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HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN 
 COINS 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES 
 TO THE REIGN OF AUGUSTUS 
 
 DESCRIBED BY 
 
 G. F. HILL, M.A. 
 
 (OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM) 
 
 WITH FIFTEEN PLATES 
 
 LONDON 
 
 CONSTABLE & CO LTD 
 
 1909 
 
7/3 $/£ 
 
 BRADBURY, AGNEW, & CO. LD-, PRIHTERSj 
 
 LONDON AND TONBRIDGE 
 
PREFACE 
 
 This volume is intended as a companion to 
 Historical Greek Coins, published three years ago. 
 
 The evidence afforded by Roman coins as to the 
 course of Roman history is of two kinds. The first, 
 and the more valuable, is contemporary evidence ; the 
 historian has to extract from the extant coins such 
 information as they provide concerning the circum- 
 stances in which they were cast or struck. But, 
 owing to the commemorative habit, which was strong 
 in the Roman race, a certain number of coins illustrate 
 the history of a period which was past when they were 
 issued. Such pieces give us evidence less trustworthy 
 than the first kind, although not infrequently there is 
 less opportunity of error in the interpretation of their 
 meaning. But they are incidentally of interest as 
 indicating the state of opinion which prevailed at the 
 time when they were issued. A case in point is the 
 coin, struck in the first century B.C., commemorating 
 the mission of Lepidus to Egypt at the end of the 
 third century. However, in the selection of coins for 
 this volume, preference has naturally been given to 
 pieces of the contemporary kind. 
 
 The dry, matter-of-fact temperament of the Romans 
 
 v 
 
PEEFACE 
 
 is naturally reflected in their coinage. The artist is 
 seldom carried away by any flight of artistic imagina- 
 tion from his immediate purpose, which is to provide 
 a convenient medium of exchange ; his, allegories and 
 his symbolism tend to be crude and frigid ; his 
 references to events are, as far as possible, direct and 
 pointed. One cannot imagine a Greek of the fifth or 
 fourth century proclaiming to the world, with the 
 help of an inscription, that his coins were issued u for 
 the purchase of corn." As for artistic conception and 
 execution, traces of good style are here and there 
 faintly perceptible in the earliest coinage, where it 
 was under Greek influence. Towards the end of the 
 Eepublic the workmanship improves, and the coins 
 provide a certain number of striking portraits. But 
 even the best Greek engravers employed during the 
 Augustan age seldom succeed in producing a reverse 
 design that has any merit as a work of art. 
 
 In Eoman numismatics, therefore, the pursuit of 
 the truth is deprived of some of the attractions which 
 the study of Greek coins presents. But there is no 
 lack of sport, for anyone who is interested in the 
 interpretation of obscure types, or in the reconciliation 
 of confused or corrupt passages in Eoman historians 
 or antiquaries with the evidence of the coins. 
 
 Until recently the history of the earliest Eoman 
 coinage has been involved in the utmost obscurity. 
 But the distinguished scholar and collector, Dr. E. J. 
 vi 
 
PEEFACE 
 
 Haeberlin of Frankfurt, in the most remarkable con- 
 tribution that has been made in recent years to any 
 branch of numismatics, has thrown a flood of light on 
 the subject, atid shown how much in the coinage that 
 has seemed unintelligible and chaotic is, when properly 
 interpreted, a clear and orderly development, marching 
 side by side with the progress of Borne as a power in 
 Italy and in the ancient world. 
 
 In the period following the introduction of the 
 denarius, the arrangement of the coinage presents 
 problems of a different kind, soluble rather by minute 
 and patient comparison and classification than by the 
 exercise of the historical imagination. In this field 
 the work that was done by Count J. F. W. de Salis, 
 although almost unknown even to professional numis- 
 matists, is of extraordinary importance. The whole 
 of the vast Roman and Byzantine collection in the 
 British Museum was arranged by him in the light of 
 his unrivalled knowledge and experience. Enormous 
 quantities of coins, singly or in hoards, passed 
 through the hands of this indefatigable collector, and 
 his eye for fabric and style seems to have become 
 almost infallible. The trays of the British Museum 
 collection have long preserved, in their arrangement, 
 almost the only record of his work ; for he seems to 
 have been singularly averse to publication. Of late, 
 however, his services to Byzantine numismatics have 
 been duly acknowledged by Mr. Wroth, in the Preface 
 
 vii 
 
PEEFACE 
 
 to his Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in 
 the British Museum. And his still more important 
 work on the Eepnblican period will be embodied in 
 the forthcoming British. Museum Catalogue of Roman 
 Republican Coins y by Mr. H. A. Grueber. 
 
 The fact that, by Mr. Grueber' s kindness, I have 
 been able during the preparation of this volume to 
 consult the proof-sheets of his Catalogue, so far as it 
 had advanced, has made my task very much less 
 troublesome than it might have been. But this bald 
 statement by no means expresses the amount of my 
 debt to his unfailing kindness and readiness to place 
 his knowledge at my disposal in difficult questions of 
 arrangement and interpretation. Eeferences to the 
 forthcoming Catalogue are, where possible, inserted 
 after the descriptions of the coins. 
 
 Mr. George Macdonald also, with characteristic 
 generosity, undertook to read not merely the proofs, 
 but the even less attractive manuscript of the book. 
 Those who know his published work need not be told 
 that his criticisms have been invaluable. 
 
 I have also, as usual, to thank the authorities of the 
 Berlin and Paris Cabinets, especially Dr. K. Eegling, 
 M. A. Dieudonn^ and M. J. de Foville, for kindly 
 providing casts of certain coins not represented in the 
 British Museum. 
 
 G. F. HILL. 
 
 January^ 1909. 
 
 vni 
 
GLOSSARY 
 
 OF SOME TECHNICAL TERMS USED IN THE TEXT 
 
 Aes grave : the early heavy circular coinage of bronze of Rome and 
 
 Italy. See p. 11. 
 Aes rude : the amorphous lumps of bronze used as currency in Italy 
 
 before the introduction of coinage proper. See pp. 13, 14. 
 Aes sign at um : a term applied to the large quadrilateral "bricks" 
 
 issued by the Roman mint. See p. 13. 
 As : a bronze coin originally corresponding in weight to the libra or 
 
 pound ; afterwards reduced. See p. 6 and passim. 
 Attic Standard : see Euboic- Attic. 
 Aureus : a gold coin, usually equivalent to 25 denarii. See Nos. 51, 
 
 55, 56, 58, etc. 
 
 Bigatus : a coin of which the type is a two-horse chariot. See p. (iO. 
 Blank : see Flan. 
 
 Campanian Standard : a standard derived from the Phoenician, the 
 didrachm weighing 7*76 grammes (later reduced to 6*82 grammes). 
 
 Canting Type or Symbol : a type or symbol which indicates, by 
 means of a pun, the person or state to which it refers, as the 
 flamen's cap of Flamininus. 
 
 Cast Coins : see Struck. 
 
 Coin : a piece of metal (or, exceptionally, some other convenient 
 material) artificially shaped and marked with a sign or type as a 
 guarantee of its quality and weight, and issued by some 
 responsible authority, to serve primarily as a medium of exchange, 
 in terms of which the value of exchangeable commodities can be 
 expressed. Distinguished from a token by having or being 
 supposed to have an intrinsic value more or less nearly approach- 
 ing the value imposed upon it by the issuing authority. 
 
 Countermark : a small mark impressed on a coin, usually by some 
 person other than the issuing authority, and intended to giye the 
 coin fresh currency. 
 
 ix 
 
GLOSSARY 
 
 Denarius : a silver coin equivalent originally to 10, later to 16 asses. 
 See pp. 29, 47 and passim. 
 
 Didrachm : piece of two drachms, q.v. 
 
 Die : the instrument containing the design which, by being impressed, 
 produces the type on a coin. The coin in striking was placed 
 between the upper and lower dies. The lower die in ancient times 
 was usually let into an anvil, its fellow inserted in the lower end of 
 a bar of metal, the other end of which could be struck with the 
 hammer. 
 
 Drachm : a division of the stater (q.v.), usually one-half, but in some 
 systems, as the Corinthian, one-third. Usually derived (after 
 Plutarch Lysand. 17) from SpdTT€<r6at, as representing a * * handful " 
 of obols. This is probably a popular etymology, and drachm may 
 be the same word as the Phoenician darkemon. 
 
 Dnpondius : a coin of two asses. See Nos. 4, 98. 
 
 Electrum {rjXtKTpov, kcvKos xpv<ros) '• any alloy, whether natural or 
 artificial, of gold or silver, in which there is more than twenty per 
 cent, of silver. 
 
 Euboic- Attic Standard : the standard based on a unit (stater) of 
 8*72 grammes. See Nos. 5, 6. 
 
 Exergue : that segment of the field of a coin which, lying below the 
 type, is separated from the rest of the field either by the lower 
 outline of the type itself, or by a line drawn expressly for the 
 purpose. 
 
 Fabric: the external shape and appearance given to coins by the 
 mechanism employed to cast or strike them ; distinct therefore 
 from style, which is conditioned by the artistic qualities of the 
 designer. 
 
 Field : that portion of the surface of a coin (within the border, if any) 
 which is not occupied by the type. 
 
 Plan or blank : the shaped piece of metal which is made into a coin 
 by having the necessary types impressed on it. 
 
 Libella : & scripulum in the Romano-Campanian system ; a bronze 
 coin nominally equivalent to -fa scriptdum of silver. See p. 22, 
 
 Litra: the Sicilian or Italian pound of copper or bronze; or the 
 silver coin of 0*87 gramme which was originally the equivalent 
 of the pound of copper; or the bronze token nominally repre- 
 senting the pound of copper. See No. 49. 
 
 X 
 
GLOSSAEY 
 
 Obverse : the side of a coin impressed by the lower die, which was 
 let into an anvil. Since, when one of the two types of a coin was 
 a human head, it was usually produced by the lower die, it has 
 become usual to regard the side with the head, by whichever die 
 it was produced, as the obverse. 
 
 Osco-Latin Standard : standard according to which the pound 
 weighed 272-88 grammes. See p. 6. 
 
 Quadrans : one-fourth of an as, q.v. 
 
 Quadrigatus : a coin of which the type is a four-horse chariot. See 
 
 p. 25. 
 Quinarius : a silver coin equivalent originally to 5 asses ; half the 
 
 denarius j q.v. 
 
 Reverse : the side of a coin impressed by the upper die : see Die. 
 Roman Standard : standard according to which the pound weighed 
 327 45 grammes. See p. 6. 
 
 Scripulum or scruple : sis of the Roman pound, i.e., 1*137 grammes. 
 
 See p. 17. 
 Semis : one-half of an as, q.v. 
 Semnncial Standard : standard according to which the as weighed 
 
 normally half an uncia. See No. 54. 
 Serratus : a coin with notched edges. See No. 47. 
 Sestertius : (1) a silver coin originally equivalent to 2£ asses, 
 
 i denarius, q.v. ; (2) a brass coin introduced by Augustus, equiva- 
 lent to 4 asses. See No. 97. 
 Sextans : one-sixth of an as, q.v. 
 Sextantal Standard : standard according to which the as weighed 
 
 normally a sextans or two uneiae. See p. 30. 
 Shekel : the name for the unit of weight in the Oriental coin-standards. 
 
 Cp. Stater. 
 Standard : a system of weights according to which the various 
 
 denominations of a coinage are fixed. 
 Stater : the standard or unit-coin in any system ; e.g. the Attic silver 
 
 stater was a tetradrachm of 17*44 grammes, the Attic gold stater 
 
 a didrachm of 8*72 grammes, the Corinthian silver stater a 
 
 tridrachm of 8*72 grammes. Cp. Shekel. 
 Struck Coins : coins on which the designs are produced by dies 
 
 impressed on the previously fashioned blank by blows with a 
 
 hammer ; opposed to cast coins, which are produced by the single 
 
 process of pouring molten metal into a mould. 
 
 xi 
 
GLOSSAKY 
 
 Symbol : a subsidiary type, being either (1) an attribute of the chief 
 type, as the eagle of Jupiter, or (2) — and this is the strict numis- 
 matic use of the term — independent of the chief type, and serving 
 to identify a person (as the authority responsible for the issue of 
 the coin) or a mint (where the chief types indicate not the place of 
 issue but the ruler). 
 
 Tressis : a coin of three asses. See p. 12. 
 
 Triens : one-third of an as, q.v. 
 
 Triental Standard : standard according to which the as weighed 
 normally a triens or four unciae. See p. 30. 
 
 Type : the design on a coin. In the narrower sense, the essential 
 portion of the design (as distinct from adjunct, inscription, border, 
 etc.), which is the distinguishing mark of the issuing authority 
 and guarantee of the good quality of the coin. Effigies est nummi 
 qualitas extrinseca, et signum testimonii publici (Jac. Lampadius, 
 de Natura Nummi). 
 
 Uncia : one-twelfth of an as t q.v. 
 
 Uncial Standard : standard according to which the as weighed nor- 
 mally one uncia. See p. 47. 
 
 Victoriatus : a silver coin weighing originally 3 scruples (\ denarius), 
 See pp. 35 f., 441 
 
 Xll 
 
LIST OF THE CHIEF ABBREVIATIONS 
 USED IN THE TEXT 
 
 Babelon = E. Babelon : Monnaies de la RSpubligue romaine. Paris, 
 1885, 1886. 
 
 B.M.C. = British Museum Catalogue. "Where no further title is 
 given, the volumes are those of the Catalogue of Boman Repub- 
 lican Coins, by H. A. Grueber. Otherwise a word in italics, such 
 as Italy, denotes the particular volume of the Catalogue of Greek 
 Coins referred to. 
 
 Eph. Epigr. = Epkemeris Epigrapkica (Berlin). 
 
 J.ff.S. = Journal of Hellenic Studies (London). 
 
 I. = left. Used not in the heraldic sense, but from the spectator's 
 point of view. 
 
 Mommsen -Blacas = Th. Mommsen : Histoire de la Monnaie romaine 
 (trans, by Blacas and de Witte). Paris, 1865 — 1875. 
 
 Mori. Anc. = Monumentum Ancyranum, in the second edition of 
 Mommsen (Res gestae Divi Augusti, Berlin, 1883). 
 
 Num. Chron. — Numismatic Chronicle (London). 
 
 Numism. Zeitschr, = Numismatische Zeitschrift (Vienna). 
 
 r. — right. Used not in the heraldic sense, but from the spectator's 
 point of view. 
 
 Rev. Num. = Revue Numismatique (Paris). 
 
 Zeit. f. Num. = Zeitschrift fur Numismatik (Berlin). 
 
 Xlll 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface . ... v 
 
 Glossary . . . . . ix 
 
 List of Abbreviations . . . xiii 
 
 List of Plates .... .... xvii 
 
 Historical Roman Coins : 
 
 1 — 3. The Earliest Roman Coinage: circa 338 B.C. . 1 
 
 4 — 6. The Romanization of Campania : circa 312 — 290 B.C. 10 
 
 7—12. The Final Subjection of Italy : 290—269 B.C. . . 18 
 
 13 — 19. The Inauguration of an Imperial Coinage : 268 B.C. 27 
 
 20—24. The Crisis of the First Punic War : 242 B.C. . . 37 
 
 25. The Acquisition of Corcyra : 229 B.c 44 
 
 26, 27. After Trasimene: 217 b.c 46 
 
 28. Hannibal in Capua : 216— 215 B.C. . . 50 
 
 29. M. Aemilius Lepidus and Ptolemaeus Y. : 201 B.C. . 51 
 30 — 32. Changes in the Denarius : 2nd cent. B.C. 56 
 33. C. Minucius Augurinus : circa 150 — 125 B.C. . . .62 
 
 JJ4. T. Quinctius Flamininus : circa 124 — 103 B.C. . . 65 
 
 35—39. Charters of Liberty . . ... 66 
 
 40. The Surrender of Jugurtha by Bocchus : 106 or 105 B.C. 70 
 
 41, 42. Marius and the Barbarians : 104 — 101 B.C. . . 72 
 43, 44. C. Coelius Caldus, his achievements : 107 — 94 B.C. . 75 
 
 45. The Corn Law of Saturninus : 100 B.C 79 
 
 46, 47. The Social War : 90 b.c 82 
 
 48—52. The Social War : 90—81 b.c 85 
 
 53, 54. The Lex Papiria de asse semunciali : 89 B.C. . . 89 
 
 55. Sulla in Greece : 87—84 B.C. 92 
 
 56. Pompeius in Africa : 81 b.c .94 
 
 57. The Subjection of King Aretas : 62 B.C. . . 98 
 58—60. Caesar in Rome : 49 B.C. . ... 100 
 61, 62. The Senatorial Party in the Provinces: 49 B.C. . 104 
 
 63. Caesar's Fourfold Triumph : 46 B.C. . . 107 
 
 64, 65. Corinth refounded: 44 B.C. . . . .110 
 
 XV 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 66, 67. The Murder of Caesar : 44 b.c. 
 
 68 — 71. Brutus in Asia and Macedon : 43 — 42 B.C. 
 
 72—74. The Triumvirs : Nov. 43— Dec. 38 B.C. . 
 
 75. Cassius at Rhodes : 43 b.c 
 
 76, 77. The Legates of M. Antonius in Gaul : 42—41 B.C. 
 78, 79. Sextus Pompeius in Sicily : 42 — 36 B.C. . 
 
 80. Q. Labiemis Parthicus : 40 B.C. 
 
 81, 82. The Armenian Expedition of M. Antonius : 34 B.C. 
 83, 84. Octavian's Triumph : 29 B.C. 
 85, 86. Caesar Augustus : 27 B.C. 
 87—90. The Recovery of the Standards : 20 B.C. . 
 
 91. The Province of Asia : 19 B.C. 
 
 92. Armenia Recepta : circa 19 B.C. 
 
 93. 94. The Secular Games : 17 B.C. . 
 95, 96. The Public Roads : 17 B.C. 
 
 97 — 100. The Monetary Reform of Augustus : circa 15 B.c 
 101—103. The Altar of Lyon : 10 b.c. 
 
 104. The Death of Nero Drusus : 9 B.C. 
 
 105, 106. The Senatorial Mint at Antdoch : circa 7 — 6 b.c, 
 
 107. Gams Caesar : circa 5 B.C 
 
 108. Gaius and Lucius Caesares : circa 2 B.C. 
 
 109. The Pannonian Triumph of Tiberius : a.d. 13 
 
 Index 
 
 PAGE 
 112 
 116 
 
 118 
 121 
 123 
 126 
 128 
 131 
 134 
 136 
 138 
 143 
 145 
 148 
 150 
 153 
 158 
 160 
 162 
 165 
 168 
 171 
 
 175 
 
 XVI 
 
LIST OF PLATES 
 
 Plate 
 
 I. 
 H. 
 
 ni. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Y. 
 
