole 
 of the rates paid by the oommtmal workers, while the private employers 
 would go free. This would not be a transition to Socialism, but only a 
 new way of creating a class of municipal serfs, which would make our 
 towns burlesques of the ancient Greek slaveholding " democracies "- We 
 shall find surer ground by recalling and applying the principle of Social- 
 ism that the labourers shall enjoy the full product of their toil. It seems 
 to me that this might be worked out somewhat in the following way : — 
 
 Out of the value of the communal produce must come rent of land 
 payable to the local authority, rent of plant needed for working the in- 
 dustries, wages advanced and fixed in the usual way, taxes, reserve fund, 
 accumulation fund, and the other charges necessary for the carrying on of 
 the communal business. All these deducted, the remaining value should 
 be divided among the communal workers as a "bonus". It would be 
 obviously inconvenient, if not impossible, for the district authority to sub- 
 divide this value and allot so much to each of its separate undertakings — 
 so much left over from gas works for the men employed there, so much 
 from the tramways for the men employed on them, and so on. It would 
 be far simpler and easier for the municipal employees to be regarded as a 
 single body, in the service of a single employer, the local authority ; and 
 that the surplus from the whole of the businesses carried on by the Com- 
 munal Council should be divided without distinction among the whole of 
 the communal employees. Controversy wiU probably arise as to the divi- 
 sion : shall all the shares be equal ; or shall the workers receive in propor- 
 tion to the supposed dignity or indignity of their work ? Inequality, how- 
 ever, would be odious ; and I have already suggested a means of adjusting 
 different kinds of labour to a system of equal division of net product. 
 This meets the difficulty of the varying degrees of irksomeness without in- 
 vidiously setting up any kind of socially useful labour as more honourable 
 than any other — a distinction essentially unsocial and pernicious. But 
 since in public affairs ethics are apt to go to the waU, and appeals to 
 social justice too often fall on deaf ears, it is lucky that in this case ethics 
 and convenience coincide. The impossibility of estimating the separate 
 value of each man's labour with any really valid result, the friction which 
 would arise, the jealousies which would be provoked, the inevitable discon- 
 tent, favouritism and jobbery that would prevail : aU these things will 
 drive the Communal Council into the right path, equal remuneration of 
 aU workers. That path once entered on, the principle of simplification 
 vnll spread ; and presently it wiU probably be found convenient that aU 
 the Communal Councils shall send in their reports to a Central Board, 
 stating the number of their employees, the amount of the values produced, 
 the deductions for rent and other charges, and their available surplus. 
 AU these surpluses added together would then be divided by the total 
 
What Socialism is. 35 
 
 number of oommunal employees, and the sum thus reached would be the 
 share of each worker. The national trusts would at first be worked sepa- 
 rately on Unes analogous to those sketched for the communes ; but later 
 these would be lumped in with the rest, and stiU further equalise the 
 reward of labour. As private enterprises dwindle, more and more of the 
 workers wUl pass into communal employ, until at last the Socialist ideal 
 is touched of a nation in which aU adults are workers, and all share the 
 national product. But be it noted that all this grows out of the first 
 organisation of industry by Municipalities and County Councils, and will 
 evolve just as fast or just as slowly as the community and its sections 
 choose. The values dealt with, and the numbers employed at first, would 
 not imply as much complexity of detail as is involved in many of the great 
 businesses now carried on by individuals and by companies. The same 
 brains will be available for the work as are now hired by individuals ; and 
 it is rather the novelty of the idea than the difficulty of its realisation 
 which will stand in the way of its acceptance. 
 
 It is probable, however, that for some time to come the captains of 
 industry will be more highly paid than the rank and file of the industrial 
 army, not because it is just that they should receive higher remuneration, 
 but because they, having still the alternative of private enterprise, will be 
 able to demand their ordinary terms, at which it will pay the community 
 better to engage them than to do without them — which would be indeed 
 impossible. But their remuneration wiU faU as education spreads : their 
 present value is a scarcity value, largely dependent on their monopoly of 
 the higher education ; and as the wider training is thrown open to all, an 
 ever-increasing number will become qualified to act as organisers and 
 directors. 
 
 The form in which the worker's share is paid to him is not a matter of 
 primary importance. It would probably be convenient to have Communal 
 Banks, issuing cheques like those of the Cheque Bank ; and these banks 
 could open credits to the workers to the amount of their remuneration. 
 The way in which each worker expended his wealth would of course be his 
 own business. 
 
 The above method of dealing with the surplus remaining from com- 
 munal labour, after rent and other charges had been paid to the Munici- 
 pality, would prove the most potent factor in the supersession of private 
 enterprises. The amounts produced by the communal organisations would 
 exceed those produced under individualist control ; but even if this were 
 not so, yet the shares of the communal workers, as they would include the 
 produce now consumed by idlers, would be higher than any wage which 
 could be paid by the private employer. Hence competition to enter the 
 oommunal service, and a constant pressure on the Communal Councils to 
 enlarge their undertakings. 
 
36 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 It should be added that children and workers inoapaoitated by age or 
 sickness should receive an equal share with the communal employees. As 
 all have been children, are at times sick, and hope to live to old age, all in 
 turn would share the advantage ; and it is only just that those who have 
 laboured honestly iu health and through maturity should enjoy the reward 
 of labour in sickness and through old age. 
 
 The share of individuals and of Municipalities being thus apportioned, 
 there remains only a word to say as to the Central National Council — the 
 " State " par excellence. This would derive the revenues necessary for the 
 discharge of its functions from contributions levied on the Communal 
 Councils. It is evident that in the adjustment of these contributions 
 could be effected the "nationalisation" of any special natural resources, 
 such as mines, harbours, etc., enjoyed by exceptionally well situated com- 
 munes. The levy would be, in fact, of the nature of an income-tax. 
 
 Such a plan of distribution — especially that part of it which equalises 
 the shares iu the product — is likely to provoke the question : " What will 
 be the stimulus to labour under the proposed system ? WiU not the idle 
 evade their fair share of labour, and live in clover on the industry of their 
 neighbour? " 
 
 The general stimulus to labour will be, in the first place, then as now, 
 the starvation which would follow the cessation of labour. Until we dis- 
 cover the country in which jam-rolls grow on bushes, and roasted suoldng- 
 pigs run about crying " Come eat me I " we are under an imperious neces- 
 sity to produce. We shall work because, on the whole, we prefer work to 
 starvation. In the transition to Socialism, when the organisation of 
 labour by the Communal Councils begins, the performance of work will 
 be the condition of employment ; and as non-employment wUl mean star- 
 vation — for when work is offered, no relief of any kind need be given to 
 the healthy adult who refuses to perform it — the strongest possible 
 stimulus will force men to work. In fact, " work or starve " wUl be the 
 alternative set before each communal employee ; and as men now prefer 
 long-continued and ill-paid work to starvation, they will certainly, unless 
 human nature be entirely changed, prefer short and well-paid work to 
 starvation. The individual shirker wiU be dealt with much as he is to- 
 day : he will be warned, and, if he prove incorrigibly idle, discharged from 
 the communal employ. The vast majority of men now seek to retain their 
 employment by a reasonable discharge of their duty : why should they 
 not do the same when the employment is on easier conditions ? At first, 
 discharge would mean being flung back into the whirlpool of competition, 
 a fate not lilcely to be challenged. Later, as the private enterprises suc- 
 cumbed to the competition of the commune, it would mean almost hope- 
 lessness of obtaining a livelihood. When social reorganisation is complete, 
 it would mean absolute starvation. And as the starvation would be 
 
What Socialism is. 37 
 
 deliberately incurred and voluntarily undergone, it would meet with no 
 sympathy and no relief. 
 
 The next stimulus would be the appetite of the worker for the result 
 of the communal toil, and the determination of his fellow- workers to make 
 him take his fair share of the work of producing it. It is found at the 
 present time that a very small share of the profits arising from associated 
 labour acts as a tremendous stimulus to each individual producer. Firms 
 which allot a part of their profits for division among their employees find 
 the plan profitable to themselves. The men work eagerly to increase the 
 common product, knowing that each will have a larger bonus as the com- 
 mon product is larger : they become vigilant as to waste in production ; 
 they take care of the machinery ; they save gas, etc. In a word, they 
 lessen the cost as much as they can, because each saving means gain to 
 them. We see from the experiments of Leclaire and Godin that inven- 
 tiveness also is stimulated by a share in the common produce. The 
 workers in these businesses are ever trying to discover better methods to 
 improve their machinery, in a word to progress, since each step forward 
 brings improvement of their lot. Inventions come from a desire to save 
 trouble, as well as from the impulse of inventive genius, the joy in accom- 
 plishing an intellectual triumph, and the delight of serving the race. 
 Small inventions are continually being made by clever workmen to facili- 
 tate their operations, even when they are not themselves personally gainers 
 by them ; and there is no reason to fear that this spontaneous exercise of 
 inventiveness wiU cease when the added productivity of labour lightens the 
 task or increases the harvest of the labourer. Is it to be argued that men 
 wiU be industrious, careful, and inventive when they get only a fraction of 
 the result of their associated labour, but wiU plunge into sloth, reckless- 
 ness, and stagnation when they get the whole ? that a little gain stimu- 
 lates, but any gain short of complete satisfaction would paralyse? If 
 there is one vice more certain than another to be unpopular in a Socialist 
 commimity, it is laziness. The man who shirked would find his mates 
 making his position intolerable, even before he suffered the doom of 
 expulsion. 
 
 But whUe these compelling motives will be potent in their action on 
 man as he now is, there are others, already acting on some men, which 
 wiU one day act on all men. Human beings are not the simple and one- 
 sided organisms they appear to the superficial glance of the individualist — 
 moved only by a single motive, the desire for pecuniary gain — by one long- 
 ing, the longing for wealth. Under our present social system, the struggle 
 for riches assumes an abnormal and artificial development : riches mean 
 nearly all that makes life worth having — security against starvation, grati- 
 fication of taste, enjoyment of pleasant and cultured society, superiority to 
 many temptations, self-respect, consideration, comfort, knowledge, freedom. 
 
38 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 as far as these things are attainable under existing conditions. In a society 
 where poverty means social discredit, where misfortune is treated as a 
 crime, where the prison or the workhouse is the guerdon of failure, and 
 the bitter carking harassment of daily wants unmet by daily supply is ever 
 hanging over the head of each worker, what wonder that money seems the 
 one thing needful, and that every other thought is lost in the frenzied rush 
 to escape aU that is summed up in the one word poverty ? 
 
 But this abnormal development of the gold-hvmger would disappear 
 upon the certainty for each of the means of subsistence. Let each indi- 
 vidual feel absolutely secure of subsistence — let every anxiety as to the 
 material wants of his future be swept away ; and the longing for wealth 
 wUl lose its leverage. The daily bread being certain, the tyranny of 
 pecuniary gain will be broken ; and life will begin to be used in living and 
 not in struggling for the chance to live. Then will come to the front all 
 those multifarious motives which are at work in the complex human 
 organism even now, and which will assume their proper importance when 
 the basis of physical life is assured. The desire to excel, the joy in crea- 
 tive work, the longing to improve, the eagerness to win social approval, the 
 instinct of benevolence : all these will start into full life, and will serve at 
 once as the stimulus to labour and the reward of excellence. It is instruc- 
 tive to notice that these very forces may already be seen at work in every 
 case in which subsistence is secured, and they alone supply the stimulus 
 to action. The soldier's subsistence is certain, and does not depend on his 
 exertions. At once he becomes susceptible to appeals to his patriotism, to 
 his esprit de corps, to the honour of his flag : he will dare anything for 
 glory, and value a bit of bronze, which is the " reward of valour," far more 
 than a. hundred times its weight in gold. Yet many of the private 
 soldiers come from the worst of the population ; and military glory and 
 success in murder are but poor objects to aim at. If so much can be done 
 under circumstances so unpromising, what may we not expect from nobler 
 aspirations? Or take the eagerness, self-denial, and strenuous efEort, 
 thrown by young men into their mere games I The desire to be captain of 
 the Oxford eleven, stroke of the Cambridge boat, victor in the foot-race or 
 the leaping — ^in a word, the desire to excel — is strong enough to impel to 
 exertions which often ruin physical health. Everywhere we see the multi- 
 form desires of humanity assert themselves when once livelihood is secure. 
 It is on the devotion of these to the service of society, as the development 
 of the social instincts teaches men to identify their interests with those of 
 the community, that Socialism must ultimately rely for progress ; but in 
 saying this we are only saying that Socialism relies for progress on human 
 nature as a whole, Instead of on that mere fragment of it known as the 
 desire for gain. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 THE HISTORY OF SOCIALISM. 
 
 Socialism of the modern type, if a date must be fixed, may be 
 said to have begun in 1817, the year when Robert Owen laid 
 before Parliament his plan for a Socialistic community, the year 
 when the speculations of Saint-Simon took a definitely Socialistic 
 direction, the year when Lamennais published his first work look- 
 ing towards Christian Socialism. Nevertheless, he who does not 
 go back of the present century will never understand Social- 
 ism. Socialism in a very real sense is as old as human society. 
 Laveleye in his Primitive Property has shown how in the earliest 
 times which history can trace, property, at least land, was held not 
 by private individuals, but held and operated collectively and more 
 or less for the common good. It is true that this was hardly a 
 primitive Communism, as Laveleye claims ; for as F. de Cou- 
 langes and others have pointed out, although the property was 
 held collectively and not by individuals, it was held practically, if 
 not nominally, by the despot or feudal head of the society, and 
 worked by his slaves or subjects mainly for his advantage. It 
 was primitive slavery rather than primitive Communism. Never- 
 theless, it did contain some elements of Socialism, which occasion- 
 ally developed into institutions, somewhat actually Socialistic. 
 From such germs came, e.g., the Russian mir, the Javan dessa, 
 the Swiss ahnends, the German mark, the communal families and 
 the family communities that still linger in out-of-the-way corners of 
 France, Italy, and Eastern Europe. We have, however, in ancient 
 history much more direct instances of Socialism. Athens may 
 almost be said to have been, as far as its free citizens went, a 
 Socialistic city. It was, as far as this portion of its population 
 
4° Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 went, democratically governed, and the city as a city owned and 
 operated land, mines, forests, fields; it built temples, baths, 
 theatres, gymnasia ; it controlled and conducted commerce, art, 
 worship, games ; it supported its citizens, more than it was sup- 
 ported by them : the whole Greek social conception was that the 
 individual lived for the State, rather than the State for the 
 individual. 
 
 Still more Socialistic was the Hebrew theocracy. All land 
 was held, according to this theocracy, as belonging lo God alone 
 and to no individual in fee simple. Every one, however, who be- 
 longed to the theocracy — notice that he must belong to the 
 organisation to gain its advantages — was defended not in the 
 ownership, but in the inalienable use of land and capital. He 
 could not be permanently alienated from the land (Leviticus xxv.). 
 If he was poor his property, or capital, could not be kept from 
 him overnight (Deuteronomy xxvi. 10-13). The law by its 
 institutions defended the fatherless, the hireUng, the stranger, 
 the poor, the oppressed, the widow. For a fuller development of 
 this, see our book soon to appear. Christian Socialism. 
 
 All through the ancient world were scattered religious sects, 
 like the Essenes, the Therapeutse, who lived in communities having 
 all property common. Through all early societies religion and 
 Communism are found hand in hand. Coming to the Christian 
 era we have the early attempts at Communism in the primitive 
 churches and later the monastic institutions, which were to a large 
 extent the civilising centres of the Middle Ages. Feudalism was 
 the prevailing social form ; yet was its harshness tempered by the 
 duty, more or less recognised, of the feudal lord to care for and 
 protect his inferior. According to Rogers, in England, every 
 serf who did a little work was entitled to a cottage and a little 
 land practically rent free. Prior to and immediately after the 
 Reformation there were many attempts at Communism; John 
 Ball (see Appendix A) may be considered a mediaeval Christian 
 Socialist; while the Anabaptists in Germany, before they developed 
 their sexual excesses, attempted in many ways a true Communism. 
 Such, too, were the attempts of the Brethren of the Common Life, 
 
The History of Socialism. 41 
 
 of the Libertines of Geneva, of the Familists of Holland, and of 
 other similar sects whose traditions have given us in our own 
 day the Communistic colonies in America, of the Separatists, 
 and similar sects at Economey, Zoar, and Amana. Indeed no 
 fact in history is more marked than the persistence of the ideal 
 and of the attempts to realise the ideal of the life in common. 
 Plato dreamed of such a community in his Republic ; the writings of 
 the Christian Fathers are full of this ideal. In 1 5 1 6 More published 
 his Utopia ; about 1600 Campanella his City of the Sun ; in 1656 
 Harrington his Oceana. These, and many other less known 
 writings (for a fuller list see Appendix E), kept alive an ideal that 
 has never wholly been apart from human thought. Such, in brief, 
 is an outline of what may be called the germs of Socialism before 
 our century. 
 
 We now come to consider 
 
 The Origin of Modern Socialism. 
 
 Back of Socialism, as Mr. Kidd in his Social Evolution has re- 
 cently well pointed out (even though his explanation of the fact 
 be not accepted), lies the altruistic impulse. Socialism is essen- 
 tially, and has been from the start, a humanitarian movement. 
 It is not, whatever some would make it, a class movement of the 
 Have nots against the Haves. The major part of its foremost 
 leaders, Owen, Saint-Simon, Gall, Marx, Lassalle, Morris, Hynd- 
 man, Vollmar, Bakunin, Kropotkine, belonged originally to the 
 Haves. Weitling, " the father of German Communism," declared 
 that he was converted to Communism by the New Testament. 
 If German Socialism has become completely materialistic, not 
 enough emphasis has been laid on the fact that with Marx, Las- 
 salle, and Bakunin, their Socialistic philosophy was derived 
 primarily from Hegel, the most spiritual of modern philosophers, 
 unless it be that of Fichte, who was himself a Christian Socialist. 
 In France, Saint-Simon, Fourier, Lamennais, and Cabet were pro- 
 foundly religious. If, in England, this cannot be said of Owen, 
 no one can doubt his intense altruistic or humanitarian impulse. 
 The story of the personal sacrifices made by Socialists for Social- 
 
42 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 ism never has been, and perhaps never will be, written. The 
 Christian martyrs gave their lives expecting immediately to enter 
 Paradise ; Socialists have again and again given and devoted their 
 lives to the cause, knowing of no Paradise, save one their children 
 alone can enter. Altruism (originally, as we beheve, sprung 
 from the Christian faith, but, in any case, altruism) is the one 
 great motive that has produced Socialism. The occasion, how- 
 ever, was industrial. It is to be found in the sudden inventions 
 of machinery and steam power, enabling successful production to 
 be conducted with the aid of capital alone ; and hence putting the 
 working class wholly, as they were in part before, in the hands of 
 the possessing classes, thus increasing the wealth of the latter 
 without a similar increase in the wealth of the masses, this revolution 
 occurring even while altruism was more and more teaching the 
 doctrines of human equality and of the general unity of mankind. 
 
 " Socialism,'' says Sidney Webb, " is one of the unforeseen 
 results of the great industrial revolution of the past one hundred 
 and fifty years. During this period man's power over the rest of 
 nature has suddenly and largely increased : new means of accumu- 
 lating wealth, and also new means of utilising land and capital, 
 have come into being. At the beginning of the last century, the 
 whole value of the land and capital of England is estimated to 
 have amounted to less than ^£'500,000,000 sterling ; now it is 
 supposed to be over ;i£9,ooo,ooo,ooo ; an increase eighteenfold. 
 Two hundred years ago, rent and interest cannot have amounted 
 to ^£30, 000,000 sterling annually ; now they absorb over 
 ;£45o,ooo,ooo. Socialism arose as soon as rent and interest 
 became important factors." 
 
 The Socialist movement, thus born, and thus occasioned, has 
 been composed of these elements : the aim at personal liberty, the 
 effort to secure this through industrial co-operation, the recognition 
 that this co-operation to be successful must include the whole 
 community organised as a fraternal unit. Generally speaking, the 
 contribution of the first element came from France, of the second 
 element from England, and of the third element from Germany. 
 France in her Revolution, and in the philosophical writings pf 
 
The History of Socialism. 43 
 
 Rousseau, Morelly, Mably, and Brissot de Warville, aimed at 
 personal liberty. Owen and the English Christian Socialists 
 taught the benefit of co-operation. Hegel, Fichte, Lassalle, and 
 Marx developed the ideal of the co-operative State. 
 
 The French Revolution was not Socialistic, but necessary to 
 Socialism. The old regime had to be overthrown. The fatal 
 despotism of the Louises led to Robespierre and Danton. Crimson 
 on the throne could only create crimson in the streets. The 
 French Revolution was necessary before Socialism could be. In 
 other countries, where the old despotisms were less absolute, the 
 same negative process of destruction, in order to construction, was 
 gone through, but with far less of violence. In Germany it was 
 largely accomplished by the Stein-Hardenberg legislation. In 
 England the political economy of Adam Smith and the gradual 
 legislation abolishing the old grants and restrictions of trade did 
 the same work. By 18 17, France and England were ready for 
 Socialism. 
 
 For the actual beginnings of Socialism, however, one must 
 look to Robert Owen at New Lanark, and his appeal to Parlia- 
 ment to carry out his Socialistic ideals; one must turn next to Saint- 
 Simon and his dreams of a scientific Church, whose life should be 
 to aid the poor; one must study Fourier, and ponder over the 
 power of unity ; one must read Fichte and Hegel, and learn their 
 philosophy of the Christian State, a philosophy which, when the 
 Church failed to accept it, produced the materialistic movement of 
 Lassalle and of Karl Marx. We shall study these details in the 
 history of Socialism in the separate countries (chaps, v. to xii.), and 
 in the lives of the Socialists themselves (see Appendix A). We 
 can here only mark out 
 
 The Periods of Socialism. 
 
 Five of these great periods are distinctly marked. I. A negative 
 or preparatory period, beginning with the French Revolution and 
 coming down to 181 7. II. A formative or Utopian period, last- 
 ing till 1848, and including the Utopian schemes of Owen, Saint- 
 Simon, Fourier, Cabet, and others of lesser note. It culminated 
 
44 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 in the revolutions of 1848. III. A period of reaction, or at least 
 of inaction, when Europe, as far as Socialism went, was lying 
 fallow, from 1849 to 1863. IV. The period of the International, 
 from its foundation in London in 1864 to its virtual disrupture in 
 the separation of the Socialists and the Anarchists in the Congress 
 at the Hague in 1872. V. The present period of the Social 
 Democratic Movement, commencing after the breaking up of the 
 International, but becoming active in most countries outside of 
 Germany only in 1880 to 1883. 
 
 In the first period men were simply striving for personal 
 liberty, with little consciousness of how it could be reached. 
 Hegel and Fichte outlined indeed advanced conceptions of the 
 Christian State, but they had little effect on the politics of their 
 day. Fourier wrote his strange dreams. England in 1802 began 
 to toy with industrial legislation, and Owen to experiment at New 
 Lanark ; but far more characteristic of the period was the teach- 
 ing of Adam Smith and the negations of the French Revolution, 
 with the philosophy of the return to nature and of the rights of 
 man, so brilliantly stated by Rousseau and his school, and perhaps 
 affecting no country in the world so much as the United States of 
 America, then just shaping its Constitution. 
 
 In the second period, Owen, Saint-Simon, Lamennais, Cabet, 
 the great Fourierist school, even Lassalle, dreamed of ideal co-opera- 
 tive communities, and attempted them in France, Great Britain, 
 and above all in numerous colonies and communities in the United 
 States. Towards the end of the period, the awakening ferment, 
 led by Lassalle, Marx, Engels, and others, produced the Communist 
 Manifesto of 1848, and perhaps more than has been realised the 
 political and socialistic revolutions of 1848. 
 
 But the times were not ripe. Even in France, Louis Blanc 
 protested against the false Socialism of the Ateliers Nationaux ; 
 and for a while Socialism seemed dead. In this period Europe 
 was lying fallow. 
 
 At last, in the fourth period, in the great International Working 
 Men's Association, founded in London in 1864, largely under the 
 influence of Karl Marx, revolutionary Socialism broke upon 
 
The History of Socialism. 45 
 
 Europe as a flood. " Workmen of all countries, unite ! " such 
 was the cry. The night of dreams was over, the hour was come 
 to act. Workmen of all countries tried to unite ; but being in 
 very different degrees of economic and industrial development, 
 the International came to stand in different countries for very 
 different things. In England it meant little more than Trades 
 Unionism ; and when English Workmen found that on the Con- 
 tinent it meant more they virtually left it. In Germany it meant 
 Socialism ; in most other European countries, mainly under the 
 influence of Bakunin, it came to mean Anarchism. This apostle 
 of destruction, crazed by years of suffering in Russian prisons 
 and Siberian exile, knew only the gospel of "pan-destruction". 
 Falling like a firebrand into the International, he carried it in 
 almost all the Latin countries, including Southern France and 
 parts of Belgium and other countries, into Anarchism. It wrecked 
 the International. Marx, in the greatest deed of his life, drove 
 out the Anarchists from the Congress at the Hague in 1873, and 
 wrecking the International once for all, saved Socialism from the 
 scourge that Anarchism has since proved to modern Europe. 
 The Bakunin " Autonomist " congresses tried to continue the 
 International, but unsuccessfully, and with the failure the period 
 closed. 
 
 The last period is the present one. Socialism, for some years 
 quiet after its break with the Anarchists, about 1880 to 1883 
 gradually assumed constructive, evolutionary, political form, wholly 
 free from Anarchism, yet without any sacrifice of its aim at a com- 
 plete industrial revolution. Social Democracy is in this period its 
 favourite name. 
 
 Details must be sought in our chapters on the various coun- 
 tries ; but it must not be forgotten that Socialism is distinctly both 
 an international and a national movement. Its international 
 character is marked first in the fact that in all European countries 
 it has passed through the above five periods almost synchronously, 
 and secondly, in its positive efforts at internationalism. This was 
 marked first in the International itself, and secondly, in the modern 
 international congresses, which are an important characteristic of 
 
46 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 the present movement. The International failed as an organised 
 movement, because the movement in the different countries had 
 developed such - different bodies of thought that they could 
 not coalesce ; yet it succeeded in spreading through all 
 Europe the industrial revolution. The modern international 
 Socialist congresses are succeeding, because out of the revolu- 
 tionary industrial thought there is being evolved a Socialist pro- 
 gramme, as well as a Socialist platform, which programme and 
 which platform all countries are finding that, according to their 
 degree of industrial and political development, they must sooner 
 or later accept. An artificial International has given place to a 
 natural internationalism. The latest, and in many respects the 
 most important of these International Congresses took place at 
 Zurich, August 6-13, 1893 ; the next will be held at London in 
 1896. 
 
 We give, abridged from a reform paper, an account of the 
 Zurich Congress, as it indicates in many ways the exact position 
 of the modern Socialist movement as a whole : — 
 
 The Congress was attended by over 400 delegates, as against 341 at 
 Brussels two years ago ; every country in Europe being represented, with 
 the exception of Portugal, Greece, and Turkey, and delegates being present 
 from the United States and Australia. The largest delegation came natu- 
 rally from Switzerland, all the local working men's societies sending a 
 delegate or two — 101 in all. Germany followed with a phalanx of over 
 ninety strong, aU. Social Democrats, and headed by their triumvirate of 
 leaders, Bebel, Liebkuecht, and Singer. England had sixty-five, a large 
 portion of them Trades Union delegates, getting their first taste of inter- 
 national Socialism ; and every shade of Socialistic and even Anarchistic 
 opinion finding representatives among the rest. France had a compact 
 body of thirty-eight, which would have been stronger had not the rank 
 and file, as weU as all the prominent leaders, been detained at home to 
 carry on the electoral campaign. Belgium sent eighteen, and Holland six, 
 one of them delegated by " the Socialistic Schoolmasters' Society "- Italy 
 had a, harmonious delegation of twenty-five. Austria and Hungary had 
 together nearly fifty delegates, and Poland was represented as a nation 
 with five. Servia was represented, for the first time, by one delegate. 
 Russia was represented by Plechanoft, who was able to present a letter 
 of credentials from a genuine society of working men in St. Petersburg, 
 
The History of Socialism. 47 
 
 who, in spite of the obstacles in their way, had been able to meet and 
 authorise him to act for them. The United States had three delegates. 
 
 Among the delegates of England, Belgium, Germany, Austria, Holland, 
 and Italy were women. 
 
 " Companion " Burkli, of " the Swiss Grutli Society," opened the pro- 
 ceedings by a short speech, which was given first in German and then, by 
 himself, in perfect English. He treated upon the organisation of Social 
 Democrats on the Continent, and urged EngUsh industrial organisations to 
 join hand in hand with them. The crushing burden of militarism was 
 alluded to, and finally he declared his belief in a law of progress, in which 
 all can share if we will but throw aside capitalism working for profit, 
 which, while bringing increase of wealth to the few, involves the many in 
 ever-increasing misery. After the same address had been delivered in 
 French, " Companion " GreutUch, secretary of the Zurich Labour Bureau, 
 took charge of the congress. 
 
 On each .day a chairman was selected from some different nationality. 
 
 In the afternoon there was a procession of workmen and women and 
 delegates through the streets of Zurich and along the lakeside. It con- 
 sisted of some thousands of workmen vfith flags and banners, and was 
 brought up by a number of prettily dressed little girls, walking under 
 arches held by others. They were foUowed by the gardeners' organisation, 
 each man of which carried a, basket of flowers, beautifully arranged, the 
 effect being exceedingly flne. 
 
 Among notable inscriptions borne on banners were the following : 
 " The earth for the people and no more taxes ; '' " Labour is the duty of 
 all. Whosoever does not work ought not to eat." The procession finished 
 at the Schule Platz, where speeches were made. 
 
 The Tonhalle itself was bright with flags, and over the platform was a 
 picture of Karl Marx. 
 
 Monday's sitting, or, rather, the morning sitting, proved a stormy one. 
 Two Anarchists, with credentials from a Berlin organisation, put in an 
 appearance and demanded recognition. The German delegates, Bebel and 
 Singer, spoke strongly against them. The Frenchmen were aU in favour 
 of their admission, so were the Dutch and Belgian delegates. But with 
 the exception of one man, " Companion " Mowbray, the English were 
 against the Anarchists, so also was the American delegation. 
 
 The point at issue was that the German Socialists have found that 
 tKey cannot work with the Anarchists, the method of the latter being 
 simply and always one of obstruction. Hence from the first they made a 
 point of the exclusion of that body. The contest arose over the resolution 
 that " all delegates of working class trades unions, societies, and clubs be 
 admitted ; also all Socialist societies and organisations which acknowledge 
 the necessity of organisation of the workers and the necessity of political 
 
48 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 action ". An amendment was moved by a Frenokman to leave out the 
 words " political action," and the discussion on this point waxed very hot 
 and lasted the whole of the forenoon. Finally, the dinner hour arrived, 
 and during the interval the British delegates agreed that if any business 
 was to be done the discussion would have to be stopped. Hence they em- 
 powered their chairman to move the closure. This he did on the resiimp- 
 tion of the sitting, and after a warm and somewhat exciting scene the 
 original resolution was carried, and the Anarchist delegates were expelled, 
 but not before some few blows had been struck. 
 
 On Tuesday there was a written protest on the part of the Anarchists 
 against their expulsion, which led to further discussion without changing 
 the result. 
 
 The question discussed in the afternoon was the important one of the 
 Eight Hours' Day. The committee's report recommended the adoption of 
 the carefully drawn resolutions of the Swiss, the committee having rejected 
 a French amendment coupling the demand for a legislative eight hours' 
 day with a threat of a general strike. After due consideration the com- 
 mittee stuck to a plain declaration in favour of a legislative eight hours' 
 day, national and international, and including the trades unions with the 
 Socialists as the proper hands to carry on the movement, the methods to 
 be used, as defined in the resolution, being perfectly constitutional. The 
 French amendment included a stipulation that th'e eight hours' legislation 
 should forbid a change of wages (including, of course, a rise as well as a 
 fall), and another that factory inspectors should be appointed by the 
 workers, instead of by Government ; but both were rejected by two to one, 
 the English being almost imanimous against them. 
 
 On Thursday there was a discussion as to what language the congress 
 should fix (by resolution) as the common tongue of the workers of the world. 
 When it came to voting there was a tie between French and English. 
 
 The next^question of importance before the congress was that of Peace 
 V. War — the question that has most interested the foreign press. The 
 subject was' opened by a Dutchman named Domela Nieuwenhius, who 
 may be said to have taken as his text the Biblical words : " Thou shalt not 
 kiU"- His resolution proposed that in case of a declaration of war all 
 workers who could have any influence should declare a general strike. A 
 long discussion followed, carried on by a speaker of each nationality. 
 Ultimately the German amendment was carried as a substitute resolution. 
 It is of so much importance that we give it entire : — 
 
 " The position of the workers in case of war is defined in a, precise 
 manner by the Congress of Brussels on militarism. International social 
 revolutionary democracy should in all oases rise vrith aU the forces in its 
 power against the Chauvinist appetites of the dominant classes ; it ought 
 always to consolidate more narrowly the bonds of solidarity between the 
 
The History of Socialism. 49 
 
 workers of all classes ; it ought to work without cessation to vanquish the 
 capitalism which has divided humanity into two great hostile camps, and 
 which provokes peoples one against another. With the suppression of the 
 domination of the classes war will also disappear. The downfall of 
 capitalism signifies universal peace. Socialist deputies of all classes 
 should lend their support to aU associations which have for their aim 
 universal peace." 
 
 This resolution was adopted hy fourteen nations against four. The 
 nations which voted in favour of the Dutch resolution were Prance, 
 Holland, Australia, and Norway. It is worthy of remark that a Norwegian 
 delegate, Johanssen, spoke strongly in favour of a military strike in case of 
 war between Norway and Sweden. The United States delegates abstained 
 from voting. 
 
 On Friday the congress discussed the subject of the May Day Demon- 
 stration, and in the end it adopted a resolution in favour of such demon- 
 strations in all countries in the interest of an eight hours' day. Other 
 resolutions were passed in favour of universal peace, and calling upon 
 labour representatives to endeavour to obtain better legislation for the pro- 
 tection of women in respect to their hours of work and conditions of em- 
 ployment. The measures demanded on this question were as follows : — 
 
 1. A maximum working day of eight hours for women, and of six 
 hours for young persons under 18. 
 
 2. Cessation of work for thirty-six consecutive hours in every week. 
 
 3. Prohibition of night labour. 
 
 4. Prohibition of labour in all trades especially dangerous to health. 
 
 5. Prohibition of women working two weeks before, and four weeks 
 after confinement. 
 
 6. The appointment of an adequate number of women inspectors for 
 all trades and industries in which women are employed. 
 
 7. The above provisions to apply to all girls and women employed in 
 factories, workshops, shops, home industries, and in agricultural labour. 
 
 The last noteworthy event of the congress was an address by 
 Engels, the intimate and now veteran friend of Marx. 
 
 Such is a picture of modern international Socialism. The 
 same spirit is manifest in the May Day Demonstrations, which are 
 now celebrated, occasionally by strikes and sometimes by violence, 
 but usually by quiet, monster open-air demonstrations, in such 
 cities as London, BerUn, Vienna, Paris, and New York, bringing to- 
 gether many tens or even hundreds of thousands of working people. 
 
 From this view of Socialism as a whole, we turn to study it 
 by countries. 
 
 4 
 
50 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 
 
 English Socialism is peculiarly the product of English national 
 characteristics. A sturdy independence coupled with a genius 
 for political organisation is the birthright of every Englishman ; 
 and, apphed in industry, could, when the times were ripe, only 
 produce Socialism. As early as 1360 did John Ball, "the mad 
 priest of Kent," preach a mediaeval Christian Socialism, asking in 
 the name of the common folk, by what right men called lords 
 were greater folk than they, and declaring that only by the toil 
 of the villeins, these lords held their estates. Hanged at St. 
 Alban's for his bold words as well as for the large part he played 
 in the Peasants' Revolt, his spirit has never wholly died away, and 
 continually reappears in the most unexpected quarters. One finds 
 it alike in the rough poetry of Langland's Piers Plowman 
 {^ZTl)^ and in the courtly words of More's Utopia (1516). It 
 enters in milder form into Erasmus' Christian Prince, and again in 
 Harrington's Oceana (1656). It is voiced in Seller's proposed Col- 
 lege of Industry {i()ge^), and in Spence's land nationalisation of 1775^. 
 In the sixteenth century the nobles, impoverished by the long 
 French wars, and the wars of the Roses, drove out many of their 
 humble folk, and turned their fields into sheep walks, for the 
 raising of wool for the Flemish market, and at the same time 
 fenced in many of the commons, calling forth the noble protest of 
 Latimer's sermons. This robbery of the land, by those who were 
 its rulers but not its owners, together with the confiscation of the 
 monasteries and other causes, produced the landless class and 
 made necessary the Poor Laws of Elizabeth. These laws, 
 although turned by remorseless magistrates into a means of 
 
Socialism in England. 51 
 
 the degradation of England's poor, contained, nevertheless, the 
 Socialistic claim of the right of every man to receive opportunity 
 for life and work, from the State. 
 
 The contest with Charles, the Puritan Commonwealth, the 
 English Revolution, were not movements of the industrial classes ; 
 yet they have made English legislative Socialism possible, and, 
 though based upon an individualistic philosophy, contained many 
 noble lessons of equality, and produced many a brave democratic 
 spirit. 
 
 When, in the eighteenth century, the inventions of steam- 
 power and machine-production developed modern industrial 
 England, it caused an economic revolution. Under the laissez 
 /aire teachings of Adam Smith, trade grew to be without restraint ; 
 manufacturers robbed cottages of their women and cradles of 
 their children, to employ them in factories utterly without sanita- 
 tion, coining their blood into fabulous profits. Employees were 
 worked like slaves and housed more poorly than the beasts, the 
 whispers of Malthusianism quieting any stirrings of the conscience. 
 It was necessary that men be killed, it was said, there was not 
 room for all. Wages were lowest and hours of labour longest 
 just about the beginning of the century. Then came the change 
 which, before we know it, carries us into modern Socialism. It 
 began with industrial legislation. 
 
 In 179s, Dr. Aikin, a Manchester physician, published a 
 statement concerning the evil condition of the children working 
 in the mills. In 1796 a committee was formed in Manchester 
 to inquire into the health of the poor. In 1802 the elder Peel 
 brought in and passed the first Bill for the preservation of the 
 health and morals of apprentices and of others employed in cotton 
 and other factories. It immediately accomplished nothing, being 
 fatally defective ; but it established the principle. Other Bills 
 introduced did little more. In 1824 a Bill was passed mainly 
 owing to the efforts of Francis Place, outside of Parliament, and 
 Joseph Hume within, giving trades unions, which had secretly 
 existed since about 1700, the right to pubHcly organise. In 1830 
 Richard Oastler, speaking for the anti-slavery movement, dis- 
 
52 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 covered that there was " white slavery " in England, and from that 
 date gave his time and strength, in poverty, and even when im- 
 prisoned for debt, to exposing the facts of factory evils, and agitat- 
 ing for legislation. He accomplished little, however, till Lord 
 Ashley, afterwards the Earl of Shaftesbury, took up his cause. 
 T. Sadler, in 1831, had moved a Ten Hours' Bill, but to no effect. 
 A select committee was appointed in the matter in 1832, but 
 only to gain time and prevent action. Lord Ashley, however, 
 now taking hold, brought in a Ten Hours' Bill for Women and 
 Children, which was read a second time in 1833. It was violently 
 opposed, even by such individualists as Richard Cobden and 
 John Bright. Finally, Lord Althorp brought in for the Govern- 
 ment and carried a Compromise Bill, which was better than 
 nothing. Oastler, however, continued his agitation. Children's 
 Employment Commissions of 1842 and 1843 published terrible 
 revelations. A Factory Act was passed in 1844, and finally the 
 Ten Hours' Bill in 1847. 
 
 Meanwhile Robert Owen, at his mills in New Lanark, had been 
 putting in practice various reforms, and in the year 181 7 laid a 
 scheme of a Socialistic community before the House of Commons. 
 This act is sometimes considered the beginning of Socialism in 
 England ; but it was not Socialism as we understand the word to- 
 day. Owen's utopianism and evolutionary Social Democracy in 
 industry have little in common. In 1825 Owen purchased New 
 Harmony in the United States, and started his short-lived com- 
 munity. In 1835 ^^ founded an Association of all Classes of all 
 Nations; and during the discussions which arose over this the 
 words Socialism and Socialist seemed first to have been used and 
 thence to have been borrowed by the French writer Reybaud, in 
 his Reformateurs Modernes (1839). But events were moving onf 
 In 1832 the Reform Bill was passed. From 1839 to 1849 'we 
 have the great Chartist agitation, which, though nominally political 
 in its demands, really scattered the seeds of the social movement 
 through all England. The close of the Chartist agitation wit- 
 nessed the birth of organised Christian Socialism. Stirred by 
 the events of the Chartist uprising and moved by the sufferings 
 
Socialism in England. 53 
 
 peculiarly of the sweated tailors in London, and of the agricul- 
 tural labourers in the country, Charles Kingsley and Frederick 
 Denison Maurice, clergymen of the Church of England, with 
 E. Vansittart Neale, Thomas Hughes, J. M. Ludlow (the starter 
 of the movement), organised a society under the avowed name of 
 Christian Socialism (suggested by Maurice). They published 
 pamphlets and two papers and started some co-operative stores. 
 Their papers were soon discontinued ; their stores either failed 
 or were swallowed up in the larger Rochdale co-operative move- 
 ment ; but their thought lived. It is true it did not live as Chris- 
 tian Socialism in the form they cast it. By Christian Socialism, 
 so far as active efforts went, they simply meant co-operation ; but 
 their deeper thought that competition was not the law of trade, 
 but that God's law of brotherhood and sacrifice must be applied 
 in industry — this has lived and is stirring all Church thought to- 
 day. Kingsley's bold denunciation of the soulless Manchester 
 school of political economy, his brilliant pictures of the sufferings 
 and efforts of the poor, sketched in Yeasf (1848) and in A/fon 
 Locke (1850), and the deeper philosophy of Maurice, are still 
 potent to-day. 
 
 Yet, after 1850, for thirty long years we seem to come to a 
 gap in the advance of Socialism. In the collapse of Chartism and 
 the failure of the social efforts of Owen and the early Christian 
 Socialists, the political movement had become social and the 
 social movement only slightly political. After the revolutions of 
 '48 on the Continent little was heard from thence about Socialism. 
 It was commonly said that Socialism was dead; yet was the 
 silence only on the surface. From 1850 to 1880 English Trades 
 Unionism was taking form and growing, with many ups and 
 downs, into its present strength. The Rochdale co-operative 
 movement, beginning in 1844, during this period made its pheno- 
 menal advance. The writings of Carlyle and of Ruskin were 
 striking strong blows against the immoralities of the orthodox 
 political economy. In 1848 Mill published \\\% Political Economy, 
 an influence towards Socialism which must not be overlooked, 
 since it introduced a new spirit into economics, and one largely 
 
54 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 in the Socialistic direction. Henceforth, political economy was 
 no longer to be a dismal science of bloodless theories, but a scien- 
 tific discussion of how to meet practical industrial problems. 
 Mill himself, in his Autobiography, came to announce himself a 
 Socialist. There were other radical forces at work. From 1849 to 
 his death in 1883 Marx resided in London. Here, too, was the home 
 of Engels, his hfe-long friend. In London, also, was Mazzini. Op- 
 posed to Socialism, as it was presented to him, he really preached 
 the deepest and most ethical Socialism. As early as 1847 Marx and 
 Engels, corresponding with a London society, turned this society 
 into a Communist League; and the following year published, from 
 Brussels, the Manifesto of the Communist party, the first formal 
 utterance of Marxian Socialism. Naturally, around Marx and 
 Engels in London grew a little party of followers, not wholly 
 foreigners. In 1862 a party of French working men visited the 
 International Exhibition in London and got into communication 
 with English trades unionists; and on September 28, 1864, the 
 famous International was founded at St. Martin's Hall, London. 
 Prof. Beesly presided, and Karl Marx was present. It was not at 
 first a Socialistic organisation. Its simple aim was to unite the 
 working men of all countries. Naturally, it took a different 
 colouring with different nations. In Southern Europe it came, 
 under the influence of Bakunin, to stand for violent Anarchism ; 
 in Germany, it developed Socialism ; in France and Belgium, it 
 was partly the one, partly the other ; in England, it meant little 
 more than an attempt at International Trades Unionism. An 
 organisation so at variance in itself could not endure. At the 
 Congress at the Hague in 1872 the Socialists and Anarchists, 
 under the lead respectively of Marx and Bakunin, finally separated. 
 The English members had, however, practically renounced the 
 International long before on finding what the International meant 
 upon the Continent. This accounts, in fact, at once for the first 
 connection of EngUsh trades unionism with Continental Social- 
 ism, and the temporary rejection of Socialism under that name by 
 the English trades unionist. Be this as it may, the International 
 scarcely existed in England, and no avowedly Sociahst Society 
 till 1881. 
 
Socialism in England. 55 
 
 Little as he intended it, the lectures in England of Henry 
 George, individualist as he now proclaims himself, seem to have 
 been the occasion for the first crystallisation in England of modern 
 Socialist thought. His sharp words on the Land Question, and 
 the enormous circulation of Progress and Poverty, aroused general 
 interest; yet, when organisation came, the forces we have seen 
 already at work produced Socialism. Says Sidney Webb, in his 
 Socialism in England : " The coercive measures introduced by Mr. 
 Gladstone's Ministry against the Irish Land League had alienated 
 many of the earnest Radicals from the Liberal party ; and these 
 were still further repelled by the ' untoward events ' which were 
 happening in Egypt. It became evident that ' Liberalism ' was 
 not inconsistent with shameless international aggression in the 
 interests of the officers and the bondholders. The years of Mr. 
 Gladstone's administration were successively frittered away with- 
 out any real effort to accomplish social reforms. The neglect of 
 English social questions became more and more pressingly felt, 
 and it was mainly the feeling due to these political incidents that 
 caused the first definitely Socialist organisation to arise. This 
 was a body called the 'Democratic Federation,' founded in 
 March, 1881, by the efforts of Mr. H. M. Hyndman, Mr. Herbert 
 Burrows, Miss Helen Taylor (stepdaughter of John Stuart Mill), 
 and some others. Mr. Joseph Cowen, at that time member of 
 Parliament for Newcastle-on-Tyne, a life-long Democrat, was one 
 of the active helpers from the first, although this was not publicly 
 known. The only distinctively Socialist proposal explicitly set 
 forth in the first programme of this organisation was ' Nationalisa- 
 tion of the Land,' placed ninth in the list ; but it was from the 
 first essentially a SociaUst body, and it changed its name in 
 August, 1884, to the 'Social Democratic Federation'. Under 
 this tide it became a propagandist organisation of great effect in 
 London and many of the provincial industrial centres, having 
 scores of energetic branches." 
 
 This Federation has been the largest, and in many ways the 
 most active, of all English Socialist Societies. It has held con- 
 stant open-air meetings and popular demonstrations, sometimes 
 
56 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 of enormous size. Its leading spirit has been, and still is, Mr. H.' 
 M. Hyndman, a man of university education and of some means, 
 who has consecrated his life to its cause. He has been ably 
 seconded at different times by Herbert Burrows, John Burns, H. 
 H. Champion, Tom Mann, Wm. Morris, Annie Besant, and many 
 others. Its organ is Justice, a weekly commenced in 1884, and 
 continued to the present time, since 1886, under the editorship of 
 Mr. H. Quelch. 
 
 The following is the present programme of the Social Demo- 
 cratic Federation : — 
 
 The socialisation of the means of production, distribution, and ex- 
 change to be controlled by a Democratic State in the interest of the entire 
 community, and the complete emancipation of labour from the domina- 
 tion of capitalism and landlordism, with the establishment of social and 
 economic equality between the sexes. 
 
 Procjra'nvme. 
 
 I. — All officers or administrators to be elected by equal direct adult 
 suffrage and to be paid by the community. 
 
 II. — Legisla.tion by the people in such wise that no project of law 
 shaU become legally binding till accepted by the majority of the people. 
 
 III. — The abolition of a standing army, and the establishment of a 
 national citizen force ; the people to decide on peace or war. 
 
 IV. — All education, higher no less than elementary, to be compulsory, 
 secular, industrial, and gratuitous for aU alike. 
 
 V. — The administration of justice to be gratuitous for aU members of 
 society. 
 
 VI. — The land, with all the mines, railways and other means of 
 transit, to be declared and treated as collective or common property. 
 
 VII. — The means of production, distribution, and exchange to be 
 declared and treated as collective or common property. 
 
 Vin. — The production and distribution of wealth to be regulated by 
 society in the common interests of all its members. 
 
 Falliaiives. 
 
 As measures called for to palliate the evils of our existing society the 
 Social Democratic Federation urges for immediate adoption : — 
 
 The compulsory construction of healthy dwellings for the people, and 
 such dwellings to be let at rents to cover the cost of construction and 
 maintenance alone. 
 
Socialism in England. 57 
 
 Free, secular, and technioal education, compulsory upon aU classes, 
 together with free maintenance for the children in all Board schools. 
 
 Eight hours or less to be the normal working day fixed in all trades 
 and industries by legislative enactment, or not more than forty-eight 
 hours per week ; penalties to be inflicted for any infringement of this law. 
 
 Cumulative taxation upon all incomes exceeding £300 a year. 
 
 State appropriation of railways ; municipal ownership and control of 
 gas, electric light, and water supplies ; the organisation of tramway and 
 omnibus services and similar monopolies in the interests of the entire 
 community. 
 
 The extension of the Post Office Savings Bank, which shaU absorb all 
 private institutions that derive a profit from operations in money or credit. 
 
 Eepudiation of the National Debt. 
 
 Nationalisation of the land, and organisation of agricultural and 
 industrial armies under State and municipal control on co-operative 
 principles. 
 
 As means for the peaceful attainment of these objects the Social 
 Democratic Federation advocates : — 
 
 Payment of Members of Parliament and all local bodies and official 
 expenses of elections out of the public funds. Adult suffrage. Annual 
 Parliaments. Proportional representation. Second ballot. Abolition of 
 the monarchy and the House of Lords. Disestablishment and disendow- 
 ment of aU State Churches. Extension of the powers of County Councils. 
 The establishment of District Councils. Legislative independence to aU 
 parts of the empire. 
 
 The Federation takes active part in politics, nominating can- 
 didates of its own wherever possible, and exerting an increasing 
 influence among the working classes. 
 
 At the end of 1884, however, Wm. Morris, "artist, poet, 
 Socialist," withdrew from the Federation, and with others formed 
 the Socialist League. The grounds of secession were mainly per- 
 sonal, but the new society soon developed a policy of its own, 
 standing, in contrast with the Federation, for a more communistic 
 and less governmental conception of Socialism. Publishing the 
 Commonweal (1885), to which Mr. Morris gave many of his 
 brilliant contributions, it exerted no small influence. About 
 1892, however, the organisation and the Commonweal came 
 under Anarchist control ; Mr. Morris withdrew, and the organisa- 
 tion has virtually died. 
 
58 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 A far more potent and unique organisation of English 
 Socialists is the Fabian Society, founded in 1883, and to-day still 
 adding to its strength. Commenced mainly as an educational 
 and propagandist centre, it includes members of other societies, and 
 has met with unparalleled success. Its members, going into every 
 club where they could get a hearing, have really changed the tone of 
 London. Ten years ago the characteristic note of the London 
 working men's clubs was one of negative Radicalism. To-day it is 
 one of positive Collectivism. Many trades unionists belong to it, 
 including sach names as Tom Mann and Ben Tillett. Equally 
 influential has the society been in politics. By manifestoes, tracts, 
 and articles in papers and magazines (this political portion of the 
 work largely done by Sidney Webb) a Socialist programme has been 
 placed before the political public, and the two great parties have 
 been led to seek votes by adopting portion after portion of this 
 programme. An important course of seven lectures by members 
 of the society (George Bernard Shaw, Sidney Webb, LL.B., 
 William Clarke, M.A., S. Olivier, B.A., Graham Wallas, M.A., 
 Annie Besant and Hubert Bland), entitled Fabian Essays in 
 Socialism, was published in 1889 and has reached an enormous 
 sale. The society, too, exercises a considerable influence, more 
 real than apparent, by the personal participation of its members 
 in nearly all reform movements, as well as by their work at the 
 universities and in the fields of journalism and the teaching of 
 political economy. The lectures given by members of the 
 society number several thousand a year. Its headquarters at 
 276 Strand, London (E. R. Pease, secretary), are a centre from 
 which tracts (three-quarters of a miUion between 1887 and 1893) 
 and other Socialist literature go all over the English-speaking 
 world. There are over fifty local Fabian Societies, formed in 
 most of the important English cities ; and it is altogether one of 
 the most active and successful organisations of its kind in 
 existence. 
 
 The following are its declared principles : — 
 
 The Fabian Society consists of Socialists. It therefore aims at the 
 reorganisation of society by the emancipation of land and industrial 
 
Socialism in England. 59 
 
 capital from individual and class ownership, and the vesting of them in 
 the oomm.uuity for the general benefit. In this way only can the 
 natural and acquired, ad vantages of the country be equitably shared by 
 the whole people. 
 
 The society accordingly works for the extinction of private property 
 in land, and of the consequent individual appropriation, in the form of 
 rent, of the price paid for permission to use the earth, as well as for the 
 advantages of superior soUs and sites. 
 
 The society, further, works for the transfer to the community of the 
 administration of such industrial capital as can conveniently be managed 
 socially. For, owing to the monopoly of the means of production in the 
 past, industrial inventions and the transformation of surplus income into 
 capital have mainly enriched the projirietary class, the worker being now 
 dependent on that class for leave to earn a living. 
 
 If these measures be carried out, without compensation (though not 
 without such relief to expropriated individuals as may seem fit to the 
 community), rent and interest will be added to the reward of labour, the 
 idle class now living on the labour of others wUl necessarily disappear, 
 and practical equality of opportunity will be maintained by the spontaneous 
 action of economic forces with much less interference with personal 
 liberty than the present system entails. 
 
 For the attainment of these ends the Fabian Society looks to the 
 spread of Socialist opinions, and the social and pohtioal changes con- 
 sequent thereon. It seeks to promote these by the general dissemination 
 of knowledge as to the relation between the individual and society in its 
 economic, ethical, and political aspects. 
 
 Such are the three main societies of English Socialists ; but 
 they form but a small part of the real English Socialist move- 
 ment. Political and industrial dissatisfaction, coupled with the 
 efforts of these societies, have largely captured the English trades 
 unions for Socialism, till, at their last congress, they voted by an 
 overwhelming majority to select as Labour candidates only those 
 who would declare for a CoUectivist progranime. This union of 
 Socialism and Trades Unionism, under the name of the New 
 Trades Unionism, is, however, not the only sign of the times. 
 At present the great co-operative movement is seeing the need of 
 Socialism, while the Socialists are widening their programme so 
 as to conceive of co-operation as an aid to, though not a portion 
 of, the direct Socialist movement. This tendency to union is 
 
6o Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 everywhere marked in England. The three main schools of 
 English Socialists have come to an expressed unity in the 
 following Manifesto of the Joint Committee of Socialist Bodies : — 
 
 There is a growing feeling at the present time that, in view of the in- 
 creasing number of Socialists in Great Britain, an efiort should be made 
 to show that, whatever difierenoes may have arisen between them in the 
 past, all who can fairly be called Socialists are agreed in their main prin- 
 ciples of thought and action. 
 
 This is the more hopeful since, though much has been made of those 
 differences by the opponents of Socialism, it is safe to say that they have 
 been rather of less than more importance than similar disputes of the 
 early days of great movements which have afterwards become solid and 
 irresistible. There has, indeed, been constant co-operation in propagandist 
 work between the individual members of difierent organisations, and occa- 
 sional co-operation between the organisations in political emergencies ; 
 but more than this is now needed if we are to make a serious advance in 
 the work of gathering together and directing the great body of thought and 
 feeling which is setting towards Socialism. 
 
 Meanwhile the necessity for the development of a new social order is 
 getting more obvious to all thinking people, and vrithout the growing 
 aspirations towards Socialism the outlook of modem civilisation would be 
 hopeless. 
 
 The vigorous propaganda which has been carried on for the last twelve 
 years, and the complete change in the attitude of the working classes and 
 the public generally towards Socialism, could not but attract the notice, 
 and perhaps excite the anxiety, of the politicians of the possessing classes ; 
 but they have shown hitherto that they have lacked both the will and the 
 power to do anything effective towards meeting the evils engendered by 
 our present system. In spite of factory acts and factory inspectors, in 
 spite of sanitary legislation and royal commissions, the condition of the 
 working people is, relatively to the increased wealth of the country, worse 
 than it was twenty years ago. Children are still growing up among such 
 surroundings, and so insufficiently nourished that health and strength are 
 for them an impossibility ; dangerous and unwholesome trades, inflicting 
 hideous diseases on those who work at them, are still carried on by the 
 capitalists with impunity ; overcrowding, accompanied by increasing rents, 
 is the rule rather than the exception in all our great cities. 
 
 At the same time the great and growing depression in the most vital of 
 industries, agriculture, tends to drive the people more and more from the 
 country into the towns, while it so narrows the field from which healthy 
 and vigorous industrial recruits have been dravm in the past that the 
 
Socialism in England. 6i 
 
 physical deterioration of our city population is more severely felt than 
 ever before. 
 
 Moreover, the question of the unemployed is more pressing to-day than 
 at any recent period. The incapacity of the capitaKst class to handle the 
 machinery of production without injury to the coumnmity has been demon- 
 strated afresh by the crisis of 1890, itself following upon a very short 
 period of inflation ; since which time every department of trade and in- 
 dustry has suffered from lack of initiative and want of confidence and 
 ability among these " organisers of labour ". As a result, the numbers of 
 the unemployed have increased rapidly ; the prospect of any improvement 
 is still remote ; and the stereotyped official assurance that there is no ex- 
 ceptional distress only emphasises the fact that it is prosperity, not distress, 
 which is exceptional. Indeed, the greatest " prosperity " possible imder 
 the present system could only lessen the mass of those without occupation, 
 and bring them down to a number manageable by the employers. Mean- 
 time small improvements made in deference to the ill-formulated demands 
 of the workers, though for a time they seem almost a social revolution to 
 men ignorant of their own resources and of their capacity for enjoyment, 
 wiU not reaUy raise the condition of the whole people. 
 
 In short, the capitalist system, by which we mean the established plan 
 of farming out our national industries in private property lots, and trusting 
 to the greed of the owners and the competition between them to ensure 
 their productive use, is the only arrangement possible in a society not 
 organised enough to administer its own industry as a national concern. 
 This shiftless method has indeed kept the shop open, so to speak, but at a 
 frightful cost in human degradation, as might have been expected from its 
 basis. AU the investigations undertaken vsdth a view to convicting Socialists 
 of exaggeration and oue-sidedness in their attacks upon it have, shown that 
 the facts are worse than any Socialist dared to surmise, and that half a 
 century of ameliorative regulation by means of factory legislation and 
 the like has failed to weaken the force of former exposures of 
 capitah'sm. 
 
 Among recent anti- Socialist statisticians Mr. Eobert Giffen has been 
 led by his own counterblast to Socialism into the exclamation " that no 
 one can contemplate the present condition of the masses without desiring 
 something like a revolution for the better "- And the facts as to London 
 poverty, laid bare by Mr. Charles Booth, dispose of the possibihty of leav- 
 ing things as they are ; although Mr. Booth, who is a Conservative in 
 politics, undertook his great inquiry expressly to confute what he then 
 thought to be Socialist over-statements. The horrible revelations concern- 
 ing English home life made by the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty 
 to Children have efEeotuaUy dispelled the illusion that the cruelty and 
 selfishness of the factory and mine have not infected the household, or that 
 
62 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 society can safely abandon its children to irresponsible private ownership 
 any more than its land and capital. 
 
 Under these circumstances of a continued degradation of the really 
 useful part of the population — a consec[ueno6 as inherent in the present 
 system of ownership as it was in the system of chattel slavery — the need 
 for a new social order is obvious. Some constructive social theory is asked 
 for, and none is ofiered except the feudal or Tory theory, which is incom- 
 patible with democracy, the Manchester or Whig theory, which has broken 
 down in practice, and the Socialist theory. It is, therefore, opportune to 
 remind the public once more of what Socialism means to those who are 
 working for the transformation of our present unsooiaUst state into a ool- 
 lectivist republic, and who are entirely free from the illusion that the 
 amelioration or " moraUsation " of the conditions of capitalist private pro- 
 perty can do away with the necessity for abolishing it. Even those re- 
 adjustm.euts of industry and administration which are Socialist in form 
 will not be permanently useful unless the whole state is merged into an 
 organised commonwealth. Municipalisation, for instance, can only be 
 accepted as Socialism on the condition of its forming a part of national 
 and at last of international Socialism, in which the workers of all nations, 
 while adopting within the borders of their own countries those methods 
 which are rendered necessary by their historic development, can federate 
 upon a common basis of the collective ownership of the great means and 
 instruments of the creation and distribution of wealth, and thus break 
 down national animosities by the solidarity of human interest throughout 
 the civilised world. 
 
 On this point all Socialists agree. Our aim, one and aU, is to obtain 
 for the whole community complete ownership and control of the means of 
 transport, the means of manufacture, the mines, and the land. Thus we 
 look to put an end for ever to the wage-system, to sweep away all distinc- 
 tions of class, and eventually to establish national and international com- 
 munism on a sound basis. 
 
 To this end it is imperative on all members of the Socialist party to 
 gather together their forces in order to formulate a definite policy and 
 force on its general acceptance. 
 
 But here we must repudiate both the doctrines and tactics of An- 
 archism. As Socialists we beheve that those doctrines and the tactics 
 necessarily resulting from them, though advocated as revolutionary by men 
 who are honest and single-minded, are really reactionary both in theory 
 and practice, and tend to check the advance of our cause. Indeed, so far 
 from hampering the freedom of the individual, as Anarchists hold it will. 
 Socialism wiU foster that full freedom which Anarchism would inevitably 
 destroy. 
 
 As to the means for the attainment of our end, in the first place we 
 
Socialism in England. 63 
 
 Socialists look for our success to the increasing and energetic promtdgation 
 of our views amongst the whole people, and next to the capture and trans- 
 formation of the great social machinery. In any case, the people have 
 increasingly at hand the power of dominating and controlling the whole 
 political, and through the political, the social forces of the empire. 
 
 The first step towards transformation and reorganisation must neces- 
 sarily be in the direction of the limitation of class robbery, and the conse- 
 quent raising of the standard of life for the individual. In this direction 
 certain measures have been brought within the scope of practical politics ; 
 •and we name them as having been urged and supported originally and 
 chiefly by Socialists, and advocated by them stiU, not, as above said, as 
 solutions of social wrongs, but as tending to lessen the evils of the existing 
 rigiine ; so that individuals of the useful classes, having more leisure and 
 less anxiety, may be able to turn their attention to the only real remedy 
 for their position of inferiority — to wit, the supplanting of the present 
 state by a society of equality of condition. When this great change is 
 completely carried out the genuine liberty of all may be secured by the 
 free play of social forces with much less coercive interference than the 
 present system entails. 
 
 The following are some of the measures spoken of above ; — 
 An eight hours' law. 
 Prohibition of child labour for wages. 
 Free maintenance of all necessitous children. 
 Equal payment of men and women for equal work. 
 An adequate minimum wage for all adults employed in the Govern- 
 ment and Municipal services, or in any monopolies, such as railways, 
 enjoying State privileges. 
 
 Suppression of all sub-contracting and sweating. 
 Universal sufirage for all adults, men and women alike. 
 Public payment for aU public service. 
 
 The inevitable economic development points to the direct absorption 
 by the State, as an organised democracy, of monopolies which have been 
 granted to, or constituted by, companies, and their immediate conversion 
 into publio services. But the railway system is of aU the monopolies that 
 which could be most easily and conveniently so converted. It is certain 
 that no attempt to reorganise industry on the land can be successfiil so 
 long as the railways are in private hands, and excessive rates of carriage 
 are charged. Eecent events have hastened on the SooiaUst solution of this 
 particular question ; and the disinclination of boards of directors to adopt 
 improvements which would cheapen freight, proves that in this, as in other 
 cases, English capitalists, far from being enlightened by competition, are 
 blinded by it even to their own interests. 
 
 In other directions the growth of combination, as with banks, shipping 
 
64 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 oompanies, and huge limited liability ooneerns, organised both for produc- 
 tion and distribution, shows that the time is ripe for Socialist organisation. 
 The economic development in this direction is already so far advanced that 
 the socialisation of production and distribution on the economic side of 
 things can easily and at once begin, when the people have made up their 
 minds to overthrow privilege and monopoly. In order to efieot the change 
 from capitalism to co-operation, from unconscious revolt to conscious re- 
 organisation, it is necessary that we Socialists should constitute ourselves 
 into a distinct political party with definite aims, marching steadily along 
 our own highway without reference to the convenience of political factions. 
 We have thus stated the main principles and the broad strategy on 
 which, as we believe, aU Socialists may combine to act with vigour. The 
 opportunity for deliberate and determined action is now always with us, 
 and local autonomy in aU local matters will still leave the fullest outlet for 
 national and international Socialisia. We, therefore, confidently appeal 
 to all Socialists to sink their individual crotchets in a business-like endea- 
 vour to realise in our own day that complete communisation of industry 
 for which the economic forms are ready and the minds of the people are 
 almost prepared. 
 
 AupBBD Beasi-by. Touzbau Pabbis. 
 
 Samuel Bullock. Habby Qublch. 
 
 J. E. DoBSON. H. B. RoaBBS. 
 
 W. S. Db Maotos. Gbo. Bbbnaed Shaw. 
 
 W. H. Gbant. Willib Utlby. 
 
 H. M. Hyndmak. Sidney Webb. 
 
 William Mobbis. Ebnest E. Williams. 
 Sydney Olivibe. 
 
 The Joint Committee of the Social Democratic Federation, the Fabian Society, 
 and the Hammersmith Socialist Society. 
 
 Signed on behalf of the under-mentioned bodies : — 
 H. W. Lee, Secretary, Social Democratic Federation, 337 Strand, W.O. 
 Edwaed E,. Pease, Secj-etary, Fabian Society, 276 Strand, W.O. 
 Emeby Walkeb, Secretary, Hammersmith Socialist Society, Kelmscott House, 
 Hammersmith. 
 
 The movement for Land Nationalisation proper is largely par- 
 ticipated in by Socialists, but maintains two independent organisa- 
 tions of importance. The "Land Nationalisation Society" has 
 for its principal exponent the eminent naturalist Mr. Alfred 
 Russel Wallace, who has also recently announced himself a 
 
Socialism in England. 65 
 
 full Socialist. The " English Land Restoration League," a very 
 vigorous organisation of wide-spread influence, adheres more 
 closely to the principles of Mr. Henry George. The Rev. J. E. 
 Symes, Professor of Political Economy at University College, 
 Nottingham, author of A Short Text-book of Political Economy, is 
 a member of the Council of this body, which also includes 
 several members of Parliament. This society is conducting a 
 very useful agitation in the rural districts by sending out propa- 
 gandists with red vans to preach to the agricultural labourers the 
 gospel of Land Nationalisation. Municipalism, however, is per- 
 haps the main practical form that English Socialism is at present 
 taking. The formation of the County Councils, and particularly 
 of the London County Council, to bring together under one con- 
 trol the numberless boards and vestries that had power in various 
 ways in London, was itself a step towards Socialism. Says 
 Prof. Ely {Socialism and Social Reform, p. 60) : "The drift is un- 
 mistakable. Two illustrations will suffice. The London County 
 Council has recently acquired some twenty-one miles of street 
 railways (tramways), and proposes to operate these lines. While 
 the ownership and operation of municipal monopolies does not, 
 of necessity, mean Socialism — while, indeed, an anti-Socialist 
 may favour such ownership and operation — the significant point 
 is that in London the change was brought about by Socialist 
 intent, and as part of a Socialist programme. The second illus- 
 tration is found in the abolition of the contract system in the con- 
 struction of artisans' dwellings by the municipality. More and 
 more is the policy being forced of making the County Council 
 do its own work and be the model employer." 
 
 The municipalism of cities like Birmingham and Glasgow is 
 well known. Birmingham is perhaps what it was called by Julian 
 Ralph in Harper's Magazine, "the best governed city in the 
 world," " a business city, run by business men on business prin- 
 ciples". "It builds," he tells us, "its own street railroads, 
 makes and sells its own gas, collects and sells its water supply, 
 raises and sells a great part of the food of its inhabitants, pro- 
 vides them with a free museum, art gallery, and art school, gives 
 
 5 
 
66 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 them swimming and Turkish baths at less than cost, and interests 
 a larger portion of its people in responsibility for and manage- 
 ment of its affairs than any city in the United Kingdom, if not in 
 the world." This is Socialism ; as Mr. Ralph says in his closing 
 sentence, "a real Socialism, self-governed and self-imposed". 
 The experience of Glasgow is largely the same. It was recently 
 the most crowded city in Great Britain, excepting Liverpool, and 
 full of every evil. It has now municipal water supply, gas supply, 
 park system, a consolidated market system, a horse-car system 
 leased to a private corporation, but only on terms most favourable 
 to the city, bringing into the city a very large revenue. Says 
 Sidney Webb : " Besides our international relations and the army, 
 navy, police, and the courts of justice, the community now carries 
 on for itself, in some part or another of these islands, the post 
 office, telegraphs, carriage of small commodities, coinage, surveys, 
 the regulation of the currency and note issues, the provision of 
 weights and measures, the making, sweeping, lighting, and repair- 
 ing of streets, roads, and bridges, hfe insurance, the grant of an- 
 nuities, shipbuilding, stockbroking, banking, farming, and money- 
 lending. It provides for many thousands of us from birth to burial 
 —midwifery, nursery, education, board and lodging, vaccination, 
 medical attendance, medicine, public worship, amusements, and 
 interment. It furnishes and maintains its own museums, parks, 
 art galleries, libraries, concert-halls, roads, streets, bridges, 
 markets, slaughter-houses, iire-engines, lighthouses, pilots, ferries, 
 surfboats, steamtugs, lifeboats, cemeteries, public baths, wash- 
 houses, pounds, harbours, piers, wharves, hospitals, dispensaries, 
 gasworks, waterworks, tramways, telegraph cables, allotments, 
 cow meadows, artisans' dwellings, schools, churches, and reading- 
 rooms. It carries on and publishes its own researches in geology, 
 meteorology, statistics, zoology, geography, and even theology. 
 . . . Even in the fields still abandoned to private enterprise, its 
 operations are every day more closely limited, in order that the 
 anarchic competition of private greed, which at the beginning of 
 the century was set up as the only infallibly beneficent principle 
 of social action, may not utterly destroy the State. All this has 
 
Socialism in England. 67 
 
 been done by 'practical' men, ignorant, that is to say, of any 
 scientific sociology, believing Socialism to be the most foolish of 
 dreams, and absolutely ignoring, as they thought, all grandilo- 
 quent claims for social reconstruction." Nor have we reached the 
 end. England's industrial legislation is being added to every 
 year ; the agitation for the eight hours' day, with adaptations for 
 various trades, being at present particularly prominent and hope- 
 ful. So much is Socialism in practical politics, so far are all 
 parties forced, at least nominally, to Socialistic measures, that 
 an independent Labour Party has until recently been scarcely 
 thought necessary. Independent Labour representatives have 
 been in Parliament for some time, and have largely favoured 
 CoUectivist measures. In the General Election of 1873-74, no 
 fewer than thirteen " Labour candidates " went to the polls ; and 
 Alexander Macdonald and Thomas Burt, the two leading officials 
 of the Miners' National Unions, were elected the first " Labour 
 members " of the House. But this did not lead to any general 
 Trades Union or Socialist political movement. The trades unions 
 were not ready for Socialism. Reacting from the Utopian and 
 vague Sociahsm of Owen, as from the mere political methods of 
 the Chartists, the average trades unionist from 1845 to nearly 
 1885 took httle interest in politics. Although largely enfran- 
 chised by the Reform Bill of 1867, English workmen in their 
 trades congresses even rejected amendments in favour of Manhood 
 Suffrage as late as 1882 and 1883. In order to win legal recog- 
 nition at all for their trades unions, the leaders had had to plant 
 themselves wholly on the middle-class ground of the individual free- 
 dom of each man to sell his labour as he pleased, collectively or 
 not. Even after trades unions were themselves in 187 1 fully 
 legalised, even then " in restraint of trade " their members were 
 still so liable to prosecution under vague Combination Laws, that 
 the unions were engaged in a battle for mere existence down to 
 1875. -^t this date, however, the Liberal Party having been de- 
 feated largely by the division of the labour vote, a Conservative 
 Government wiped away the last vestige of the Combination 
 Laws. But this long struggle for hfe had so indoctrinated their 
 
68 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 members with the individualist economy, that save for a few- 
 leaders, like Allan of the Engineers and Applegarth of the 
 Carpenters, the average trades unionist cared nothing for Parlia- 
 mentary action. Even when free to act, their very successes 
 made the trades unions Conservative. Men of ability, like Mr. 
 Broadhurst, actually opposed eight-hour legislation ; a motion in 
 support of it was defeated by a large majority at a Trades Union 
 Congress as late as 1889. The new trades unionism had to 
 come from new men. The unceasing efforts of the Social Demo- 
 cratic Federation, and especially the agitation in behalf of the 
 unemployed in 1886, resulting in the prosecution at the Old 
 Bailey of Messrs. Hyndman, Burns, Champion, and Williams, led, 
 although they were acquitted, to making Socialism known and 
 somewhat popular among the London masses. The great Dock 
 Strike of 1889 saw the turning of the tide. Messrs. Ben Tillett, 
 Tom Mann, and John Burns, all Socialists, organised the dock 
 labourers, and won. It led to the organisation of other trades 
 thus far unorganised. These new unions followed the new leaders, 
 and the movement began to grow in the rank and file of even the 
 old unions. By 1890 the New Unionism was in the majority in 
 the Trades Congresses. The immediate political result, however, 
 was not the creation of a new party, but the adoption of the 
 Newcastle programme by the Liberals in 1891, and similar utter- 
 ance on the part of many Conservatives. A Progressivist policy 
 — the furtherance of progressive measures through any party — 
 became the order of the day. This policy has been bitterly 
 attacked by many of the leaders of the Social Democratic Federa- 
 tion, who believed in nothing but a " complete international social 
 revolution ". This position, however, caused Messrs. Burns, 
 Mann, and others to leave the Federation, and the Progressivist 
 policy went on. On the London School Board, on the London 
 County Council, and on other political bodies, Progressive 
 Socialists were elected in considerable numbers — Mrs. Annie 
 Besant and the Rev. Stewart Headlam, on the School Board, as 
 early as 1888. In 1889 John Burns was elected from Battersea 
 to the County Council, and in 1892 to Parliament; he also, in 
 
Socialism in England. 69 
 
 1893, receiving the largest number of votes at the Trades Union 
 Congress as chairman of the Pariiamentary Committee. 
 
 The Collectivist policy has, however, now become so popular 
 that many desire still more rapid action, and, weary of the vast 
 promises and slight fulfilment of both the Liberal and Conserva- 
 tive parties, have organised (January, 1893), mainly under the 
 lead of Mr. Keir Hardie, also elected M.P., an Independent 
 Labour Party, its object being, as stated in the constitution as 
 amended in February, 1894, "the collective ownership and 
 control of the means of production, distribution, and exchange". 
 This Independent Labour Party is growing rapidly in almost all 
 parts of England, but especially in the North. Some societies 
 have gone over to it in a body, and thousands of individual trades 
 unionists and working men. Such is the present Socialist political 
 condition in England ; two old parties slowly being driven to 
 Collectivist measures, in spite of their theories and their wishes ; 
 a growing Progressivist constituency, working for Collectivism 
 under any name ; a young and enthusiastic Independent Labour 
 Party, committed to Socialism in all except the name ; a deter- 
 mined Social Democratic Federation, nominating candidates of 
 its own, and criticising all parties and men who do not keep the 
 name as well as the policy of Socialism to the front. Well may 
 alike the friends and the foes of Socialism declare that Socialism 
 of some kind has the future. Bitterly does Mr. Herbert Spencer, 
 for example, complain that the "numerous Socialistic changes 
 made by Act of Parliament, joined with numerous others pre- 
 sently to be made, will by-and-by be all merged in State Socialism 
 — swallowed in the vast wave which they have little by Uttle raised ". 
 Of this the passage of the Parish Councils Act, in 1894, is a 
 noteworthy instance. 
 
 Other noteworthy evidences of Socialist progress are the 
 changed position of English political economy, and the changing 
 attitude of the clergy and of the Church. These movements will 
 be considered in other chapters (see chapter xiii. for "Socialism 
 and the Political Economists "). Says Mr. Sidney Webb in his 
 Socialism in England: "The scientific difference between the 
 
70 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 ' orthodox ' economists and the economic Socialists has now be- 
 come mainly one of terminology and relative stress, with the 
 result that one competent economist, not himself a Sociahst, 
 publishes regretfully to the world that all the younger men are 
 now Socialists, with many of the professors ". 
 
 In the Church, the Guild of St. Matthew and the Christian 
 Social Union exert no little influence for a general Socialism; 
 while the Rev. Stewart Headlam, with his paper, the Church 
 Reformer, and Mr. Bruce Wallace, with his Brotherhood Church 
 and Trust, are among the most active Socialist workers in London. 
 In Manchester and elsewhere, the Labour Church, led by Mr. 
 John Trevor, is a religious movement wholly outside of the 
 organised churches, but voicing the deep religious side of a part 
 of the English Socialist movement. 
 
 Among tte best books on English Socialism are : Webb's Socialism in 
 England : Hyndman's Historical Basis of Socialism in Un gland; Gibbms 
 ^cial Reformers ; Jones' Life of Owen ; Wood's English Social Movements ; 
 Mr. and Mrs. Webb's History nf Trades Uni onism (perhaps the best historical 
 survey of English Socialism) ; Fabian Tract, No. 15, English Progress towards 
 Social Democracy, is the best brief statement ; General Histories, News- 
 papers, Parliamentary Keports, etc. Centres of information : Social Demo- 
 cratic Federation, 337 Strand, W.C. ; Office of Jitstice, 37 ClerkenweU Green, 
 E.G. ; Fabian Society, 276 Strand, W.C. ; Hammersmith Socialist Society, 
 Zelmscott House, Hammersmith ; Christian Socialist, Guild of St. Matthew, 
 8 Duke Street, Adelphi, W.C. ; Brotherhood Trust, 17 Eaim Street ; In- 
 dependent Lahofwr Party, 53 Fleet Street, E.G. ; Socialist literature and 
 tracts, Reeves, 185 Fleet Street, E.G. ; Parliamentary Reports, etc.. Byre 
 & Spottiswoode, East Harding Street, Fleet Street, E.G. For Socialist 
 newspapers, see Appendix C. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 
 
 The distinguishing note of French Socialism is the dominance 
 given to the conception of the commune (the municipality or 
 township). This, however, is not to be confounded with EngUsh 
 municipalism, or the conduct of local interests by a parish or 
 county council. The French commune is much more nearly 
 communal in the economic sense of that word. It is in its 
 ideal, as held by French Socialists, and, to some degree actually, 
 in history, the conception of a local and limited Communism. 
 Till one understands this, French Socialism cannot be under- 
 stood; from it French Socialism springs. This Socialism, like 
 all Socialism, has been a gradual evolution. Ancient Gaul, more 
 thoroughly latinised than any other Roman province outside of 
 Italy, fell a rich prize to the Gothic invaders, and they here de- 
 veloped some of their richest cities and strongest states. Only 
 gradually did Paris raise herself above other cities and develop 
 in France a strongly centralised government, a process largely 
 necessary to rescue France from the weakness in which she was 
 left by the long English wars. Yet all through the country lay the 
 traditions of much local independence and local organisations, 
 sprung from the old feudal basis, with its tendency to a local 
 and paternal Communism, rather than towards strong individual- 
 ism. These local communes, especially those of the larger 
 cities, stood repeatedly for their rights, and treated with the king 
 sometimes as all but equals. But the process of centralisation 
 went on apace. When in 1358 the Jacquerie rose, under Etienne 
 Marcel, to battle for constitutional liberty, they were mercilessly 
 put down. The Reformation was suppressed in France for 
 
72 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 political reasons, and the suppression temporarily aided the central 
 government. The Court of the Louises became more brilliant, 
 more despotic, more corrupt than any other Court in Europe. 
 The result could be but a revolution. The French Revolution 
 did in France only what has been done in all other Western 
 countries, — it freed the bourgeoisie. It was not more radical in its 
 economic aims or in its immediate results than the economic revolu- 
 tion which slowly came into English legislation and English life 
 from the taissezfaire school of Adam Smith, into Germany with the 
 Stein-Hardenberg legislation, into America with the democracy of 
 Jefferson and the Republicanism of the Federalists. Indeed, the 
 French Revolution was largely produced by English ideas. The 
 philosophy of Rousseau and still more of the Encyclopedists 
 came from the school of Locke. But it took in France, perhaps 
 because of the Gallic character, a more revolutionary and more 
 radical form. The genius of Rousseau, the writings of Mably, of 
 Morelly, of Boissel, of Brissot de Warville, even the land-views of 
 the Physiocrats, filled France with new ideals of the rights of man, 
 and with the conception of government as only just when resting 
 upon the consent of the governed. The French Revolution was 
 far more of an intellectual revolution than the uprising of a starv- 
 ing proletariat. It is doubtful if the French masses at the time 
 of the revolution were suffering more than the dwellers in Eng- 
 land's manufacturing centres and in her agricultural hamlets 
 during the same period. But the despotism of the Louises gave to 
 the revolution a violent form. Nowhere else could a Louis say, 
 " I am the State " ; nowhere else did absolute monarchy go down 
 in such a whirlpool of passion. The suppression, too, of the 
 French Reformation, the infidelity of the Encyclopedists, the wit 
 of Voltaire, had deprived France of faith. The revolution came 
 " a truth clad in hell fire," yet a truth, and a necessary one. 
 Napoleon's cannon put down the revolution, but could not put 
 down ideas. It could only make France the scene of constant 
 revolution and insurrection. The cries raised were different : for 
 Republicanism, for red Republicanism, for Communism, for 
 Socialism ; but through all went the struggle against Monarchy, 
 
Socialism in France. 73 
 
 and the ideal of a commune more or less truly communistic. 
 Even before the revolution the above-named writers had been 
 largely Communists, but they based their Communism on an indi- 
 vidualistic philosophy. Sixty years before Proudhon, Brissot de 
 Warville, in 1776, the year of Adam Smith's WeaM of Nations, 
 the year of American Independence, declared that property (as 
 ordinarily understood) was theft. Baboeuf was the first to battle 
 for Communism, in his attempted insurrection of 1797, but held 
 as his ideal an utterly artificial dead equality to be rigidly enforced 
 by the State. The conception of evolutionary Socialism was not 
 yet. Nevertheless, in criticising his ideals, which is so easily done 
 to-day, we must not forget his Tribun du Peuple, the first com- 
 munistic paper of the world. Insurrection crushed, thought was 
 the only outlet. We come, therefore, to a long period of Utopian 
 Socialism. Details of each author and school will be found in 
 Appendix A; we do little more than chronicle them here, to 
 bring out the continuity. Fourier in 1808 published his TMorie 
 des Quatre Mouvements, with its strange blending of mathematical 
 formulas, of far-reaching thought, and of impractical suggestions 
 for artificial association and forced harmonies. It produced in 
 1834 Considerant's Destinee Sociale, and his attempted phalan- 
 steries in France and far away in Texas ; besides this it led to 
 Godin's famous Familistere at Guise (1859), to the great wave of 
 Fourierist Communism that swept over the United States from 
 1840 to 1850. Meanwhile Saint-Simon, an aristocrat become 
 revolutionary, dreamed in 1 8 1 7 of an industrial scientific Collectivist 
 State, and in 1825 of a Neo-Christianity , a Church which should 
 introduce social reform. Calling upon the Pope to lead in this, on 
 his refusal Saint-Simon attempted a " religion " of his own, which 
 Bayard and Enfantin developed into brief popularity and still 
 briefer experiment from 1830 to 1833. In 1840 Cabet published 
 his Voyage en Icarie, and the colony to Icaria in America was 
 started in 1848. Meanwhile, Colins, Huet, and others were 
 writing, while from England came the theories of Owen and the 
 reports of Chartism. This long period of Utopian Socialism was 
 broken by the July Revolution of 1830, and the almost constant 
 
74 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 attempts of Blanqui to rouse the Paris commune. Blanqui, 
 himself a mystic, a Communist, a revolutionist, in a life spent 
 mainly in prison, by spirited writing and still more spirited deed, 
 immediately effected nothing, indirectly has aifected the history 
 of France from 1825 down to the present time, thirteen years 
 after his death. 
 
 In 1848 came the revolution, and the endeavour of Louis 
 Blanc, the first modern French Socialist, to introduce State 
 workshops for the unemployed, only, however, to have the experi- 
 ment taken up and so purposely mismanaged by the Government 
 as to render them ridiculous and to call forth the denunciation of 
 Blanc and his effort to expose the Government. The coup d'ttat 
 and failure of the revolution for a time seemed to kill social 
 agitation, and men said that Socialism was dead. Le Play's 
 Social Reform movement, commenced in 1856 (see Appendix A), 
 can scarcely be called Socialism ; but Socialism did revive under 
 the International ; although even this, in France as in most Latin 
 countries, became, under the influence of Bakunin, Anarchist 
 Communism rather than Socialism. The overthrow of the empire 
 by the Franco-German War, and the declaration of a Republic, 
 which proved to be a bourgeois capitalism, and at first, at least, 
 a weak one, gave the Communists their chance, and they rose and 
 declared the commune in Paris, March 18, 187 1, while similar 
 attempts, though less successful, were made in other cities. But 
 even the commune could not last. Its enemies were still too 
 strong. Suppressed, and the Communards banished or com- 
 pelled to flee, the immediate result was to drive the leaders to 
 more violent utterance and a more revolutionary programme. 
 French Communism became at this time almost purely Anarch- 
 istic. Such men as Brousse (see Appendix A) fled to Geneva 
 and declared for Bakunin and Anarchist Communism. Even 
 Guesde (see Appendix A), at this time also in Geneva, did not 
 declare against Bakunin. But a change came. The separation 
 between the Anarchists and the Socialists at the Congress of the 
 International at the Hague clearly defined two separate policies, 
 both aiming at an eventual Communism, — Marx and the Socialists 
 
Socialism in France. 75 
 
 striving for it through a peaceable and political capture of the 
 State; Bakunin and the "Autonomists," or "Anarchist Com- 
 munists," striving for it through a violent destruction of the State. 
 The latter plan naturally most appealed to the hot blood of men 
 rankling under long oppression ; but gradually the more thoughtful 
 came to see the futility of this method and the hopelessness of 
 Anarchy. They saw that Marxian Socialism stood really for a 
 deeper revolution and a more practical and actually a speedier 
 way. In 1876 Guesde returned to Paris a Marxian Socialist. In 
 1879 amnesty was granted to the Communards, and they returned ; 
 Malon from Italy, Brousse from London, where, after leaving 
 Geneva, he had been influenced to Collectivism by Marx himself. 
 A strong party was developed for Collectivism. The Egalite, the 
 Prolitaire, the Droits de F Homme, more or less formally committed 
 to Collectivism, at least spread the thought. The Cri du Peuple, 
 founded and edited by Jules Vallfes, had, since 1876, been doing 
 good work. Collectivist ideas began to dominate the trades unions. 
 General congresses of working men were held at Paris in 1876 and 
 Lyons in 1878, and were largely Socialistic. The congress of 1879 
 at Marseilles was Socialist in everything except name. 
 
 But Collectivism was not easily to triumph. French Com- 
 munist Anarchism was still strong, and represented by men of 
 ability and standing, like Kropotkine and Reclus, still more by 
 spirits of intense and fanatic devotion, such as has furnished the 
 modern dynamiters, a Vaillant and a Henri. It had an organ of 
 marked literary ability. La Rholte, founded by Kropotkine in 
 Geneva and transferred to Paris ; it had a paper, Le Pire Piinard, 
 written in Parisian argot, and appealing to the workmen of the 
 streets with impassioned violence. Not at once did French 
 Socialism clear itself from such Anarchism. The Socialist 
 movement became divided. The right wing was for bargaining 
 with the political Radicals and for practising co-operation, and 
 was hence called Opportunist or Co-operatist ; the left wing 
 worked with the Anarchists ; only the centre was for Marxian 
 Collectivism. In 1880, at the congress at Havre, division be- 
 came open. The majority favouring independent political Collec- 
 
76 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 tivist agitation, the right wing, which desired to work through 
 existing political groups, defected, and formed the Alliance 
 Socialiste R'epublicaine, and held congresses of its own at Paris 
 in 1881 and Bordeaux in 1882. The Anarchist wing renounced 
 Socialism altogether. The great majority, the centre, thus free to 
 act, declared for Marxian Socialism, and formed themselves into 
 the Parti Ouvrier Socialiste Revolutionnaire de France, This 
 organisation held a congress at Rheims, November 21, 1881, and 
 declared Le Proletaire its organ. 
 
 But even this organisation itself divided. The question was 
 whether to agitate for a complete Socialist programme at once, or 
 for portions of it step by step as might seem at the time possible. 
 Those accepting the latter policy were called Possibilists, the 
 former Guesdists, from their leader, M. Jules Guesde (see 
 Appendix A). 
 
 Still another division took place. M. Brousse split the con- 
 gress of 1882 at St. Etienne on a vote endorsing, instead of a 
 highly centralised Collectivism, a decentralised one, emphasising 
 the function of the commune. He carried his point, 36 to 27, 
 and formed the Broussist group. This group soon became one of 
 the largest, and in 1889 succeeded in electing M. Joffrin to the 
 Chamber of Deputies, while it has frequently had nine members 
 in the Municipal Council of Paris. Brousse himself, however, as 
 we have seen, always changeable, now calls himself a Republican 
 Radical. Besides these groups there exists, mainly in the Cham- 
 ber of Deputies, still another group, founded by followers of the 
 old Communist Blanqui, and hence called Blanquists. 
 
 Such are still to-day the main French Socialist groups, save that 
 the Alliance Socialiste Rtpublicaine has practically ceased to exist 
 as an organisation, and that the Possibilists who do not follow M. 
 Brousse are now called Allemanists, from their leader, Jean Alle- 
 mane, editor of their organ, Le Parti Ouvrier. Too much, how- 
 ever, must not be made of these differences. The groups often 
 unite, and their numbers continually change. At first elections 
 in France each Socialist group usually nominates its own candi- 
 date; but on second ballots, which are common in the French 
 
Socialism in France. 77 
 
 system, they usually unite on the Sociahst candidate of any group 
 who has received the most votes. Moreover, the present tendency 
 is towards a closer union. The National Socialist Congresses 
 have always been attended more or less by all the groups, while 
 the various International Congresses have still further tended to 
 bring the groups together. Nevertheless, this division into groups 
 long kept the movement backward, though perhaps bringing out 
 the development of various points in the theory of Socialism 
 which would otherwise have been undeveloped. As late as 1889, 
 the Socialists cast only 91,000 votes out of 6,847,000, or i"3o per 
 cent. In 1891, however, they cast 549,000, or nearly 9 per cent. ; 
 and in 1893, at least 900,000 votes, increasing the number of their 
 deputies from fifteen to fifty-three, without counting such Socialist 
 Radicals as MM. Goblet and Pelletan, who are now, however, 
 declared Socialists. A French writer in the appendix to Prof. 
 Ely's Socialism and Social Reform gives the following statistics as 
 to the present strength of the various groups : — ■ 
 
 " The Broussists have more adherents in Paris than the other 
 schools, and the Allemanists are notably in the minority there. 
 In the provinces, on the other hand, the Collectivists are domin- 
 ant. An exception, however, ought to be made of the Depart- 
 ment des Ardennes, where all the Socialists are Allemanists ; Jean 
 Baptist Clement, who was the apostle of Socialism and the organiser 
 of the Socialistic forces in this region, belonging to this school. 
 
 " The Socialistic party has no representatives in the Senate. In 
 the Chamber of Deputies there are about sixty SociaHstic deputies 
 (fifty -three SociaHsts and seven SociaUst Radicals), among whom 
 the following are the most important in each group : — 
 
 " Collectivists : MM. Guesde, Chauvin, Pierre Vaux. 
 
 "Blanquists: MM. Vaillant, Chauviferes, Walter (recently 
 Mayor of St. Denis), Ernest Roche. 
 
 " Possibilists (Broussists) : MM. Prudent-DerviUiers, Lavy. 
 
 " Possibilists (Allemanists) : MM. Fab6rot, Groussier, Coutant, 
 Dejeante, Avez, Toussaint. 
 
 " Independents : MM. Millerand, Jaures, Viviani, Clovis- 
 Hugues, Sembat, Thierry, Cazes, Goujat, Mirman." 
 
78 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 In the Municipal Council of Paris there are seventeen Socialists 
 and nineteen Socialist Radicals. 
 
 Says Prof. Ely, concerning French Socialists (Socialism and 
 Social Reform, p. 63) : — 
 
 " They have become so strong that they do not seem to have 
 been injured by the tendency to reaction necessarily following upon 
 the explosion of the dynamite bomb thrown among the French 
 deputies by the recently executed Anarchist, Vaillant, and the 
 attempts to make the people of France regard the Socialists as 
 responsible appear to have been fruitless. This unquestionably 
 means a great deal. 
 
 " It is also significant that Paris, the second city of the world 
 in size, is, like London, under the government of a Socialist Muni- 
 cipal Council, and that some five or six other French cities are 
 governed by Municipal Councils, the majority of whose members 
 are either avowed Socialists or are socialistically inclined. 
 
 " The students of France, like those of Germany, seem to be 
 more or less receptive to Socialism ; for a Socialistic society was 
 formed in the student quarter, the well-known Latin Quarter, 
 of Paris in 1891, and it seems to have displayed considerable 
 activity since that time. 
 
 " Very nearly the same demands are found in the programmes 
 of all the Socialist schools. Citizen Vaillant (this Vaillant must 
 not be confounded with the recently executed Anarchist) said in 
 one of his latest election circulars that the necessary, point of de- 
 parture was the conquest by the Socialists of the political power, 
 which would lead to the revolution bringing liberty to all, to the 
 annihilation of the capitalistic regime, to the emancipation of the 
 working class, to de facto equality, to the well-being of the man 
 and the citizen in the solidarity of the Social Republic. M. Vail- 
 lant demanded that Parliamentarism be replaced by direct govern- 
 ment of the people by the people, the abolition of militarism and 
 the creation of a national militia, amnesty, the abolition of appro- 
 priations to churches, the resumption of Church property, progres- 
 sive taxation, the municipaUsation and nationalisation of the 
 services of credit, of the supply of provisions, food, work, etc. 
 
Socialism in France. 79 
 
 " If to these demands in the programme we add those for the 
 abohtion of Court fees, for elective and removable magistrates, 
 jury trials in all cases, the obligation of all representatives to 
 follow the instructions of their constituents, free instruction in all 
 schools, complete separation of the civil service and elective 
 offices, taxation upon capital and income, pensions for old age 
 and invalidism, we shall have very nearly all the demands which 
 are formulated in the election programmes of the Socialists. 
 
 " The groups differ mainly in the methods they endorse. While 
 the Collectivists would mainly place social organisation in the 
 hands of the State, the Blanquists, Allemanists, and Possibilists 
 have a very marked preference for decentralisation and adminis- 
 tration by free communes. The Broussists are distinguished 
 somewhat from the others with respect to this point, namely, that 
 they are less revolutionary, and are willing to form alliances with 
 the established government as a means to accomplish their 
 purposes." 
 
 The Farti Ouvrier Socialiste Rtvoluiionnaire Fran^ais more 
 or less unites all the groups, being divided into sections composed 
 of the Chambers, Syndicates, Co-operative Societies, and Groups 
 and Circles of Socialist propaganda and study. It should be 
 noted that in France almost all the trades unions are Socialists. 
 The programme of the Farti Ouvrier declares for the socialisation 
 of all the means of production, to prepare the way for a Com- 
 munism, to which each will contribute in service according to his 
 ability, and from which he shall receive according to his needs. 
 It declares for the maintenance of a strict class movement of the 
 Prol'etariat, without any alliance with the Bourgeoisie, since the 
 Socialist ideal can only be reahsed through 'a revolution towards 
 which the party moves, striving to gain political control of the 
 communes (municipalities) and the Government. To this end 
 the programme names the following measures : — 
 
 A. Political. 
 
 1. All communes to elect their own mayors, and of&cers, and com- 
 missioners. 
 
8o Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 2. Payment of all members of town oomioils and officers of the com- 
 munes. 
 
 3. Reference of all important questions, suoh as those of loans, the 
 budget, etc., to ratification by the popular vote. 
 
 4. Publication of all municipal decisions, and buildings belonging to 
 the commune to be given for the use of vyorking men's unions and other 
 groups of electors. 
 
 5. Civil and political equality for men and women. 
 
 6. Arbitration in judicial matters by arbitrators elected by the com- 
 mune. 
 
 7. Disbanding of the standing army, and general arming of the people. 
 
 8. Removal of all officials to be submitted to the local bureau of the 
 working men's party, an assembly of groups alone being allowed to re- 
 move. 
 
 9. The members of the party to be allowed to accept no position on 
 committees of the town councils, unless the majority of the committee are 
 Socialists. 
 
 10. Freedom of coalition and agreement between different communes. 
 
 11. Each town councillor to vote against all propositions of senatorial 
 
 B. Economic. 
 
 1. No further disposal of communal property, but addition to the com- 
 munal estate of all property arising from future expropriation. 
 
 2. Munioipalisation of all public service, such as gasworks, tramways, 
 etc. , and their conduct by the communes either free or at net cost. 
 
 3. All payments of rent in advance to be forbidden, and a tax of 20 per 
 cent, to be placed upon buildings not rented and lots not occupied. 
 
 i. Education of all children given to the communes to maintain. 
 
 5. General extension of communal statistical records. 
 
 6. Organisation by society of the various forms of insurance and assur- 
 ance, and maintenance at public expense of all the aged and those too 
 infirm to work. 
 
 7. Suppression of private employment bureaux and extension of public 
 labour exchanges {Bova-ses du Travail). 
 
 8. Abolition of all city tolls {octrois} and all taxes on communes, and 
 their replacement by rapidly progressive taxes on all incomes over 3000 frs. 
 (£120) and all inheritances over 20,000 frs. (£800). 
 
 9. Obligatory intervention by the commune in industrial matters : (1) 
 By measures preventing prison labour from competition with free labour ; 
 (2) by subsidies given to trades unions on strike ; (3) by regulations secur- 
 ing public safety, and forbidding all work at wages less than those fixed by 
 the trades unions. 
 
Socialism in France. gj 
 
 The programme of the Guesdists or Marxists is :— 
 
 A. Political. 
 
 1. Abolition of all laws restricting freedom of the press, of association, 
 and meeting. 
 
 2. Abolition of the budget of public worship, and secularisation of 
 ecclesiastical property. 
 
 3. Abolition of national debt. 
 
 4. Universal military service on the part of the people (in place of 
 standing armies). 
 
 5. Communal independence in police and local affairs. 
 
 B. Economic. 
 
 1. One day of rest in the week under legal requirement. An eight 
 hours' working day for adults, and a six hours' day for young persons 
 between Xi and 16. Prohibition of work for all under 14. 
 
 2. Legal determination of a minimum of wages each year, in accord- 
 ance with the price of provisions. 
 
 3. Equality of wages for men and women. 
 
 4. Maintenance and scientific and technical education by the commime 
 of all children. 
 
 5. Public support of the aged and infirm. 
 
 6. Sole control and management by workers themselves of all funds for 
 the relief of the working classes. 
 
 7. Employers' liability guaranteed by deposits from employees. 
 
 8. Participation of working men in drawing factory regulations ; aboli- 
 tion of fines in factories, etc. 
 
 9. Revision of all agreements by which public property or franchises 
 have been given to private companies (banks, railways, mines, etc.). The 
 management of all State factories by the workmen employed in them. 
 
 10. Abolition of all indirect taxes, and in their place a progressive 
 income tax on all incomes above 8000 frs. 
 
 11. Abolition of the right of inheritance, except in the line of direct 
 descent, and in the latter of fortunes above 20,000 frs. 
 
 The Broussists, or Municipalists, demand for the communes 
 control of their own police, soldiers, civil administration, and 
 judiciary. They advocate the municipalisation of the supply of 
 gaslight and water, of local transportation, of bakehouses and 
 granaries and meat-shops. They would have the municipalities 
 
 6 
 
82 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 (communes) establish productive factories and associations, to be 
 managed by working men. 
 
 Such is an outline of French Democratic Socialism. From 
 Anarchism it is now wholly free. The Anarchists attack Socialism 
 as bitterly as Capitalism, and call Socialism " the modern Pope ". 
 French Sociahsts have nothing to do with Anarchism, and call it 
 mistaken folly. 
 
 Of Christian Socialism in France we treat in a forthcoming 
 book. It is wholly diflferent from English or American Christian 
 Socialism, really not Socialism at all. Of academic Socialism 
 there is not much in France : what little there is, is referred to in 
 chapter xiii. State Socialism, too, is only slightly developed, 
 although the larger cities, and especially Paris, have a growing 
 municipalism. 
 
 Since the suppression of the Baarse dw Travail, the large building once 
 furnished by the city for the trades unions, Paris has no general Socialist 
 headquarters, although the office of La Petite lUpublique, 142 Eue Mont- 
 martre, is, to some extent, the central point of aU the groups. An un- 
 official Boy/rse du Travail has lately been founded (80 Bue de Bondy) by 
 several of the larger trades unions. 
 
 The best books on French Socialism available to the English reader are 
 Laveleye's and Bae's works on Contemporary Socialism (latest editions) for 
 the earlier periods, with the appendix to Ely's Socialism amd Social Reform 
 for the present situation. Malon has a History of Socialism (in French) 
 and Jager (in German). A very good account is contained in Stigman and 
 Hugo's Sandbuch des Socialismus. For French Socialist newspapers, see 
 Appendix 0. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 SOCIALISM IN GERMANY. 
 
 German Socialism begins in philosophy. Hegel, living in the 
 stirring times of the French Revolution and of the Napoleonic 
 Wars, and conceiving of all things, even of God, as an eternal 
 process, early taught that society was a unit, developing from 
 lower to higher unities (the individual, the family, the State, the 
 nation, the world), each unity reahsing and not destroying the 
 lower unity. It is not hard, to see how, with this philosophy, 
 Hegel became the teacher of Marx, Lassalle, Bakunin, and many 
 other Socialists. As early as 1797, he had written a commentary 
 on Sir James Stewart's Inquiry into the Principles of Political 
 Economy, but only in 182 1 published his Philosophy of Right. 
 Meanwhile B'ichte, starting from the conception of the Ego, 
 taught that property was the result of the activity of the Ego, and 
 the State the resultant of the union of individual Egos ; but that if 
 any man had not the opportunity to work, he had no necessity 
 for respecting the rights of property, since in his case the State 
 had not fulfilled its implied contract. Labour and distribution, 
 he taught, should be collectively organised, and his State is a Uto- 
 pian commonwealth, organised on the principles of pure reason. 
 His Naturrecht was pubhshed in 1796, and his Staatslehre in 
 1820. Thus, with Hegel's socialistic philosophy and Fichte's 
 socialistic turning of an individuahstic philosophy, coupled with 
 his noble, spiritual, and patriotic life, German philosophy early 
 received a strong socialistic bias. 
 
 This, too, was in accord with the German mediaeval concep- 
 tion of the Christian paternal state. The house of Brandenburg, 
 and especially Frederick the Great, devoted unusual attention to 
 
84 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 the economic condition of their territories. It was the proud 
 boast of Frederick the Great that he was " le roi des gueux ". 
 He himself established industrial undertakings for the country's 
 good, at one time devoting (1783) 260,000 thalers from his own 
 purse to reform Prussian mining and smelting. The State im- 
 ported raw material, and sold it to workers at a low price. He 
 established a State-post, and built roads and canals. Asked to 
 sanction a tax on meat and bread, he returned the official docu- 
 ment with the note : " I will never agree to make the poor man's 
 bread and meat dearer ; I am the advocate of the poor ". 
 
 The spirit of his successors has been the same. Under 
 Frederick William II., Prussian prestige, both politically and 
 commercially, suffered a great blow, but the common law in his 
 reign did more than any prince. This law, begun by the Elector 
 Jahann Georg (1571-1598), was completed by Frederick William 
 II., coming into force, July i, 1794. The Prussian Landrecht 
 discourages idleness, recognises the right of every citizen to work, 
 and proclaims the State to be the natural protector of the poorer 
 classes. It contains the following clauses : — 
 
 1. It is the duty of the State to provide for the sustenance and 
 support of those of its citizens who cannot . . . procure subsistence 
 themselves. 
 
 2. Work adapted to their strength and capacities shall be supplied to 
 those who lack means and opportunity of earning a livelihood for them- 
 selves and those dependent upon them. 
 
 3. Those who, from laziness, love of idleness, or other irregular pro- 
 clivities, do not choose to employ the means offered them of earning a 
 livelihood, shall be kept to useful work by compulsion and punishment 
 under proper control. 
 
 4. The State is entitled and is bound to take such measures as vsrill 
 prevent the destitution of its citizens and check excessive extravagance. 
 
 5. The police authority of every place must provide for all poor and 
 destitute persons, whose subsistence cannot be ensured in any other way. 
 
 It was upon these clauses that Prince Bismarck relied, when 
 on May 9, 1884, he declared to the Reichstag his recognition of 
 the labourer's " right to work " {Recht auf Arbeit). 
 
 The philosophic and somewhat paternal Socialism of Hegel 
 
Socialism in Germany. 85 
 
 and Fichte was thus not alien to the older German political 
 traditions. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the early part of the nineteenth century the 
 prevalent political, and especially the prevalent economic, ideas 
 of Germany were individualistic. German statesmen and econo- 
 mists drew their ideas at this time mainly from England and the 
 orthodox economy of Adam Smith. Particularly was this true of 
 the Stein-Hardenberg legislation of Prussia. While appealing to 
 a sense of national unity, it was nevertheless a policy of laissez 
 faire. It, however, prepared the way for Democratic Socialism. 
 Germany more than most countries of Europe, perhaps because 
 of the lack of a strong centralised power to break the power of 
 the old guilds and free cities, was in the control of innumerable 
 special privileges, rights and monopolies, granted to the old 
 guilds and corporations. Her industrial life was fettered by a 
 thousand imposts and tolls and tariffs at the boundary of every 
 petty State. This mass of special privileges and imposts had to 
 be done away with by the free trade poUcy and the laissez faire 
 philosophy of the Stein legislation. 
 
 It was similar in its results to the work of the French Revolu- 
 tion. It accomplished changes of the same kind and comparable 
 in extent, though by a perfectly regular process. In Bavaria a 
 movement towards social reform was made as early as 1808, 
 when serfage was aboUshed, and the agrarian laws in general 
 were softened. 
 
 Nevertheless, by no means all was accomplished. After Stein 
 and Hardenberg, a period of reaction followed. .The old police 
 r'egime was continued, the printing press was subjected to stringent 
 control, and popular liberty was gradually hemmed into the old 
 limits; the ancient absolute State was, in fact, revived. In 
 some places the press censorship was so severe that even visiting 
 cards could not be printed until the signature of the censor had 
 been obtained. 
 
 Such was the condition of things in Germany when the revolu- 
 tions of 1848 awoke Europe. A socialistic philosophy, an indi-' 
 vidualistic political economy, the traditions of a paternal State, 
 
86 Hcmdbook of Socialism. 
 
 and a spirit of democracy and of revolution in the younger 
 minds, — such were the influences out of which has come German 
 Socialism. 
 
 Even previous to the revolution of 1848, there were a few 
 voices for Socialism in Germany. Heinrich Gall in 1819 gave 
 up an official position to battle for Socialism. Wilhelm Weitling, 
 often called the Father of German Communism (Socialism), had, 
 before his removal to America in 1848, travelled all over Germany 
 and into France preaching Communism. Declaring that he had 
 been converted to Communism by the reading of the New Testa^ 
 ment, his Socialism was of the Utopian type of Fourier and Cabet. 
 Karl Grun, like Marx and Lassalle, a Hegelian, had in 1842 be- 
 come editor of a Mannheim journal, and advocated Socialist ideas. 
 As early as 1838, Frederick Wilhelm IV. had invited Huber to 
 Berlin to publish the Janus, a Christian State Socialistic paper, 
 which chiefly advocated co-operation. The main early voices for 
 Socialism were the young Hegelians. 
 
 In 1842, Marx had become editor of the Rheinische Zeitung at 
 Cologne, and had edited it so radically that it was suppressed 
 in 1843, when he had gone to Paris, to find Engels and other 
 Socialists there, and to there edit a paper till he was expelled in 
 1845. Going with Engels to Brussels, he came in 1847 into cor- 
 respondence with some Communists in London, and founded 
 there a Communist League. By the authorisation of this league, 
 early in 1848, he and Engels published from Brussels a Manifesto 
 of " The Communist Party," which became the first formal utter- 
 ance of modern Socialism. 
 
 There was one more important voice for Socialism in Germany 
 prior to 1848. Karl Rodbertus, or Jagetzow, as he is called 
 from his estates in Pomerania, took little active part in the direct 
 Socialist movement ; but many, like Wagner, the distinguished 
 State Socialist of Germany, declare Rodbertus to be the first, 
 the most original, and the boldest representative of scientific 
 Socialism. Born at Griefswald, in Old Swedish Pomerania, he 
 held various professorial and' political positions, but never held 
 them long, owing to his Radical views. He decUned an offer of 
 
Socialism in Germany. 87 
 
 nobility, yet signed himself Rodbertus Jagetzow. At first a demo- 
 crat, he was in the latter part of his life able to support much of 
 Prince Bismarck's State Socialism. He held that all wealth is the 
 result of labour, and that since the capitalist class, as capitalists, 
 did not labour, they won their livelihood by the labour of others. 
 He developed with much acumen the theory of surplus labour, 
 which Marx later more brilliantly, but less substantially, enunci- 
 ated. His cure was State ownership of land and capital ; and 
 since all wealth was the result of labour, the recognition of labour- 
 time as the equitable basis of exchange value. He sought this 
 not through revolution, but evolution, the development of a strong 
 executive power, in a State Socialism. Rodbertus was eminently 
 a student ; and when Lassalle wrote him urging him to assist in 
 the actual movement for Socialism, Rodbertus was unable to see 
 his way to combine economics and agitation. His chief work 
 was pubhshed in 1842. 
 
 Such were the influences for Socialism that existed in Germany 
 prior to 1848, when the revolutions burst upon Europe. 
 
 The Socialist Movement. 
 
 In Prussia the demand in 1848 was for constitutional govern- 
 ment, freedom of rehgion and of the press, the right of coaHtion, 
 etc., with demands here and there by the Proletariat for the 
 organisation of labour. State employment of the unemployed, etc. 
 In Berlin blood was shed. The king, Frederick William IV., 
 promised reforms and the reorganisation of Germany. Berlin 
 continued in a state of tumult for several months. At Constance 
 a German Republic was proclaimed, but was easily put down by 
 the government troops. Similar uprisings occurred at Freiburg, 
 Dresden, and in other places. The National Assembly was 
 called at Frankfort, where Bismarck won his first laurels in gain- 
 ing the leadership of Prussia. 
 
 The effect of the revolution upon the social movement was 
 twofold. First, it freed the working man, by giving him political 
 power in the new constitutions that were proclaimed. Second, it 
 
Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 called out the Socialist leaders. Marx came from Brussels and 
 advocated Socialism in the JVeue Rheinische Zeitung till he was 
 finally expelled from the country in 1849, the last number of the 
 paper appearing in red ink. Lassalle, at Diisseldorf, called upon 
 the citizens to arm to resist the illegal dissolution of the National 
 Assembly. He was accused of treason, and sentenced to im- 
 prisonment for three months. Bakunin took a prominent part in 
 the Dresden insurrection. 
 
 But the time for Socialist organisation was not yet. The only 
 industrial organisations eifected immediately after the revolution 
 were various clubs, mainly under the patronage of the Liberal 
 party, and the co-operative land banks and societies, organised by 
 Schulze-Delitzsch. In Berlin, however, Lassalle's utterances were 
 growing more radical; and on April 12, 1862, sometimes called 
 the birthday of German Socialism, being invited to lecture before 
 a working man's club, he argued that the revolution of 1848 had 
 politically freed the Fourth Estate, even as the French Revolution 
 freed the Third Estate, and that henceforth working men must 
 organise for industrial freedom. He was arrested, and sentenced 
 to imprisonment, which was later commuted to a fine. A central 
 committee of working men's clubs in Leipsic now wrote Lassalle 
 calling on him to outline a policy ; and he did so in an Open 
 Letter, which has been called the charter of German Socialism. 
 He was next invited to appear, together with Schulze-Delitzsch, 
 before the Leipsic workmen, both to advocate their respective 
 plans. He did so, and carried the meeting by a vote of 1300 to 
 7. Addressing a meeting at Frankfort, he defeated the followers 
 of Schulze-Delitzsch by a vote of 400 to 41 . 
 
 Encouraged by these successes, Lassalle now organised at 
 Leipsic, on May 23, 1863, the Universal German Working Man's 
 Association, which was destined to grow into the Social Demo- 
 cratic Party. Lassalle's programme was one of industrial organ- 
 isation for production with State help. Into this movement 
 I Lassalle now put all his energy. The apathy of the working men 
 was his chief obstacle, but he succeeded in rousing them. He 
 made speech after speech, wrote tract after tract, held meeting 
 
Socialism in Germany. 8g 
 
 after meeting. All the time he was fighting the courts in trial 
 after trial, defending himself, and usually winning. Berlin, 
 Leipsic, Frankfort, and the industrial centres on the Rhine were 
 the chief scenes of his activity. His greatest success was on the 
 Rhine, where, in the summer of 1863 and 1864, his travels as 
 missionary of the new Gospel resembled a triumphal procession. 
 He claimed that he had converted the king, Bismarck, and the 
 Bishop of Mayence. Bismarck certainly received this remarkable 
 man into his friendship, a friendship which may be regarded as 
 historic because of its political results. 
 
 But Lassalle had now reached the height of his career. Worn 
 out with over-exertions, he went to Switzerland for rest ; and there 
 made the love-acquaintance which, through a duel, resulted in his 
 death, August 31, 1864. 
 
 But his death in itself worked for Socialism. It created the 
 greatest interest. Heine called him the Messiah of the Nine- 
 teenth Century. The people called him the Father of Social 
 Democracy. 
 
 Becker, chosen as Lassalle's successor, was a failure ; still the 
 work went on, first under Becker and then Schweitzer. Mean- 
 while, in London, at the end of September, 1864, the famous 
 International Working Men's Association was established, and 
 Marx was made its president. With the principles of this organ- 
 isation Liebknecht, who had already joined Lassalle's association, 
 and who in time won August Bebel over to his side, was in com- 
 plete sympathy ; and though he continued to profess allegiance to 
 the more moderate proposals of the German Association, he was 
 known to be promoting the influence of the International. 
 
 The International stood for the organisation of the people 
 without aid from present State governments. Its end was " the 
 joint action, the advancement, and the complete emancipation of 
 the working class ". The unit of the association was the section. 
 Lassalle's association demanded aid from the present State. 
 Neither organisation was so radical as the International later 
 became. 
 
 Bebel, originally a follower of Schulze-Delitzsch, and, at the 
 
go Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 time of his alliance with Liebknecht, president of a Working 
 Men's Association at Leipsic, founded on the principles of 
 Schulze, but transferred to Lassalle, became in the autumn of 
 1867 president of the Union of Working Men's Associations ; and 
 the following year, at the annual congress, was instrumental with 
 Liebknecht in inducing a large majority of the associations to 
 accept the programme of the International. 
 
 Liebknecht and Bebel were encouraged to make renewed en- 
 deavours to detach Schweitzer's adherents, but for the present 
 they were only slightly successful. In the following year, 1869, 
 however, the Social Democratic Working Men's Party was formed 
 at Eisenach out of the " internationalised " Union of Working 
 Men's Associations and the seceded members of the Universal. 
 A conference was first called for August 7. The congress met, 
 and did all that its promoters expected of it. It is estimated that 
 the 262 delegates who avowed Internationalist principles at this 
 congress represented 150,000 working men, though two-thirds of 
 them belonged to Austria and Switzerland. 
 
 The party adopted as its organ the Volksblatt, as the JDemo- 
 kratisches Wochenblatt was rechristened, and the work of propa- 
 gandism was eagerly begun. In June, 1870, a second congress 
 was held at Stuttgart. In December, 1870, Liebknecht, Bebel, 
 and Hepner, the responsible editor of the party organ, were 
 arrested for the publication of treasonable writings. They were 
 tried early in 1872, Liebknecht being sent to prison for two years, 
 and Bebel for two years and nine months, while Hepner was re- 
 leased. The anti-national policy pursued in the party camp was 
 also pursued by the Socialists who held seats in the Reichstag. 
 Holding fast to the idea of a Republic, they voted against war 
 grants, and opposed the Kaiser and Reich. The Reichstag was 
 dissolved in December, and in the succeeding elections the Social 
 Democrats lost ground. 
 
 In 1874, however, ten members of the Social Democratic 
 Party, three belonging to the Lassalle and seven to the Eisenach 
 section, were returned to the Reichstag by 450,000 votes. Bebel 
 and Liebknecht were still in prison, but they were nevertheless 
 
Socialism in Germany. 91 
 
 elected along with Hasenclever, Most, Vahlteich, and others. 
 Socialism was now becoming such a power in the State that the 
 Government determined to be more stringent. House searches 
 were made in great number, and when Hasenclever, the president, 
 removed to Bremen, the association was declared by the police 
 to be dissolved in Prussia under the Association Law of 1850, 
 which forbade the combination of political organisations. The 
 Social Democratic Working Men's Party shared the same fate, 
 and nearly all the trades associations which had been formed by 
 Schweitzer came likewise beneath the ban of the law. Misfor- 
 tune brought the two rival parties together, and negotiations for 
 the drawing up of a common programme were entered into by 
 Liebknecht and Geib for the Social Democrats, and Hasenclever 
 and his henchman, Hasselmann, for the Lassalle party. Lieb- 
 knecht's endeavours were at last crowned with success : the 
 German Socialists were united in one body. A congress held at 
 Gotha in May, 1875, completed the union. At this meeting 9000 
 members of the Eisenach party (representing 144 places) and 
 15,000 members of the Lassalle party (representing 148 places) 
 were represented, the number of the delegates being 125. The 
 programme then adopted became the basis of the great agitation 
 which followed and extended to all parts of Germany. 
 
 Such is the account of the founding of the Social Democratic 
 Party, the last details of which we have abridged from Dawson's 
 German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle. The Gotha programme 
 is as follows : — 
 
 1. Laboiir is the source of all wealth and all culture, and as useful 
 work in general is possible only through society, so to society — that is, to 
 all its members — belongs the entire product of labour by an equal right, to 
 each one according to his reasonable wants, — all being bound to work. 
 
 In the existing society the instruments of labour are a monopoly of the 
 capitalist class; the subjection of the working class thus arising is the 
 cause of misery and servitude in every form. 
 
 The emancipation of the working class demands the transformation of 
 the instruments of labour into the common property of society and the 
 co-operative control of the total labour, with application of the product of 
 labour to the common good, and just distribution of the same. 
 
92 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 The emancipation of labour must be the work of the labouring class, 
 in contrast to which all other classes are only a reactionary mass. 
 
 2. Proceeding from these principles, the Socialistic working men's 
 party of Germany aims by all legal means at the establishment of the free 
 State and the Socialistic society, to destroy the iron law of wages by 
 abolishing the system of wage-labour, to put a term to exploitation in 
 every form, to remove all social and political inequahty. 
 
 The Socialistic working men's party of Germany, though working first 
 of all within the national limits, is conscious of the international character 
 of the labour movement, and resolved to fulfil all duties which this imposes 
 on the workmen, in order to realise the universal brotherhood of men. 
 
 In order to prepare the way for, the solution of the social question, the 
 Socialistic working men's party of Germany demands the establishment of 
 Socialistic productive associations with State help under the democratic 
 control of the labouring people. The productive associations are to be 
 founded on such a scale both for industry and agriculture that out of them 
 may develop the Socialistic organisation of the total labour. 
 
 The Socialistic working men's party demands as bases of the State — 
 (1) universal, equal, and direct right of electing and voting, with secret and 
 obhgatory voting, of all citizens from twenty years of age for all elections and 
 deliberations in the State and local bodies ; the day of election or voting 
 must be a Sunday or holiday ; (2) direct legislation by the people ; ques- 
 tions of war and peace to be decided by the people ; (3) universal military 
 duty ; a people's army in place of the standing armies ; (4) aboUtion of all 
 exceptional laws, especially as regards the press, unions, and meetings, 
 and generally of aU laws which restrict freedom of thought and inquiry ; 
 (S) administration of justice by the people ; free justice ; (6) universal and 
 equal education by the State ; compulsory education ; free education 
 in all pubhc places of instruction ; religion declared to be a private 
 concern. 
 
 Within the existing society the Socialistic working men's party of 
 Germany demands — (1) greatest possible extension of political rights and 
 liberties in the sense of the above demands ; (2) a single progressive income 
 tax for State and local purposes, instead of the existing taxes, and especi- 
 ally of the indirect taxes that oppress the people ; (3) unrestricted right of 
 combination ; (4) a normal working day corresponding to the needs of 
 society; prohibition of Sunday labour ; (5) prohibition of labour of children, 
 and of aU women's work injurious to health and morahty ; (6) laws for the 
 protection of the life and health of workmen ; sanitary control of work- 
 men's dwellings ; inspection of mines, factories, workshops, and house 
 labour by of&cials chosen by the workmen ; an eHective Employers' Liability 
 Act ; (7) regulation of prison labour ; (8) workmen's funds to be under the 
 entire control of the workmen. 
 
Socialism in Germany. 93 
 
 We now come to the era of the attempted repression of 
 Democratic Socialism by Bismarck, an account which again we 
 condense from the full account by Dawson : " On May 11, 1878, 
 while driving in the Linden, in Berlin, with his daughter, the 
 Grand Duchess of Baden, the Emperor William was shot at by a 
 young man named Hodel, an ignorant fellow of low character. 
 Two shots were fired from a pistol, but both failed to take effect. 
 The nation was horrified, and two days later an Anti-Socialist 
 Bill was introduced in the Reichstag. The conviction was widely 
 shared that Hodel, who three months later suffered death at 
 Berlin, was an instrument of the Social Democratic party ; and 
 natural conclusions were drawn from the fact that when captured 
 photographs of Liebknecht, Bebel, and other prominent Socialist 
 leaders were found on his person." 
 
 The Socialist deputies denounced the proposals as " an unex- 
 ampled attempt on popular freedom," and the Government was 
 defeated. No sooner had the Reichstag refused to pass the law 
 than another attempt was made upon the life of the aged sove- 
 reign. This time the would-be assassin was a Dr. Karl Nobiling, 
 who on June 2, 1878, fired at the emperor from an upper window 
 in the Linden and severely wounded him. The cry for repressive 
 measures against the Socialists became general. 
 
 Another law was now proposed — the " Law against the pub- 
 licly-dangerous endeavours of Social Democracy". The bill as 
 introduced consisted of twenty-two clauses, and as approved it 
 gave to the executive and the police very extensive powers. The 
 Begrundung set forth the reason as being that " Social Democracy 
 has declared war against the State and society, and has proclaimed 
 their subversion to be its aim. It has thus forsaken the ground 
 of equal right for all, and it cannot complain if the law should 
 only be exercised in its favour to the extent consistent with the 
 security and order of the State." 
 
 The debate which took place on the bill was one of historical 
 importance, for Prince Bismarck expounded his economic and 
 social views with a freedom and candour which astonished many, 
 and paved the way for an open avowal of the policy of State 
 
94 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Socialism. The debate lasted two long days. The SociaUst 
 party endeavoured to clear itself of complicity in the two attempts 
 on the emperor ; but it was answered that even although Hodel 
 and Nobiling might not have been the emissaries of the party, the 
 very essence of Socialism and Communism was hatred of the 
 ruling classes. Bebel declared : — 
 
 " We wish to abohsh the present form of private property in 
 the instruments of production and means of labour, as well as in 
 land. That is a fact which we have never denied. But so far 
 Social Democracy has never forcibly taken or destroyed private 
 property to the value of a nickel — Fiinfer [5 Pfennigs or about |d.], 
 nor does it wish to attack private property with the intention of 
 ruining the individuals." 
 
 On this ground he opposed a bill that proposed to attack the 
 legally-acquired property of Socialists and their sympathisers by 
 the confiscation of newspapers and publications. He twitted 
 Prince Bismarck for associating with Socialists like Lassalle, an 
 act which could only serve to confirm the working classes in the 
 beUef that their Socialistic convictions were right, and instanced 
 Rodbertus, Von Thiinen, Rau, Lange, Schaffle, Roscher, Wagner, 
 Samter, Von Scheel, Brentano, and SchmoUer as political econo- 
 mists more or less Socialistic. 
 
 The bill became law on October 19 — after Liebknecht had 
 declared that it could " neither be made better nor worse," and 
 the Progressist leader, Richter, had said : " I fear Social Democ- 
 racy more under this law than without it," and on the 21st it 
 was promulgated. The division showed 221 members to be in 
 favour of the measure, and 149 against it. 
 
 The law prohibited the formation or existence of organisations 
 which seek by Social Democratic, Sociahstic, or Communistic 
 movements to subvert the present State and society. The prohi- 
 bition also extended to organisations exhibiting tendencies which 
 threaten to endanger the public peace and amity between classes. 
 
 Henceforth the Socialistic propaganda was carried on in 
 secret, but more successfully than ever ; and in the Reichstag the 
 Socialists were free. Here, at any rate, the pursued Socialist 
 
Socialism in Germany. 95 
 
 knew that he could claim the right of sanctuary. The Socialist 
 deputies did not hesitate to say that when they spoke it was not 
 with a view or a desire to convince their listeners, but to reach 
 the ears of the outside world. The publication of Parliamentary 
 reports being privileged, journals with Socialistic tendencies were 
 able to reproduce in full the speeches in which Bebel, Liebknecht, 
 and their fellows preached the principles of a movement which 
 the Government had just been given a commission to suppress. 
 
 There was only one way of meeting this new danger, and it 
 was by voting to suppress the publicity of proceedings. This 
 Bismarck attempted twice, but each time was defeated. 
 
 Agitation increased rapidly. The existence of a group of men 
 disposed to violence was especially made clear at a secret con- 
 ference held in September, 1879, at Wahren, near Leipsic. Here 
 Most and Hasselmann were all for force. Hasselmann advised 
 revolution outright. He acknowledged the certainty of failure, 
 yet he argued that the blood that would be shed would help on 
 the cause. Most, who early in 1879 established the Freiheit in 
 London, with the motto : " All measures are legitimate against 
 tyrants," advocated murder, outrage, and rapine. The Social 
 Democratic party, however, drew back. It was proposed to hold 
 a congress in June of the following year at Rorschach, in Switzer- 
 land, but it was at the last moment postponed, on it becoming 
 known that Most and Hasselmann intended to be present and to 
 endeavour to force a revolutionary programme on the party. An 
 important congress was, however, held at Wyden, near Ossingen, 
 in Switzerland, on August 20-23, ^"<i ^^'^1 delegates were present 
 from Germany, but neither Most nor Hasselmann appeared. It 
 was found that the adherents of these men were a strong body, 
 and the congress became divided into Government and Opposi- 
 tion. The principal result of the Wyden congress was the sever- 
 ing of the revolutionary limb from the Socialistic body. Most 
 and Hasselmann were rejected, and Bebel and Liebknecht were 
 adhered to. But while the Socialist party was thus voting, its now 
 official organ, the Social Democrat, was declaring that " only by 
 a violent subversion can the Democratic State be attained ". 
 
g6 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Indeed, the manifesto issued just after the congress belied the 
 assumed attitude of passive resistance. 
 
 On March 13, 1881, the Emperor Alexander II. of Russia 
 was assassinated by Nihilists ; and a few days later the German 
 Emperor wrote to his faithful Chancellor, urging him to lose no 
 time in bringing before the Governments of Europe the necessity 
 of combining against the forces of anarchy and destruction. Bis- 
 marck commenced international correspondence ; but it came to 
 nothing, largely through the opposition of Great Britain. Bis- 
 marck took refuge in a further carrying out of paternal Socialism, 
 which we shall consider in a moment. 
 
 On the other hand, an event occurred during this year which 
 roused the authorities to increased vigilance. This was the Nie- 
 derwald plot against the Imperial family, the existence of which 
 was discovered in September. Various arrests were made, and 
 the trial took place at Leipsic, two men, avowedly Anarchists, 
 being in December, 1884, sentenced to death. In the early part 
 of this latter year the Socialist Law was prolonged for two years, 
 until September 30, 1886, and the Government succeeded, on 
 May 15, in passing a law against the "criminal and publicly- 
 dangerous use of explosives," a measure which received general 
 support. As before, Berlin, Leipsic, Hamburg, and other places 
 were in a minor state of siege ; but although the local authorities 
 thus acquired greatly increased powers, it was impossible to check 
 the movements of the enemy. Bebel was perhaps right when he 
 declared in the Reichstag, on March 20, that the Socialist party 
 was nowhere more numerous or better organised than in the dis- 
 tricts where the minor state of siege had been proclaimed, and 
 that the party press had never been more serviceable than then, 
 for though the Social Democrat was published abroad, its circula- 
 tion was far larger than before the passing of the coercive 
 measures, and it was now able to furnish the agitation with 
 considerable funds. Bebel said : " The fathers of the Socialist 
 Law are also the fathers of Anarchism in Germany ". 
 
 In 1884 another general election took place, and it afforded 
 the Socialist party an opportunity of demonstrating a strength 
 
Socialism in Germany. 97 
 
 which no one had believed to exist. The campaign was entered 
 upon with extraordinary vigour, and the result was that, in spite 
 of all the diflficulties incidental to the vigilant enforcement of the 
 Socialist Law, no fewer than twenty-four seats were won, or double 
 the number of 1881. Ten seats were won in Prussia, five in 
 Saxony, two in Bavaria, one in Hesse, and six in minor States. 
 
 In Berlin two out of the six places fell to Socialists, and in 
 Hamburg and Breslau two out of three. The number of votes 
 polled was 549,990. 
 
 Repression was made more vigorous than ever. In July, 1885, 
 a sensational Socialist trial took place at Freiberg, when nine 
 Socialists, including the six deputies. Babel, Von Vollmar, Dietz, 
 Auer, Frohme, and Viereck, were charged with taking part in a 
 secret and illegal organisation. The result of the trial was that 
 all the accused were sentenced to imprisonment for six or nine 
 months, Bebel and four Parliamentary associates receiving the 
 heavier penalty. Several of the deputies were reported on their 
 release to have suffered severely from incarceration. 
 
 In February, 1887, the Reichstag was dissolved on the Army 
 Bill, which it refused to accept, and the patriotic spirit aroused 
 led to a reaction similar to that of 1878. 
 
 In 1888, owing to the successive changes after the death of 
 the old emperor, and the wonder as to what positipn the young 
 emperor, and then the present emperor, would take, there was no 
 marked change in the Socialist situation. The year 1889 was 
 marked by the largest strike Germany had ever known, which 
 took place in the coal mines of Westphalia and the Rhenish pro- 
 vinces, and threatened to spread, and did spread, more or less 
 through the empire, the emperor himself taking an interest in 
 hearing the complaints of the miners and ordering an investigation. 
 The strike ended after not many weeks' duration in the substantial 
 victory of the men, although to some extent they compromised. 
 These years were also attended by constant struggles in the Reich- 
 stag and the press over the Anti-Socialist Law, its renewal or 
 modification, and also by constant trials of Socialists, sometimes 
 many being tried and banished at a time. 
 
 7 
 
gS Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 On March 20, 1890, the emperor accepted the resignation of 
 Bismarck as Chancellor, largely upon Bismarck's insistence that 
 the Anti-Socialist Law must be renewed, a step which the young 
 emperor did not favour; and on its expiration, September 30, 
 1890, it was not renewed. The Socialists came back in great 
 numbers, amid general rejoicing. Herr Liebknecht assumed the 
 editorship of the Volksblatt, and activity went on more rapidly 
 than ever. 
 
 On October 12 a general convention was held at Halle, 360 
 delegates being present. It reaffirmed the Gotha programme of 
 1875, ^s modified by the subsequent congress at Wyden. The 
 Socialist conference at Erfurt in 189 1 was marked by a conflict 
 between Wildburger and Werner with their followers on the one 
 hand advocating a more revolutionary following, and Bebel, Lieb- 
 knecht, VoUmar, and their followers on the other advocating the 
 present political agitation. The latter won, and still rule the 
 movement in Germany, although the more revolutionary wing is 
 not weak, and threatens at times to divide the party. Neverthe- 
 less, the party goes on propagating its views very rapidly, especially 
 in Berlin, Hamburg, and the great industrial centres, and not least 
 in the army, where young men, restless under conscription, are 
 gathered from all Germany, and ready therefore, under the galling 
 yoke of the army service, which is so hated by the working class, 
 to listen to Socialism \ so much so indeed -that some Socialists 
 have gone so far as to favour the standing army as at present as 
 the best school for Socialism. The conflict of the year 1893 over 
 the Standing Army Bill is well known, with its result of the 
 stupendous Socialistic gains. The following table shows the 
 growth of the Social Democratic party since the founding of the 
 German Empire, as shown in the imperial election returns, taken 
 from Braun's Die Parteien des Deutschen Reichstages, Stuttgart, 
 1893 :— 
 
Socialism in Germany. gg 
 
 Election 
 In 
 
 Total Number 
 
 of Social 
 
 Democratic 
 
 Votes. 
 
 Percentage 
 of Votes of 
 
 Social 
 Democratic 
 
 Party. 
 
 Members 
 Elected. 
 
 Votes Cast 
 for each 
 Member. 
 
 1871 
 
 124,655 
 
 3- 
 
 2 
 
 62,327 
 
 1874 
 
 351,952 
 
 6-8 
 
 9 
 
 39,106 
 
 1877 
 
 493,288 
 
 9-1 
 
 12 
 
 41,107 
 
 1878 
 
 437,158 
 
 7-6 
 
 9 
 
 48,573 
 
 1881 
 
 311,961 
 
 6-1 
 
 12 
 
 25,997 
 
 1884 
 
 549,990 
 
 9-7 
 
 24 
 
 22,916 
 
 1887 
 
 763,128 
 
 10-1 
 
 11 
 
 69,375 
 
 1890 
 
 1,427,298 
 
 19-7 
 
 35* 
 
 40,780 
 
 1893 
 
 1,876,738 
 
 23-3 
 
 44 
 
 40,608 
 
 * In the bye-eleotion in the twenty-second district of Saxony, held in 
 1892, the thirty-sixth member was elected. 
 
 The following are the present demands of the German Social 
 Democratic party according to the Erfurt programme adopted in 
 October, 1891 : — 
 
 1. Universal, equal, and direct suffrage by ballot, in all elections, for 
 all subjects of the empire over twenty years of age, without distinction of 
 sex. Proportional representation, and, until this system has been intro- 
 duced, fresh division of electoral districts by law after each census. Two 
 years' duration of the legislature. Holding of elections on a legal day of 
 rest. Payment of the representatives elected. Removal of all restrictions 
 upon political rights, except in the case of persons under age. 
 
 2. Direct legislation by the people by means of the right of initiative 
 and of veto. Self-government by the people in empire, state, province, and 
 commune. Election of magistrates by the people, with the right of hold- 
 ing them responsible. Annual vote of the taxes. 
 
 3. Universal military education. Substitution of militia for a stand- 
 ing army. Decision by the popular representatives of questions of peace 
 and war. Decisions of all international disputes by arbitration. 
 
 4. Abolition of all laws which restrict or suppress free expression of 
 opinion and the right of meeting or association. 
 
 5. Abolition of all laws which place the woman, whether in a private 
 or a public capacity, at a disadvantage as compared with the man. 
 
 6. Declaration that religion is a private matter. Abolition of all ex- 
 penditure from public funds upon ecclesiastical and religious objects. 
 Ecclesiastical and religious bodies are to be regarded as private associations 
 which order their affairs independently. 
 
 7. Seeulazisation of education. Compulsory attendance at public 
 
100 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 national schools. Free education, free supply of educational apparatus, 
 and free maintenance to children in schools, and to such pupils, male and 
 female, in higher educational institutions, as are judged to be fitted for 
 further education. 
 
 8. Free administration of the law and free legal assistance. Adminis- 
 tration of the law by judges elected by the people. Appeal in criminal 
 oases. Compensation to persons accused, imprisoned, or condemned un- 
 justly. Abolition of capital punishment. 
 
 9. Free medical assistance, and free supply of remedies. Free burial 
 of the dead. 
 
 10. Graduated income and property tax to meet all public expenses, 
 which are to be met by taxation. Self -assessment. Succession duties, 
 graduated according to the extent of the inheritance and the degree of rela- 
 tionship. AboUtiou of aU indirect taxation, custom duties, and other eco- 
 nomic measures, which sacrifice the interests of the community to the 
 interests of a privileged minority. 
 
 For the protection of labour, the German Social Democrats 
 also demand to begin with : — 
 
 1. An effective national and international system of protective legisla- 
 tion on the following principles : — 
 
 (a) The fixing of a normal working day, which shall not exceed eight 
 hours. 
 
 (6) Prohibition of the employment of children under fourteen. 
 
 (c) Prohibition of night work, except in those branches of industry 
 which, from their nature and for technical reasons or for 
 reasons of public welfare, require night work. 
 
 {d) An unbroken rest of at least thirty-six hours for every work- 
 man every week. 
 
 (e) Prohibition of the truck system. 
 
 2. Supervision of aU industrial establishments, together with the in- 
 vestigation and regulation of the conditions of labour in the town and 
 country by an imperial labour department, district labour bureaux, and 
 chambers of labour. A thorough system of industrial sanitary regulation. 
 