 VI. 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X. 
 
 XI. 
 
 XII. 
 
 xm. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Nos. 1—3 
 Nos. 4, 5 
 No. 6, obverse 
 No. 6, reverse . 
 Nos. 7, 8 . 
 Nos. 9—11 
 No. 12, obverse 
 No. 12, reverse 
 Nos. 13—27 
 Nos. 28—45 . 
 Nos. 46—60 . 
 Nos. 61—74 
 Nos. 75—88 
 Nos. 89—100 
 Nos. 101—109 
 
 at page 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 22 
 
 22 
 
 46 
 
 80 
 
 102 
 
 118 
 
 138 
 
 154 
 
 172 
 
 H.R.C. 
 
 XV11 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 THE EARLIEST ROMAN COINAGE 
 CIRCA. 338 B.C. 
 
 1. Obv. Bearded head of Janus; below, — ; all on 
 
 raised disk. 
 Rev. Prow of galley r. ; above, I ; all on raised 
 
 disk. 
 
 Bronze as (cast). 294-97 grammes (4552-08 grains). B.M.O. I., 
 p. 5, No. 1. 
 
 2. Obv. Beardless head of Hercules L, wearing lion- 
 
 skin ; behind, ••• ; all on raised disk. 
 Rev. Prow of galley r. ; below, ••• ; all on raised 
 
 disk. 
 
 Bronze quadrana (cast). 73*42 grammes (1133*04 grains). B.M.O. 
 L,p. 9, No. 46. 
 
 3. Obv. Bearded head of Mars 1., in crested helmet. 
 Rev. Head of bridled horse r. ; behind, ear of 
 
 barley; below, on raised band, ROMANO. 
 
 Silver Campanian didrachm. 7*45 grammes (115-0 grains). B.M.O. 
 II, p. 121, No. 1. 
 
 Until comparatively recent times, it was usual to 
 accept the tradition that coinage was introduced into 
 Eome as early as the regal period, and this although 
 
 H.R.C. B 2 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 some scholars, including Eckhel, the founder of numis- 
 matic study, had shown irrefutable reasons against so 
 early a date. The tradition was that King Servius was 
 the first to mark bronze with a type ; x and that the 
 type was some kind of cattle (pecus), whence was 
 derived the name pecunia. Further, sums of money 
 are mentioned in the Twelve Tables ; and we find 
 equivalents of fines in cattle fixed by the lex Iulia 
 Papiria of 430 B.C. and other early laws, such as the 
 lex Tarpeia, which equated the ox to 100 asses, the 
 sheep to 10 asses. 
 
 Now these sums of money were not necessarily 
 coins, 2 any more than were the shekels of the time of 
 Abraham ; they were merely weights of bronze. That 
 is to say, they were not pieces of metal artificially 
 shaped and officially marked with types in guarantee 
 of quality and weight. Pliny's statement, again, that 
 the type of the earliest Eoman money represented 
 cattle, is probably due to some misunderstanding of his 
 authority, or to a false inference from the etymology 
 of the word. If his authority for the statement was 
 Timaeus, whom he quotes in the previous sentence, he 
 may well have misunderstood the Greek. The only 
 early Koman coin with a type in any way corresponding 
 
 1 Plin. JSF. H. 33. 43 : Servius rex primus signavit aes, antea nidi 
 (i.e., amorphous brouze) usos Eomae Timaeus tradit. signatum est 
 nota pecudum, unde et pecunia appellata. 
 
 2 See Samwer und Bahxfeldt, Oesck. des dlteren rom. Munzwesms 
 (1883), pp. 17 f. 
 
 2 
 
PL, F 
 
 Nos. I — 3. 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 to Pliny's description is one of the quadrilateral 
 bricks which, bears the figure of an ox — a rare piece, 
 which cannot have had much currency. But there 
 is a curious parallel to Pliny's statement in the belief 
 of various Greek authorities (Plutarch, Pollux, and the 
 scholiast on Aristophanes) that the type of the earliest 
 Attic coins was an ox. It is quite possible that all 
 these statements go back to a misunderstood original. 
 Some writer perhaps was discussing the primitive 
 method of estimating values in cattle, and the substi- 
 tution for it, in later times, of a monetary medium. He 
 was taken to mean that the earliest coins actually repre- 
 sented, pictorially as well as economically, certain 
 quantities of cattle. So that Pliny may not himself 
 have been initially responsible for what must be 
 regarded as an error. " M£me dans ses b^vues," says 
 M. Theodore Eeinach, 1 " Pline n'est qu'un copiste." 
 
 The literary "authority" for the commencement of a 
 Eoman coinage earlier than the middle of the fourth 
 century cannot possibly stand against the evidence of 
 the coins themselves. Their style points unmistakably 
 to the period indicated. The type of prow on the 
 reverses is not archaic. Nor is there any subsequent 
 sign of advance in style from an archaic to a mature 
 art, such as would necessarily appear had the coinage 
 begun before the art was fully developed, as it was 
 about 400 b.c. 
 
 1 V Histoire par les Monnaies, p. 98. 
 
 B2 3 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Eome first took rank as the chief power in Italy 
 about 350 b.c. The Latin League was reorganised, 
 doubtless on terms much more favourable to Eome 
 than had been the case before, in358. In 354 she 
 made a treaty with the Samnites. By 353 she had 
 completed the subjugation of Southern Etruria. In 
 348, most important of all, came the treaty with the 
 Carthaginians. The agreement with the Samnites 
 broke down in 343, when Capua and other Campanian 
 communities threw themselves into the arms of Rome. 
 In two years the Samnites were forced to recognise 
 Eome as the suzerain of the Campanian cities. About 
 340 — 338, the Campanians, especially the Capuans, 
 received the civitas sine suffragio. The last rival to 
 Eoman supremacy on the Latin coast, the Volscian 
 Antium, whose inhabitants were famous for their 
 piratical propensities, fell at the close of the Latin 
 War, and in 338 the beaks of the Antiate battleships 
 became the ornament of the speakers' platform in the 
 Eoman forum. 1 
 
 Partly because of the prestige which it confers, but 
 still more because of the revenue which it produces, the 
 right of coinage has almost always been one of the most 
 jealously guarded prerogatives of political supremacy ; 
 and it was now imperatively necessary that Eome 
 should come into line with the other Italian states which 
 
 1 Plin. iV. H. 34. 20 : in suggestu rostra devictis Antiatibus fixerat 
 (C. Maenius) anno urbis ccccxvi. 
 
 4 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 had coined money with their own types for more than 
 a century, especially as some of these very states were 
 by this time subject to her. The earliest Eoman 
 coinage 1 is accordingly dual, consisting partly of 
 coins issued at Rome itself, partly of coins issued in 
 Campania for currency in the Campanian dominion. 
 
 In Central Italy, excepting Etruria, there had 
 hitherto been no coinage, although imported coins 
 and local uncoined bronze doubtless circulated as a 
 medium of exchange. Bronze, indeed, was, and long 
 remained, the standard metal in these parts. It stood 
 to silver in the relation of 1 to 120. At this rate, 
 one silver Campanian didrachm of 7*58 grammes 2 
 would be equivalent in value to 3j pounds, or 3 
 didrachms to 10 pounds, of bronze of the Osco-Latin 
 standard of 273 grammes to the pound. 3 This is 
 an inconvenient and clumsy relation ; but it was the 
 best that could be attained at the time, and was im- 
 proved at the first opportunity. 
 
 1 What foUows is based on Haeberlin's brochure, Systematik des 
 dltesten romischen Munzwesens (Berlin, 1905), which has revolutionised 
 our ideas of the early Eoman coinage, and produced comparative order 
 out of chaos. His theory has been attacked by A. Sambon (Vaes 
 grave italico, Milan, 1907) and M. C. Soutzo (Les lourdes monnaies de 
 bronze de Vltalie Centrale inBev. Num. 1907), but, as I think, without 
 due appreciation of the weight of his arguments. 
 
 2 This seems to have been the normal weight, although the majority 
 of the extant specimens fall below it. See Haeberlin, Die metrolo- 
 gischen Orundlagen derail, mittelitah Munzsysteme (Zeit. f. Num. xxvii.), 
 pp. 60 f. 
 
 8 120 X 7*58 = 909-60 = 3J X 273*15. 
 
 5 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 This pound or libra of 273 grammes, 1 containing 
 12 ounces or unciae, was the pound on which the 
 system of the earliest Eoman bronze was based, the 
 coin corresponding to the libra being called the as. 
 It will be noticed that the as No. 1 weighs a good 
 deal more than the normal libra. Indeed, it used to 
 be assumed that the basis of the earliest Eoman 
 coinage was the heavier ("new Eoman 5 ') pound of 
 327*45 grammes, 1 but that for some reason the coins 
 were almost always cast underweight. 2 But the aver- 
 age weight, as ascertained from more than 1100 speci- 
 mens of the as j is 2 67' 66 grammes, which, allowing for 
 the loss of weight by the circulation to which extant 
 specimens must have been subject, may well represent 
 an effective weight of 273 grammes. The excessive 
 weight of some specimens, such as No. 1, and the low 
 weight of others, must be accounted for by the rough- 
 ness of the primitive methods of regulating the 
 capacity of the moulds in which the coins were cast. 
 
 The original Eoman bronze coinage was of six 
 denominations, all bearing the prow on the reverse, 
 while on the obverse were the heads of different 
 divinities ; marks of value were placed on both sides. 
 The system was as follows : 
 
 1 On the origin of this pound and of the new Eoman pound of 
 327*45 grammes, see Haeberlin, op. citf.pp. 44 f., and Lehmann-Haupt, 
 Zeit. f. Num. xxvii., pp. 131 f. 
 
 2 The heaviest specimens seldom exceed 11 ounces of this heavier 
 pound. 
 
 6 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 As : obv. type, head of Janus ; mark of value, I. 
 
 Semis ; obv. type, bead of Jupiter ; mark of 
 value, S- 
 
 Triens : obv. type, bead of Minerva ; mark of 
 value, ••••. 
 
 Quadrans : obv. type, head of Hercules ; mark of 
 value, ••• . 
 
 Sextans : obv. type, bead of Mercurius ; mark of 
 value, ••. 
 
 Uheia : obv. type, bead of Bellona ; mark oi 
 value, •. 
 
 Janus, as the god of beginnings, leads the series, 
 just as bis month leads the year. 1 "Juno Moneta," 
 it will be noticed, is conspicuous by her absence. 
 How is this to be explained ? 
 
 It must be remembered that during this period, 
 in spite of the general advance, and whatever later 
 Roman historians may say, the course of Rome's 
 fortunes was not marked by unbroken prosperity. It 
 is, indeed, probable that, when the Romans entered 
 into their first treaty with Carthage, so far from the 
 Carthaginians making overtures, 2 the Romans were 
 themselves in need of assistance ; in other words, of 
 money. It is significant 3 that the goddess Moneta 
 
 1 Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 182. 
 
 2 Liv. vii. 27 : Cum amicitiam ac societatem petentes venissent 
 ( Carthaginienses) . 
 
 8 On this subject, see Assmann's ingenious speculations in Klio, vi., 
 pp. 477 ff. 
 
 7 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 is first mentioned in connexion with a battle against 
 the Aurunci in the year 345, when L. Furius Camillus 
 invoked her aid. The temple which he vowed to her 
 was built and dedicated on the Capitol in 344. 1 
 
 It is generally supposed that the connexion of 
 the mint with the temple of Juno Moneta on the 
 Capitol dates only from the third century. 3 But the 
 evidence to this effect is inadequate. Whether we 
 accept or reject the ingenious theory which explains 
 the Latin word moneta as a corruption of the Punic 
 machanath ("camp"), a legend inscribed on one 
 of the most important currencies circulating in the 
 Western Mediterranean in the fourth century, 3 is of 
 no importance for our present purpose. There can 
 be little doubt that moneta gave rather than owed its 
 name to the goddess. Moneta is the personification 
 of money ; and if the idea she embodies was of 
 Carthaginian origin, we can understand why she 
 became identified with Juno. 4 We may take it, 
 therefore, that the Roman mint was from the first 
 
 1 Liv. vii. 28. 
 
 2 Marquardt, Eomische Btaatsverw., ii. p. 11. Suidas, $.v. Mojito, 
 says that the Romans, being short of money in the war against 
 Pyrrhus, obtained it by following the counsel of Moneta, the 
 "Adviser," in gratitude to whom they vowed to establish their mint 
 in the temple of the goddess. This story is partly due to the false 
 etymology from monere. 
 
 8 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, pp. 143 E, 
 
 A Vergil, Aen. i. 671 : Iunonia hospitia. The Carthaginian goddess 
 is really Astarte. 
 
 8 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 attached to the temple on the Capitol. But in this 
 still comparatively conservative period, it is not to be 
 expected that the Eomans should represent on their 
 coinage a deity who was a somewhat unsubstantial 
 personification. 
 
 The coins struck at the mint of Capua (possibly also 
 at other Campanian mints, although these cannot have 
 been important) consist of silver didrachms and librae 
 (each ^th of a didrachm), and of bronze coins used 
 as small change. This bronze money — like most 
 bronze in the Greek as opposed to the Italian world — 
 was mere token money; its weight does not corre- 
 spond to its nominal value. The types of the Capuan 
 coins are various. Besides those of No. 3 we have 
 the head of Apollo, or of the young Hercules, a horse 
 and star, or the wolf and twins, on the silver, and 
 other types on the bronze coins. Some of them 
 are difficult to explain. The horse's bust may have 
 been suggested by a similar device on some of the 
 Carthaginian coins mentioned above. 1 The horse and 
 star together may represent the Dioscuri, who after- 
 wards appear on the first silver coinage struck in 
 Rome itself (Nos. 13 — 15). The inscription on these 
 Capuan coins takes the Campanian or Oscan form 
 ROMANO, corresponding to forms like CALENO, 
 
 1 Hill , Coins of Ancient Sicily, Plate x., 6. This itself reminds us 
 of the omen which decided the choice of the site of Carthage (Vergil, 
 Am. i. 442). 
 
 9 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 SVESANO, found on autonomous coins of the cities 
 of Campania. 1 
 
 The first stage of the Koman coinage lasted down 
 to 314 or 312, when the Samnite attempts to wrest 
 Campania from the Eomans were finally defeated, a 
 dangerous revolt in Capua itself was crushed, and the 
 Via Appia, connecting Home with Capua, completed. 
 
 The Bomanization of Campania. 
 Circa 312—290 B.C. 
 
 4. Obv. Head of Roma r., wearing Phrygian 
 
 helmet ; behind, II- all on raised disk. 
 Rev. Archaic wheel of six spokes ; between two 
 of them, II; all on raised disk. 
 
 Cast bronze dwpondius. 600*24 grammes (9263 grains). B.M.O. 
 Italy, p. 53, No. 1. 
 
 5. Obv. Head of Roma r., wearing Phrygian 
 
 helmet; behind, a cornucopiee. 
 Rev. Victory fastening a taenia to a palm branch ; 
 behind, ROMANO; in front, y. 
 
 Silver didrachm. 6*62 grammes (102*2 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 126, 
 
 No. 36. 
 
 6. Obv. Eagle to front, displayed, holding thunder- 
 
 bolt in its talons. 
 
 1 E. S. Conway, however (Italic Dialects, i. p. 144), thinks this form, 
 in the inscriptions where Latin letters are employed, may be Latin. 
 
 10 
 
Nos. 4, 5- 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 Rev. Pegasus galloping 1 ; below, [r]OMAIMOM 
 
 Cast bronze "brick,' 1389*63 grammes (21445 grains). B.M.C. 
 L, p. 3, No. 2. 
 
 The second stage in the development of the Eoman 
 coinage is marked by a great extension of the functions 
 of the Capuan mint. 1 At Eome itself little change 
 seems to have taken place. Only the mark of value 
 disappears from the obverse of the as ; towards the 
 end of the period the lowest denomination (uncia) is 
 discontinued, and the prow is turned to the left instead 
 of to the right. These changes are insignificant. 
 But in Campania, in addition to four issues of silver 
 didrachms (such as No. 5), not to mention drachms 
 and small bronze, which continue with modifications 
 the issues of the previous period, we now find certain 
 series of heavy bronze or aes grave (such as No. 4), 
 certain single issues of bar-money or quadrilateral 
 " bricks " (such as No. 6), and also perhaps even gold 
 coins. But the gold issues more probably began for 
 the first time in the next period (No. 11). 
 
 The silver didrachm of this series 2 weighs 
 6-82 grammes normal, and is the equivalent of 
 
 1 The dating and historical interpretation of the coins described in 
 this section, as in the preceding and in the following, are in aU 
 essentials due to Haeberlin's Systematic. 
 
 a The T on Tne reverse is a series mark, employed by the mint 
 officials to distinguish the various dies, or batches of coins. In this 
 series, beginning -with A, the marks run right through the Greek 
 alphabet and then begin again with AA and once more exhaust the 
 alphabet to nn. 
 
 li 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 6 silver scruples or scripida of Koman weight. At 
 the rate of 120 to 1 the didrachm would correspond 
 in value to 3 asses of bronze, 1 and it is significant that 
 the highest known denomination of the series of coins 
 to which No. 4 belongs is not an as, but a tressis or 
 piece of 3 asses. The connexion of this wheel-series 
 (as, from the constant reverse type, it is called) of 
 aes grave with the silver series is further established 
 by the community of obverse types, and by other 
 smaller points of contact. The connexion of the quad- 
 rilateral bricks with the silver is less certain, but may 
 be regarded as probable. On the brick No. 6 is the 
 inscription ROMANOM. It can therefore hardly be 
 later than this first issue of silver (No. 5) in this 
 period, for the subsequent issues have not ROMANO 
 or ROMANOM, but ROMA. On all the other 
 varieties of bricks the inscription is wanting. This 
 brick (No. 6) might, it has been urged, equally well 
 belong to the first period of the Eoman coinage. 3 
 Such an arrangement, however, would leave the first 
 issue of silver in the present period without any 
 corresponding brick ; whereas, on the system described 
 above, each of the four issues of silver in this period 
 would have its corresponding brick. 
 
 The helmet worn by Koma — for that Eoma is 
 
 1 6-82 X 120 = 818-40 == 3 X 272*80. 
 