 3. Legal equaJity of agricultural labourers and domestic servants with 
 industrial labourers ; repeal of the laws concerning masters and servants. 
 
 4. Confirmation of the rights of association. 
 
 5. The taking over by the imperial Government of the whole system 
 of workmen's insurance, though giving the workmen a certain share in its 
 administration. 
 
 The party is strongly organised, and carries on a most active 
 propaganda, publishing thirty-one daily newspapers, forty-one 
 
Socialism in Germany. loi 
 
 weeklies and semi-weeklies, one scientific review, one family 
 magazine, two humorous publications, fifty-five trade journals. 
 
 At present it is making strong efforts to extend itself in the 
 agricultural districts. It has organised night schools for the edu- 
 cation and training of Socialist speakers. It has many adherents 
 among the university students. These students held a meeting 
 to discuss their plans for pushing Social Democracy in Geneva 
 and Switzerland in December, 1893. 
 
 Such is the account of German Democratic Socialism; but 
 there have been in Germany four other separate movements, all 
 using the name Socialism. The earhest of these is the Roman 
 Catholic German Christian Socialist movement, mainly led by 
 Bishop Ketteler in Mayence about 1850, and still a strong politi- 
 cal and social force in the empire. It often allies itself poUtically 
 with the Social Democrats, but proceeds on wholly different lines. 
 German Social Democracy is avowedly atheistic and materialistic, 
 and will have naught to do with the Church. The Roman 
 Catholic movement, too, favours a paternal State Socialism, 
 under churchly guidance, rather than a fraternal democracy. 
 This is even more true of the German Protestant Christian 
 Socialism which sprang up under Stocker, the court preacher in 
 Berlin, about 1877. It organised two societies, one to reach the 
 wealthy and one the working men, and is almost explicitly the 
 Church wing of the Government's paternal State Socialism. An 
 account of both of these movements will be found in our book to 
 appear on Christian Socialism. 
 
 The third movement in Germany using the name Socialism is 
 that of the so-called Socialists of the Chair (Katheder Sozialisten), 
 for an account of which see chapter xiii. (" Socialism and the 
 Political Economists "). 
 
 The fourth movement which uses the name of Socialism in 
 Germany is the State Socialism of the Government itself 
 
 As early as 1847 Bismarck had spoken in favour of State rail- 
 roads ; but he did not definitely, or at least publicly, adopt the 
 principles of State Socialism till 1878, after the policy of repres- 
 sion of the Democratic Socialists had begun. He then endea- 
 
102 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 voured with the one hand to repress and with the other to take 
 the ground from under them. His first step, however, was simply 
 to reverse the economic poUcy of the State on the subject of taxa- 
 tion. Up to 1876 Bismarck had entrusted the country's economic 
 pohcy entirely to Minister von Deltruch, but in that year he re- 
 signed, and within two years the Ministers of Finance, of Com- 
 merce, and the Interior followed suit. Various causes were given, 
 but the real reason was that they found themselves no longer in 
 accord with the Chancellor. In 1879 Bismarck openly declared 
 for Protection. But this was the least distinctive feature of the 
 new policy. On February 26, 1878, speaking on a bill for the 
 increase of tobacco duties, Bismarck said bluntly : " I do not 
 deny and do not regard it as superfluous ... to avow openly 
 that I am aiming at a monopoly, and that I only accept this mea- 
 sure as transitional "- From that day to this the Reichstag has 
 grown familiar with State Socialism. Accused of advocating 
 Socialism, he did not deny it ; but said ; " Many measures which 
 we have adopted to the great blessing of the country are Socialistic, 
 and the State will have to accustom itself to a little more Socialism 
 yet. ... If you believe that you can frighten any one or call up 
 spectres with the word ' Socialism,' you take a standpoint which 
 I abandoned long ago, and the abandonment of which is abso- 
 lutely necessary for our entire imperial legislation." His reasons, 
 however, were financial, not doctrinaire. He believed that it 
 would pay. In February, 1880, he convened the Prussian Eco- 
 nomic Council (VolkswirthschaftsratK) — a body established in 
 November, 1880, for the purpose of assisting him in the delibera- 
 tion of measures affecting trade, industry, agriculture and forestry 
 — and laid before it a full-fledged Tobacco Monopoly Bill. The 
 Economic Council decided in favour of the Government's pro- 
 posals, and the next step was the mention of the monopoly in an 
 imperial message of November 14, 1881. 
 
 The Prussian Economic Council is itself a Socialistic feature, 
 consisting as it does of seventy-five members, of whom forty-five 
 are recommended to the Government for nomination by represen- 
 tatives of trade, industry, and agriculture and forestry (fifteen 
 
Socialism in Germany. 103 
 
 members each) ; while thirty are called by the Government, fifteen 
 at least of these representing the artisan and labour classes. Elec- 
 tion is for five years. 
 
 The promised measure was introduced in the Reichstag the 
 following spring. 
 
 Bismarck was overwhelmingly defeated, and, though he has 
 tried again more than once, has not succeeded ; and the same is 
 true of his efforts to introduce a Slate monopoly of the trade in 
 brandy. In other lines, however, his Stale Socialism has been far 
 more successful. 
 
 As early as 1847 Bismarck spoke in the United Diet, which 
 met in Berlin, in favour of a closer connection between the rail- 
 roads and the State. The annexation of Alsace-Lorraine gave to 
 Germany the nucleus of an imperial railway system, but the uni- 
 form administration of the lines in the recovered province only 
 served to throw into greater relief the utter chaos which prevailed 
 in the rest of Germany. The railways were of half a dozen kinds. 
 There were, first, the imperial railways. Then there were the 
 State railways pure and simple. There were private lines in 
 private hands, and private lines managed by the State, and Bis- 
 marck spoke impatiently of " the sixty-three railway provinces ". 
 According to the imperial constitution, however, of April 16, 187 1, 
 very considerable rights were given to the empire in railway super- 
 vision. On June 16, 1873, an Imperial Railway Board Bill was 
 passed, creating an Imperial Railway Board with still greater 
 powers. Tentative measures, however, did little good, and Bis- 
 marck determined to adopt heroic measures. He proposed that 
 the States should hand over their railways to the empire, and that 
 Prussia should lead in doing this. On April 16, 1876, the first 
 reading of a bill to this effect took place, and though unmercifully 
 attacked by the Radicals, was carried. Yet, unfortunately, the 
 empire has not seen fit to relieve Prussia of her railways. The 
 real result of the bill was to cause Prussia to extend its purchases 
 of private lines. The result of the various transactions has been 
 to place in the Prussian Treasury millions of marks which other- 
 wise would have gone into the pockets of shareholders, and the 
 
104 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 taxation of the country has been alleviated to some extent as a 
 consequence. 
 
 At present, in Germany, out of 26,971 miles of railway only 
 3123 belong to private companies, of these 296 were worked by 
 the Government (State or Imperial). But thus far the high-water 
 tide of Imperial State Socialism has been reached in the various 
 State Insurance Laws. In 1881 came the first decided word 
 from the emperor and his Government upon the subject. The 
 speech from the throne which opened the Reichstag on February 
 15, 1 88 1, said : — 
 
 "At the opening of the Reichstag in February, 1879, the 
 emperor, in reference to the [Anti-Socialist] Law of October 21, 
 1878, gave expression to the hope that this House would not re- 
 fuse its co-operation in the remedying of social ills by means of 
 legislation. A remedy cannot alone be sought in the repression 
 of Socialistic excesses ; there must be simultaneously the positive 
 advancement of the welfare of the working classes. And here the 
 care of those workpeople who are incapable of earning their liveli- 
 hood is of the first importance. In the interest of these the 
 emperor has caused a bill for the insurance of workpeople against 
 the consequences of accident to be sent to the Bundesrath — a bill 
 which, it is hoped, will meet a need felt both by workpeople and 
 employers. His Majesty hopes that the measure will in principle 
 receive the assent of the Federal Governments, and that it will be 
 welcomed by the Reichstag as a complement of the legislation 
 affording protection against Social Democratic movements." 
 
 We will not dwell upon the history of the legislation. The 
 first bills were defeated. Bismarck finally withdrew the plan of 
 State bureaux for insurance, and substituted compulsory insurance 
 in some company, private or State, but strictly regulated by the 
 State. Speaking of it he said : " The whole matter centres in the 
 question, Is- it the duty of the State, or is it not, to p rovide for 
 its helpless citizen sPTmffiitain thatlt is its duty, that it is the 
 duty noTraly^f the ' CM>tfg«"^Tate,'^"as"rverit^ufea'6hce~t o call 
 it'^w1ien"~spalcinf' of *'pifacHcaT~CKristianit but of gyerrState." 
 The" Chancellor" spoke""on'"thlsec6iid reading, proclaiming the 
 
Socialism in Germany. 105 
 
 working man's " right to labour " {Recht auf Arbeit), as laid down 
 in the common law of Prussia. He held that the State was ulti- 
 mately responsible for the employment of those of its citizens who, 
 through no fault of their own, lacked the opportunity to work. 
 The law covers three points, adopted at diiferent times — Com- 
 pulsory Sickness, Accident, and Old Age Insurance. 
 
 The following account of them is abridged from the statement 
 prepared by the Imperial Insurance Department in Berlin for the 
 Chicago Exposition : — 
 
 The, SickTiess Insurance. — The first of the social-political enaotmeuts 
 was the Sick Insurance Law of June 15, 1883, which regulated the reform 
 of sick relief in its relation to the insurance against accidents. For these 
 two branches of insurance supplement each other, and — quite unlike mere 
 poor-law relief, which aims only at upholding the existence of the indi- 
 vidual — are designed to provide relief in case of sickness or accidents, and 
 to compensate for lost wages during the time of disability to work. The 
 foundation and first condition of compulsory insurance is dependency on 
 an employer, so that persons carrying on a business of their own are gene- 
 rally exempted. But the law concedes to all exempted workmen and 
 o^oials, as well as to servants, the right to participate voluntarily in the 
 benefits of the insurance. 
 
 The supplemental measure of April 10, 1892 (taking effect January 1, 
 1893), with the intention of bringing the Sick Insurance Law into harmony 
 with the other insurance laws (against Accidents, Invalidity, and Old Age), 
 which in the meantime had received the sanction of the Government, has 
 widened still further the range of insured persons. Thus persons engaged 
 for wages or salary in commercial firms, in the offices of attorneys, notaries, 
 bailiffs, sick clubs, trades associations, and insurance institutions were 
 made liable to the general, and agricultural officials to the communal 
 (township) compulsory insurance. Furthermore, all the exempted, whose 
 yearly earnings do not exceed 2000 marks, were admitted to the communal 
 voluntary insurance. 
 
 As regards the mode of carrying out the insurance, the fundamental 
 aim and object of the law is mutual insurance based on self-administration. 
 The insured are to be classed in corporate associations whose members be- 
 long to the same trade or calling, where the risk of sickness is about alike. 
 This organisation greatly facilitates self-administration, and while it exer- 
 cises a healthy and moral influence on the members in their intercourse 
 with one another, it will make simulation more dif&oult and the indispen- 
 sable control easier and more efiectual. 
 
 The obligation to insure his workpeople lieg with the employer, who 
 
io6 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 pays the whole of the premiums in the first instance, but deducts the 
 workpeople's share from their wages. 
 
 The minimum of relief to which all the insured have a legal claim 
 includes : — 
 
 1. Free medical attendance and medicines from the beginning of the 
 illness, likewise spectacles, trusses, bandages, etc. 
 
 2. In case of incapacity for work, from the third day of the illness, for 
 every working day a sick pay, amounting to one half the daily wages on 
 which the contributions have been based ; and much more in special cases. 
 
 The further extension of the German National Sick Insurance to agri- 
 cultural labourers and to servants is not yet realised, but even now there 
 are insured about 8,000,000 persons, and upwards of 100,000,000 marks 
 annually are expended in Germany for sick relief alone. 
 
 The Accident Insurance. — As with sickness, so in the case of industrial 
 accidents the previous legislation proved inadequate to secure an indemnity 
 to the workman. The first Accident Insurance Law of July 6, 1884, dealt 
 chiefly with industrial enterprises, but served as the basis for subsequent 
 measures with a wider range. 
 
 This law makes insurance compulsory for workmen and officials (with 
 salaries up to 2000 marks per annum), in all industries already liable to 
 damages in cases of accident, and, furthermore, where the production is 
 carried on by hand with the aid of mashinery, and likewise for some 
 branches of the building trade. By statutory regulations the obligatory 
 insurance may be made to include industrial officials with salaries above 
 2000 marks, and the privilege of joining the Insurance may be granted to 
 the employers. 
 
 The insurance is carried out under the guarantee of the empire, on the 
 mutual system, by the employers united in trades associations, which may 
 embrace the different branches of industry in certain districts, or in the 
 whole empire. 
 
 These trades associations enjoy the character of legal persons and a 
 perfect self-administration, which they may decentralise by forming 
 " sections " and by appointing " confidential agents ". 
 
 The object of the insurance is to secure compensation for bodily injury 
 or for death, in consequence of an accident to the workman whilst working 
 for his employer, injuries sustained on other occasions being excluded. As 
 a matter of course, the injured man must not have brought about the 
 accident purposely. The compensation includes the cost of the cure, and 
 in addition, a fixed allowance during the period of incapacity for work, 
 or in fatal cases burial money and an allowance to the survivors (widows, 
 children, parents) from the day of death. When the injured person is 
 totally disabled, the compensation amounts to two-thirds of his average 
 year's earnings ; if only partially incapacitated for work, a fraction of this 
 
Socialism in Germany. 107 
 
 amount — for survivors also — will be granted. For the first thirteen weeks 
 after the accident (the so-called waiting time), the Sick Association, or in 
 their absence the employers have to step in ; and from the beginning of 
 the fifth week the sick pay is to be raised, at the cost of the employer, to 
 at least two-thirds of the standard wages. 
 
 The amount of the compensation is fixed, after a police investigation, 
 by the organs of that trades association in whose district the accident 
 happened. Against this decision an appeal may be made to an Arbitration 
 Court, composed of two members of the trades association, two represen- 
 tatives of the insured workmen, and a presiding magistrate. This court 
 is invested with the character of a special court of law. 
 
 The imperial insurance department is the supreme court for all that 
 has reference to organisation, administration, and judicature. It is com- 
 posed of permanent members — a president appointed for life by the 
 emperor on recommendation of the Federal Council, and several higher 
 officers similarly appointed — and of temporary members, namely : four 
 delegates to the Federal Council, and representatives of the employers and 
 employed in equal numbers. 
 
 The operation of the law has been widened almost each year by being 
 applied to class after class, and will shortly be completed by its extension 
 to handicrafts and small trades, to home industry and commerce, with 
 about 1,000,000 concerns and 2,000,000 employed ; so that all the work- 
 men on wages, and the other classes of similar standing with not more 
 than 2000 marks a year, such as industrial and agricultural managers, 
 commercial clerks and small employers, will reap the benefits. 
 
 The Invalidity amd Old Age Insurance is intended to secure to persons 
 employed for wages or salary a legal provision in cases not covered by the 
 Sickness and Accident Insurance Laws. The Invalidity and Old Age In- 
 surance Law of June 22, 18S9, subjects to compulsory insurance (from the 
 completed sixteenth year of age) (1) all persons working for wages in 
 every branch of trade, apprentices and servants included ; (2) managing 
 officials and comraercial assistants (clerks and apprentices) with regular 
 year's earnings up to 2000 marks. The obligation to insure may also be 
 extended (by order of the Federal Council) (3) to small masters (with only 
 one assistant workman), and (4) to so-called home-industrials (irrespective 
 of the number of hands employed) ; otherwise these small employers are 
 allowed to join voluntarily the insurance. Such persons, however, as have 
 either given up or for a time laid aside an occupation involving compulsory 
 insurance, possess the right to continue or renew the insurance by paying 
 voluntary contributions. 
 
 The pension for old age will be granted, without proof of disability, to 
 aU who have completed their seventieth year. It forms an addition to the 
 earnings of old, but not incapacitated working people, and makes some 
 
io8 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 amends for the diminished vigour of age. The waiting time here com- 
 prises thirty contributory years, so that for 30 x 47, or for 1410 weeks con- 
 tributions must have been paid before the insured can enter upon the 
 enjoyment of the pension. 
 
 Attested periods of illness, and military service, as well as other inter- 
 ruptions in regular employments (up to four months), wUl be reckoned in 
 the waiting time for both annuities. 
 
 The money to pay the invalidity and old age pensions is furnished 
 jointly by the empire, the employers, and the employed. The empire con- 
 tributes to each annuity the fixed amount of fifty marks per annum, and 
 pays the contributions of the workmen while serving in the army or navy. 
 It defrays the expenses also of the imperial insurance department, and 
 effects gratuitously, as in the case of the accident insurance, the payment 
 of pensions through the post offices. All other expenses are borne in equal 
 shares by the insured and their employers, and are raised by current con- 
 tributions. As a rule, the payment of the contributions is to be made by 
 the employer, who, after purchasing stamps (resembling postage stamps) 
 of the respective local insurance office, affixes them (to the amount of the 
 contribution due) to the receipt-card of the insured. These stamps may 
 be had at all the post offices, and at numerous private shops. The contri- 
 butions are to be paid for each calendar week in which the insured finds 
 himself in an employment or service subject to the insurance (" contribu- 
 tory week," " weekly contribution "). 
 
 The carrying out of the invalidity and old age insurance is entrusted, 
 under State guarantee, to special insurance institutions, whose districts 
 coincide with the communal or State divisions. Every insurance institu- 
 tion possesses the character of a legal person, and is managed on the basis 
 of a statute drawn up by the managing " committee ". This committee 
 is composed of at least five representatives of both employers and insured 
 (chosen by the directing boards of the sick-relief clubs and similarly con- 
 stituted bodies). 
 
 As regards the results of the invalidity and old age insurance, in 
 the first year (1891) no less than 132,917 annuities have been granted, 
 15,306,754-34 marks (including 6,049,848-41 marks State subsidies) have 
 been paid out, and 95,000,000 marks have been received from the sale of 
 receipt-card stamps. 
 
 But this is not the only result of the imperial State Socialism. 
 On March 15, 1890, a labour conference of representatives of the 
 various powers met in Berlin by the invitation of the young 
 emperor, and sat two weeks. The invitation was liberally re- 
 sponded to ; but the scope of the deliberations was practically 
 narrowed down to the question of Sunday, female, and juvenile 
 
Socialism in Germany. log 
 
 work. In 1891 a bill was passed in the Reichstag to go into 
 force April i, 1892, embodying the main results of the con- 
 ference : twenty-four hours' rest on Sunday, except in specified 
 industries, like hotels, etc. ; forty-eight hours' rest on church festi- 
 vals, such as Christmas, Easter, and Whitsunday ; women not to 
 work over eleven hours, nor to do any night work, nor for so 
 many weeks after child-birth ; children under thirteen not to be 
 employed, and not after that unless they have had the legal time 
 in school. 
 
 Such are the main present developments of the imperial State 
 Socialism ; but a word should be said of German municipalism, 
 which belongs to the same paternal and therefore unsocialistic 
 school, although valuable as showing what the municipality can 
 do, and as a transition to real Democratic Socialism. 
 
 Says Dr. Albert Shaw {Century, July, 1894) : " The German 
 city holds itself responsible for the education of all ; for the pro- 
 vision of amusement, and the means of recreation ; for the adap- 
 tation of the training of the young to the necessities of gaining a 
 livelihood ; for the health of families ; for the moral interests of 
 all ; for the civilising of the people ; for the promotion of indi- 
 vidual thrift ; for protection from various misfortunes ; for the 
 development of advantages and opportunities in order to promote 
 the industrial and commercial well-being ; and incidentally for the 
 supply of common services and the introduction of conveniences. 
 The methods it employs to gain its ends are sometimes those 
 advocated by the Sociahsts, and sometimes they are diametrically 
 opposite." 
 
 According to Dr. Shaw, about two-thirds of the larger German 
 cities own and operate their own gasworks, and are going in to 
 provide municipal electric light and power. All German cities 
 care for their own cleaning and sanitation to an extent far 
 beyond that of most other countries. Their systems for providing 
 good housing are growing rapidly more perfect. The cities pro- 
 vide pawnbrokerage and savings banks. Especially admirable 
 is the extent to which they plan far ahead for, and 'steadily carry 
 out, municipal improvements. 
 
no Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Says Dr. Shaw : " This is largely due, of course, to the superb 
 and continuous organisation of the executive administration. The 
 burgomaster is actually or virtually a life incumbent, and his 
 magisterial associates who conduct the various departments either 
 hold their places by life tenure or else upon terms practically as 
 permanent. The city council, representing the people's will, is 
 renewed by instalments. The terms are long, and re-elections 
 are so usual that the personnel of the body is transformed very 
 slowly, and nothing like an abrupt or capricious change of policy 
 is ever to be feared. Consequently, it is possible to make long 
 plans, to proceed without haste, to distribute burdens through 
 periods of years, to consult minute economies, and to make an 
 even, symmetrical progress that has far more of tangible achieve- 
 ment to show for every half decade than could be possible under 
 our spasmodic American method." 
 
 The German police strictly control all life. In some German 
 cities there are police regulations as to how one shall carry his 
 umbrella so as not to hit passers in the street. Germany seems 
 at times under military control. 
 
 Such municipalism is certainly not Socialism ; and yet, its 
 positive programme of city improvements and municipal services 
 shows how much superior and cheaper are such methods to those 
 of individualism and private competition. 
 
 The best English books on German Socialism are Dawson's Oerman 
 Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle, and his Bismarck and State Socialism. 
 For later information, see the Eeport on Germany of the (English) Royal 
 OoTtrmission on Labour. The hooka in German are innumerable. Eor 
 information on the Socialist movement in any German city, inquire for 
 some local Socialist paper, especially in Berlin for Korwarts and Der ZoziaX 
 Demohrat, respectively the daily and weekly official organs of the Social 
 Democratic Party, and published at 19 Beuth Strasse, Berlin, which is 
 headquarters for all German Socialist literature. Die Neue Zeit of Stuttgart 
 is the best literary Socialist weekly. See Appendix C. 
 
Ill 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SOCIALISM IN BELGIUM. 
 
 Belgian Socialism has developed characteristics of unusual in- 
 terest. As early as 1835 the Belgian Colins published in Paris 
 his Le Pact Social, sowing the seeds of land nationalisation and of 
 Socialism ; while at Ghent, Huet, with his Rlgne Sociale du Chris- 
 Hanisme, prepared the way for the later Christian Socialism of his 
 distinguished pupil, De Laveleye, and of the Catholic Christian 
 Socialist, Charles Perin, of Louvain. 
 
 It was, however, not this form of Socialism that was first to 
 take root. In 1845 K!arl Marx, expelled from Paris, came with 
 Engels to Brussels, and here published his Discours sur le Libre 
 Echange and his Misire de la Philosophie. In Brussels, too, 
 in 1848 he wrote with Engels the Manifesto of the Communist 
 Party for the London Communist League. Such writings natu- 
 rally had their effect. When the International was formed in 
 1864 it was planned to hold its first congress in Brussels, but this 
 was not allowed by the Belgian Government. Its third congress, 
 however, met in Brussels in 1868, and by the spring of 1869 it 
 was said to have from 60,000 to 70,000 members in Belgium, its 
 growth being largely due to the efforts of C6sar de Paepe. The 
 International, however, different as we have seen in different 
 countries, took in Belgium an Anarchistic form. At the Hague 
 Congress (1872) the Belgian representatives sided with the Baku- 
 nites, " Autonomists," and sent delegates to the " Autonomist " 
 Congresses of Geneva (1873), Brussels (1874), and Berne (1876). 
 But when in 1877 a general congress was held at Ghent, De Paepe 
 declared for a Marxian policy, and the movement became split. 
 At its height the International had claimed from 100,000 to 
 
112 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 200,000 members in Belgium. Henceforth, the Socialists and 
 "Autonomists " went separate ways. In 1878 a German " Read- 
 ing Club " was organised in Brussels, and a new agitation sprang 
 up. Vollmar (see Appendix A), a leading German Socialist, 
 made two tours of propaganda. A congress at Boom in 1878 
 declared for the Gotha programme, a Socialist Labour Party, and 
 the journals, Ze Voix de I'Ouvrier of Brussels, Der Werker of Ant- 
 werp, and Der Volkswil of Ghent. Controversy with the Anarchists, 
 however, prevented much progress, the Anarchists having formed 
 an active " Union Rdvolutionnaire ". Belgian Socialism was to 
 develop a character of its own. In the year 1879 a Ghent type- 
 writer, an active Socialist, Edward Anserle (see Appendix A), 
 founded a co-operative bakery, and in connection with it a club, 
 the Vooruit. Up to this time co-operation had not succeeded in 
 Belgium, but this Socialist co-operative movement succeeded and 
 spread. A similar organisation, called the Maison du Peuple 
 (House of the People), was started by the Brussels Socialists in 
 1882, and another at Verviers in 1884. In the next four years 
 the movement spread through all the important Belgian cities 
 and industrial centres. Soon the societies began selling other 
 things than bread, till gradually the movement became one of 
 vast size and importance. In 1893 the Maison du Peuple had 
 10,000 members, representing some 10,000 families, and manu- 
 facturing 100,000 loaves of bread a week. It possesses a large 
 club-house, which is the centre of Socialist propaganda, a library, 
 a tool store, and other property. It provides coal, groceries, 
 meat, furniture, clothing, medical attendance and insurance, all 
 at co-operative prices. It maintains a monthly, a weekly, and a 
 daily. Every one who belongs to it must adhere to the pro- 
 gramme of the (Socialist) Labour Party {Parti Ouvrier). Mem- 
 bers who for one month deal elsewhere than at the society's 
 establishments may be expelled on a two-thirds vote. A similar 
 work, though not on so large a scale, is carried on by the other 
 Socialist co-operative societies. The Vooruit at Ghent in 1893 
 had 5000 members ; but the fact of importance is that these 
 societies form a net-work over Belgium of Socialist organisations. 
 
Socialism in Belgium. I13 
 
 providing their members with all the necessities of life, and rais- 
 ing funds for active Socialist propaganda. As a result, Belgian 
 Socialism has recently grown rapidly, and is perhaps better organ- 
 ised than the Socialism of any other country. In 1885 a working 
 man's party was organised {Parti Ouvrier Socialiste Beige), which 
 is the political organisation of Belgian Socialism. Its power is 
 seen in the fact that it was able last year (1893) to effect in a few 
 days a veritable revolution in the Belgian constitution. Hitherto 
 the Belgian Socialist had been able to accomplish little politically, 
 because of property limitations to the suffrage. There had been 
 more or less of an agitation on the subject since 1882, but in 1893 
 the matter came to a head. A bill to introduce Free Suffrage 
 was brought into the Chamber and Senate and defeated. Im- 
 mediately the Labour Party called a universal strike. There was 
 some opposition and some violence, but in three days a hurried 
 plan to revise the constitution and grant nominally free suffrage 
 (though really with serious restrictions, such as plural voting for 
 men of certain wealth) was devised and carried, and the Labour 
 Party declared the strike off. The bill gives the suffrage to all 
 men over twenty-five, with additional votes to married men over 
 thirty-five, and to men of property. The result was seen in the 
 last election, when the Liberal Party in Belgium was completely 
 overthrown, temporarily putting the Clerical Party into power, but 
 electing a very large number of Socialist deputies, making them 
 easily the second party in the kingdom with hopes of speedily 
 becoming the first. 
 
 The present programme of the Belgian Labour Party {Parti 
 Ouvrier Beige) is as follows : — 
 
 Pbeamble. 
 
 A party has been established amongst the Belgian labour associations, 
 with the object of obtaining for workmen the political rights and material 
 well-being of which they have Utherto been deprived. 
 
 Seeing that workmen only acquire these rights and this well-being 
 through their own strength, the party will consist exclusively of labour 
 associations. 
 
114 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Seeing that workmen have to contend against sickness and involuntaly 
 stoppage of work, and to seoure their wages, the Labour Party will endea- 
 vour to obtain the greatest possible advantages for associations instituted 
 with this aim, and to found similar associations in localities where they 
 do not yet eiasL 
 
 Seeing that workmen, like the rest of the world, have a right to the 
 greatest possible liberty, the widest instruction, a good education, and all 
 the enjoyments of an advanced civilisation, the party wUl work zealously 
 to attain this end> 
 
 Seeing that workmen, in spite of all saorifioes, cannot succeed in in- 
 stituting pension fimds, disablement funds, or funds for assistance in case 
 of sickness, rich enough to pension an old workman, and effectually to 
 support those who are sick or in distress ; 
 
 Seeing that the majority of workmen possess neither the material nor 
 the tools for agriculture or industry ; 
 
 Finally, seeing that they have absolutely no part in the management 
 of factories, mines or workshops, and are consequently powerless and 
 helpless against industrial and commercial crises, which afEect them so 
 terribly ; 
 
 The Labour Party is of opinion that the State should intervene to 
 assure the fate of the workman during the period of work, sickness, and 
 old age. 
 
 To this end, the Labour Party will not be satisfied with founding funds 
 for assistance in case of sickness, co-operative societies, and protective 
 societies, but it will also take the character of a political party, in order 
 to obtain from the State the support necessary for the perfect weU-being 
 of the working classes. 
 
 Seeing that Governments conclude international, commercial, postal, 
 and maritime conventions ; 
 
 Seeing that the interests of workmen are everywhere identical, and in 
 order to prevent strikers from being supplanted by other workmen in times 
 of difficulty, the Labour Party declares that it wishes to place itself in 
 sympathetic relations with the associated workmen in every coimtry who 
 share its views. 
 
 Seeing that the cause of the misery and dependence of the masses is 
 due to the method of working, since the greater part of the workmen do 
 not possess the tools necessary for their work, the Labour Party will 
 endeavour to replace this system of capitalistic production by a mode of 
 working which has for its foundation the common possession of the soil, 
 the sub-soil, and the necessary tools. 
 
 In addition to these general objects, and in order to attain its final 
 aim, the Labour Party demands the reforms set forth in the following 
 programme : — 
 
Socialisnt in Belgium. 115 
 
 1. — Political Pbogramme. 
 
 1. Universal suffrage ; direct legislation by the people, that is to say, 
 popular sanotion and initiative in legislative matters, secret and compulsory 
 voting ; elections held on Sunday. 
 
 2. Secular, compulsory and complete education for aU children, to be 
 conducted at the cost of the community, represented by the State or the 
 communes. Higher instruction by means of classes for adults. 
 
 3. The separation of Church and State, religion being considered as a 
 private matter, the suppression of religious expenses, and the return to the 
 nation of property " in mortmain," both personal and real, pertaining to 
 religious corporations, as well as all the industrial and commercial property 
 of these corporations. 
 
 i. The application, to all oases, of the system of trial by jury, and of 
 settlement by councils of arbitration elected by universal suffrage. Free 
 administration of justice, and the revision, in an equitable sense, of the 
 articles of the code which establish the political or civil inferiority of 
 workmen, women, and natural children. 
 
 5. The abolition of conscription, and of the system of substitutes. The 
 equality of military commissions, and the reduction of war expenses. The 
 aboUtion of standing armies, and the decision of peace and war by the 
 people. 
 
 6. The investment of the communes with the control of their own 
 administration, their budget, police, and all their public oflScers. The 
 nomination by the electors of the burgomaster and sheriffs. 
 
 7. A law according State recognition to workmen's syndicates (includ- 
 ing amongst other privileges the right to hold property and plead in court). 
 
 II.— Economic Pbogbammb. 
 
 8. A rest of one day in each week ; employers to be forbidden to cause 
 work to be done on more than six days out of seven. 
 
 9. A law limiting the age at which any person may work, and the 
 duration of such work, in the following manner : (a) The abolition of work 
 for children below twelve years of age ; (6) a combination of work and in- 
 struction, and the abolition of all-night work for young persons from twelve 
 to sixteen years of age ; (c) the abolition of the employment of women in 
 all industries in which their employment would be incompatible with 
 m.orality and health ; (d) the establishment by law of a normal working 
 day for adults of both sexes. 
 
 10. A commission elected by workmen, and paid by the State, to 
 introduce healthy and safe conditions into workshops. The sanitary 
 supervision of dwellings. 
 
ii6 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 11. The real responsibility of employers in cases of aooidents in connec- 
 tion with work, by a law stipulating that it devolves upon the employer to 
 prove, if necessary, that an accident was due to malice on the part of the 
 workman. 
 
 12. The regulation of convict labour, so as to put an end to the com- 
 petition now made with free labour, and to allow prisoners, at the time of 
 their release, means of finding employment, to avoid falling back into 
 crime. 
 
 13. Workmen, and, by preference, labour associations, to have a share 
 in the government of workshops. The suppression of fines and deductions 
 from wages. The suppression of benefit funds regulated by employers. 
 The reversal of the management of these funds to the workmen themselves. 
 
 14. The reorganisation of councils of prud'hommes on a basis of 
 equality. Employers to be forbidden to require testimonials and 
 certificates. 
 
 15. The gradual transformation of public charity into one vast system 
 of insurance by the State, the provinces, and the communes. 
 
 16. The abolition of all taxes on articles of consumption. The aboli- 
 tion of customs, and a progressive tax on net income. 
 
 17. The abolition of all contracts and laws alienating public property 
 (such as the national bank, railways, mines, conmiunal property), and the 
 return of this property to the community, represented, according to the 
 case, by the State or the commune. 
 
 18. The abolition of all laws made in favour of employers at the 
 expense of workmen. 
 
 Rules of the Belgian Labour Party {Parti Ouvrier Beige) : — 
 
 Aim and OEGANlSiTION. 
 
 1. The Belgian Labour Party has been founded with the object of 
 uniting all the resources of labour throughout the country, in order to 
 ameliorate the condition of the working classes by a mutual understanding. 
 
 2. In order to accomplish this task, and eventually to realise its 
 highest aim — ^the complete emanoipation of workmen — it will be organised 
 on a political and economic basis. 
 
 3. All protective societies {soditis de rimtance cm maintien de prix) may 
 belong to the Labour Party, as well as mutual aid societies, co-operative 
 societies, associations for instruction and propaganda, and, generally, all 
 groups of workmen who accept the programme and rules of the party. 
 
 i. The Labour Party follows in most particulars the constitution of 
 labour associations and their federations. It will especially support the 
 federation of associations of the same trade throughout the country, and 
 
Socialism in Belgium. 117 
 
 will endeavoui to place them in relation with similar societies in other 
 countries. 
 
 5. It is governed by a general council, appointed annually at the con- 
 gress. This general council will be chosen by preference in towns where 
 there already exists a local federation of members of the party. 
 
 6. Each affiliated society pays one centime weekly, for each member, 
 to the strike fond, and ten centimes a year, for each member, towards the 
 expenses of correspondence and propaganda incurred by the general 
 council. 
 
 Contribution to the strike fund is only compulsory in the case of pro- 
 tective societies, which alone will directly benefit from it. 
 
 The subscriptions are payable in advance, either at the beginning of 
 the social year, for twelve months, or halt-yearly. In case of necessity, 
 the subscription to the strike fund may be increased. 
 
 7. Each year in congress the general council must present a report on 
 the moral and financial situation of the party. The accounts of the 
 general council must be audited by a committee of at least three members 
 nominated by the congress. 
 
 8. The Labour Party undertakes to respect all banners. 
 
 9. Associations afliliated to the Labour Party shall not become con- 
 nected with other associations, except on the condition of maintaining 
 their programme intact. 
 
 The Genbbal CounciIi. 
 
 10. The general council of the Labour Party is composed of six mem- 
 bers appelated at each annual congress, and a delegate appointed by each 
 local federation and each trade federation. 
 
 11. The general council undertakes the correspondence with all the 
 a£Qliated societies ; and propaganda by means of meetings, conferences, 
 manifestoes, pamphlets, etc., wherever necessary. 
 
 GONGBESSES. 
 
 12. A congress takes place annually, at the time and place fixed by the 
 preceding congress. All the affiliated societies are bound, except under 
 unavoidable circumstances, to send one or more delegates to represent 
 them at the congress. 
 
 After having taken the opinion of the federation, a delegate may repre- 
 sent several groups, but those societies of which he is not a member should 
 transmit to him their votes on the order of the day in writing. An extra- 
 ordinary congress may be summoned by the general council in case of 
 necessity. 
 
 13. Each society may cause to be entered on the agenda of the con- 
 
Ii8 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 gress, at least one month before the date fixed, the questions which It 
 desires to have discussed there. Notwithstanding, the congress is always 
 free to regulate the order of the day. 
 
 14. Votes are taken by a roll-call of the societies, each society having 
 one vote. 
 
 15. All decisions of the congress have the force of law, and are binding 
 on the federated associations. 
 
 16. The organisation of the work of the congress, including the forma- 
 tion of committees, is regulated by the congress itself, according to the 
 custom adopted in all labour congresses. 
 
 Strikes. 
 
 17. In accordance with Article 6, a special fund is formed for support- 
 ing strikes. 
 
 This fund is controlled by the general council, and may not be em- 
 ployed for other purposes, except by a decision of a majority of two-thirds 
 of the protective societies taken in congress. 
 
 18. All aflfiliated protective societies, in order to secure the right of 
 sharing in the strike funds, must immediately inform the general council 
 of any dispute which may arise with employers, and ask for its advice. 
 The general council can only refuse support if this decision be taken by a 
 majority of two-thirds of the votes. 
 
 19. The allowance to be made is determined according to the state of 
 the funds. 
 
 20. In order to be able to claim the financial support of the party, the 
 society on strike must have been affiliated for at least one year, and have 
 paid the contributions. 
 
 Notwithstanding, the general council, after having taken the advice 
 of the protective societies, wiU determine whether financial support shall 
 be given. 
 
 Pbopahanda. 
 
 21. In order to propagate its opinions, and work for the organisation 
 of labour {des forces ouvriires), the party wiU arrange meetings and con- 
 ferences in all localities where it shall deem necessary. It will also employ 
 the services of the press. Le Peuple, Vooruit, De Toekomst, Der Werker, 
 L'Avenir, and L' Emancipation (Li^ge), are recommended as the organs of 
 the party. 
 
 Bevision of EuiiBS. 
 
 22. The present rules may only be revised in congress, and the question 
 must be regularly introduced among the orders of the day. 
 
 All proposals for the revision of the rules must obtain two-thirds of the 
 votes, in order to be admitted. 
 
Socialism in Belgium. iig 
 
 The Belgian Socialists are carrying on an especial agitation 
 against standing armies. The spreading of this idea in the army 
 itself they have entrusted to an organisation of young Socialists, 
 the j'eune garde Socialiste, who publish an organ of their own. 
 There is also considerable activity among the women, and a 
 paper. The Woman, for their interests. 
 
 Democratic Socialism is, however, not the only influence 
 working for Socialism in Belgium. 
 
 The Kingdom of Belgium, set apart from the Netherlands only 
 in 1 830, has had less to unlearn than some kingdoms. Its first king, 
 Leopold I., largely educated in England, had practical industrial 
 ideas, and early introduced State railways, which competed suc- 
 cessfully for the through freight from Germany. At present, of 
 the 2810 miles of road in Belgium 2018 belong to the State. 
 Fares are cheaper than anywhere else in the world, except in 
 India ; yet, from 1835 to 1892 the total receipts of the State 
 railways wei'e 3,170,642,149 francs, and the total expense of 
 working them 1,859,469,465 francs. Employees are better paid, 
 and work shorter hours than in most trades, and have uniforms, 
 and in some cases small houses furnished free. Posts and tele- 
 graphs are also operated by the Government, and there are 609 
 State Savings Banks. The State has also developed an important 
 system of councils of pruiTkommes and boards of arbitration, with 
 labour exchanges in many cities and a higher council of labour. 
 It is moving in the direction of employers' liability laws, acci- 
 dent insurance, factory laws, etc., though in this respect it is 
 considerably behind Germany and England. 
 
 Christian Socialism has a deep hold on the Roman Church in 
 Belgium ; its academic Socialism we have glanced at. For details 
 of Belgian Socialism, see the Foreign Report on Belgium of the 
 (English) Royal Commission on Labour. Information in Belgium 
 can be obtained at the Maison du Peuple, 24 Place de Barifere, 
 Brussels, at the Der Werker, 146 Rue Basse, Antwerp, and similar 
 houses in other cities. The best Socialist daily of Belgium (in 
 French) is Le Peuple, 35 Rue des Sables, Brussels, 
 
120 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 SOCIALISM IN SWITZERLAND. 
 
 Swiss Socialism is different from the political revolutionary So- 
 cialism of Germany, from French communistic Socialism, from 
 Belgian co-operative Socialism, or from English legislative Social- 
 ism ; yet, though perhaps in danger of being reactionary, it is 
 Socialism, and has a deep hold upon the national life, because 
 developed in line with the national characteristics. 
 
 The first Socialism, however, to enter Switzerland was of an 
 imported type, and took small root. Switzerland has ever been 
 an asylum for political refugees. Here have come Mazzini, 
 Bakunin, and Lassalle, Italian patriots, Russian Nihilists, and 
 German Socialists. It was the last named that introduced So- 
 cialism into Switzerland. After the revolution of 1848 German 
 Socialists found their way to Switzerland in large numbers, and 
 formed many Socialist unions. One month after the formation 
 of the International in London in 1864 a branch was organised 
 in Switzerland by J. P. Becker, and in 1866 the Socialist news- 
 paper, Der Verbote, was started. In 1867 all the Swiss branches 
 of the International were united into one association, and by 1869 
 thirty-two branches were said to exist in Geneva alone. When 
 the Socialists, however, led by Marx, at the congress of the Inter- 
 national at the Hague, 1872, drove out the Anarchists, Bakunin 
 at Geneva, through the Federation of the Jura, refused to abide 
 by the result, and called "Autonomist " congresses, which claimed 
 to be the true International. The result, however, was after a 
 few years to break up all organisation in a chaos of conflicting 
 opinions. Says the Report on Switzerland of the English Labour 
 Commission ; — 
 
Socialism in Switzerland. 121 
 
 These various phases of opinion remained unorganised untU 1888, 
 when the present Social Demooratio Party was formed. It includes some 
 1700 members drawn from the more advanced of Swiss Socialists. The 
 organ of the party is the Arbeiterstimme, which has a circulation of about 
 4400 copies. The economic aims of this party, which were stated in detail 
 in the programmes issued in 1888 and 1890, may be summed up in the 
 words centralisation and nationalisation. The Social Democrats demand 
 the gradual nationalisation of the means of transport, of land, and of all 
 the instruments of production. They wish to place education, the law 
 courts, the care of aged, sick, and infirm persons under central State con- 
 trol, and propose the establishment of a permanent commission for eco- 
 nomic legislation. They further declare that every citizen has the right 
 to demand employment, and that it is the duty of the State to provide 
 employment for every one who asks it, according to his capabilities. 
 These opinions are opposed by the majority of capitalists and landowners, 
 who are imwUling to exchange their present position for one of dependence 
 on the State, aud by economists and scientific men in general, who believe 
 that a system of national production would destroy all talent and enter- 
 prise and end in general poverty. 
 
 With regard to political matters, the demands of the Socialist party 
 exceed the limitations laid down by the Swiss constitution. They in- 
 clude : — 
 
 1. The abolition of the Federal poKtical police, and of all laws which 
 favour one religious or political opinion above another. 
 
 2. The introduction of the proportional vote in the Federal elections. 
 
 3. The election of the National OounoU by the people. 
 
 4. The introduction of compulsory initiative and referendum. 
 
 Such is the outHne of what may be called exotic Swiss 
 Socialism. 
 
 We now come to consider a native movement, which has 
 sprung up mainly through the Swiss trades unions or working 
 men's societies, and especially through the great society of the 
 Grutltaerein. Says the Labour Report : — 
 
 This association, founded in 1838 at Geneva, takes its name from the 
 scene of the original federal pact made between the three Forest Cantons 
 in 1307, aud is now (1893) the largest and most influential union in 
 Switzerland. At the present tune it possesses 352 branches, with a total 
 membership of about 15,241 persons. The majority of its members are 
 working men, but it also includes employers and a number of influential 
 statesmen. Foreigners are only admitted as members of the various 
 benefit funds, and are not allowed to vote. The annual revenue arising 
 
122 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 from the subscriptions of the members amounts to £7000, and the reserve 
 fund has a capital of £14,000. All members are obliged to subscribe to the 
 organ of the society, the Griltlianer, which is published in French and 
 German, and has a circulation of about 14,000. Although the association 
 is open to every Swiss without regard to cantonal or religious distinctions, 
 it is in German Switzerland that it has attained its greatest development, 
 260 out of its 301 branches being situated in German-speaking cantons. 
 This disproportion may be partly accounted for by the fact that large in- 
 dustrial establishments are more frequent in eastern Switzerland than in 
 the western cantons, but, as M. Arago points out, it is also due to the 
 superior tendency towards association of the German people. 
 
 The aim of the Grutli society is to advance the interests and improve 
 the position of the working classes, but the society has a political as well 
 as a social and economic programme. It belongs as regards politics to the 
 centralising party, and holds a middle course between liberal and social 
 democratic ideas {entre la dimocratie loii/rgeoise et la lUmociraUe sociale). The 
 programme of 1891 embraces the following aims : — 
 
 Free and compulsory education, both in elementary and secondary 
 schools ; books, etc., to be provided gratis, and poor students to be sup- 
 ported during both stages of their education ; labour legislation, including 
 a normal working day fixed to suit local requirements ; the further exten- 
 sion and enlargement of the Factory Act, and a ten hours' working day ; 
 international regulation of labour protection ; the extension of employers' 
 liability in aU factories and industries ; compulsory sick, accident, and old 
 age insurance ; free medical attendance and burial at the cost of the State 
 and communes ; the publication of State statistics on the condition of the 
 working classes and on the indebtedness of the land (Bodenverschuldung) ; 
 the fixing of wages at a rate sufficient to secure a moderate subsistence to 
 the worker, taking local circumstances into account ; general application 
 of the principle that the same amount of work shall receive the same pay- 
 ment whether done by a man or a woman ; State regulation of labour 
 registries, public labour registries with low fees, compulsory trades unions ; 
 free administration of justice, trades courts of arbitration (prud'hommea), 
 reform of taxation on the principle of progressive probate duties and pro- 
 gressive succession duties ; State monopoly of insurance systems, railways, 
 and banks (first step, a Federal bank, with the monopoly of bank notes) ; 
 tobacco, match, and grain monopolies ; State control of sanitation and 
 the food supply; sanitary inspection of factories, workshops, and the 
 houses of home-workers ; study of the question of land tenvire reform. 
 
 We now come to a most important development. On 
 August 28, 1886, the society proposed to the Federal Department 
 of Commerce the appointment of a Workmen's Secretary, to be 
 
Socialism in Switzerland. 123 
 
 paid by the Government like any other Government Secretary, 
 but to be selected by the Grutliverein, a condition which it 
 finally agreed to modify to being selected by a body representing 
 all Swiss trades unions and working men's societies. The proposal 
 was accepted, and on April 10, 1887, working men's delegates 
 met at Aarau to elect the first Workmen's Secretary. Says the 
 report : — 
 
 The congress was attended by 158 voting and 37 passive deputies, re- 
 presenting 22 central unions and 120 local unions, including trades unions 
 and sick and mutual aid societies from all the cantons. 
 
 After settling minor points, the Grutli presented to the congress a set 
 of draft rules for the union of all Swiss workmen's societies in one organ- 
 isation, to be entitled the Swiss Workmen's Federation {Schweizerische 
 Arbeitcrhvmd). This Federation was to he entirely occupied with matters 
 of common interest to all the associated societies, whDe the separate 
 societies were to retain their full right of independent political action. 
 
 The Federation thus constituted included, first, the Grutli, which then 
 numbered 13,000 members ; secondly, 29 centralised workmen's associa- 
 tions, and thirdly, a large number of cantonal and local unions and benefit 
 societies. The total number of members at the commencement of the 
 Federation was thus 103,000, and this number had risen in 1893 to 200,000. 
 
 The object of the Federation, as stated in Eule 1, is to represent the 
 collective economic interests of the Swiss working classes, and for this 
 purpose aU the associated societies bind themselves to co-operate in all 
 statistical returns, and to furnish any information which is required of 
 them. 
 
 Rule 2 enumerates the following bodies as constituting the organisation 
 of the Federation : — 
 
 (a) The assembly of delegates. 
 
 (6) The central committee of the Federation. 
 
 (c) The committee of control. 
 
 {d) The permanent workmen's secretary. 
 
 The ordinary assembly of delegates is to take place every three years. 
 The delegates are named by the societies and associations which form the 
 Federation. Each society has a right to one delegate, but in order to have 
 a deliberative vote the delegate must represent at least 250 members. 
 The central committee of the Federation fixes the date and place of meet- 
 ing of the assembly of delegates ; extraordinary meetings can be convened 
 either by the central committee or on the demand of societies which unite 
 one-tenth of the entire number of members represented in the Federation. 
 
 The central committee is composed of twenty-three members, elected 
 
124 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 for three years by the assembly o£ delegates. All its members must be 
 Swiss citizens, and two-thirds must be bond fide working men. The 
 central committee must be constituted in such a manner as to represent 
 in due proportion the federated societies, the three national languages, and 
 the chief industries and trades to which the members of the Federation 
 belong. 
 
 The workmen's secretary is elected by the central committee for a 
 term of three years ; he must be a Swiss citizen. The duties and sphere 
 of action of the secretary are fixed by rules drawn up by the central com- 
 mittee, to which body he must also submit the programme of his work 
 and his accounts. The committee of control is responsible for the imme- 
 diate supervision of the business of the secretary's office. 
 
 The secretary must answer all inquiries, and furnish the statistical 
 returns and reports on labour questions which are required by the federated 
 societies. He is entitled to correspond directly with (Government) autho- 
 rities, associations, societies, and private persons concerning any informa- 
 tion he may require. 
 
 The federal grant is intended to defray the expenses of the secretary. 
 All other expenses, particularly those of the assembly of delegates, the 
 meetings of the central committee, etc., must be borne by the societies 
 represented at the meetings. 
 
 The duties of the secretary are further defined as those imposed upon 
 him by the rules of the Federation, the decisions of the two committees, 
 and by the wishes of the federal department. His principal duty is to 
 investigate the condition of the working classes, to study questions of 
 social economy, and draw up reports on these subjects. He also issues an 
 annual report on the administration of his office, including a programme 
 for the work of the following year. 
 
 Herr Greulich, a statistician of Zurich, was elected secretary in 1887, 
 and re-elected in 1890 ; he has since been allowed the help of two perma- 
 nent assistants, and in 1891 M. A. Schwitzguebel of Bienne was appointed 
 workmen's secretary for the Eoman cantons. The federal grant was also 
 increased in the same year to the sum of 25,000 francs. Herr G-reulich's 
 annual reports have dealt with the question of general compulsory insur- 
 ance against sickness and accidents ; he has also compiled accident 
 statistics in the difierent cantons, and has published an account of muni- 
 cipal institutions for the benefit of the working classes in Paris. The 
 wages statistics which he has been coLLeoting ever since he came into 
 office are, owing to the difficult and complicated nature of the work, not 
 yet ready for publication. The secretary has further been engaged in 
 organising bodies of pnid'hommes for the settlement of trade disputes, and 
 has also supplied advice and information to individual workmen with 
 regard to the execution of federal labour legislation. It is not considered 
 
Socialism in Switzerland. 125 
 
 desirable that the secretary's duties should be complioated by any attempt 
 to interfere in purely local or cantonal matters, nor in conflicts between 
 individual workmen or isolated groups of workmen and their employers. 
 Any assistance or interference desired in such cases can, it is thought, be 
 better afforded by the officials which are in closer contact with these 
 groups. 
 
 Remarkable in itself, this movement is still more significant 
 for what it involves. It involves nothing less than a practical 
 recognition of trades unions, as a constituent portion of the 
 Government, since they elect and control a paid official of the 
 Government. But this is by no means the only advance Switzer- 
 land has made towards Socialism. Perhaps even more significant 
 is the recognition of the right to work, which is becoming general 
 in Switzerland. In January, 1892, the Swiss Socialists in the 
 canton of Berne commenced to agitate for a constitutional amend- 
 ment, guaranteeing to all Swiss workmen " the right to remunera- 
 tive work ". It must be remembered that in Switzerland any 
 petition signed by 50,000 men citizens (the Initiative) must be 
 submitted to the citizens for rejection or adoption by popular 
 vote (the Referendum). To this petition the Socialists undertook 
 to secure the requisite number of votes ; and though in similar 
 previous efforts they had never succeeded, for this petition they 
 easily secured 52,000 names. The text of the petition was sub- 
 stantially as follows : — 
 
 The right to properly remunerative work is recognised by every Swiss 
 citizen. Legislation, federal, cantonal, and communal (municipal), must 
 render this right effective by every means in its power. Particularly 
 should it adopt the following methods : — 
 
 (a) By raethods which shall tend to make work more abundant, 
 notably through decreasing the hours of work in as many branches of 
 industry as possible. 
 
 (6) By creating free bureaux for obtaining work for the unemployed, 
 offices which shall be directly under the control of the workers themselves. 
 
 (c) By legal paction of employees against unjustifiable discharge. 
 
 {d) By ensuring workmen against the results of being out of work, 
 either through a system of State insurance, or by insuring them in private 
 institutions through public funds. 
 
 («) By so protecting the right of organisation among working men that 
 
126 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 organisations aiming at defending the interests of working men against 
 their employers shall not be prevented nor workmen be prevented from 
 joining them. 
 
 (/) By the establishment of legal organisations of workmen in dealing 
 with employers, and the demooratio organisation of labotir in factories and 
 workshops, especially those of the State or communes (municipalities). 
 
 One is struck in reading this at once by its conservatism and 
 its radicalism. It proposes nothing revolutionary in regard to 
 property ; it makes no reference to replacing private enterprise by 
 State production ; it builds up no cumbersome machinery or in- 
 volved programme ; it is, if anything, rather too vague, simply in- 
 dicating a principle with suggested methods, yet leaving legislation 
 wholly free to determine the details ; it indulges in no talk about 
 the rights of man ; but it does go right to the point in asking that 
 the State take upon itself the duty of seeing that every man has 
 the right assured him by the State of self-supporting work. Here, 
 again, is the Socialist principle in strong, unique application. It 
 is true that on its being referred to the people the amendment 
 was defeated, but it secured a very large vote, and will, without 
 doubt, be ultimately adopted. 
 
 The Swiss Socialists rightly view it as a triumph that a prin- 
 ciple yesterday looked upon as a heresy should to-day be seriously 
 discussed by a free State; nor did the failure of State action 
 preclude municipal action. Says the report : — 
 
 Without waiting for federal legislation, the town of Berne immediately 
 proceeded to establish an out-of-work insurance society. The insurance 
 institution is managed by the district authorities through the agency of 
 their labour bureau. The committee of management consists of seven 
 members, three of whom are chosen by the district authorities, two by the 
 employers, and two by the members of the society. Every workman in 
 the district may become a member on the payment of a monthly subscrip- 
 tion of forty centimes ; unionists can enrol themselves through their 
 unions. The fund is supported by these subscriptions, by contributions 
 from employers, by a subsidy from the district {Gemeinde), which may not 
 exceed 5000 francs a year, and by donations. Workmen who have sub- 
 scribed during six months and have been out of work for at least two 
 weeks are entitled to a benefit of at most one franc a week if single and 
 one franc eighty cents if they are married men. The rules also provide 
 
Socialism in Switzerland. 1 27 
 
 lot oases in which, men out of work through their own fault are not to 
 receive assistance. 
 
 The example thus set by the town of Berne has been rapidly followed 
 by Urban B41e and St. Gall, where similar institutions have been started. 
 
 Municipal labour bureaux, too, are common in Switzerland. 
 
 Labour bureaux, supported partly by the district authorities and partly 
 by benevolent societies, exist at Berne, St. GaU, Baar, Geneva, and Zurich. 
 Bale has a State bureau. The Zurich bureau, founded in 1885, is connected 
 with the voluntary union for poor relief {armenverein), and comprises sepa- 
 rate sections for men and women. The men's division has not prospered, 
 as it is found that the least capable workmen and the worst employers are 
 the only ones who avail themselves of its services. The women's division 
 shows better results, and is extending its operations year by year. 
 
 The bureau at Berne is a communal (Gemeinde) institution; it was 
 founded in 1888, and is managed by a committee consisting of members of 
 the district council, the artisans' union (HandwerJcermrein), the general 
 workmen's union of the town, and the Grutli society. 
 
 Such are the two most important developments of Swiss So- 
 cialism, but not the only ones. It must not be forgotten that the 
 adoption of the Referendum and of the Initiative, whereby all 
 important questions may be, and to a varying extent according to 
 the different federal, cantonal, and municipal constitutions, must 
 be referred to a final vote of the people, while all petitions signed, 
 as we have seen, by enough citizens must be so referred, are 
 themselves long steps towards Socialism, or the identification of 
 the people with the Government and of Government with indus- 
 trial life. 
 
 While Switzerland thus has her unique features, and in these 
 leads the world, she is, to say the least, not far behind in other 
 lines. Herandustrial legislation increases year by year, but needs 
 no especial notice. The municipalities are making great efforts 
 to improve workmen's dwellings. Swiss municipal and cantonal 
 industrial museums and technical schools are among the best in 
 the world. These include schools in watchmaking, wood carving, 
 cotton and silk weaving, agriculture, etc., etc. Especially important 
 are some of the Swiss experiments with the apprentice problem. 
 Says the report : — 
 
 A new law for the regulation of apprenticeship in Neuchatel came into 
 
128 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 force in February, 1891, from wHoh much good is expected. The aim of 
 the law is to raise the status of apprentices and to develop industrial skill 
 in the different trades practised in the canton, but especially in the watch- 
 making industry. To this end all apprentices are placed under the super- 
 vision of the communal authority, which can delegate its powers to a select 
 committee, composed of equal nimibers of employers and employed. Where 
 Conseils de PrudHuymmes or trade syndicates exist this supervision can be 
 entrusted to them. The committee must from time to time visit the work- 
 shops where apprentices are employed, and see that the latter are properly 
 taught and treated. Masters are forbidden to take apprentices without a 
 written contract, or to employ them in other than their proper occupation, 
 and they are also required to allow them suificient time for religious and 
 secular instruction. The hours of labour are fixed at ten per day for 
 apprentices between the ages of thirteen and fifteen, and at eleven hours a 
 day for those over fifteen, the hours devoted to education being included. 
 
 Most interesting among the federal activities is the alcohol 
 monopoly. 
 
 The Swiss Federal Government undertook the monopoly of alcohol in 
 the year 1887. The objects of this monopoly were principally fiscal and 
 sanitary. Prior to this date private distilleries existed in great numbers 
 all over the country, and the " schnaps " produced in them was the daily 
 driak of the peasants. Dr. Schild, writing in 1864, stated that in many 
 cases respectable peasant families had been ruined through the disastrous 
 consequences of " schnaps " drinking. The extent of this private distilla- 
 tion may be inferred from the fact that since 1887, when the new laws 
 came into force, 1400 distilleries, large and small, have been brought out, 
 and between sixty and seventy remain. The latter, however, can now sell 
 their products only to the monopoly administration. The nature of the 
 control now exercised consists in making the State the sole vendor of 
 alcohol, and its aim is simply to prevent drunkenness. The law does not 
 attempt to promote total abstinence ; such a course would indeed be use- 
 less, for the principle is practically unknown in Switzerland. A temper- 
 ance society, known as the " Blue Gross," does exist, but the number of 
 its members is small (5848 in 1890), and its influence on practical politics 
 infinitesimal. 
 
 With regard to the home trade the action of the administration is two- 
 fold : (1) home-made spirits are bought by the monopoly administration, 
 by whom they are rectified and re-sold at monopoly prices. Spirit made 
 from home-grown fruits is not controlled by the monopoly, only that 
 extracted from beer, potatoes, etc. ; (2) the duties on all raw spirit and 
 brandy made from foreign fruits, beer, and roots are raised. A.11 imported 
 raw spirits and brandy are purchased by the administration, rectified, and 
 
Socialism in Switzerland. lag 
 
 re-sold at monopoly prices, and high duties are imposed on all hrandy and 
 liqueurs imported by private individuals. The monopoly administration 
 has no control over the ultimate distribution o£ the spirit, nor any control 
 over the manner in which it is dealt with after leaving the offices of the 
 monopoly. 
 
 In order to ensure the moral aim of the monopoly, the law establishing 
 it provides that one-tenth of the profits, which are distributed among the 
 cantonal governments, must be applied by them in combating the cases 
 and effects of alcoholism. The sum which ought to have been thus spent 
 by the cantons amounted for the year 1891 to 565,123 francs (£22,605) ; of 
 this sum about £18,500 has been expended on objects more or less con- 
 nected with the prescribed aim, and £4000 is still held in reserve. But of 
 the £18,500 only about £4600 was devoted to combating the causes of 
 alcoholism, and the remainder of 61 per cent, of the united tenths has 
 been applied to relieving sufferers from the effects of Intemperance. 
 
 Since the introduction of the monopoly system the duties on distilled 
 liquors have been nearly trebled, and the result has been a great decrease 
 in their consumption. In 1882 the consumption of spirit per head was 
 9-4 litres, and in 1885 this had risen to 10'36 litres, while in 1890 the con- 
 sumption per head had fallen to 6°27, and in 1891 to 6'32 litres. It must 
 also be remembered as another advantage of the new system that the 
 spirit which has passed the monopoly administration is pure and therefore 
 far less injurious than the " sohnaps " of former days. The above figures 
 as to the comparative consumption of liquor before and after the introduc- 
 tion of the monopoly must be taken with some reserve. Firstly, before 
 the monopoly, some proportion of the liquor distilled in Switzerland, and 
 here accredited to the consumption of the native population, was actually 
 smuggled into foreign countries. Under the present system smuggling is 
 more carefully watched than was possible in the old days of private stUls, 
 and it has now sunk to insignificant proportions. Nevertheless, allowance 
 being made for this deduction, the decrease in the use of spirituous liquors 
 is estimated by Herr MiUiet, the director of the monopoly administration, 
 at 25 per cent. Against this must be set a slight increase in the use of 
 wine and a considerable increase in that of beer, due to the fact that the 
 duties on these articles have been lowered by the monopoly administration. 
 A second limitation on the statistics of decrease is the suspicion that a 
 certain portion of the raw spirit which is denaturalised each year by the 
 administration is again made potable by fraudulent means. The canton 
 of Urban B&le has taken measures to prevent fraud by giving its govern- 
 ment the monopoly of the retail alcohol trade, thus offering a surer 
 guarantee of its purity to the eventual consumer. Individual purchasers 
 are obliged to buy from the cantonal Mgie, but the canton does not 
 attempt to dictate to individuals as to how they shall dispose of their 
 purchases. 
 
 9 
 
130 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Christian Socialism has some hold in Switzerland. There are 
 two Protestant societies in Geneva and a Roman CathoUc society 
 in Zurich. 
 
 The best English authority on Socialism in Switzerland is the 
 Report on Switzerland of the Royal Commission on Labour, from 
 which we have so largely quoted. Among the best Swiss Socialist 
 papers are the Arbeitersttmme, Secretariat Ouvrier Suisse, and 
 the Griitliarun of Zurich, and the Griitli of Lausanne. 
 
131 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Socialism has appeared in the United States under at least five 
 different and almost totally disconnected forms. It has appeared 
 as a movement towards the establishment of socialistic commu- 
 nities or communisms ; it has appeared as Fourierism, as German 
 or International Socialism, as Nationalism, and as Christian 
 Sociahsm. 
 
 The communistic efforts were the earliest, although even these 
 were preceded by a few rudimentary and unenduring attempts at 
 a partial Socialism. Prof. Ely has pointed out in his Labour 
 Movement in America that, at Jamestown, according to the 
 " oldest American charter," under which the first English settle- 
 ment was made on American soil, one condition stipulated by 
 King James was a common storehouse into which products were 
 to be poured, and from which they were to be distributed accord- 
 ing to the needs of the colonists, an industrial constitution under 
 which the first inhabitants of Jamestown lived for five years. It 
 did not work, because all the colonists were by no means ready 
 for it. We are told that the adventurous idlers and " played-out 
 gentlemen," of whom the colony largely consisted, gave so much 
 trouble that the old soldier. Captain John Smith, was forced to 
 declare in vigorous language, and with threats not to be misunder- 
 stood, that " he that will not work shall not eat ". 
 
 The first pilgrims, too, who emigrated to New England were 
 bound by a somewhat similar arrangement which they had entered 
 into with London merchants, though the issue of the experiment 
 was not more successful, and it was partially abandoned ; not 
 wholly, however, for a great deal of land was Ipng after held in 
 
132 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 common, and, indeed, to-day, many parcels of this land still stand 
 in New England towns, and notably in Boston, as commons, mute 
 witnesses of some of the old principles of brotherhood, and often 
 of religious brotherhood, which lie at the foundation of the " com- 
 monwealth " of Massachusetts and of many States inside and out- 
 side of New England. 
 
 Passing by, however, these rudimentary forms, to the Shakers 
 belongs the credit of instituting at once the first and the most 
 enduring SociaUstic communities in America. They came to 
 America in 1774, led by "Mother" Ann Lee, in obedience to 
 the heavenly vision, that they might lead here a life according to 
 their convictions. At first not practising Communism, they soon 
 learned to do so, and their first establishment. Mount Lebanon, 
 in Columbia county. New York, is still the home of the strongest 
 Shaker settlement in the land, existing and growing in wealth to- 
 day, after a history of 106 years, a living contradiction to those who 
 consider Communism utterly beyond the pale of practicability. 
 There are also several other large and prosperous Shaker com- 
 munities living in groups or celibate " families," quietly working 
 in common for the good of all, and practising equal enjoyment of 
 whatever is produced. Economic failure they have never known, 
 and to the future they look forward with steadfast hope. Their 
 religious tenets we cannot here discuss. SufSce it to say they 
 enter upon their communal life with religious conviction, and 
 carry it on in a spirit of the deepest duty. That, however, the 
 Shaker communities are a complete success we by no means 
 assert ; that they will continue to endure is more than doubtful. 
 Their religious spirit and their character of faithfulness and 
 honesty have been their safeguard. The latter will, doubtless, 
 remain with the faithful few ; but with advancing thought will the 
 world continue to follow the tenets of " Mother " Ann Lee, or 
 any narrow religious sectarianism ? 
 
 Next in age, and perhaps next in importance among the 
 religious Communists, stand the Harmonists or the followers of 
 George Rapp. George Rapp was born in Wurtemberg in 1757, 
 and came to this country with a little band of followers in 1803. 
 
Socialism in the United States. 133 
 
 Settling first in Pennsylvania, they moved soon to Harmony in 
 Indiana, and later, in 1825, selling out to Robert Owen, they 
 went to Economy, near Pittsburg, where they still are. Practising 
 celibacy, they are dependent upon converts for numerical growth, 
 and converts do not come. Their Communism is also a part of 
 their Christianity. It makes them faithful, honest, successful ; 
 but since they have not grown in numbers, they are to-day little 
 more than a corporation, which has grown enormously wealthy 
 through investments, and hires numerous employees, who are 
 indeed treated well, but not made members of the community. 
 When the present aged members have passed away, it is doubtful 
 how long the community will endure as in any sense a Com- 
 munism. The same is true of the little band of Separatists, as 
 they called themselves, who, led by Joseph Baumeler, came to 
 this country, also from Wurtemberg, and with the assistance of 
 some Quakers purchased land at Zoar, in Pennsylvania, in 181 7, 
 where they exist to-day, prosperous and rich. Zoar and Amana 
 are the strongest Communistic societies in the United States, 
 excepting only the Shakers. Among Separatists, however, mar- 
 riage is allowed, and they number now some three or four hundred 
 souls. Prof. R. T. Ely gave their wealth in 1886 as 1,500,000 
 dols., or a per capita wealth of 5000 dols. But they too are 
 losing in numbers. 
 
 Much more successful from the standpoint of true SociaUsm 
 is — 
 
 Amana, another German colony of a sect beginning in the Fatherland 
 in the eighteenth century, but not attaining strength till 1817, when 
 Christian Metz became, as he believed, an " instrument " Oi revelation to 
 lead his followers on to a higher and a communal life. They came to this 
 country in 1842 and settled near Buffalo, N.Y., whence they moved to 
 Ebenezer and later to Amana, in Ohio, in 1855. Amana is not a village, 
 but a plain with seven villages all tied together in the bonds of Com- 
 munism. The Amana community believes in marriage and the family, 
 and is, upon the whole, perhaps the broadest and most attractive existing 
 Communism in America. 
 
 Among these communities must undoubtedly be included the Oneida 
 community, or the " Perfectionists," established by John Humphrey 
 Noyes at Oneida, N. Y., in 1847, with a smaller community at Wallingford. 
 
134 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Economically, this community too succeeded, being wrecked on other 
 lines. Noyes believed in what he would caU collective marriage. He 
 claimed that it was not free love, since the relations between men and 
 women were not left to the shifting caprice of love or of desire, but were 
 entered into with religious ceremony and thoughtfulness. One woman 
 was not tied to one man, or vice versd, but all were tied together. Endur- 
 ing many years, New York State was, on account of their marital practices, 
 at last made too hot for them, and the community as a religious commu- 
 nity dissolved in 1881, existing to-day only as a joint-stock concern for the 
 management of their wealth. 
 
 Such have been the main but by no means the only religious Com- 
 munistic Socialists in the United States. Hopedale, in Massachusetts, 
 founded by Bev. Adin Ballou, a relative of the great Universalist ; Brock- 
 ton, in New York State, founded by Thomas Xi. Harris, now of California, 
 and author of The New Mepublic ; Mountain Cove community (Spiritu- 
 alistic) ; Aurora, in Oregon ; and Bethel, in Missouri, are all of interest, 
 and have endured for a longer or shorter time, finally however splitting 
 on the rocks of discord or of unwise management. 
 
 We come now to another class of communities, which, though the 
 most numerous, are on the whole of least importance. We caill them 
 Secularist communities, not because they all held Secularist doctrines, 
 but as indicating their opposition to any spiritual or revealed religion. 
 The first and most interesting of these was New Harmony. In 1824, after 
 his industrial experiments at New Lanark, in Scotland, Bobert Owen 
 bought, as above related, of the German Rappists, Harmony, and calling 
 it New Harmony, established a colony. Entering into land and buildings 
 prepared by the Bappists, some 900 persons were gathered from all por- 
 tions of the United States. Education was made prominent ; religious 
 thought was unfettered; aU worked for the good of all. Hope was on 
 every hand. But there was no deep bond of union. Dissensions sprang 
 up. Various methods of conducting the community were attempted, some 
 whoUy Communistic, others only partly so ; Mr. Owen was at one time 
 sole manager, at another time a committee was elected to manage the 
 community ; separation was tried, to let difierent parties manage afiairs 
 in difierent ways, but the trouble lay not in the mode of management, 
 but the lack of unity. In 1827 the community was virtually at an end. 
 
 Akin to this, though more enduring, was the non-religious community 
 of Icaria, established in 1848 by some French followers of Cabet, the 
 author of the charming Communistic romance. Voyage en Icarie. 
 Headed by Cabet himself, it numbered at one time 1600 souls, and for five 
 or six years was successful. Dissensions, however, set in, and finally 
 Cabet and 170 adherents departed and removed to St. Louis, Mo., where 
 the enthusiast died in 18S6. The remnant of the community still exists 
 
Socialism in the United States. 135 
 
 at Coming, in Iowa, out of debt, but very weak, and numbering less than 
 forty souls, including men, women, and children. 
 
 Much more recent, mainly within the last decade, have been 
 the attempts at communities at Kaweah, in California, and Topo- 
 lobampo, in Mexico. The former has already disappeared, 
 owing partly to dissensions and even more to the opposition of 
 jealous corporations, who prevailed upon the United States 
 Government to invalidate their land titles. The colony at Topo- 
 lobampo is much more important. It commenced on a large scale 
 and with great energy, under a favourable charter from the Mexi- 
 can Government, but a serious dissension already threatens to 
 divide the movement. Of a few existing communities we do not 
 here speak. They are of too recent formation to have an assured 
 future, though at least one in Tennessee is very promising ; but 
 Socialism, as we have seen in chapter iii., is learning to be very 
 cautious of such communisms. 
 
 Such are the main, though by no means the only, attempts at 
 Communistic settlements in the United States, apart from the 
 Fourierist movement, which we next consider. The Fourierist 
 wave of Communistic Socialism swept over the country from 
 1840 to 1850. 
 
 In 1840 Albert Brisbane published his Social Destiny of Man, a 
 presentation of Fourierism. In 1843 Horace Greeley opened the columns 
 of the New York Tribune to the teachings of Brisbane, and Socialistic 
 articles appeared in its columns at first once a week and then every day. 
 There was a rush into Fourierist communities or " phalanxes ". " By 
 1843," says Noyes in his History 0/ American Socialisms, "phalanxes by 
 the dozen were on the march for the new world of wealth and harmony." 
 A paper, entitled The Phalanx, was started and edited by Brisbane. In 
 1844 a national convention of associations was held at Clifton Hall, New 
 York city, with George Ripley for president and Charles A. Dana, Bris- 
 bane, and Horace Greeley among the vice-presidents. 
 
 The Sylvania Association was the first phalanx, and was located in 
 Lackawaxen, Pa. It had 145 members, and owned 2800 acres of land. 
 Greeley was one of its of&cers. It existed two years, and then failed, 
 mainly from lack of management. There was said to have been not a 
 practical farmer among them. It was the type of most of the Fourierist 
 communities. 
 
136 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 The North American phalanx was the most suooessful, enduring twelve 
 years. Situated in Monmouth, N. J., it commenced in 1843 with twelve 
 members and a capital of 8000 dols. By 1844 it had seventy-seven mem- 
 bers and a capital of 28,000 dols. In 1854 it suffered heavily from flre, 
 and then more from dissension, coming to an end in 1855. 
 
 Noyes, in his book, enumerates thirty-four phalanxes, most of them, 
 however, too insignificant to deserve mention here. Undoubtedly the 
 greatest and best of them aU was Brook Farm, near Boston. It did 
 not begin as a Pourierist phalanx. It seems to have owed its inception to 
 a suggestion from Dr. William E. Channiug. His thought, however, fell 
 on friendly soU, and Boston's culture and Boston's genius joined the new 
 enterprise. Not professedly religious, it was stUl largely Unitarian, or 
 more exactly, Transcendental. George Bipley, Dr. J. G. Warren, Theo- 
 dore Parker, Margaret FuUer, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and George William 
 Curtis were all more or less interested, many of them being residents. 
 Ealph Waldo Emerson and Dr. Ohanning were interested, though not 
 residents. The Dial, published from 1840 to 1844 by Margaret Fuller, 
 was its main organ. The best brains of Boston delighted to come here ; 
 its members discussed philosophy and milked cows and hoed potatoes, 
 greatly to their enjoyment and their health, if not greatly to the benefit 
 of their pockets. In 1844 it became avowedly Pourierist, and then gradu- 
 ally went down, partly from misfortune in having its central house or 
 phalanstery burnt, mainly from lack of business management. In 1846 
 it was practically at an end. 
 
 The trouble with all the Pourierist communities was that they were 
 fanciful and theoretical schemes, not simple and natural growths. They 
 had little definite religious spirit to hold them together. 
 
 In America all the secular Communisms seem to have failed ; 
 almost all the religious Communisms seem to have financially 
 succeeded, but to have been too narrow to admit of enlargement 
 and growth. 
 
 Marxian, International, or Democratic Socialism entered 
 the United States about 1849, with German and other re- 
 fugees, after the putting down of the European revolutions of 
 1848. Prominent among these was Wilhelm Weitling, often 
 called " the Father of German Communism," almost more truly 
 called " the Father of American Democratic Socialism ". He 
 founded a working men's society in New York, called the Arbei- 
 terbund, with headquarters in Beekman Street. Here was pub- 
 lished for three years Die Republik der Arbeiter, the first really 
 
Socialism in the United States. 137 
 
 socialistic paper in the United States. Associated with him was 
 Dr. Edmund Ignatz Koch, a man who had been active in Euro- 
 pean revolutions, and who is said to have brought to America a 
 thousand copies of a Communist work by Blanqui. Others of 
 the httle band were Wedemeyer, a friend and disciple of Marx, 
 and H. Meyer, a German merchant. Weitling, however, finally 
 abandoned Communistic ideas, and devoted himself to inventions 
 and astronomy. Still the seed he sowed took root. Says Prof. 
 Ely, from whose Labour Movement in America we largely con- 
 dense this portion of our article : " The first large society to 
 adopt and propagate Socialism in America was composed of the 
 German Gymnastic Unions (Turnvereine). The Socialistic Turn- 
 vereine of New York drew up a constitution for an association to 
 be composed of the various local gymnastic unions, and published 
 it in 1850." PreUminary meetings were held at the Shakspeare 
 Hotel in New York. On October 5, 1850, a meeting was held in 
 Philadelphia to appoint a permanent organisation. Several Turn- 
 vereine acted on the suggestion, and, among others, delegates 
 were present from New York, Boston, and Baltimore. The first 
 name adopted was "Associated Gymnastic Unions of North 
 America" (Vereinigte Turnvereine Nordamerikas), which was, 
 however, changed the following year to " Socialistic Gymnastic 
 Union" (Sociahstischer Turnerbund). The platform adopted 
 proclaimed the promotion of Socialism and the support of the 
 Social Democratic Party to be its chief purpose. The education 
 of the mind was to accompany the training of the body, that the 
 whole man might be developed in accordance with the maxim, 
 m£ns sana in corpore sano ; and this idea has always been promi- 
 nent among the members of this society in America. The num- 
 ber of local gymnastic unions in America in 1851, so far as 
 known, was seventeen ; of which the three largest were the 
 Baltimore Social Democratic Turnvereine with 278 members, the 
 Cincinnati Turngemeinde with 222 members, and the New York 
 Sociahstic Turnvereine with 128. A monthly organ was pubhshed, 
 called the Turnzeitung, The Turnerbund continued to grow 
 slowly in strength until the Civil War, although internal dissen- 
 
138 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 sions divided it for a few years into two sections. The beginning 
 of the Civil War offered the Turnerbund the opportunity they 
 desired, to earn a good name for themselves and for their fellow- 
 countrymen. It is estimated that from forty to fifty per cent, of 
 all Turners capable of bearing arms took part in the war. Pro- 
 minent among them was General Franz Sigel. This depletion of 
 the local unions suspended all activities on the part of the Social- 
 istic Turnerbund, until the close of the war, when it was reorgan- 
 ised under the name of the North American Gymnastic Union 
 (Nordamerikanischer Turnerbund). The Turnerbund is no 
 longer nominally Socialistic ; but it recommends the careful 
 study of social questions, and has adopted resolutions in favour 
 of radical reforms. In its platform the aims of the Society are 
 stated to be these ; the development of men strong in mind and 
 body, and the development of a true democracy. In accordance 
 with its general conservative character it declares that social, 
 religious, and political reforms can only be secured by the spread 
 of education and morality. 
 
 The sovereignty of the people is declared to be inalienable, 
 and reforms are recommended which aim at realising democratic 
 institutions; in particular, the replacement of Senate and Presi- 
 dent by a Federal Council. The recall of legislators by the 
 people is further recommended, and also the abolition of all 
 complicated modes of representation and artificial delegation of 
 power. 
 
 The general convention likewise recommends "the protection 
 of labour against spoliation, and the adoption of means to secure 
 to it its real product ; the sanitary protection of citizens by con- 
 trol over factories," etc. Child labour is condemned. Debates 
 and lectures are held, largely on Socialistic themes. 
 
 More direct Socialistic organisation, however, continued. In 
 1857 a club of Communists was formed in New York city, mostly 
 of German refugees, and in June, 1858, a celebration of the Paris 
 insurrection of 1848 called out several thousand men and women. 
 The war suspended but did not break up this movement, and in 
 1867 another organisation having been effected by the followers 
 
Socialism in the United States. 139 
 
 of Lassalle, in New York city, the two societies united, and were 
 called the Social Party. In 1869 this became afifiliated with the 
 International, and its ideas spread rapidly. Between 1870 and 1873 
 many sections of the International sprang up all over the country, 
 and not a few of the trades unions joined the movement. As early 
 as 1869 a delegate from the North American Central Committee of 
 the International regularly attended the New York City Working 
 Men's Union, composed of delegates representing trades unions 
 aggregating a membership of from thirty to forty thousand. The 
 same year J. George Eccarius, General Secretary of the European 
 Central Council of the International, wrote to the National Labour 
 Union in session in Philadelphia to send a delegate to the Inter- 
 national Congress to be held at Basle in September of that year, 
 and a delegate, Cameron, was sent. It must be remembered, 
 however, that the International, although containing and, later, 
 best known by its Radical, Socialist, and even Anarchist mem- 
 bers, was not committed to revolutionary Socialism, and the 
 English and American trades unionists, who joined it at this time, 
 simply joined it as an International Working Men's Union. 
 When it declared for more revolutionary principles they dropped 
 off. 
 
 In 187 1 a new impetus was given to radical Socialism in 
 America by the refugees that came from Paris after the suppres- 
 sion of the Commune. A more important event was the trans- 
 ference of the General Council of the International to New York 
 city in 1872, after the split at the Hague Congress between the 
 Socialists and the Anarchists, the idea being to save the Interna- 
 tional from the attacks of the Anarchists, by transferring it to the 
 American continent. It proved, however, the gradual death of 
 the International. The division between the Anarchists and 
 Socialists reappeared upon the new shores. In 1873 outspoken 
 weekly advocates of Socialism were started in New York, city and 
 Chicago, the Chicago weekly, Z>ie Vorbate, continuing to the 
 present time, though now an organ of Anarchism. National con- 
 gresses were held under different names at Philadelphia in 1874 ; 
 Pittsburg, 1876; Newark, 1877; Alleghany City, 1880. All 
 
140 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 this time the split between the Anarchists and Socialists was 
 growing wider. In December, 1882, Johann Most arrived in New 
 York city, and proved a firebrand. In 1883 the Anarchists met 
 at Pittsburg, and the Socialists at Baltimore. Yet a vote to re- 
 pudiate Most was not carried at Baltimore. When, however, the 
 London outrages of 1885 were condemned by the Socialists, and 
 applauded by the Anarchists, separation became absolute, and 
 the two parties came to blows in a meeting in New York city. 
 The Socialists are henceforth known as the Socialist Labour 
 Party, a name adopted by the Newark Congress of 1877, with a 
 programme modelled after the Gotha Programme (see chapter 
 vii., "Socialism in Germany"). The Anarchists took the old 
 name of the International Working People's Association, thus 
 giving it a very different colouring from what it once had, and 
 confusing many minds as they read of the old and orderly Inter- 
 national of Marx and the Socialists and trades unions. With the 
 Anarchists we have no more to do. The Socialist Labour Party 
 we must now follow. It has grown steadily, and yet slowly, being 
 held back, because, although a few Americans by birth have 
 joined it, it was organised by Germans, and has mainly continued 
 among them. It has thus been too confused in the popular mind 
 with the Anarchist movement to receive the attention that has 
 been its due. As a matter of fact, it has been utterly distinct 
 from and opposed to the Anarchist movement. It declares for 
 the Socialistic State, to be realised by a capture of the present 
 State through orderly political methods. The head of the party 
 is a national executive committee, with headquarters in New 
 York city. It has had many organs, notably the Sozialist, the 
 New Yorker Volkszeitung, the Tageblatt, of Philadelphia, later 
 the Workman's Advocate, and now The People, of New York 
 city, in English, and the Vorwdrts, in German. Till 1889 very 
 little progress was made. The hanging of the Chicago Anarch- 
 ists in 1887 was protested against by the Socialists, and resulted 
 in increased popular confusion of Anarchism and Socialism. In 
 1886 the Socialists of New York city entered enthusiastically into 
 the Henry George campaign for the mayoralty, and aided him 
 
Socialism in the United States. 141 
 
 to poll the phenomenal vote of 68,000 ; but in 1887 Mr. 
 George saw fit to expel the Socialists from the State convention 
 of his (the United Labour) party, and the result was the utter 
 defeat of his party in the State, but also temporarily a set back 
 to the Socialists. In 1888 they nominated a mayor from New 
 York city (Jonas), but he only received 2000 votes. The party, 
 too, was divided over the question whether to work through 
 or oppose the trades union movement. In 1889 personal jeal- 
 ousies and divisions of opinion led to a violent change in the 
 conduct of the party organ in New York city, and the complete 
 reorganisation of the party at the Chicago Convention of October 
 12, 1889. Since then, and especially of late, growth has been 
 more rapid, although still few native Americans belong to the 
 movement, and this prevents, and while it continues must 
 prevent, it from obtaining large proportions, its sharp criticism 
 of all othet efforts at social reform contributing to prevent its 
 growth. At the Chicago Convention the fundamental lines for 
 future agitation were laid down, and the unity of the economic 
 and political movement was proclaimed. Since then, one of 
 the leading endeavours of American Socialists has been to pro- 
 mote the New Trades Unionism, which, in aims and methods, 
 is at one with and inseparable from the Socialist Labour Party. 
 As a matter of course, the Socialist Labour Party, together with 
 its New Trades Unionist allies, has from that time on taken the 
 field independently at every campaign. The results of this policy 
 were not long in coming. Already in 1890 the Socialist vote in 
 the State of New York rose to 13,337 ; in 1891, to 14,561 ; in 
 1892, when the party for the first time set up its own Presidential 
 candidate, to 18,147 ; in 1893, to over 22,000. Through the 
 country it polls but a small vote. 2%e World's "Almanac" puts it 
 as only 21,167 for the whole country for the Presidential election 
 of 1892, but it was probably larger than this. 
 
 The present platform of the Socialist Labour Party, first 
 adopted at the Chicago Convention, October 12, 1889, and since 
 amended, is as follows : — 
 
 The Socialist Labour Party of the United States, in convention 
 
142 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 assembled, re-asserts the inalienable right of all men to life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of happiness. 
 
 With the founders of the American Republic we hold that the purpose 
 of government is to secure every citizen in the enjoyment of this right ; 
 but in the light of our social conditions we hold, furthermore, that no such 
 right can be exercised under a system of inequality, essentially destructive 
 of life, of liberty, and of happiness. 
 
 With the founders of this republic we hold that the true theory of 
 politics is that the machinery of government must be owned and con- 
 trolled by the whole people ; but in the light of our industrial development 
 we hold, furthermore, that the true theory of economics is that the 
 machinery of production must likewise belong to the people in conmion. 
 
 To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is the direct 
 opposite of our democratic system of politics, can plainly be traced the 
 existence of a privileged class, the corruption of government by that class, 
 the alienation of public property, public franchises, and public functions 
 to that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of nations upon 
 that class. 
 
 Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of plutocracy, 
 labour is robbed of the wealth which it alone produces, is denied the means 
 of self-employment, and, by compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even 
 deprived of the necessaries of life. 
 
 Human power and natural forces are thus wasted, that the plutocracy 
 may rule. 
 
 Ignorance and misery, vrith all their concomitant evils, are perpetuated, 
 that the people may be kept in bondage. 
 
 Science and invention are diverted from their humane purpose to the 
 enslavement of women and children. 
 
 Against such a system the Socialist Labour Party once more enters its 
 protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental declaration that private 
 property in the natural sources of production and in the instruments of 
 labour is the obvious cause of all economic servitude and political 
 dependence; and 
 
 Whereas, the time is fast coming when, in the natural course of socia 
 evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its failures and 
 crises on the one hand, and the constructive tendencies of its trusts and 
 other capitalistic combinations on the other hand, shall have worked out 
 its own downfall ; therefore be it 
 
 Resolved, that we call upon the people to organise with a view to the 
 substitution of the co-operatiVe commonwealth for the present state of 
 planless production, industrial war and social disorder ; a commonwealth 
 in which every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of his 
 faculties, multiplied by all the modem factors of civilisation. 
 
Socialism in the United States. 143 
 
 We call upon them to unite with us in a mighty effort to gain by all 
 practicable means the political power. 
 
 In the meantime, and with a view to immediate improvement in the 
 condition of labour, we present the following " Demands " : — ■ 
 
 SociAii Demands. 
 
 1. Eeduction of the hours of labour in proportion to the progress of 
 production. 
 
 2. The United States shall obtain possession of the railroads, canals, 
 telegraphs, telephones, and all other means of public transportation and 
 communication ; but no einployee shall be discharged for political reasons. 
 
 3. The municipalities to obtain possession of the local railroads, ferries, 
 waterworks, gasworks, electric plants, and all industries requiring muni- 
 cipal franchises ; but no employee shall be discharged for political reasons. 
 
 4. The public lands to be declared inalienable. Eevooation of all land 
 grants to corporations or individuals, the conditions of which have not 
 been complied with. 
 
 5. Legal incorporation by the States of local trades unions which have 
 no national organisation. 
 
 6. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue money. 
 
 7. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific management of 
 forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste of the natural resources 
 of the country. 
 
 8. Inventions to be free to all ; the inventors to be remunerated by the 
 nation. 
 
 9. Progressive income-tax and tax on inheritances ; the smaller incomes 
 to be exempt. 
 
 10. School education of all children under fourteen years of age to be 
 compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by public assistance in meals, 
 clothing, books, etc., where necessary. 
 
 11. Bepeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary laws. 
 Unabridged right of combination. 
 
 12. Official statistics concerning the condition of labour. Prohibition 
 of the employment of children of school age, and of the employment of 
 female labour in occupations detrimental to health or morality. Abolition 
 of the convict labour contract system. 
 
 13. Employment of the unemployed by the public authorities (county, 
 ity, state, and nation). 
 
 14. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United States. 
 Equalisation of women's wages with those of men where equal service is 
 performed. 
 
 15. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all occupations, and an 
 efficient employers' liability law. 
 
144 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 PoLiTicAi, Demands. 
 
 1. The people to have the right to propose laws and to vote upon all 
 measures of importance, according to the referendum principle. 
 
 2. Abolition of the veto power of the executive (national, state, and 
 municipal), wherever it exists. 
 
 3. Municipal self-government. 
 
 4. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections. Universal and 
 equal right of suffrage, without regard to colour, creed, or sex. Election 
 days to be legal holidays. The principle of proportional representation to 
 be introduced. 
 
 5. All public officers to be subject to recall by their respective con- 
 stituencies. 
 
 6. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United States. 
 Administration of justice to be free of charge. Abolition of capital 
 punishment. 
 
 The forms of American Socialism thus far considered have 
 been purely of European origin. We now come to a form purely 
 American. In i888 Mr. Edward Bellamy wrote his Socialistic 
 novel Looking Backward, though never once using the name 
 Socialism in the book. It fell, however, on soil prepared b^ 
 the growing inequalities of American life, the development of 
 gigantic monopolies, and the pressure of hard times. A sudden 
 movement sprang up under the name of Nationalism. Clubs 
 were started, first in Boston and then through all the country. 
 Economically, Nationalism diifered little from modern evolution- 
 ary State Socialism, except that it put especial emphasis upon the 
 nation, as the social unit, and declined to be considered a class 
 movement, or to have present international afiSliations, though 
 it looked forward to a future internationalism yet to be evolved. 
 It aimed to be evolutionary American Socialism. Yet it is doubt- 
 ful if it is more than one of the composing elements which will 
 enter into the development of America's Socialism. As held and 
 presented by its leaders, Edward Bellamy and Mr. N. A. Green, 
 in Mr. Bellamy's organ, The New Nation, it took a strong evolu- 
 tionary economic form ; but, as popularly conceived throughout 
 the country, it was of too Utopian a nature to bear abiding growth. 
 Its organ, The New Nation, was suspended, January, 1894; and 
 
Socialism in the United States. 143 
 
 its many clubs are disappearing. It at first attempted some occa- 
 sional independent political action, but has more recently as a 
 political movement passed into the People's Party, which it has 
 fairly honeycombed with Nationalism. It seems, therefore, that 
 its function is to be the important one of the early Utopian 
 Socialism of Europe, in sowing seeds that, while the movement 
 itself may pass away, will produce a substantial harvest of later 
 scientific Socialism. 
 
 Christian Socialism in America dates in an organised form 
 from about the same time as Nationalism, having been com- 
 menced in Boston by the Rev. W. D. P. Bliss. It, however, had 
 already found partial expression in several writers, such as the 
 Revs. J. H. Jones, Washington Gladden, Heber Newton, Prof. 
 Ely, and others. As an organised movement it has had even less 
 success than Nationalism ; but through its organ, The Dawn, has 
 had a widespread influence in suggesting germs of thought which 
 are springing up to-day in all branches of the Church all over the 
 United States. (See our book soon to appear on Christian 
 Socialism.) 
 
 Such is a brief review of the history of Socialism in America 
 as an organised movement ; but it is by no means a complete 
 sketch of the development of American Socialistic thought. 
 Wholly apart from the above movements must be noticed the 
 very general spread of ideas largely Socialistic among the trades 
 unionists on the one hand, and among American professors and 
 students of political economy on the other, the latter coming 
 mainly from contact with the German Historical School, or 
 Socialists of the Chair. Academic SociaUsm has taken in the 
 United States a more democratic form, and with much more 
 emphasis upon the municipality than on the central government 
 as the social unit. Its main leaders are Prof. Ely, now of the 
 University of Wisconsin; Prof. Adams, of Ann Arbor; Prof. 
 Bemis, of the University of Chicago ; Prof. James, of Pennsyl- 
 van'a ; Prof. Commons, of the University of Indiana, and others. 
 Though often called Socialists, these men are, however, not 
 Socialists in the full sense. They argue for the nationalisation 
 
 10 
 
146 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 and municipalisation merely of all so-called natural monopolies, 
 and thus accept a large portion of the Socialist programme ; but 
 they do not, for the present at least, accept the Socialist ideal of 
 the socialisation of all land and capital. Nevertheless, they have 
 done vast service by breaking down much of the prejudice against 
 Socialism, by showing the practicability of the nationalisation and 
 municipalisation of many departments of life, the impossibility of 
 depending on competition in natural monopolies, the limitations 
 of the old laissez faire ideal (see chapter xv.). 
 
 It must not be forgotten, too, that in the United States there 
 is more Sociahsm in actual practical operation than many realise. 
 The public schools and libraries. State universities, hospitals, 
 asylums, reformatories, postal service, every court of justice, the 
 signal service, coast surveys, the highway system, labour bureaux, 
 municipal fire departments, every factory act, every municipal 
 health regulation, — these and a hundred other things are purely 
 Socialistic, and are rapidly on the increase. 
 
 Socialistic ideas, too, are quickly capturing all reform move- 
 ments in the United States. At the last annual meeting of the 
 American Federation of Labour, held in Chicago, Decembet, 
 1894, the following significant programme was introduced, largely 
 approved and referred to the various labour organisations for 
 consideration : — 
 
 Whereas, the trades unionists of Great Britain have, by the light of 
 experience and the logic of progress, adopted the principle of independent 
 labour politics as an auxiliary to their economic action ; and - 
 
 Whereas, such action has resulted in the most gratifying success ; and 
 W/iereas, such independent labour politics are based upon the following 
 programme, to wit : — 
 
 1. Compulsory education ; 
 
 2. Direct legislation ; 
 
 3. A legal eight-hours work day ; 
 
 4. Sanitary inspection of workshop, mine, and home ; 
 
 5. Liability of employers for injury to health, body, or life ; 
 
 6. The abolition of the contract system in all public work ; 
 
 7. The abolition of the sweating system ; 
 
 8. The municipal ownership of street cars, and gas and electric plants 
 for public distribution of light, heat, and power ; 
 
Socialism in the United States. 1.4'j 
 
 9. The nationalisation of telegraphs, telephones, railroads, and mines ; 
 
 10. The oolleotive ownership by the people of all means of production, 
 and distribution ; 
 
 11. The principle of the referendum in all legislation ; 
 
 Therefore, Besolved, that this convention hereby endorses this political 
 action of our British comrades ; and 
 
 Resolved, that this programme and basis of a political labour movement 
 be, and is hereby, submitted for the consideration of the labour organisa- 
 tions of Anaerica, with the request that their delegates to the next annual 
 convention of the American Federation of Labour be instructed on this 
 most important subject. 
 
 In most of the various labour organisations to which this pro- 
 gramme was referred the Sociahstic tenth plank has been rejected, 
 though only after a spirited contest and for reasons of expediency, 
 rather than because its • opponents did not believe in it. The 
 action is, therefore, deeply significant of the future. Even more 
 thoroughly has the great People's Party, which at the last Presi- 
 dential election in 1892 cast over 1,000,000 votes, and claims 
 in 1894 to have cast 2,000,000 votes, become indoctrinated 
 with SociaUsm. A party largely of the West and South, it has 
 put its main emphasis upon monetary and greenback issues, 
 yet more and more are its members coming to favour a complete 
 Socialist programme. The Prohibition Party in the United States 
 has also gone a long way towards the insertion of collective 
 measures in its various State and national platforms. The main 
 influence, however, that is working for the spread of Socialism in 
 the United States is the rapid development of monopolies and a 
 concentration of wealth, more rapid than in any other country of 
 the world. The consolidation of railroads, for example, is so 
 rapid that shrewd railroad men are declaring that relief can only 
 be obtained in their nationalisation. The formation of Coal 
 Trusts, Oil Trusts, Gas Trusts is working in the same way, so that 
 it may be said that the main promoters of .Socialism in America 
 are not the Socialists, but the owners of the great monopolies, a 
 condition of things which the great strikes like those at Home- 
 stead, Buffalo, Pullman, and elsewhere have done much to aid, 
 especially when the present Government and the leaders of both 
 
148 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 the great political parties show themselves wholly on the side 
 of capital. In England, Belgium, Germany, and Switzerland, 
 Socialism bids fair to come in as a peaceful evolution. In the 
 United States there is at present more danger of a bitter class war 
 than in any other civilised country in the world. Its " constitu- 
 tionalism " seems to prevent a slow evolution towards Socialism. 
 The State in America can do nothing, not provided for by charters 
 or constitutions, most difficult to change. 
 
 All powers not enumerated in constitution or in charter are 
 reserved to the people, that is, to individuals. Democrat and 
 Republican may contend for strict or for broader construction, 
 but both agree that what is not or cannot be read into the consti- 
 tution is illegal and unconstitutional. Back of Congress and above 
 Congress is the sovereign State ; back of the State and above the 
 State is the town meeting ; back of the town meeting and above 
 the town meeting are — John Smith and Henry Jones, and Congress 
 may do only what John Smith and Henry Jones have contracted 
 to allow Congress to do. This theory of the social contract is 
 wrought into the very warp and woof of the national life. It, 
 more than aught else, makes America the least progressive of all 
 civilised nations, the bSie noire of all who would develop the social 
 organism. The Government is not an organism, but a mechanism. 
 It can do naught, because it has not the machinery, or rather be- 
 cause it has too much machinery. Is it proposed for the city to 
 employ the unemployed, is Congress asked to attack the sweating 
 system, the ardent reformer is told, not that the proposed action 
 is unpractical, not that it is unjust, but that it is unconstitutional ; 
 it is " not so nominated in the bond ". Over America to-day 
 there hangs a dead hand, born of the autonomist, individual 
 theory, that the State can only do that which sovereign and 
 separate individuals have contracted that it may do. 
 
 Socialistic ideas among the people are spreading fast, but the 
 constitution gives them no natural outlet. What the result will 
 be, the most sanguine await with anxiety, but with little know- 
 ledge. The best authorities on Socialism in America are, for the 
 earlier periods, Prof. Ely's Labour Movement in America and G. 
 
Socialism in the United States. 149 
 
 E. M'Neill's The Labour Movement. For later periods, see the 
 Report on the United States of the (English) Royal Commission 
 on Labour. For American Socialist newspapers, see Appendix 
 C. Information on all portions of the movement can be obtained 
 in New York city at the office of The People, 189 William Street, 
 at the Humboldt Publishing Company (headquarters also for 
 literature of the People's Party), 19 Astor Place, and in Boston at 
 the Equity Union, 20 Oak Street. 
 
150 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 SOCIALISM IN AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND. 
 
 The word Socialism in connection with Australasia must be used 
 with the greatest care. The loose writer or reader, hearing of the 
 extent of State railroads and of State action in the Australasian 
 colonies, of the prevalence of the eight-hour day, and of the 
 recent successes of the various Labour Parties in many of the 
 colonies, is apt to call Australia a Socialist's paradise. Yet he is 
 by this quite as apt to mislead as to state the truth ; for the Indi- 
 vidualist, with only the slightest acquaintance with Australian 
 conditions, can easily show that this Socialist paradise is anything 
 but a workman's paradise. The fact is, that it is quite as true to 
 say that there is no Socialism in Australia as that there is much. 
 Either phrase is inexact. The truth is, that there is a great deal 
 of Bourgeoise Collectivism and considerable SociaUstic sentiment, 
 but little more, unless it be recently in New Zealand. The 
 Australian Governments do indeed own and conduct railroads and 
 much that is in other countries left to private interests ; but the 
 Governments are as yet either so in the hands of capitalists, or so 
 filtered by capitalist theories and traditions, that their action is 
 usually anything but Socialistic. 
 
 The State ownership of railroads in Australia has even tended 
 to temporarily check the advance of true Socialism ; for capitalists, 
 unable to invest and speculate in private railway shares, have in 
 Australia through the banks invested more than in almost any 
 portion of the world, unless it be the United States, in land specu- 
 lations of every kind. Land booms have been the curse of Aus- 
 tralian towns and cities. Threatened with ruin, the speculators 
 have poured in more British capital, till when the crash came it 
 
Socialism in Australia and New Zealand. 151 
 
 was exceedingly great. This, too, has been largely increased by 
 the monetary policy of the banks in connection with monometal- 
 lism, contraction of the currency, etc. The building of so many 
 new railroads, wharves, stations, etc., besides other public build- 
 ings, has given many of the colonies very large debts, which, 
 while they have much to show for them, easily allows the critic 
 to picture in gloomiest colours "the bad effects of Australian 
 Socialism ". 
 
 Thus viewed, it is easy to see that Australia suffers not because 
 of its Socialism, but because of its lack of Socialism. Neverthe- 
 less, even as it is, Australia is in many ways in advance of the 
 world. This is especially true as to the eight-hour movement and 
 as to the success of her Labour Parties. 
 
 The first formal recognition of the eight-hour day took place 
 in the settlement of Otago, in New Zealand, by the New Zealand 
 Company, under the influence of the Rev. Thomas Burns. Its 
 spread through Australia is largely due to the Victorian Operative 
 Stonemasons' Society, who set the movement on foot in Mel- 
 bourne in February, 1856. On April 21 a great demonstration 
 was organised ; and many firms granted the day, especially in the 
 building trades. Gradually the movement spread into other 
 trades, till the eight-hour day is now very frequent, though 
 scarcely the rule ; it needing legislation to make it general, and 
 this in the different colonies is very varied. Industrial legislation 
 is rapidly increasing, however, under the influence of the Labour 
 Parties, which poll large votes in many of the colonies. In New 
 South Wales numerous Labour candidates have recently been 
 elected, and in New Zealand they can be said to have the control 
 of the Lower House, four " Labour " peers, and the Ministry. 
 The platforms of the Labour Parties vary in the different colonies, 
 but are becoming in all more and more Socialistic, and in some 
 colonies avowedly so, and supported as such by the Socialists. 
 The " new unionism " is growing fast in Australia, largely due to 
 the efforts of Mr. Spence, president of the Amalgamated Shearers' 
 Union. 
 
 New Zealand is the most progressive of the Australasian 
 
152 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 colonies. September g, 1893, the Legislative Council passed a 
 measure conferring the Parliamentary franchise on women. In 
 other respects it is equally progressive. In common with the 
 other colonies, New Zealand suffered in 1893, owing to the bank 
 panic, mainly caused by the conditions noted above, and the un- 
 employed became very numerous. The Government, therefore, 
 has commenced planting the unemployed on the land in co-opera- 
 tive colonies, and has also increased the land taxes, so as to break 
 up the large estates. 
 
 For the benefit of working men an Employers' Liability Act was 
 passed, granting full protection both as to wages and responsibility 
 in case of injury. The Factories Act (1891) was a further protec- 
 tion, providing that no person under eighteen and no woman, 
 except on half-holidays, shall be employed continuously more 
 than four and a half hours without an interval of at least one 
 half-hour for meals ; and if meals are taken in factories, inspectors 
 have full power to provide for ample light and room. Persons 
 under sixteen are forbidden to work in factories, and the inspector 
 may refuse to issue a certificate to those over that age if, in his 
 judgment, the applicant is physically unfit to engage in such 
 occupation. 
 
 The United States Consul at Auckland in a United States 
 consular report for 1894 says : — 
 
 Here the State is looked to to do almost everything. The State is 
 expected to form roads and buUd bridges in the comitry, to And remunera- 
 tive oooupation for the unemployed, as well as to support asylums, 
 hospitals, and charitable institutions for the aged, poor, and helpless 
 members of society. It owns and operates the railways of the colony, the 
 post-of&ces and telegraph and telephone lines, out of which there is made 
 a considerable annual profit, that goes to swell the general revenue, thereby 
 relieving taxation to that extent. There is also a Grovernment life 
 insurance department, which enters into spirited competition for business 
 with both local and foreign companies. There is also a Government 
 savings bank, which, with the insurance department, yields a handsome 
 profit every year. AU these profits are available to assist in defraying 
 expenses of the Government. 
 
 Such is a general view of Australian Socialism. In 1893 the 
 total debt of the Australian colonies was ;^2oo,ooo,ooo, of which 
 
Socialism in Australia and New Zealand. 153 
 
 nearly _;^i 13,000,000 was spent for railroads. With such large 
 plant in Government hands and the working classes rapidly com- 
 ing to control the Government, with the spread of Socialistic ideas 
 as to both land and capital, Australia may certainly be called a 
 land of Socialist hope. Since the great strike of 1890, commenc- 
 ing with the shearers and extending to all the shipping trades, the 
 trades unions, which have always been strong in Australia, have 
 become thoroughly alive to the necessity of political action on 
 SociaUst lines. Co-operation, profit sharing, and reactionary 
 measures have little hold. Land nationalisation is becoming 
 daily more popular. The suffrage, already wide in most of the 
 colonies, will soon be absolutely universal. What is there to 
 block genuine Socialism in Australia? Besides the Australian 
 Labour Federation — popularly known as the A. L. F. — which is 
 organised on a definite Socialist platform, there is an Australian 
 Social Democratic Federation. In Queensland the Liberal Party 
 in the Legislative Assembly has been practically extinguished by 
 the Socialistic Labour Party. The Worker, the outspoken organ 
 of the associated workers of Queensland, and which has for its 
 motto, " Socialism -in our time," claims that soon the whole 
 labour movement in Australia will be led by the Socialists. In 
 Melbourne and in other cities there is a growing number of 
 Fabian Socialists. 
 
 For the facts as to Australian railroads, see Hole's Natvmal Bailways. 
 See also Dilke's Problems of Oreoder Britain ; Report of the Eoyal Commis- 
 sion on Labour ; and on New Zealand, see United States Consular Eeport 
 by Consul J. D., at Auckland, New Zealand, for May, 1894 ; for the Journal 
 of the Department of Ldbomr, address, Edmund Frazer, Esq., of Wellington, 
 New Zealand. 
 
154 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 SOCIALISM IN OTHER COUNTRIES. 
 
 I. Austria-Hungary. 
 
 (a) Austria. 
 
 Socialism entered Austria from Germany, and took root among 
 the German -speaking population. The following account of it is 
 mainly abridged from the Foreign Report on Austria of the 
 (English) Royal Commission on Labour. According to this, a 
 Viennese Working Men's Mutual Imprmiement Society was started 
 under the influence of Lassalle's agitation in 1867 ; and on Las- 
 salle's birthday, April 11, 1869, it published the first number of 
 the Volkstimme. At this date the society had twenty-six branches. 
 In 1868 a Labour Congress was held, and in 1869 delegates were 
 sent to the German Socialist Congress at Eisenach. The Govern- 
 ment now prohibited all Socialist- meetings, and the Socialist 
 agitation had to be concentrated on the effort to obtain freedom 
 of coalition and universal suffrage. In 1872 a Radical Labour 
 Party was formed by a few dissentient members, while the mem- 
 bers of the old Labour Party were called the Moderates. The 
 Radicals favoured Federalism and the national aspirations of the 
 Czechs, and worked with the Feudal Clerical Party, with whom 
 they had nothing in common, save to defeat the Liberals. The 
 Moderates worked with the Liberals, because they believed that 
 nothing could be done for Socialism till the old priestly and 
 feudal ascendancy was broken up. After the German laws 
 against the Social Democrats were passed in 1878, the Austrian 
 Socialists, in part, lost heart. The Radicals declared for An- 
 archism, and the Moderates for the Liberals. The Austrian 
 
Socialism in other Countries. 155 
 
 Christian Socialists (in the main) supported the Ministry of 
 Count Taaffe, in legislative reforms. Between 1882 and 1884, 
 too, the Anarchists attempted much violence in Austria ; the 
 Government resorted to strong measures, and the Socialist papers 
 suffered much. Nevertheless, work went on, the trades unions 
 became the camping grounds for the Socialists, and much propa- 
 ganda was accomplished. From 1886 the movement has made 
 steady progress. In 1888 the conference at Hainfeld, largely 
 through the influence of Dr. Adler's paper, the GMchheity the 
 Moderates, and those Radicals who were not Anarchists, came 
 together. 
 
 This conference, which sat till January \, 1889, was attended 
 by representatives of all the divisions of the Austrian Labour 
 Party, in the Slav and Romance, as well as in the German pro- 
 vinces of the empire. The programme or declaration of prin- 
 ciples {Prinzipienerklarung) then drawn up, and accepted with 
 only three dissentient voices, may be given in full, since it forms 
 the best illustration of the attitude adopted by the new party. 
 " With this declaration," says Herr Karl Kautsky, who himseh 
 took an active part in the conference, "the Austrian Labour 
 Party again took up the position assumed by modern scientific 
 Socialism, the same position which German Social Democracy has 
 adopted." 
 
 The programme of the New Austrian Labour Party, as pre- 
 sented to the Hainfeld Conference, runs as follows ; — 
 
 The Social Demooratio Labour Party in Austria aims at winning for 
 the whole people, without distinction of nationality, race, or sex, freedom 
 from the fetters of economic dependence, abolition of political disqualifi- 
 cations {Meehtslosigkeit), and deliveranew from inteUeotual degradation 
 {geistige Verkiiminerung). The cause of the present unsatisfactory condi- 
 tions is not to be sought in isolated political provisions, but in the fact 
 which moulds and governs the whole state of society, that the instruments 
 of labour (ArbeitsmitteV) are monopolised by a few proprietors (Bedtzender). 
 The working classes, who have the power to labour, thus become the 
 slaves of the capitalist class, who possess the instruments of labour, and 
 whose political and economic supremacy finds expression in the modern 
 State. Private ownership of the instruments of production, which indi- 
 cates politically a State founded on class distinctions (Klassenstaat), signi^ 
 
156 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 fies eoonomioaUy the inoreasing poverty of the masses {Massenarmuth), 
 and the grovsdng degradation of ever-widening sections of the population 
 ( VollcasehicMe). 
 
 The party thus, as was recognised in the speeches which fol- 
 lowed the introduction of the programme, began by adopting the 
 standpoint of Karl Marx, and recognising that a certain social 
 and economic development must precede the full acceptance of 
 Socialist principles. 
 
 The industrial programme adopted included the following 
 points : — 
 
 1. Full freedom of coalition and legal recognition of discussions about 
 wages and the formation of " clubs " (Owrtelle) among workmen. 
 
 2. A maximum eight hours' working day, without exceptions or con- 
 ditions. 
 
 3. Prohibition of night work (except in those factories where it is 
 rendered necessary by the technical nature of the trade). 
 
 4. An uninterrupted weekly rest from Saturday evening to Monday 
 morning. 
 
 5. Prohibition of the employment of children under fourteen years of 
 age. 
 
 6. Exclusion of the labour of women from all trades which are speci- 
 ally injurious to them. 
 
 7. Extension of these provisions to all industries (large manufactories, 
 industries connected with transport, handicrafts, and home industries). 
 
 8. Employers failing to observe these provisions to be punished with 
 imprisonment. 
 
 9. Local or special {fachlieh) workmen's associations to help in carry- 
 ing out the Industrial Code by means of inspectors elected by them. The 
 Industrial Code to be established on an international basis, and extended 
 in a specialised form to the agricultural labourers. 
 
 The Hainfeld Conference gave the Austrian Labour Party a 
 compact organisation and a definite plan of action, and its effects 
 were soon felt in the rapid advance made by the Social Demo- 
 cratic movement. The Socialist papers obtained a wider circula- 
 tion, meetings for the propagation of Socialist doctrines were 
 held, and many new workmen's associations were founded. The 
 political and economic conditions of the time further favoured 
 this development. In 1889 the Liberal Party in the Government 
 
Socialism in other Cotmiries. 157 
 
 appointed a committee to inquire into the advisability of estab- 
 lishing Labour Chambers {Arbeiterkammerfi) in Austria. Although 
 this committee had no practical result, as far as its immediate 
 object was concerned, it appears to have brought together a large 
 number of workmen from all parts of the empire, and to have 
 thus indirectly helped on the cause of Social Democracy by act- 
 ing as an international Austrian conference on a small scale. 
 
 Strikes and agitation became common, and the Government 
 again tried repression. Papers were suppressed, and the editors 
 of the Gkichheit arrested on charges of Anarchism. Nevertheless, 
 a second general congress was held at Vienna, June 28-30, 1891. 
 
 According to the report presented by the Austrian Social 
 Democrats to the International Congress held at Zurich in July, 
 1893, the events of the second conference of Vienna convinced 
 the Austrian bureaucracy that the existence of a powerful and 
 determined Social Democratic organisation among the working 
 classes could not be ignored, and, recognising this fact, the autho- 
 rities permitted the resolutions of the conference to be quietly 
 carried out, and a united Social Democratic Party to be formed, 
 which, while it did not disregard national characteristics, and 
 allowed full independence within the hmits of the general party 
 programme to the Polish and Czech members, remained never- 
 theless " strictly international " in its organisation (streng interna- 
 tional organisiri). 
 
 The winter of 1892 was marked in Austria by agitation on the 
 part of the Social Democrats against the censorship of the press, 
 which was so far successful that the House of Deputies appointed 
 a special committee to consider a scheme for reforming the press 
 laws. 
 
 The early months of 1893 saw the opening of " a campaign in 
 favour of universal, equal, and direct suffrage," which was main- 
 tained until the autumn session of Parliament. In April a some- 
 what universal suffrage was gained in Belgium, and the victory 
 of the Belgian workmen was hailed by the Austrian Social 
 Democrats as an earnest of their own future success. 
 
 It was under these circumstances that the May Day celebra- 
 
158 Handbook of Socialiswi. 
 
 tions of 1893 took place throughout the empire, and they de- 
 veloped into a gigantic demonstration, not for the eight-hour, day 
 only, but also for the sufifrage. In Vienna 150,000 men and 
 women marched in military order through the streets ; and, what 
 had never before happened, before the palaces of the nobility, in 
 the imperial courts themselves, the cry was heard : " Long live 
 the International Social Democracy ! " " Three cheers for the 
 eight-hour day ! " " Three cheers for universal suffrage ! " A few 
 weeks later, the political victories gained by the German Social 
 Democracy at the ballot-box were celebrated throughout the 
 empire in a series of magnificent meetings, at all of which the 
 pledge was taken to do battle for t'ne suffrage. In July 500,000 
 working men and women gathered in the very heart of Vienna, 
 and declared they would neither rest nor be deterred by any 
 sacrifice until they had won. 
 
 On October 10 Count Taaffe introduced his bill, practically 
 granting universal suffrage. Nevertheless, although by the pro- 
 visions of the new bill the number of voters in Austria would be 
 doubled, the Social Democrats would only agree to accept it as a 
 move in the right direction. This was the attitude consistently 
 maintained in the various meetings of the working classes which 
 followed on the introduction of Count Taaffe's scheme ; and when 
 the German Liberals, the Feudal Clericals, and the Poles, repre- 
 senting respectively the bourgeoisie, the landed interest, and the 
 "National" Party, combined to oppose the bill and to bring 
 about the resignation of the Ministry, a resolution was adopted in 
 various Socialist meetings in Vienna, including a gathering of 
 working women, to the effect that the Social Democratic Party 
 " condemned the action of the three large Parliamentary groups 
 in the matter of electoral reform, and declared that the alliance 
 of the reactionary parties did not intimidate the working classes, 
 and that the movement in favour of general, equal, and direct 
 suffrage, which was led by the Social Democrats, would not be 
 impeded or delayed thereby ". At the same time, Dr. Adler, the 
 leader of the party, stated that the Social Democrats would 
 "heartily welcome the new constellation im the political heavens, 
 
Socialism in other CouMries. 159 
 
 seeing that it at last united all the propertied and privileged 
 classes against the onslaught of the proletariat," and that " now 
 the brawls and squabbles of the nationalities would cease, and the 
 war of classes would begin ". The subject of the suifrage is now 
 the principal one before the Austrian Parliament. 
 
 Other evidences of the progress made by the agitation of the 
 Social Democracy are the formation of numerous political clubs 
 and the strength of their press. At present the party owns thirteen 
 German, eight Czech, and two Polish political papers, exclusive 
 of trade journals. These papers are all weeklies and semi- 
 weeklies, and their circulation grows rapidly. The Arbeiter- 
 ZeUung, published in Vienna, has an edition of 19,000, the edition 
 of the Vienna Volks-Tribune is 9000, the circulation of the 
 Arbeiterinnen-Zeitung (female workers' paper) is 4000. The 
 birth and growth of this last paper, in 1892, is one of the best 
 signs of progress. 
 
 The great obstacle to the spread of Socialism in Austria is the 
 presence of the Anarchists, with whom the Socialists are con- 
 tinually confounded by the Government, though the two parties 
 are now completely distinct. For a notice of the somewhat im- 
 portant Christian Sociahst movement in Austria, see our book to 
 appear on Christian Socialism, 
 
 For the best English account of Austrian Socialism, see the 
 Foreign Report on Austria of the (English) Royal Commission on 
 Labour. All details can be learned by addressing the Arbeiter- 
 Zeitung, 6 Kopernikusgasse, Vienna, the organ of the Austrian 
 Socialists or the Volks-Buchhandlung, 8 Gumpendor Strasse, the 
 headquarters for Socialist hterature in Vienna. 
 
 (b) Hungary. 
 
 Socialism entered Hungary in 1867, but a Workmen's Union 
 on Socialist lines was only formed in 1870. Congresses were held 
 in 1881 and 1882, but not much was accomplished till the Inter- 
 national Workmen's Congress of 1889 in Paris gave Socialism a 
 fresh impetus. The poet Krasser popularised the movement. 
 
l6o Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 and it has had many devoted leaders. There are, however, many 
 divisions, and two Socialist parties. 
 
 At the congress in Buda-Pesth, however, of January 6-8, 1893, 
 sixty delegates were present who belonged to the capital, and 
 thirty-three were from the provinces, of whom two came from 
 Croatia. At this congress the tactics and programme of the 
 Austrian Congress at Hainfeld were adopted. A resolution was 
 agreed to for the celebration of May Day, and the political and 
 economic independence of the worker was asserted as a prin- 
 ciple ; a discussion of the grievances of the agricultural labourer 
 followed. May Day was subsequently celebrated with consider- 
 able vigour ; especially in the chief towns of Croatia, large meetings 
 were held. The official report to the Zurich Congress of 1893 
 states that since the January congress a new life had entered into 
 the movement, which was being actively manifested in strikes for 
 higher wages and the foundation of new press organs. 
 
 II. The Balkan States. 
 
 • Concerning Socialism in the Balkan States, the (English) 
 Foreign Labour Report on Austria-Hungary and the Balkan 
 States says : — 
 
 (a) Servia. 
 
 The history of Servian Socialism goes back to the year 1870, when a 
 young Servian, Stephan Draguica, published his work on " Communisme 
 individualiste " at Geneva. 
 
 The chief principles advocated in this book were the nationalisation 
 of land, the abolition of inheritance, and the development of pubUo educa- 
 tion. This work had no effect on Servia, though it attracted some atten- 
 tion in Western Europe, and it was reserved for Bussia to send the message 
 of Socialism to the Balkan peninsula. At first the new ideas brought from 
 the University of St. Petersburg were entirely confined to groups of 
 students and others belonging to the educated classes. The leadership of 
 the party was assumed by Svetosar Markovitch, whose works on social 
 subjects published at Zurich had already attracted the attention of the 
 Servian Grovermnent, and had caused it to withdraw the scholarship which 
 enabled him to study at the polytechnicum. The first Servian Socialist 
 newspaper, the Madmk (workman), was founded by him, and under his 
 
Socialism in other Countries. i6i 
 
 influence the existing clubs for the study of social science doubled their 
 numbers. The Eadnilc was, however, soon condemned by the Government, 
 and its editor sentenced to four years' imprisonment. Markovitoh suc- 
 ceeded, however, in making his escape, and spent the period of his exile in 
 spreading the propaganda of his party in Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, 
 and Montenegro. 
 
 On his return to Servia he started another newspaper, the Jaionost 
 (publicity), and formulated a political and social programme. The politi- 
 cal programme opened with the declaration that the existing central 
 Government was to be abolished by a decision of the National Assembly, 
 and to be replaced by a committee of delegates from the departments. 
 The existing judicial system was also to be replaced by a board of arbitra- 
 tion. The social side of the programme included the abolition of debts on 
 landed property, and forbade any person to possess land unless he culti- 
 vated it himself. The aim to which these reforms tended was the appro- 
 priation of aU land by the communes. 
 
 This programme was well suited to the circimistances of the people, 
 and the party gained adherents among all classes. Two new papers were 
 started, and in the elections of 1874 four Socialist representatives were 
 returned to Parliament, besides fifteen Democrats who had accepted the 
 practical part of the Socialist programme. The death of Markovitoh, 
 which followed these successes, did not in any wise diminish the ardour of 
 the party, and fresh successes followed iu the elections of 1876. The 
 Government had hitherto made many apparent concessions, but now it 
 roused itself to vigour, and a Socialist insurrection, which took place on 
 the dissolution of Parliament in 1883, was suppressed by force of arms. 
 The rebels were shot, their leaders imprisoned, and the whole party still 
 suffers from the effects of the blow it experienced. 
 
 (b) Roumania. 
 
 Socialism was first introduced into Roumania in the year 1875 by 
 Subko Kodreanu, a student who then returned to Jassy from St. Peters- 
 burg, where he had imbibed the principles of the chief Russian Socialists. 
 A small body of young men, trained chiefly iu the school of French So- 
 cialism, gathered round him. A Socialist society was immediately formed 
 at Jassy, whose first act was a commemoration of the Paris Commune. 
 Shortly after the foundation of the society Kodreanu died, but the un- 
 timely death of their leader was powerless to discourage his followers. 
 Public Socialist meetings were held and a newspaper founded, which, 
 however, was quickly suppressed by the Russian Government. New 
 papers followed and were again suppressed, until in 1884 the Socialist 
 Review, a monthly journal, which dealt with the works of Socialist VTriters 
 
 II 
 
i62 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 in Western Europe, succeeded in maintaining a permanent existence. 
 Three years later the party was firmly enough established to formulate a 
 definite political programme, which is well adapted to attract the sym- 
 pathies of a nation which owes so much of its present poverty to an 
 unfortunate system of land tenure. 
 
 The report of the Roumanian Socialists made to the International 
 Socialist Congress held at Zurich in 1893 states that the party is now 
 chiefly occupied with agrarian reform, with the organisation of trades 
 unions [Gewerkschaftsorganisation), and in orgamsing the Jewish prole- 
 tariat of Moldavia. The first national Socialist congress took place at 
 Bucharest on April 13, 1893, at which a general council of five members 
 was chosen, who were to be elected each year by the congress, and were 
 to be entrusted with the leadership of party matters. A new programme 
 for the Social Democratic Labour Party was also drawn up and approved. 
 This programme treats of universal sufirage, protective legislation for the 
 worMng classes and the agrarian question. The chief agrarian reform 
 demanded is the gradual repurchase by the State of all large private 
 properties which are to form an inalienable domain to be cultivated by 
 the peasantry under a form of communal co-operation. 
 
 (c) Bulgaria. 
 
 The Socialist movement in Bulgaria, introduced by students from 
 foreign universities, found ready acceptance amongst the industrial popu- 
 lation. In 1891 a regular Social Democratic Party was constituted, and 
 a national congress was held at Timova in AprU of the same year. At a 
 second congress, held later on in the year, the programme of the party 
 was adopted, and rules for its organisation approved. In 1892 a third 
 congress, held at Philippopolis, decided to start a newspaper, the Rahotnik 
 (workman), which, in 1893, had a circulation of about 1200 copies. The 
 trajislation of the works of Bussian, French, and German Socialists forms 
 an important part of the propaganda of the party. Sixteen such books 
 have been published since 1891. May Day celebrations have also been 
 started in several towns, and, in the opinion of these Socialist leaders, 
 these demonstrations form a valuable means of advertising the existence 
 of the party. 
 
 III. Denmark. 
 
 Except for a few previous writers, Socialism was introduced 
 into Denmark in 1871 by Harald Brix, Paul Geleff, and Louis 
 Pio, who started a paper, held meetings, and founded sections of 
 the International. The movement, however, was nearly broken 
 
Socialism in other Countries. 163 
 
 up by the police and the leaders imprisoned. Yet, in 1876, a 
 congress at Copenhagen met with seventy-five delegates from 
 fifty-five organisations, numbering 5500 members. In 1878 a 
 Social Democratic Society was formed of widespread influence. 
 In 1883 the German Socialist Congress was held at Copenhagen, 
 and gave the movement a great impetus. In 1889 the Socialists 
 were able to return two delegates, Holm and Hordun, to the 
 Folkething, and in 1886 to take part, 80,000 strong, in the 
 Copenhagen procession to commemorate the Constitution. The 
 Socialists have five journals, one daily, the Social Demokraiin, of 
 Copenhagen, having a circulation of 26,000. In 1893 the Danish 
 report to the Zurich Congress claimed 35,000 paying members. 
 The party is represented by two members in the Folkething 
 (Commons) and two in the Landsthing (Senate). It has two 
 members on the Copenhagen Council and one in that of Hel- 
 singor. It owns three club-houses, in Copenhagen, Aarhus, and 
 Helsingor. Moku, Mourdun, Jensen, and Petersen are among 
 their leading men. Their programme is similar to that of the 
 German Socialists. 
 
 IV. Holland. 
 
 Socialism first entered Holland in 1869, when a branch of the 
 International was founded at Amsterdam, and a Socialist paper, 
 the Standaard des Volks, was started. In 1872 the famous con- 
 gress of the International, at which the final separation of the 
 Anarchists and Socialists took place, was held at the Hague. 
 Yet little progress was made till Domela Nieuwenhuis, a former 
 clergyman, declared for Socialism, and in 1879 founded his paper, 
 the Reckt voor Allen, a vigorous weekly, which has now become 
 a daily. In 1887 he was imprisoned for political reasons, but in 
 1888 was elected to the Legislature, and in 1889 founded a Social 
 Democratic League. 
 
 Among the principal objects set forth in the programme of the 
 league may be mentioned : — 
 
 Legislation directly by the people. 
 Separation of Church and State. 
 
164 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Establishment of free, compulsory, secular education. 
 
 Abolition of the capitalist, and organisation of labour by the people 
 
 The means by which the league proposes to realise its objects 
 are threefold : — 
 
 1. The propaganda and discussion of Socialist ideas by means of books, 
 papers, meetings, etc. 
 
 2. The organisation of labour and intervention in conflicts between 
 capital and labour. 
 
 3. The support of political agitation, and especially of the demand for 
 universal suffrage (kies-en stemrecM). 
 
 Co-operation was one of the agencies employed by the league 
 in its earlier years ; and a bakery, shoe shop, and coal store are 
 still carried on at the Hague, with profits which, in 1889, amounted 
 to 30,000 florins. The co-operative principle is now, however, 
 discredited, as being an attempt to reconcile labour and capital, 
 which is regarded by Socialists as impossible. 
 
 The official centre of the league is at the Hague, and it has 
 many adherents in Amsterdam also, but its stronghold is to be 
 found in the northern provinces of Friesland and Groningen, 
 which have been the chief scene of Mr. Domela Nieuwenhuis's 
 activity. A Socialist society has been formed by railway servants, 
 which now includes 2000 members, and a Socialist union for 
 teachers is said to flourish. 
 
 Among the chief local organs for the spread of Socialist 
 opinions may be mentioned Hef radicaal Weekblad (the Radical 
 weekly) at Amsterdam, De KM (the bell) at Wolvega in Friesland, 
 Het Friesche VolksMad (the Frisian people's paper) at Leeuwarden, 
 and several trade journals, such as the Cigarmaker, the Carpenter, 
 and the Signal {Seingever), the organ of the Railway Servants' 
 Society. 
 
 Socialism, however, has not spread very rapidly in Holland ; 
 partly on account of the stolid character of the people ; partly be- 
 cause co-operation in Holland has temporarily covered the ground; 
 partly because the clergy, Catholic and Protestant, have taken 
 more interest in moderate social advance than in most other 
 countries ; largely because the Socialism that has been introduced 
 
Socialism in other Countries. 165 
 
 is of the Anarchist type, Mr. Nieuwenhuis himself having recently 
 developed into almost Anarchist views, and coming into conflict 
 with the majority of his party who believe in the German pro- 
 gramme of political action. 
 
 V. Italy. 
 
 Socialism first entered Italy, as so many European countries, in 
 connection with the International. An Italian representative was 
 at the second congress of the International at Lausanne in 1867, 
 and in the same year Bakunin founded a " section " at Naples, and 
 started a paper, the Equality. Other sections were organised at 
 Milan, Genoa, and in Sicily. In 187 1 the movement was con- 
 sidered sufficiently dangerous to be suppressed by the Govern- 
 ment. The society, however, soon sprang up again, starting a 
 new paper, La Campana, and was especially active in Romagna 
 and Tuscany. It opposed and was opposed by the Mazzini 
 Republicans, but was aided by the followers of Garibaldi. In 
 Tuscany the scattered groups founded a Workmaris Union. 
 Again, however, the Government tried to break up the movement, 
 and several of the leaders were arrested. The Internationalists, 
 however, held another congress at Bologna, and declared them- 
 selves to be Anarchists, Atheists, Materialists, and Federalists. 
 The police broke up the meeting, but the movement went on. 
 Bad harvests in 1874 produced much distress, and the Interna- 
 tionalists stirred up many strikes and scattered much inflammatory 
 literature, till the police broke up all democratic societies, and the 
 International was finally dissolved. It had become, however, a 
 society not of SociaUsts, but of Anarchists. Socialism was to 
 reappear in purer forms. 
 
 In Italy there had already been several attempts at uniting 
 working men's unions into one great organisation. In 1861 a 
 Fratellanza Artigiana (artisan brotherhood) was started at 
 Florence, under the influence of Mazzini. Political jealousies 
 prevented its becoming universal, but it still exists at Florence, 
 with 3000 members, a large co-operative undertaking, and a 
 
i66 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 library of looo vols., with many other interesting features. In 
 1 87 1 delegates of working men met at Rome, and formed a 
 fraternal pact {PaUo di Fratellanza). It too still exists, embrac- 
 ing 600 societies, and held its eighteenth general congress at 
 Palermo in 1892. Pohtically, it also stood with Mazzini. 
 
 In 1882 the Italian Franchise was widened, and in 1885 an 
 Italian Labour Party was formed at Milan, partly Socialistic, 
 partly Anarchistic. It won strength enough to cause it to be dis- 
 solved by the Government in 1886. A new labourers' party 
 {Partita dei Lavoratort), however, was formed at congresses in 
 Milan and Genoa in 1891 and 1892. Its programme is sum- 
 marised as follows : — 
 
 Two classes only exist in modem society, the proletariat and the 
 capitalist. All human beings, provided that they contribute according to 
 their strength, to create and maintain the benefits of social life, have a 
 right to share in them. The redemption of the proletariat or wage-earn- 
 ing class can only be effected by the nationalisation of the factors of labour 
 (land, mines, factories, railways, etc.), and by a common administration 
 of production. To enable this end to be obtained the proletariat must be 
 organised as an independent class party, developing its action under a 
 double aspect. 
 
 1. As an industrial contest for the immediate Improvement of the con- 
 dition of the working class (working hours, wages, regulations of factories, 
 etc.), committed to the labour chambers and other associations of crafts 
 and trades. 
 
 2. As a movement of a more extended nature, intended to acquire 
 political power (State, communes, public administrations, etc.), which is 
 no longer to be used as an instrument of pauperisation and of oppression, 
 but as a means of obtaining the economic and political expropriation 
 of the dominant class. 
 
 In carrying out the second part of the programme the assistance of 
 all friends of the proletariat, although they do not belong to its ranks, is 
 willingly accepted. 
 
 Says the Report on Italy of the (English) Royal Commission 
 on Labour : — 
 
 The party unites under its statutes all the federations and societies, 
 rural or urban, that fully adhere to its programme. All trade societies 
 are, as far as possible, to be organised in sections of crafts and trades. 
 
Socialism in other Countries. 167 
 
 The coUeotive action of the party is developed by means of a general con- 
 gress to be held from time to time, as occasion requires, of regional con- 
 gresses for local interests, and of a central committee, composed of seven 
 members, who are invested with the executive power, and remain in ofBoe 
 from one general congress to another. There is also an international 
 secretary, by whom the relations with foreign labour parties are to be 
 maintained. 
 
 In September, 1893, the party held a second congress at Beggio 
 (Emilia), when it assumed a distinctly Socialist attitude, and adopted the 
 name of "Italian Labourers' Socialist Party" (Pa/rtito Socialista dei Lwoo- 
 ratori Italiam). The reports of the central committee to this congress and 
 to the International Congress at Zurich (1893) give some further interest- 
 ing details concerning the development and present position of the party, 
 which may be added to the above account. Owing to the remissness of 
 the afaiiated societies in furnishing the committee vfith returns, it has not 
 been found possible to publish perfectly satisfactory statistics, but it is 
 probable that the party includes at the present time not less than 200,000 
 active members, and almost 300 affiliated societies, among them the agri- 
 cultural federations of Mantua, with about 11,000 peasant members. 
 Several new societies have been founded, and federations have been estab- 
 lished in various districts, particularly in Piedmont and Tuscany, and a 
 few local conferences have been held. Support, moral and material, has 
 been given to workmen on strike, including the spinners of Bergamo and 
 Cremona, the Sicilian peasants, the miners of Carmaux, and the English 
 miners (September, 1893), while the general demonstrations which took 
 place among Italian workmen on May 1, 1893, appear also to be largely 
 due to the action of the Partita dei Lavoratori. 
 
 As the events of the Congresses of Genoa, Palermo, and Reggio show, 
 considerable jealousy still exists between the Socialists and Anarchists, 
 while the old opposition of the Republicans to the Socialists, which dates 
 back to the days of Mazzini, has not yet entirely died out. In spite of 
 internal dissensions, however, the Labour Party shows a general tendency 
 to develop on Socialist lines, and to treat strictly party questions as of 
 secondary importance while aiming at the acquisition of political power as 
 a means of carrying through social reforms. 
 
 The strength of the labour movement, in which the rural population 
 has now begun to take part, is to be found in the most industrial regions 
 of the kingdom. That it is extending to other parts may be deduced from 
 the fact that a Sicilian federation of recent origin, the Fascia dei Lavoratori 
 (Labour Union), had, in the course of a few months, obtained about 8000 
 adherents. 
 
 One important development of the social movement in Italy 
 is the establishment of Labour Chambers. 
 
1 68 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 " The agitation," writes Sir Dominic Oolnaglii in his report upon Italy 
 for 1893, " which began nearly four years ago, in favour of the establish- 
 ment of Labour Chambers or Exchanges in Italy, has been so far successful 
 that Chambers have been provided at Milan, Turin, Piacenza, Micerata, 
 Venice, and Bologna ; while at Bome, Genoa, Florence, Verona, Brescia, 
 Pavia, Spezia, and Gomo active steps are being taken towards their organ- 
 isation, with, however, varying success. In other centres, also, preparatory 
 committees are stated to have been formed to study and promote the same 
 object. " The report of the Central Committee of the Partita dei Lavora- 
 tori to the Zurich International Congress mentions further that Labour 
 Chambers have been started at Parma, Cremona, and Padua, while efforts 
 are being made to found others at Naples and at Bergamo. 
 The chambers aim at : — 
 
 1. The organisation of the worMng classes in sections according to 
 their difierent trades. 
 
 2. The promotion of the technical and general education of the opera- 
 tives. 
 
 3. The formation of committees of arbitration for the settlement of 
 disputes between employers and employed. 
 
 They also act as labour registries, and procure work for the unem- 
 ployed. At present they confine themselves to industrial functions, and 
 do not concern themselves vnth political questions. " But if, with the 
 advance of the labour movement, greater power should be thrown into 
 their hands, it may become doubtful how long this position of political 
 neutrality wUl, or perhaps can, be maintained." Indeed, the programme 
 of the Partita dei Lavoratari shows that they are already beginning to 
 desire poUtioal power. 
 
 The Labour Chamber of Milan is by far the most Important of those 
 already established. In March and April, 1890, the various working men's 
 associations of Milan discussed and approved the statutes of a proposed 
 labour exchange, to be composed of all the Milanese societies that gave in 
 their adhesion, formed in separate sections of crafts and trades. The 
 matter was referred to a committee, and, among other points, the question 
 was discussed whether it would be advisable for the Municipal Council of 
 Milan to encourage the foundation of a labour exchange in the city. The 
 committee viewed the establishment of the exchange with favour. On 
 their proposal the municipality granted a subsidy of 15,000 lire, to be voted 
 annually, and placed at the disposal of the exchange a vdng of the castle, 
 containing about eighty rooms and a large hall. 
 
 The proposed Labour Chamber was actually started at Milan towards 
 the end of September, 1891. 
 
 The recent attempt of the Italian government to put down all Social- 
 istic organisations, and even trades unions, may not even retard the move- 
 
Socialism in other Countries. 169 
 
 ment more than temporarily. The seed is too deeply sown. The organ of 
 the Italian Socialist Party is the Sotta di Olasse, published weekly at 16 
 Via S. Pietro all 'Orto, Milan. 
 