 2 Regling, in Klio % vi. p. 500. 
 
 12 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 intended admits of no doubt 1 — is of the u Phrygian n 
 type ; it is crested, and its point ends in a small 
 griffin's head. This form of helmet seems to convey 
 an allusion to the legendary foundation of Eome by 
 exiles from Troy. It has already been suggested that 
 the reverse type of the earliest Eomano-Campanian 
 didrachm (the horse's head) may have been inspired 
 by a Carthaginian model. And here again our Eoman 
 type reminds us, though somewhat faintly, of the fine 
 head of a queen wearing a tiara (not a helmet) of 
 Asiatic form, on certain other Carthaginian pieces. 2 
 The Victory, as symbolical of the continued advance 
 of the Roman power, is obviously appropriate to the 
 occasion of issue. 
 
 The reverse type of the new aes grave of the Capuan 
 mint — a wheel — has been ingeniously explained as 
 a symbol of the internal communication which was 
 established between Eome and Capua by the comple- 
 tion of the Appian Way. It thus forms a sort of 
 parallel to the prow on the Eoman aes grave, which 
 symbolized the newly acquired command of the sea. 3 
 
 The quadrilateral brick is one of a class of pieces 
 which numismatists have as a rule conspired to call 
 aes signatum, keeping the term aes grave for the 
 circular coins, while the most primitive amorphous 
 
 1 See Haeberlin in Corolla Numismatica (1906), pp. 135 ff!., p. ]46, etc. 
 
 2 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, pi. x. 7. 
 
 3 Haeberlin, Systematise, p. 32, where an analogy from an imperial 
 coin is quoted, 
 
 13 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 metal currency is called aes rude. To the last term 
 no exception whatever can be taken. But, strictly 
 speaking, any aes marked with a type — whatever its 
 form — is signatum. Since, as we now know, the 
 quadrilateral pieces did not belong to the earliest 
 period of Roman coinage, the restriction to them of 
 the term aes signatum is even less justifiable than it 
 was when they were supposed to represent the tran- 
 sition from the amorphous to the circular coins. 
 
 On the piece at present before us the eagle, as 
 the attribute of Jupiter and the symbol of Roman 
 sovereignty, 1 has a general appropriateness. Of the 
 Pegasus, on the other hand, no certain explanation 
 has been offered. The Romans must recently have 
 become familiar with it as a coin-type, for " Pegasi " 
 on the Corinthian model 2 had been struck in large 
 quantities since the middle of the fourth century at 
 the South Italian city of Locri and at Syracuse, and 
 in less numbers at small mints, such as Mesma and 
 Rhegium in Bruttium and Leontini in Sicily. Roman 
 relations with the eastern shores of the Adriatic were 
 not as yet very close, but the " Pegasi " of the various 
 mints in that part of the world, and of Corinth itself, 
 must have been common in Italy. This, then, may 
 have suggested the type. If so, it is improbable that 
 it has any special mythological significance here. 
 
 1 This idea, however, may be of later origin. 
 
 2 See Hist. Or. Cains, pp. 85 f. 
 
 14 
 
PL. Iff 
 
 O 
 2 
 
pl. /r 
 
HISTOEXCAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 These < l bricks, ' ' regarded as money, are only- 
 surpassed in awkwardness 1 by the enormous bronze 
 coins of necessity issued in Sweden in comparatively 
 modern times. But were they really coins after all ? 
 The weights of the extant specimens vary from 1830 
 to 1142 grammes. They never, like the contempo- 
 rary circular money, bear marks of value. They 
 very frequently occur in fragments, having been, it 
 seems, deliberately broken. It is doubtful, therefore, 
 whether they were actual money. It has been sug- 
 gested 2 that they were issued by the mint to serve all 
 purposes hitherto served by the aes rude and the type- 
 less bars of metal, except the one purpose of monetary 
 exchange. Bronze was used, for instance, to dedicate 
 to the gods, or to place with the dead to furnish them 
 with means for their journey into the other world, or 
 to supply their needs when arrived there ; it played a 
 part in various legal acts, such as emtio-venditio per 
 aes et libram. An alternative suggestion 3 is that they 
 were issued as a sort of raw material, which could be 
 used in large payments together with ordinary circular 
 bronze. The types impressed upon them would serve 
 to guarantee the quality of the metal of which they 
 
 1 We are reminded of the passage in Livy (iv. 60) in which the 
 Romans are described as aes grave plauatris ad aerarium convehentes, 
 because argentum signatum did not yet exist. This was when the 
 military pay was introduced in the Volscian War at the end of the 
 fifth century, i.e., before the Romans had any coined money at all ! 
 
 2 Haeberlin, op. cit., pp. 56 f. 
 
 8 Regling in Klio, ut sup., p. 501. 
 
 15 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 were made. Of course the scales would still be 
 necessary. There is ample evidence that in the Middle 
 Ages bars of metal, stamped and issued officially by 
 various mints, were used together with ordinary 
 coins ; and it is not improbable that the Eoman gold 
 bars of the end of the third and the fourth century of 
 our era often played a similar part. Nevertheless, it 
 must not be forgotten that these bars, both in late 
 Eoman and in mediseval times, were made of the 
 more precious metals then in circulation. Whereas, 
 when the bronze bricks were used, we know that an 
 official silver coinage existed. Thus, since, in the 
 period which we are now considering, the silver 
 didrachm was worth three asses, a couple of such 
 didrachms would have more than served the purpose, 
 from the point of view of exchange value, of one of 
 these unwieldy bricks. It is possible to urge that in 
 some of the central districts the silver Eomano-Cam- 
 panian coinage would perhaps be scarce ; that, if the 
 aes grave issued at the Capuan mint was intended 
 specially for the Latin district, the Capuan silver 
 
 would be more or less restricted to Campania. We 
 
 j. 
 
 may also be reminded of the fact that, in the sacred 
 well at Vicarello, heaps of the struck Eomano-Cam- 
 panian bronze occurred together with all sorts of 
 bronze coins, 1 but no Eomano-Campanian silver. 
 
 For the significance of the fact that the Eomano -Campanian money 
 circulated farther north, see Haeberlin in Zeit. f. Num. xxvi. p. 235. 
 
 16 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 This, however, proves little, for silver is seldom found 
 in sacred deposits, 1 It must, at the same time, be 
 admitted that Eomano-Campanian silver rarely occurs 
 in hoards from Central Italy, although the struck 
 bronze of the same class does so frequently. 2 The 
 question of the use of the " bricks " must, therefore, 
 for the present, be left open ; we cannot disprove the 
 theory that they may have been used in large pay- 
 ments, but the theory that they served ceremonial 
 purposes is by far the most plausible that has yet 
 been advanced. It is just in such usages that we 
 should look for the survival of a somewhat clumsy 
 and inconvenient form. 
 
 In the coinage of this period, even as thus briefly 
 outlined, we see a striking reflection of the gradual 
 Eomanization of Campania and Latium. The silver 
 is issued on a Roman standard, based on the scruple 
 of 1*137 grammes, which is the equivalent of half a 
 pound of bronze. The relation between the bronze 
 and silver coinage becomes convenient and har- 
 monious, the incongruity of the preceding period being 
 abolished. The apparently Campanian genitive 
 ROMANO is superseded, after the first issue, by 
 
 1 Mommsen-Blacas, Hist, de la Monn. rom. L, p. 174. 
 
 2 The statements of Marchi and Tessieri (L'aes grave del Mm. 
 Kircheriano, p. 66) are somewhat vague in regard to the metal of the 
 coins from "New Latium," and in the other hoards mentioned by 
 A. Sambon (Uaes grave Italico, pp. 11, 12) the Romano-Campanian 
 issues represented are all of bronze. 
 
 H.B.C. 17 
 
HISTOKICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 ROMA. The personification of Eoma herself appears 
 as the leading type. At least one of the other types 
 conveys a direct allusion to the binding together of 
 Rome and Capua by the Appian "Way. 
 
 It is perhaps more than a coincidence that, as 
 Haeberlin reminds us, the year of the censorship of 
 the greatest Roman of the age, Appius Claudius 
 Caecus, is the year to which, on independent grounds, 
 the reform of the Capuan mint can best be assigned. 
 It is clear that a far-reaching reform like this could 
 not have been instituted without his consent ; and it 
 is reasonable to suppose that the man who joined 
 Capua to Rome by road also helped to consolidate 
 the young Roman empire by the highly important 
 economic measure which we have just discussed. 
 
 the final subjection of italy. 
 290—269 b.c. 
 
 7. Obv. Head of BellonaL, wearing crested Athenian 
 
 helmet ; behind, • 
 Rev. Prow r. ; above, ROMA ; below, • 
 
 Bronze uncia, 13'48 grammes (208 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 22, 
 No. 91. 
 
 8. Obv. Head of beardless Janus on raised disk ; 
 
 above, I. 
 Rev. Head of Mercurius 1. in winged petasus, on 
 raised disk; above, |. 
 
 Oast bronze as. 339*25 grammes (5235'4 grains). British Museum 
 (Parkes Weber gift). 
 
 18 
 
PL. V 
 
 '- . 
 
 '■■■ > " v* ■ 
 
 ■ : 
 
 ^c 
 
 Nos. 7, 8. 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 9. Obv. Head of Apollo r., hair bound with diadem, 
 
 on raised disk ; [above, |]. 
 Rev. Similar type 1. ; above, I. 
 
 Cast bronze as. 346*02 grammes (5340 grains). B.M.C. Italy, 
 p. 51, No. 1. 
 
 10. Obv. Head of Janus, beardless, laureate. 
 
 Rev. Jupiter, with thunderbolt and sceptre, in 
 four-horse chariot r., driven by Victory ; 
 below, in sunk letters on a raised tablet, 
 ROMA. 
 
 Silver quadrigalus didrachm. 6*52 grammes (100*6 grains). B.M.C. 
 II., p. 133, No. 90. 
 
 11. Obv. Similar type to No. 10 ; below, XXX. 
 
 Rev. Two soldiers taking an oath over the body 
 of a pig, held by a kneeling attendant ; 
 below, ROMA. 
 
 G-old piece of 30 asses. 4*47 grammes (69 grains). British Museum. 
 
 12. Obv. Elephant r. 
 Rev. Sow 1. 
 
 Cast bronze " brick." 1746*49 grammes (26952 grains). B.M.C 
 Italy, p. 62, No. 1. 
 
 The Samnites, whose power was broken at the battle 
 of Sentinum in 295 B.C., continued the struggle 
 against Eome until they were forced to conclude 
 peace in 290. The third phase of the early Eoman 
 coinage is probably to be dated approximately from 
 this time. The introduction of the denarius in 269 or 
 268 gives us the lower limit. 
 
 The first historical fact which we must bear in 
 
 c2 19 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 mind is the establishment by Rome of an effectual 
 control over the whole of Central Italy. By 283 the 
 Sabine country had been annexed, colonies like Hatria 
 established on the Adriatic coast, and the Kelts, who 
 threatened from the North, decisively defeated. 
 Secondly, this settlement was followed by a displace- 
 ment of the forces towards the South. The bar- 
 barians of Central Italy began to press hardly on 
 the Greek cities of Magna Graecia. The Eomans, 
 urged to interfere, effectively restored order, estab- 
 lished garrisons in Locri and other cities, and drove 
 the Tarentines, jealous of their position, into war. 
 The success of Eome in the struggle with Tarentum 
 and Pyrrhus left her mistress of practically the whole 
 of Italy. 
 
 This is a period, then, of transition. Out of a state, 
 powerful indeed, but still not so powerful that other 
 Italian states can only despair of success in a struggle 
 with her, Eome is developing into the undisputed 
 ruler of the peninsula. The coinage likewise passes 
 through a transitory phase : various experiments seem 
 to be made ; the system is complicated, half-hearted, 
 and lacks uniformity ; and it is only after more than 
 twenty years of this unsatisfactory state of things that 
 Eome takes the heroic step of sweeping aside her 
 rivals in the coinage. She issues her own silver, 
 which henceforth— with but few exceptions — is the 
 only silver currency of Italy. 
 20 
 
PL. VI 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nos. 9 — it. 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 The first innovation in the coinage of the Roman 
 mint which attracts our notice in this period is a 
 reduction in the weight of the as. Opinions vary 
 much as to the degree of this reduction. The actual 
 weights of the asses of this "older reduction" vary 
 from 156*65 to 99*60 grammes, with an average of 
 131-23 grammes. The semisses vary from 89*50 to 
 57*96 grammes, with an average of 73*16 grammes. 1 
 If we are to suppose that there was throughout this 
 period a normal weight for the as, and that the old 
 Osco-Latin pound was still in use, we are almost 
 hound to accept the view that the weight was 136*5 
 grammes, i.e., half the old libra. The new as would 
 then be the equivalent of the scruple of silver. But, 
 when we consider the smaller denominations of this 
 period, from the trims down to the quarter-ww^'a, a 
 curious fact emerges. The normal weights indicate 
 that ? if we assume an as of 136*5 grammes normal, it 
 was divided not duodecimally, as before, but decimally. 
 Thus the normal uncia weighs apparently not 11*37 
 but 13*64 grammes (actual average 12*85 grammes), 
 le^ ^ of the as of 136*5 grammes. How are we to 
 explain the sudden super/ession of the duodecimal by 
 the decimal system ? 
 
 It is due to the fact 2 that the bronze coinage was 
 
 1 Eegling, ut sup., p. 495. 
 
 2 See Haeberlin, MetroL Grundlagen, pp. 104 f . ; also his Systematic, 
 p. 39. 
 
 21 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 now regarded as subordinate to the silver ; the semi- 
 libral as was merely the equivalent in bronze of the 
 silver scruple. Now in the Komano-Campanian silver 
 system the unit, or scruple, was divided decimally into 
 ten libellae ; the actual denominations were all issued 
 in bronze, in the shape of pieces of 4, 3, 2 Ubettae, 
 1 libella and ~ libella. Since the dominant unit, the 
 silver scruple, was divided decimally, it is not sur- 
 prising that the subordinate unit, the bronze as, was 
 divided in the same way. 
 
 Such being the relation between the two units, the 
 reduction of the as was a matter of course ; it and the 
 other denominations were bound in time to become a 
 sort of token-money, although we do not know that 
 any restriction was placed on the amount of such coin 
 which could be tendered at a time. The reduction of 
 the bronze has been regarded as a sign of state-bank- 
 ruptcy ; but it was nothing of the kind, so long as the 
 bronze was covered by the silver issues of the state. 
 This being so, why should the government have been 
 at pains to fix the weight of the bronze coins ? The 
 reason was that the ordinary Roman, if he was like the 
 ordinary modern, would never really understand the 
 nature of token-money. A reduction in the size of 
 the British penny would be quite enough to produce a 
 popular outcry and shake the public confidence. In 
 order to reassure the public, therefore, it may well be 
 that the Eoman state pretended, from time to time, 
 22 
 
PL. VII 
 
 O 
 
PL. VIII 
 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 to regulate the weight of the as, while allowing it 
 gradually to sink. But the evidence of the coins 
 themselves shows that any such action can have been 
 little more than a pretence. 
 
 We must not leave the question of the first reduction 
 of the as without mentioning Haeberlin's suggestion 
 that it was associated with a public remission of debts. 
 By the reduction of the weight of the as, debtors 
 would be proportionately relieved. Now, about the 
 beginning of our present period (288 — 286) the Plebs, 
 after long and serious disturbances on account of 
 debt, seceded to the Janiculum ; they returned at the 
 instance of the dictator Q. Hortensius. 1 It is quite 
 possible that they returned only on condition of the 
 remission of their debts by some such measure as the 
 halving of the as. If so, the beginning of our period 
 must be fixed in 286 B.C. 2 
 
 The reduction in the weight, and therefore in the 
 size, of the bronze coins brought about a technical 
 change. The uncia No. 7, unlike the pieces of aes 
 grave with which we have met so far, is struck, not 
 cast. It is a difficult matter to make dies of a large 
 size strong enough to stand the strain of striking. 
 Thanks to the reduction, it became possible for the 
 Bomans to produce by striking not only the uncia, 
 ^ uncia, and J uncia, but also the sextans or piece of 
 
 1 Liv. Epit. Ubri xi. 
 
 2 Haeberlin, Sy&termtik, pp. 44 f. 
 
 23 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 2 unciae. The higher denominations continued to 
 be made with moulds, until the further reduction 
 brought these also within the range of the engraver 
 of dies. 
 
 Two series of aes grave, other than the ordinary 
 Eoman series just considered, were produced in this 
 period. They are known as the heavy Janus-Mercurius 
 and the heavy Apollo series, 1 from the types of the 
 asses in each (see Nos. 8, 9). Coins of the former series 
 are characterized by bad workmanship and rudeness 
 of style, by comparatively low relief, by a weight 
 based on the pound of 327'45 grammes, 2 and by a 
 greyish granular oxide common in the district round 
 Eome ; they also occur in the famous deposit of 
 Vicarello in much greater quantities than the Apollo 
 series (1109 as against 108 pieces). The coins of the 
 Apollo series, on the other hand, are of good style — 
 unusually good for aes grave — and in high relief, 
 conform to a different standard (a pound of 341 
 grammes), 3 and have the fine smooth green or brown 
 patina characteristic of Campania. The Apollo series 
 is accordingly assigned to the Capuan mint, the 
 Janus-Mercurius series to the Eoman. The head of 
 
 1 To be distinguished from the light series -with corresponding types, 
 and symbols (sickle and vine-leaf) on their reverses ; these belong to 
 the previous period. 
 
 2 Both Nos. 8 and 9 are above the normal weights, as is often the 
 case with aes grave. Cp. Haeberlin, Metrolog. Qnmdlagen, p. 41. 
 
 3 See Haeberlin, Metrolog. Grundlagen, p. 21. 
 
 24 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 Janus on these coins is beardless, not bearded as on 
 the prow series. We find the same head on the 
 earliest Capuan silver and gold, with which we shall 
 deal presently. 1 
 
 Thus we now see the pound of 327*45 grammes 
 (with the scruple of 1-137 grammes as its ^-§-3- P ar ^) 
 definitely established in Rome. 
 
 At Capua, the only silver coins issued in this period 
 are the well-known quadrigati (No. 10), struck on 
 the same standard as their predecessors. The types, 
 it is to be observed, are purely Roman. The Capuan 
 mint also issued large quantities of struck bronze of 
 smaller denominations, the libella, its multiples (up 
 to 4) and its half. 
 
 More remarkable are the gold coins (No. 11) — the 
 first issued under Roman authority — which accom- 
 panied the silver quadrigati. They have a similar 
 obverse, but on the reverse is a representation of 
 two soldiers taking an oath over the body of a 
 sacrificed swine. There are three denominations, 
 the didrachm weighing 6 scruples, a piece weighing 
 4 scruples, and the drachm of 3 scruples. On the 
 piece of 4 scruples (No. 11) appears a mark of 
 value, XXX, showing it to be equal to 30 asses. 
 These are supposed to be 30 asses of Italic weight, 
 i.e., of 273 grammes each. This may well be so, 
 
 1 The lack of a beard on this double head is not sufficient reason for 
 assuming it to represent some deity other than Janus. 
 