 VI. Norway and Sweden. 
 
 Socialism here has made little headway. Attempts were made 
 to introduce it in 1873 by Danish Socialists, and a society of 
 thirty-seven members was founded in Christiania, but it slowly 
 died. In 1883 another Social Democratic Club was founded in 
 the same city, and by 1887 a Social Democratic Congress was 
 held at Arendal. In 1888 there were four Socialist newspapers 
 in Sweden, but three were soon suspended by the Government 
 and their editors imprisoned. In May, 1889, the first Socialist 
 congress was held in Sweden, delegates appearing from twenty- 
 nine unions, and since then there has been a growing Socialist 
 vote. The country is, however, not yet ripe for advanced action. 
 Capitalism is comparatively little developed, only fifteen per cent, 
 of the population live in cities, while the industrial development 
 is backward J so that there is comparatively little field for SociaUsm. 
 Sweden has one strong Socialist organ, the Sozial Demokrat. In 
 Norway a (Socialistic) Labour Party was formed in 1887, and in 
 1893 claimed 6000 members. 
 
 VII. Russia. 
 
 There may be said to be no Socialism in Russia. The despotic 
 government of that country has compelled the revolutionary spirit 
 to be political more than industrial, and has consequently de- 
 veloped Nihilism and Anarchism, but not Socialism. It is not 
 without meaning that both the founder and the present main 
 leader of Anarchism in Europe, Bakunin and Peter Kropotkine, 
 are Russians, with a bitter experience of Russian despotism. 
 Some of the present Russian revolutionists living in foreign 
 countries are said to be coming to Socialist views, but as yet the 
 time for Socialism has not come in Russia. 
 
170 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 VIII. Spain and Portugal. 
 
 Socialism was introduced into Spain by the International in 
 1868, and found a ready response. In 1873 it had in Spain 674 
 branches, with upwards of 300,000 members, found in industrial 
 centres like Barcelona, and in islands like Majorca. M. de 
 Laveleye says that the early meetings were usually held in 
 churches, where, at white heat, the orators denounced God, 
 religion, and the priests, as vehemently as capital, private property, 
 and the State. It was Anarchistic more than Socialistic, and 
 when the split in the International came in 1872 the Spanish 
 members sided with Bakunin and the Anarchists. So they have 
 had thus far the controlHng influence in the Spanish social 
 movement; but in 1882 a Social Democratic Labour Party was 
 formed, on Marxian lines, demanding (i) the acquisition of politi- 
 cal power, (2) the transformation of all private and corporate 
 property into the common property of the nation, and (3) the re- 
 organisation of society on the basis of industrial associations. 
 Spanish Socialism takes the federal communal form. This is in 
 sympathy with the national tendency. Castelar declares the 
 Federal Republic to be the most perfect form of State, though as 
 yet impracticable, and the communes in Spain are strongly de- 
 veloped, there being much communal property. This tends to 
 make even Socialism in Spain little centralised, and causes 
 present weakness, while it will probably mean ultimate gain. 
 The Socialist propaganda, too, has met many difificulties, partly 
 from being confused with Anarchism, although it is attacked by 
 the Anarchists. These Anarchists, however, still largely sway 
 the social movement. In 1881 they reconstituted the Spanish 
 Federation of the International Working Men's Association, and 
 carried on a large though secret propaganda. They have com- 
 mitted many deeds of violence, but disclaim all connection with 
 the celebrated Andalusian Society of the Black Hand. Neverthe- 
 less, it can at once be seen how they prejudice men against all 
 social reform. Deeds like those of Pallas at Barcelona and So- 
 cialism do not go together. Nevertheless, Socialism is growing. 
 
Socialism in other Countries. 171 
 
 In 1888 there was organised a General Union of Working Men 
 in Spain, which is largely Sociahstic. Commencing with 29 
 societies and 3355 members in 1888, it has now 112 societies and 
 8941 members, and holds biennial congresses. It is in corre- 
 spondence with the European Socialist movement, and organises 
 effective demonstrations on the first of May. The Socialist Party 
 proper consists of fifty groups, and in 1892 cast 7000 votes. Its 
 main leader is Seiior Pablo Iglesias, a compositor, of Madrid. 
 
 For all these difierent countries the best books in English are Bae's 
 Contemporary Socialism and the Foreign Reports of the Eoyal Commission 
 on Labour, though both must be read with the oonsoiousness that, though 
 meaning to be fair, neither of these aoooiuits are written in sympathy with 
 the movement. 
 
172 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 SOCIALISM AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMISTS. 
 
 Those who have not followed the recent drift of Political Economy 
 have little idea how changed is the tone in regard to Socialism. 
 Says Prof, de Laveleye : " It was at one time imagined that the 
 means of combating Socialism would be found in the teachings of 
 Political Economy ; but, on the contrary, it is precisely this science 
 which has furnished the Socialists of to-day with their most re- 
 doubtable weapons " (Introduction to Contemporary Socialism). 
 Says Mr. Kidd, speaking of Political Economy {Social Evolution, 
 p. 24) : " We have evidence of a wide-reaching change which is 
 now in progress in England ". Says Prof. Marshall {Principles of 
 Economics, vol. i., p. 64) : " This change in the point of view of 
 economics is partly due to the influence of Socialisis and others ". 
 We propose, therefore, mainly by quotations from some political 
 economists themselves, to show what this change is. It can be 
 easily exaggerated and also minimised. 
 
 John Stuart Mill. 
 
 We commence with Mill. His Principles of Political Economy, 
 published in 1848, is usually considered the highest expression of 
 the orthodox political economy, but it belongs almost as much to 
 the new as to the old. In it the science becomes not the develop- 
 ment of a priori theories, but a practical study how to meet the 
 problems of the day, the consideration of how the working classes 
 may improve their condition, etc., etc., and many of the answers 
 are most advanced in their view. Mill himself even came to class 
 himself as a Socialist. He says in his Autobiography, speaking of 
 himself and his wife : " Our ideal of ultimate improvement went 
 
Socialism and the Political Economists. 173 
 
 far beyond Democracy, and would class us decidedly under the 
 general name of Socialists. . . . The social problem of the future ,, 
 we considered to be, how to unite the greatest individual liberty | 
 of action with a common ownership in the raw material of the i ! 
 globe, and an equal participation of all the benefits of combined I' 
 labour." 
 
 Katheder Sozialisten (Socialists of the Chair). 
 
 If Mill was the first orthodox Political Economist to declare at 
 all for explicit Socialism, the first actual school of Economists to 
 move in this direction was in Germany. These were the Kathe- 
 der Sozialisten (Academic Socialists, or Socialists of the Chair), a 
 name first applied to them in mockery by Herr Offenheim in the 
 National Zeitung in 1871, and later accepted by Prof. SchmoUer 
 in the opening address on the occasion of their gathering at 
 Eisenach in 1872. This meeting proving a success, and evidenc- 
 ing that many German economists were coming to the new 
 thought, a permanent organisation was formed in 1873, '^he 
 Verein fUr Sozial Politik (the Social Economic Club), which has 
 held meetings almost every year since. 
 
 According to Lange, one of the earliest of these Academic 
 Socialists, the main principle of the preceding " Manchester | 
 school " was the restriction of State interference within the nar- ; 
 rowest bounds, from which followed the doctrine of free trade as | 
 an indispensable condition of national wealth and the doctrine of 1 
 freedom of migration. To the working classes it was pointed out 
 that by the exercise of intelligence and self-control they might 
 materially improve their condition, and that it was possible for 
 each individual to work his way up into the ranks of the em- 
 ployers. On the other hand, the Economists, called by Von 
 Schonberg the " party of social reform," maintained, against the | 
 Manchester school, the " absolute necessity of a positive and'iaf- 
 reaching policy of interference on the part of the State with the \ 
 object of promoting the welfare of the labouring classes," and j 
 against Socialism, " the principle that the individual is mainly ' 
 
174 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 responsible for his economic status, and that the State should only 
 intervene to supplement the efforts of individual, class, or society, 
 when those efforts alone would not suffice to obtain the desired 
 and desirable economic and moral conditions ". 
 
 Says Prof, de Laveleye (in his Contemporary Socialism), the 
 Socialists of the Chair, " like all Socialists, admit, in the first 
 place, that the distribution of wealth ought to be regulated more 
 than it is by principles of equity, and in particular that the 
 labourers ought to receive a larger share ; and, secondly, that this 
 result cannot be obtained as the effect of liberty and what are 
 called natural laws, but only through the action of the Legislature 
 and the State ". . . . They blame orthodox Economists for con- 
 fining themselves too exclusively to questions touching the pro- 
 duction of wealth, and for having neglected those concerning its 
 distribution and consumption. 
 
 They hold that it has been a mistake to investigate eoonomioal problems 
 from an isolated standpoint ; they are closely connected with psychology, 
 religion, morals, law, customs, and history. It is necessary to take all 
 these elements into accomit, and not to be contented with the uniform and 
 superficial formula of laissez fairs. The class antagonism, which has been 
 from all time at the bottom of political revolutions, reappears to-day with 
 more serious features than ever. It seems to imperil the future of civilisa- 
 tion. There is no use in denying the evil ; it is far better to study it under 
 all its forms, and to endeavour to apply a remedy to it by means of suc- 
 cessive and rational reforms. It is to morals, to the sentiment of justice, 
 and to Christian charity that we must look for inspiration. Political 
 Economy ought to be an ethical science. 
 
 The Socialists of the Chair differ altogether from the old school in their 
 view of the nature and limits of the right of property. The orthodox 
 Economists speak of " property " as if it were an absolute right, perfectly 
 defined and always identical. The new Economists assert, on the contrary, 
 that this right has assumed very different forms in relation to the modes 
 of production of each epoch ; that in like manner it is called upon to 
 undergo new changes ; that it can never be considered as absolute, since 
 it exists only in the general interest ; and that, consequently, it should be 
 subjected to such limitations and forms as the progress of civilisation, 
 which is the purpose of its existence, may from time to time require. 
 
 Under this general position very various shades of opinion are 
 
Socialism and the Political Economists. 175 
 
 represented in the school. Prof. Schmoller, in his opening ad- 
 dress at Eisenach, said : — 
 
 " The marked division of classes in the midst of existing society, the 
 open war between masters and workmen, between owners and proletarians, 
 and the danger, still distant but threatening the future, of a social revolu- 
 tion, have for some years caused doubts to arise as to the truth and defini- 
 tive triumph of the economic doctrines represented by the congress of 
 Economists ; and on all sides it is questioned whether absolute freedom 
 of labour and the complete abolition of the antiquated regulations of the 
 Middle Ages wiU bring about that perfectly happy situation which the 
 believers in laissez /aire have so enthusiastically predicted ". While thus 
 separating himself from the old optimism of the Manchester party {Das 
 Manchesterthwm), Schmoller was careful to show that he did not accept the 
 conclusions of the Socialists. " Though by no means satisfied," he said, 
 " with existing social conditions, and convinced of the necessity of reforms, 
 we preach neither the upsetting of science nor the overthrow of the exist- 
 ing social order, and we protest against all Socialistic experiments. All 
 the great advances shown in history have been the results of the work of 
 ages. The existing economic legislation, the present methods of produc- 
 tion, the psychological conditions of the different classes, ought to be the 
 basis of our reforming energy. We demand neither the abolition of indus- 
 trial freedom nor the suppression of the wage system ; but we do not wish, 
 out of respect for abstract principles, to allow the most crying abuses to 
 become daily worse, and to permit so-called freedom of contract to end in 
 the actual exploitation of the labourer. We do not desire the ^tate to ad- 
 vance money to working men in order that they may make experiments on 
 systems inevitably destined to fail ; but we demand that it should concern 
 itself, in an altogether new spirit, with their instruction and training, and 
 should see that labour is not conducted under conditions which must have 
 for their inevitable effect the degradation of the labourer." 
 
 Wagner would go far in limiting property in ground rents in 
 towns. Samler is alone in advocating the nationalisation of land. 
 Held calls himself a Socialist because of the two forces, Sociahsm 
 and Individualism, which society always needs ; we need to-day 
 more Socialism. 
 
 " On the whole," says the Report on Germany of the (English) 
 Royal Commission on Labour, " the Academic SociaUsts repre- 
 sent the moderate party, whether in politics or in social science, the 
 party which, while recognising the value of State intervention, 
 
176 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 recognises also that ' self-help ' is an absolutely indispensable 
 condition of economic progress, and to these two principles adds 
 a third, that of the aid of society {Gesellschaftshilfe) or 'the free 
 exercise of the beneficent and educating influence which belongs 
 to the cultivated classes '." 
 
 This last principle is given especial prominence by the younger 
 and contemporary school of Academic Socialists, represented by 
 such names as Dr. Herkner, Ur. von Schulze-Gavernitz, Dr. Max 
 Sering, Herr Gohre, Prof, von Philippovich and others, and in 
 more or less close conjunction with the later developments of 
 Protestant Christian Socialism {Evangelischsozialisten). 
 
 The leaders of the original movement included such names, 
 besides those already mentioned, as Roscher, who is credited 
 with suggesting the movement; Brentano, the author of the 
 famous work on the Guilds ; Nasse, of Berlin ; Hildebrand, of 
 Jura ; Knies, of Heidelberg ; Conrad, of Halle ; and many more 
 statesmen and officials, as well as professors — 150 in all. 
 
 These Katheder SoztalisUn are thus not Democratic Socialists, 
 and have no connection with the actual German Socialist move- 
 ment. The actual reforms they have hitherto favoured are simply 
 factory legislation, savings banks, friendly societies, the legalisation 
 of trades unions, sanitary legislation, State insurance and the like. 
 They are simply the economic wing of the German Imperial State 
 Socialism (see chapter vii.). Nevertheless, they decidedly indi- 
 cate the changed tone of German Political Economy. Prof. 
 Brentano, who belongs to the extreme right wing of the move- 
 ment, says that if Adam Smith were alive to-day he would be a 
 Socialist of the Chair. 
 
 Dr. Albert Schsiffle, of Austria, formerly Minister of Finance 
 in Austria, and one of the most eminent of German Economists, 
 is sometimes called a Socialist because of his Quintessence of 
 Socialism, a book which, though somewhat critical, is perhaps the 
 fairest statement of Socialism by one not a Socialist. That . he is 
 not one, however, is proved by his later book, The Impossibilities 
 of Social Democracy, which he is said to have written because 
 restless under the accusation of being a Socialist. Nevertheless, 
 
Socialism and the Political Economists. 177 
 
 belong ago said : " The future belongs to the purified Socialism " 
 {Bau und Leben des Socialen Korpers, vol. ii., p. 120). 
 
 England. 
 
 The changed tone of English Political Economy we have 
 referred to in the chapter on England (chapter v.). Says Sidney 
 Webb, speaking of England : " One competent Economist, not 
 himself a Socialist, publishes regretfully to the world that all the 
 younger men are now Socialists, with many of the professors. 
 This is not to be wondered at, when we learn that Prof. Marshall 
 (Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge) has at various 
 times declared himself a Socialist ; and when we find Prof. Sidg- 
 wick (Professor of Moral Philosophy at the same University) con- 
 tributing an article to the Contemporary Review, to prove that the 
 main principles of Socialism are a plain deduction from accepted 
 economic doctrines. When the editor of the Encyclopcedia Brit- 
 annica lately required from some eminent Economist an article on 
 Political Economy, fully representing the present position of that 
 science, it was to an avowed Socialist that he addressed himself, 
 and that article took the form of an elaborate survey of the 
 inevitable convergence of all the economic tendencies towards 
 Socialism. 
 
 Says Prof. Thomas Kirkup, author of the article " Socialism," 
 in the Encyclopaedia Britannica : " Socialism may be regarded as 
 a social and economic ideal. But it is an ideal in entire harmony 
 with the requirements of ethical, industrial, and political progress ; 
 and it is an ideal supported by the most powerful tendencies of 
 the historic movement of our time. We are moving and ought 
 to move in the direction of Socialism, of a Socialism purified 
 from all that is arbitrary, artificial, and extravagant in its historical 
 development" {An Inquiry into Socialism, p. 115). 
 
 Says Prof. H. S. Foxwell, of University College, London : 
 " We have been suffering for a century from an acute outbreak of 
 Individualism, unchecked by the old restraints, and invested with 
 almost a religious sanction by a certain soulless school of writers " 
 (p. 249 of essay on " The Claims of Labour "). 
 
 12 
 
178 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Says Edward Caird, LL.D., Professor of Moral Philosophy in 
 the University of Glasgow : " The very gigantic scale of modern 
 industry brings with it something socialistic, or it gives rise at 
 least to a necessity for social control. . . . The practical value of 
 the social science of the future will depend, not only on the way 
 in which we break up the complete problem of our existence into 
 manageable parts, but as much and even more upon the way in 
 which we are able to gather the elements together again, and to 
 see how they act and react upon each other in the living move- 
 ment of the social body " (" Address to the Ethical Society "). 
 
 The United States. 
 
 In America economists are more conservative, and do not 
 like to call themselves Socialists, because the social problem has 
 been there more recently developed, and the average pubhc has 
 not yet wholly learned that Socialism does not of necessity mean 
 dynamite and insurrection. Yet most of the better economists, 
 Prof. Ely especially, advocate to-day the municipalisation of the 
 lighting and heating of cities, and the nationalisation of railroads 
 and the telegraph, and think these measures practical now. 
 
 Says Prof. Adams, of Ann Arbor : " The authority of the 
 English (Orthodox or Individualistic) iaissez /aire Economist is 
 shattered beyond recovery ". 
 
 Says President Francis A. Walker, of the Boston School of 
 Technology : " Communism and Socialism are distinct tendencies. 
 Communism would equitably divide wealth already produced ; 
 SociaUsm would produce more wealth and control its consump- 
 tion, but not equally divide it. Communism is negative, no man 
 shall have more than another ; Socialism is positive, every man 
 shall have enough. . . . Communism is at a standstill, Socialism 
 was never stronger than now " (In a recent essay). 
 
 Said James Russell Lowell : " Communism means barbarism ; 
 but Socialism means, or wishes to mean, co-operation and com- 
 munity of interests, sympathy, the giving to the hands not so large 
 a share as to the brains, but a larger share than hitherto in the 
 wealth they must combine to produce — means, in short, the 
 
Socialism and the Political Economists. 179 
 
 practical application of Christianity to life, and has in it the 
 secret of an orderly and benign reconstruction" ("Address on 
 Democracy "). 
 
 One school of American Economists (Prof. Ely among them) 
 has recently argued that State ownership should be applied to 
 what they term "natural monopolies," railroads, gas companies, 
 etc., but not to ordinary trades or manufactures. Therefore, 
 these professors say they are not Socialists, since they do not go 
 the whole figure. But what are " natural monopolies " ? Are not 
 facts proving it perfectly " natural" to monopolise any business as 
 fast as may be ? Some industries lend themselves to monopolisa- 
 tion more quickly than others, but it is only a question of time. 
 The same principle runs through all. And when political econo- 
 mists once admit the principle, facts will break down the 
 barriers and distinctions they try to raise, and carry them into 
 avowed Socialism. 
 
 The Present Position. 
 
 Such are some of the utterances of recognised poUtical 
 economists, which could be multiplied indefinitely from other 
 economists in these countries, as well as from others in Belgium, 
 France, Italy, Switzerland, etc. 
 
 The value of these utterances, however, can easily be both 
 over- and under-estimated. They by no means indicate that 
 political economists are on the high road to Socialism. There 
 is even among them at present a reaction against Socialism. 
 Frightened by their own admissions, they are drawing back 
 and trying to show that while there is considerable truth in 
 Socialism, society need not accept the whole Socialist position. 
 Mr. Kidd, for example, says {Social Evolution, p. 237) : " In the 
 era upon which we are entering, the long up-hill effort to secure 
 equality of political rights will of necessity involve not the restric- 
 tion of the interference of the State, but the progressive exten- 
 sion of its sphere of action to almost every department of social 
 life. . . . But the continuity of principle may be expected to 
 remain evident under the new appearances. Even in such cases 
 
i8o Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 the State will, in reality, assume such functions in order to pre- 
 serve or secure free competition, rather than to suspend it. Hence 
 the general tendency must be expected to be towards State inter- 
 ference and State control on a greatly extended scale, rather than 
 towards State management." This is probably the opinion of 
 most political economists to-day. But it is wholly a doctrinaire 
 position. Mr. Kidd adduces no facts to bear it out. He takes 
 the ground simply as a biologist, that progress demands competi- 
 tion. He forgets wholly that Socialism would not restrain all 
 competition, but simply, according to the evolution of competi- 
 tion (see chapter iii.), replace industrial competition by intellectual 
 competition in service of society. All the facts are, that whatever 
 be the theory, States are steadily assuming, first more control, 
 and secondly more management. States to-day increasingly both 
 control and manage railroads, telegraphs, telephones, expressage, 
 banking, insurance, etc., etc. The theory is spreading fast that 
 municipalities and county councils should do their own work, and 
 the governments of all kinds should at least manufacture for them- 
 selves all supplies for armies, printing, etc., etc. No student oi facts 
 can deny this ; while there is scarcely a single instance in modern 
 times of an activity conducted by the State ever reverting to 
 private hands. All the tendency is the other way. Mr. Kidd's 
 position and that of the economists is simply that of doctrinaires. 
 Nevertheless, whatever be their reason, it must be admitted that 
 most political economists are not to-day Socialists, and that 
 therefore the quotations above must not be pressed too far. Men 
 occupying chairs in universities endowed by the possessing classes, 
 or dependent in one way or another upon the wealthy, have never 
 been very progressive. Says Mr. Kidd {Social Evolution, t^. 236): 
 " It has to be confessed that in England during the nineteenth 
 "century the educated classes in almost all the great political 
 changes that have been effected have taken the side of the party 
 afterwards admitted to have been in the wrong ; they have almost 
 invariably opposed at the time the measures they have subse- 
 quently come to defend and to justify. This is to be noticed 
 alike of measures which have extended education, which have 
 
Socialism and the Political Economists. 
 
 i»i 
 
 emancipated trade, which have extended the franchise. The 
 educated classes have even, it must be confessed, opposed mea- 
 sures which have tended to secure religious freedom and to abolish 
 slavery. The motive force behind the long list of progressive 
 measures, carried during this period, has in scarcely any appreci- 
 able measure come from the educated classes ; it has come almost 
 exclusively from the middle and lower classes, who have in turn 
 acted, not under the stimulus of intellectual motives, but under 
 the influence of their altruistic feelings." 
 
 On the other hand, the value of these admissions by the econo- 
 mists must not be under-estimated. Their main use is to prove 
 that there is no case to be drawn from Political Economy against 
 Socialism. Says Mr. Kidd, speaking of socialistic propositions 
 (^Social Evolution, p. 208) : " A somewhat startling admission has 
 to be made. ... It is that the arguments by which their advo- 
 cates lead up to them are unanswered, and even unanswerable, 
 from the point of view from which the greater number of their 
 critics have assailed them." The fact is that Political Economy 
 to-day is utterly adrift and in the dark. There is as yet no well- 
 founded and generally accepted science of society. Said Mr. 
 Leslie Stephen (Presidential Address at the annual meeting of the 
 Social and Political Education League, March, 1892) : "There is 
 no science of sociology, properly scientific, — merely a heap of 
 vague empirical observations, too flimsy to be useful in strict 
 logical inference". Says Mr. Kidd, speaking of " probably the 
 largest section " of the community {Social Evolution, p. 5) : 
 " They feel that some change is inevitable. . . . But at present 
 they simply sit still and wait. They have no indication as to the 
 direction in which the right path lies. They look in vain to 
 science and authority for any hint as to duty. They are without 
 a faith, for there is at the present time no science of human 
 society." 
 
l82 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 SOCIALISM THE ONLY WAY OUT. 
 
 It is not claimed by Socialists that Socialism will solve all human 
 ills. They know no quack cure, no panacea, no Morrison's pills 
 for human sorrow. Ignorance, sickness, evil, will continue to 
 exist, they are aware, under Socialism ; although, they believe, 
 in a diminished degree. But Socialists do believe that in the 
 principles of Socialism lies the one way out of our present main 
 industrial woes. Nor is this a narrow position. Socialism is not 
 a single measure like the Single Tax or Co-operation, which are 
 sometimes preached as economic panaceas. Socialism is a 
 collection of principles including a thousand detailed acts. It 
 is the ism that there is no ism. It is the appeal from sectarian 
 reforms to the essential unity of society. Even as a philosophy 
 too, it does not claim to be universal. It recognises truth in 
 Individualism, in Anarchism, in Paternalism, even in Capitalism ; 
 it simply holds that Socialism is the one social principle that 
 industry most needs to-day. 
 
 Nor in saying this does it deny that Co-operation, Trades 
 Unionism, even Associated Charities, can do, have done, and are 
 doing a vast amount of good. Socialists claim Co-operation, 
 Trades Unionism, and Land Nationalisation as a part of the 
 Socialist advance. They would not only not oppose these, but 
 aid them in every possible way. Without Trades Unionism 
 SociaUsm would never have been. Co-operation in Belgium 
 has been now for some years the main reliance of Socialism for 
 its means of propaganda. It is one of the good signs in England 
 that the Co-operative and the Socialist movement are somewhat 
 drawing together. So with almost all reforms. However much 
 
Socialism the only Way out. 183 
 
 individual Socialists, in their loyalty to their own ideas, may be 
 betrayed into harsh criticism of reforms conducted upon other 
 lines, Socialism, as a whole, sees in all such reforms allies and 
 not rivals, all pressing forward, consciously or unconsciously, to 
 the realisation of the inherent unity of the social body. 
 
 It is only when these reforms themselves become jealous, 
 and instead of taking their respective places claim to be the 
 whole, claim to be all that is necessary, that honest Socialists 
 are compelled to show that they are not enough, and if advanced 
 as substitutes for Socialism are reactionary. 
 
 (i) Mere Trades Unionism will not Answer. 
 
 Says Mr. Sidney Webb, who with his wife (Beatrice Potter) 
 has written a recent and able history of Trades Unionism, and 
 is himself a deep believer in Trades Unions : — 
 
 The belief in universal Trades Unionism as a means of greatly and 
 permanently raising wages all round must be at once dismissed as involving 
 a logical fallacy. Certainly, the workers in some trades have managed to 
 improve their economic position by strict Trades Unions. We are never 
 allowed to forget the splendid incomes earned by these aristocrats of labour, 
 a mere tenth of the whole labour class. But those who merely counsel 
 the rest to go and do likewise forget that the only permanently efEeotive 
 Trades Union victories are won by limitation of the numbers in the par- 
 ticular trade, and the excluded candidates necessarily go to depress the 
 condition of the outsiders. The Trades Unionist can usually only raise 
 himself on the bodies of his less fortunate comrades. If all were equally 
 strong, all would be equally powerless — a point clearly proved by Prof. 
 Oairnes, and obvious to all Trades Unionists themselves (Fabian Tract, 
 No. 16). 
 
 Trades Unionists around the world are coming to realise this. 
 Almost everywhere they are coming to see that political action 
 on Socialist lines is an absolute necessity, if working men are 
 ever to materially advance. Almost the only class now who 
 laud Trades Unionism as a substitute for Socialism are somewhat 
 sentimental members of the middle class, who first having opposed 
 Trades Unions, now, seeing that something must be done, pat 
 Trades Unions on the shoulder in order to defeat Socialism. 
 
184 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 (2) Mere Co-operation no Solution, 
 
 Says Mr. Webb in the same tract : — • 
 
 Co-operation is a more seductive means of escape; and most social 
 reformers cannot, even now, refrain from keeping alive lingering hopes 
 that some solution may here be found. But a whole generation of experi- 
 ment has done little more than show the futility of expecting real help 
 from this quarter. Less than one four-hundredth part of the industry 
 of the country is yet carried on by Oo-operation. The whole range of 
 industrial development in the larger industries seems against it ; and no 
 ground for hope in Oo-operation as a complete answer to the social problem 
 can be gained from economic science. It fails to deal even with the real 
 elements of the case. It may claim to obviate competition ; but, as Mill 
 himself quotes, " the deepest root of the evils and iniquities which flU the 
 industrial world is not competition, but the subjection of labour to capital, 
 and the enormous share which the possessors of the instruments of pro- 
 duction are able to take from the produce ". Oo-operation can make no 
 real defence against the continuance of the exaction of this " enormous 
 share " — rent and interest — -the continued individual enjoyment of which 
 it, indeed, actually presupposes. Jt affords a valuable moral training, a 
 profitable savings bank for investments, and a temporary means of interest- 
 ing the worker in the industrial afiairs of his country. But ordinary joint 
 stock investment is now rapidly outgrowing it, and is already a hundred 
 and sixty times as great as Oo-operation. Now even the most enthusiastic 
 believer in the virtues of association will hardly expect salvation merely 
 from a regime of Joint Stock Companies : and this, and not Co-operation, is 
 clearly the line in which our industrial development is rapidly travelling, so 
 far as aU large enterprises are concerned. The final goal of many industries 
 is, moreover, obviously not the Co-operative Society, but the municipality. 
 Nearly twice as much capital is already invested by town councils in a 
 single industry (gas supply) as the whole twelve millions of the accumula- 
 tions of the 1500 co-operative societies. A larger extension of " municipal 
 industry " is made every year than the progress, great as it is, of the Co- 
 operative industry. Already where there is most Go-operation, there is 
 also most municipalisation. Nevertheless, it may be some time before 
 the more enthusiastic co-operators realise the industrial tendency, or even 
 become aware that modern economic science turns regretfully against 
 them ; yet such eminent authorities as Oliffe Leslie, Professor Walker, 
 Mr. Leonard Courtney, and Dr. J. K. Ingram, concur in dismissing the 
 idea of universal Co-operation as chimerical. 
 
 Co-operation too, from the workman's standpoint, is often 
 even dangerous. Business to-day in all the great centres, and in 
 
Socialism the only Way out. 185 
 
 all the great industries, demands as an absolute prerequisite to 
 success, vast capital. Against great corporations or individual 
 employers owning such vast capital, small Co-operative efforts 
 cannot to-day possibly compete. The start of the great English 
 Co-operative movement was made when concentration of capital 
 was by no means so great as to-day. In very many industries, for 
 working men to put their hard-earned savings into Co-operative 
 experiments is to throw them away, as thousands and thousands 
 of workmen have found to their cost. Often too, these Co-operative 
 stores, though begun with the highest motives, are, before they 
 know it, driven by the competition of conscienceless corporations 
 or individual dealers to practices sometimes worse than those of 
 capitalists. Many a Co-operative tailor's store, begun by phil- 
 anthropists, has become, before it knew it, a sweating den. Under 
 very exceptional circumstances, in small towns, in trades where 
 competition is not intense. Co-operation may perhaps be established 
 to-day, or in countries where Co-operation has gotten a hold, it 
 may doubtless even thrive, but even thus it is very questionable 
 whether the same amount of effort, directed on Socialist lines, 
 would not produce vastly more results. Certain it is that, par- 
 ticularly for the most needy classes. Co-operation can never make 
 Socialism unnecessary. Combination, Socialistic or Capitalistic, 
 has the future. 
 
 (3) Profit Sharing no Help. 
 
 The form of Co-operation, which is not Co-operation but 
 Profit Sharing, instituted by large firms, may financially succeed 
 to-day, and be productive of some temporary good in interesting 
 the workmen in their work. But too often it is merely reactionary, 
 a mere sop to keep workmen content under Capitalism. It is 
 therefore not spreading to-day. The problem is gradually to do 
 away with Capitalism, and in this direction Profit Sharing con- 
 fessedly does not move. Profit Sharing does not at all meet the 
 problem of competition between employers, and therefore is useless 
 as a solvent or step towards solving labour problems. Many 
 firms are troubled to-day, not how to divide profits, but how to 
 
i86 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 make profits. For that problem, Combination, either Sociah'stic 
 or Monopolistic, is the only cure. Democrats will prefer 
 Socialism. 
 
 (4) Charity no Solution. 
 
 Says Mr. Webb {ibid.) :— 
 
 It must clearly be recognised that no mere charitable palliation of 
 existing individualism can achieve this end. Against this complacent 
 delusion of the philanthropist, Political Economy emphatically protests. 
 So long as the instruments of production are in unrestrained private 
 ownership, so long must the tribute of the workers to the drones continue : 
 so long wiU the toilers' reward inevitably be reduced by their exactions. 
 No tinkering with the Land Laws can abolish or even diminish Economic 
 Kent. 
 
 Many and many a capitalist employer really desires to help 
 his employees, really tries to carry on a clean business, tries to 
 do good, tries to pay fair wages ; but he cannot under the present 
 system. While industrial competition, each for himself, lasts, no 
 manufacturer, no employer can pay the wages he would like. 
 Under the law of competition, manufacturers must sell cheaply. 
 If they do not sell cheaply, orders will go to other factories very 
 quickly. But in order to sell cheaply factories must pay the 
 lowest wages they can get the work done for. To an extent 
 Edward Atkinson is right, that high wages are cheap wages, and 
 that it pays in the long run to employ high priced labour. But this 
 has limits. The factory manager must get the lowest priced 
 labour that will produce a given quantity and quality of goods. 
 Now more and more machinery is enabling unskilled labour — 
 girl labour, child labour — to do the work of men. Machines 
 and "hands" are replacing the work of man. Man is pitted 
 against steam, against electricity. Machines are replacing hand 
 work in all the trades from fifty to two hundred per cent. 
 Consequently, unskilled labour replaces skilled abour, women 
 replace men, children women, and machines children. This is 
 not theory, but fact; and the employer cannot help himself. 
 The mere individual cannot in business apply the golden rule. 
 " I detest the methods of my business," said an employer, " but 
 
Socialism the only Way out. 187 
 
 as long as capitalism lasts I am helpless." Business should start 
 not from the individual but from society. 
 
 Charity may temporarily relieve a few, but it cannot meet 
 our industrial problem. What men need is not associated charity, 
 but a new system of associated justice. 
 
 (5) Zand Nationalisation or Taxation not Enough. 
 
 One earnest school of reformers, fearing lest Socialism develop 
 into an unwieldy and burdensome regimentation, urges that it 
 will be a sufficient remedy for our main present ills if we 
 nationalise the land alone, or collect value of the land in a tax 
 which shall absorb economic rent. They urge that the trouble 
 to-day is not that we have competition, but that we have not 
 enough competition. They say that if no man was allowed to 
 monopolise the natural resources of the earth, all men would 
 have equal opportunity, and it would be impossible for one man 
 to enslave another. They urge that there is a fundamental 
 economic difference between private property in land and private 
 property in other forms of capital. Other forms of capital, they 
 say, are the product of human labour, and can therefore justly be 
 allowed to belong to the men who have produced them ; but land, 
 they say, no man produced. The apparent justice of this position, 
 and its deep and far-spreading reach, make many believe that 
 here is a reform which, if once taken, would make Socialism un- 
 necessary. It is a reform that appeals especially strongly to two 
 classes of men : first, the old-fashioned individuahst democrats 
 who fear government, and think the best government is that 
 which governs least ; and secondly, to a certain class of religious 
 minds who think there is a divinely appointed distinction between 
 land, the work of God, and capital, the work of man. But here 
 again Socialists have distinctly to shake their head. It is perfectly 
 true that land should be nationalised ; all Socialists believe in 
 that, and not a few Socialists believe that the best way for society 
 to resume its ownership of the soil is by a gradual taxation of 
 land values, till finally the full annual value be taken. Against 
 this SociaHsm has little, if anything, to say ; but it does distinctly 
 
i88 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 say that this is not enough. The dictum of science is that men 
 in fact are not born equal. Therefore, even if all present in- 
 equalities of wealth were done away (an impossible supposition), 
 some men would make better use of the soil, whose annual 
 value they paid to society, and accumulate wealth. Shrewd 
 men, dishonest men, selfish men, smart men, would soon have 
 their weaker or their more scrupulous brethren at an advantage. 
 They would multiply capital, and be able to produce at rates that 
 smaller capitalists could not compete with. Rent of houses and 
 machinery, interest on money, would soon curse society almost 
 as much as to-day. Such is. Socialists claim, the simple teaching 
 of common sense. Nor can the principle that capital should 
 be private property, because it is the work of man, be allowed in 
 equity, since it is practically impossible to say what man produced 
 any given portion of capital. All successful production to-day, 
 mental and manual alike, is the result of social processes so 
 intricate that it is impossible to measure the share in the pro- 
 duction taken by any one man. Says Edward Bellamy : " Nine 
 hundred and ninety-nine parts out of the thousand of every man's 
 produce are the result of his social inheritance and environment " 
 (Contemporary Reviezv, July, 1890). Nor can one appeal to divine 
 law. If the production of a continent be a divine process, so is 
 the production of a steamship. To find God in the soil and not 
 in the human brain, is a conception that religion cannot allow. 
 God is the God of the living, and not of the dead. All life is 
 divine. If the earth is the Lord's, so also is the fulness thereof. 
 Nor can justice endorse the mere socialisation of the earth. Why 
 should one man who has invested his money in land have its 
 value taken from him, and not the man who has invested his 
 money in a factory? Nationalisation of land is a project that 
 has rightly won the assent of many of the noblest minds, and a 
 growing portion of the community generally; but the large majority 
 of these, like the scientist, Mr. Wallace, have gone on from this 
 position to see that justice and practical necessity, expediency 
 and the divine law, all call for the similar socialisation of capital 
 of every kind. 
 
Socialism the only Way out. 189 
 
 (6) In Anarchism there lies no Hope. 
 
 Few minds to-day see hope in Anarchism. Anarchists, and 
 especially Anarchist Communists, are usually men of more 
 earnestness and devotion than hard-headedness. Many of 
 them are Socialists driven to desperation. Several of the lead- 
 ing Anarchist Communists (e.g., Bakunin and Kropotkine) are 
 Russians with experience of Russian tyranny. Anarchism is 
 the not unnatural result of despotism, a fact which those who 
 would in these days try to repress Anarchism by more despotism 
 would do well to ponder. Just democratic government and 
 Socialism are the best cure for Anarchism. Where there is the 
 most of this, where Socialism is most developed, there is the 
 least Anarchism. It is only necessary in a few words to show 
 the futility of Anarchism. 
 
 There are, as we have seen (chapter ii.), two forms of 
 Anarchism. Philosophical Anarchists are extreme individualists, 
 who, logically following out the philosophy of individual sover- 
 eignty, would let every individual do anything that he would and 
 could. They would do away with all rule of man by man. They 
 would only prevent attacks upon each other by having the 
 majority, whom they believe to be naturally peaceful, voluntarily 
 combine to defend their own possessions, or hire men to do so. 
 "Liberty," they say, "is the mother of order." But land is of 
 unequal value. One man would have land in a city, another in 
 a desert ; one man fertile land, another barren. The owners of 
 the best land, being at an immense advantage, could hire other 
 people to work for them at prices only slightly above what the 
 men hired could get by tilling poor land yet unappropriated, and 
 very much less than the worth of their labour to the fortunate 
 occupiers of the good land. With the profit from this labour 
 the rich could buy improved machinery, and, in fact, repeat all 
 the evils of society to-day. With money the rich could hire men 
 to fight for them. In fact, we should have modern society over 
 again, only without any vestige of conscience, for Anarchism 
 confessedly recognises might as the only right. Philosophical 
 
igo Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Anarchism is a mere groundless theory, based on the position 
 for which there is not the shghtest foundation —in fact, that men 
 are naturally equal, and one place on the surface of the globe is 
 as good as another. In actual life it would never work, and to 
 the toiler presents no hope. 
 
 Anarchist Communism is theoretically wiser and practically 
 more foolish. It would not have private property in either land 
 or capital. It would institute Communism. Now, this Sociahsts 
 would do (with land and capital) ; only Anarchists would do it by 
 abolishing government, and Socialists by capturing governments 
 through legal methods, and using them to institute such Com- 
 munism. 
 
 Which is the more hopeful way ? The Anarchist Communist 
 creates chaos, bloodshed, and confusion in hope of establishing 
 brotherhood. But the sword settles nothing. Hate produces 
 hate. Dynamite produces only blind resistance. It destroys, 
 but constructs nothing. It is contrary to all the laws of evolution. 
 It may be easy to argue that the assassination of one king is 
 justified if it will save the lives of a thousand. To kill ten men if 
 it will save ten thousand is perhaps right; but here is just the 
 point, will it save ten thousand? Are subjects made free by 
 assassinating their king ? Are they subjects of the king or of the 
 kingly idea ? To obtain real freedom you must kill not the king 
 but the idea. Socialists have learned that. Six years ago Mr. G. 
 Bernard Shaw wrote: "The young Socialist is apt to be catas- 
 trophic in his views — to plan the revolutionary programme as an 
 affair of twenty-four lively hours, with Individualism in full swing 
 on Monday morning, a tidal wave of the insurgent proletariat on 
 Monday afternoon, and Socialism in complete working order on 
 Tuesday. A man who believes that such a happy despatch is 
 possible will naturally think it absurd and even inhuman to 
 stick at bloodshed in bringing it about. He can prove that the 
 continuance of the present system for a year costs more suffering 
 than could be crammed into any Monday afternoon, however 
 sanguinary. This is the phase of conviction in which are 
 delivered those Socialist speeches which make what the news- 
 
Socialism the only Way out. igi 
 
 papers call 'good copy,' and which are the only ones they as 
 yet report." 
 
 To-day even the youngest Socialist has got beyond that. 
 By slow, persistent, political methods, he to-day makes steady 
 advance, and what he once gains he never loses. Says Mr. 
 Shaw, " demolishing a Bastille with seven prisoners in it is one 
 thing : Demolishing one with fourteen million prisoners is quite 
 another ". In the mere creation of chaos there is no hope. 
 
lg2 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM. 
 
 Objection A. — That Socialism would never work because it 
 forgets that men are too selfish and ignorant to be able to enter into 
 and carry on the vast co-operative state that it would require. 
 
 This is to many the supreme objection against Socialism. 
 Knowing the ability it takes to organise and carry on even an 
 ordinary business, their experience with trades unions and other 
 organisations of the so-called working classes has not convinced 
 them that the masses are able to conduct the enormous interests 
 that Socialism would place in their hands ; while their knowledge 
 of government, under the corrupting power of appointments, does 
 not incline them to turn over to government all the offices that 
 would have to be filled under a system of nationalised railroads, 
 to speak of nothing more. 
 
 But let us look at facts. This is all that Socialists ask. Has 
 not co-operation succeeded as a matter of fact almost marvellously? 
 Have not English, American, German, and French working men 
 proved themselves capable of co-operation, even on a very large 
 scale ? Do we know that there were in Great Britain and Ireland, 
 a year ago, no less than 1589 co-operative societies, making 
 returns, with 1,207,511 members, owning capital amounting to 
 ;^i7,24i,099, with sales of ;£48, 028,171 ? Does not this, at 
 least, show what can be done ? Do we realise that there are in 
 Germany 4401 co-operative banks, and 4017 other co-operative 
 societies ? Are we aware that Prof. Ely says that " the average 
 annual co-operative transactions of the United States may be 
 safely estimated at millions of dollars " ? Does this look as if the 
 public was not yet fitted to co-operate ? 
 
Objections to Socialism. 193 
 
 Nor against the great success of co-operation must one count 
 the frequent admitted failures. Co-operative experiments have to 
 battle against the competition of enormous combinations of wealthy 
 private firms, able to carry on business for a year at a loss, in 
 order to run out the co-operative venture. Under the circum- 
 stances, the wonder is not that co-operation sometimes fails, but 
 that it ever succeeds. Its success only shows what the masses 
 can do against great odds, odds indeed so great that we do not 
 believe the future can be fought out on private lines. In a co- 
 operative commonwealth where the community carried on all 
 industry, it would have no such organised foe to meet. If 
 working men can succeed at all now, what could they not do 
 then ? And it must not be supposed that industry would be 
 taken over by the States en bloc. Socialists are evolutionists. 
 Little by little would they have business socialised. Industry 
 is to-day being largely concentrated in a few hands. Its practical 
 details are not managed by owners, but by salaried overseers and 
 managers. In being socialised an industry could still be managed 
 in exactly the same way, and often, perhaps usually, by the same 
 men, only by these men working for the public and not for a few 
 stockholders. There would be no upheaval, and small change. 
 The very process actually happens to-day whenever a railroad 
 goes into the hands of a receiver. What break is there in the 
 working of the road ? If conceived as a gradual evolution and 
 not a cataclysm, there is no difficulty on the ground of efficiency 
 in the programme of Socialism, for " what man hath done man 
 can do ". 
 
 Now, as to the corruption of government. We are not to 
 think, in the first place, of a vast centralised machine. We are 
 to remember that Socialism is essentially democratic, with great 
 emphasis on local self-government. Each sub-department would 
 be self-controlling, electing its own head, these heads electing 
 their leaders, and so on to the top, or the system of the German 
 municipality would be followed (see chapter vii.). There would 
 be less of the central appointing power than there is to-day. The 
 safety of the town meeting system in the United States is that 
 
 13 
 
194 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 every man knows personally the man he votes for, and so the 
 right men are elected, which principle would be carried out under 
 Socialism, only still further. But let us appeal to facts. What 
 are the causes of the corruption of government, as in the United 
 States? First, the fact that for generations Americans have 
 despised government, and let it play a small and a low part in 
 their life. This has had its natural result. Smart, pushing men 
 have been able to make more money elsewhere ; therefore they 
 have not taken office; good men have, as a rule, left politics 
 alone. Is it any wonder that such politics have become corrupt ? 
 Men have left government to the saloon keeper, and now blame 
 government because they have pot-house politics. This is the 
 first reason. The second reason is that business having been 
 amassed in a few hands, and these few having found that special 
 legislation can be had by directly or indirectly bribing the low 
 politicians, the average corporation to-day has become politically 
 a corrupting power. We do not need to prove these points. 
 They are admitted by every thinker. It is to this corruptive 
 power of amassed wealth, playing upon the venality, and some- 
 times the necessities of those who have made politics a profession, 
 that is due the scandalous corruption of especially municipal 
 governments. Socialism would simply remove both causes, and 
 the only way out is through Socialism. As long as there are 
 masses of poor people on the one side, and a few corporations 
 enormously wealthy on the other, there will be corruption, and 
 no amount of indignant " citizens' movements " can permanently 
 prevent it. As long as corporations pay managers and attorneys 
 several times the salaries that the State pays, the smartest men 
 will be in the service of the corporations, inside or outside of 
 government. The way to pure government is not first to purify 
 the State and then increase its activities. This is chimerical. 
 But first to increase its activities, to make it important, to enable 
 it to pay large salaries and to carry out large ideas, and then it 
 will become pure; men will be attracted to it who cannot be 
 bought. Just so long as we despise the State will it be despicable ; 
 when we begin to magnify it and exalt it over the corporations, 
 
Objections to Socialism. ig5 
 
 will it begin to be pure and magnificent. We base this statement 
 not upon theory but upon facts. 
 
 Birmingham was once the most corrupt municipality in Eng- 
 land. Squalor and over-crowding were universal. The death 
 rate was enormous. Vice and crime flourished. Saloon keepers 
 were the only contented people. A tavern coterie ruled the city. 
 But in 1 87 1 Mr. Chamberlain came forward with a programme of 
 municipal activity. He was elected; a loan of ;^i, 600,000 was 
 obtained, and to-day Birmingham is perhaps what it was called by 
 Julian Ralph in Harper's Magazine, "the best governed city in 
 the world," " a business city, run by business men on business 
 principles ". " It builds," he tells us, " its own street railroads, 
 makes and sells its own gas, collects and sells its water supply, 
 raises and sells a great part of the food of its inhabitants, provides 
 them with a free museum, art gallery, and art school, gives them 
 swimming and Turkish baths at less than cost, and interests a 
 larger portion of its people in responsibility for and management 
 of its affairs than any city in the United Kingdom, if not in the 
 world." This is Socialism ; as Mr. Ralph says in his closing 
 sentence, "a real Socialism, self-governed and self-imposed". 
 The experience of Glasgow is largely the same. It was recently 
 the most crowded city in Great Britain, excepting Liverpool, and 
 full of every evil. It has now municipal water supply, gas supply, 
 park system, a consolidated market system, a horse-car system 
 leased to a private corporation, but only on terms most favourable 
 to the city, bringing into the city a very large revenue. It spends 
 more money for lighting tenement courts than some cities spend 
 on streets. It has spent ;^i, 400,000 to pull down and rebuild its 
 worst tenements, with the result that mortality has been decreased 
 from 54 per thousand to 29 per thousand. 
 
 Is Socialism not practical ? Or take Berlin. Prof. Ely calls 
 it the best governed city in the world. It has municipal railways, 
 water works, gas works, a horse-car system leased to a private 
 company which paves the streets it uses, pays the city something 
 like ;£5o,ooo a year, and agrees to turn over the whole system, 
 with all its equipments, to the city in 191 1. Compare this with 
 
igS Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 the scandalous terms on which individuaUstic American City 
 Councillors rob the people to turn over franchises to fraudulent 
 corporations. The Berlin municipal gas works alone yielded the 
 city, at last accounts, some eighteen per cent, of its entire annual 
 outlay. The same principle is illustrated in the little community 
 of Klingenberg-on-the-Main in Germany. In the neighbourhood 
 of this town are valuable pits of iireproof clay, which the authorities 
 in days gone by were far-sighted enough to retain as public 
 property, instead of allowing them to be owned by individuals. 
 They are worked by the municipality for the public benefit. The 
 result is that Klingenberg is one of the happiest places in Europe. 
 Not only do the profits on the clay suffice to cover all local and 
 imperial taxation, but there is a considerable surplus, the bulk of 
 which is divided among the inhabitants. In addition, a present 
 of fifteen marks is made this year to every young man who is 
 beginning his military service. There is no reason why this 
 principle cannot work anywhere. The mayor of Marquette, 
 Mich., recently declared that the profits from its municipal 
 electric plant, by selling power to the corporations, nearly paid, 
 and if continued, would wholly pay, all expenses of the city 
 without any tax whatsoever. And yet people call Socialism 
 unpractical. They only think so because our corporations, 
 directly or indirectly, through their advertisements, pay our city 
 press to dub Socialism Utopian. Under Socialism there need be 
 no taxation, though we should prefer to tax land values and spend 
 the money in State employment of the unemployed. It is to 
 simple facts, not to theories, that Socialists point. 
 
 It is, of course, not claimed that Socialism would be absolutely 
 pure. It is only claimed that there would be far less corruption 
 than to-day. Even now, though politics are corrupt, they are 
 often far less corrupt than private corporations. If the United 
 States Post Office Department is not pure, it is at least vastly 
 more pure than the private Western Union Telegraph Company, 
 
 Objection B. — -That if Socialism were practical it would be 
 utterly undesirable, since it would set up a vast mechanism and 
 tyranny, too often of the commonplace, and so repress freedom, and 
 
Objections to Socialism. xgy 
 
 that Individualism, which, with whatever evil it may entail, at 
 least develops character, self-reliance, self-development, moral results 
 that vastly over-balance any possible material good results of 
 Socialism. 
 
 This is, indeed, of infinite importance j and if the point is 
 well taken, let Socialism indeed perish \ no amount of material 
 comfort can at all atone for lack of individual character. But is 
 the point well taken ? 
 
 In the first place, one must not judge of Socialism by the 
 Utopias that have been painted of it. The use of Utopias is not 
 to portray the working of Socialism, but to stimulate the thought 
 of those who lack imagination. No one can portray Socialism, 
 any more than Radicalism, because Socialism is a principle, not 
 a scheme. It is a mode of freedom, not a mould into which 
 society can be run. 
 
 Again, it must be remembered that we are not speaking of 
 paternal, imperial SociaUsm ; true Socialists are the opposite of 
 paternalists. The Socialists of Germany, for example, recently 
 cast one million five hundred thousand votes against the so-called 
 paternal Socialism of the Emperor. It is the wealthy Carnegies 
 who would manage all business, and give of their fortunes for 
 the good of working men, who are the real paternalists of the 
 day. We are defending democratic Socialism, where the people 
 are the government, and work and manage for themselves. That, 
 we say, would develop character. Nay, it would be the very 
 " open sesame " of character. Each man would then have to 
 work. No drones here ; no beggars living on the rich ; no wealthy 
 parasites fattening on the poor. If any man refused to work he 
 would be left to starve, yet with no one to blame but himself, for 
 every man would then have an opportunity to work. By simply 
 doing a few hours of honest work each day for a few years of his 
 life (each man choosing his own kind of work, the more disagree- 
 able kinds of work being favoured by less hours being demanded 
 in them, so that men would be found to choose even them), every 
 man would be sure of an honest competence. Does any man 
 assert that this would not produce better and more independent 
 
igS Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 character than we have to-day? No sycophancy of employee 
 to employer ; no dependence of professional men upon patrons ; 
 no servility of men of genius to men of money. There would 
 still be competition, but for honour, not for money. Men would 
 battle to see who should best serve the community, and so be 
 honoured by their fellow-men ; they would not be forced to 
 battle, as men are forced to battle to-day, however much they 
 hate it, to undercut their rivals, or enter into " combines " against 
 the public. Competition for honour would alone be appealed to, 
 as that alone would mean success. Mrs. Annie Besant well says : 
 " It is instructive to notice that these very forces may already 
 be seen at work in every case in which subsistence is secured, 
 and honour alone supplies the stimulus to action. The soldier's 
 subsistence is certain, and does not depend on his exertions. At 
 once he becomes susceptible to appeals to his patriotism, to his 
 esprit de corps, to the honour of his flag ; he will dare anything 
 for glory, and value a bit of bronze, which is the 'reward of 
 valour,' far more than a hundred times its weight in gold. Yet 
 many of the private soldiers come from the worst of the popula- 
 tion." (Let those especially notice this last point who fancy 
 that we must wait till men are angels before Socialism be 
 practical.) 
 
 She continues : " Or take the eagerness, self-denial, and 
 strenuous eifort thrown by young men into their mere games! 
 The desire to be captain of the Oxford eleven, stroke of the 
 Cambridge boat, victor in the foot-race or the leaping — in a word, 
 the desire to excel — is strong enough to impel to exertions which 
 often ruin physical health. Everywhere we see the multiform 
 desires of humanity assert themselves when once livelihood is 
 secured." 
 
 With short hours for work and no dread for the future as 
 long as one is willing to work, there would be time for reading, 
 time for art, time for God. There would be a Revival of Learning, 
 a Renaissance of Art, a Reformation in Religion. 
 
 Surely those who fear that Socialism would check individuality 
 do not realise how little true individuality we have to-day. On 
 
Objections to Socialism. 199 
 
 questions of personal liberty Mill surely may be allowed some 
 weight, and Mill declares that " the restraints of Communism 
 [he means what we mean by Socialism] would be freedom, in 
 comparison with the present condition of the majority of the 
 human race ". Ninety-nine one-hundredths of mankind, even 
 in civilised countries to-day, are fettered by their dependence 
 upon money. Simply to live, painters paint pot-boilers, drama- 
 tists write dramas to fill the house, undertakers smirk and bow 
 and scrape, reporters report " to suit,'' clergymen preach sermons 
 that will " draw ". Socialism, in a word, would mean independ- 
 ence compared with the present. 
 
 Socialism, again, would largely solve the woman question, 
 by making woman financially independent of man, without 
 ignoring the natural differences that must ever exist between 
 man and woman. It would re-discover married love in many a 
 home, by taking the money question out of marriage. 
 
 As for Mr. Spencer's argument that Socialism would be 
 slavery because governments have always been tyrannical, and 
 because the tyranny of the majority, being the tyranny of the 
 average multitude, would be the worst kind of tyranny, it is at 
 once to be granted that governments have been tyrannical. But 
 this is only to assert that man is a developing being, and is not 
 yet perfect. Lack of government, anarchy, individual whim law, 
 have been a hundred times more tyrannical. It is easy, as Mr. 
 Spencer does, to catalogue " the sins of legislators," easier than 
 to catalogue the sins of individuals, because this would be a much 
 longer Ust. No ; government with all its faults in the past, and 
 we grant them all, has been an immeasurable blessing to mankind, 
 and will be in the future. By doing away with government, you 
 would have licence, but you would not have liberty. Let us look 
 again at facts. Ancient Athens, as far as its^^^e population went, 
 was largely a Socialist city. The government was democratic, 
 and it controlled all life. It ruled business, conducted commerce, 
 founded colonies ; built baths, markets, temples, gymnasia, 
 theatres ; it conducted worship, developed art, worked mines, 
 lands, factories ; it was not so much supported by taxes from 
 
200 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 citizens as it supported its citizens out of the results of its wars 
 or its State revenues. People lived and worked for the State far 
 more than for the individual. This, according to all authorities, 
 was the distinguishing feature of Greek economic thought ; and 
 this is Socialism. Now, did it crush individuality ? Facts are 
 teachers. Has the world ever seen such a galaxy of great in- 
 dividualities as were produced by this same Socialistic city? Does 
 any one seriously suppose that Socrates and Plato and Aristotle 
 and Demosthenes would have ever been, had they spent their 
 lives struggling to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest 
 market ? Does a modern board of trade turn out Plutarch's 
 men ? Dare anybody look history in the face and assert that 
 economic individualism, a state of society based on everybody's 
 pushing for number one, has turned out any individualities the 
 world cares to remember? It undoubtedly does develop a Jay 
 Gould, a Baron Rothschild ; but are these flowers of civilisation 
 of which we have any reason to be proud ? Says Andrew Carnegie : 
 " The greatest discovery of my life is that the men who do the 
 work never get rich ''. 
 
 Prof. Huxley has well ridiculed Mr. Spencer's conception of 
 society, where every man is for himself, and no man has much 
 to do with his neighbours, except to prevent their interference 
 with himself. He says : " Suppose that, in accordance with his 
 view, each muscle were to maintain that the nervous system had 
 no right to interfere with its contraction, except to prevent it from 
 hindering the contraction of another muscle ; or each gland that 
 it had a right to secrete, so long as its secretion interfered with 
 no other ; suppose every separate cell left free to follow its own 
 ' interests,' and laissez /aire, Lord of all, what would become of 
 the body physiological ? " Socialists do well to refer to the 
 physical world. What is Socialism but the development of a new 
 social organism, where each part works for all, and all work for 
 each? It is in the direct line of evolution. 
 
 Objection C. — The biological one that Socialism would lead to 
 over-population, or if population were restricted, in any way, to 
 race deterioration, which {biologists assert) must be the result of 
 
Objections to Socialism. 201 
 
 tAe /imitation of the opportunity of the fittest to crush out the 
 unfit. 
 
 The dangers of over-population need not trouble many. No 
 one can travel through even the most crowded countries in the 
 world, without seeing that there is room enough for an increase 
 of population of untold millions, if men were not driven by 
 industrial competition to scramble for a livelihood in great cities. 
 While as for the food, the possible food production of the great 
 torrid zones of the earth have not begun to be scientifically 
 developed, and scarcely touched. Mr. Edward Atkinson has 
 shown that in the United States alone, the food produce could be 
 doubled "by merely bringing our product up to our average 
 standard of reasonably good agriculture ". While, even as it is, 
 one-fifth of the arable land of that country has not yet been 
 touched. Again, it is absolutely proven that, whatever be the 
 reason, reproductivity does not keep pace with advancing civilisa- 
 tion and education. Over-population is simply a myth to scare 
 the unthinking with. God's laws may be trusted to care for all 
 God's children, provided only that we keep God's laws. Take 
 money out of marriage ; let it be no more what competition of 
 money often makes it to-day, mere legalised prostitution, and our 
 children shall be as arrows in the hands of the mighty, and 
 blessed will be the man that has his quiver full of them. The 
 real problem of life is not how to provide for the children that 
 shall be born, but how to see to it that children be born right, 
 and to this end improved social conditions will contribute largely. 
 Under Socialism we shall have none " born tired " and few born 
 diseased. As for the threatened deterioration of the race through 
 lack of competition. Socialism, in the first place, does not propose 
 to abolish competition, only to lift it to a higher plane and make 
 it not industrial (see chapter iii.), and secondly, it is not proven 
 that competition is the only means to progress. Mr. Kidd's 
 Social Evolution, in which he, without any proof, declares that the 
 lack of competition must produce deterioration, is full of facts 
 showing how altruism has produced progress; and if healthy 
 environment, fresh air and good food tend to make healthy 
 
202 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 bodies, as we think no scientist will deny, it follows at once that 
 altruism, and any reform which improves the condition of the 
 poor, must improve the race. Said F. D. Maurice : " Competition 
 is put forth as the law of the universe. This is a lie. The time 
 is come to declare it is a lie by word and deed." 
 
 Objection D. — That, even if good in theory, Socialism is too 
 Utopian, too sentimental, too unpractical to be worth consideration 
 now, while it is even harmful in detracting attention from what 
 can be done to-day. 
 
 This, to any informed person, is almost a ludicrous objection, 
 since all informed people are agreed that, whether we like it or 
 not, Socialism is upon us and coming very rapidly. Herbert 
 Spencer thinks Socialism slavery, but he calls it the Coming 
 Slavery. Sir William Harcourt said in Parliament several years 
 ago : " We are all Socialists now ". President Francis A. Walker 
 of Boston has recently asserted that " Socialism was never stronger 
 than now "- In Germany there are 1,800,000 Socialist voters, 
 besides their families and friends, and not counting the Academic 
 and Christian Socialists. In France the Socialist vote is 600,000, 
 and has a strong representation in the Legislature. In Italy there 
 are 180,000 active members of Socialist societies. In little 
 Switzerland there were recently 52,000 signatures to a Socialist 
 petition, and 80,000 voters for it. In Belgium the Socialists are, 
 perhaps, better organised than anywhere else in the world, recently 
 carrying out a universal strike, which in one week compelled the 
 Government to adopt a wholly new and almost revolutionary 
 Constitution. If in England Socialists have not developed a strong 
 separate party, it is only because it was claimed that all English 
 parties were honeycombed with Socialism. 
 
 It must be remembered that Socialism depending on political 
 majorities can actually carry out no really Socialistic programme 
 till it has that majority ; but it may be, even while nothing is being 
 done, advancing toward that majority with great rapidity. This 
 is the fact to-day in more countries than one. (See the chapters 
 on the Socialist movement in England, Germany, France, and 
 Belgium.) 
 
Objections to Socialism. 203 
 
 The truth is, that it is not doctrinaire principles but stubborn 
 facts that are hurrying the world towards Socialism. Combinations 
 have set in in gigantic power in every direction. Unless we are 
 to have the combination of the few, which is despotism, we must 
 have the combination of the many, which is Socialism ; and the 
 working man is seeing this at last. Socialism is on the threshold 
 of the twentieth century. 
 
205 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON SOCIALIST WRITERS AND LEADERS 
 OF ALL COUNTRIES ; TOGETHER WITH THOSE OF SOME 
 NOT SOCIALISTS BUT CONNECTED WITH THE SOCIALIST 
 MOVEMENT. 
 
 Addeeley, Hon. and Rev. James. 
 
 Studied at Oxford ; became first head of Oxford House (East 
 London) ; aided the dockers in the Dock Strike, raising for them 
 ;f8oo ; he has now founded a Church Brotherhood, working in 
 Plaistow. He is author of Stephen Remarx, a Christian Socialist 
 story, and editor of Good Will, a monthly paper adapted for parish 
 use, on Christian Social themes. It has a circulation of 24,000. 
 
 Adler, Dr. Viktor, b. 1852. 
 
 One of the most prominent Socialist leaders in Austria, and 
 editor of the Arbeiter Zeitung, the weekly organ of the Austrian 
 Social Democratic Party. Educated as a physician, he has given 
 this up to devote himself to the Socialist propaganda. Although 
 previously somewhat interested, his active efforts for the party com- 
 menced in 1886, when he started a weekly, the Gleichheit, and was 
 mainly instrumental in bringing the Radical and Moderate wings of 
 the party together, and so laying the foundation for the recent 
 successes of the Austrian movement. In i88g the editors of the 
 Gleichheit were proceeded against on the charge of Anarchism ; but 
 to-day the Arbeiter Zeitung more than takes its place. He has 
 written numerous important books or tracts ; among others. Die 
 Arbeiterkammern und die Arbeiter (1886) ; Das allgemeine, gleiche und 
 direkte Wahlrecht und das Wahlunrecht in Oesterreich (1893) ; Schwur- 
 gerichtsverhandlung gegen, wegen Religionstorung, Aufwiegelung, vor dem 
 Reichenberger Schwur gericht. 
 
2o6 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Anseele, Eduard, b. 1856. 
 
 Son of a shoemaker in Ghent; clerk in a notary's office, he 
 became a painter in order to work for SociaUsm, and later founded 
 the papers Volkswil and Vooruit. His great work, however, was the 
 foundation of the Vooruit, the Socialist Co-operative Bakery and 
 Socialist Club of Ghent, and precursor of the very important Socialist 
 co-operative movement in Belgium. He is author of a Flemish 
 Socialistic novel, for which he suffered six months' imprisonment. 
 
 Aristotle, b. 384 e.g. 
 
 Born at Stagira. Pupil of Plato. After Plato's death he was 
 invited to Macedonia by Philip, 342 B.C., and became the teacher 
 of Alexander. After Alexander started on his Asiatic expedition 
 Aristotle returned to Athens, 334 B.C., and founded the Lyceum or 
 " Peripatetic School ". He died at Chalcis. His main works are 
 the Nikomachian Ethics, Organon, Logic, Rhetoric, Poetics, Physics, 
 and Politics ; the first and last named works contain his main social 
 teachings. His knowledge of facts for his times was encyclopedic. 
 Prof. Ingram (Hist. ofPolit. Econ., p. 16) says of Aristotle : "Aristotle, 
 like all the Greek thinkers, recognises but one doctrine of the State, 
 under which ethics, politics proper, and economics take their place 
 as departments, bearing to each other a very close relation, and 
 having indeed their lines of demarcation from each other not very 
 distinctly marked. When wealth comes under consideration, it is 
 studied not as an end in itself, but with a view to the higher 
 elements and ultimate aims of the collective life. The origin 
 of society he traces, not to economic necessities, but to 
 natural social impulses in the human constitution. The' nature 
 of social union, when thus established, being determined by the 
 partly spontaneous, partly systematic combination of diverse activi- 
 ties, he respects the independence of the latter whilst seeking 
 to effect their convergence. He therefore opposes himself to the 
 suppression of personal freedom and initiative, and the excessive 
 subordination of the individual to the State, and rejects the com- 
 munity of property and wives proposed by Plato for his governing 
 class. The principle of private property he regards as deeply rooted 
 in man, and the evils which are alleged to result from the correspond- 
 ing social ordinance he thinks ought really to be attributed either 
 to the imperfections of our nature or to the vices of other public 
 institutions. Community of goods must, in his view, tend to neglect 
 
Appendix A. 207 
 
 of the common interest and to the disturbance of social harmony." 
 In his Politics (bk. i., 2, §§ 12-14) Aristotle says: "The State is, by 
 nature, clearly prior to th? individual and to the family, since the 
 whole is of necessity prior to the part. . . . The proof that the State 
 is a creation of nature, and prior to the individual, is that the 
 individual, when isolated, is not self-sufficing ; and, therefore, he is 
 like a part in relation to the whole. But he who is unable to live 
 in society, or who has no need because he is sufficient for himself, 
 must be either a beast or a god." 
 
 AvELiNG, Edward B., b. 1852. 
 
 Doctor of Natural Science, residing in London. With S. Moore 
 he translated Marx's Das Kapital into English, and has also issued an 
 abridgment called The Student's Marx. He has been active in the 
 new Trades Unionism of England, especially in connection with the 
 Gasworkers and General Labourers' Union. His wife, Eleanor, was 
 the youngest daughter of Karl Marx. 
 
 Baader, Franz Xavier, 1765-1851. 
 
 Born in Munich. Friend of Humboldt. In 1841 Professor at 
 Munich ; deposed from his chair, 1848, on account of utterances 
 against Roman absolutism. A Christian Socialist, he advocated a 
 "theocracy'' or Christian State, as opposed to a democracy of 
 revolution. Co-operate action and association he considered es- 
 sential. He resisted, however, all attacks on private property. The 
 Bncyc. Brit, calls him " without doubt the greatest speculative 
 theologian of modern Catholicism ". He largely influenced Bishop 
 Ketteler, q. v. Works, 16 vols., with a biography by Hoffman, 
 1850-1860. 
 
 Babceuf, FRAN901S Noel, 1764-1797. 
 
 Born at Saint Quentin. Advocate of violent revolution. He 
 edited the Tribun du Peuple, calling himself Caius Gracchus. After 
 the fall of Robespierre he gathered round him a group of people, 
 aiming at absolute equality. They met at the Pantheon till dispersed 
 by Napoleon. They planned a general uprising, but were discovered, 
 and Babceuf and Darth6 condemned to die. They stabbed them- 
 selves before the tribunal, but did not die, and were executed on the 
 guillotine, 27th May, 1797. Babceuf's equality is based largely on 
 Morelly's Code de la Nature. (See Morelly.) Government was to force 
 rigid equality, even to similarity of food and dress. Victor Advielle 
 
2o8 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 and Filippo Buonarrotti have each written histories of Babceuf and 
 Babceuvisme. 
 
 Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. 
 