 25 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 for, although, the new pound may have now come 
 in at Borne, there would be nothing surprising in the 
 retention of the older pound, as a unit of reckoning 
 at least, in Campania. 1 
 
 Of the various "bricks" which are attributed to 
 this period, one (No. 12), is of peculiar interest, for it 
 is impossible to deny that in some way or other it 
 must be associated with the war with Pyrrhua. 
 Legend says that at the battle of Ausculum in 
 279 B.C. the elephants of Pyrrhus were frightened by 
 the grunting of swine on the Koman side. 2 The five 
 elephants taken later at the battle of Beneventum 
 were led in triumph in 273, and it was probably 
 on this occasion, when elephants were first seen in 
 Rome, that the piece was issued at Capua. 3 Whether 
 the story of the swine is true, or had already been 
 invented by that time, or was even a later growth, 
 inspired by the types of the "brick," who shall 
 say? 
 
 1 The extremely difficult problems connected with this early gold 
 coinage have been discussed by Haeberlin (Zeit. f. Num. xxvi., 
 pp. 229 f .). In particular he has rehabilitated the piece of 30 asses, 
 which was generally supposed to be false. — The equation of 4 scruples 
 of gold to 30 asses of bronze of the Italic weight gives a ratio of 
 1820 : 1 as between gold and bronze, and if silver was to bronze as 
 120 : 1, of 15i : i as between gold and silver. 30 X 273 = 8190 = 
 approximately 1820 X 1-137 X 4; and 1820 = 120 X 15J. 
 
 2 Aelian de nut. anim, I. 38. 
 
 3 Haeberlin, Systematik, p. 54. 
 
 26 
 
HISTOBICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 the inauguration op an imperial coinage. 
 268 b.c. 
 
 13. Obv. Head of Eoma r. in winged helmet, orna 
 
 mented with griffin's head ; behind, X. 
 Rev. The Dioscuri on horseback, charging r. ; 
 below, on tablet, ROMA. 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*32 grammes (66*7 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 15, 
 No. 6. 
 
 14. Similar to preceding, but V instead of X on obv., 
 
 and ROMA on rev. 
 
 Silver quinarius. 2 - 03 grammes (31'3 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 15, 
 No. 10. 
 
 15. Similar to No. 13, but MS instead of X, and 
 
 ROMA. 
 
 Silver sestertius. 1*07 grammes (16*5 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 16, 
 No. 13. 
 
 16. Obv. Head of Janus, laureate; above, I. 
 Rev. Prow r. ; above I ; below, ROMA. 
 
 Struck bronze as. 43-16 grammes (666 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 29, 
 No. 219. 
 
 17. Obv. Bust of Jupiter r. laureate; behind, S. 
 Rev. Prow r. ; below, ROMA ; above, S. 
 
 Struck bronze semis. 20*41 grammes (315 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 31, 
 No. 232. 
 
 18. Obv. Head of Eoma i\, in winged helmet; 
 
 behind, V. 
 
 27 
 
HISTORICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. The Dioscuri charging r. ; below their 
 horses, b ; in exergue, ROMA. 
 
 Silver quinarius. 2*11 grammes (32*6 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 179, 
 No. 151. 
 
 19. Obv. Head of Jupiter r. laureate. 
 
 Rev. Victory crowning a trophy ; in exergue, 
 ROMA. 
 
 Silver victoriatm. 3*22 grammes (49*7 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 36, 
 No. 296. 
 
 "Imperial" is not too grand an epithet for the 
 coinage on the new system inaugurated by Eome in 
 269-8 B.C. The denarius, at first intended as the 
 standard coin of the Italian possessions, spread with 
 the extension of the Eoman dominions beyond the 
 seas, and eventually dominated the currency of the 
 civilized world for more than five hundred years. 
 Not until the end of the third century after Christ, 
 when it had sunk, it is true, to be a pitiable reflection 
 of the excellent money as which it began, was it 
 finally superseded by a new silver denomination. All 
 through the Middle Ages the name persisted, and its 
 initial still provides the abbreviation for the English 
 "penny." 
 
 We are fortunate in knowing within a couple of 
 years the date of the great reform. Pliny's reckoning 
 — which is circumstantially stated — gives us 269 b.c. 1 
 
 1 N. H. 33. 13 (44) : Argentum signatum anno urbis cccclxxxv, 
 Q. Ogulnio C. Fabio cos., quinque annis ante primum Punicum bellum. 
 
 28 
 
HISTOEICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 The Epitome of Livy 1 places the change between 
 the foundation of the colonies of Ariminum and 
 Beneventum on the one hand, and the subjection of 
 the Umbrians and Sallentines on the other. The two 
 colonies in question were founded in 268 B.C.; the 
 wars with the Umbrians and Sallentines seem to have 
 gone on during 267 and 266. It may be that the 
 rogation introducing the reform dated from 269, the 
 coinage itself from the next year. It would take 
 some time, when once the law was passed, to organize 
 the Eoman mint for the production of silver. 
 Engravers would have to be fetched from Capua, and 
 new workshops for striking coins installed. Hitherto 
 few but cast coins had been issued from Eome. If 
 the law was passed late in 269, it would be surprising 
 if the coins were issued before 268. 2 
 
 The denarius was, as its name implies, the silver 
 equivalentof 10 bronze asses; henceits mark of value, X. 
 Similarly the quinarius (marked V), and the sestertius 
 or semis-tertius (marked IIS), are the equivalents of 
 5 and 2\ asses respectively. 3 Let us for the moment 
 
 et placuit denarium pro decern librls aeris valere, quinarium pro 
 quinque, sestertium pro dupondio ac semisse. 
 
 1 Epit. lib. xv, : Coloniae deductae ArvmiTuim in Piceno, Beneventum 
 in Samnio. tunc primum populus Romanus argento uti coepit. Umbri 
 et Sallentini victi, etc. 
 
 2 A certain amount of confirmation of the date 268 is to be gathered 
 from an independent passage of Pliny relating to the coinage of 
 217 B.C., which we shall discuss later. 
 
 8 The dividing dot between the two units in the sestertius mark has 
 
 29 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 assume that when the denarius was introduced the 
 weight of the as was fixed by law. The normal 
 weight of the earliest denarius is 4*55 grammes 
 (4 scruples). At the rate of 120 : 1, it would be 
 equivalent to 546 grammes of bronze, or 10 pieces of 
 54*6 grammes. The as of the time must therefore 
 have weighed 54-6 grammes, which is £ (the sextans) 
 of the pound of 327*45 grammes. In other words, 
 the as of the original denarius system was of the 
 sextantal standard. 
 
 There is, however, a certain body of opinion in 
 favour of the view that the as had not fallen quite so 
 low at the time of the introduction of the denarius, 
 and that it belonged not to the sextantal but to the 
 triental standard ; that is to say, that the denarius was 
 the equivalent in value of 10 asses of 109 '15 grammes. 
 Such an equation postulates a ratio between silver 
 and bronze of no less than 240 : l. 1 We should there- 
 fore have to assume that, when the denarius was 
 instituted, silver was forced up in value to twice as 
 much as it had been hardly a generation before. 
 There is nothing incredible in this, since, as we have 
 seen, silver was now the dominant partner in the 
 system, and the bronze coin was little more than a 
 token. Still, so violent a change in the ratio between 
 
 been combined with them so as to give the sign H S generally used in 
 texts for sestertitis. 
 
 1 1091-5 = 239"8 X 4'55. 
 
 30 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 the metals would probably have excited apprehension, 
 and it is much more probable that when the denarius 
 was introduced the bronze as had actually fallen to 
 so low a weight that the equation was possible with 
 the old ratio of 120 : 1. 
 
 The triental system, it has been argued, must have 
 been in force in 268, since as late as 246, when the 
 Eoman colony of Brundusium was founded, the 
 coinage of that place was instituted on the triental 
 standard. Mommsen maintained that, if this Eoman 
 colony issued coins on the triental standard at the 
 time of its foundation, that standard must have then 
 been in use at Eome itself. But it is impossible to 
 insist on such an argument, in view of our scanty 
 knowledge of the relative values of bronze and silver 
 in Calabria at this time. On that relation partly, and 
 not wholly on the relation in force at Eome, would 
 depend the standard adopted for the bronze coinage 
 in the new colony. Or, it may well be that, in order 
 to spread the influence of the denarius, the Eomans 
 gave it a forced value in their colonies, such as they 
 could not afford to give to it at Eome itself. If a 
 denarius was worth 10 triental asses in Brundusium, 
 and only 10 sextantal asses in Eome, denarii would 
 tend to flow towards the colony. 
 
 A very doubtful support is given to Mommsen's 
 theory by the statement of Pliny 1 that the weight of 
 i N, E r 33. 44. 
 
 31 
 
HISTORICAL SOMAN COINS 
 
 the as was reduced during the first Punic War. 
 Pliny indeed leads one to suppose that the libral 
 weight had been maintained up to then, and that it 
 was suddenly lowered to the sextantal. In view of 
 the weights of the extant coins, this is either nonsense, 
 or to be interpreted as meaning that the reduced 
 weight was not legally recognized until the 
 sextantal stage was reached. Pliny's statement is 
 so far in favour of Mommsen's theory that it implies 
 that the sextantal stage was first legally recognized 
 during the first Punic War. But we have seen what 
 a serious difficulty is caused by supposing that the 
 legal as was more than sextantal when the denarius 
 was introduced. It is quite likely that Pliny may 
 have been anxious to find an honourable excuse for 
 the reduction of the as — unnecessarily, since, as we have 
 seen, the reduction was a natural development and 
 not a symptom of state bankruptcy — and so hit upon 
 the stress of the first Punic War as offering circum- 
 stances sufficiently straitened. The probabilities, 
 however, are all in favour of the sextantal as having 
 been legalized when the denarius was introduced. Up 
 till that time, since the mint at Eome issued no silver, 
 it may not have seemed so necessary to fix the weight 
 of the asj although the number of asses which went to 
 the silver unit was doubtless constant. But when 
 both silver and bronze began to be issued from Eome 
 it would obviously be desirable not merely to define 
 32 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 the exchange, but also to determine by law the weight 
 of the bronze money. 
 
 We have seen that in the previous period the as was 
 divided decimally. With the introduction of the 
 denarius system a return was made to the duodecimal 
 division. " From the moment when in the capital the 
 clear principle of a parallel double standard took the 
 place of a fluctuation between a silver standard and 
 the expression thereof in bronze, the denarius was 
 divided into ten asses, the as into twelve unciae. ' ' * That 
 is to say, each metal was now coined on its natural 
 divisional system. 
 
 The head of Eoma 2 on the new silver coinage is 
 considerably altered from the form in which the early 
 Capuan silver showed it. The helmet is no longer 
 " Phrygian"; it is of the ordinary round shape with 
 visor, provided, however, with wings and with a griffin- 
 headed crest such as decorated the old "Phrygian" 
 helmet. This, with slight modifications, long con- 
 tinues to be the usual head-dress of Eoma, although 
 the Phrygian form is occasionally revived. 
 
 The Dioscuri are represented charging, as the later 
 Koman tradition conceived their epiphania at the battle 
 of Lake Eegillus in 496 B.C. The older tradition, 
 preserved by Livy, seems to have been merely that 
 
 1 Haeberlin, Metrol. Grundlagen, p. 105. 
 
 2 Certainly not Minerva. See Haeberlin, Der Boma-Typus, in 
 Corolla Numismatica, pp. 135 — 155. 
 
 H.R.C. D 33 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Aulus Postumius vowed a temple to Castor. But 
 before the denarius was introduced Pollux had become 
 the inseparable twin-brother of Castor, in accordance 
 with the Greek conception of the pair, and perhaps 
 also with the legend of their intervention at the battle 
 of the Sagra on the side of the Locrians against the 
 Crotoniates. 1 But apart from all this the significance 
 of the type, from a monetary point of view, lies in the 
 fact that the Dioscuri were the tutelary divinities of 
 the Eoman knights, i.e., of that class of the sovereign 
 people who were especially occupied with commerce, 
 so that their temple was in the heart of the business 
 quarter. 2 
 
 The reduction of the as to one-sixth of the original 
 weight, and the corresponding reduction of the 
 smaller denominations, brought them all down to a 
 diameter (the as measuring about an inch and a half) 
 which made it possible to strike them with dies 
 instead of casting them in moulds. In the previous 
 period this had not been possible for denominations 
 larger than the triens. Some of the latest of the 
 cast coins, by their grotesque rudeness, offer a curious 
 contrast to the struck pieces. 
 
 What was the effect on the coinage of Italy in 
 general of the important changes which we have 
 
 1 Justin xx. 3. Bethein Pauly-Wissowa, Reahncychp. V. 1105. The 
 battle took place about 520 B.C. 
 3 Mominsen-Blacas, ii., p. 29 ; Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 183. 
 
 34 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 described ? Capua continued to issue the silver 
 quadrigatty perhaps even as late as the Hannibalian 
 War ; but the issue was limited, and the metal 
 eventually adulterated. Elsewhere in Italy the local 
 silver coinage came to an end, with one or two excep- 
 tions. Of these the most important was the coinage 
 of the Bruttians, which was continued down to the 
 Hannibalian War. It is possible that Tarentum and 
 Neapolis also continued their silver currency in a 
 limited measure. 1 In regard to bronze, the local 
 mints, so far as we know, were little, if at all, restricted. 
 To compensate for the cessation of the independent 
 coinage of silver, the Romans established mints for 
 coinage on the denarius system in various places, such 
 as Hatria, Croton, Luceria. Some of these issues can 
 be identified by mint-marks : thus the quinarius No. 1 8 
 is attributed to Luceria on the ground of the letter h 
 (for l), which it bears. In other cases the local 
 coinage is distinguished merely by its somewhat 
 ruder workmanship, and cannot be assigned to specific 
 mints. 
 
 But in addition to the local issues of coins on the 
 denarius system, the Romans established, either about 
 the same time or a little later, 2 a currency which is 
 represented by the victoriatus (No. 19). The reason 
 
 1 See A. J. Evans, The " Horsemen " of Tarentum, pp. 165 f. 
 
 2 The date generally accepted is 229 B.C., when Corcyra, Apollonia, 
 and Dyrrhachium submitted to Eome , retaining however some 
 considerable measure of autonomy.. Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 93. 
 
 D 2 35 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 for the name is clear from the type of the reverse. 
 The normal weight of the victoriatus in the first period 
 of its existence was § of the denarius , i.e., 3 scruples 
 or 3-41 grammes. It was, however, regarded not as a 
 denomination subordinate to the denarius, but as a 
 unit by itself ; witness the fact that its half was 
 marked with S, just as was the half as. What is 
 more, from the purely Eoman point of view, it was 
 not looked upon as a regular coin. It is the only piece 
 not marked with its value. It follows that, though it 
 had of course a commercial value, it was not legal 
 tender. " A man who was owed 300 denarii could be 
 forced to take 600 quinarii or 1200 sesterces, but ndX"^ 
 400 victoriati." 1 It was, as Pliny says, treated mercis 
 loco. 2 Why was this ? 
 
 The fact is that the victoriatus took the place of the 
 Campanian drachm, the half of the quadrigatus 
 didrachm, the drachm having ceased to be issued 
 before its double, which, as we have said, lingered 
 on until nearly the end of the century. The victoriatus 
 weighed the same as the drachm which it succeeded, 
 and was struck in all the local Eoman mints — Luceria, 
 Vibo Valentia, Croton, Corcyra and the like. It also 
 weighed the same as certain currencies of important 
 trading cities in Illyricum, viz. , Apollonia and 
 Dyrrhachium. Whether the victoriatus or the Illyric 
 
 1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 87. 
 
 2 N. H. 33. 46. 
 
 36 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 coinages on this standard came first we cannot know. 
 In either case, the uniformity of system points to the 
 importance of trade between Italy and the Illyric 
 coast. But the way in which Eoman influence was, 
 through the Eomano-Campanian coinage, pervading the 
 Mediterranean coast is also shown by the facts that the 
 latest Tarentine didrachms are based on a standard of 
 6 scruples, and that a great trading port like Massalia 
 found it desirable to assimilate its standard to that of 
 the Eomano-Campanian 3-scruple drachm. 
 
 The victoriatus, then, was not part of the home 
 coinage properly speaking, but a kind of feeler thrown 
 out by Eome before she decided to make the denarius 
 itself a world coinage. When she found herself able 
 to do this, she abolished the victoriatus as a separate 
 denomination, by equating it to the quinarius. This 
 was effected by the Clodian law, about 104 B.C. 1 
 
 the crisis of the first punic war. 
 
 242 b.c. 
 
 20. Obv. Bust of Mars, r. wearing crested helmet, 
 behind, lK 
 Rev. Eagle r. on thunderbolt, flapping its wings ; 
 below, ROMA. 
 
 Gold. 60 sesterce piece. 3*41 grammes (52*6 grains). B.M.C. 
 I., p. 27, No. 185. 
 
 1 On the significance of the victoriatus, as outlined above, see 
 Haeberlin in Zeit.f. Num. xxvi., p. 238. 
 
 37 
 
HISTOEICAL BOMAN COINS 
 
 21. Similar to preceding, but with, anchor as symbol 
 
 on reverse. 
 
 Gold. 60 sesterce piece. 3*34 grammes (51*5 grains). B.M.C. 
 H., p. 155, No. 19. 
 
 22. Similar to No. 20, but with mark of value XXXX, 
 
 and on reverse ROMA. 
 
 Gold. 40 sesterce piece. 2*23 grammes (34*5 grains). B.M.C. 
 I., p. 27, No. 187. 
 
 23. Similar to No. 20, but with mark of value XX, 
 
 and on reverse ROMA- 
 
 G-old. 20 sesterce piece. 1*12 grammes (17'2 grains). B.M.C. 
 I., p. 27, No. 190. 
 
 24. Obv. Head of Eoma r. ; behind, X. 
 
 Rev. The Dioscuri on horseback charging r. ; below 
 horses, anchor ; on tablet, ROMA. 
 
 Silver denarius. 4'06 grammes (62*7 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 155, 
 No. 21. 
 