 Born in London, 1595. Member of Parliament, 1607. Solicitor- 
 General, 1619. Lord Chancellor and Baron of Verulam, 1621. Con- 
 demned to imprisonment in the Tower for corruption ; died at High- 
 gate. Best known for his inductive philosophy, Novum Organum, 
 1620, and De dignitate et augmmtis scimtiarum, 1605. His New 
 Atlantis, his social Utopia, was written 1614-1617, and appeared 
 in 1627, °^^ ys3,r after his death. 
 
 Bakunin, Michael, 1814-1876. 
 
 Born in Torschok. Educated in St. Petersburg. Cavalry officer 
 in Poland. In 1838 he left the service to study philosophy in 
 Moscow with Herzen, the revolutionist, and others. In 1841 he 
 went to Berlin and studied Hegelianism, Schopenhauer, and Stirner. 
 In 1847 he met Proudhon at Paris. In 1848 he attended the Pan 
 Slavist Congress at Prague. In 1849 he took part in the Dresden 
 insurrection, and was captured and condemned to death ; but was 
 handed over to the Russians, and imprisoned at St. Petersburg, and 
 later transported to Siberia. In 1850 he escaped, through Japan, 
 America, England, to Switzerland. Here he established a centre of 
 revolution, writing in the Kolokol (Bell), established by Herzen at 
 London. In 1863 he aided the Polish insurrection. In 1865 he 
 joined the International ; and opposing Marx, became the leader of 
 the left wing, preaching revolution in Italy and elsewhere. At the 
 Congress at Basle in i86g he carried the majority with him, and at 
 a divisional Swiss Congress at Chaux de Fonds, in 1870, forced, the 
 followers of Marx to withdraw, and then founded the Federation of 
 the Jura. In 1871 he took part in the uprising of the Commune at 
 Lyons. He gradually became wilder and wilder, an " apostle of 
 destruction," preaching Anarchism and not Socialism. In 1872, 
 Marx succeeded in calling the International Congress at the Hague, 
 where Bakunin could not come, since he would have been 
 arrested in passing through Germany or France. The followers 
 of Bakunin, " Anarchist Communists," as they later called them- 
 selves, were thus defeated at the Hague. The Socialists under 
 Marx completely separated themselves from Bakunin and his 
 Anarchism, and transferred the General Council to New York city, 
 Bakunin, however, in the Federation of the Jura, called together a 
 
Appendix A. 209 
 
 rival Autonomist Congress of the International, and declared against 
 all political action, and for terrorism " and the propaganda by deed ". 
 Bakunin died in Berne, ist July, 1876. He is said, by Reclus,, to 
 have been a man of great thought, strength of will, and untiring 
 energy. By Felix Dubois he is described as a man of no original 
 thought, hungry only for notoriety, to be obtained by any means. 
 Be that as it may, he is the founder in Europe, not of Philosophical 
 Anarchism, like Stirner's {q. v.), but of the Anarchist Communist 
 programme of violence and terror. His writings were mainly attacks 
 upon Marx and Mazzini, or violent Bulletins of the Federation of 
 the Jura. B. R. Tucker translated his God and the State in 1883. 
 Liberty, Liberty St., N. Y. 
 
 Ball, John, hanged 15th July, 1381. 
 
 John Ball, " St. Mary's priest," " the mad priest of Kent," began 
 to preach mediaeval Christian Socialism about 1360. " Good people," 
 he cried, " things will never be well in England so long as there be 
 villeins and gentle folk. By what right are they whom we call lords 
 greater folk than we ? On what grounds have they deserved it ? 
 Why do they hold us in serfage ? If we all came of the same father 
 and mother, of Adam and Eve, how can they say or prove that they 
 are better than we, if it be not that they make us gain for them by 
 our toil what they spend in their pride ? They are clothed in velvet, 
 and warm in their furs and their ermines, while we are covered with 
 rags. They have wine and spices and fine bread ; we have only oat 
 cake and straw and water to drink. They have leisure and fine houses ; 
 we have pain and labour, the rain and the wind in the fields. And yet 
 it is of our toil that these men hold their estate." Rogers says it 
 was largely John Ball and Wiklif 's " poor priests '' who, traversing 
 England unsuspected, organised the Peasants' Revolt. Green says 
 that in the preaching of Ball England first listened to the knell of 
 feudalism and the declaration of the rights, of man. The Peasants' 
 Revolt broke out in June, 1381. John Ball had already been im- 
 prisoned in Maidstone Jail. The peasants released him, and he 
 marched with them to London. Here, seizing the Tower and killing 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury and the King's Treasurer, they retired 
 to their homes on the promise of Richard that he would grant their 
 rights. The king broke his promise, and hung and quartered John 
 Ball with others, 15th July, at St. Alban's. Nevertheless, from that 
 time serfdom practically disappears from English history. 
 
 14 
 
2tt) Handbook of 'Socialism^ 
 
 Ballov, Adin, 1803-1890. 
 
 Born in Cumberland, Rhode Island, United States. He became 
 a popular Universalist clergyman. In 1841 he founded Hopedale, 
 a religious Communistic settlement, at Hopedale, Mass. It was 
 successful as long as Mr. Ballov managed it, till 1856. Then a 
 business man got Mr. Ballov's place to make money for himself, and 
 ruined the community. 
 
 Baenett, Rev. Samuel A., b. 1841. 
 
 Graduated at Wadham College, Oxford. In 1872 Vicar and then 
 Rector of St. Jude's, Whitechapel, East London. In 1883 he pro- 
 posed at Oxford a University Settlement in East London, and as a 
 result Toynbee Hall was founded, 1885. The central thought of his 
 work is that real uplift must come mainly through personal life, 
 though Mr. Barnett has a large conception of the function of 
 the municipality and of all organised life. He and his devoted wife 
 are the authors of numerous magazine articles ; some of the best 
 gathered into a book, Practicable Socialism, 1889. 
 
 Bax, E. Belfoet, b. 1854. 
 
 In 1882-1883 one of the founders of the Social Democratic Fed- 
 eration. In 1885 he left this, and, with Mr. Wm. Morris, founded 
 the Socialist League, and edited the Commonweal. When the Anarchist 
 element in this League came to predominate, Mr. Bax resigned from 
 it, and for a while edited Justice ior the Social Democratic Federation. 
 He founded the new Twentieth Century Press. He is a barrister- 
 at-law, and is author of The Religion of Socialism (1887), and Ethics 
 of Socialism (1889), and other similar works of materialistic Socialist 
 philosophy, as well as of a short history of philosophy. He is now 
 bringing out The Social Side of the Reformation, in 3 vols. 
 
 Bazaed, Amand, 1791-1832. 
 
 Born in Paris, and winning the Cross of the Legion of Honour 
 for the part he took in the defence of Paris, 1813, he had a good 
 position in the Prefecture of the Seine, but becoming interested in 
 the eiforts for democratic freedom, he went to the south of France, 
 and took part in the eiforts of the Carbonari. Returning to Paris, he 
 joined the Saint Simonian School, and became its leading economist 
 and editor of its journals, Producteur (1829), and the Globe (1831). 
 He advocated compulsory free education, and the gratuitous giving 
 
Appendix A. 211 
 
 by the State of land and capital for life tenancy only (so as to prevent 
 accumulation), the State to give to each according to deeds and 
 to receive from each according to ability. In 1828 he gave, in Paris, 
 a long course of lectures which largely made Saint Simonianism 
 popular. In 1831 he opposed Enfantin (q. v.), his colleague, at the 
 head of the Saint Simonian School, on the question of marriage and 
 divorce, and died of a broken heart at the division of the school. 
 His main work is Exposition de la Doctrine de Saint Simon, 1830-31. 
 
 Bebel, Ferdinand August, b. 1840. 
 
 Born near Cologne ; educated as a turner. First an adherent of 
 Schulze-Delitzsch's Co-operation, and violent opponent of Lassalle 
 (q. V.) ; he later, under the influence of Liebknecht, became a Socialist 
 and joined the International, being influential in bringing together 
 the followers of Marx and Lassalle and so forming the Social Demo- 
 cratic Party. In 1867 he was returned to the German Diet from a 
 Saxon constituency, and has remained in the Diet with brief ex- 
 ceptions ever since, although an out-spoken Socialist. He has been 
 often imprisoned, the first time in 1869, and again, for two years, in 
 1872. Bebel once summarised his views thus : " We aim in the 
 domain of politics at Republicanism, in the domain of economics at 
 Socialism, in the domain of what is called to-day religion at Atheism" 
 His main writings are Woman and Socialism (1883), enlarged edition, 
 i8gi ; Our Aims, Christianity and Socialism, and The Parliamentary 
 Activity of the German Reichstag and the Diets. He and Liebknecht 
 are the acknowledged teachers of the German Socialist movement 
 to-day. 
 
 Bellamy, Edward, b. 1850. 
 
 Born in Springfield, Mass. Graduated at Union College ; studied 
 law, but soon entered journalism, writing mainly for the Springfield 
 Union. He wrote several novels : A Nantucket Idyl, Doctor Heiden- 
 hoff's Process, etc. In 1887 he wrote Looking Backward, a Socialistic 
 Utopia of Boston in the year aooo. It made him famous and became 
 the foundation of the Nationalist movement, having a sale of over 
 500,000, and being translated into most European languages. In 
 1891 Mr. Bellamy started a weekly, The New Nation, which was 
 discontinued in 1894, but with the hope of being restarted. Mr. 
 Bellamy continues to live and write at Chicopee Falls, near Spring- 
 field, Mass. 
 
212 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Sellers, John, 1654-1725. 
 
 A landowner of Gloucestershire, England, and member of the 
 Society of Friends and Quakers, In 1695 appeared his famous 
 proposal for " CoUedges of Industries," which were to be on a 
 commercial foundation, and to prevent pauperism. In propositions 
 for the education of waifs, for the founding of hospitals for the sick, 
 the aged, and the blind, in his efforts to improve the condition of 
 criminals, and to establish international arbitration, he antedates 
 the proposals of very recent years. His Communistic Colleges were 
 to be " an epitomy of the world "- 
 
 Besant, Mrs. Annie, b. 1847. 
 
 Born in London. Educated a fervid Churchwoman. In 1867 
 she married the Rev. Frank Besant. After the severe illness and 
 death of a child, Mrs. Besant lost her faith, and finally renounced 
 Christianity, the Church, and, later, Theism. For years she worked 
 with Bradlaugh, lecturing all over England, preaching Secularism 
 and editing The National Reformer, and was attacked and maligned in 
 every way. Becoming interested in social subjects, she advocated 
 Neo-Malthusianism, and, later, Socialism. She conducted the great 
 strike of the London match girls in 1885, and joined the Social 
 Democratic Federation and the Fabian Society. This took her 
 away from Mr. Bradlaugh's Individualism, but she later became 
 interested in Theosophy and Buddhism, and has given up her Neo- 
 Malthusianism and ceased working directly for Socialism. Her 
 chief Socialist writing is Modern Socialism (iSgo), and she has 
 also published numerous tracts. 
 
 Blanc, J. J. Louis, 1813-1883. 
 
 Born in Madrid. In 1830 he came to Paris and engaged in 
 literary work. In 1838 he founded the Revue de Progrh Politique, 
 Social et Litteraire. In this he brought out his chief work, the 
 Organisation du Travail (1840). In 1841 he published his Histoire de 
 Dix Ans, an indictment of Louis Philippe and his Ministers. In the 
 Revolution of 1848 he was elected to the Provisional Government, 
 and a procession of 300,000 working men, headed by Blanqui, offered 
 him the Dictatorship, which he refused. He advocated Government 
 workshops for the unemployed, and they were started. But finding 
 that the Government was managing them with the intent of making 
 them a failure, he denounced and exposed the scheme. In August, 
 
Appendix A. 213 
 
 1848, he was accused of accomplicity in the Communist outbreaks 
 in May, and on being condemned fled to , England. Here he lived 
 twenty years, finishing his Histoire de la Revolution Frangaise and 
 Histoire de la Revolution de 1848. In 1873 he returned to Paris, and 
 was elected Deputy for Paris, a position he held to his death, always 
 voting with the extreme Left. 
 Blanqui, Louis Auguste, 1805-1881. 
 
 Born in Puget Theiers ; came in 1834 to Paris and became a 
 teacher, and student of law and medicine. On the breaking out of 
 the Revolution of 1830, he took his gun and joined the cause of the 
 people, taking his part from this date in every Paris insurrection. 
 He edited The Journal of the Society of the Friends of the People, and 
 for this was imprisoned. Complicated in the " Pulver " case, he 
 was imprisoned for two years, in 1836, but pardoned, 1837. -f" 1839 
 he organised another insurrection, which was quickly put down, 
 and Blanqui condemned to death, a verdict changed to imprisonment 
 for life. Confined at Mont Saint Michel, and at Tours, he was freed 
 by the February Revolution of 1848. By 25th February he was in 
 Paris, and organising the " Central Republican Committee ". On 
 15th May he was captured and imprisoned ten years at Belle Isle and 
 in Corsica. Amnestied in 1859, he was in 1861 accused of conspiracy 
 and imprisoned four years. When the Republic was proclaimed 
 (September, 1870) he went to Paris and advocated the principles of 
 the extreme Left, publishing his La Patrie en danger. After the 
 Commune he was arrested by Thiers, and (1872) condemned to 
 deportation ; but on account of ill-health held in Qu61ern and Clair- 
 vaux, and pardoned by Gr6vy, 9th June, 1879. He was elected 
 Deputy in Bordeaux, 1879, but was declared ineligible. A mystic, a 
 revolutionist, an autocrat, Blanqui was no mean thinker, and a 
 convinced Communist Socialist. His main writings are L'eternite 
 dans les Astres (1872), L'Armee esclave et opprimee (1880), Critique 
 sociale, 2 vols, (appearing after his death, 1883). 
 
 Blatchford, Robert P., 1851- 
 
 Born in Maidstone; served at trade and in the army; commenced 
 writing for various papers, and in 1885 in the Sunday Chronicle, under 
 the nom deplume of " Nunquam," soon declaring himself a Socialist. 
 i2th December, 1891, he issued the first number of Clarion, a very 
 popular and lively Socialist weekly. His articles have been repub- 
 lished in several volumes, notably Merrie England, which has had an 
 enormous sale, and is now sold for id. 
 
214 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Bliss, W. D. P., 1856- 
 
 Born in Constantinople, Turkey; A.B. at Amherst, Mass., 1878. He 
 entered the Congregational ministry. In 1886 he was ordained 
 priest in the Episcopal Church. In 1888 he was nominated Lieutenant 
 Governor by the Mass. Labour Party. In 1889 he was the main 
 organiser and first secretary of the Society of Christian Socialists in 
 America. In 1890 he founded The Dawn, which he still edits. In 
 i8go he also founded in Boston the Church of the Carpenter, of 
 which he is rector. He has written many tracts, What is Christian 
 Socialism ? What is Socialism ? etc. He is editor of the (American) 
 Social Science Library and of the Encyclopedia of Social Reform. 
 
 Bray, J. F. 
 
 An English Communist of the school of Owen, and author of 
 Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy, or the Age of Might and the 
 Age of Right (1839), much read at the time but now almost forgotten, 
 though mentioned by Karl Marx in his Misery of Philosophy. 
 
 Brissot de Warville, 1759-1793. 
 
 An influential writer in France before the Revolution ; hung, as 
 a Girondist, 1793 ; mentioned here on account of his Recherches 
 philosophiques stir la propriete et sur le vol (1780), in which he 
 anticipates Proudhon's saying that " what men call property is 
 theft," arguing that the real right of property is only to enjoy the 
 gratuitous fruits of nature. 
 
 Brousse, Paul. 
 
 Born at Montpellier ; studied medicine in Paris, becoming doctor, 
 1867, From 1870-1871 he worked on the Droits de I'homme, and in 
 1871 was condemned to three months' imprisonment. Escaping to 
 Spain, he joined the Anarchistic Spanish section of the International. 
 From Spain he went to Switzerland, and meeting Bakunin there 
 (q. v.), became, under his influence, a leader of the Jura Federation, 
 an organiser of the Anarchist section in Italy, and editor of Anarchist 
 publications. In 1879 he suffered imprisonment in Switzerland, and 
 after his release went to London. Here he met Marx and Engels, 
 and renouncing Anarchism, adopted Socialism. In 1880 he returned 
 to France, and edited Egalite and Proletaire in 1883, with Malon and 
 his followers, separating from the Guesdist Socialists, and forming 
 the "Broussist" section, or so-called " Possibilists "'. In 1887 he 
 was elected to the Paris Municipal Council, and has since been a 
 
Appendix A. 215 
 
 foremost leader of one section of the French Socialists, but ever 
 ready to work with any party, a policy which has resulted in his 
 now calling himself Republican Radical. His main writings are Le 
 Suffrage universel et le prohUme de la souverainete du peuple (1874), and 
 La Crise (1879). 
 
 BUONARROTTI, FiLIPPO, I761-1837. 
 
 Born in Pisa, he early fled to Corsica on account of his revo- 
 lutionary ideas, and published there his Friend of Italian Liberty- 
 la 1793 he came to Paris and was admitted to the title of " Citoyen 
 franQais ". For complication with the conspiracy of Babceuf {q. v.) 
 he was condemned to deportation. After much suffering he escaped 
 to Geneva, and later to Brussels, where he wrote his History of 
 Baboiuf's Conspiracy (1838). In 1830 he returned to France, and 
 secretly worked for Communism, exerting much influence upon 
 Blanqui and other leaders. 
 
 BuRKLi, Karl, 1823- 
 
 Born at Zurich, he became a tanner, and was converted to Socialism 
 (1845) by the writings of Fourier ; he founded the first " Konsum- 
 verein " in German Switzerland, and (1851) was elected to the Cantonal 
 Council because of his Socialist programme, and advocacy, for the 
 first time in Switzerland, of direct legislation. Since then he has 
 played an important part in Swiss politics as a firm Socialist. In 
 his seventieth year he opened the Zurich International Congress. 
 He has been a voluminous writer from 1851 to 1891. 
 
 Burns, John, 1859- 
 
 Born at Battersea ; earned his own living at the age of ten in a 
 candle factory, but was later apprenticed to a local engineering firm. 
 An early trades unionist : he was arrested in 1877 for persistently 
 speaking on Clapham Common. When out of his apprenticeship in 
 1879 hejoined the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, and prominently 
 advocated shorter hours. In 1880-81 he was engaged as an engineer 
 in West Africa, and read Adam Smith and J. S. Mill. In 1883 he 
 became a Socialist, and joined the Social Democratic Federation 
 and became its leading working-class member. In 1885 he stood 
 as Socialist candidate for Nottingham, and received 598 votes. For 
 two years he led the " unemployed " agitation in London. In 1886 
 he was arrested with Hyndman and others for speaking in Hyde 
 Park, and on acc^uittal his speech (The Man with the Red Flag) was 
 
2i6 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 printed and widely sold. In 1887 he was imprisoned six weeks for 
 breaking through the police, and speaking in Trafalgar Square, 13th 
 Nov. ("Bloody Sunday"). In 1889 he was elected to the London 
 County Council from Battersea. The same year he showed marvel- 
 lous skill in managing the Dock Strike, and in organising the un- 
 organised, and became the foremost leader of the " New Unionism ". 
 Believing in the " Progressivist " policy of advancing Socialism 
 through any party, he left the Social Democratic Federation, and 
 has 'been much criticised by its leaders ever since. At the General 
 Election in 1892 he was easily elected M.P. for Battersea, and in 
 1893, receiving the highest number of votes at the Trades Union 
 Congress, became Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee. In 
 1894 he was elected to represent the English Trades Unions before 
 the American Federation of Labour at Denver, and made a general 
 lecture tour through the States. 
 
 Burrows, Herbert, 1845- 
 
 Born in Suffolk ; son of a Methodist local preacher ; studying at a 
 private school, he entered the Civil Service. He was one of the 
 original founders of the Social Democratic Federation, and is still a 
 member. He gave himself so energetically to the cause as on 
 occasions to deliver seven addresses a day. He was one of the 
 organisers of the dock labourers, and has represented the Federation 
 in several Socialist Congresses. He is now in the Civil Service, and 
 deeply interested in Theosophy, but still true to Socialism. He is 
 treasurer for the Match Girls' Union, and active on its behalf. 
 
 Cabet, Etienne, 1788-1856. 
 
 Born at Dijon ; student of law and medicine ; his father a patriot 
 connected with the Carbonari. In 1820 he went to Paris and took part 
 in the Revolution of 1830. An extreme Republican, he was tried for 
 his views, condemned, and iled to England. Converted to Com- 
 munism through reading More's Utopia, he wrote in London and pub- 
 lished in France, in 1840, his pommunistic romance, Voyage m Icarie. 
 It created great interest, and a colony was started to carry out its 
 ideas. Cabet bought a million acres in Texas, and fifty-nine pioneers 
 set sail in 1848 for New Orleans. Their ranks were decimated by 
 fever, and they had decided to return when they met Cabet at New 
 Orleans. He, with 280 followers, went to Navoo, 111., and commenced 
 his colony in 1849. Accused in France of fraud, he returned to 
 Paris, and was accjuitted. Returning to Navoo, he found the colony 
 
Appendix A. 217 
 
 prosperous. In 1855 it had 500 members. Dissensions, however, 
 arose ; and Cabet, with 200 followers, went to St. Louis, where he 
 died. His colony still survives on a small scale at Icaria, Iowa. 
 Besides his romance Cabet wrote Le vrai christianisme suivant Jesus 
 Christ, and other books, arguing that Christianity is Communism. 
 
 Campanella, Tommaso, 1568-1639. 
 
 A Dominican monk, of Calabria, and Italian patriot. Imprisoned 
 in Naples twenty-seven years for his advocacy of Communism ; he 
 was repeatedly tortured to make him confess his heresy, but without 
 avail. Here he wrote several books, especially The City of the Sun 
 a Socialistic Utopia. When released, on the petition of Pope Urban 
 VIII., he went to Rome and then Paris, where he received a pension 
 and the friendship of Richelieu. His City of the Sun is in the form of 
 a dialogue between a sea captain and a knight templar, and its 
 ideas largely resemble those of Plato's Republic. A translation is 
 in Morley's Universal Library. 
 
 Carpenter, Edward, 1844- 
 
 Born at Brighton, Sussex. Educated at Brighton College and 
 Trinity Hall, Cambridge. Elected to a fellowship there, he became 
 curate to F. D. Maurice at St. Edward's, Cambridge. He resigned 
 his fellowship and curacy about 1871 owing to a change of views, 
 and became a University Extension lecturer on Science, Music, etc. 
 He has written Towards Democracy (1883), England's Ideal (1887, new 
 edition 1895), Civilisation, its Cause and Cure (1889), with other literary 
 works and poems. He has twice visited America. Like Thoreau, 
 he lives in almost hermit-like, yet artistic, simplicity, a life close to 
 man and to nature. 
 
 Casson, Herbert N., 1869- 
 
 Born in Ontario, Canada, of English parents. Educated at 
 Victoria College, he entered the Methodist ministry in 1890. 
 Becoming a Socialist he gave up both Church and Creed, came to 
 Boston, Mass., in 1893, and took a leading part in the agitation for 
 the unemployed. In January, 1894, he moved to Lynn, Mass., and 
 founded (in America) the Labour Church Movement, which has 
 since spread to other towns. He is known as a Socialist speaker 
 and writer. 
 
 The principles of the Labour Church (in America), which must 
 be quite distinguished from the Christian Socialist Movement, are 
 ^s follows :^ 
 
2i8 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 I. God is the cause and strength of the Labour Movement, and 
 whatever institution or individual opposes the Labour Movement 
 opposes Him. 
 
 3. All who are working for the abolition of wage-slavery are, 
 consciously or unconsciously, working together with Him, and are 
 therefore members of the real Church. 
 
 3. The improvement of personal character and of social con- 
 ditions are both necessary to secure freedom from moral and social 
 bondage. 
 
 4. All that is good in the present Christian Church, and in the 
 history of our country, is on the side of the working man in his 
 struggle for Justice and Brotherhood. 
 
 Its so-called " Ten Commandments " are as follows : — 
 
 1. Thou shalt earn thine own living, and not live on rent, profits, 
 or interest. 
 
 2. Thou shalt help others in proportion to their weakness, 
 ignorance, or poverty. 
 
 3. Thou shalt make the highest possible use of thy vote, — regard- 
 ing it as a most sacred trust. 
 
 4. Thou shalt look upon the working men of all countries as thy 
 brethren. 
 
 5. Thou shalt endeavour to prevent and abolish war. 
 
 6. Thou shalt treat private luxury as immoral, as long as poverty 
 exists. 
 
 7. Thou shalt resist and overthrow all injustice, tyranny, and 
 social evil. 
 
 8. Thou shalt regard the duties and happiness of the present as 
 supreme. 
 
 9. Thou shalt seek thine own welfare in advancing the welfare 
 of all. 
 
 10. Thou shalt reverence these three, — God, the Father; Man, 
 the Son ; and Love, the Holy Spirit. 
 
 Clarke, William, 1856- 
 
 Born at Norwich. B.A., Cambridge. Historical Tripos, 1876. 
 He lectured on economics, and wrote numerous articles for the 
 leading reviews. In 1890 he became connected with the London 
 Daily Ckfonicle, a position he still holds. A prominent member of 
 the Fabian Society, he was delegate to the Paris Labour Congress 
 of 1889. In 1893 he visited the United States, and gave numerous 
 
Appendix A. 219 
 
 lectures on Socialism and Literature. His best-known book is a 
 study of Walt Whitman and his democracy. 
 
 CoLiNS, Jean Guillaume C^sar Alexandre Hippolyte de, 1783- 
 1859- 
 Born in Brussels, and educated at home by a Jesuit ; he became 
 a physician, and established himself (i8ig) in Havana. After the 
 Paris Revolution of 1830 he went to Paris and gave himself up to 
 scientific studies. In 1835 he brought out his first work, Le pacts 
 socials, and then Qu'est que la science sociale? (4 vols., 1853-54), L'Eco- 
 nomie politique (3 vols., 1856-57), La Societe nouvelle, sa necessite {2 vols., 
 1857), Science sociale (6 vols., 1857). Colins taught that all immovable 
 property should be held in common, and became the founder of a 
 school of so-called " Rational Socialism ". His religious ideas were 
 a strange combination of Atheism and Spiritualism. 
 
 Commons, Prof. J. R., 1862- 
 
 Born at HoUandsburg, Ohio. A.B. at Oberlin, 1888. Student 
 at Johns Hopkins University. A.M., Oberlin, 1890. Tutor in 
 economics at Wesleyan University, 1890-91. Associate professor 
 of political economy at Oberlin, 1891-92. Since then professor of 
 political economy at Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana. 
 One of the founders of the American Proportional Representation 
 League. Secretary of the American Institute of Christian Sociology. 
 Author of Distribution of Wealth (1893), and Social Reform and the 
 Church. Prof. Commons is not a Socialist, but, like Prof. Ely, has 
 done work for social reform which Socialists believe to be in the 
 direction of their aims. 
 
 COMTE, AUQUSTE, I797-1857. 
 
 Born 19th January, in Montpellier ; from 1832 to 1851 adjunct 
 professor in the Ecole Polytechnique at Paris. He is the founder ■ 
 of Positivism ; his Cours de Philosophie Positive appearing in 183a- 
 1842, and his Systime de Politique Positive, 1851-57. According to 
 Comte every science must either be (i) physico-mathematical, (2) 
 biological, or (3) sociological ; and must go through three stages, (i) 
 theological, (2) metaphysical, (3) positive. He was the first writer 
 to use the word Sociology, and with his conception of the solidarity 
 of the phenomena of civil life has had a decidedly socialistic influence 
 upon his school. See Ingram's History of Political Economy, and 
 Cossa's Introduction to Political Economy. 
 
220 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 CONSIDERANT, PROSPER ViCTOR, 1808- 
 
 Born at Salins ; student at the Polytechriique at Paris, and 
 became a Chief of Engineers. In 1831 he left the service to spread 
 Fourierism, and published the chief work of this school, DestinU 
 Sociale (3 vols., 1834-45). Soon after he established a "Phalanx" 
 which existed till 1845. In the last year of the Government of 
 Louis Philippe, he established a journal, La Democratie Pacifique. 
 In 1848 he was elected to the Constituent Assembly, and laboured 
 with Louis Blanc for the recognition of the right to work. After 
 the overthrow of the Republic, he was sentenced to deportation ; he 
 escaped to Brussels, where he found friends and money to set up a 
 Fourierist Phalanx in Texas. He established this under the name of 
 " La Reunion," but it was broken up by the war of the Rebellion. 
 In 1869 he returned to Paris, and lived a comparatively retired life. 
 His writings are too numerous to mention here, the above named 
 being the best known. 
 
 Crane, Walter, 1845- 
 
 Born in Liverpool, and apprenticed to a wood engraver. In 1879 
 he was appointed examiner of the National Competition of Drawings 
 at South Kensington. He became a member of the Institute of 
 Painters in Water Colour, but resigned in 1873. In 1888 he was 
 president of the Arts and Crafts Exhibition Society. His chief fame 
 is as a designer, though his paintings and lectures on art are also 
 important. In 1884 he became interested in Socialism, chiefly of 
 the school of Morris, and has spoken and written much for the 
 cause, contributing also many designs for Socialist societies and 
 publications. 
 
 Dearmer, Rev. Percy. 
 
 Educated at Christ Church, Oxford, now curate of St. John's, 
 Great Marlborough Street, London. He is the energetic secretary 
 of the London branch of the Christian Social Union, and is on the 
 Council of the Guild of St. Matthew. He had a share in Andrew 
 Reid's New Party, where he proclaimed the Socialism of the position 
 of the Church of England. 
 
 DoNi, Anton Francesco. 
 
 Author of an eccentric Utopia, Mondi celesti terrestri ed infernali 
 (Florence, 1552-53). 
 
Appendix A. 221 
 
 Ely, Prof. Richard T., 1857- 
 
 Born at Ripley, New York. A.B., Columbia, 1876. Ph.D., 
 Heidelberg, 1879. Professor of political economy at Johns Hopkins 
 University till 1893, when he became director of the School of 
 Economics, Political Science, and History at the University of 
 Wisconsin, Madison, U.S. He was one of the founders of the 
 American Economic Association, of the Christian Social Union, and 
 of the American Institute of Christian Sociology, of which last he is 
 president. His main works are French and German Socialism (1883) ; 
 Labour Movement in America (1886) ; Taxation in American States and 
 Cities (1888, based on Dr. Ely's experience in the Baltimore City 
 Tax Commission, and in the Maryland State Tax Commission, 1886- 
 88) ; Problems of To-day (1888) ; Introduction to Political Economy 
 (1889), enlarged edition (1893) ; Social Aspects of Christianity (1889) ; 
 Socialism and Social Reform {i%q/\) ; Socialism: its Strength and Weak- 
 ness (1894). Dr. Ely is often called a Socialist, but does not call 
 himself one, though a strong believer in, and worker for, the socialisa- 
 tion of " Natural Monopolies ". 
 
 Enfantin, Bartholomib Prosper, 1789-1864. 
 
 A Saint Simonian, who acted as " supreme father " to the move- 
 ment in its somewhat fantastical religious developments after the 
 death of Saint Simon (1835). In 1831 the Saint Simonian School 
 attempted Communism on some property of Enfantin's at Menil- 
 nontant. Enfantin's eccentric ideas about marriage and divorce 
 brought the school into an evil report, not overcome by the plain words 
 of Bazard {q. v.) against Enfantin. His main works are Economic 
 politique et politique Saint Simonienne (1831), and La Religion Saint 
 Simonienne (1831). 
 
 Engels, Friedrich, 1818- 
 
 Born at Bremen. In 1843 he mgt Marx at Paris, and for forty 
 years was his life-long friend and fellow-worker. In 1848 he pub- 
 lished with Marx the famous Communistic Manifesto. Banished 
 from Prussia in 1849. In 1845 he published in German his Condition 
 of the English Working Classes in 1844 (translated by Fouver Kelley, 
 with new Preface, London, 1892). His other main works are Der 
 Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und des Staates (i8gi), 
 and Socialism, Utopian and Scientific (1898), a translation of the 
 German edition of 1891. He has also edited Aveling's translation of 
 
222 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Marx's Kapital. Engels has mainly lived and is now living in 
 London, writing and working with Marx till his death. 
 
 FiCHTE, JOHANN GOTTLIEB, I762-1814. 
 
 Born at Rammenau in Lusatia. He studied theology and then 
 philosophy at Jena. In 1791 he met Kant and became a Kantian. 
 In 179a he wrote his Critique of all Revelation. In 1794, after con- 
 siderable suffering and want, he was made Professor of Philosophy 
 at Jena. He left Kantianism and developed a spiritual idealism. In 
 1799 he was deprived of his chair on a charge of Atheism. He 
 lectured at Berlin, and in 1805 was made professor of Philosophy at 
 Erlangen. Here he published The Nature of the Scholar, and became 
 deeply interested in social and political questions, and a firm patriot. 
 He was elected rector of the University of Berlin. On the outbreak 
 of the War of Independence of 1810, his wife became a hospital 
 nurse, but caught a fever, and recovered only to bequeath it to her 
 husband, who died 3rd January, 1814. His chief social writings are 
 Materials for the Justification of the French Revolution, Principles of 
 Natural Right (1796), The State in Accordance with Right. He 
 was much influenced by Rousseau, and accepts the doctrine of 
 Individual Sovereignty and the Social Contract. Property is the 
 result of the work of the Ego ; but if a man can find no work he need 
 not respect private property, since in his case the State has not 
 fulfilled its contract. Labour and distribution should be collectively 
 organised. All the positions of modern Socialism are outlined in 
 his writings, modified by an individualistic philosophy and a deep 
 pietistic Christianity. 
 
 Flurscheim, Michael, 1844- 
 
 Born at Frankfort-on-the-Main, and well educated there ; worked 
 in banking offices in Frankfort, Berlin, and Paris, till 1869. He then 
 went to the United States, and engaged in business in New York and 
 Virginia as importer, manufacturer, and investor. In 1873, returned to 
 Germany, and engaged in journalistic enterprise (The American News). 
 In 1873 purchased the Gaggina iron works, and conducted them with 
 great success for fifteen years, when he organised a limited company. 
 He introduced many improvements, attempted some co-operative 
 experiments, employed 1000 men, and had at one time over loo 
 patents. In 1883 he began to devote part of his time to social 
 reform, influenced mainly by Henry George. In 1889 published (in 
 German) By Peaceful Means. In 1887 founded the weekly Deutsch 
 
Appendix A. 223 
 
 Land, and edited it till 1889, when he turned it over to the German 
 Land Nationalisation League, which he founded in 1888. He also 
 led to the formation of similar leagues in Switzerland and Holland, 
 In 1889 he brought out (in German) The. Only Way of Salvation, and 
 in 1891 (in English) Rent, Wages, and Interest. He is now writing 
 Building Stones for Social Reform. He believes in Land Nationalisa- 
 tion, but not in the Single Tax, which he considers confiscation. He 
 believes in the monopolisation by the State of commerce and land 
 distribution, and for money would have only State warrant money. 
 In production he would have private competition. With land and 
 commerce nationalised he believes interest proper {i.e., interest less 
 risk premium) would cease. 
 
 Fourier, FRAN501S Charles Marie, 1772- 1837. 
 
 Born at Besangon. Well educated, and much travelled. Losing 
 his property in the Revolution, he served five years in the army, and 
 later entered business in Lyons. In 1803 he published an article 
 on European politics. Becoming interested in social questions, he 
 published his Thiorie des Quatre Mouvements (a vols., 1808). He 
 believed that the full indulgence of human nature, with all its 
 passions, would produce happiness and virtue. Society he would 
 harmoniously organise in groups (phalanx) of 1600 persons, to in- 
 habit a philanstery, a certain proportion to do one kind of work, 
 others other kinds, and to regulate their time so as to harmoniously 
 develop all sides of life. In 1832 he published his Traiti de I' Associa- 
 tion Agricole Domestique. He went to Paris to become clerk in an 
 American firm. In 1829 he published Le Nouveani Monde Industriel. 
 In 1831 he attacked the school of St. Simon {q. v.). He now began 
 to gain followers, particularly Victor Considerant (q. v.), who pub- 
 lished in 1834 his Destinee Sociale, the most important work of this 
 school. In 1837 3. newspaper was attempted, and, with many inter- 
 ruptions, published, till it was suppressed in 1850. In 1832 Baudet 
 Dulary became a convert, and proceeded to establish a philanstery 
 at Cond6 sur Visgre, but it soon failed. Fourier, till he died, 
 expected some rich man to found a successful phalanx. Fourierism 
 in America had many and notable experiments. (See chapter on 
 Socialism in the United States.) 
 
 Gall, Heinrich Ludwiq Lampert, 1790-1863. 
 
 Seligman's and Hugo's Handbuch des Socialismus calls him " the 
 first German Socialist ". A rare and almost forgotten writer, yet 
 
224 Handbook of Sociatism. 
 
 " the first in Germany to raise his voice for modern Socialism ". Born 
 in Aldhoven bei Jiilich, aSth December, 1790 ; held various clerkships 
 in Government offices in Cleve, Dusseldorf, Luxemburg, and especially 
 at Treves. The sufferings of the people after the war of 181 5 moved 
 him deeply; and even at this time he clearly analysed the industrial 
 situation and the social evolution which puts all power into the hands 
 of capitalists, who were as capitalists not workers, and left the 
 workers poor. Doing what he could to spread his ideas he met with 
 no encouragement, and in 1819 left his government situation to 
 devote all his time and his considerable means to the service of 
 social reform. He conducted to America an ill-fated, ill-planned 
 company of the offscourings of German cities (thieves, convicts, 
 and harlots), and with the best of them organised a colony at 
 Harrisburg, Pa. He believed he could make of them successful 
 colonists ; but naturally he failed, exhausting his means, and receiving 
 only criticism and opposition. Returning he entered the govern- 
 ment service once again, and made numerous inventions in distilling 
 apparatus, etc., all to get the means to carry on his propaganda. 
 He travelled in England and France, meeting Owen, Fourier, and 
 the Saint Simonians, and tried to form an international movement. 
 He travelled all through Germany even to East Prussia, oppressed 
 with the Condition of the masses. In 1828 he published a paper, 
 Menschenfreundliche Blatter (Humanitarian Leaflet), but was com- 
 pelled to discontinue it for lack of support. He wrote many books, 
 especially Mein Wollen und Mein Werken (1835), in which he outlines 
 the principles of modern Socialism, the helplessness of the individual 
 worker, the need of industrial organisation by the workers. Con- 
 demned to imprisonment in one of his travels, he fled to Treves, 
 where he died 31st January, 1863. See Seligman's and Hugo's 
 Handbuch des Socialismus for a full account of him. 
 
 George, Henry, 1839- 
 
 Born in Philadelphia. As a lad went to sea. In California he 
 became a printer, a reporter, and then a journalist. In 1871 he, 
 with others, founded the San Francisco Post. He wrote his Our 
 Land and Land Policy in 1871. In 1877 he published Progress and 
 Poverty, and became famous. In 1880 he published the Irish Land 
 Question, and in 1881 visited Ireland as a newspaper correspondent. 
 In 1883 he visited England and lectured in the principal cities 
 amidst an enthusiasm to which many ascribe the awakening that has 
 
Appendix A. 225 
 
 occasioned the present English Socialist movement. In t886 Mr.George 
 was nominated Mayor of New York ; and, after a phenomenal cam- 
 paign, polled 68,000 votes, being defeated only by the Democratic 
 candidate. A Union Labour Party and Anti-Poverty Society were 
 formed to represent the political and religious sides of the movement. 
 In 1887 the United Labour Party nominated him Governor. Up to 
 this time Mr. George, though not a Socialist, had not declared 
 against the Socialists, and they had supported him. In the nom- 
 inating convention Mr. George now declared against them, and ever 
 since the American Socialists have bitterly denounced him. He 
 polled but a small vote. Mr. George has since worked with the 
 Democratic Party for Free Trade, on the ground that protective 
 duties must be repealed before taxation can be concentrated on land 
 values. In 1887 he commenced publishing the Standard, but dis- 
 continued it in 1890. His principal other books besides those above 
 mentioned are Social Problems (1884), Protection or Free Trade (1887), 
 The Condition of Labour (1891), an open letter to the Pope on the 
 occasion of his Encyclical. 
 
 GiDB, Prop. Charles, 1847- 
 
 From 1874-1880 Professor of Jurisprudence at Bordeaux, and 
 since 1880 Professor of Political Economy at Montpellier. His chief 
 works are his Principes d'Economie Politique (i88g), which has been 
 translated into English (1891), and L'Ecole Nouvelle (1890). He is 
 one of the leaders among French Economists of what he calls the 
 school of " solidarity," the revolt (represented by the Revue d'Economie 
 Politique (1887)) against the orthodox political economy. He is by 
 no means a Socialist, but has been particularly active in the move- 
 ment of French Protestant Christian Socialism, which means, how- 
 ever, little more than the study of social questions from a Christian 
 standpoint. 
 
 Glasse, Rev. John. 
 
 Minister of the church of Old Greyfriars, Edinburgh, and a 
 pioneer of Socialism in Scotland. 
 
 Goblet, Ren^ Marie, 1838- 
 
 Born at Aire, he entered the legal profession, then journalism, 
 and, later, politics. In 1870 he was Procureur-General at Amiens ; 
 in 1871 representative for La Somme, being a Republican of the Left, 
 and though at first a supporter of the Government, he gradually 
 
 15 
 
226 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 became more and more independent. From January to August, 
 1883, he held the portfolio of the Interior in the Freycinet Cabinet ; 
 from April, 1885, to January, 1886, the portfolio of Public Instruction 
 and of the Arts, under Brisson. In 1886 to 1887 he was President 
 of the Council; and from April, 1888, to April, 1889, Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs. In the last general election he declared out and 
 out for Socialism, and is considered the leading Socialist in French 
 Government circles. 
 
 GoDiN, Jean Baptiste Andr^, 1817-1888. 
 
 Born at Esqubirus of a family of artisans. Early engaging in 
 industry, he, in 1847, moved his works to Guise, and became in- 
 terested in Co-operation as a disciple of Fourier. In 1859 he 
 commenced his famous Familistere, or communal home, and rapidly 
 developed it. In 1870 he was elected Mayor of Guise, and in 1871 
 representative for Aisne. In 1871 he also published his Solutions 
 Sociales, or account of his Familistere. The Familistere in 1888 had 
 thirteen associes, sixty-seven socieiaires, fifty-two participants, out of 
 1237 employees. The industry carried on is the making of stoves, 
 ovens, and smaller hardware. There are three big buildings with 
 1800 inhabitants, each family having two or three rooms. Much 
 attention is given to education. Babies can be left by their mothers 
 in a crdche from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. There is considerable social life. 
 The firm is now Dequenne et Compagnie, M. Dequenne being 
 managing director for life. 
 
 Godwin, William, 1756-1836. 
 
 Educated as a nonconformist clergyman. Resigning the 
 ministry he came to London to write, and in 1793 published his 
 Inquiry concerning Political Justice. In 1797 he married Mary 
 Wollstoncraft, the brilliant advocate of woman's rights and 
 popular liberties. She died in giving birth to the second wife of 
 Shelley. Godwin married Mrs. Clairmont in 1800, and wrote novels 
 and histories for his support ; till, modifying his views, he received a 
 pension, though still continuing to write. Godwin was an intense 
 individualist. He attacked the institutions of marriage, accumula- 
 tion of property, the infliction of punishment, etc., etc. He seems 
 to have excited a profound influence on the younger men of his 
 time, on extremely Radical lines. His Political Justice has been 
 recently reprinted, edited by H. S. Salt, 1890. 
 
Appendix A. 227 
 
 Greeley, Horace, 1811-1873. 
 
 Born in Amherst, N. H. As a boy he worked as a day labourer, 
 then in a printing office at East Poultney, Vt., for $40 a year. In 1831 
 he went to New York City. In 1833, with F. V. Story, he commenced 
 the Morning Post, then the New Yorker, and the Log Cabin, which 
 last was a success. In 1841 he founded the New York Tribune, and 
 opened its columns to every reform — dress reform, vegetarianism, etc. 
 He allowed Brisbane to advocate Fourierism, and became himself 
 deeply and actively interested in the Fourierist North American 
 Phalanx. His main efforts, however, were soon concentrated upon 
 the Abolitionist movement. In 1848-49 he was a Whig representative 
 in Congress. In 1861 he was one of the founders of the Republican 
 party. Opposing Grant's administration, he was, in 1872, nominated 
 for President by the Liberal Republican party. He took his defeat 
 so grievously as to lead to his death. 
 
 Gronlund, Lawrence, 1848- 
 
 Born in Denmark. He studied law, but came to America in 1867 
 and taught German in Milwaukee. In 1869 he was admitted to the 
 bar in Chicago. In 1880 he published a dialogue on The Coming 
 Revolution; then his Co-operative Commonwealth (1884), Ca Ira, a life 
 of Danton (1888), Our Destiny (i8gi). Mr. Gronlund has lived suc- 
 cessively in New York, Boston, and Washington, working incessantly 
 for Socialism with his pen and by lectures. 
 
 Grun, Karl, 1817-1887. 
 
 Born at Liidenscheid in Westphalia. A Hegelian ; he became 
 editor of a Mannheim journal in 1842, and advocated Socialistic 
 views till expelled from the duchy. After 1868 he lived in Vienna, 
 writing various literary and philosophical works. 
 
 GuESDE, Jules (Basile), 1845- 
 
 Born at Paris, and educated by his father. At the age of twenty 
 he entered political journalism, and, in Paris, Toulouse and Mont- 
 pellier, wrote against monarchy. Here he brought out his Rights of 
 Man, and was imprisoned six months for an article calling for a 
 revolution. A follower of the Commune, he made a fruitless attempt 
 to stir up a revolution at Montpellier. Condemned in 1871 to five 
 years' imprisonment, he fled to Geneva and founded a section of the 
 International, without taking sides in the struggle between Marx and 
 
228 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Bakunin. Driven to Italy, he, in 1876, made his way to Paris, and 
 worked on the journals Droits de V Homme, Le Radical, and Le Citoyen. 
 In 1879 he, with others, founded the Egalite. He is leader of Marxist 
 Socialism. In 1887 he became editor-in-chief of Cri du Peuple, and 
 in 1889 of Egalite. His main works are CoUectivisme et Revolution 
 (1879), Services public et Socialisme (1883), Le Collectivisme au Collige de 
 France (1883). 
 
 Hardie, J. Keir,'i836- 
 
 Born in Glasgow. At the age of eight he worked in the coal pits. 
 Educating himself as best he could, he worked his way up and 
 became Secretary of the Miners' Union in Lanarkshire. In 1883 
 he took to journalism as sub-editor of the Cumnock News. In 1888 
 he stood for Parliament in Mid Lanark, but was defeated. He then 
 founded the Scotch Labour Party. In 1893 he was returned for 
 South West Ham. An earnest speaker and worker, he is the leading 
 spirit in the Independent Labour Party formed about 1891, and to 
 this he has given his latest efforts. He is main editor of the Labour 
 Leader, the organ of the party. 
 
 Harrington, James, 1611-1677. 
 
 Educated at Oxford, he became a personal attendant upon Charles 
 I. In 1656 he published his Oceana, an allegory depicting a Socialistic 
 Republic. In 1661 he was arrested on a charge of treason, and con- 
 fined, without trial, till he became insane and died. 
 
 Headlam, Rev. Stewart, 1847- 
 
 Born at Wavertree, near Liverpool, he was educated at Walhurst, 
 Eton, and Trinity College, Cambridge. He read for ordination with 
 the Rev. Herbert James at Livermere, Bury St. Edmunds, and Dr. 
 Vaughan at the Temple. He was curate of St. John's, Drury Lane, 
 from 1870-73 ; St. Matthew's, Bethnal Green, 1873-78 ; St. Thomas', 
 Charterhouse, 1880-81 ; St. Michael's, Shoreditch, 1881-84 5 and he is 
 now warden of the Guild of St. Matthew, and member of the London 
 School Board for the division of Hackney. Mr. Headlam had to 
 resign his Bethnal Green curacy on account of a lecture on theatres 
 and music which he delivered to a working man's club in the parish. 
 This lecture gave serious offence to the late Bishop of London. The 
 present Bishop of London also refuses Mr. Headlam a licence in the 
 diocese on account of his support pf stage dancing; and Mr. Headlam 
 has thus suffered in his whole professional career for his ideas. 
 
Appendix A. 239 
 
 Nevertheless, few priests in London exert more influence for Chris- 
 tianity and the Church. Mr. Headlam isthe author of several small but 
 remarkable volumes of sermons and lectures, Priestcraft and Progress, 
 The Laws of Eternal Life, Lessons from the Cross, Salvation through 
 Christ, Christian Socialism, etc. He has also edited part of Carlo 
 Blesis' work on dancing, under the title, The Theory of Theatrical 
 Dancing. He has written an essay on " The Function of the Stage," 
 and is now issuing the paper on the ballet which he lately read to 
 the Playgoers' Club. Mr. Headlam also edits, and contributes to, 
 The Church Reformer, a Christian Socialist paper, which is published 
 monthly. He is a frequent lecturer for the Guild of St. Matthew, 
 the English Land Restoration League, the Fabian Society, and the 
 Church and Stage Guild. But much of his chief work is on the 
 London School Board in connection with educational reform, on 
 which — as, indeed, on all subjects in which he is interested — he is 
 an eloquent speaker. 
 
 Hegel, G. W. F., 1770-1831. 
 
 Born at Stuttgart, he studied at Tiibingen with Schelling' 
 Professor at Jena, Heidelberg, and Berlin. His principal works are 
 Die Phenomenologie des Geistes (1807), the Logik (i8ia-i6), an Encyclo- 
 pedic der Philosoph. Wissenschaften (18 17), Philosophie des Rechtes (1821). 
 He. early in life turned his attention to social questions, writing a 
 commentary on Stewart's Inquiry into the Principles of Political 
 Economy. Later he published various small works on the political 
 constitutions of Wiirtemberg and Germany. He admired Napoleon, 
 " that universal genius ". In his philosophy, rejecting the idea of 
 the Absolute, and conceiving of everything, even of God, as pro- 
 gress, he thinks of society as developing through the individual, 
 the family, the town, the state, the world, higher and higher unities, 
 each unity, however, realising, and not destroying, the lower unity. 
 It is easy to see how he came to be the father of the Socialistic 
 philosophy of Marx, Bakunin, and of all the first German Socialists. 
 
 Hertzka, Theodore, 1845- 
 
 Born in Buda Pesth ; studied in Vienna. In 1 872 editor of the Neue 
 Freien Presse ; 1880, superintendent of the Weiner Allgemeine Zeitung. 
 The same year he brought out his Laws of Trade {Die Gesetze 
 der Handelspolitik) from the standpoint of the orthodox economy, 
 which, however, he wholly gave up six years later in his Laws of 
 Social Evolution. A still further advance is made in his Utopia of 
 
230 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Freilcmd (i8go), in which he pictures a colony in equatorial Africa 
 on the principles of Communism. At the end of this volume he 
 called for the creation of such a colony, and met with a large 
 response. By 1891 the book had been translated into many languages, 
 and some 1000 local unions had been formed to provide the means 
 and start the colony. A central committee was organised, and in 1893 
 a start actually made. It may be too early to judge of the results, 
 but reports are already spreading of the failure of the attempt. 
 Most Socialists believe that Socialism must come in through evolu- 
 tion, not through colonies. 
 
 Holland, Canon Scott. 
 
 After residence of some years at Oxford, he became a canon of St. 
 Paul's., He is one of the foremost leaders of the Anglican Church. 
 Besides his notable share in Lux Mundi, he has written many books, 
 such as In Behalf of Belief, and The City of God. He founded the 
 English Christian Social Union in 1889, and is president of the 
 energetic London Branch, an outspoken leader of the new Christian 
 Socialism. 
 
 HuBER, Victor Ami, 1800-1869. 
 
 .' ; Born in Stuttgart. He studied medicine at Gottingen, but 
 travelled much. He became deeply interested in social subjects 
 from a Christian standpoint. In 1838 Friedrich Wilhelm IV. invited 
 him to Berlin, to establish a Christian State Socialistic paper, the 
 Janus. He made it a vehicle for teaching his pet scheme of Co- 
 operation. After the March Revolution of 1848 it was discontinued, 
 and Huber formed an " Association of Christian Order and Liberty "- 
 He also interested himself in Co-operative Building Societies. Re- 
 ceiving little support in Berlin, he retired to a simple life in the Hartz 
 Mountains, whence he issued to preach Co-operation or Christian 
 Socialism in Germany, France, Belgium, and England. 
 
 Huet, FEAN501S, 1814-1869. 
 
 Born at Villeau. Professor of Philosophy at Ghent (1836-1850). 
 In 1846 he became deeply interested in social questions and gathered 
 a circle of pupils, among whom was De Laveleye. He would have 
 all hereditary property divided equally among all people. In the 
 organisation of labour he was an Individualist, and did not believe in 
 State activity. His La Rdgne social du christianisme (1858) contains a 
 complete social theory based on liberal Christianity. Laveleye says 
 
Appendix A. 231 
 
 of it : " It has not met the attention it deserves, only because it is 
 too full of Christianity for the Socialists, and too full of Socialism 
 for Christians ". In 1864 he published La science de I'esprit. 
 
 Hyndman, Henry Magus, 1843- 
 
 Graduated at Trinity, Cambridge, 1864. In the Italian campaign 
 of 1866 he was special correspondent for the Pall Mall Gazette. 
 From 1868 to 1870 he travelled in the United States and Australia. 
 In 1877 he published The Indian Famine and the Crisis in India. In 
 1880 he contested the Parliamentary seat of Marylebone. In 1881 
 he was the chief founder of the Democratic Federation, which soon 
 became the Social Democratic Federation. In 1881 he published 
 England for All; in 1883, The Historical Basis of Socialism; in 
 1884, The Social Reconstruction of England, and A Summary of the 
 Principles of Socialism; and in 1892, Commercial Crises of the 
 Nineteenth Century. In 1886 he was tried with Burns, Champion, 
 and Williams for uttering sedition, and inciting to violence, on 
 Trafalgar Square ; after three days' trial all were acquitted. He is 
 still the leading member of the Social Democratic Federation, and 
 constantly contributes to Justice, its organ. A man of some means, 
 no one has more absolutely devoted his whole life to the cause of 
 Socialism. 
 
 Kaufmann, Rev. M. 
 
 Born in Germany, he early came to England, and graduated at 
 Trinity, Dublin. Taking orders in the Church of England, he is now 
 rector of Ingworth, and vicar of Calthorpe. He has been a lifelong 
 student of Socialism, and has written numberless magazine articles 
 and accounts of Socialism, with several books, such as Christian 
 Socialism (1888), Utopias from Sir Thomas More to Karl Marx, Social- 
 ism and Communism (1883). 
 
 Kautsky, Karl. 
 
 A leading Socialist in Germany, editor oiDie Neue Zeitung of Stutt- 
 gart, the leading German Socialist Review. Also, with E. Bernstein, 
 editor of Die Geschichte des Sozialismus, now appearing in parts. He 
 has been a voluminous writer. Among his books are Thomas More 
 und seine Utopie ; Der Arbeiterschutz, besonders die internationale 
 Arbeiterschutz ; Gesetzgebung und der Achtstundentag ; Die Klassen- 
 gesatze von 1789 ; Karl Marx, Oekonomische Lehren, Das Erfurter Pro- 
 gramm in seinem grundsatzlichen Theil; Der Parlamentarismus, der 
 Volksgesetzgebung und die Sozialdemokratie. 
 
232 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Kettbler, Wilhelm Emmanuel F. von, 1811-1875. 
 
 Born at Miinster ; he was educated there, later under the Jesuits 
 at Brug, and at the Universities of Gbttingen, Heidelberg, and 
 Miinchen. He entered the public service as "Referendar" from 
 1834-38, but siding with the Church against the State, he studied 
 under Dbllinger, and was made priest in 1844. He was very popular 
 and untiring in his work in his parish, especially during an epidemic, 
 and was elected to the Germanic Parliament at Frankfurt. In 1848 he 
 preached at Mainz on social subjects to five or six thousand people, 
 and in 1850 was made Bishop of Mainz. He was untiring in his 
 devotion to his people. He started various Church associations for 
 working men, and is considered the founder of the Catholic Socialism 
 in Germany, a movement which, though of some size and political 
 influence, is quite different from English Christian Socialism. His 
 main social writing is Die Arbeiterfrage und das ChrisUntum. 
 
 KiDD, Benjamin, 1858- 
 
 Leaving school at the age of seventeen, he read for six years 
 under private tutors, first for the Indian Civil Service, and later, for 
 the Chinese Consular Service, obtaining in the meantime (1877) an 
 appointment in the home Civil Service, London. In the course of 
 his reading he became deeply interested in biology, making this a 
 speciality, having colonies of ants and bees in his study, and following 
 closely all work in the leading departments of biology. As a 
 result, though keeping his Civil Service appointment, he has not 
 gone abroad, but devotes his time out of office hours to biology. 
 He has followed closely the Weismann controversy, and believed from 
 the first that it bore directly on sociological subjects. He has been 
 a frequent contributor to the magazines, not always over his name, 
 his articles appearing in The Nineteenth Century, Review of Reviews, 
 The English Illustrated, Cornhill, Longman's and other magazines. 
 His first book. Social Evolution (1894), arguing, from a biological 
 standpoint, that religion has a large part to play in the development 
 of society, and that the tendency of the times is not to Socialism 
 but to a radical extension of State control, to prevent monopoly and 
 maintain competition, is thought by many to mark an epoch in 
 social biological study. 
 
 KiNGSLEY, Rev. Charles, 1819-1875. 
 
 Born at Dartmoor, Devon. A.B. at Magdalen College, Cambridge. 
 In i84zordained curate at Eversley in Hampshire. In i860 appointed 
 
Appendix A. 233 
 
 Professor of History at Cambridge ; he resigned in 1869. He was 
 made canon at Chester, and in 1873 at Westminster. He died at 
 Eversley. In 1849 he threw himself into the Christian Socialist 
 movement with Maurice, being greatly moved by the Chartist up- 
 rising and the suffering of the people. He wrote much in the 
 Christian Socialist and Politics for the People, calling himself " a 
 Chartist Parson," or " Parson Lot ". With Maurice he advocated, 
 and tried to establish, Co-operative shops ; in politics he was a Tory, 
 with sympathies for the people. His best work for social reform 
 was his novels Alton Locke (1849) and Yeast (1849). His Cheap 
 Clothes and Nasty is a scathing denunciation of the sweating system. 
 Later in life his social views were greatly modified, and his social 
 efforts devoted to hygiene and sanitation. 
 
 Kropotkine, Peter Alexbievitch, 1843- 
 
 Born of a Russian noble family, he studied at St. Petersburg, and 
 in 1862 joined a regiment of Cossacks as lieutenant, and travelled 
 for five years in Eastern Siberia, collecting geological and geo- 
 graphical information. In 1867 he returned to St. Petersburg, 
 studying science, and as Secretary to the Geographical Society. 
 In 1872 he paid a visit to Belgium, and became interested in the 
 International, along with Bakunin, the founder of Anarchist Com- 
 munism. Returning to Russia he joined the revolutionary circles, 
 and gave many secret lectures. Arrested at last he was confined in 
 the prison of St. Peter and St. Paul, but at the request of leading 
 scientists he was allowed to continue his writings on the Glacial 
 Period. His health failing, he was transferred to the Military 
 Hospital, whence in 1876 he escaped to England. In 1877 he went 
 to Switzerland ; in 1879 he founded the paper La Revolte at Geneva (in 
 1885 transferred to Paris). Expelled from here, he was arrested in 
 i88a in Sardinia, and in Lyons in 1889, and condemned to five years' 
 imprisonment, but was liberated by the President of the French 
 Republic. In 1886 he helped to found the English Anarchist 
 Communist paper Freedom. He has since resided at Harrow- 
 on-the-Hill, near London. He takes high rank as a geographer 
 and geologist; he is the leader of the Anarchist movement in 
 England. His title of prince he repudiates. He has written 
 many articles and tracts : Paroles d'un Revolte (1885), Coming Anarchy 
 (1887), Scientific Basis of Anarchy (1887), Appeal to the Young (i8go), 
 etc., etc. 
 
234 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Krasser, Dr. Friedrich, i8i8- 
 
 Says the (English) Labour Report on Hungary : " Dr. Friedrich 
 Krasser was perhaps the first to spread Socialist ideas broadcast in 
 Hungary. He was born in 1818 in Miihlbach, a small town in the Saxon 
 district of Siebenbiirgen (Transylvania). His medical studies took 
 him in due course of time to Vienna and thence to Paris, where he 
 came in contact with the ideas of the revolutionary leaders of 1830 
 and 1848. In 1848 he went to Roumania, and two years later settled 
 down in Hermannstadt (Nagysaeben). The ' fine enthusiasm for all 
 ideal human effort, shown from his youth upwards by Krasser, and 
 daily realised until the present time, he owes first to his parents, 
 and secondly to his studies in the German, French, English, and 
 Italian classics. The racial distinctions within Siebenbiirgen, which 
 familiarised him as a child with the Magyar, the German, and the 
 Roumanian peoples, further, the early acquaintance with other 
 nations by his travels in Western Europe, which taught him the 
 subordinate importance of national and linguistic differences, had 
 made him cosmopolitan.' Up till his fiftieth year, however, like so 
 many Socialists of his class, he had hardly done more than give 
 himself up to the teachings, first of the French Utopian Socialists, 
 secondly of Marx. But when a branch of the General Workmen's 
 Sick Fund was established in Hermannstadt in 1869, and he was 
 appointed as doctor to the fund, he came in direct touch with the 
 working classes, and from that time began his personal influence on 
 the Socialist labour movement in Kronstadt, Broos, Hermannstadt, 
 and other towns of south-eastern Hungary. His songs ' Marseillaise 
 des Christenthums,' ' Erwacht,' and many others have been scattered 
 in millions of leaflets through the country, in the Magyar as well as 
 the German language."' 
 
 Lamennais, Hugues F^Licixi Robert de, 1782-1854. 
 
 Born in St. Malo, France. Son of a shipbuilder. At first 
 sceptical, the materialism of France drove him to the Church, and 
 he received the tonsure in 181 1, and became teacher at St. Malo. 
 Supporting monarchy, he attacked Napoleon, and was compelled to 
 flee to England. Returning to France, he published, in 1817, his 
 Indifference in Matters of Religion, and became famous. In 1830 he 
 founded the journal VAvenir, with the motto "God and Liberty, 
 the Pope and the People ". He had many disciples, among them 
 Lacordaire and Montalembert. Brought into trouble with the Pope 
 in 1831, he went to Rome and waited seven months in vain for an 
 
Appendix A. 235 
 
 audience. His faith shaken by what he saw, he hovered between 
 Romanism and Democracy. On 15th August, 1832, a papal encyclical 
 indirectly condemned L'Avenir, and drove Lamennais from the 
 Church. After living for a while in silence, he startled the world 
 by his burning Les paroles d'un croyant (The Words of a Believer). 
 In this he declares Christianity to be love and service, and the French 
 Church to be opposed to this. In 1839 he published a pamphlet, 
 Ths Country and the Government, and was imprisoned twelve months. 
 In 1848 he was elected to the Constituent Assembly, but after the 
 coup d'itat he withdrew from public life, and died rejecting to the 
 last, all overtures of the Church. Religion to him was the source of 
 progress; when the people had true religion in their hearts they 
 would unite and be omnipotent. 
 
 Lassalle, Ferdinand, 1835-1864. 
 
 Born at Breslau of wealthy Jewish parentage ; he studied at the 
 Universities of Breslau and Berlin, devoting himself to philosophy. 
 Humboldt called him "Das Wunderkind". Savigny called his 
 System of Acquired Rights " the ablest legal book since the sixteenth 
 century ". At Berlin Lassalle, becoming a great favourite, in 1845 
 met the Countess Hatzfeldt, and for over six years defended her 
 cause before thirty-six tribunals on a question of property. In the 
 Revolution of 1848 he was an ardent Republican, was indicted 
 for conspiracy and treason at Dusseldorf, and imprisoned six 
 months. On coming out of prison Lassalle devoted himself to 
 literary and philosophical work, living, however, completely as a 
 man of the world. In 1854 the Hatzfeldt affair was settled, and 
 Lassalle gave himself to the completion of his Heraclitus, which he 
 published in 1858. In 1861 he brought out his System of Acquired 
 Rights. He was now to enter on his more strictly Socialist career. 
 Having lectured on Constitutional themes, Lassalle was invited to 
 lecture, on 12th April, 1863, before an Artisans' Association in Berlin. 
 It has been called the birthday of German Socialism. In a philo- 
 sophical and historical way he traced the development of the State 
 and of society, and argued that as the French Revolution freed the 
 third estate, so the Revolution of '48 meant the freedom of the fourth 
 estate. When the lecture was printed the whole edition of 3000 was 
 seized, and Lassalle prosecuted for incendiary utterances. He 
 defended himself, appealing to science as the excuse for his words, 
 but was condemned to pay a fine. In 1863 he published a brochure, 
 
236 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Might and Right, and threw himself into social agitation of every 
 kind. He corresponded with Rodbertus {q. v.), but could not draw 
 that philosopher from his books. In 1863 the Leipsic Working 
 Man's Association was undecided whether to follow the Co-operative 
 movement of Schulze-Delitzsch, or a more radical social policy. 
 They asked Schulze-Delitzsch and Lassalle to appear before them and 
 present the two views. 1300 delegates were present. Lassalle won. 
 He argued that the working classes should be organised into produc- 
 tive associations, and be aided by the State. On 19th May, after 
 forty delegates had left the hall to follow Schulze-Delitzsch, the rest 
 voted for Lassalle. On 23rd May a German Working Man's Associa- 
 tion was formed to carry out Lassalle's policy. It became the fore- 
 runner of the present Social Democratic Party. Lassalle now 
 worked day and night. He spoke continually along the Rhine, and 
 in the North. He printed 16,000 copies of an address to the working 
 men of Berlin. During the winter of 1863-64 Lassalle's attention 
 was divided between the Association and defending himself in the 
 courts on repeated charges. Yet, in January, 1864, he published a 
 volume of nearly 300 pages against Schulze-Delitzsch, in tone un- 
 dignified, sometimes coarse, yet always strong. Lassalle at this 
 time made the acquaintance of Bismarck, and seems to have in- 
 fluenced him to his later State Socialism. But Lassalle's main 
 work was for the Association. In August, 1864, however, he went 
 for a vacation to Switzerland, and found there a Fraulein von 
 Donnegis, whom he had met previously. He fought a duel over her 
 and was wounded, and died the night of August 30-31. He was 
 buried, amidst the universal acclamations of the working men, in 
 the Jewish cemetery at Breslau. The Countess Hatzfeldt was at 
 his side when he died, and continued to aid the Association after 
 his death. There was some division, but the Association grew 
 till it joined the movement of the International, and thus formed 
 the Social Democratic Party of modern Germany. See Dawson's 
 German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle. 
 
 Laveleyb, Prof. Emile Louis de, 1833-1893. 
 
 Born in Bruges. Studied at Bruges, at the College Stanislas 
 in Paris, and the University of Ghent. In 1865 he became Professor 
 of Political Economy at Li^ge University. In politics a Liberal, in 
 religion a liberal Roman Catholic. He was a constant contributor 
 to the Revue de deux mondes, and a voluminous writer. Among his 
 best known books are his work on agricultural economics and on 
 
Appendix A. zyj 
 
 bimetallism, e.g.. La Question d'or (i860), De la proprieU d de ses 
 formes primitives (1874), Socialisme contemporaine (last edition 1893). 
 Laveleye was so friendly to Socialism that he is often called a 
 Socialist; he was, more strictly, a Liberal Academic Socialist. 
 
 Le Play, Pierre Guillaume Frederic, 1806- 
 
 Born at La RaviSre, Saint Sauveur. Deeply impressed with the 
 sorrows of the poor around his early home, he came to Paris to study 
 in the Ecole Polytechnique. Graduating with honours, he started, 
 in 1829, with Reynaud, and travelled for many years through all 
 Europe studying social facts. In 1840 he was appointed to the 
 Chair of Metallurgy in the School of Mines, and later was Inspector 
 General of Mines. Coming under the notice of the Emperor, he was 
 repeatedly appointed at the head of various scientific expeditions, 
 particularly that of 1867. In 1855 he published his Les ouvriers 
 europeens. In 1856 he founded La sociHe internationah des etudes 
 pratiques d'economie sociale. In 1864 he published La reforme 
 sociale en France deduite de Vobservatimi comparee des peuples europeens ; 
 in 1870, U organisation du travail. In 1872 he founded Les unions 
 de la paix sociale, which, in 1890, had 30OQ members. In 1881 was 
 commenced La reforme sociale, the organ of these unions. In its 
 first number it declared that France, in the present century, had had 
 eleven revolutions and nineteen successive constitutions, as the 
 result of utter chaos in social ideas. Hence it argued the need for 
 conclusions drawn from the patient study of facts. Le Play is often 
 called a Liberal Christian Socialist ; yet, though a Roman Catholic, 
 he does not emphasise religion, and is as opposed to Socialism 
 as to laisse^ faire. He simply desired truth drawn from facts, and 
 set himself and his followers to collecting these. His remedy for 
 social ills is a rehabilitation of the powers once vested in the father 
 of a family and in the conductor of a workshop. The family 
 organisation is not to be patriarchal, but what he calls the famille 
 souche, with a restoration of the now limited freedom of bequest. 
 H. Higgs has written the best English account of Le Play in the 
 Quart. Journal of Economics, Boston, July, 1890. 
 