 The date of the first issue of gold from the mint at 
 Eome is a matter of much dispute. Pliny has a 
 definite statement to the effect that the " gold coin 
 was first struck 51 years after the silver, the scripulum 
 being equivalent to 20 sestertii, and the pound there- 
 fore amounting in value to 5760 sestertii of the 
 time." 1 Fifty-one years from the introduction of the 
 
 1 N t H. 33. 47. His source here is probably not the same as that 
 whence he derived the date 217 B.C. for the uncial reduction and the 
 equation of the denarius to 16 asses (see below, Nos. 26, 27). The 
 passage is tacked on, at the end of the section about coinage, some- 
 what loosely, and looks like a note taken from some other authority. 
 As regards the date, the good Bamberg MS. reads LI, the others LXIL 
 
 38 
 
HISTORICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 denarius bring us to 218 or 217 B.C., according as we 
 accept the Plinian or the Livian date for the earlier 
 reform. Now it is a principle well-known to numis- 
 matists, and evidently familiar also to ancient 
 historians, that isolated gold coinages were usually 
 initiated in times of monetary distress. There was 
 no unusual strain on the Eoman finances in the year 
 218. 1 The Senate took no steps to raise extraordinary 
 forces for the coming opening campaign. But after 
 the disaster of Trasimene in April, 217, all the circum- 
 stances were such as would justify the issue of a special 
 gold coinage. "We have therefore here an independent 
 confirmation 2 of the Livian (268) as against the 
 Plinian date (269) for the introduction of the 
 denarius. 
 
 Now the date 217, to which the issue of gold coin 
 is on this evidence assigned, has generally been 
 accepted as correct. We have little pieces of gold of 
 three denominations, with marks of value representing 
 60 (Nos. 20, 21), 40 (No. 22) and 20 (No. 23), and 
 
 Willers [Corolla Numism., p. 314) corrects to LX, and makes the 
 passage refer to the well-known gold Romano-Campanian coins with 
 the oath-taking scene, which he assigns to 209 B.C. He has not made 
 out his case ; see Haeberlin in Zeit. /. Num. xxvi., pp. 241 f. 
 
 1 See Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, or the passage from Neumann quoted 
 by Willers, op. tit., p. 312. 
 
 2 The confirmation is not affected by the possibility that no such 
 gold coinage was really struck in 217 b,o. We assume that Pliny's 
 authority thought it was, and made his chronological reckoning 
 accordingly. 
 
 39 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 equating them to as many sestertii respectively. The 
 denominations weigh in scruples 3, 2 and 1 respec- 
 tively. There is no reason to doubt that Pliny's 
 authority had these coins in mind when he gave 
 the value of the gold scruple in sesterces. Whether 
 he is right in his date is quite another question. 
 
 Count de Salis, in his arrangement of the British 
 Museum collection, divided our gold pieces into two 
 classes, (1) those of poor style, with moneyers' symbols, 
 (2) those of good style, without symbols. The latter 
 he assigned to Eome ; the others, with the corre- 
 sponding denarii and bronze coins, he assigned to local 
 mints ; and both classes, according to his chronological 
 classification, belong to about 240 — 229 b.c. 
 
 Now, what is the basis of this chronology ? If we 
 take the gold pieces which bear symbols, and which 
 were apparently issued at local mints, we find the 
 following symbols : anchor, spear-head, staff, pentagon, 
 ear of corn. The same symbols occur also on denarii 
 and on bronze of the sextantal standard. But those 
 who wish to maintain the later date of the gold pieces 
 in question point out that four out of these five 
 symbols, viz., the anchor, the spear-head, the staff, 
 the pentagon, occur on denarii or bronze coins which 
 must, owing to the bronze being uncial in standard, 
 be ascribed to a later date, since the uncial standard 
 superseded the sextantal in 217 B.C. It does not, 
 however, follow from this that the gold coins must 
 40 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 belong to the later date, but only that we are free to 
 make our choice between the two dates. The bulk of 
 the evidence of the symbols points to the earlier, and 
 so also does the style of the gold coins which, in the 
 specimens assigned to the Eoman mint by de Salis, is 
 very much better than the style of the denarii which 
 belong to the years about 217 B.C. 
 
 But if we accept de Salis's date, Pliny's statement 
 as to the year in which gold was first struck at Eomc 
 must be rejected. That statement may indeed well 
 have been due to some antiquary's constructive 
 imagination. We must not, as we have already seen, 
 be misled by Pliny's circumstantiality. 1 There is 
 nothing more easy than to be circumstantial in support 
 of a conjecture. An antiquary, who had made up his 
 mind that these gold coins were issued during the 
 great Hannibalian crisis, would very naturally reckon 
 back to see how many years it was since the intro- 
 duction of the silver coinage. The fact that Pliny 
 specifies this number of years adds no credibility to 
 his statement. The modern archseologist bases his 
 date, right or wrong, on the comparison between the 
 gold coins themselves and the other objects with which 
 they must have been contemporary, viz., the denarii 
 
 1 He is of course often demonstrably "wrong, and usually muddled ; 
 but Mommsen (h\, p. 12) unnecessarily accuses him, or his and 
 Festus's authority, Verrius Flaccus, of saying that the quadrigati and 
 bigati were the most ancient denarii. The passage means no more 
 than that the quadrigati and bigati were so called from their types. 
 
 41 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 and bronze coins, which by their weight or style are 
 shown to belong to the period before the Hannibalian 
 crisis. 
 
 There is no other Eoman gold coinage which can 
 reasonably be attributed to the year 217 or 218 B.C. If 
 the theory described above is true, then either Pliny's 
 source is untrustworlhy, or Pliny himself has mis- 
 understood his authority, or such gold coins as were 
 then struck have disappeared. 
 
 Next let us examine de Salis's date, and see 
 whether we can narrow its limits. His suggestion of 
 240 — 229 B.C. may be allowed to include a margin of 
 a few years on either side. Now, in antiquity, such 
 isolated gold coinages as we are discussing were, as 
 we haye said, almost always issued during crises. A 
 good instance is the gold coinage struck when the 
 Arcadians seized Olympia in 365 B.C. and placed the 
 conduct of the games in the hands of the Pisatans. 1 
 The exceptional gold issues of Athens dating from 
 407 and 338 b.c are well known. "Recently, a group 
 of electrum coins struck by Chios and other Ionian 
 states has been, with great probability, ascribed to 
 the crisis of the Ionic Eevolt. 2 The types of the coins 
 before us, be it noted, are distinctly martial. But in 
 240 b.c Eome had passed through her crisis. The 
 
 1 Eist. Greek Coins, p. 76. 
 
 2 P. Gardner, The Gold Coinage of Asia be/ore Alexander the Great 
 in Proc, Brit Acad. iii. 
 
 42 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 First Punic "War was just over. The time was there- 
 fore not apt for a special coinage. 
 
 "We have, however, seen that, according to the 
 most probable chronology, the sextantal standard was 
 legalized as early as 268 B.C. So far, therefore, as we 
 may argue from the sextantal bronze coins with which 
 the local issues of gold are associated, that gold coinage 
 may date back to 268 B.C. The denarii with symbols , 
 on the other hand, do not seem to be of quite the 
 earliest type. In fact, the mere appearance of the 
 symbol is a sign that they are likely to be compara- 
 tively late. It may be suggested, therefore, that the 
 coinage in question belongs to the end of the First 
 Punic War, in fact to that final crisis which imme- 
 diately preceded the victory of Catulus at Aegusa 
 (10 March, 241). We know that the fleet which 
 won this battle was provided by private subscription. 
 Two hundred ships manned by sixty thousand men : 
 for such a force a special issue of coin must have been 
 necessary. It is to this date then that we would 
 conjecturally attribute the gold coins of 60, 40 and 20 
 sesterces, and the corresponding silver and bronze 
 coins. 
 
 Such is the argument in favour of an early date for 
 the gold pieces of 60, 40 and 20 sesterces. The argu- 
 ments against it, as summarized by Dr. Haeberlin, 1 
 
 1 In a private communication, for which I desire to express my 
 indebtedness. 
 
 43 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 are: (1) if it is accepted, Pliny's evidence must be 
 rejected ; (2) the fleet in 242 was raised by private 
 efforts, not by the state ; (3) it is probable that a 
 gold issue accompanied the uncial reform of 217, 
 gold being tariffed above its real value ; and such an 
 excessive value for gold suits no other year better 
 than the crisis of 217 ; (4) the evidence from the 
 symbols is not against the later date. With (1) and 
 (4) we have already dealt. In reply to (2) it may be 
 said that although the fleet was raised by voluntary 
 efforts, money was necessary to pay the crews. 
 Demarete voluntarily provided the treasure out of 
 which the Demareteia were coined, but it was the state 
 that coined them. 1 As regards (3), there was a crisis 
 in 242, as there was in 217 ; though perhaps not so 
 serious, it might easily have led to the issue of gold 
 at a rate above its real value. 
 
 the acquisition of corcyra. 
 
 229 b.c. 
 
 25. Obv. Head of Jupiter r., laureate. 
 
 Rev. Victory crowning a trophy ; in exergue, 
 ROyuvA ; in the field, monograms of KOPK 
 and AT. 
 
 Silver victoriatus. 2*77 grammes (42*7 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 197, 
 No. 227. 
 
 One of the consequences of the expedition to Scodra 
 
 1 Hist. Greek Coins, p. 38. 
 
 44 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 and the suppression of the Illyrian pirates in 229 B.C. 
 was that Corcyra became an " ally " of Eome, under 
 a Eoman governor. This was the first step of the 
 Eomans across the Adriatic. Its importance is illus- 
 trated by the fact that on, or soon after, the acquisi- 
 tion of the island coins of distinctly Eoman character 
 were struck there. The monograms containing the 
 first three or four letters of the name of Corcyra, and 
 the first two letters of the name of a Corcyraean 
 magistrate (' Ay-qa-avhpos ?y are all that distinguish this 
 vietoriatus and a contemporary quinarius from the 
 victoriati and quinarii issued at Italian mints. The 
 monogram of the name of Corcyra is of a form actually 
 found on local coins, 2 so that there can be no doubt as 
 to the attribution. 
 
 We have already (p. 36) had to deal incidentally with 
 the origin of the vietoriatus. It is hardly necessary to 
 say that the existence of this particular vietoriatus, with 
 the mint- mark of Corcyra, which could not have been 
 issued before 229 B.C., does not prove that no victoriati 
 were issued before that date. The actual course of 
 events was probably that at a somewhat earlier 
 period the Eomans began by issuing victoriati from 
 Eome itself, although they were intended, as we have 
 seen (p. 37), for extra-Eoman currency. Then, when 
 
 1 This was the name of a Corcyraean prytanis ; see F. Lenormant in 
 Bev.Nwm., 1868, p. 152. 
 
 3 B.M.C. Thessaly to Aetolia, pp. 140 ff. 
 
 45 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 more mints were established in the peninsula, they 
 issued victoriati with local mint marks, such as L, C, 
 B, H, or VB in monogram : marks which have been 
 assigned to Luceria, Canusium, Beneventum, Her- 
 donea and Yibo Yalentia. The Corcyra mint-mark 
 ranks with these. It is a general rule that of two 
 similar series of coins, one with and the other without 
 differentiating marks, the former is the earlier, since 
 such differentiae are usually due to increasing com- 
 plexity of organization. 
 
 APTER TRASIMENE. 
 217 B.C. 
 
 26. Obv. Head of Eoma r., in winged helmet; 
 
 behind, X. 
 Rev. The Dioscuri on horseback, charging r. ; 
 below, on tablet, ROMA ; symbol, prow r. 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*02 grammes (62*0 grains). B.M.O. L, p. 54, 
 
 No. 448. 
 
 27. Obv. Head of Jupiter r., laureate; behind, S. 
 Rev. Prow r. ; below, ROMA ; above, symbol, 
 
 prow r. ; to r. S- 
 
 Bronze semis. 14*64 grammes (226*0 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 54, 
 No. 454. 
 
 The reduction of the bronze as from the weight of 
 two ounces to one is by general consent dated to the 
 crisis of the Hannibalian war. Verrius Flaccus, an 
 46 
 
PL. IX 
 
 Nos. 13—27. 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 antiquary of the Augustan age, is the authority l for 
 the statement : numerum aeris perduct[um esse ad 
 xvi in denario lege Fla]minia minus solvendi, cu[m 
 Hannibalis bello premere]tur populus romanus. 
 
 Pliny 2 is probably, though not certainly, quoting 
 from the same source when he says : " When Hannibal 
 was pressing the Romans hard, in the dictatorship 
 of Q. Fabius Maximus, the as was made uncial, and 
 it was decided that the denarius should exchange for 
 16 asses, the quinarius for eight, the sestertius for four. 
 Thus the state made a gain of a half " (the as having 
 been previously of the weight of two unciae)^ " but, 
 in paying military wages one denarius was always 
 given for 10 asses V On this stage in the develop- 
 ment of the Eoman coinage some further light is 
 thrown by a passage of Zonaras: 3 "Hieron sent 
 many contributions, of which the Eomans accepted 
 only the corn and a figure of Victory, although they 
 were in such pecuniary straits that they adulterated 
 with bronze the silver money which had hitherto been 
 unadulterated and pure." 
 
 Another passage of Pliny relating to this same 
 year 217, and the supposed first issue of gold money, 
 has already been discussed (above, p. 21). 
 
 There is a contradiction between the passages of 
 
 1 Apud Festum, p. 347, quoted by Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 11. 
 
 2 N. H., 33. 45. 
 
 3 8.26. 
 
 47 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Pliny and of Festus, since, as Mommsen points out, 
 Flaminius was dead before Fabius became dictator. 
 If the reform was due to a lex Flaminia, it must have 
 been promulgated before the battle of Trasimene. 
 But the dictatorship of Fabius is probably, and very 
 naturally, used to date the whole year, although he 
 only held office for part of it. 
 
 The authorities are silent on another important 
 change which was made in this year. The weight 
 of the denarius was reduced by about one-sixth. It 
 had previously weighed about 4*55 grammes (4 
 scruples); it henceforth weighed about 3*90 grammes 
 (3^ scruples), 1 or -^ of a pound instead of ^. Denarii 
 of about this weight (No. 26) are associated with the 
 uncial as and its divisions, such as the semis (No. 27). 
 It will be noticed that the two coins illustrated have 
 the same differentia, a prow. Since the denarius now 
 weighed -£% of the pound and was, as we are told, the 
 equivalent of 16 asses of uncial weight, it follows 
 that -^ lb. of silver was the equivalent of if lb. of 
 bronze, so that the relation of silver to bronae was 
 112 : l. a 
 
 The annual stipendium of the soldier was 1200 
 asses. For this he continued to receive 120 denarii, 
 and not 75 only, as he would have done had he been 
 
 1 It is significant that this is the weight of the Carthaginian drachm. 
 Haeberlin, Metrolog. Grundlagen, p. 61, note. 
 if X 84 = 112. 
 
 48 
 
HISTOKICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 subjected to the new rate. Later, Julius Caesar 
 trebled the number of asses in the stipendium, giving 
 3600 instead of 1200 ; but he reckoned these asses 
 at the modern rate of 16 to the denarius, so that he 
 paid his soldiers 225 denarii a year. 1 
 
 The fact that in 217 B.C. the number of asses for 
 which a denarius was given, in estimating the pay of 
 the Eoman legionary, remained unchanged, is supposed 
 to account for the retention of the mark of value X. 
 That mark, indeed, was probably by this time 
 regarded as denoting the name rather than the value 
 of the coin. The numerals XVI appear for a short 
 time on denarii which may be dated about 140 B.C. 2 
 Still later (about 125), the form * appears, and 
 becomes usual. This does not mean XV I, as some 
 have supposed, but is merely X differentiated as 
 denominational mark by means of a horizontal stroke. 
 The stroke was more often, in such cases, placed 
 above the letter; but a passage of Maecianus 3 con- 
 firms the explanation just given, for besides the 
 form * for denarius he gives a V similarly erased as 
 the mark of the quinarius. The quinarius was not 
 issued again until the end of the second century; 
 when it reappeared, it was marked with a Q . 
 
 1 Tao. Ann., i., 17. 
 
 8 Ghrueber, B.M.C., Rom. Rep., i., p. 118. 
 
 3 Hultsch, Metrol. Script., u. } p. 66. 
 
 H.E.C. E 49 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 HANNIBAL IN CAPUA. 
 216—215 B.C. 
 
 28. Obv. Janiform head of Persephone, wearing corn- 
 wreath. 
 Rev. Jupiter in quadriga r., driven by Victory ; 
 he holds sceptre in 1. and wields thunder- 
 bolt in r. 
 
 Electrum. 2*79 grammes (43'0 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 139, 
 No. 147. 
 
 The attribution of these coins, as regards date and 
 mint, is more or less conjectural ; but the conjecture 1 
 has been generally accepted. The types, on the 
 obverse recalling, on the reverse actually repeating, 
 the types of the quadrigati (see No. 10), identify the 
 mint, without possibility of reasonable doubt, as 
 Capua. But instead of the beardless head of Janus, 
 we have a janiform head of a divinity wearing a 
 wreath of corn-ears, in which every person acquainted 
 with the coins of Carthage will recognize a janiform 
 representation of the goddess Persephone, as the artists 
 of the later Carthaginian issues conceived her. She 
 is made janiform in order to appeal as familiar to the 
 Campanians who had long used the quadrigati. These 
 very Campanians had been accustomed to good honest 
 gold, silver and bronze ; electrum now made its first 
 appearance in Italy. The Carthaginians had for some 
 
 1 Due chiefly to Percy Gardner, Num. Chron. 1884, pp. 220 f. 
 
 50 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 time been issuing coins in this somewhat unsatisfactory- 
 mixture, an expedient to which they had been driven 
 by the gradual loss of their wealthy possessions in 
 Sicily and Spain. Finally, the weight is peculiar ; the 
 maximum seems to be 3*10 grammes (47-9 grains). 
 Now that is very close to the weight of the Cartha- 
 ginian electrum coins of the period 218 — 146 B.C. 1 
 The conclusion is irresistible that we have here 
 Carthaginian coins struck at a Campanian mint, which 
 is tantamount to saying that they were issued when 
 Hannibal was in possession of Capua. They illustrate 
 the Punic art of slily adapting the coinage of their 
 neighbours, with slight modifications, an art which is 
 vividly displayed in the case of the earliest Siculo- 
 Punic coinage. 2 
 
 m. aemiutts lepidus and ptolemaetjs v. 
 
 201 b.c. 
 
 29. Obv. Head of the City of Alexandria (ALEXAN- 
 
 DREA) r., wearing turreted crown. 
 
 Rev. M. Aemilius Lepidus placing a wreath on 
 
 the head of Ptolemaeus V., who holds a 
 
 sceptre; inscription, M LEPIDVS TVTOR 
 
 i L. Miiller, Num. de Vane. Afrique, ii., p. 86, Nos. 70 — 73 ; max. 
 3*05 grammes (47*1 grains). 
 
 2 Hill, Coins of Ancient Sicily, PL X. 
 
 E 2 5] 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 REGpONPMAXSC(the NF ligatured 
 to represent NTIF). 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*98 grammes (61*5 grains). B.M.O. I., p. 449, 
 No. 3648. 
 
 This coin was struck about 65 b.c. by M. Aemilius 
 Lepidus, a descendant of the person whom it com- 
 memorates. Other coins of the same date and 
 money er represent (1) the equestrian statue, granted 
 by the Senate, of one Aemilius Lepidus, who as a 
 boy of fifteen slew an enemy in battle and saved the 
 life of a Roman citizen ; (2) the Basilica Aemilia. 
 The inscription on the former is MLEPIDVS AIMXV' 
 PRHOCS' Yalerius Maximus tells the story, and 
 uses the phrase progressus in actem. Consequently the 
 abbreviations have been resolved : an(norum) XV. 
 pr(ogressus) h(ostem) o(ccisit) c(ivem) s(ervavit). 
 But the participle progressus can hardly be used 
 absolutely. 1 A better suggestion is praetextatus^ 
 although his standing is sufficiently indicated by 
 AN -XV. 2 It seems to be generally assumed, without 
 
 1 Mr. George Macdonald suggests that, in view of the extraordinary 
 coincidence between the words of Valerius Maximus [progressus in 
 aciem hostem interemit, civem servavit) and the inscription on the coin, 
 progressus may after all be right ; Valerius Maximus, or his authority, 
 may be quoting (from memory) the actual inscription of which the 
 coin gives a shorthand version. But these abbreviated inscriptions on 
 Homan coins show a curious conscientiousness on the part of the 
 engravers, who represent every word of the original in some way 
 (cf. No. 96). 
 
 2 There is no stop between the P and the R, otherwise P(opuli) 
 R(omani), qualifying H(ostem), would be possible. 
 
 52 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 any evidence, that this youthful hero was the man 
 who is represented on No. 29 as "tutor" of the 
 young Egyptian King. As regards the Basilica 
 Aemilia, that was built by the propraetor M. Aemilius 
 Lepidus out of the plunder which he accumulated 
 during his governorship of Sicily in 80 B.C. The 
 moneyer was probabljr the son of this propraetor. 
 
 The man with whom we are at present concerned was 
 despatched in 201 B.C. with two others (who, though 
 older than he, played a subordinate part throughout) 
 to Egypt and Syria, in order to secure the support of 
 their rulers against Philip Y. 1 At the time, 
 Ptolemaeus V. was a minor, and two writers, not 
 indeed of the highest authority, seem to confirm the 
 statement of the coin that Aemilius acted as the 
 king's guardian. Valerius Maximus 2 tells us that 
 Ptolemaeus IV. had by his will appointed the Eoman 
 people guardians of his son, and that the Senate 
 despatched as its representatives three men, including 
 M. Aemilius Lepidus, Pontifex Maximus and twice 
 consul. 8 Further, Justin confirms the statement about 
 
 1 Polybius xvi. 27. 5 ; Liv. xxxi. 2. 3. 
 
 2 VI. 6. 1. 
 
 " Niese, Gesch. d. gr. u. mak. St. ii., p. 637 note, argues that this 
 description implies a later date, since Lepidus was not consul H. 
 until 175 B.C. He might have added that he was not pontifex 
 maximus until 180 B.C. It is more surprising to find that even by 
 Mommsen-Blacas (ii., p. 501, note) Valerius is also accused of a 
 "faute de chronologic." Obviously the titles " twice consul" and 
 " pontifex maximus" are only used by Valerius, as by the designer 
 
 53 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 the will of Ptolemaeus IV., 1 and says that the Alex- 
 andrians demanded a regent from the Komans, who 
 were only too glad of this excuse for interference. 3 
 A third writer, who commands more respect, Tacitus, 3 
 also reminds his readers that "maioresM. Lepidum 
 Ptolemaei liberis tutorem in Aegyptum miserant." 
 There was, then, certainly a very distinct belief, as 
 early as the period of our denarius, ue n about 65 B.C., 
 that the mission of Aemilius to Egypt was prompted 
 by the demand, expressed either by Ptolemaeus IV. 
 or by the Alexandrians, for the interference of Kome. 
 Now, modern criticism 4 has discovered that there is 
 " no room " f or a Eoman guardian of the king at this 
 period. Of guardians the little Ptolemaeus has first 
 Agathokles, then Tlepolemos, and then Aristomenes. 
 Also, Polybius and Livy say nothing about such a 
 function being fulfilled by Aemilius. In any case, he 
 left Egypt very soon, for we hear of him anywhere 
 rather than in that country. It seems, however, 
 unnecessary to conclude that the story of the guar- 
 dianship is entirely a myth of comparatively late 
 origin. Whether the will of Ptolemaeus IV. appointed 
 
 of the coin, to distinguish this Aemilius from others, not with 
 chronological significance. 
 
 1 XXXI. i. 2. 
 
 9 XXX. ii. 8 ; iii. 3 f. Mittitur et M. Lepidus in Aegyptum, qui 
 tutorio nomine regnum pupilli administret. 
 
 8 Annal. ii. 67. 
 
 4 See Niese, loc. cit., and Svoronos, Munzen der Ptol., IV. 260 ff. 
 
 54 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 Borne the guardian of his son or not, we can well 
 imagine that the Romans would take full advantage of 
 any claim, real or invented, to such a title. It might 
 be used diplomatically, and yet not find a place in the 
 narrative of a Polybius or a Livy. It seems reason- 
 able, therefore, to believe that the story of this 
 guardianship is founded upon fact, although some 
 elements of exaggeration may have made their way 
 into the family tradition. 
 
 Count de Salis attributed the coin with which we 
 are dealing to the year 65 B.C., approximately. The 
 date is based on the stylistic connexion between this 
 moneyer's coins and the coins of Q. Pomponius Musa 
 and M. Piso M. f . Frugi, which de Salis assigns, on 
 different grounds, to 67 and 66 B.C. respectively. 
 Mommsen, on the other hand, prefers the date 61, 
 since about that time negotiations, upon which the 
 fate of Egypt hung, were going on at Rome. There 
 is, it is true, no reason to assume that the type must 
 have been inspired by some event of the moment ; it 
 was chosen primarily as an illustration of the moneyer's 
 family history. Nevertheless, there may well have 
 been some such connexion with current events. We 
 know that Ptolemaeus Auletes spent the greater part 
 of his reign and much of his fortune in attempts to 
 obtain the support of Rome. Some circumstances in 
 his intrigues even as early as 65 b.c may therefore 
 well have inspired the type. 
 
 55 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 The denarius which we have been discussing bears 
 neither the word ROMA nor those types which were 
 characteristic of this class of coin in its first 
 stages. In our next section we shall see how the 
 original character of the denarius was gradually 
 modified during the second century. Both these modi- 
 fications, and the disappearance, at a still later date, 
 of the word ROMA, seem to have been due to the 
 same ultimate cause, viz., the gradual development of 
 the denarius into a world- currency, and the elimination 
 of its rivals. 1 
 
 CHANGES IN THE DENARIUS. 
 SECOND CENTURY B.C. 
 
 30. Obv. Head of Eoma r., in winged helmet ; 
 
 behind, X 
 Rev. Luna, with crescent on forehead, in chariot 
 r. drawn by two galloping horses ; below, 
 a prawn, and (on tablet) ROMA- 
 
 Silver denarius, 3*95 grammes (60*9 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 75, 
 
 No. 585. 
 
 31. Obv. Similar to No. 30. 
 
 Rev. Yictory, winged, in chariot r. drawn by two 
 galloping horses; below, VrSAVF (the 
 VF ligatured) and ROMA (on tablet). 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*06 grammes (62*7 grains). B.M.C. L, p. Ill, 
 No. 834 
 
 1 See Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 185. 
 
 56 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 32. Olv, Similar to No. 30, but behind the head a 
 one-handled jug. 
 Rev. She-wolf suckling the twins Komulus and 
 Remus ; in the background the ruminal 
 fig-tree with birds perched on it ; on the 
 1. the shepherd Faustulus leaning on staff 
 and raising r. hand; around, SEXTOM. 
 [FO]STLVS ; in exergue, ROMA. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*89 grammes (60'0 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 132, 
 No. 927. 
 
 These three pieces serve well to illustrate the 
 character of the changes through which the denarius 
 passed in the first three quarters of the second cen- 
 tury. No. 30, according to de Salis's classification, 
 belongs to the period 196 — 173 B.C.; No. 31 to the 
 period 172—151 ; andNo. 32 to the period 150—125. 
 The definitions of these periods are, it must be 
 remembered, somewhat conjectural ; but it may be 
 taken as certain that all three coins belong to the first 
 75 years of the century, and that they are arranged, 
 relatively to each other, in chronological order. 
 
 The reverse of No. 30 gives us the earliest varia- 
 tion from the original denarius type of the Dioscuri. 
 The goddess is generally described as Diana ; some- 
 times as " Diana or Luna." It is, however, preferable 
 to distinguish her as Luna. The two deities were for 
 long kept distinct ; and Diana, as worshipped at 
 Rome in early times, was the Latin goddess of the 
 
 57 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 type known in the famous sanctuary of Aricia. She 
 was essentially the goddess of childbirth and the 
 helper of women. It is doubtful whether she would 
 be represented as the goddess is represented on our 
 coin, although figures of the Diana Nemorensis from 
 Nemi do represent her, owing to Greek influence, 
 as a huntress. If we could suppose the coin-type to 
 be meant for the Eomano- Greek Diana- Artemis, we 
 should have an interesting historical combination, 
 accounting for her appearance on the coins at this 
 time. For in 187 b.c. the consul M. Aemilius 
 Lepidus, during his campaign against the Ligurians, 
 vowed a temple to Diana, which he dedicated during 
 his censorship in 179. * But it is probable that the 
 Greek Artemis would also have been represented as 
 the huntress-goddess, even as we find her on the coins 
 issued at Syracuse just before this period, during the 
 democracy of 215 — 212 B.C. The goddess on our 
 coins is so evidently characterized as Luna or the 
 Moon that we have no justification for calling her 
 anything else. 
 
 Now this goddess was much revered at Kome. 
 Her chief temple, said to have been founded by 
 Servius Tullius, 2 lay on the slope of the Aventine, 
 
 1 Liv. xxxix. 2, xl. 52. This, and a temple of Iuno Regina, dedicated 
 at the same time, were in the neighbourhood of the Circus Flaminius. 
 
 2 Ovid, Fast. iii. 883 ; Tac. Ann. xv. 41. In 182 b.c. a storm 
 forem ex aede Lunae, quae in Aventino est, raptam tulit, et in posticis 
 partibus Cereris templi affixit (Liv. xl. 2). 
 
 58 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 ad circum maximum. The other shrines, such as that 
 of Noctiluca on the Palatine, 1 seem to have been less 
 important. "Was there any historical reason for the 
 adoption of the moon-goddess as a coin-type during 
 the period to which these coins are attributed ? The 
 only event which seems to suggest itself is the reform 
 of the calendar which took place, by the provisions of 
 the lex Acilta, in the year 191 B.C. The calendar 3 had 
 fallen into serious confusion in the year 207 B.C., 
 when the principle of intercalation was given up. 
 Apparently it was thought that the sun-god Apollo was 
 offended because the expression in the calendar of his 
 annual course was distorted by contamination with the 
 foreign lunar element. So the intercalary month was 
 dropped, and it was not until the year 191 that the 
 consul M' Acilius Glabrio effected a reform. The 
 details of this may not be quite certain, but there 
 is no doubt that it had to do with the restoration of 
 something like the old system. The moon, therefore, 
 may be regarded as having come to her own again, 
 and it is hardly fanciful to conjecture that such a 
 change may have been commemorated by the intro- 
 duction of the type of Luna into the coinage. If so, 
 we may date the first appearance of these coins to the 
 year of the consulship of Acilius, 191 b.c. 
 
 1 Hor. Carm. iy. 6. 38. 
 
 2 For an account of this episode, see Unger, Zeitrechnung, in Iwan 
 Mutter's Handbuch, i 2 . pp. 804 f. 
 
 59 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 The coin of L. Saufeius bears the device of 
 Victory in a biga, another of the types which helped 
 to break down the monopoly of the Dioscuri. It 
 is probably to coins like this and the preceding 
 that Tacitus refers when he alludes to the popularity 
 among the northern barbarians of the coins bearing a 
 biga. 1 
 
 If we seek a motive for the adoption in the period 
 172 — 151 of Victory as a new type for the denarius 
 we may find it in the signal successes which in this 
 period attended the Eoman arms. The crushing 
 defeat of Antiochus the Great at Magnesia in 190 B.C. 
 had placed the whole of the Levant virtually at the 
 feet of Rome. But even more striking, because much 
 nearer home, was the victory at Pydna in 168 — that 
 final humiliation of the Greeks which allowed Eome 
 to enter upon the inheritance of Alexander the Great. 
 It is not surprising that such a change in her position 
 should be reflected in the coinage. 
 
 The type of Sex. Pompeius Fostlus, on the other 
 hand, is one of those personal types which began to 
 appear once it was felt that change in the reverse type 
 of the denarius was permissible. The process is 
 characteristic of Eoman historical development : first, 
 complete uniformity ; then the beginnings of change, 
 
 1 Germ. 5 : pecuniam probant veterem et diu notam, aerratos higatosque. 
 The serrati are the coins with notched or serrated edges, regarding 
 which see No. 47. 
 
 60 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 but still without the obvious intrusion of the personal 
 element ; finally, the domination of the individual. 1 
 
 Behind the wolf and twins stands the ficus rumimlis, 
 which once shaded the Lupercal, or cave in which 
 Bomulus and Eemus were suckled by the she-wolf. 
 Of the birds, which on good specimens may be made 
 out on the tree, one should be the picus Martis, the 
 woodpecker sacred to Mars. 2 The type is either 
 merely a "canting" type, referring to the cognomen 
 of the moneyer Sex. Pompeius (or Pomponius) 
 Fostlus, 3 or else, as is more probable, it indicates a 
 claim on his part to be descended from Faustulus, the 
 shepherd who rescued the twins. In any case, the 
 reference of the type is strictly personal. The one- 
 handled vase which occurs as a symbol on all the coins 
 of this moneyer, irrespective of their type, has been 
 explained, presumably in jest, as a milk-jug, because 
 the she-wolf is giving her milk to the twins. 4 
 
 The initials of the moneyers began to be placed on 
 the coins during the period 217 — 197 B.C. It was 
 
 1 See Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 43, and Macdonald, Coin Types, 
 pp. 190 f. 
 
 2 On most other representations (e.g., the gems in Botticher, 
 Baumkultus, fig. 37 ; Furtwangler, AntiJce Qemmen, PL xxviii., 58) 
 only one bird is to be seen ; on the Bolsena mirror (Mon. delV Institute, 
 xi., PI. 3. 1) there appear an owl and a woodpecker. 
 
 3 Eoman moneyers were very fond of "canting" types. See 
 Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 188. 
 
 4 Babelon, Monn. de la Rip. Romaine, ii., p. 336; by Mommsen- 
 Blacas, ii., p. 503, the vase is also described as a milk-jug. 
 
 61 
 
HISTORICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 about this time, it would seem, that the cousuls lost 
 the right of coiuage -within the city. Consequently 
 the special board of magistrates, tresviri monetales^ 
 appointed from time to time when money was needed, 
 naturally began to leave their mark on the coinage. 
 We find first of all only symbols, then initials, then 
 abbreviations of a less scanty kind, and finally a full 
 indication of the moneyer's name. 
 
 C. MINUCIUS AUGURINUS. 
 CIRCA 150 — 125 B.C. 
 
 33. Olv. Head of Eomar., wearing winged helmet; 
 under chin, X ; behind, ROMA- 
 Rev. Corinthian column, supporting a figure 
 of L. Minucius Augurinus, resting on 
 staff and holding ears of corn (?) ; from 
 the capital hang bells ; at the base, lions' 
 heads surmounted by ears of corn ; on 
 r., M. Minucius Faesus standing, togate, 
 holding a lituus; on 1., L. (or P.) 
 Minucius Augurinus standing, togate, 
 holding a dish and a loaf, his 1. foot 
 resting on a corn measure ; 1 above, 
 CAVG. 
 
 Silver denarius, 3*86 grammes (59*5 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 136, 
 No. 953. 
 
 A. B. Cook, J. H. S. xxii., p. 19, describes him as clapping 
 cymbals, with his foot on a ball. But his left hand and right hand 
 hold the objects differently. 
 
 62 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 The popular hero of the Minucia gens was L. 
 Minucius Augurinus, who as praefectus annonae in 
 439 B.C., when there was a serions famine, obtained 
 a supply of corn from abroad, and in three market 
 days lowered the price of corn to a maximum of one 
 as for a modius. The grateful people erected to him 
 a brazen statue on a column outside the Porta 
 Trigemina, everyone subscribing an uncia} The 
 column, with the statue on it, is represented on the 
 coin. The two figures at the sides of the monument 
 have been explained as other members of the family. 
 The man on the right, holding the augur's wand, may 
 then be M. Minucius Faesus, one of the first plebeian 
 augurs to be elected after the passing of the lex 
 Ogulnia in 300 B.C. 2 The man on the left may be 
 either the praefectus annonae himself — admiring his own 
 monument — or P. Minucius Augurinus, a still earlier 
 public benefactor, who as consul in 492 B.C. relieved a 
 famine by obtaining supplies from abroad. 3 But it is 
 quite possible that the augur on the right is merely a 
 canting allusion to the moneyer's cognomen, while 
 the figure on the left may also have some allusive 
 significance which escapes us. 
 
 The ears of corn flanking the monument need no 
 
 1 Plin. N. E. xviii. 4 ; xxxiv. 11. This, Pliny thinks, was perhaps 
 the first honour of the kind conferred by the people, not by the 
 Senate. Op. Dion. Hal. Tre/ai e7rt/3ouAuiv, p. xxxvi, ed. C. Mueller. 
 
 2 Liv. x. 9. 
 
 * Liv. ii. 34. 
 