 LlEBKNECHT, WiLHELM, 1826- 
 
 Born at Leipsic of poor parentage ; he studied at Giessen, Berlin, 
 and Marburg. In the Revolution of 1848 he took part in Baden, and 
 was imprisoned from September to May. He fled to Switzerland 
 
238 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 and then to England, where he remained till i86a. He was much 
 with Marx, and earnestly espoused his views. In August, 1862, he 
 returned to Germany, and edited the North German Gazette till it 
 became a Bismarckian organ, when Liebknecht joined Lassalle's 
 agitation. In 1865 he was ordered to quit Prussia. He went to 
 Leipsic, and edited a democratic journal till it was suppressed in 
 1868. Returning to Berlin, he was imprisoned three months. In 
 1867 he was returned to the North German Diet by a Saxon con- 
 stituency, and has been in the Legislature ever since. He was 
 imprisoned in 1870, and for two years beginning in 1872. In 1881 
 he was expelled from Leipsic under the Socialist law. He was the 
 leader of the International Party in Germany, won Bebel to Socialism, 
 and with him worked for the amalgamation of the movements started 
 by Lassalle and Marx, thus forming the Social Democratic Party, of 
 which he and Bebel are still the main leaders. He is not an original 
 thinker, but of high intellectual attainments, and a good writer ; his 
 Zur Grund und Bodenfrage (1874), a work on the land question, being 
 among his best publications. 
 
 Ludlow, J. M. 
 
 First mover in the Christian Socialist agitation of F. D. Maurice 
 and Charles Kingsley ; he studied Socialism and kindred movements 
 in Paris and elsewhere, and wrote on these subjects in various 
 papers. He is still an official of the " Labour Association " and one 
 of the committee of the London Branch of the Christian Social Union. 
 
 Mably, Gabriel Bonnot de, 1709-1785. 
 
 Born at Grenoble ; studied for the Church under the Jesuits at 
 Lyons, but became secretary to the Cardinal of Tenun, the Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs, and really himself the Minister. Having quarrelled 
 with the cardinal, he devoted himself to economic and philosophic 
 studies, and became a voluminous writer. His Doutes proposes aux 
 philosophes economistes sur Vordre naturel des societes (1768), and his 
 De la legislation, ou principes des his (1770), are among his best 
 works, and largely influenced the thinkers of the French Revolution. 
 
 Malon, Benoit, 1841-1893. 
 
 Born at Saint Etienne. First a labourer, and then a workman in 
 a dye house; in i858 he was one of the founders of the French Inter- 
 national, and was arrested and imprisoned three months. He went 
 to Italy, and worked there for Socialism against the Anarchists. 
 
Appendix A. 239 
 
 After the amnesty in 1880 he returned to Paris and founded the 
 Parti Ouvrier. Aiter 1883 he gave up active agitation and wrote. 
 Among his writings are Histoire du socialisine (1885), Precis historique, 
 theorique et pratique du socialisme (1893), and Le socialisme integral 
 (189a). 
 
 Mann, Tom, 1856- 
 
 Born at Foleshill, Warwickshire. At the age of eleven he worlced 
 in the coal mines, dragging trollies. Educating himself and working 
 his way up, he served an apprenticeship at Birmingham as a 
 machinist, and in 1878 went to London as an engineer. In 1884 he 
 went for six months' work to the United States. Early showing a 
 religious bent, he attended services of the Church of England, the 
 Quakers, Unitarians, and Swedenborgians. Later in life he was 
 almost induced to take orders in the Church of England. Showing 
 his humanitarian instinct first as an advocate of teetotalism, he soon 
 became interested in the labour movement. In 1884 he lectured 
 on Progress and Poverty, and in 1885 joined the Social Democratic 
 Federation, and later, the Fabian Society. For Socialism he worked 
 devotedly in many ways, especially in the eight hours' movement, 
 from 1886 to 1888, giving to the movement all his time. In 1889, as 
 an engineer interested in the London Docks, he worked among the 
 dockers for their organisation, and was elected President of the 
 Dockers' Union. He was a leader in the great dock strike. He 
 became a member of the London Trades Council, and in 1893 first 
 secretary of the important London Reform Union. In 1891 he was 
 appointed a member of the Royal Commission on Labour, and in 
 1894, with one other member, presented a minority Socialistic report. 
 In 1894 he was elected secretary of the Independent Labour Party. 
 A forcible speaker, of attractive address, and irreproachable char- 
 acter, he is easily one of the foremost Socialists in England. See 
 Webb's History of Trades Unionism, p. 370. 
 
 Marson, Rev. C. L. 
 
 Now curate of St. Mary's, Somers Town ; he has held seven 
 curacies and lost them for his Christian Socialist ideas. He was one 
 of the first members of the Fabian Society, and in 1884 editor of the 
 Christian Socialist. He went to Australia and there founded the 
 Australian Fabian Society. He is on the council of the Guild of St. 
 Matthew and trustee of the Busmen's Union. He has written 
 brilliantly on the Socialism of the Fathers (see Appendix B, § i), 
 
240 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 also The Psalms at Work und- Fairy Stories, besides contributing to 
 Vox Clamantium, The New Party, and regularly to Goodwill and The 
 Church Reformer, etc. 
 
 Marx, Karl, 1818-1883. 
 
 Born at Treves, of Jewish extraction ; his father a lawyer. He 
 studied at Berlin and Bonn, mainly history and philosophy, becoming 
 an ardent Hegelian of the left wing. In 1843 he became editor of 
 the Radical Democratic Cologne paper, the Rhenish Gazette. In 1843 
 he married the sister of the Prussian Minister Von Westfalen, and 
 yet criticised the Government so fiercely that the same year his 
 paper was suppressed, and Marx went to Paris to perfect his social 
 studies. Here he met Engels, his life-long friend, and other Socialists, 
 and among them Bakunin, Proudhon, and the poet Heine. With 
 Arnold Ruge he edited here the Deutsch-Franzosiche Jahrbiicher, and 
 wrote minor works on Socialism. In 1845 he was expelled from 
 Paris, and went with Engels to Brussels. Here he published his 
 Discours sur la libre echange and his Misere de la philosophie, a 
 criticism on Proudhon's Philosophie de la misire. In 1847 he visited 
 London with Engels, and reorganised a society there, under the 
 name of the Communist League. This league deputed Marx and 
 Engels to write a Manifesto of the Communist Party, which they did, 
 publishing it from Brussels early in 1848. It was soon translated 
 into almost all European languages, and became the first formal 
 utterance of modern Socialism. On the breaking out of the Revolu- 
 tion in 1848, Marx returned to Germany and published the New 
 Rhenish Gazette, but it was suppressed by the Government in 1849, 
 and Marx banished. He retired to London, where he lived till his 
 death. During this period he wrote unceasingly, and was in constant 
 correspondence with European Socialists. In 1859 he published his 
 Zur Kritik der politischen Oekonomie. In 1869 he took part in the 
 founding in London of the International, and soon became the real 
 leader of the Socialist wing, as opposed to the Anarchist wing, 
 mainly led by Bakunin. To many Socialists who do not accept the 
 economic analysis of Marx, it is his great work for Socialism that 
 by his energy and firmness he gave it a fixed policy, revolutionary 
 and democratic, yet working for its aim by legitimate political 
 methods, in opposition to the "propaganda by deed " advocated by 
 Bakunin. At the Congress of the International at the Hague in 
 1873, when the Anarchists and Socialists finally separated, and the 
 
Appendix A. 24I 
 
 Central Council of the International was transferred to New York 
 City to save it from the Anarchists, it was mainly due to Marx that 
 the separation was clearly made. In 1867 Marx published the first 
 volume of his Das Kapital. (A second volume has appeared since 
 Marx's death, with an English translation of vol. i. by Messrs. Moore 
 and Aveling, both edited by Engels. Vol. iii. is to complete the 
 work, though vol. i. is, to an extent, complete itself.) Marx wrote 
 constantly for the press, being for a long time correspondent for the 
 New York Tribune. He died 19th March, 1883. Das Kapital has 
 been called the Bible of Socialism, mainly because Marx, more than 
 other men, gave modern German Socialism such a definite economic 
 basis that it called itself " Scientific Socialism ". Marx starts from 
 the position held by Adam Smith and Ricardo, that labour is the 
 source of all value and measure of price, and from this position, by 
 brilliant and inexorable logic, argues that capitalism is the process 
 of taking from the labourer his surplus value, or the value he creates 
 above that which he receives in his wages. He bitterly criticises 
 and condemns the orthodox political economy with a wealth of 
 learning and an acumen rarely equalled. Marx believes that social 
 evolution is a process that cannot be changed, only aided or hin- 
 dered ; and argues that capitalism is surely working out its own 
 destruction, and must lead to Socialism. It is this characteristic of 
 his teaching that makes his German followers consider his Socialism 
 not Utopian, but Scientific Socialism. Marxian Socialism is, however, 
 by no means held by all Socialists. A growing number, especially of 
 English Socialists, hold that while Marx's logic is not at fault, the 
 fundamental position which he inherited from Adam Smith and 
 Ricardo, that labour is the source of all value, is at fault, and hence 
 his system unscientific. Nevertheless, for the brilliancy of his criticism, 
 and especially for the firmness with which he impressed his policy of 
 a law-abiding revolution, upon the Socialism of to-day, all Socialists 
 consider Marx in a large sense their leader. See Dawson's German 
 Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle. 
 
 Maurice, Rev. J. Frederick Denison, 1805-1872. 
 
 Born at Normanstone ; son of a Unitarian clergyman. In 1823 
 Maurice entered Trinity, Cambridge. From 1827-1829 he edited the 
 AthencBum. Changing his views he entered the Church of England, 
 and went to Oxford and obtained a second class in classics, 1831. 
 He was ordained curate at Bubbenhall in 1834. I" 1835 he wrote 
 Subscription no Bondage and Moral and Metaphysical Philosophy, 
 
 16 
 
242 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 gaining wide attention for his bold Church thought. In 1836 he was 
 made chaplain of Guy's Hospital, and was thenceforward identified 
 with London life. He now published many books, notably his 
 Kingdom of Christ. He became Professor of English Literature, and 
 in 1846, of Divinity, at King's College. In 1853, however, he published 
 his Theological Essays, and was deprived of his chair because of his 
 broad views. He was chaplain of Lincoln's Inn (1846-60), and in- 
 cumbent of St. Peter's, Vere Street (1860-69). In 1846 his attention 
 was called to social matters by Ludlow ; and in 1848, with Kingsley 
 and others, founded the Christian Socialist movement, he himself 
 choosing the name, and being the intellectual " master " of the 
 movement, and one of the chief contributors to its literature. He 
 later was a chief mover in establishing the Working Men's College, 
 and Queen's College for Women. In 1866 Maurice was appointed 
 Professor of Moral Philosophy at Cambridge. A voluminous writer ; 
 he is the intellectual father of the social movement in the English 
 Church, with his at once broad theology and high conception of the 
 Church. 
 
 Mazzini, Guiseppb, 1805-1872. 
 
 Born in Genoa, aand June. His father a leading physician ; he 
 was educated in law at the university, graduating in 1826. He 
 worked for some time in the Ufficio dei Poveri. His first efforts 
 were literary, but he became an ardent Republican and joined the 
 Carbonari, and in 1830 was betrayed and apprehended in Piedmont. 
 After six months' imprisonment he was liberated and fled to Marseilles. 
 Here he founded the society " The Young Italy," whose mottoes 
 were " God and the People," " Unity, Independence, Liberty, Equality, 
 and Humanity ". He issued a manifesto, and commenced active 
 agitation. He planned a revolutionary expedition into Savoy, but 
 was defeated. Going to Switzerland he organised the society " The 
 New Europe ". In 1837 he went to England, and took up his abode in 
 London. Here, after a fight with poverty, he gained command of 
 the language, and wrote many brilliant magazine articles in the 
 Westminster Review. He was involved in a conflict with the Home 
 Secretary, who opened Mazzini's letters. He was in correspondence 
 with all the Italian, and many European, Republican conspirators. 
 In 1848 he went to Italy and took arms under Garibaldi. In 1849 he 
 was made a member of the short-lived provisional government of 
 Tuscany, and of the Constituent Assembly at Rome. Later, Mazzini 
 was appointed a triumvir, with supreme executive power. He won 
 
Appendix A. 243 
 
 golden laurels, but finally advised the surrender of Rome, and went 
 to Switzerland. He instigated uprisings at Milan (1853), Piedmont 
 (1857), and Sicily (i860). In 1864 he was expelled from Switzerland, 
 and returned to England. In 1870 he went again to Sicily, but was 
 arrested at sea and imprisoned two months. Returning to London, 
 he went again to Italy, and died at Pisa, loth March, 1873. His 
 most famous books are Duties of Man, addressed to working men, 
 and Thoughts upon Democracy in Europe. Mazzini opposed both 
 Socialism (the International) and Christianity as they were pre- 
 sented to him, but his writings are full of the best Christian 
 Socialism. He puts more emphasis upon duties than upon rights, 
 and pleads for unity, through sacrifice. His essays are among the 
 very greatest of social writings. 
 
 Mill, John Stuart, 1806-1873. 
 
 Son of the Benthamite philosopher, James Mill. Educated by 
 his father, he showed phenomenal precociousness, though subjected 
 to the strictest mental discipline. In 1833 he became a clerk in the 
 India House. A frequent contributor to the London and Westminster 
 Review, and the Edinburgh Review. In 1843 he published his Logic in 
 two volumes ; in 1844, his essays on Some Unsettled Questions of 
 Political Economy ; and in 1848, his Principles of Political Economy, 
 with some of their Applications to Social Philosophy, an epoch-making 
 book. In it political economy is no longer " the dismal science " of 
 cold theory, but the practical study how to cure economic evils ; 
 though on the whole of the orthodox school, it is, nevertheless, 
 progressive. In 1859 he published his Liberty, and also Thoughts on 
 Parliamentary Reform; his Representative Government appeared in i860, 
 and Utilitarianism in 1861. His Subjection of Women was Mill's next 
 work, though not published till 1869. In 1863 appeared his Examina- 
 tion of Hamilton's Philosophy. The same year he was elected to 
 Parliament for Westminster, though he refused to make any canvass 
 for the office. His Parliamentary career, however, was short and 
 not marked. His subscription to the election expenses of Mr. Brad- 
 laugh, and other independent acts, cost him his seat in 1868, and he 
 retired to literary life at Avignon. Here he wrote many articles and 
 essays, and for his last public work was engaged in the starting of 
 the Land Tenure Reform Association. In 1851 he had married, and 
 for twenty years had lived with his wife in the closest intellectual 
 sympathy ; after the death of his wife, his step-daughter, Miss Taylor, 
 
244 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 became his constant companion. His Autobiography appeared in 
 1873, and created great interest; and in it Mill relates, step by step, 
 his conversion to a position when he could say of himself and his 
 wife, "Our ideal of ultimate improvement went far beyond Democ- 
 racy, and would class us decidedly under the general name of 
 Socialists. . . . The Social problem of the future we considered 
 to be, how to unite the greatest liberty of action with a common 
 ownership in the raw material of the globe, and an equal participa- 
 tion of all the benefits of combined labour." — (See Autobiography, 
 18730 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, 1480-1535. 
 
 Son of a judge of the King's Bench. In 1497 he entered Oxford, 
 and later studied law at Lincoln's Inn, London, and in 1502 became 
 a judge in the sheriffs' court. In 1516 he wrote his Utopia, printed 
 in Louvain, under the editorship of Erasmus. In 1521 he was made 
 Treasurer of the Exchequer, and Speaker of the House in 1523. In 
 1529 he was made Lord Chancellor in place of Cardinal Wolsey ; but 
 resigned in 1532, because his conscience would not let him sanction 
 the divorce of Catherine. Having declined to take the oath by 
 which he wzs required to recognise the validity of the marriage of 
 Anne Boleyn, he was consigned to the Tower in 1534, and was be- 
 headed 6th July, 1535, on the charge of treason, because he denied the 
 King's supremacy as head of the Church. His Utopia is a Socialistic 
 republic, modelled somewhat after Plato's, and yet with much origin- 
 ality. He pictures a six hours' working-day, and calls government 
 " a conspiracy of the rich" to oppress the poor. 
 
 Morgan, Thomas John, 1848- 
 
 Born in Birmingham, England. Educated in factory and evening 
 schools. He went to Chicago in 1869; he soon joined the Machinists' 
 Union, the Sovereigns of Industry in 1873, and the Socialists in 1875, 
 and soon became the leading Socialist in Chicago. He was their 
 candidate for Mayor in 1891. 
 
 Morris, William, 1834- 
 
 Born at Walthamstow; educated at Marlborough, and Exeter 
 College, Oxford. In 1856 he was articled to Mr. Street, the architect, 
 and commenced contributing to several papers, mainly the Oxford and 
 Cambridge Magazine. In 1858 he published The Defence of Guenevire 
 and other Poems ; in 1867, The Life and Death of Jason, a heroic poem 
 
Appendix A. 245 
 
 in seventeen books. In 1868 came out the first instalment of The 
 Earthly Paradise. Meanwhile he had established the fine art decora- 
 tive works now so intimately connected with his name. In 1876 
 appeared his Virgil's jEneid done into English verse, and in 1878 
 The Story of Sigurd, the Valsung, and the Fall of the Niblungs, by 
 many considered his masterpiece. Up to this time he had been, 
 as he called himself, " the idle singer of an empty day ". His ex- 
 perience in the commercialism and consequent degradation of modern 
 art now drove him to Socialism. In 1885 he was instrumental in 
 forming the Socialist League, and since that has worked strenuously 
 for Socialism, editing and writing for the Commonweal, attending meet- 
 ings, and addressing open-air audiences of working men. He 
 has published numerous Socialist lectures, tracts, and chants, such 
 as Art and Socialism (1884), Signs of Change, Useful Work versus Useless 
 Toil, etc., etc. His later poems are Homer's Odyssey, done into 
 English verse (1887), A Tale of the House of Wolfings (1889). In 1888 
 he republished from the Commonweal, A Dream of John Ball, a most 
 beautiful Socialist prose poem ; in 1892, News from Nowhere, a 
 Socialistic and artistic Utopia, and in 1894, in conjunction with 
 Belfort Bax, Socialism, its Growth and Outcome. Although he has 
 retired from the editorship of the Commonweal, which has passed into 
 Anarchist hands, Mr. Morris still works most fruitfully as " Poet, 
 Artist, and Socialist "- 
 
 Morris, Rev. W. A. 
 
 Vicar of St. Anne's, South Lambeth, called " Brother Bob " by 
 the gas workers; he left Oxford to found a social and Socialist 
 club in Vauxhall. This club was the centre of the South London 
 gas strike ; and in Mr. Morris's room the now famous May Day 
 Demonstration originated. 
 
 Most, Johann Joseph, 1846- 
 
 Born at Augsburg ; he, at Berlin, early developed into a leader 
 of the most violent and Anarchistic wing of German Socialism in 
 connection with the International, till he was driven out of their 
 organisation by the Socialists. Expelled from Berlin in 1878, he 
 went to London, and there, in 1879, founded his Freiheit, an organ 
 of Anarchist Communism. In 1881 he was condemned to sixteen 
 months' hard labour for his incendiary utterances concerning the 
 assassination of the Czar. In 1882 he emigrated to New York, and 
 has since published his paper from that city. He has been im- 
 
246 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 prisoned more than once, but still remains the leading Anarchist 
 Communist in the United States. Among his main writings are 
 Die Losung der sociale Prage (Berlin, 1876), Die Anarchie (New York, 
 1888), Social Monster (iSgo). 
 
 MuN, CoMTE Admen Albert Marie de, 1841- 
 
 A captain of French Cuirassiers; he resigned his position in 
 1875 to devote himself to Roman Catholic Christian Socialism. 
 With others he founded L'Oeuvre des Circles Ouvriers. Taking his 
 position on the Absolutism of the Church, even that of the Syllabus, 
 he strives for the Contre Revolution. He believes in an increase of 
 State activities ; but would have State, labour, and all life under the 
 paternal guidance of the Church, and to this end concentrates all 
 his efforts, both in organising Church unions among working men, 
 and in politics. He has twice conducted large bodies of working 
 men to Rome to receive the papal blessing. An eloquent and fiery 
 speaker, and with an attractive address, he has been frequently 
 elected deputy. He calls himself politically, of late, not a Christian 
 Socialist, but a " Conservateur Ralli6 ". 
 
 NiEUWENHUis, Ferdinand Domela, 1846- 
 
 The most prominent Communistic Socialist in Holland. Born at 
 Amsterdam ; educated for the ministry at Luther College, he became 
 a clergyman in Harlingen, 1870, Beveruyk, 1871, and in 1875 at the 
 Hague. Here he became a celebrated preacher; but in 1879 he 
 left the Church, feeling that it did not fulfil his mission, and 
 was on the side of the rich against the poor. Henceforth he has 
 devoted himself to the Socialist propaganda, being for long the head 
 and front of the movement in Holland. In 1879 he founded the 
 Recht voor Allen, the main Dutch Socialist weekly. From 1888 to 
 1891 he was a member of Parliament, a position he cared for at the 
 last very little, believing that the Government was so completely in 
 the hands of the capitalists that for Socialists to attempt to work 
 through it was worse than useless. The feeling has grown upon 
 him till, to-day, he utterly opposes the participation of Socialists in 
 politics ; and he has become, therefore, opposed by the majority of 
 the Dutch Socialists, who, like the Socialists of all countries, do 
 believe in political action. The Socialists often call Nieuwenhuis an 
 Anarchist, though he calls himself a Communist. His ability and 
 radical utterances still make him popular among the masses, for 
 
Appendix A. 247 
 
 whom, although of some means of his own, he has sacrificed prospects, 
 money, and reputation. He has published numerous books and 
 pamphlets, among which are My Farewell to the Church, The Labour 
 Day, Capital and Labour, The Booh of the Kings, The Life of Jesus, The 
 Bible, Essays on the French Revolution. 
 
 Oastler, Richard, 1789-1861. 
 
 Born in Huddersfield, Yorkshire ; he succeeded his father as 
 steward to Mr. Thornhill. Early interested in the abolition of 
 slavery, he suddenly discovered that there was factory and wage 
 slavery in England. In a controversy in the Leeds Mercury he proved 
 that there was slavery in England, and aroused an intense excitement. 
 He began to agitate for factory legislation, and a Bill was introduced 
 in Parliament, but defeated. Calumny was heaped upon him, and all 
 the factory reformers. Oastler's motto was, " Ten hours a day and 
 a time-book". Mr. Sadler, M.P., co-operated with him, yet in vain. 
 Finally, Lord Ashley, afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury, took up his 
 cause ; and on 17th June, 1833, a compromise Bill was introduced, 
 and finally carried. It was, however, openly disobeyed ; and Oastler 
 continued his agitation, till in the midst of it advantage was taken of 
 a small bill unpaid, and Oastler cast into prison. Even from Fleet 
 Prison he issued weekly his Fleet papers on the subject of reform. 
 After four years in prison, his friends raised the money and procured 
 his release. In 1847 he saw the passage of the Ten Hours Bill. 
 Henceforth in poverty, but in quiet, the great " Factory King " lived 
 till his death in 1861. 
 
 Owen, Robert, 1771-1858. 
 
 Sometimes called the Father of Socialism. Born at Newtown, 
 North Wales. A-t the age of ten he served in a shop at Stamford, 
 then at London and Manchester. At the age of nineteen he managed 
 a mill, and became the chief cotton spinner in England. During a visit 
 to Glasgow he fell in love with a daughter of Mr. Dale, the proprietor 
 of the mills at New Lanark, and in 1800 he married her, and became 
 manager and part owner of the mills. 2000 people were employed 
 here, 500 of them children. Theft, drunkenness, and vice prevailed; 
 most families lived in one room. He checked child labour, provided 
 good dwellings, introduced amusements, and promoted education. 
 He was the founder of infant schools in England. In 1813 he formed 
 a new firm, Jeremy Bentham and the Quaker William Allen among 
 them ; men who, content with five per cent, profit, were willing to 
 
248 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 devote their other gains to charities and reforms. The same year he 
 began to publish his successful attempts to the world, writing the first 
 of four essays on A New View of Society ; or, Essays on the Principle of 
 the Formation of Human Character. He began now to correspond 
 with the legislators of all countries, and was a zealous worker for the 
 factory law of 1819. In 1817 he laid before Parliament a plan for 
 Socialistic communities to be provided by the State for paupers, 
 where work should be in common. By many this is considered the 
 birth of modern Socialism. It was favourably received by the country ; 
 but Owen by his defiance of religious ideas soon began to lose the 
 friends he had made. In 1825, however, his disciple, Arthur Combe, 
 attempted a community at Orbiston, near Glasgow ; and the same 
 year Owen himself commenced his famous experiment at New 
 Harmony, in Indiana, U.S. After a trial of two years both failed, 
 that in Indiana through dissensions as to management. Various 
 forms of government were tried, Owen himself at one time taking 
 the management ; but there was no unity, and the attempt failed. 
 Owen resigned his connection with it in i8a8. Returning to London, 
 he carried on a propaganda for Socialism and Secularism, with lax 
 ideas on marriage. He attempted other communities in Ireland and 
 elsewhere, and, in 1835, he formed an association of all classes of all 
 nations. It was in the discussion that grew out of this that the 
 words Socialism and Socialists were first used. In his latter years 
 Owen became utterly visionary in his social ideas, and in religion a 
 spiritualist. He died in his native town, aged 87. His fundamental 
 principle was that man is the product of environment. The notion 
 that men form their own character he called " the enemy of 
 humanity, the hydra of human calamity". He was historically 
 without doubt the founder of Socialism in England, and from 1830 to 
 1835 had a very large following among the English trades unionists 
 and others, as may be seen by the Owenist press of the time, the 
 Crisis, the Pioneer, and the Herald of the Rights of Man. He was the 
 chief mover in "The Grand National ConsoHdated Trades Union," 
 which grew with mushroom rapidity, within a few weeks in 1634 
 gaining half a million members. His Socialism was Utopian ; and 
 modern evolutionary Socialism is not to be confounded with it. An 
 autobiography appeared in 1857; a life in 1873, by Lloyd Jones (new 
 edition, 1895). 
 
 Pease, Edward R., 1857- 
 
 Born at Bristol, England, of Quaker parentage. Educated with 
 
Appendix A. 249 
 
 private tutors, he became a stockbroker in London. Coming to hold 
 Socialist views, he gave up brokerage to become a cabinet maker. It 
 was at a meeting in his rooms in 1883 that the Fabian Society was 
 formed, and in 1886 he became its secretary. Resigning, however, 
 he went to the United States in 1888, but failing to find work, returned 
 to England and engaged in labour organisation. In i8go he again 
 became Secretary of the Fabian Society, a position he still holds, 
 and to which he gives all his time. He and his clever wife are also 
 earnest members of the Society of the Friends of Russian Freedom. 
 
 Perin, Charles. 
 
 Professor of Political Economy and Law in the University of 
 Louvain, Belgium. In 1861 he published his De la richesse dans hs 
 sociUes chrHicnnes, in 1875 his Les lots de la societe chretienne, with 
 an address appended which he delivered before the Congress of the 
 Directors of the Roman Catholic Workmen's Association at Chartres, 
 gth August, 1878. In 1880 he published his Les Doctrines economiques 
 depuis un siecle. He is perhaps the leading Roman Catholic Christian 
 Socialist writer, and has made Louvain a centre for this school, 
 which favours State action and working men's organisation under 
 the guidance of the Roman Church. 
 
 Phillips, Wendell, 1811-1884. 
 
 Born in Boston, Mass., of an aristocratic family ; educated at 
 Harvard College ; called to the bar in 1834. In 1837 he joined the 
 Abolition movement. In 1839 he relinquished his profession because 
 he could no longer abide by his oath of fidelity to the United States 
 Constitution, following the Garrisonian Abolitionists, who believed 
 the Constitution to be an immoral compromise with slavery. He 
 now gave all his interest to the Abolition movement, his speeches 
 being classics of American eloquence. After the Civil War Phillips 
 became, in Garrison's place. President of the Anti-Slavery Society, 
 and succeeded in winning for the blacks full citizenship. Phillips 
 now took up the labour movement in earnest, and in 1870 was the 
 candidate of the Labour Reform Party for Governor of Massachusetts. 
 His later speeches are full of invective against unjust wealth, and of 
 exhortations to working men to stand for their rights. 
 
 Plato, 427 B.C.-345 e.g. 
 
 Educated in Athens, he became the devoted pupil and friend of 
 Socrates. After Socrates' death, driven from Athens, Plato visited 
 
25° Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Sicily, and (probably) Italy and Africa. Returning to Athens about 
 387 B.C., he founded the great philosophic school of the Academy^ 
 and taught here amidst a brilliant following, including Aristotle, for 
 forty-two years. His main economic works are the Republic and the 
 Laws. In these the subordination of the individual to the State 
 takes its most extreme form. In his Republic, amidst the citizens of 
 the highest class, he advocates community of wives and of property. 
 The limits of the territory and of the population he would have 
 strictly regulated. He would prohibit early marriages and expose 
 children. The working classes he despises, and the lowest forms of 
 labour he assigns to foreigners and slaves. All economic dealings he 
 would have strictly controlled by the State. In his Laws he some- 
 what modifies his views, and describes the communism he thinks 
 practicable, though far less thorough-going than his ideal. He 
 would limit private property, and have the State control though not 
 own all. See Ingram's History of Political Economy, and Cossa's 
 Introduction to Political Economy. 
 
 Proudhon, Pierre Joseph, 1809-1865. 
 
 Born at Besan9on, France, the native place of Fourier. His 
 father was a brewer's cooper, and he commenced life by herding 
 cows. He entered the college of his native town, but had to borrow 
 his books. There is a story of his returning home laden with prizes, 
 but to find no dinner. In 1828 he became a compositor, then a 
 corrector for the press, learning Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, as well 
 as French. In 1838 he obtained the Pension Suard, a scholarship of 
 1500 francs for three years. In 1839 he published his treatise On the 
 Utility of Keeping Sunday, which contains the germ of his revolution- 
 ary ideas. He went to Paris, and in 1840 published his What is 
 Property ? (Qu'est que la propriete ?) with his famous answer. La 
 Propriite c'est le vol {Property is Theft). Creating great hostility, he 
 was tried at Besan9on, but acquitted. In 1846 he published his 
 greatest work, the Systime des contradictions economiques, ou philosophie 
 de la misire. He carried on a small printing establishment at Besan- 
 9on, but without success, and relinquished it to find a position in a 
 commercial firm in Lyons. In 1847 he returned to Paris, and threw 
 himself into the Revolution of 1848. He was the moving spirit of the 
 Reprisentant du Peuple, and other journals, and as a member of the 
 Assembly for the Seine he advocated the extremest measures. His 
 attempt to found a bank failed, and his utterances became so violent 
 
Appendix A. 251 
 
 that he was imprisoned in Paris for three years, during which he 
 married a young working woman. As his aims were for economic 
 rather than political reform, he lived in quiet under the Second 
 Empire, till he wrote his De la justice dans la, revolution et dans 
 I'egUse (1858), in which he attacked Church and State with unusual 
 fury, and had to flee to Brussels. On his return to France his health 
 broke down, and he died at Passy, 1865. He was a Puritan in his 
 life, and opposed to the Socialism of his day for its Utopian and 
 immoral character. His writings are often inconsistent, but aim 
 ever at justice, liberty, and equality. Service, he taught, should 
 balance service. He did not believe that Society could be saved by 
 Socialistic schemes off-hand. For property he would establish the 
 right of occupation equally for all men. He is considered the father 
 of philosophical Anarchism, although its tenets as now held, developed 
 by Warren, Stirner, Tucker, and others, are found in Proudhon only 
 in the germ. Cossa says he late in life abandoned Anarchism for 
 Federalism. His Property and his System of Economical Contradiction 
 have been translated by B. R. Tucker. 
 
 QuELCH, Henry, 1858- 
 
 Born in Berkshire ; he became a blacksmith, but in 1873 came to 
 London, and soon interested himself in social reform. In 1881 he 
 joined the Social Democratic Federation (almost from its start), and 
 in 1884 commenced writing for Justice, since i8ga giving it all his 
 time, and becoming its responsible editor. In 1889 he was elected 
 Secretary of the Southside Labour Protection League, of which he is 
 still a member. He has been sent to three Trades Union Congresses 
 and International Socialist Congresses, at Roubaix (1887), Brussels 
 (1891), and 2urich (1894). In 1891 he was arrested for his utterances, 
 but acquitted. 
 
 Reclus, Jacques Elis^e, 1830- 
 
 Born at Saint Foy le Grand ; studied in Rhenish Prussia, and at 
 Berlin. Coming to Paris, his extreme Republican views caused him 
 to leave the country after the coup d'etat of 38th December, 1851. 
 Till 1857 he travelled in England, Ireland, the United States, and 
 New Granada, and in 1857 returned to Paris and published his 
 geographical researches. He wrote various scientific works, and 
 also contributed to Anarchist journals. Taking part with the Com- 
 munists of Paris, he was made prisoner in 1871, and sentenced to 
 transportation for life, a sentence afterwards changed to one of 
 
252 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 banishment. Going to Switzerland, he was admitted to the 
 benefits of amnesty in 1879. In 188a he initiated the anti-marriage 
 movement, marrying his two daughters without religious or civil 
 ceremony. His main Anarchist writings are Anarchy by an Anarchist 
 (1884), and Evolution and Revolution (1891). In 1878 he wrote to a 
 Congress of Anarchists at Freiburg : "We are revolutionaries because 
 we desire justice. . . . Progress has never resulted from mere peaceful 
 evolution. . . . We are Anarchists who recognise no one as our 
 master. . . . There is no such thing as morality without liberty. 
 . . . We are also International CoUectivists, for we are aware that 
 the very existence of human beings necessarily implies a certain 
 social grouping." See The Anarchist Peril, by F61ix Dubois, trans- 
 lated by Ralph Derechef. 
 
 Reybaud, Marie Roche Louis, 1799-1879. 
 
 Born in Marseilles, he went to Paris in 1829, and became the 
 leading historian of the Socialistic school. A novelist as well as an 
 historian, in 1850 he was elected a member of the Academy. His 
 Etudes sur les reformateurs on socialistes modernes (a vols., 1840-43) 
 was the first work to bring the word socialism into general use. 
 
 RoDBERTUs, Karl Johann, 1805-1875. 
 
 Born in Greifswald ; his father a professor. He was educated at 
 Berlin, Gbttingen, and Heidelberg. After practising law, and travel- 
 ling, he bought, in 1836, the estate of Jagetzow in Pomerania. Here 
 he devoted himself to economic and other studies, and became pro- 
 minent in Prussian politics. In June, 1848, he was for a fortnight 
 Cabinet Minister for Public Worship and Education. He was elected 
 in 1849 once for the First Chamber, and twice for the Second. 
 Defeated as a candidate for the first North German Diet, he retired 
 from politics, and Lassalle could not induce him to combine his 
 Socialism with a political agitation. His first great work, published 
 in 1842, Zur Erkenntniss unserer staats-wirthschaftlichen Zustande, out. 
 lines his position. He was a Ricardian, and from this position, before 
 Marx, deduced Socialistic economics. Many modern economists 
 call him a greater Socialist economist than Marx. He died on his 
 estates, 8th December. See Dawson's German Socialists and Fer- 
 dinand Lassalle. 
 
 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 1712-1778. 
 
 Born in Geneva of French parentage. Early left by his dissipated 
 
Appendix A. 253 
 
 father to care for himself, he followed a wandering sentimental life, 
 • serving various ladies of rank as footman, and sometimes as lover. 
 He made his living in part by copying music. Married at one time, 
 he consigned his five children to the foundling hospital. In 1749 he 
 won a prize from the Academy of Dijon, by an essay advocating the 
 superiority of the savage state, and this made him famous. Winning 
 honours and court patronage, which, in part, he disdained, his La 
 Nouvelle HUoise appeared in 1760. In 1762 he produced Le Contrat 
 Social at Amsterdam. Attacked by his enemies, he fled from France 
 and was welcomed by Frederick II. Finally he went to Switzerland 
 till banished from there ; he went to England in 1766, welcomed by 
 Hume and others. In 1767 he returned to Paris, but only for a 
 little while, wandering here and there till 1770, when he returned to 
 Paris and took up his old profession of copying music. He also 
 published his Confessions and other lesser work. He died znd July, 
 probably of apoplexy. His famous theory of a state of nature, of 
 material rights, and of government as receiving all its rights from 
 the consent of the governed, though not peculiar to him, he so 
 brilliantly stated as to have influenced the whole political life of 
 his day, and so led the way to the French Revolution and the 
 modern movement. 
 
 RusKiN, John, 1819- 
 
 Born in London, educated at home and at Christ Church, Oxford. 
 Studying painting, he wrote a pamphlet in defence of Turner, since 
 enlarged into Modern Painters, the first volume of which appeared in 
 1843. It made him famous at once, the second volume of Modern 
 Painters appearing in 1846, after a residence in Italy. In 185 1 and 
 1853 appeared The Seven Lamps of Architecture and The Stones of 
 Venice. In 1867 he was elected Slade Professor of Fine Arts at 
 Oxford. He resigned this in 1884, and has since lived in retirement at 
 Brantwood. He has written much on economic questions, brilliatitly 
 criticising the orthodox political economy, and evolving one peculiarly 
 his own, mainly in The Crown of Wild Olives (1866), Unto This Last 
 (1862), Uunera Pulveris (1872), and Fors Clavigera, or a collection of 
 letters to working-men. In May, 1871, Mr. Ruskin proposed in one 
 of these letters a St. George's Guild, which was to have an agricul- 
 tural, industrial, and artistic character. It was to form a community 
 for joyous agricultural and other manual work. Several acres of land 
 were actually bought, but the plan tame to little. More practical 
 
254 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 were Ruskin's efforts at fostering village industries, especially the 
 bringing back of the spinning-wheel industry, under Albert Fleming's 
 guidance, in Westmoreland. The essence of Ruskin's economic 
 teachings may be put in one of his own phrases, " There is no 
 wealth but life; life, including all its powers of love, of joy, and of 
 admiration". Property, he held, should belong "to whom proper". 
 
 Saint-Simon, Count Henry Rouvroy de, 1760-1825. 
 
 Born at Paris of noble family, at the age of sixteen he entered the 
 army, and in 1779 went to America and fought under Washington. 
 Returning to Europe, he pushed projects for canals across Panama 
 and in Spain. The Revolution coming, he sided with the people, 
 and was made president of his commune. He renounced his title of 
 Count, but was, nevertheless, imprisoned as an aristocrat till the 
 Themidor Revolution. Acquiring money by speculation, he com- 
 menced to study science, and in order to get knowledge of life 
 plunged deliberately into dissipation. With money gone and health 
 broken, he became a copying clerk on $300 a year. Not till i8og did 
 he venture to write Sur la, science de I'homme and Sur la gravitation 
 universelle, and begged publishers to take them to keep him from 
 starvation. In 1817, in a treatise entitled L'Industrie, he began to 
 publish his Socialistic views, which he developed in L'Organisateur 
 (1819), Du systhme industriel (1831), and Catechisme des industries 
 (1823). The last and best expression of his views was in his Nouveau 
 Christianisme (1835). I" 1833 he attempted suicide. Only late in his 
 career did he attract followers, and he died in 1825 in poverty. His 
 aim was an industrial state, directed by modern science. He ap- 
 pealed both to Louis XVni. and to the Pope to institute it. The 
 final end of social activity was to be " the exploitation of the globe 
 by association ". In his Nouveau Christianisme he propounds as the 
 comprehensive formula of his new Christianity, that "the whole of 
 society ought to strive towards the amelioration of the moral and 
 physical existence of the poorest class ; society ought to organise 
 itself in the best way adapted for attaining this end ". In this 
 religious departure he finally broke with Comte, In 1838 Bayard 
 gave a course of lectures on the Saint-Simonian faith. In 1830, with 
 Bayard and Enfantin at its head, the school became famous. In 
 1831 the school got possessed of the^ Globe through Pierre Leroux, 
 and many of the best pupils of the Ecole Polytechnique caught its 
 enthusiasm. The members of the school lived in common on the 
 
Appendix A. 255 
 
 Rue Monsigny. Dissensions, however, arose, and though the school 
 removed to Menilmontant, and attempted a communism on some pro- 
 perty of Enfantin, it came to an end in 1832 ; many of its followers, 
 however, becoming famous as engineers. The idea of the Suez 
 Canal, as carried out by Lesseps, proceeded from the school of Saint- 
 Simon. The Saint-Simonians have been accused of teaching im- 
 moralities ; but they believed in marriage, only in the equality of 
 women with men. They believed in the community of goods, but 
 not in equality, but in the " natural inequality" of man. 
 
 SCHAFFLE, At/BRECHT EbERHARDT FrIEDRICH, 183I- 
 
 In 1861 professor at Tubingen ; from 1863 to 1865 a member of 
 the Wurtemberg Landtag, and in 1868 of the Zollparliammt. In 1868 
 professor at Vienna. From 1870 to 1871 Austrian Minister of Com- 
 merce in the Hohenwalt Cabinet. Now lives at Stuttgart, editor of 
 the quarterly Zeitschrifi filr die gesammie Staatwissenschaft. He has 
 written of Socialism so fairly in many ways in his Quintessence of 
 Socialism that many have called him its defender, to which he 
 answered by his Impossibility of Social Democracy. He is, however, a 
 representative State Socialist, or Socialist of the Chair, and believes 
 in much State activity and control. His main works are : Die 
 National Ekonomie (1861), Bau und Leben des sozialen Korpers (4 vols., 
 1875-78), Kapitalismus und Socialismus (1870), Die Quintessenz des 
 Socialismus (1875, thirteenth edition, i8gi, translated into English), 
 Die Aussichtlosigheit der Sozial Demokratie (1885, translated under the 
 title of The Impossibility of Social Democracy), The Theory and Policy of 
 Labour Protection (1893). 
 
 SCHMOLLER, GuSTAVE, 1838. 
 
 Perhaps the leading German Socialist of the Chair. He delivered 
 the opening address at the Eisenach Congress (see chapter xiii.), and 
 since 1881 has been the editor of the important fahrbuch filr Gesetz- 
 gebung Verwaltung und Volkswirthschaft. He is now Professor at 
 Berlin. He has written numberless works on small industries, cor- 
 porations, etc. His best known works are : Zur Geschichte der deutschen 
 Kleingewerbe in 19 Jahrhundeet (1870), Ueber einige Grundfragen des 
 Rechts und der Volkswirthschaft (1875), Die geschichtliche entwichlung der 
 Unternehmung (1890-93) , and Zur social und Gewerbepolitik der Gegenwart 
 (1890). 
 
256 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 ■Shaw, G. Bernard, 1856- 
 
 Of Irish blood, Mr. Shaw is a brilliant young English journalist 
 and dramatic critic to the London Saturday Review. Socialism, 
 however, he introduces under all guises. He is the author of two 
 of the Fabian essays, and several Fabian tracts. He has written 
 the Quintessence of Ibsenism (1891), and Widowers' Houses, a (Socialist) 
 comedy (1893), with many shorter brochures. 
 
 Shuttleworth, Prof. H. C. 
 
 Formerly minor canon of St. Paul's, now rector of St. Nicholas 
 Cole Abbey, and professor of Pastoral Theology at King's College. 
 Author of The Place of Music in Public Worship. He finds in Catholic 
 theology both Christian Socialism and the basis of his musical art. 
 
 Sparling, H. Halliday, 1860- 
 
 Educated principally in Connemara ; he became a Socialist in 
 1880, member of the Socialist League in 1884, and co-editor with 
 Wm. Morris of the Commonweal, as long as it was a Socialist paper. 
 He married May Morris, and now devotes himself mainly to 
 historical study and writing on Socialism. 
 
 Stead, William Thomas, 1849- 
 
 Born at Embleton, Northumberland. Educated at home and at 
 Wakefield, but left school at fourteen. In 1871 he became editor 
 of the Northern Echo ; in 1880 assistant editor, and in 1883 editor of 
 the Pall Mall Gazette ; in 1890 he founded the Review of Reviews. In 
 1885 he published the Tribute of Modern Babylon, an exposure of 
 crimes in London against women and children, which produced a 
 sensation, and led to the passage of the Criminal Law Amendment 
 Act. He was accused, tried, and sentenced to six months' imprison- 
 ment, having unwittingly disobeyed the law in giving his evidence. 
 In 1866 he visited Ireland and published his No Reduction no Rent ; 
 in 1888 he visited Russia and published his Truth about Russia; in 
 1889 he interviewed the Pope for the New Bra, and wrote on the 
 Roman question ; in 1893 he went to Chicago, and exposed the civil 
 and social corruption of that city in his // Christ came to Chicago. 
 Mr. Stead has commenced a movement for what he calls the Civic 
 Church, all churches and ethical forces to combine on a territorial 
 basis to reform society. To the State he gives ^ large programme. 
 He is thus to a large degree a Christian Socialist. 
 
Appendix A. 257 
 
 Stacker, Adolf, 1835- 
 
 Born in Halberstadt, Germany. Chaplain in Metz, 1871 ; Court 
 preacher in Berlin from 1877. The same year he started a so-called 
 Christian Socialist movement against the Social Democrats. He 
 is better known as a leader of the Anti-Semitic movement. Member 
 of the Reichstag in 1881. Published ChrisUich Soziale : reden und 
 aufsdtze (1890). 
 
 Swift, Morrison J., 1856- 
 
 Born at Ravenna, Ohio, U.S.A. ; studied in Western Reserve Col- 
 lege. A.B. from Williams College ; studied further at Johns Hopkins 
 University, Baltimore, and at Berlin University. Taught philosophy 
 and political economy one year at Hobart College, Geneva, New 
 York. Studied the life and social conditions of the poor in New 
 York, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and in various cities in Europe. 
 In San Francisco he made some progress towards establishing a 
 Social University. In 1893 he went to Boston, Mass., and became 
 the leader of the strong agitation there of the unemployed. He 
 also conducted the Boston army of the unemployed to Washington. 
 Mr. Swift has done much speaking, and written many radical 
 pamphlets, such as A Social University, The Social Ordeal of 
 Christianity, Is it Right to Rob Robbers? etc., etc. He describes his 
 views in brief as those of Anarchist Socialism. 
 
 SwiNTON, John, 1830- 
 
 Born in lUinois, he became a printer, but studied law and 
 medicine. Coming to New York about 1850, he was, in i860 and 
 through the war of the Rebellion, chief editor of the Times. Later 
 he worked on the Tribune with Horace Greeley, and from 1879 to 
 1883 was chief editor of the Sun, which position he resigned to start 
 John Swinton's Journal, one of the best American labour papers. He 
 was nominated for mayor of New York by the working men in 1874, 
 but polled only a few votes. He was active in all labour movements, 
 but had to suspend his paper in 1886, since when he has lived in 
 retirement, though still occasionally speaking and writing in the 
 cause of labour. 
 
 ThiJnen, Johann Heinrich von, 1783-1850. 
 
 The son of a landed proprietor, he became himself the owner of 
 a large estate near Rostock. Political economy became his favourite 
 
 17 
 
258 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 study, and in 1826 he published the first volume of his Der IsolieU 
 Stoat, it is still a matter of debate how far Von Thiinen was a 
 Socialist, but many of the opinions to which he gives expression are 
 of a decidedly advanced nature. Von Thiinen's inquiries led him to 
 the conclusion that the wages of a labourer only cover the cost of 
 his maintenance, and the interest on the capital employed in his 
 bringing up : for his labour, his exertion, he receives nothing but his 
 life, i.e., his necessary subsistence. Von Thiinen thinks that the only 
 way to raise the wages of labour is to increase the cost of bringing 
 up the labourer, and thus he advocates the better education and 
 training of the workman's children, the requisite cost being regarded 
 as an indispensable need. 
 
 TiLLETT, Ben, 1860- 
 
 Born in Bristol, England, he worked in coal pits and brick yards 
 till he was fourteen, when he went to sea in the merchant service. 
 Returning to London, 1877, he found work as a tea cooper. He 
 organised the tea coopers, and later became secretary of the Dockers' 
 Union, and was the first mover in the great and successful dock 
 strike of 1889, which made an epoch in English Trades Unionism. 
 He is now secretary of the Dock, Wharf, and Riverside Labourers' 
 Union ; a leader in the New Unionism. 
 
 Tolstoi, Count Lyof Nikolaievitch, 1829- 
 
 Born September 9 at lasnaia Polrana. Educated as a noble; 
 entered the army when twenty-three. Five years later he resigned, 
 and devoted himself to literature. His War and Peace, regarded by 
 the Russians as his masterpiece, appeared in i860; Anna Karenina in 
 1876. Suddenly there came a change. In Vanity, My Confession, 
 and What to Do, appearing in 1885, and other similar books, he treats 
 of social problems and the suffering of the poor ; he is merciless on 
 the present pseudo-Christian civilisation, and advocates the literal 
 following of the commands of Christ, which he sums up in five points: 
 (i) Live in peace with all men, and never justify anger ; (a) Guard 
 against libertinism ; (3) Never take an oath, or bind yourself with 
 any promise ; (4) Never resist evil with force ; (5) Love your enemies. 
 In 1890 he published his strange Kreutzer Sonata, in which he seems 
 to consider celibacy the highest sexual virtue. Tolstoi has made his 
 estates over to his wife, and lives on them in the simplest way, doing 
 manual work, writing, and aiding the peasants. He seems to believe 
 
Appendix A. 259 
 
 neither in government nor civil organisation of any kind, since 
 they involve, according to him, oaths or promises. He may be 
 best described as a Christian Anarchist, who condemns the use 
 of force. 
 
 Trevor, John, 1855- 
 
 Born in Liverpool ; his father (a linen draper) died when he was 
 four, his mother when he was nine. Educated by friends at a harsh 
 boarding-school, he was brought up in Evangelical Puritanism. 
 Studying architecture at Norwich, he was much alone brooding over 
 religious questions. At twenty-two a nervous break-down sent him 
 to Australia. After four months here he went to the United States 
 for fourteen months, and entered Meadville Theological Seminary 
 (Unitarian). Returning to London, he was offered a pulpit, but felt 
 he had nothing to preach, and practised architecture in the south of 
 England, where he married. For three years he lived in retirement, 
 and then felt "a call" to preach, and became assistant to Rev. Philip 
 Wicksted, in Little Portland Street Chapel. In 1890 he went to 
 Upper Brook Street Free Church, Manchester. His second sermon 
 here was on " Sweating ". From this time he went on, till he felt 
 again called to leave "respectable" churches, and preach the re- 
 ligious nature of the Labour movement. Gathering around him the 
 poor, he hired an old music hall, and commenced a Labour Church. 
 His message was as follows : — " The message of the Labour Church 
 is that without obedience to God's laws there can be no liberty. The 
 Gospel of the Labour Church is that God is in the Labour Movement, 
 working through it for the further emancipation of man from the 
 tyranny both of his own half-developed nature and of those social 
 conditions which are opposed to his higher development. The call 
 of the Labour Church is to men everywhere to become God's 'fellow- 
 workers ' in the era of reconstruction on which we have entered." The 
 movement created a large following. He started a paper, The Labour 
 Prophet, and in town after town started labour churches, from 
 Aberdeen to Plymouth. Of the permanent results it is too soon to 
 speak. Trevor has written many tracts : Theology and the Slums, 
 Man's Cry for God, etc. His views are more those of an etherealised 
 secularism than of what most men call religion. 
 
 Vaillant, Marie Edouard, 1840- 
 
 Born at Vierzon. Student of the Bcole Centrale des Arts et 
 Manufactures. Civil engineer, 1863. Physician and surgeon. He 
 
26o Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 was a member of the Commune in 1871, and prominent as a Blanquist 
 Socialist ever since ; elected to the Municipal Council of Paris in 
 1884, and as a deputy in 1893. 
 
 Vbrinder, Fred, 1858- 
 
 Born in Bethnal Green. Studied science. H e was one o the 
 founders and has been the first and only secretary of the Guild of 
 St. Matthew. He is sub-editor of the Church Reformer, secretary of 
 the English Land Restoration League, organiser of the Red Van 
 Movement, and contributor to various Socialist papers. 
 
 Vivts, LuDovico. 
 
 A Spanish philanthropist and author of a Utopia, De Commune 
 Rerum (1635). 
 
 VoLLMAR, George V., 1850- 
 
 Born at Munich of aristocratic family ; educated by the Benedic- 
 tine fathers. He entered the cavalry in 1865, and went through the 
 Austrian campaign. He then offered his sword to the Pope, but 
 joined the Bavarian army in the Franco-Prussian war. Wounded 
 and crippled for life, he set himself to complete his education, and 
 left the hospital a Socialist. He edited a Socialist paper in Dresden. 
 Banished by Bismarck's Anti-Socialist law, he spent his exile in 
 France and Switzerland. In 1881 he was elected to the Reichstag, 
 but was arrested and again banished. In 1884 and in i8go he was 
 returned for Munich. He is the main leader of Socialism in Bavaria, 
 and the first lieutenant of Bebel and Liebknecht, and among the 
 more conservative of German Socialists. In i8gi he published 
 Ueber die nachsten Aufgaben der deutschen social Demokratie. 
 
 Wagner, Prof. Adolph, 1835- 
 
 At the age of twenty-three professor of political economy in the 
 new Academy of Commerce at Vienna ; later professor at Hamburg, 
 Dorpat, and Freiburg ; now, for twenty years, professor at Berlin. 
 His Die Abschaffung des privaten Grundiegenthum (1870) takes strong 
 ground for limiting private property in land in cities. His Finanz- 
 wissenschaft (vol. i., 1883) is one of the ablest discussions on finance, 
 on which subject he is a bimetallist, and considered an authority. 
 His Lehrbuch der Oekonomie (1876) is widely used. He is one of the 
 leaders of the German Socialists of the Chair (see chapter xiii.), a 
 vigorous supporter of Prussian paternal State Socialism, and a leader 
 in German Protestant Christian State Socialism, 
 
Appendix A. 261 
 
 Wallace, Alfred Russel, 1822- 
 
 This noted scientist and now avowed Socialist was born at Usk, 
 in Monmouthshire. In 1848 he visited the Amazon river, and in 1854- 
 62 the Malaysian Islands. He corresponded with Darwin as early 
 as 1858, stating principles of natural selection. His first book on 
 Evolution was published in 1870. He has since written other books, 
 and Darwinism in i88g. He early became interested in social 
 questions, and in 1882 published his able and radical book on 
 Land Nationalisation (new edition, 1892). He has recently avowed 
 himself a complete Nationalist or Socialist. 
 
 Wallace, J. Bruce, 1853- 
 
 Born in India ; his father a missionary there of the Presbyterian 
 Church in Ireland. He studied on the Continent and graduated at 
 Queen's University, Ireland, entering the Congregational ministry in 
 1878. In 1885 he renounced the regular ministry to devote himself 
 to Christian Socialism, and in 1887 began to publish Brotherhood in 
 Ireland. In 1891 he settled in London, and published Brotherhood 
 there. In 1892 he became pastor of the South Road Church (now 
 "The Brotherhood Church "). In January, 1894, with others he 
 organised "The Brotherhood Trust," an organisation with the 
 objects (i) of paying to every person employed in any branch of the 
 concern not less than the trades union wages current in the locality 
 where the work is done ; (2) of providing out of profits, for all 
 customers dealing with the Trust, old-age pensions and sickness and 
 accident benefits, in proportion to the extent of their respective 
 purchases ; (3) of so organising the customers of the Trust that these 
 shall economically supply one another's wants by productive work 
 on co-operative farms and in co-operative workshops, factories, etc., 
 as soon and so far as such organisation may be found practicable, 
 and the customers may desire to avail themselves of such employ- 
 ment ; (4) of gradually buying up as much land as possible from 
 private owners, and of acquiring as much as possible of the most 
 scientific means of production, for the benefit of all who may choose 
 to connect themselves with the Trust ; and (5) of promoting in any 
 other way that the trustees may find practicable, expedient, and 
 not inconsistent with the already mentioned objects, the well-being 
 of the Trust's customers and co-operative workers and of their 
 families. 
 
262 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Webb, Mrs. Beatrice (»& Potter), 1858- 
 
 At first a pupil of Herbert Spencer, she studied actual working- 
 class life in Lancashire, and in 1885 joined Mr. Charles Booth in his 
 social studies, and contributed to Life and Labour of the People. In 
 1891 she published her Co-operative Movement in Great Britain. In 
 i8ga she married Sidney Webb. She is a member of the Fabian 
 Society, and especially active in bringing together the Co-operative, 
 Trades Union and Socialist movements in Great Britain. In 1894 
 she was author, with her husband, of the History of Trades Unionism. 
 
 Webb, Sidney, 1859- 
 
 Barrister-at-law ; LL.B. London University; educated in Switzer- 
 land and Germany. In 1878, after some business experience, he 
 entered the English Civil Service, in the War, Inland Revenue, and 
 Colonial Offices. He resigned in 1891. He has been a frequent 
 contributor to the English magazines, and has written Socialism in 
 England (1889), one of the Fabian Essays (1889), The Eight Hours' 
 Day (in connection with Harold Cox, 1891), and The London Pro- 
 gramme. He was elected on the London County Council, 1893, and 
 made chairman and vice-chairman of two of its important committees. 
 He has been a prominent member of the Fabian Society since 1885. 
 In 1894, with his wife, he was author of a brilliant History of Trades 
 Unionism. 
 
 Weitling, Wilhelm, 1808-1874. 
 
 Often called the Father of German Communism (Socialism). Born 
 at Magdeburg ; son of a soldier, himself a tailor. He travelled all 
 through Germany, declaring that he was converted to Communism 
 by the reading of the New Testament, preaching a Utopian Socialism, 
 mainly fashioned after the ideas of Fourier and Cabet. After the 
 Revolution of 1848 he went to America, and there introduced 
 Democratic Socialism, forming a Socialist Society in New York 
 City, called the Arbeiterbund. Later he joined one of the Fourierist 
 communities; and, finally, in New York City, devoted himself to 
 reform, inventions and astronomy. He wrote Die Menscheit wie sie 
 ist und wie sie sein sollte (1838), Garantien der Harmonie und Freiheit 
 (1842) and Das Evangelium des Armen Simders. His constructive 
 idea was a federation of the families of the world, with leaders 
 chosen by acclamation, who should divide the products of labour, 
 giving to all a fixed share, and to those who produced more than the 
 average certain luxuries, on condition of their being soon consumed 
 to prevent accumulation. 
 
Appendix A. 263 
 
 Westcott, Rt. Rev. Brooke Foss. 
 
 Professor at Oxford, he became Bishop of Durham, and has been 
 most active in working for Christian Socialism. He is president of 
 the English Christian Social Union ; author of An Address on 
 Socialism, read before the Hull Church Congress (1890), The Incarna- 
 tion and Common Life (1893), The Incarnation a Revelation of Human 
 Duties (1893). He took a leader's part on behalf of the miners in the 
 great miners' strike. 
 
 WiNKELBLACH, KaRL MaRLO, 181O-1865. 
 
 Professor at Marburg and Cassel. In 1850 he published his 
 Untersuchungen ilber die Organization der Arbeit, oder System der 
 Weltokonomie, in which he acutely analyses modern industrial evils, 
 and advocates collective side by side with private ownership of land, 
 and co-operative production with strict State control. Karl Mario 
 is the name under which he wrote. 
 
264 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 SOME GOOD BOOKS, AVAILABLE TO ENGLISH OR AMERICAN 
 READERS, ON SOCIALISM AND RELATED TOPICS. 
 
 \This list is for the general reader, and makes no pretence of being complete. 
 The dates are those of the latest editions.'] 
 
 A. Bibliographies. 
 
 BowKER, R. R. and Iles, George. Reader's Guide in Economic, 
 Social, and Political Science, 50c. Putnam, N. Y., 1891. 
 
 Valuable and convenient, but not recent enough to be available for some points. 
 
 Fabian Society. Tract No. 29. What to Read; a List of Books 
 for Social Reformers, 3i. Fabian Society, 1893. 
 
 Ely, R. T. Appendix to his Socialism and Social Reform, 6s. 
 
 Sonnenschein (I1.50, Crowell, N. Y.), 1894. 
 
 SoNNENSCHEiN, Wm. Swan. The Best Books : a Reader's Guide to 
 the Choice of the Best Available Books in all Departments of 
 Literature down to 1890, with the dates of the First and Last 
 Editions, laoo pp., 4to, 31s. bd. nett, i8gi ; and First Supplement, 
 bringing the work down to Midsummer, 1894, 25s. nett. 1894. 
 
 Sonnenschein ; Putnam, N. Y. 
 
 Good on Social Sciences, which are carefully classified. 
 
 Stammhammer, Jos. Bibliographic des Sociahsmus und Communis- 
 mus. Fischer, Jena, 1893. 
 
 The most complete bibliography, giving some 10,000 titles. 
 
 B. Dictionaries and Encyclopedias. 
 Bliss,W.D. P. Editor, Encyclopedia of Social Reform. Biographical, 
 explanatory, historical, topical, embracing all social reforms, 
 prepared with the co-operation of many specialists, and with 
 each reform treated by its advocates. Large 8vo, about 1000 
 subjects, $6. Funk & Wagnalls, N. Y., 1895 ; in prep. 
 
 Conrad, J. Handworterbuch der Staats-Wissenschaften. 
 
 Fischer, /ewfl, 1890; in prog. 
 
 Palgrave, R. H. I. Editor, Dictionary of Political Economy, in 
 
 parts, each 3s. 6d. ($1), 8vo. Macmillan, 1891 ; in prog. 
 
Appendix B. 265 
 
 Stegmann and Hugo, g-" Handbuch der Socialismus; in parts, each 
 •80^/., 8vo. Schabelitz, Zurich, 1894 ; in prog. 
 
 C. Statements and History of Socialism. 
 
 Bernstein and Kautsky, ^ Die Geschichte des Sozialismus in 
 Einzeln-Darstellungen. Each vol. in zo parts, 20^/., royal 8vo. 
 
 Dietz, Stuttgart, 1894 ; in prog. 
 Bliss, W. D. P. A Handbook of Socialism, as. 6i. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1895. 
 
 What Is Socialism ? 5c. Dawn Office, Boston, 1894. 
 
 Engels, Fredk. Socialism, Utopian and Scientific, zs. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 189a. 
 Fabian Society. Fabian Essays on Socialism, is. 
 
 Fabian Society (a5c., Humboldt Co., N. Y.), 189a. 
 
 The best presentation of Modern Socialism. 
 
 Fabian Tracts, the set, bd., 3s. gd. Fabian Society, v. y. 
 
 Of great value, particularly Tracts 5, Facts for Socialists ; 7, Capital and Land ; 8, Facts 
 for Londoners ; 15, English Progress towards Social Democracy ; 29, What to Read ; 41. 
 The Fabian Society ; 45, The Impossibilities of Anarchism ; 51, Socialism, True and False. 
 St 7, i3> 4^> ^'°-^ 5^ ^^^ ^^' each, or gd. per doz. ; 8 is 6d. ; 29, sd, ; 45, sid. 
 
 Gronlund, Laurence. The Co-operative Commonwealth, 50c. 
 
 Lee & Shepherd, Boston (is. and as. 6d., Sonnenschein), 1886. 
 
 Hyndman, H. M. Historical Basis of Socialism in England, o.p. 
 
 (pub. 8s. 6d.). Kegan Paul, 1883. 
 
 England for All, 6d. Social Democratic Federation, 1883. 
 
 Lassalle, Ferd. The Working Man's Programme, 6d. 
 
 Social Democratic Federation, 1884. 
 
 Manifesto of English Socialists: Joint Committee of Socialist 
 
 Bodies, id. Fabian Society, 1893. 
 
 Of great value. 
 
 Marx, Karl. Wage, Labour, and Capital, a<i. Soc. Dem. Fed., 189a. 
 
 and Engels, F. Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848), 
 
 3(i. Reeves, 1888. 
 
 The first formal expression of Marxian Socialism. 
 
 Morris, Wm. Signs of Change : seven lectures, 4s. 6d. Reeves, 1884. 
 
 and Hyndman, H. M. Summary of the Principles of Social- 
 ism (1884), 4d. Social Democratic Federation, 189a. 
 
 and Bax, E. Belfort. Socialism : its Growth and Outcome, 
 
 6s. Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1893. 
 
266 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Sprague, Rev. F. M. Socialism from Genesis to Revelation, $1.50. 
 
 Lee & Shepherd, Boston, i8ga. 
 
 Socialism applied to American problems. The title does not refer to the Bible. 
 
 Webb, Sidney. Socialism in England, as. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, iV. Y.), 1893. 
 
 D. Critical Accounts of Socialism. 
 
 Dawson, W. H. German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle, as. ftd. 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1888. 
 
 Bismarck and State Socialism, as. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), iSgo. 
 
 Both books of great interest. 
 
 Ely, R. T. The Labour Movement in America, $1.50. 
 
 Crowell, N. Y., 1886. 
 
 Good on early American Socialism. 
 
 — Socialism and Social Reform, 6s. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1.50, Crowell, N. Y.), 1894. 
 KiRKUP, Thomas. An Inquiry into Socialism, 5s., o./". Longmans, 1887. 
 
 History of Socialism, 6s. Black, 189a. 
 
 Laveleye, E. de. Socialism of To-day (tr.), 6s. 
 
 Leadenhall Press, 1884. 
 Rae, John. Contemporary Socialism, los. 6i. 
 
 Sonnenschein (fa. 50, Scribner, iV. Y.), 1891. 
 The best historico-critical account up to 1891. 
 
 Royal Commission on Labour. The foreign reports of the Com- 
 mission give much, and, generally speaking, correct information 
 on the Socialist movement in Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, 
 Italy, Austria, Hungary, Norway, Sweden, Holland, and Spain. 
 Edited by Geoffrey Drage ; 5^. to as. 6d., according to size of 
 report. Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1893-4. 
 
 Epitome of same by T. G. Spyers, sub-tit.. The Labour 
 
 Question, as. 6d. Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1894, 
 
 Woods, R. A. English Social Movements, $1.50. 
 
 Scribner, N. Y. (as. 6rf., Sonnenschein, Land.), 1891. 
 
 Of especial value to American readers. 
 
 £. Socialist Criticism of Social Ideals. 
 
 Bax, E. Belfokt. The Religion of Socialism, as. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1887. 
 
Appendix B. 267 
 
 Bax, E. Belfort. The Ethics of Socialism, 2S. 6rf. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1889. 
 
 Outlooks from the New Standpoint, 2s. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1891. 
 
 All from the materialistic standpoint. 
 
 Bebel, August. Woman: in the Past, Present, and Future (tr.), 5s. 
 
 Modern Press, 1885. 
 
 Carpenter, Edward. England's Ideal, 2S. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein (|i, Scribner, N. Y.), 1887. 
 
 Civilisation : its Cause and Cure, zs. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein (i|i, Scribner, N. Y.), 1889. 
 Among the most interesting ot Socialist essays. 
 
 Desirable Mansions, id. Heywood, 1883. 
 
 Lloyd, Henry D. The New Conscience, id. Reeves, 1889. 
 
 Mill, John Stuart. A collection of his writings on Socialism, called 
 
 " Mill on Socialism," edited by W. D. P. Bliss, 75c. and 25c. 
 
 Humboldt Publishing Co., N. Y., 1892. 
 
 Morris, William. Dream of John Ball, and a King's Lesson, is. 
 
 Reeves & Turner, 1889. 
 
 Art and Socialism, 3^. Reeves, 1884 ; o.p. 
 
 Useful Work and Useless Toil, id. 
 
 Hammersmith Socialist Society, 1893. 
 
 True and False Society, id. 
 
 Hammersmith Socialist Society, 1893. 
 
 Monopoly, id. Hammersmith Socialist Society, 1893. 
 
 A collection of some of his best Socialist writings and poems. 
 
 called "William Morris, Poet, Artist, Socialist," edited by F. W. 
 Lee, 75c. and 25c. Humboldt PubUshing Co., N. Y., 1892. 
 
 Pearson, Karl. Ethic of Freethought, 4s. 6d. 
 
 Denny, 304 Strand, London, 1888. 
 
 Socialism in Theory and Practice, 2d. W. Reeves, 1887. 
 
 Moral Basis of Socialism, id. W. Reeves, 1887. 
 
 Materialistic. 
 
 Ritchie, David G. Darwinism and Politics, zs. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), i8go. 
 
 Natural Rights, a criticism of some political and ethical 
 
 conceptions, los. 6d. Sonnenschein ($2.75, Macmillan, N. Y.), 1894. 
 
268 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 RusKiN, John. A collection of his Socialist writings, called " The 
 Communism of John Ruskin," edited by W. D. P. Bliss, 75c. and 
 Z5C. Humboldt Pub. Co., N. Y., 1893. 
 
 ScuDDER, Miss Vida D. Socialism and Spiritual Progress, loc. 
 
 Dawn, Boston, i8gi. 
 
 Shaw, G. Bernard. Quintessence of Ibsenism, as. 6d. 
 