 63 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 explanation. Tlie lions' heads may be either purely- 
 ornamental or apotropaic ; less probably they were 
 fountains. The bells are difficult to explain. It has 
 been thought that they were used to announce the 
 opening and closing of the corn market ; 1 but what 
 possible market was held outside the Porta Trigemina, 
 which led through the walls below the north-west slope 
 of the Aventine, close to the Tiber ? Like the bells 
 on the facade of the second temple of Jupiter 
 Capitolinus, they were probably prophylactic, 2 though 
 why they should be used here we cannot say. It is, 
 however, significant that one of the most important 
 rites performed by the augurs was augurare vineta 
 vtrgetaque, apparently with the object of protecting 
 the crops in general from damage by drought. 3 Bells 
 may have played some part in this ceremony. 4 
 
 This coin is attributed to the third quarter of the 
 second century. A certain C. Minucius Augurinus, 
 
 1 Babelon, ii,, p. 228. 
 
 2 A. B. Cook in J. H. 8., loc. eft. 
 
 3 Wissowa in Pauly- Wissowa, fiealencycl,, ii. 2329. 
 
 4 The bells and the lions' heads recall the Dipon or Diwat, a granite 
 pillar at Mahoba in India. " Its name is derived from the practice of 
 placing a lamp, or dip, on its summit on stated occasions. But this 
 certainly could not have been the original purpose of the pillar, as it 
 is crowned with a broad, flat-topped capital, and does not possess a 
 single receptacle for a lamp. It is a single shaft 18 ft. in height . . . 
 the uppermost (portion) is ornamented with four chains, and bells 
 suspended from four lions' heads immediately beneath the capital." 
 Alex. Cunningham, Archceol. Survey of India, Reports, Vol. ii. (1871), 
 p. 443. 
 
 64 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 perhaps the moneyer's father, was tribune of the plebs 
 in 187 B.C. The Ti. Minucius C. f. Augurinus, who a 
 little later struck coins with a very similar representa- 
 tion of the ancestral monument, was doubtless the son 
 of our Caius. 
 
 T. QTJINCTIUS FLAMININUS. 
 CIRCA 124 103 B.C. 
 
 34. Obv. Head of Romar., in winged helmet; behind, 
 flamen's apex ; under chin, X. 
 Rev. The Dioscuri on horseback, charging r. ; 
 below, T Q and round Macedonian shield ; 
 in exergue, ROMA. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*88 grammes (59'8 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 155, 
 No. 1040. 
 
 The moneyer who issued this denarius — which is 
 dated by some to a slightly earlier period — must have 
 been a descendant of T. Quinctius Flamininus, who 
 won the battle of Cynoscephalae in 197 B.C., since the 
 letters T Q on the reverse, combined with the flawed $ 
 cap on the obverse, clearly represent a person of this 
 name, while the Macedonian shield indicates a Mace- 
 donian victory, as on the coins of M. CaeciliusMetellus. 1 
 
 This being so, we can see a special significance in 
 the use of the type of the Dioscuri here, for it was at 
 this time no longer the ordinary type of the denarius^ 
 and we know that the conqueror of Philip V. made a 
 
 1 Babelon, i., p. 269. 
 
 H.R.C. y 65 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 special dedication to the Dioscuri at Delphi. The 
 objects dedicated were silver bucklers (ao-mSas) and 
 his own scutum (rbv kavrov flvpeoV). 1 The bucklers were 
 doubtless Macedonian bucklers, one of which is 
 represented on the coin under the figures of the Zyvhs 
 Kpatirvdia-i yeyaOoTes hnTO<r6vcu<n Kovpot to whom it was 
 dedicated. 
 
 Which of Flamininus' descendants issued this coin 
 we do not know. It is usually ascribed to the one who 
 became consul in 123 B.C., in which case it must have 
 been issued some time before that date, since the office 
 of moneyer was of comparatively low rank. The date 
 here adopted — on grounds of style — is due to Count 
 de Salis. 
 
 CHAKTERS OF LIBERTY. 
 
 35. Obv. Head of Eoma r. in winged helmet ; under 
 
 chin, X ; behind, LA EC A. 
 Rev. Libertas, crowned by Victory, in fast quad- 
 riga to r., holding cap of Liberty and 
 sceptre; below, MPORC; in exergue, 
 ROMA. 
 Silver denarius. 3*98 grammes (61*5 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 151, 
 No. 1024. 
 
 36. Obv. Head of Eoma r. in winged helmet ; above, 
 
 ROMA ; in front, X ; behind, P LAECA 
 (the AE in monogram). 
 
 1 Plut. Titus, 12. 
 
 66 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. A general wearing a cuirass and armed with 
 a sword, accompanied by a lictor holding 
 in his right hand a long stake 1 or spear 
 erect, in his left, two rods (the fasces). 
 The general extends his hand over the 
 head of a togate figure ; below, PROVOCO. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3'90 grammes (60'2 grains). British Museum. 
 
 37. Obv. Head of Roma r. in winged helmet ; behind, 
 
 ¥: and voting urn (sitella). 
 Rev. Libertas in fast quadriga r., holding cap of 
 Liberty and sceptre; below, CCASSI; 
 in exergue, ROMA. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*89 grammes (60*0 grains). B.M.O. I., p. 153, 
 No. 1033. 
 
 38. Obv. Head of Vesta r., veiled; behind, Q.CASS I VS; 
 
 before, VEST. 
 Rev. Circular temple of Vesta, surmounted by a 
 figure of the goddess, holding sceptre and 
 patera ; within, curule chair; on 1., urn 
 (sitella) ; on r., tablet (sorticula) inscribed 
 AC 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*98 grammes (61*5 grains). B.M.O. L, p. 482, 
 No. 3871. 
 
 39. Obv. Head of Vesta 1. veiled ; behind, two- 
 
 handled cup ; before, letter A. 
 
 1 This suggestion is due to Mr. Stuart Jones, who thinks it may be 
 meant for the stake to which criminals were tied for flogging. It is 
 however very slight in form and might even be a long sword. 
 
 f2 67 
 
HISTOEICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. A citizen, togate, dropping into a cista a 
 tablet inscribed V; behind him, LONG IN 
 1 1 IV. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3'89 grammes (60'0 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 494, 
 No. 3929. 
 
 The allusions on the reverses of Nos. 35, 36 are to 
 an ancestor or ancestors of the moneyers, who carried 
 the laws pro tergo civium^ which were among the chief 
 charters of the people's liberty. 1 Nothing is known 
 of the moneyers themselves ; but the first coin and the 
 third appear to belong to the same period, and that 
 the end of the second century B.C. The second 
 moneyer (No. 36) probably issued his coins from one 
 of the local Italiau mints about 90 B.C. His coin is 
 supposed to allude to the extension of the right of 
 provocatio even against military commanders : in the 
 general is seen a provincial governor from whom the ius 
 in capita civiwn was taken away by one of the three 
 Porcian laws. The gesture of the general, then, is 
 not one of protection, as we should naturally suppose. 
 
 1 Liv. x. 9 ; Cic. 'pro. Rah. perd. 4 (12) ; cp. in Verr. ii., 5. 63 (163) ; 
 de Rep. ii. 31 : leges Porciae, quae tres sunt trium Porciorum. The 
 dates of these laws are uncertain ; one was before the time of the 
 Gracchi, another was suggested by Cato the Elder (Festus s.v. Pro 
 Scapulis). See Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 321. One of these Leges 
 Porciae authorized appeal to the people from the holder of the military 
 imperium; this was before 108 B.C., for a statement of Sallust 
 (Bell. Jug. 69) proves that at that date the commander had the right 
 against the Latins but not against the Romans : Turpilius . . . iussus 
 a Metello causam dicer e, postquam sese parum expurgat, condemnatus 
 verberatusque capite poenas solvit ; nam is civis ex Latio erat. 
 
 68 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Of the three Cassian coins, No. 37 is generally- 
 attributed to C. Cassius Longinus, son of L. Cassius 
 Longinus Eavilla. No. 38 is given to Q. Cassius 
 Longinus, quaestor to Pompeius in Spain in 54 B.C., 
 and notorious for his harsh treatment of the pro- 
 vincials. His coinage probably dates from about 
 58 B.C. The third, No. 39, probably belongs to 
 L. Cassius Longinus, who seems to have been 
 triumvir of the mint about 52 B.C. 
 
 It was Eavilla who, in 137 B.C., as tribune of the 
 plebs, carried the second lex tabellaria, extending the 
 process of voting by ballot to the public tribunals ; it 
 had been introduced two years before for the elections 
 of magistrates. He it was also who, when the deci- 
 sion of the Pontifex, Lucius Metellus, in the trial of 
 the Yestal Virgins in 113 B.C., was regarded as too 
 lenient, was appointed president of the commission to 
 re-hear the case. The lex tabellaria was one of the 
 most popular of democratic measures, and Eavilla was 
 therefore regarded as an especial champion of liberty. 
 That is why Libertas figures on the coinage of his 
 son. 1 The voting urn on the obverse, however, refers 
 not to this reform, but to Eavilla' s action in the affair 
 of the Vestals. The same is the case with the urn and 
 the voting tablet with the letters AC (absolvo, condemno) 
 
 1 0. Cassius must have been moneyer at the latest about 104 b.o. 
 (he was consul in 96), so that the events alluded to on his coins were 
 very recent. 
 
 69 
 
HISTORICAL SOMAN COINS 
 
 on the coin of Q. Cassius (No. 38) ; and the curule 
 chair within the temple is the chair of the judge. 
 The method of voting, by placing tablets indicating 
 acquittal or condemnation in an urn, was employed in 
 quaestiones, such as that which was concerned with 
 the Yestals. But in the comitia, when the people 
 were voting on a rogation, the tablets bore or indi- 
 cated the words antiquo and uti rogas. Mommsen 
 adds 1 that in the comitia the tablets were placed not 
 in an urn, but in a cista or box ; and this method is 
 illustrated on the coin of L. Cassius Longinus (No. 39). 
 Here is a citizen voting, according to the lex tabellaria 
 of Cassius Eavilla ; and in favour of the proposal 
 before the comitia, since his tablet bears the letter V 
 for uti rogas. 
 
 THE SURRENDER OF JUGURTHA BY BOCCHUS. 
 106 OR 105 B.C. 
 
 40. Obv. Bust of Diana r., wearing stephane, with 
 crescent above ; behind, lituus ; in front, 
 FAVSTVS. 
 Rev. Sulla seated 1. on a platform; before him, 
 kneeling r., Bocchus holding up an olive 
 branch ; behind him, Jugurtha kneeling 1., 
 his hands tied behind his back ; above, on 
 
 r., FELIX. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3'87 grammes (59*7 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 471, 
 
 No. 3824. 
 
 1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 504, note. 
 
 70 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 This coin was struck, probably about 62 B.C., by 
 Faustus Cornelius Sulla, son of the dictator by his 
 fourth wife, Caecilia Metella. The story of the 
 capture of Jugurtha is in all the history books. The 
 interest of the type is that it probably reproduces more 
 or less exactly the subject of a seal ring which Sulla, 
 in his pride, had made for himself, and used con- 
 stantly, much to the irritation of Marius. 1 Bocchus 
 himself also dedicated in the temple of Capitoline 
 Jupiter some figures of Victory bearing trophies and 
 beside them a group in gold of the handing over of 
 Jugurtha to Sulla. 2 The head of Diana on the obverse 
 of our coin alludes to the dictator's especial cult of 
 the goddess, 3 the lituus to his augurship. 
 
 The dictator is identified by the title FELIX, a 
 title which he did not finally adopt until after the 
 death of the younger Marius. 4 Faustus, therefore, on 
 his coin commits a " chronological error " like that of 
 which some critics have complained in connexion with 
 the coins of M. Aemilius Lepidus. 5 
 
 1 Plut. Sulla, 3: rjv Be rj ypa<j>7} Bok^os /*ev TrapaStSovs, SvXXas Be 
 irapa\ap./3dvu)v rbv *loyop6av. Id. Mar, 10 ; Praec. ger. reip. xii. ; 
 Plin. N. H. xxxyii. 4. 9 ; Val. Max. viii. 14. 4 (Bern.). 
 
 * Plut. Mar. 32 ; Sulla, 6. 
 
 3 Veil. Paterc. ii. 25 : privileges granted after Sulla's victory over 
 Norbanus to the shrine of Diana Tifatina near Capua. See also the 
 inscriptions cited by Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. v. 327. 
 
 i Veil. Paterc. ii. 27. 
 
 6 See supra, p. 53. 
 
 71 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 MARIUS AND THE BARBARIANS. 
 104—101 B.C. 
 
 ( 41.) Obv. Head of Apollo r., laureate ; behind, C* 
 EGNATVLEIC F ; below, Q (NAT and VL 
 ligatured). 
 Rev. Victory standing L, writing on oval shield, 
 which is fastened to a trophy, on which 
 are a helmet with bull's horns, cuirass and 
 spear ; at the foot of the trophy is a war 
 trumpet (karnyz) ; in the field, Q ; in the 
 exergue, ROMA. 
 
 Silver quinarius. 1*85 grammes (28'5 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 165, 
 No. 1077. 
 
 ( 42. Obv. Head of Jupiter r., laureate ; under chin, -B* 
 Rev. Victory standing r., holding palm branch 
 and wreath which she is about to place on 
 trophy ; at foot of trophy, a seated captive 
 and a karnyx ; in field, downwards, T* 
 CLOVLI (VL ligatured) ; in exergue, Q. 
 
 Silver quinarius. 1'83 grammes (28'3 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 168, 
 No. 1105. 
 
 The quinarius had fallen into disuse before the end 
 of the third century ; it was revived by the lex Clodia. 
 Pliny tells us i 1 Is qui nunc victoriatus appellator lege 
 Clodia percussus est. antea enim hie nummus ex 
 Illyrico advectus mercis loco habebatur. est autem 
 
 1 N. H. xxxiii. 3. 46. 
 
 72 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 signatus Victoria et inde nomen. These victoriati 
 were not the coins originally so-called, but new 
 quinarii with somewhat similar types. Pliny's remark 
 about Illyricum is generally admitted to be a blunder. 
 He confounds the Roman victoriate with the Illyrian 
 coin of the same value. 1 
 
 The date of the lex Clodia is conjectural. Quinarii 
 of the new sort were struck by M. Cato, who died in 
 91 b.c, and the similar pieces of T. Cloulius (No. 42), 
 C. Fundanius, C. Egnatule'ius (No. 41), and P. 
 Sabinus are older still. 2 The law is generally 
 assigned to about 104 B.C. The coins with which we 
 are at present concerned doubtless belong to the 
 period immediately following the enactment, for there 
 are none older in style. The types of the reverses 
 evidently allude to a victory over some northern 
 barbarians, since the horned helmet, 3 the shield, and 
 the war trumpet are of northern, apparently Keltic, 
 type ; the last being particularly associated with the 
 Kelts. The barbarians in question can hardly be 
 other than some of those defeated by Marius at Aquae 
 Sextiae or at Vercellae. At the former battle the 
 tribes concerned were the Teutons — generally re- 
 garded as Germans — and the Ambrones, a Gallic 
 tribe. The Cimbri, who were crushed at Vercellae, 
 
 1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 87, note 2. 
 
 2 Id. ii., p. 101. 
 
 8 See Mowat in Gazette archeohgique, 1887, p. 130. 
 
 73 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 have been claimed both as Kelts and as Germans ; 
 among the ancients the evidence of most of the earlier 
 writers is in favour of their Keltic origin, while later 
 authors (who knew the Germans better) called them 
 Germans. But even if the Cimbri were Germans, we 
 know so little about German armour at this date 
 that it would be rash to deny that the Cimbri may- 
 have employed armour and trumpets such as are repre- 
 sented on our coins. It is therefore impossible to 
 determine whether the reference is to a victory over 
 any one particular tribe ; and, indeed, it is most 
 reasonable to assume that the reference is quite 
 general to the victories over the northern barbarians ; 
 accuracy in distinguishing the armour of the various 
 foes of Eome is hardly to be demanded of a die 
 engraver. De Salis assigned the coins to the years 
 102 and 101 ; the latter date seems on the whole the 
 more probable. 
 
 The letter Q is generally explained as a mark of 
 value (for quinarius). The value of this coin, it must 
 be remembered, was now 8 asses, and could no longer 
 be strictly expressed by V, as on the earliest issue. 
 Had the Q only occurred on the obverse, in close 
 connexion with the name of the moneyer — as a 
 matter of fact it is separated from the name — we 
 should have been justified in explaining it as 
 Quaesto?*, 1 and in supposing that Egnatuleius, for 
 
 1 So Lenormant, La Monn. dans Vant. ii, p. 293. 
 
 74 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 I instance, was one of Marius's quaestors, who struck 
 
 I coins for use in the Gallic war. But the nearly, if not 
 
 quite, contemporary quinarii of T. Cloulius all have 
 
 Q on the reverse only, and on the obverse a series of 
 
 letters differentiating the various issues. 
 
 These letters are a striking proof of the enormous 
 quantity of dies which must have been used, for it 
 appears that each letter marks a different die. That 
 is to say, it is not to be supposed that, after a number 
 of coins had been struck from a die bearing the letter 
 B, that letter was erased and another engraved on the 
 same die. A complete new die, marked with the next 
 letter, C, was engraved. There are three series of 
 these letters in the coinage of Cloulius, according as 
 the letters are placed behind, below, or in front of the 
 neck of Jupiter ; in each series the whole alphabet is 
 represented ; and finally, the varieties are multiplied 
 by placing dots at the sides of, below or above the 
 letters. In the British Museum Catalogue alone Mr. 
 Grueber enumerates 33 varieties of this quinarius 
 coinage. 
 
 C. COELIUS CALDUS. 
 HIS ACHIEVEMENTS, 107 94 B.C. 
 
 43. Obv. Head, r., of C. Coelius Caldus ; behind, a 
 tablet with the letters L. D. ; inscr. 
 C-COEL-CALDVS COS. 
 
 75 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. Head of Sol r., radiate ; in front, circular 
 shield ; behind, oblong shield with 
 thunderbolt device ; inscr. CALDVSi 
 IIIVIR. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3"97 grammes (61*3 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 474, 
 No. 3833. 
 
 44. Obv. Similar head and inscription ; behind, a 
 vexillum inscribed HIS ; in front, a 
 standard in the form of a boar. 
 Rev. An epulo preparing a lectisternium ; at 
 either end of the couch, a trophy, one 
 with circular, the other with oblong 
 shield; inscr. LCALDVS VIIVIREPVL- 
 OCALDVSIMPAX, and CALDVSIM 
 VI R (various ligatures). 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*15 grammes (64'1 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 475, 
 
 No. 387. 
 
 The descendants of C. Coelius Caldus were extremely 
 proud of their ancestor, the homo novus to whom the 
 honourable position of the family in the last century 
 of the Eepublic was due. These coins were struck 
 by C. Coelius Caldus, his grandson ; their precise date 
 is uncertain, some (as Mommsen) giving them to 
 about 54 B.C., while de Salis prefers 61 b.c. The 
 moneyer, as one of the monetary triumvirate, signs 
 his coins Caldus Illvir. 
 