 Walter Scott, 1894. 
 
 Widowers' Houses : a Comedy, 2S. 6d. Henry, 1893. 
 
 Wilde, Oscar. The Soul of Man under Socialism, 15c. 
 
 Humboldt, N. Y. 
 
 F. Utopias. 
 
 Bacon, Francis. The New Atlantis, is. Ward & Lock, 1885. 
 
 Bellamy, Edward. Looking Backward, V. S., $1 and 50c. 
 
 Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., Boston (6d. and is., W. Reeves), 1887. 
 Harrington, J. Oceana (1656), is. Routledge, 1887. 
 
 Hertzka, Dr. Freeland (tr.), 6s. Chatto & Windus, 1891. 
 
 Kaufmann, Rev. M. Utopias, 5s. Kegan Paul, 1879. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas. Utopia, with preface by Maurice Adams, is. 6d. 
 
 Walter Scott, 189a. 
 
 Of great interest. 
 
 More, Bacon, etc. Ideal Commonwealths, is. 6d. Routledge, 1885. 
 Morris, William. News from Nowhere, is. and is. 6d. 
 
 Reeves & Turner, 1892. 
 Of extreme beauty. 
 
 Plato. The Republic, tr. by Davies and Vaughan, as. 6d. nett. 
 
 $1, Macmillan, 189a. 
 
 G. Socialist Songs and Poems. 
 
 Carpenter, Edward. Chants of Labour, with Music, is. 
 
 Sonnenschein, iSga. 
 
 Towards Democracy, 5s. Unwin, 189a. 
 
 Glasier, J. B. Socialist Songs, 3^. and fd. Glasgow, 1893. 
 
 Joynes, J. L. Songs of a Revolutionary Epoch, is. 
 
 W. Reeves, 1888. 
 Lee, F. W. Poems of Progress and Songs of Strife. in prep. 
 
Appendix B. 269 
 
 Morris, William. Chants for Socialists, id. W. Reeves, 1885. 
 
 Poems by the Way, 6s. Reeves & Turner, 1891. 
 
 Salt, H. S. Songs of Freedom, is. Scott, 1890. 
 
 II. Controversial Books in Opposition to Socialism. 
 
 Bramwell, Lord. Economics v. Socialism, xd. 
 
 Lib. and Prop. Def. League, 1888. 
 
 DoNisTHORPE, Wordsworth. Individualism : a System of Politics, 
 
 14s. Macmillan, i88g. 
 
 Law in a Free State, 6s. Macmillan, 1895. 
 
 Oilman, N. P. Socialism and the American Spirit, $1.75. 
 
 Houghton, Boston (6s. 6rf., Macmillan, Land.), 1893. 
 KiDD, Benjamin. Social Evolution, los. nett ($1.50). Macmillan, 1894. 
 
 A remarkable book. The author believes in State control so as to allow the universal 
 competition which, he asserts, is biologically necessary to progress. He emphasises 
 religion as a social force. 
 
 Levy, J. H. The Outcome of Individualism, 2d. King, 1892. 
 
 Mackay, T., and others. A Plea for Liberty, 3S. Murray, 1892. 
 
 Naquet, J. A. Collectivism and Socialism (tr.), 2s. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, iV. Y.), 1891. 
 
 A clever book by a French politician. 
 
 Schaeffle, Dr. A. Quintessence of Socialism, 2S. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1889. 
 
 Very favourable to Socialism. 
 
 The Impossibility of Social Democracy, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein (I1.25, Scribner, N. Y.), 1891. 
 
 Spencer, Herbert. Man versus the State, is. Williams, 1884. 
 
 / Christian Socialism. 
 Adderley, Rev. James. Christ and Social Reform, zd. S.P.C.K. 
 Barnett, Rev. S. A., and Mrs. S. A. Practicable Socialism, 2S. 6rf. 
 
 Longmans, 1894. 
 Bliss, Rev. W. D. P. What Christian Socialism Is. 
 
 Objections to Christian Socialism. 
 
 The History of Christian Socialism. 
 
 The Social Faith of the Catholic Church. 
 
 Tracts of about 20 pp., loc. each. Dawn, Boston, 1894. 
 
270 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Ely, R. T. Social Aspects of Christianity, 90c. Crowell, iV. Y., 1889. 
 
 Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIIL on the Condition of 
 
 Labour. May, 1891. 
 
 Fremantle, W. H. The World as a Subject of Redemption, 145. (lia). 
 
 Longmans, 1875. 
 
 Hancock, Rev. Thomas. The Banner of Christ in the Hands of the 
 Socialists, id. Church Reformer, 8 Duke St., Adelphi, Land. 
 
 Christ and the People, Sermons chiefly on the obligation of 
 
 the Church to the State and humanity. Hodges, 1882 ; o.p. 
 
 Every Christian Socialist, and every Christian, ought to read Hancock's Sermons, which 
 appear from time to time in The Church Reformer, 
 
 Headlam, Rev. Stewart D. Christian Socialism, iii. Fabian Tract 
 42. 
 
 Lessons from the Cross, is. 6d. 
 
 Laws of Eternal Life, zs. 
 
 Priestcraft and Progress, is. 
 
 Service of Humanity, zs. 6d. 
 
 Church Reformer, 8 Duke St., Adelphi, Lond. 
 
 All these bring out the Socialism of Church teachings in a most stimulating way. 
 
 Herron, Rev. G. D. The Message of Jesus to Men of Wealth. 
 
 The Larger Christ, 75c. Revell, N. Y., 1891. 
 
 The New Redemption, 75c. Crowell, N. Y., 1893. 
 
 The Christian Society, $1. Revell, JV. Y., 1894. 
 
 Suggestive essays by this author ; Professor of Christian Sociology at Grennelle, Iowa, - 
 U. S. 
 
 Kaufmann, Rev. M. Christian Socialism, 4s. dd. Kegan Paul, 1888. 
 Kinqsley, Rev. C. Alton Locke. Cheap Clothes and Nasty, 6d. 
 
 Macmillan, 1890. 
 
 Yeast, 6d. Macmillan, i8go. 
 
 Lee, F. W. Notes on the Social Teaching of the Christian Year. 
 
 Published in The Dawn, Feb., 1894 — Feb., 1895. A revised edition 
 in book form is now in preparation. 
 Marson, Rev. Charles. Churchmen and their Politics, in West- 
 minster Review. Feb., 1894. 
 
 The Church and the Democratic Idea in The New Party. 
 
 zs. 6d. Hodder, 1894. 
 
 The Social Teaching of the Early Fathers in Vox Clamantium, 
 
 los. f>d. ■ Innes, 1894. 
 
 Mr. Marson is preparing a book on Patristic Socialism, 
 
Appendix B. 271 
 
 Maurice, Rev. J. F. D. Social Morality, 3s. 6i. ($1.25). Macmillan, 1893. 
 
 Maurice's Socialism is best studied in his general theological works and in his Life by 
 his son. The English C. S. U. publishes a tract of his on Christian Socialism. 
 
 Mazzini, Joseph. Thoughts upon Democracy in Europe — in Mazzini : 
 
 a Memoir, by E. A. V[enturi], 5s. Macmillan, 1877. 
 
 Duties of Man, 6d. Alexander & Shepheard. 
 
 Invaluable. Mazzini rejected both Socialism and Christianity as they were presented 
 to him, but his writings are full of Christian spirit and the deepest Socialism. Funk & 
 Wagnalls, N. 7., publish a cheap edition, 35c., oi Duties of Man. 
 
 Essays, most of them translated for the first time by Thomas 
 
 Okey. Dent, 1894. 
 
 NiTTi, F. S. Catholic Socialism, tr. from Italian by Killea. 
 
 Sonnenschein, in prep. 
 Sarson, Rev. G. The Eucharist and Common Life, with a devo- 
 tional commentary on the Communion Office, is. Isbister, 1883. 
 
 Of the greatest value in showing the social teaching of the central Christian service. 
 An American edition is in preparation. 
 
 Sprague, Rev. P. W. Christian Socialism, What and Why, 75c. and 
 50c. Dutton, N. y., 1891. 
 
 Strong, Rev. Josiah. Our Country, and the New Era, 25c. each. 
 
 Baker & Taylor, N. Y., 1891. 
 
 Tolstoi, Count Leo. My Confession. What to Do, etc. 
 
 Walter Scott, Lond. ; Crowell, N. Y. 
 
 Christian Individualism rather than Socialism. 
 Westcott, B. F., Bishop of Durham. Social Aspects of Christianity, 
 6s. Macmillan, 1887. 
 
 Socialism. Read before Hull Congress, zd. W. Reeves, 1890. 
 
 The Incarnation and Common Life. Macmillan, 1893. 
 
 The Incarnation a Revelation of Human Duties, 6d. 
 
 S.P.C.K., 1892. 
 
 For Christian Socialist literature, address Church Reformer, 8 Duke 
 Street, Adelphi, London (The Dawn, Boston, Mass.). 
 
 y. Anarchism. 
 Bakunin, M. God and the State, tr. by B. R. Tucker. N. Y., 1883. 
 Chicago Anarchists. Their Speeches in Court, 4^., 4th edit. 
 
 Reeves, 1891. 
 
 Dubois, Felix. The Anarchist Peril, tr. from the French by Ralph 
 
 Derechoif, 4s. Unwin (fti.75, Scribner, N. Y.), 1894. 
 
 An account of revolutionary Anarchism ; hostile. 
 
272 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Kropotkine, Prince. Appeal to the Young. 
 
 Soc. Dem. Fed., 337 Strand. 
 
 Anarchist Communism : its Basis and Principles, zd. 
 
 W. Reeves, 1891. 
 
 The Commune of Paris. The Wage System. Anarchist 
 
 Morality. War, id. each. W. Reeves. 
 
 Law and Authority, arf. Internat. Pub. Co., 1886. 
 
 Proudhon, p. J. Property, tr. by B. R. Tucker, fti. 
 
 Humboldt Pub. Co., N. Y. 
 
 — : System of Economical Contradictions, tr. by B, R. Tucker, 
 
 $3.50. Tucker, N. Y., 1888. 
 
 Reclus, Jacques Elis^e. Evolution and Revolution, id. Reeves, 1891. 
 
 Ah Anarchist on Anarchy, loc. Tucker, N. Y. 
 
 Shaw, G. B. The Impossibilities of Anarchism, 2d. Fabian Tract. 
 Tucker, B. R. Instead of a Book, 50c. Tucker, N. Y., 1893. 
 
 For the literature of Philosophic Anarchism, address Liberty, P. O. 
 
 Box 131a, New York City, U. S. 
 
 Ji^. Co-operation. 
 Co-opekative Congress Report (Annual), is. 
 jCo-oPERATivE Wholesale Society's Annual, 4s. 
 Co-operative Pamphlets (List on application). 
 
 Co-operative Union, Manes. 
 Oilman, N. P. Profit Sharing, $1.75. 
 
 Houghton, Bost. (ys. 6d., Macmillan), 1889. 
 HoLYOAKE, G. J. History of Co-operation in England, a vols., 14s. 
 
 Paul, 1885. 
 
 The Rochdale Pioneers, as. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1893. 
 Jones, B. Co-operative Production. 
 
 Oxford Clarendon Press ($3.50 nett., Macmillan, N. Y.), 1894. 
 Neale, E. v., and Hughes, T. Manual for Co-operators, rs. 
 
 Co-operative Union, 1881. 
 Potter, Beatrice (Mrs. Sidney Webb). The Co-operative Move- 
 ment in Great Britain, as. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein (Ji, Scribner, N. Y.), 1891. 
 
 Co-operation and Trades Unionism, id. 
 
 Co-operative Union, Manes., iSgz. 
 
 For other countries see reports of the Royal Commission on 
 Labour as above. 
 
Appendix B. 2^3 
 
 L. Eight Houri Movement. 
 
 Bradlauoh, Charles. The Eight Hours' Movement, arf. 
 
 Forder, 1888. 
 
 Hadfield, R. a., and Gibbins, H. de B. A Shorter Working Day, 
 2s. 6i. Methuen, 1893. 
 
 Hyndman, H. M. Mr. Gladstone and the Eight Hours' Law, li. 
 
 Soc. Dem. Fed., 1893. 
 
 Mann, Tom. The Eight Hours' Day, and how to get it by Trade 
 and Local Option, \A. Reeves, 1891. 
 
 Rae, John. Eight Hours for Work, 4s. 6i. nett ($1 25c.). 
 
 Macmillan, 1S94. 
 
 Robertson, J. M. The Eight Hours' Movement, 2S. 6rf. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1893. 
 
 Trant, Wm. Trades Unions: their Origin and Objects, Influence 
 
 and Efiicacy, is. Kegan Paul. 
 
 — — — Same, abridged, loc. 
 
 American Federation of Labour, De Soto Block, Indianapolis. 
 Webb, Sidney, and Cox, Harold. The Eight Hours' Day, is. 
 (Contains a Bibliography of English books, articles, etc.) 
 
 W. Scott, 1891. 
 For excellent American tracts on this subject, address American 
 Federation of Labour. 
 
 M. Land. 
 Cox, Harold. Land Nationalisation, %s. 6d. Methuen, 1893. 
 
 Dawson, W. H. The Unearned Increment, 2s. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1890. 
 
 Fluerscheim, M. Rent, Interest, and Wages, 4s. 6i. 
 
 W. Reeves, 1891. 
 
 George, Henry. The Condition of Labour, zs. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein, 1891. 
 
 Progress and Poverty, is. Paul ($1, Appleton, N. Y.), 1880. 
 
 The Land Question, is. W. Reeves. 
 
 Pollock, Sir F. The Land Laws, 2S. 6d. Macmillan, 1893. 
 
 Spence, Thomas. Nationalisation of the Land (1775). Notes by 
 
 H. M. Hyndman, id. Soc. Dem. Fed., 1882. 
 
 Story of my Dictatorship (anon.), is. Bliss & Sands, 1894. 
 
 18 
 
274 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Symposium on the Land Question, is., paper, Unwin, 1890. 
 
 Walker, F. A. Land and its Rent, $1. 
 
 Little & Brown, Boston (3s. 6d., Macmillan, London), 1893. 
 Wallace, A. R. Land Nationalisation, as. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, JV. Y.), 189a. 
 English Land Restoration League (8 Duke St., Adelphi, Lond.) and 
 Land Nationalisation Society (47 Victoria St., Lond.) both issue 
 valuable publications. 
 
 JV. Trades Unionism. 
 
 Brentano, L. History of Guilds and Trades Unions, o.p., y. 6d. 
 
 Paul, 1870. 
 
 HoBHOusB, L. T. The Labour Movement, 3s. 6i. Unwin, 1893. 
 
 Howell, George. The Conflicts of Labour and Capital. A history 
 
 of the Trades Unions of Great Britain, 7s. 6d. Macmillan, i8go. 
 
 Trades Unionism, New and Old, as. 6d. Methuen, 1891. 
 
 McNeill, G. E. The Labour Movement, $3.75. 
 
 Bridgman, Boston, 1886. 
 
 The best American book on the subject. 
 
 Webb, Sidney, and Mrs. Beatrice (Potter) Webb. History of 
 Trades Unionism, i8s. nett ($5). Longmans, 18941 ■ 
 
 The best English book on the subject-. With Bibliography (45 pp.) by R. A. Peddie. 
 
 For other countries see Reports of Royal Commission on Labour. 
 
 O. Woman Question. 
 
 Anthony, A. Social and Political Dependence of Woman, 3s. bd. 
 
 Longmans, 1880. 
 AvELiNG, Dr. Edward. The Woman Question, 'id. Sonnenschein, 
 Bebel, August. Woman in the Past, Present, and Future (tr.), 5s. 
 
 Modern Press, 1885, 
 Fifth Report of U. S, Commissioner of Labour on Marriage 
 
 and Divorce in the U. S. and Europe. Washington, 1889. 
 
 Crepaz, Adele. The Emancipation of Woman, and its probable 
 
 consequences, as. 6rf. Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, iV. y.), 1893, 
 Laurence, B. E. History of the Laws affecting Married Women, 
 
 y. Reeves & Turner, 1884, 
 
 Lennard, T. B, Position of Women in Law, 6s. Waterlow, 1883, 
 
Appendix B. 275 
 
 Mill, J. Stuart. The Subjection of Women, is. 4^., o.p. 
 
 Longmans, 1884. 
 OsTROGORSKi, M. The Rights of Women, 2s. 6i. 
 
 Sonnenschein (|i, Scribner, N. Y.), 1893. 
 RusKiN, John. Sesame and Lilies, 5s. Allen, 1886. 
 
 Shirreff, Emily. Intellectual Education and its Influence on 
 
 Women, 6s. Smith & Elder, i86a. 
 
 Stanton, T. Woman Question in Europe (by 24 Contributors), 
 
 I2S. M. Low, 1884. 
 
 Women's Progressive Society. Bibliography of Books, etc., on 
 
 Women, ^d. Mrs. Grenfell, 12 John St., Lond., 1892. 
 
 WoLLSTONECRAFT, Mary. A Vindication of the Rights of Women 
 
 (1791), 7s. 6i. Unwin, 1890 : also is. 6i., Walter Scott, 1891. 
 For Woman's Suffrage literature, address National Society for 
 
 Woman's Suffrage, 10 Gt. College St., Lond., S.W., or Woman's 
 
 Rights Journal, Park St., Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
 
 F. Political Economy. 
 
 Ashley, W. J. [ed.]. Economic Classics. A Series of Reprints, 
 3s. (75c.) each. Macmillan, 1895. 
 
 Bohm-Bawerk, E. Capital and Interest, tr. by W. Smart, las. ndt ($4). 
 
 Macmillan, 1890. 
 
 The Positive Theory of Capital, I2s.«ei. (#4). Macmillan, 1891. 
 
 Commons, J. R. Distribution of Wealth, $ 1.75c. (7s.). Macmillan, 1893. 
 
 CossA, LuiGi. Introduction to Study of Political Economy, tr. from 
 Italian by L. Dyer, 8s. 6d. ($2.60) nett. Macmillan, 1893. 
 
 Traces development and present position of Political Economy in all countries. 
 
 Ely, Dr. R. T. Outlines of Economics, $1. 
 
 (Hunt & Eaton, N. Y.), 1893. 
 HoBSON, J. A. The Evolution of Capitalism, 3s. 6d, 
 
 Scott ($1.25, Scribner, N. Y.), 1894. 
 
 Ingram, J. K. Progress and Prospects of Political Economy. 
 
 Sonnenschein ; in prep. 
 History of Political Economy, 6s. A. & C. Black, 1888. 
 
 Dwells on the Sociologic side. 
 
 Keynes, J. N. The Scope and Method of Political Economy, 7s. 6d. 
 (82.25). Macmillan, 1891. 
 
276 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Marshall, A. Principles of Economics, vol. i., i3s. 6d. nett ($3). 
 
 Macmillan, 1890. 
 
 To be completed in a second vol. 
 
 Elements of the Economics of Industry, vol. i., 3s. 6d. (|i). 
 
 Macmillan, 1893. 
 
 Prof. Marshall is considered by many the leading living English Economist. 
 
 Marx, Karl. Capital, tr. by Moore and Aveling, ids. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein, 1889. 
 
 The Student's Marx. By E. B. Aveling, 2S. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1891. 
 
 Mill, J. Stuart. Principles of Political Economy. 
 
 Longmans, 1885, 3s. 6d. ; Routledge, 1893, 3s. 6d. 
 Cossa calls Mill's " even now the best English treatise on Economics ". 
 
 Essays on some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy, 
 
 6s. 6d., o.p. Longmans, 1874. 
 
 Palgrave, R. H. L Dictionary of Political Economy, in parts. 
 
 Macmillan, 1891 ; in progress. 
 
 Patton, S. N. The Consumption of Wealth, 50c. 
 
 University of Pennsylvania, 1889. 
 
 The Promises of Political Economy, $1.50. 
 
 Lippincott, Phil., 1885. 
 
 Price, L. L. History of English Political Economy since Adam 
 Smith, 3S. 6d. Methuen, 1891. 
 
 Symes, Rev. Prof. J. E. Political Economy, as. 6d. 
 
 Longmans, 1889. 
 One of the best short treatises. 
 
 Walker, F. A. Political Economy, las. 6d. 
 
 Macmillan ($2.50, Holt, N. Y.), 1888. 
 
 First Lessons in Political Economy, 5s. 
 
 Macmillan ($1, Holt, N. Y.), 1890. 
 
 Economic Periodicals. 
 Economic Journal (British Economic Assocn.), aos. per annum. 
 
 Macmillan. 
 
 Economic Review (Christian Social Union), los. 6d. Percival. 
 
 Political Science Quarterly (Columbia College), $3. 
 The Journal of Political Economy (University of Chicago), $3. 
 Quarterly Journal of Economics (Harvard University), #3. 
 
 Macmillan. 
 
Appendix B. z'j'j 
 
 The American Economic Association and the American Academy 
 of Political and Social Science publish valuable economic mono- 
 graphs, the latter at very reasonable prices; both quite pro- 
 gressive. The Journal des Economistes, and the Revue d'Economie 
 Politique, represent respectively the orthodox and the more 
 advanced French Economists. La Reform Socials is the organ 
 of the movement founded by Le Play. The Vierteljahrschrift fUr 
 Volkswirthschaft und Culturgeschichte, the Jahrbilcherfur National- 
 okonomie und Statistik, SchmoUer's Jahrbiicher fUr Gesetzgebung, 
 Verwaltung und Volkswirthschaft, represent, in that order, the 
 more conservative and progressive tendencies in Germany. 
 The Giornale degli Economiste and La Reforma Sociale are the 
 authorities for Italy. Columbia College, N. Y., the University 
 of Pennsylvania (Phil.), and the Johns Hopkins University all 
 publish valuable series of economic monographs. 
 
 Q. Sociology. 
 CoMTE, Aug. Positive Philosophy, tr. and condensed by Harriet 
 Martineau, z^s. Kegan Paul, 1883. 
 
 GiDDiNGS, F. H. The Theory of Sociology, 50c. 
 
 Amer. Acad, of Pol. and Soc. Science, Phil., 1894. 
 
 The Province of Sociology, 25c. 
 
 Amer. Acad, of Pol. and Soc. Science, Phil. 1894. 
 KiDD, Benj. Social Evolution. See above. 
 Mackenzie, J. S. An Introduction to Social Philosophy, los. 6rf. 
 
 MacLehose, Glasgow ($2.60, Macmillan, JV. Y.), i8go. 
 Psychic Factors of Civilisation. Ginn, Boston, 1893. 
 
 The Science is yet in its infancy. Mr. Stephen, President of the Socid and Political 
 Education League, said, in 187a; " There is no Science of Sociology properly scientific". 
 Prof. F. H. Giddings of Columbia College, N. Y., has written several essays, and is pre- 
 paring a work on Sociology of which much is expected. 
 
 Spencer, Herbert. Principles of Sociology, 2 vols., 3gs. 
 
 Williams, 1882-9. 
 
 The Study of Sociology, 55. 
 
 Kegan Paul ($1.75, Appleton, N. Y.), 1880. 
 
 Principles of Ethics. Vol. i. Data of Ethics, 15s. Vol. ii. 
 
 part i. Justice, 8s. Williams & Norgate, 1892. 
 
 Cheap edition of Spencer's works, Humboldt Pub. Co., N. Y. 
 
 Ward, Lester F. Dynamic Sociology, 2 vols., $5. 
 
 Appleton, N. Y., 1883. 
 
 The best Sociology yet ; though grossly Materialistic. 
 
278 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 H. The State. 
 
 Beaulieu, p. Leroy. The Modern State (tr.), 2S. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein (*i, Scribner, N. Y.), 1891. 
 Bluntschli, J. C. The Theory of the State (tr.), 12s. 6d. 
 
 Clarendon Press ($3, Macmillan, N. Y.), 1892. 
 
 Many authorities referred to in notes. 
 
 FicHTE, J. G. The Science of Rights (tr.), 12s. 6d. Paul, 1889. 
 
 Godwin, W. Political Justice, edited by H. S. Salt (Selection), 
 
 zs. 6d. Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1890. 
 
 Jevons, W. S. State in Relation to Labour, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Macmillan, 1892. 
 
 Pollock, Sir F., Bart. History of the Science of Politics, zs. 6d. 
 
 Macmillan, 1890. 
 Ritchie, 1). G. Principles of State Interference, 2S. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1891. 
 
 Darwinism and Politics, zs. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1895. 
 
 SiDGWicK, Henry. The Elements of Politics, 15s. ($4). 
 
 Macmillan, 1894. 
 
 Wilson, Woodrow. The State (a sketch of institutional history and 
 administration), $3. Heath, Boston, 189a. 
 
 S. History. 
 (a) Early Society. 
 Fustel de Coulanqes, N. D. Origin of Property in Land, ss. 6d. 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), i8gi. 
 
 The Ancient City (tr.), $r.6o. Lee & Shepherd, Boston, 1878. 
 
 GoMME, G. L. The Village Community, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Scott ($1.25, Scribner, N. Y.), 1890. 
 Hearn, W. E. The Aryan Household, i6s. Longmans, 1879. 
 
 Laveleye, E. de. Primitive Property (tr.), la^., o.p. 
 
 Macmillan, 1878. 
 Maine, Sir H. Village Communities, 9s. Murray, 1876. 
 
 Early Law and Custom, 9s. Murray, 1883. 
 
 Ancient Law, gs. Murray, 1885. 
 
 The Early History of Institutions, 9s. Murray, 1875. 
 
 Village Communities in the East and West, 9s. Murray, 1876. 
 
Appendix B. 279 
 
 Morgan, L. H. Ancient Society, $4. Holt, N. Y., 1891. 
 
 Sbebohm, F. The English Village Community, 16s. Longmans, 1884. 
 Starcke, C. N. The Primitive Family, 5s. (With bibliography.) 
 
 Paul ($1.75, Appleton, JV. Y.), 1889. 
 Westermarcu, E. History of Human Marriage, 14s. nett. 
 
 Macmillan, i8gi. 
 
 (6) MedicBVal. 
 
 .4SHLEY, W. J. An Introduction to English Economic History and 
 Theory. Vol. i. (Middle Ages), 54. (I1.50). (List of authorities 
 with each chapter.) Vol. ii. (End of Middle Ages), los. 6i. ($3). 
 
 Longmans (Putnam, N. Y.), 18 
 
 Carlyle, T. Past and Present, is. Chapman, 1891 
 
 Cunningham, W. Growth of English Industry and Commerce 
 
 Vol. i. Early and Middle Ages, i6s. Vol. ii. Modern Times, i8s, 
 
 Cambridge Press (Macmillan, N. Y.), 1890-93, 
 
 Rogers, J. E. Thorold. History of Agriculture and Prices [1259 
 1793], 6 vols., 143s. Clarendon Press (Macmillan, N. Y.), 18 
 
 Six Centuries of Work and Wages, los. 6d. Sonnenschein, 
 
 1889 ; new edition, 1894. Selected Chapters, zs. 6d. 
 
 ($1, Scribner, iV. Y.) 
 
 The Economic Interpretation of History, and edition, 7s. 6rf. 
 
 Unwin, 1891. 
 
 Stubbs, W. Constitutional History of England [to 1485], 3 vols., 
 36s. Clarendon Press (Macmillan, N. Y.), 1883-91. 
 
 (c) Modem. 
 
 Baqehot, Walter. The English Constitution, -js. 6d. 
 
 Paul ($3, Appleton, JV. Y.), 1885 
 Carlyle, T. Chartism [1839], in Essays, vol. v., is. 
 
 Chapman, 1891 
 Ely, R. T. The Labour Movement in America, 5s. 
 
 Heinemann ($1, Crowell, Boston, 1886), 1890. 
 Freeman, E. A. Growth of the English Constitution, 5s. 
 
 Macmillan, 1884 
 GiBBiNS, H. DE B. The Industrial History of England, zs. 6d. 
 
 Methuen, 1894 
 
28o Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 McCarthy, Justin. Short History of Our Own Times, zs. 6d. 
 
 Chatto, i8go. 
 
 McNeill. The Labour Movement (in the United States), $3.75- 
 
 Bridgman, Boston, 1886. 
 
 NoRDHOFF, C. Communistic Societies of the United States, 15s. 
 
 Murray (#4, Harper, N. Y.), 1875. 
 
 NoYES, J. H. History of American Socialisms, 5s. 
 
 W. Reeves ($3.50, Lippincott, Phil.), 1870. 
 Plener, E. von. English Factory Legislation, 3s. Chapman, 1873. 
 Skottowe, B. C. Short History of Parliament, as. 6d. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1891. 
 
 Stubbs, Rev. C. W. The Land and the Labourers, as. 6i. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. Y.), 1891. 
 ToYNBEE, Arnold. The Industrial Revolution of the i8th Century 
 in England, los. 6d. Longmans, 1887. 
 
 See also Socialism, Co-operation, Land, Trades Unionism, etc. 
 
 T. Biographies. 
 
 GiBBiNS, H. DE B., M.A. English Social Reformers (More, Maurice. 
 Kingsley, Carlyle, Ruskin, etc.), as. 6rf. Methuen, 189a. 
 
 KiNGSLEY, Charles. Life of, by M. Kaufmann, M.A., 5s. Paul, 189a, 
 Lassalle, F. German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle, by W. 
 H. Dawson, as. id. Sonnenschein ($1, Scribner, N. 7.), 1891. 
 Lovett, W. Life and Struggles of William Lovett, 5s., o.p. 
 
 Paul, 1876. 
 Maurice, F. D. Life, by Col. F. Maurice, a vols., 16s. 
 
 Macmillan ($5, Scribner, iV. Y.), 1884. 
 Mazzini, J. A Memoir, by E. A. Venturi, 6rf. 
 
 Alexander & Shepheard. 
 
 Life, by W. L. Courtney, is. 
 
 Scott (40c. Whittaker, N. y.), 1889. 
 Mill, J. Stuart. Autobiography, o.p. Longmans, 1873. 
 
 Owen, Robert. Life, by Lloyd Jones, 3s. 6(i. 
 
 Sonnenschein ($i.a5, Scribner, iV. Y.), 1895. 
 Ruskin, John. Life, by Patrick Geddes, is. Brown, Edvn., 1884. 
 Shaftesbury, Lord. Life, by E. Hodder, 3s. 6d. Cassell, 189a, 
 
Appendix B. 281 
 
 Smith, Adam. Life, by B. B. Haldane, is. 
 
 Scott (40c., Whittaker, N. Y.), 1887. 
 
 Life, by John Rae. in prep. 
 
 ToYNBEE, Arnold. Life, by F. C. Montague, 2s. 6d. 
 
 Froude (50c., Johns Hopkins University, Baltm.), 1889. 
 
 U. Statistics. 
 
 Booth, Charles. Labour and Life of the People [new edition], 
 4 vols., 3s. isd. (i|i.5Q) each. Vol. of Maps, 5s. Macmillan, 1893. 
 
 Edwards, Joseph. Editor, The Labour Annual, \s. 
 
 Labour Press Society, Manchester, 1895. 
 
 Fabian Society. Facts for Socialists, and Facts for Londoners; 
 tracts, \A. and bd. 
 
 Financial Reform Almanac (Annual), is. 
 
 18 Hackin's Hey, Liverpool. 
 
 GiFFEN, R. Growth of Capital, 7s. bd. Bell, 1891. 
 
 Progress of the Working Classes, 3s. Bell, 1884. 
 
 Recent Rate of Material Progress in England, is. Bell, 1887. 
 
 Labour Gazette (Monthly), \d. Veale & Co., Cursitor St., Lond. 
 Levi, Leone. History of English Commerce [1763-1878], i8s. 
 
 Murray, 1880. 
 
 Wages and Earnings of the Working Classes, 3s. dd. 
 
 Murray, 1885. 
 Meintzer. a History of Statistics; A History of Theory and 
 Technique, tr. by R. P. Faulkner, 50c. 
 
 Amer. Acad, of Pol. and Soc. Science, Phil., 1891. 
 
 MuLHALL, M. G. Dictionary of Statistics, 31s. td. ($12). 
 
 Routledge, 1894. 
 
 History of Prices [1850-1885], 6s. Longmans, 1885. 
 
 Fifty Years of National Progress, is. Routledge, 1887. 
 
 Porter, G. R. Progress of the Nation, o.p., 2nd edition. 1851. 
 
 Quarterly Journal of the Statistical Society, 5s. 
 
 Statistical Society's Library Catalogue, 2 vols., 20s. (An ex- 
 cellent bibliography.) Stanford, 1889. 
 
 United States Labour Reports, National and State. An Index 
 to which is published by the United States Labour Bureau, 
 
282 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 Special Report, 1893. All that are in print can be had gratuit- 
 ously, by addressing the Commissions of Labour at Washington, 
 or the State capitals. The American Statistical Association 
 (D. R. Dewey, Secretary, Institute of Technology, Boston, Mass.) 
 issues four valuable pamphlets a year, $2 per year. The States- 
 man's Year Book, Macmillan, ids. 6d., and Whitaker's Almanac, is., 
 in England, and the Tribune and World Almanacs in the United 
 States, 35c. each, are reliable and good. United States Labour 
 Reports are of very unequal value. 
 
 Wells, D. A. Recent Economic Changes, #3. 
 
 Appleton, N. Y., 1889. 
 
 For other countries see Foreign Reports of Royal Commission on 
 Labour, with lists of authorities given for each country. 
 
 JV. Currency. 
 Andrews, E. B. An Honest Dollar, 75c. Amer. Econ. Assoc, 1889. 
 Cunningham, W. The Use and Abuse of Money, 3s. Murray, 1891. 
 GiFFEN, Rob. The Case against Bimetallism, 7s. M. Bell, 189a. 
 
 Jevons. Money and the Mechanism of Exchange, 5s. Paul, 1878. 
 KiTsoN, Arthur. A Scientific Solution of the Money Question, 
 ^1.35. Arena Pub. Co., Boston, 1894. 
 
 A plea for symbolic money. 
 
 Learett, Samuel. Our Money Wars, 50c. 
 
 Arena Pub. Co., Boston, 1894. 
 
 The greenback and people's party views. 
 
 Taussig, F. W. The Silver Situation in the United States, 75c. 
 
 Amer. Econ. Assoc, (^s. 6d., Sonnenschein), i8go. 
 Walker, F. A. Money, $4. Holt, N. Y. (is. 6d., Macmillan), 1878. 
 
 X. Farious Books of Importance for Socialists. 
 Carlyle's Chartism, in vol. v. of Essays. Chapman, 1891. 
 
 Holes, James. National Railways. Cassell, 1893. 
 
 Author is Secretary of the Association of Commerce of Great Britain, and favours 
 purchase of railroads by the State. 
 
 Lloyd, Hy. D. A Strike of Millionaires against Miners, 50c. 
 
 Bedford Clarke, Chicago, 1890. 
 Stichney, a. B. The Railway Problem, $2. 
 
 Newell, St. Paul, Minn., 1891. 
 
Appendix B. 283 
 
 Sullivan, J. W. Direct Representation. 
 
 True Nationalist Pub. Co., N. Y., 1893. 
 
 Bemis, E. W. Municipal Ownership of Gas in the U. S., $L 
 
 Amer. Econ. Assoc. (3s. 6i., Sonnenschein), 1871. 
 Lloyd, H. D. Wealth against Commonwealth, fa.so. 
 
 Harper, N. F., 1894. 
 
 Chiefly a history of the Standard Oil monopoly. 
 
 MuLFORD, E. The Nation, I2.50. Houghton, Boston, 1889. 
 
 Reynolds, M. T. The Housing of the Poor in American Cities, $1. 
 Amer. Econ. Assoc. (3s. tcL., Sonnenschein), 1894. 
 Salt, H. S. Animals' Rights, considered in Relation to Social Pro- 
 gress, 2s. Bell (ysc, Macmillan, N. Y.), 1894. 
 ScHLOSS, D. F. Methods of Industrial Remuneration, 3s. (d. 
 
 Williams ($3.50, Putnam, N. Y.), 1894. 
 
 Shaw, Albert. Municipal Government in Great Britain, $2. 
 
 Century Co., N. Y., 1895. 
 
 Taylor, R. W. C. The Modern Factory System, los. 6d. 
 
 Kegan Paul, 1891. 
 
 The Factory System, zs. 6d. Methuen, 1891. 
 
 Warner, Amos G. American Charities, I1.75. 
 
 Crowell, Boston, 1895. 
 
 WiLLOUQHBY, W. F., and Grafpenreid, Clare de. Two Prize 
 Essays on Child Labour, 75c. 
 
 Amer. Econ. Assoc, (as. 6d., Sonnenschein), 1890. 
 
284 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 SOCIALIST PAPERS AND MAGAZINES. 
 
 I. English. 
 
 Justice. Weekly. Organ of Social Democratic Federation. 1889 
 
 to date. 37A Clerkenwell Green, London, E. C. 
 
 The Labour Leader. Weekly. Organ of the Independent Labour 
 
 Party. Keir Hardie, editor. 53 Fleet St., London, E.C. 
 
 Fabian News. Monthly. Bulletin of the Fabian Society. 
 
 276 Strand, London, S.W. 
 Land and Labour. Monthly. Organ of the Land Nationalisation 
 
 Society. 47 Victoria St., Westminster, London, S.W. 
 
 Brotherhood. Monthly. Organ of the Land Nationalisation Society 
 
 and Brotherhood Trust. J. B. Wallace, editor. 
 
 17 Fann St., London. 
 
 The Church Reformer. Monthly. Organ of the Guild of St. Matthew, 
 and of the Church and Stage Guild. Rev. S. D. Headlam, 
 editor. 8 Duke St., Adelphi, London, W.C. 
 
 Goodwill. Monthly. Christian Socialist paper, adapted for use in 
 parishes. Hon. and Rev. J. Adderley, editor. 
 
 laS Edgware Road, London, W. 
 
 Labour Gazette. Monthly. Organ of the English Labour Depart- 
 ment. 1892 to date. 
 
 Economic Review. Quarterly. 1891 to date. Organ of the (Eng.) 
 Christian Social Union. Macmillan, London. 
 
 Clarion. Weekly Illustrated Labour Paper. Robert Blatchford 
 (" Nunquam "), editor, id. 72 Fleet Street, London. 
 
 II. French. 
 
 L'Intransigiant. A daily, edited by Henri Rochefort, with a circula- 
 tion of 140,000. It is distinctively a political fighting paper, 
 caring little for theory. 
 
Appendix C. 285 
 
 La Petite Republigue. Founded and edited by M. Millerand. This 
 is also more political than educational, and has as its especial 
 aim to draw the various groups together, the leader of each 
 group writing the editorial leaders in turns. 
 
 Le Socialiste. A Marxist weekly, edited by Guesde and Lafargue, 
 the sons-in-law of Marx, and circulating mainly in the provinces. 
 
 Le Parti Socialiste. Weekly. Organ of the Blanquists, circulating 
 chiefly in Paris. 
 
 Le Parti Ouvrier. A bi-weekly organ of the Allemanists, edited by 
 Allemane. 
 
 La Revue Socialiste. A monthly long edited by Malon. 
 
 La Reforme Sociale is the organ of the Le Play social movement. 
 
 L'Economie Sociale favours profit sharing. 
 
 L'Esprit de la Femme is a woman's journal. 
 
 III. German. 
 
 " Vorwarts,'' Berliner Volksblatt. Daily. Official organ of the Social 
 Democratic Party. W. Liebknecht, editor. 1876 to date. Berlin. 
 
 Der Sozial Demohrat. Weekly edition of the above. 
 
 Die Neue Zeit. Weekly. " Revue des geistigen und offentlichen 
 Lebens." Karl Kantsky, editor. 1883 to date. Stuttgart. 
 
 Der Wahre Jacob. Semi-monthly. Comic Socialistic paper. 1878 
 to date. Stuttgart. 
 
 Siiddeutscher Postilion. Semi-monthly. Illustrated. 1882 to date. 
 
 Munich. 
 
 Mitteilungen des Evangelisch-Socialen Congresses. Organ of the 
 Evangelical Socialists. Monthly. Berlin. 
 
 Jahrbuchfiir Gesetzgebtmg, Verwaltung, und Volkswirthschaft. SchmoUer 
 editor since 1881. Founded by Holtgendorff in 1873. 
 
 Sozial-Politisches Centralblatt. Weekly. Newspaper as to Social 
 Science and industrial conditions. Dr. Braun, editor. 10m. per 
 year. Berlin. 
 
 IV. Belgium. 
 
 Le Peuple. Daily. The leading Socialist paper of Belgium in the 
 French language. Brussels. 
 
286 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 L'Btudiant Socialiste. Annual. Organ of the F6d6ration des Etudi- 
 ants Socialistes beige. Brussels. 
 
 Vooruit. Weekly. The leading Socialist paper of Belgium in 
 Flemish. 
 
 V. United States. 
 
 The People. Weekly. Organ (in the English language) of the 
 
 American Socialist Labour Party. New York City. 
 
 Voervarts. Weekly. Organ (in the German language) of the 
 
 American Socialist Labour Party. New York City. 
 
 The Twentieth Century. Weekly. It favours Socialism and the 
 
 movements towards Independent Labour Political Parties. 
 
 Humboldt Pub. Co., New York City. 
 New Yorker Volkszeitung. Daily. Leading German Socialist paper 
 
 in America. 1879 to date. 
 The Dawn. Monthly. Organ of American Christian Socialism. 
 
 Boston, Mass. 
 
 VI. Other Countries. 
 
 Austria. Arbeiter Zeitung. Weekly. Organ of the Austrian Social 
 Democratic Party. Vienna. 
 
 Denmark. Social Demokratin. Daily organ of Social Democrats. 
 
 Copenhagen. 
 
 Holland. Recht voor Allen. Daily. Nieuwenhuis' organ of the 
 social movement. The Hague. 
 
 Norway and Sweden. Sozial Demokret. Daily. Gothenburg. 
 
 Australia. Many papers. One of the best Socialist papers is 
 The Worker of Queensland. 
 
 New Zealand. The Journal of the Department of Labour. 1893 — zd. 
 Address, Samuel Costall, Wellington, N. Y. 
 
287 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 A SOCIALIST CALENDAR OF MEMORABLE EVENTS. 
 
 Jan. I Emancipation of Slaves, U. S., 1863. 
 
 ,, 3 Blanqui (Socialist) d. Paris, 1881. 
 
 „ 15 Proudhon b. Besan9on, France, 1809. 
 
 „ 21 Louis XVI. beheaded, Paris, 1793. 
 
 „ 33 Bacon b. London, 1561. 
 
 „ 37 Fichte d. Berlin, 1817. 
 
 ,, 29 Thomas Paine b. Deptford (Eng.), 1737. 
 
 „ 31 Gall d. Treves, 1863. " The first German Socialist." 
 
 Feb. 5 Carlyle d. London, 1881. 
 „ 7 Dickens b. Portsmouth, i8ia. 
 ,, 12 Gall, "the first German Socialist," gives up his position 
 
 to agitate for Socialism. 
 „ 17 Heine d. Paris, 1856. 
 „ 21-24 Revolution in Paris, 1848. 
 ,, 22 Washington b. Westmoreland, Va., 1732. 
 „ „ Bebel b. Cologne, 1840. 
 ,, 26 Victor Hugo b. Besan9on, 1802. 
 ,, 27 Lamennais d. France, 1854. 
 
 Mar. 10 Mazzini d. Pisa, 1872. 
 
 „ 18 Declaration of the Commune, 1871. 
 
 „ „ Karl Marx d. London, 1883. 
 
 ,, 29 Liebknecht b. Giessen (Ger.), 1826. 
 
 April I F. D. Maurice d. London, 1872. 
 „ 2 Zola. b. Paris, 1840. 
 „ 7 Fourier b. Besanjon, France, 1773. 
 
 „ 10 First Swiss Workmen's (State) Secretary elected, 1887. 
 
 „ II Lassalle b. Breslau, 1825. 
 
 ,, 12 Lassalle's Berlin Address, 1862. 
 
 „ 21 Eight Hour Day, Australia, 1856. 
 
288 Handbook of Socialism. 
 
 May I International Labour Day. 
 „ „ St. Philip and St. James' Day. Apostles of Labour. 
 „ „ Haymarket Square Riot, Chicago, 1886. 
 „ 8 J. S. Mill d. Avignon, 1873. 
 
 „ 14 Robert Owen b. Newtown, Wales, 1771. 
 
 „ 15 Karl Marx d. Halle, 1799. 
 
 „ 19 Lassalle's Victory over Schulze-Delitzsch, 1863. 
 
 „ ,, Saint-Simon d. Paris, 1825. 
 
 ,, „ Fichte b. Rammenau (Ger.), 1763. 
 
 „ 35 Universal German Workmen's Association, Leipsic, 1863. 
 
 ,, „ Wm. L, Garrison d. New York City, 1879. 
 
 „ 37 Babceuf hung, Paris, 1797. 
 
 June 3 Rousseau d. near Paris, 1778. 
 ,, 8 Thomas Paine d. New York, 1809. 
 „ 9 Dickens d. near London, 1870. 
 „ 13 Kingsley b. Holme (Eng.), 1819. 
 „ 15 Magna Charta signed, Runnimede (Eng.), 1315. 
 „ 38 Rousseau b. Geneva, 1713. 
 
 July I Bakunin d. Berne, 1876. 
 „ 4 Declaration of Independence, U. S., 1776. 
 „ 14 Fall of the Bastile, Paris, 1789. 
 „ 15 John Ball hanged, St. Albans, 1381. 
 ,, 27-39 Revolution in Paris, 1830. 
 
 Aug. 4. Shelley b. Field Place (Eng.), 1793. 
 „ 7 Socialist Congress at Eisenach, 1869. 
 „ 12 Rodbertus b. Greifswald (Ger.), 1805. 
 „ 19 Congress at Gotha (Ger.), 1876. 
 „ 37 Hegel b. Stuttgart, 1770. 
 „ 31 Lassalle d. Switzerland, 1864. 
 
 Sept. I M. in Labour Day, U. S. 
 ,, 4 French Republic declared, 1870. 
 „ 9 Tolstoi b. St. Petersburg, 1838. 
 „ 31 First French Republic declared, 1838. 
 „ 38 International organised in London, 1864. 
 „ 30 Anti-Socialist Law (Ger.) expires, 1890. 
 
 Oct. 8 Fourier d. France, 1837. 
 „ 13 Considerant b. Salins (Jura), 1808. 
 „ 16 John Brown seizes Harper's Ferry, Va., 1859. 
 
Appendix D. 289 
 
 Oct. 17 Saint-Simon b. Paris, 1760. 
 „ 19 Anti-Socialist Law (Ger.), 1878. 
 ,, zg Louis Blanc b. Madrid, 1811. 
 
 Nov. 9 Cabet d. St. Louis, 1856. 
 
 „ II Four Chicago Anarchists hung, 1887. 
 
 „ 13 " Bloody Sunday," Trafalgar Square, London, 1887. 
 
 ,, 17 Robert Owen d. 1858. 
 
 ,, 30 Victor Hugo d. Paris, 1885. 
 
 Dec. 3 John Brown hung, Charlestown, S. C, 1859. 
 „ 4 Carlyle b. Ecclefechan (Scot.), 1795. 
 „ 6 Louis Blanc d. Cannes, 1883. 
 
 ,, 10 Wm. L. Garrison b. Newburyport, Mass., 1805. 
 
 ,, 13 Heine b. Dusseldorf, 1799. 
 
 „ 17 Whittier b. Haverhill, Mass., 1807. 
 
 „ 25 Ketteler b. Miinster (Ger.), 1811. 
 
 „ 28 Gall b., " the first German Socialist ". 
 
 Christmas, Birthday of Jesus Christ. 
 
 Good Friday, Crucifixion of Jesus Christ. 
 
 Whitsunday, Birthday of " The World's First International ". 
 
 19 
 
290 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 CHRONOLOGY OF SOCIALISTIC LITERATURE. 
 
 (i) Before the Nineteenth Century. 
 
 1490 B.C. Socialistic Laws of the Hebrew Theocracy. 
 
 Plato's Republic and Laws. 
 
 Aristotle's Politics. 
 . Lives of Christ. 
 
 Writings of Apostles and Church Fathers. 
 
 Thomas Aquinas' Works. 
 
 John Ball's Preaching. 
 
 Langland's Piers Plowman. 
 
 More's De optima Reipublicae Statu, deque nova insula 
 Utopia. 
 
 Hunger's Preaching. 
 
 Doni's Mondi, Celesti, Terrestri, et Infernati. 
 
 Campanilla's Civitas Solis. 
 
 Bacon's New Atlantis (written 1614-17). 
 
 Vivis de Communione Rerum. 
 
 Harrington's Oceana. 
 
 John Bellers' Colleges of Industry, etc. (on Communistic 
 basis). 
 
 Rousseau's Discours sur VinigalitL 
 
 Morelly's Code de la Nature. 
 
 Fettiplace Bellers' On the Ends of Society. 
 
 Wallace's Various Prospects of Mankind, Nature, and Pro- 
 vidence. 
 
 Rousseau's Contrat Sociale. 
 
 Turgot's Reflections sur la formation et distribution des 
 richesses. 
 
 Spence's Land Nationalisation. 
 
 Brissot de Warville's Recherches philosophiques sur la pro- 
 priete et sur le vol. 
 
 c. 1490 ] 
 
 B.C. 
 
 c. 370 
 
 If 
 
 c. 350 
 
 )J 
 
 50-100 A.D. 
 
 50-400 
 
 )» 
 
 c. 1260 
 
 9) 
 
 c. 1360 
 
 )) 
 
 1377 
 
 ») 
 
 1516 
 
 )» 
 
 1525 
 
 )» 
 
 1552 
 
 J) 
 
 1607 
 
 f) 
 
 1637 
 
 '» 
 
 1635 
 
 :> 
 
 1656 
 
 ») 
 
 1695 
 
 )» 
 
 1754 
 
 J) 
 
 1755 
 
 J9 
 
 1759 
 
 ») 
 
 1761 
 
 »J 
 
 1763 
 
 »J 
 
 1769 
 
 ») 
 
 1775 
 
 J9 
 
 1776 
 
 )> 
 
Appendix E. 291 
 
 1780 A.D. Boissel's Catechism du genre Humaine. 
 
 1789 ,, Mary WoUstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman. 
 
 1790 „ Fauchet's Bo«c/!e (fe/ef (a Christian Communist paper). 
 
 1793 II Godwin's An Enquiry concerning Political Justice. 
 
 1794 II Babceuf s Tribune du Peuple (first secular Socialistic news- 
 
 paper). 
 1794 II Paine's Rights of Man. 
 
 (2) The Nineteenth Century. 
 See the following Chart. 
 
Cornell University Library 
 HX 21.B64 
 
 A handbook of socialism: a statement of s 
 
 3 1924 002 310 740 
 
rnhe eincyclopsedia of jgocial ;:0{,eform. 
 
 Biographical, Bibliographical, Historical, Topical : embracing 
 
 Political Economy, Political Science, Sociology; Treating 
 
 of Anarchism, Charity Organisation, Co-operation, 
 
 Currency, Individaallsm, Land Keform, 
 
 Municipalism, Penalogy, Socialism, 
 
 Social Parity, Temperance, 
 
 Trade Unionism, Women's 
 
 Suffrage, etc., etc. 
 
 W. D. P. BLISS, EDITOR. 
 
 Prefaced with the Co=operation of many Specialists 
 
 AMONGST WHOM ARE: — 
 
 Pres. E. B. Andrews, D.D., LL.D. ; Edward Atkinson; Rachel Foster Avery; 
 Prof. E. W. Bemis, Ph.D. ; Edward Bellamy ; A. A. Carlton ; John Storer Cobb ; 
 Prof. J. R. Commons; Col. Albert Clarke ; Rev. S. W. Dike, LL.D. ; Prof. R. P 
 Falkner, Ph.D.; William Lloyd Garrison; Prof. Eleanor L. Lord; Wm. D. 
 McCrackan; George E. NcNeill; Rev. A. A. Miner, D.D. ; Rev. A. M. Powell, 
 D.D. ; James B. Reynolds, Ph.D. ; Mrs. Frances E.Russell; Thomas G. Shearman ; 
 Joseph D. Weeks; Arthur B. Woodford, Ph.D. ; Robert A. Woods; Carroll D. 
 Wright, etc., etc. 
 
 AMONG THE ENGLISH CONTRIBUTORS ARE : — 
 
 Canon S. A. Barnett ; Miss Helen Blackbvurn ; Wm. Clark ; Rev. Stewart D. 
 
 Headlam j Auberon Herbert ; Benjamin Kidd ; Keir Hardie ; John Trevor ; C. 
 
 H. Shillinglaw; Fred. Verinder; J. B. Wallace; Sidney Webb. 
 
 AU reforms are treated here by their advocates, with the opposing view stated by some 
 
 opponent. The biographical and historical articles are particularly full. The general aim is, 
 
 while avoiding academic style, to go on each subject to the best authorities. The Encyclo- 
 
 pEedia will be reliable, and the only complete work of its kind ever issued. 
 
 Euery Student of Social Subjects will need it. 
 
 Large 8vo; cloth. About 1000 pp. Price $6.00. 
 Over 900 Articles. 
 
 READY— SUMMER OF 1895. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY, 
 
 LONDON. 1895. TORONTO. 
 
SOCIAL SCIENCE SERIES. 
 
 SCARLET CLOTH, EACH 28. 6d. 
 
 1. Work and Wages. Prof. J. E. Thobols Rogebs. 
 
 " Nothing that Professor Bogers writes can fail to be of interest to thoughtful 
 people." — Athtwxum, 
 
 i. Civilisation : its Cause and Cure. Edwabd Gabpenibb. 
 
 " No passing piece of polemics, but a permanent possession."— ScotiM BtmeiD. 
 8, Quintessence of Socialism. Dr. ScHAPfiiE. 
 
 " Precisely the manual needed. Brief, lucid, fair and wise."— SriiisA Weekly. 
 
 4. Darwinism and Politics. D. G. Bitchib, M.A. (Oxou.). 
 
 New Edition, with two additional Essays on Human Evolution. 
 " One of the most suggestive books we have met with."— Xi(«rory World. 
 
 5. Religion of Socialism. - E. Belfobt Bax. 
 
 6. Ettiics of Socialism. E. Belfobi Baz. 
 
 " Mr. Bax is by far the ablest of the English exponents of Socialism." — Westminater 
 SevUw. 
 
 7. The Drinli Question. Dr. Kate Mitchei,!,. 
 
 " Plenty of interesting matter for reflection. * — Gh'aphic. 
 
 8. Promotion of General Happiness. Frof. M. Macmillan. 
 
 *' A reasoned account of the most advanced and most enlightened utilitarian doc- 
 trine in a clear and readable form." — Scotsman: 
 
 9. England's Ideal, &a. Edwabd Gabpenteb. 
 
 " The literary power is unmistakable, their freshness of style, their humour, and 
 their enthusiasm." — Fall Mall Gazette. 
 " 10. Socialism in England. ^ Sidney Webb, LL.B. 
 
 " The best general view of the subject from the modern Socialist side." — Athenasum, 
 
 11. Prince Bismarck-.and State Socialism. W. H. Dawson. 
 
 " A succinct, well-rligested review of German social and economic legislation since 
 1870." — Saturday Meview. 
 
 12. Godwin's Political Justice (On Property). Edited by H. S. Sai.t. 
 
 " Shows Godwin at his best ; with an interesting and informing introduction."- 
 Glasffow Herald. 
 
 13. The Story of the French Revolution. E. Belfobt Bax. 
 
 " A trustworthy outline. — Scotsman. 
 
 14. The Co-Operative Commonwealth. Ijaubence Gbonlund. 
 
 " An independent exposition of the Socialism of the Marx school."— Cbniemjoiory 
 Review. 
 16. Essays and Addresses. Bebnabs Bosanquet, M.A. (Oxon.). 
 
 " Ought to be in the hands of every student of the Nineteenth Century spirit." — 
 Selio. 
 
 " No one can complain of not being able to understand what Mr. Bosanquet 
 means."— Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
 16. Charity Organisation. C. S. Loch, Secretary to Charity Organisation 
 
 Society. 
 " A perfect little manual." — Athenceum. 
 " Deserves a wide circulation."— ScoOmaJt. 
 
 17. Thoreau's Anti-Slavery and Reform Papers. Edited by H. S. Sai,t. 
 
 " An interesting collection of essays." — literm'y World. 
 
 18. Self-Help a Hundred Years Jlgo. G-. J. Holyoake. 
 
 " Will be studied with much benefit by all who are interested in the amelioration 
 of the condition of the poor." — Morning Post 
 
 19. The New Yorli State Reformatory at Elmira. Alexandeb Winteb. 
 
 With Prefaoe by Haveloce Ellis. 
 " A valuable contribution to the literature of peaologj."— Black and WhUt. 
 
SOCIAL SCIENCE SERIES— {Continued). 
 
 20. Common Sense about Women. T. W. Hiooinson. 
 
 " An admirable collection of papers, advocating in the most liberal spirit the 
 emancipation of women." — Woman's Herald. 
 
 21. The Unearned Increment. W. H. Dawson. 
 
 " A concise but comprehensive volume." — Scho. 
 
 22. Our Destiny. Laubence Gbonlund. 
 
 " A very vigorous little book, dealing with the influence of Socialism on morals 
 and religion.— iJaziy Chronicle. 
 
 23. The Working-class Movement In America. 
 
 Dr. BuwAED and E. Mabx.Avei,in&. 
 " Will give a good idea of the condition of the working classes in America, and of 
 the various organisations which they have formed." — Scots Leader. 
 
 24. Luxury. Prof. Euilk de Laveleye. 
 
 ' " An eloquent plea on moral and economical grounds for simplicity of life." — 
 Academy. 
 
 25. The Land and the Labourers. Bev. C. W. Stubbs, M.A. 
 
 " This admirable book should be circulated in every village in the country." — 
 Manchester Guardian. 
 
 26. The Evolution of Property. Paul Lafabgue. 
 
 "Will prove interesting and profitable to all students of economic history." — 
 
 Scotsman. ' 
 
 27. Crime and Its Causes. W. Douglas Mobkison. 
 
 " Can hardly fail to suggest to all readers several new and pregnant reflections on 
 the subject," — Anti-Jacobin. 
 
 28. Principles of State Interference. D. G. Bitchie, M.A. 
 
 " An interesting contribution to the controversy on the functions of the State."— 
 Glasgow Herald. 
 
 29. German Socialism and F. Lassalle. W. H. Dawson. 
 
 " As a biographical history of German Socialistic movements during this century 
 it may be accepted as complete." — British Weekly. 
 
 30. The Purse and the Conscience. H. M. Thompson, B.A. (Cantab.). 
 
 " Shows common sense and fairness in his arguments." — Scotsman. 
 
 31. Origin of Property in Land. Eustel de Coulanges. Edited, with an 
 Introductory Chapter on the English Manor, by Prof. W. J. Ashley, M.A. 
 
 " His views are clearly stated, and are worth reading." — Saturday Review. 
 
 32. The English Bepublic. W. J. Linton. Edited by Kineton Pabkes. 
 
 " Characterised by that vigorous intellectuality which has marked his long life of 
 literary and artistic activity." — Glasgow Herald. 
 
 33. The Ca-Operative Movement. Beatbice Potteb. 
 
 " Without doubt the ablest and most philosophical analysis of the Co-Operative 
 Movement which has yet been produced." — Speaker. 
 
 34. Neighbourhood Guilds. Dr. Stanton Coit. 
 
 "A most suggestive little book to anyone interested in the social question." — 
 Pall Mall Bakelle. 
 
 35. Modern Humanists. J. M. Bobebtsoh. 
 
 " Mr. Bobertson's style is excellent— nay, even brilliant— and his purely literary 
 criticisms bear the mark of much acumen." — Times. 
 
 36. Outlooks from the New Standpoint. , E. Belfobt Bax. 
 
 "Mr. Bax is a very acute and accomplished student of history and economics." 
 — Daily Clironicle. 
 
 37. Distributing Co-Operative Societies. Dr. Luior Pizzamiglio. Edited by 
 
 f. J. Snell. 
 " Dr. Pizzamiglio has gathered together and grouped a wide array of facts and 
 statistics, and they speak for themselves."— SpSaler. 
 
 38. Collectivism and Socialism. By A. Nacquet. Edited by W. Hbatobd. 
 
 " An admirable criticism by a well-known French politician of the New Socialism 
 of Marx and I^salle."— fleiiij/ Chronicle. 
 
SOCIAL SCIENCE SERIES '(Continued). 
 
 39. The London Programme. Sidney Webb, LL.B. 
 
 " Brimful of excellent ideas."— ArUi-Jaeobiik 
 
 10. The Modern State. Paul Leroy Bbaulieu. 
 
 "A most interesting book; well worth a place in the library ol every social 
 inquirer."—^. B, Jscunomist. 
 
 11. The Condition of Labour. Henby Geobqe. 
 
 " Written with striking ability, and sure to attract attention."— iVeuicas£2e Chronicle. 
 
 12. The Revolutionary Spirit preceding the French Revolution. 
 
 Felix Eocquain. With a Preface by Professor Huxley. 
 " The student of the French Eevolution will find in it an excellent introduction to 
 the study of that catastrophe."— A'coisMau. 
 
 13. The Student's Marx. Edwakd Aveling, D.Se. 
 
 "One of the most practically useful of any in the Series." — Giaagow Herald. 
 
 14. A Short History ot Parliament. B. C. Skottowe, M.A. (Oxon.). 
 
 " Deals very carefully ami completely with this side of constitntional history."— 
 Spectator. 
 
 15. Poverty : Its Genesis and Exodus. J. G. Godabd. 
 
 "He states the problems with great force and clearness."— J^. B. Bco-aomist. 
 
 46. The Trade Policy of Imperial Federation. Maurice H. Hervey. 
 
 " An interesting contribution to the discussion. '—Publishers' Circular. 
 
 47. The Dawn of Radicalism. J. Bowles Daly, LL.D. 
 
 " Forms an admirable picture of an epoch more pree;nant, perhaps, with political 
 instruction than any other in the world's history "—i>ai(!/ Telegrapli,. 
 
 18. The Destitute Alien in Great Britain. Arnold White; Montague Cbackan- 
 
 THOKPE, Q.C. ; W. A. M'Arthub, M.P.; W. H. Wilkins, &o. 
 "Much valuable infurmation concerning a burning question of the dsiy."— Times. 
 
 19. Illegitimacy and the Influence of Seasons on Conduct. 
 
 Albert Leffingwell, M.D. 
 We have not often seen a work based on statistics which is more continuously 
 interesting." — tVestininster iteview. 
 
 50. Commercial Crises of the Nineteenth Century. H. M. Hyndman. 
 
 "One of the best and most permanently useful volumes of the Series."— tieerorj/ 
 Opinion. 
 
 51. The State and Pensions in Old Age. J. A. Spender and Arthur Acland, M.P. 
 
 " A careful and cautious examination of the question."— Times. 
 
 52. The Fallacy of Saving. John M. Eobertson. 
 
 " A plea lor the reorganisation of our social and industrial system "Speaker. 
 
 53. The Irish Peasant. Anon. 
 
 'A real contribution to the Irish Problem by a close, patient and dispassionate 
 investigator."— ZJaiiy Chronicle. 
 
 54. The Effects of Machinery on Wages. Prof. J. S. Nicholson, D.So. 
 
 " Ably reasoned, clearly stated, impartially written."— iiierari/ World, 
 
 65. The Social Horizon. Anon. 
 
 "A really admirable little book, bright, clear, and unconventional."— Bajjj/ 
 Chronicle. 
 
 66. Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Frederick Enqels. 
 
 "The body of the book is still fresh and striking."— Dai7i/ Chronicle. 
 
 57. Land Nationalisation. A. B. Wallace. 
 
 " The most instructive and convincing of the popular works on the subject."— 
 Ifaticfiul Meformer. 
 
 58. The Ethic of Usury and Interest. Eev. W. Blissaed. 
 
 " The work is marked by genuine ability."— A'orfft British Agriculturalist. 
 
 59. The Emancipation of Women. Adele Cbepaz. 
 
 " By far the most comprehensive, luminous, and penetrating work on this question 
 that I have yet met vrith."— Extract from Mr. Gladstone's Prtface. 
 
 60. The Eight Hours' Question. John M. Bobebtson. 
 
 "A very cogent and sustained argument on what is at present the unpopular 
 side." — Tillies. 
 
 61. Drunkenness. Geoege E. Wilson, M.B. 
 
 " Well written, carefully reasoned, free from cant, and full of sound sense."— 
 National Observer. 
 
 62. The New Reformation. Bamssen Balmfobth. 
 
 " A striking presentation of the nascent religion, how best to realize the personal 
 and social ide&\."—Weslminsler Reviaii. 
 
 63. The Agricultural Labourer. T. E. Eebbel. 
 
 "A short summary of his position, with appendices on wages, education, allot- 
 ments, etc., etc." 
 
 64. Ferdinand Lassalle as a Social Reformer. E. Bernstein. 
 
 " A worthy addition to the Social Science Series."— ffortft British Economist. 
 
SOCIAL SCIENCE aEmES— (Continued). 
 
 65. Sngland'a Foreign. Trade In XlXthCentiuy. A. Ii. Bowlbt. 
 
 '"FuU-of valuable informatioo, carefully compiled/'— IVmef. 
 ' 66. Theory and Policy of Labour Protection. Dr. ScHAFru. 
 
 "An attempt to systematize a. conservative programme of reform." — Maru Guard. 
 67. History of Rochdale Pioneers. G. 3. Holyoake. 
 
 " Brought down from 1811 to the Bochdale Congress of 1892."— Co-Op. Umii. 
 68. ' Ri|hts of Women. M. OiSTBAOOBSKi. 
 
 ' "An admirable storehouse of precedents, conveniently axta-ngud."— Daily Chron. 
 
 69. Dwellings of the People. Locku Wobthingtom. 
 
 "A valuable contribution to one of the most pressing proMems of the day." — 
 Saily Chronicle. 
 
 70. Hours, Wages, and Production. Dr. Bbentano. 
 
 "Characterised by all Professor Brentano's clearness of style." — Economic Seviev. 
 
 71. Rise of Modern Democracy. Ch. BoBaEADD. 
 
 "A very useful little volume, characterised by exact research." — Daily Chronielt. 
 
 72. Land Sysjiems of Australasia. Wu. Eppb. 
 
 "Exceedingly valuable at the present time of depression and difficulty." — 
 Scots. Mag. 
 
 ■ 73. The Tyranny of Socialism. Y 'es Guvot. Pref. by J. H. Lbvt. 
 
 " M. Guyot is smart, lively, trencliant, and interesting.^'— i>ui{^ Chronicle. 
 74. Population and the Social System. Dr. Nitb, 
 
 "A very valuable work of an Italian economist."— IPett. Set. 
 ' 76. The Labour Question. T. G. Sptebb, 
 
 " Will be found extremely useful."— Timej. 
 
 76. British Freewomsn, G. C. Stopeb. 
 
 "The most complete study of the Women's Suffrage qnestion." —English Worn. Rn. 
 
 77. Suicide anb Insanity. Dr. J. K. Strahan. 
 
 " An interestestitlg monograph dealing exha«stively with the subject."- iRmw. 
 
 78. A History of Tithes. Rev. H. W. Claeki. 
 
 " May be recoramendecl to all who desire an accurate idea of the subject." — D. Chron. 
 
 79. Three Months in a Workshop. P. Gohbe, with Pref. by Prof. Ei.Y. 
 
 " A vivid picture of the statt of mind of German workmen."— ilfatwrA. Guard. 
 
 80. Darwinism and Race Progress. . Prof. J. B. Hayoeapt. 
 
 " An interesting subject treated in an attractive fashion." — Glasgow Herald. 
 
 ■ 81. Local Taxation and Finance. G. H. Bluhsbh. 
 
 82. Perils to British Trade. E. BuBOis. 
 
 83. The Social Contract, J. J. Buusseau. Edited by H. J. Tozeb. 
 81 Labour upon the Land. Edited by J. A. Hobson, M.A. 
 
 85. Moral Pathology. Abthub E. Giles, M.D., B.Sc. 
 
 86. Parasitism, Organic and Social. Massabt and Vanoebtbldi. 
 
 DOUBLE VOLUMES, Each 3S. 6cl. 
 
 1. Life of Robert Ovren. Lloyd Johbb. 
 
 " A worthy record of a life of noble activities."— JtfantrAeafer Sxamiiter. 
 
 2. The Impossibility of Socia' Democracy . a Second Part of " The Qnintesseno* 
 
 of Socialism ". Dr. A. Schafple. 
 
 " Bxtremely valuable as a criticism of Social Democracy." — trUer. Jour, of Ethia. 
 
 ■ S, The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1841, Fbedebick Enoelb. 
 
 " A translation of a work written in 1815, with a preface written in 1892." 
 
 4. The Principles of Social Economy. Yves Guyot. 
 
 "An interestiu*; and suggestive work "—SpectOitor. 
 6. Social Peace. Di. Schulze-Gaevebnitz. Edited by Gb^iham-Wajlleb. 
 
 " A study by a competent observer of the industrial movement." — TiTJiM. 
 6. Handbook of Socialism. W. D. F. Bliss. 
 
 SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., LONDON. 
 
 NEW YOBK: CHARLES SGRIBNER'S SONS. 
 
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