 The elder C. Coelius Caldus was tribune of the 
 plebs in 106 B.C. In this capacity he impeached 
 76 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 C. Popilius Laenas, who, when the consul Cassius 
 Longinus, the year before, had been defeated and 
 killed by the Tigurini, came to terms with the enemy 
 and brought off the army, with the loss of their 
 baggage and their honour. In order to secure a con- 
 viction, Coelius passed his lex tabellaria, introducing 
 the method of voting by tablets into the court of 
 perduelliO) from which it had hitherto been excluded 
 — doluitque, says Cicero (de Leg. iii. 16. 36), 
 quoad vixit se ut opprimeret C. Popilium nocuisse 
 rei publicae. The tablet behind the head of 
 Coelius on No. 43 bears the initials of the words 
 Libero, Damno. Coelius was praetor in Hispania 
 Citerior about 99, 1 and it is to his achievements in 
 this province that the vexillum with the inscription 
 HlS(pania) and the Keltic boar standard refer. The 
 same reference is, according to some authorities, also 
 intended by the shields on the reverse of No. 43 and 
 on the trophies on the reverse of No. 44. The head 
 of the Sun would then perhaps be used in allusion to 
 the names of the family. 2 Still, Borghesi's sugges- 
 tion that it refers rather to some victory won by a 
 member of the family in the East is tempting. For 
 we find one C. Coelius C.f. (i.e., either the founder of 
 the family or his son) mentioned in the so-called 
 
 1 See Wiladorf in Leipziger Studien, i., p. 110. 
 
 2 As Vaillant puts it (Num. ant fam. Rom. i., p. 292; cp. Eckhel, 
 Num. vet. v., p. 1*76) : quod sol in coelo videatur et caldus sit. 
 
 77 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Senatus consultum Adramyttenum as a Senator of 
 praetorian rank. 1 In the latter case, the circular 
 shield, if not the oblong one, may well represent an 
 Eastern enemy. 
 
 The lectisternium type (No. 44) 2 commemorates 
 L. Coelius Caldus, probably a younger son of the 
 elder Caius, and father of the moneyer. He was 
 septemvir epulonum, and it is probably he who is 
 represented preparing the ledum, on which the gods 
 were supposed to recline at the repast offered to them. 
 A third member of the moneyer's family, probably 
 his uncle, is the C. Caldus mentioned on the same 
 coin as Imp(erator) A(ugur) X(vir sacris faciundis). 
 It is to be noted that the name and titles of this 
 member of the family are written close to the trophies, 
 thus confirming the suggestion that the trophies (and 
 the corresponding shields on the reverse of No. 43) 
 refer not to the Spanish victories of the elder 
 C. Coelius Caldus, but to some exploits of the moneyer's 
 uncle of the same name. These exploits, as we have 
 seen, may have been partly in the East. 
 
 1 The date of the inscription is uncertain : Mommsen (Eph. Epigr. 
 iv., pp. 216 f. ; Staatsr. iii., 986 note), supported by Foucart (Bull. 
 Corr. Hellen. ix. 401), gives it to 122—120 B.C.; Viereck (Sermo 
 Oraecus, pp. 22 f.), foUowing Willems, prefers 98 — 94 B.C., on the 
 ground of its containing thin very name, C. Coelius Caldus. 
 
 2 If the curved object attached to the trophy with the oblong shield 
 is a karnyx, and not a lituus militaris, then this trophy must refer to 
 a victory over Grauls or Celtiberians. But, even so, the trophy with 
 the round shield may still be Eastern. 
 
 78 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 THE CORN LAW OP SATURNINUS. 
 100 B.C. 
 
 45. Obv. Head of Saturn r., laureate; behind, a ser- 
 rated sickle; around, PISO.CAEriO.Q; 
 below, a trident. 
 Rev. L. Calpurnius Piso and Q. Servilius Caepio 
 seated on a bench, at each end of which 
 is an ear of corn ; in exergue, AD.FRV. 
 EM[V]EXSC 
 
 Silver denarius. 3'76 grammes (58*0 grains). B.M.C. I., p, 170, 
 
 No. 1127. 
 
 The author of the Rhetorica ad Herennium (I. xii. 21) 
 takes as an instance of a legitimate issue arising 
 out of a definition, the question whether Q. Caepio 1 
 violated the majesty of the Eoman people when he 
 prevented the tribune Saturninus from carrying his 
 corn law. He was quaestor urhanus at the time, and 
 when L. Appuleius Saturninus proposed his lex fru- 
 mentaria de semissibus et trientibus, by which the state 
 was to let the people buy corn at a semis and a triens 
 (i.e., % of an as) for a modius, he urged that such a dole 
 would break the treasury. The Senate decreed that 
 the measure proposed was unconstitutional. Satur- 
 ninus defied the veto of his colleagues ; Caepio 
 
 1 Probably the eon of the Q. Caepio who was responsible for the 
 disaster of Arausio in 105, and in whose condemnation Saturninus took 
 a leading part. 
 
 79 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 thereupon broke up the comitia and for the time 
 prevented the law being carried ; hence the charge 
 brought against him. It appears from Appian 
 (B. C. i. 30) that Caepio's interference was fruitless, 
 since the Marian veterans, who swarmed in the city, 
 in their turn drove Caepio's "viri boni" from the 
 forum, the voting was resumed, and the Appuleian 
 law was passed. 
 
 Saturninus's proposal reduced the price of corn 
 per bushel from 6£ asses to the nominal sum of f as. 
 Numismatic writers have generally assumed that the 
 lex frumentaria was not carried, but that the Senate 
 found it necessary to soothe the populace with a dole, 
 and that they accordingly instructed the quaestors to 
 buy corn largely, and decreed an appropriation from 
 the treasury to this end. It would follow that these 
 coins were struck EX S(enatus) C(onsulto) AD FRV 
 (mentum) EMV(ndum). 
 
 As a matter of fact, we know that the Senate (with 
 the single exception of the stalwart Metellus Numi- 
 dicus) took the oath to observe the terms of the new 
 law. The obvious consequence seems to be that they 
 must have instructed the quaestors to act in accordance 
 with the law, and procure the necessary corn. The 
 coins must therefore have been struck in order to 
 enable the quaestors to carry out the provisions, not of 
 some Senatus Consultum of which we have no other 
 record, but of the lex frumentaria of Saturninus, 
 80 
 
PL. X 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 The phrase EX S C on the coins refers to the order of 
 the Senate for their issue, not to the order for the 
 purchase of corn; i.e., it is to be construed not with 
 emundum, but with words meaning "coin struck" 
 understood. 1 
 
 The head of the harvest god Saturn, with the 
 sickle, 2 shown on the obverse, and the ears of corn on 
 the reverse, are obviously appropriate to the occasion. 
 But the primary reason for the use of the obverse 
 type was that the aerarium populi Romani which, 
 subject to the sanction of the Senate, provided the 
 urban quaestors with the funds for this expenditure, 
 was situated in the Temple of Saturn below the 
 Capitol. 
 
 The trident is a mark to distinguish this particular 
 issue from others, which have an arrow, a bow, etc. 
 Such distinguishing marks do not occur before this 
 date. The substitution for Eoma of another deity, 
 on the obverse, is also an innovation. 
 
 Caepio's colleague appears to be L. Calpurnius Piso 
 Caesoninus, son of the consul of 112, and father of 
 Cicero's enemy, the consul of 58. 
 
 1 Did it refer to the decree for the purchase of the corn, as some 
 suppose (Mommsen-Blacas ii., p. 168), the order of the words should 
 be AD EKV.EX. S.C. EMV. 
 
 3 The form of the sickle is interesting, inasmuch as it corresponds 
 to the toothed form described by Hesiod (Theog. 115: /cap^apoScov) ; 
 whereas ordinarily the attribute of the god resembles the harpa of 
 Perseus. See Daremberg and Saglio, Diet. Ant. ii., p. 971. 
 
 H.K.C. G 81 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 THE SOCIAL WAR. 
 90 B.C. 
 
 (46. Obv. Head of Magna Mater i\, wearing turreted 
 crown and veil ; behind, EXAPV. 
 Rev. Yictory in a two-horse chariot r. ; before 
 the horses, a bird ; under them, C*, and 
 C'FABT CF- in exergue. 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*01 grammes (61*9 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 223, 
 No. 1596. 
 
 (47. Obv. Head of Eoma r., helmeted ; behind, PV ; 
 
 all in laurel wreath. 
 
 Rev. Victory in a two-horse chariot r. ; inscr., 
 
 MLVCILI.RVF. 
 
 Silver denarius (edge serrated). 3*95 grammes (61*0 grains). B.M.C. 
 L, p. 224, No. 1613. 
 
 It is probable that, in the earlier period of the 
 Eoman coinage, all new issues in Eome only took 
 place in accordance with a special decree of the 
 Senate. But after the constitution of the monetary 
 magistracy of the tresviri aere argento auro flando 
 feriundO) and even before this had become a regular 
 magistracy, rather than a commission appointed from 
 time to time as necessity demanded, no such special 
 decree of the Senate was needed, the issues being 
 made by the moneyers in virtue of their office. The 
 definitive constitution of the magistracy is placed by 
 Mommsen 1 between 104 and 89 b.c. It is just about 
 
 1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., pp. 47 f. 
 
 82 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 this time that formulas like EX S.C., S.C., AEG(ento) 
 PVB(lico), EX A(rgento) P(ublico), PV(blice), etc., 
 occur most frequently. 1 These phrases indicate special 
 issues which were made in accordance with special 
 decrees either of the Senate or of the people, and not 
 by the tresviri in ordinary course. But what exactly 
 is meant by saying that the coins were issued ex 
 argento publico ? Naturally, the bullion from which all 
 coins were issued by the State must have been public 
 property. We are, it seems, compelled to assume that 
 a reserve of silver in bars 2 was kept in the public 
 treasury (which continued to be known as the aerarium 
 populi Romani long after bronze ceased to be stored 
 there) ; 3 that this reserve was known especially as the 
 argentum 'publicum ; and that when in an emergency 
 this reserve had to be converted into coin the source 
 of the metal was indicated in the manner described. 
 
 The coins Nos. 46, 47, are dated by external 
 evidence (as of hoards in which they occur) to about 
 90 B.C., and there can be no doubt that the special 
 circumstances which occasioned the issue of which 
 
 1 For more exact dates, see Mommsen-Blacas, ii., pp. 168, 169. 
 
 * Pliny (N. H t xxiiii. 3. 55) quoting an inventory of the treasury 
 in . . . B.C., gives the amounts of gold and silver, and of silver cash 
 (numeratum) separately. He also quotes an inventory of the beginning 
 of the Social War, but the text is injured. It is possible that the 
 occurrence on the coins of the phrase we are discussing, and Pliny's 
 record of an inventory made about the time these coins were struck, 
 are to be connected, and point to some special measures then taken 
 with regard to the treasury (cp. Mommsen-Blacas, ii. p. 407 note). 
 
 3 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 72. 
 
 02 83 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 they formed part are to be looked for in the Social 
 "War. The denarii of C. Fabius fall into two groups, 
 both having the same types. In one group, which is 
 without the inscription EX A. PV., the various series 
 are distinguished by Greek letters on the obverse ; in 
 the other, which has the inscription just mentioned, 
 the distinguishing letters are Latin, and are placed on 
 the reverse. We may infer that the former group 
 was struck first, and the latter only when it became 
 necessary to encroach on the reserve. 
 
 Nothing is known of the moneyers C. Fabius and 
 M. Lucilius Rufus. The bird on the reverse of 
 C. Fabius's denarii has been described as a buteo, 
 because that word was used as a cognomen by some 
 members of the Fabia gens ; but the buteo was prob- 
 ably a bird of prey, whereas the creature shown on the 
 coins resembles an ibis or some other long-legged bird. 
 The choice of the Magna Mater for representation on 
 the obverse has probably no historical reason, and we 
 may assume that Fabius selected it on private grounds. 
 The serrated edge seen on the coin of Lucilius 1 is a 
 feature which occurs on Roman silver coins exception- 
 ally in the second century B.C., and commonly from 92 
 to 70 B.C. The Romans were preceded in this fashion 
 in the years about 200 B.C. by the Carthaginians, by 
 Antiochus III. of Syria, and by Philip V. of Macedon ; 
 
 1 The notches are not bo clearly marked as usual on the specimen 
 illustrated. 
 
 84 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 the last two use the fashion on bronze coins, the 
 Carthaginians on gold and silver. No explanation 
 of the practice presenting the slightest degree of 
 probability has yet been offered. 1 
 
 the social war. 
 
 90—81 b.c. 
 
 (.48. Obv. Head of Italia r., helmeted; behind, a 
 wreath; below, [*] ITALIA. 
 Rev. The Dioscuri on horseback ; in exergue, in 
 Oscan letters, retrograde, c ■ paapi * c * 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*11 grammes (63*5 grains). British Museum. 
 
 ( 49. Obv. Head of a Bacchante r., wreathed with ivy; 
 in front, in Oscan letters, retrograde, 
 mutil • embratur. 
 Rev. Bull goring wolf ; in exergue, in Oscan 
 letters, retrograde, c * paapi. 
 
 .—Silver denarius. 3'82 grammes (59"0 grains). British Museum. 
 
 (50. Obv. Female head r., laureate; behind, ITALIA. 
 Rev. Young man kneeling, holding a pig, which eight 
 warriors touch with the points of their 
 swords; in the background, a standard 
 upright, in exergue, Q..SILO- 
 
 Silver denarius. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 
 
 (51.) Obv. Head of a Bacchante r., wearing ivy 
 wreath. 
 
 1 See the various theories in B.M.C., I., p. 159. 
 
 85 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. Cista mystica, with thyrsos, to which a fillet 
 is attached, leaning against it ; on the 
 cista, a fawn skin ; in the exergue, in 
 Oscan letters, retrograde, mi • ieiis • mi. 
 
 Aureus, 8*47 grammes (130*7 grains). Bibliotheque Nationals, 
 l*is. 
 
 \52. Obv. Helmeted female head (Italia), crowned 
 with wreath by a small figure of Victory 
 from behind. 
 Rev. Two warriors clasping hands ; on the right, 
 prow of a galley, on which are a standard, 
 spears and shields ; in exergue, y\. 
 
 Silver denarius. Berlin Museum. 
 
 These five coins, of which three are unique 
 specimens at Paris or Berlin, are selected , from the 
 numerous varieties issued by the Allies during the 
 Social War. The names of both the Marsian Q. 
 Pompaedius Silo and the Samnite C. Papius Mutilus 
 appear. The latter describes himself as u Caius Papius, 
 son of Caius, Mutilus, Imperator." The gold coin is 
 issued by Minius Ieius (Iegius ?), son of Minius. 
 
 There was no more effective expression of the 
 Allies' defiance of Eoman authority than the issue of 
 a coin in gold. The weight of the piece is that of an 
 Attic stater. Now just about this time Mithradates, 
 with whom the Allies were in communication, was 
 issuing gold coins on the same standard, in defiance 
 of the Eomans, at Pergamum, Athens, and Ephesus. 
 86 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 The types chosen by the Allies are also significant. 
 Thus Italia — not the country, but the city of Corfinium, 
 which was thus named during the war as destined to 
 be the new capital — is represented, either by a 
 laureate female head, or by a helmeted head copied 
 directly from the Roma on Eoman denarii. The 
 much-desired defeat of Eome by the Allies is sym- 
 bolized by the Italic bull goring the Eoman wolf. 
 
 The alliance with Mithradates is alluded to by the 
 type of two warriors joining hands. One of them 
 wears a diadem, while the prow of a ship — indicating 
 the fleet with which Mithradates was to descend upon 
 Italy — is seen beside them ; on the obverse of this 
 coin, the helmeted bust of Italia is crowned by 
 Yictory with a wreath. 1 
 
 The scene of the warriors taking an oath over the 
 body of a pig has been explained as an allusion to the 
 treaty of the Caudine Forks. It is more probable 
 that it represents merely the oath taken by the Allies 
 to be faithful to each other against Eome. A similar 
 ceremony (with only two warriors) is shown, as we 
 
 1 Cavedoni and Lenormant (La Monn. dans VAntiquite, ii., pp. 296 f) 
 consider that this piece was struck by the remnant of the revolted 
 Allies to celebrate the disembarkation of Marius on his return from 
 Africa, when the democratic party in Eome had made common cause 
 with the Allies. The type would appear to have been copied by Sulla 
 to celebrate his disembarkation at Brundusium in 83 B.C. after 
 conquering Mithradates ; but one would like to be sure of the authen- 
 ticity of the Sullan coin, which was published in the eighteenth century, 
 and of which no specimen is now known to exist. 
 
 87 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 have seen, on the earliest Eoman gold coinage (No. 11). 
 It is also fonnd on the denarii struck by Tiberius 
 Veturius in 92 B.C. There, because T. Yeturius 
 Calvinus was one of the two consuls who concluded 
 the treaty of the Caudine Forks, the type has been 
 regarded as alluding to that disgraceful event. If so, 
 it would be unique among the memorial types found 
 on Eoman coins ; and it is surely singularly perverse 
 to accept such an interpretation when the type may 
 equally well refer to the treaty (also concluded by 
 T. Veturius) giving the Campanians and Samnites the 
 rights of citizenship in 334 B.C. It seems more 
 reasonable, therefore, to regard none of these treaty 
 types as alluding to the Caudine Forks ; although, 
 if any of them do so allude, it is the one placed by 
 the Allies on their coins, rather than either of the 
 others. 
 
 The significance of the Dionysiac types is obscure. 
 But they may have been partly inspired by the fact 
 that Mithradates posed as the "New Dionysos," the 
 liberator ; on his own coins he uses an ivy wreath as 
 a border. 
 
 The coins with the names of Papius Mutilus and 
 Pompaedius Silo were probably, as Mommsen points 
 out, struck early in the war; for Mutilus seems to 
 have disappeared from the scene after he was defeated 
 by Sulla in 89 B.C., although he lived some time 
 longer. Silo died in 88 B.C. "The greater number 
 88 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 of these coins, and especially those which bear the 
 legend Italia or Viteliu, must have been struck during 
 the first years of the Social "War, when the insurgents 
 still hoped to found a capital which would rival 
 Eome. On the other hand, the rarer coins, bearing 
 the names of Sabine or Samnite chiefs, are of later 
 date, and were struck when Samnium continued to 
 bear alone the burden of the war, and was fighting 
 simply for her own independence. nl 
 
 THE LEX PAPIRIA DE ASSE SEMtJNCIALI. 
 89 B.C. 
 
 53. Obv. Head of Apollo r., laureate ; behind, PISO- 
 Rev. Eiderless horse galloping r. ; below, FRVGI ; 
 
 above, E.L.P. 
 
 Silver sestertius. 0*95 grammes (14*7 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 280, 
 No. 2177. 
 
 54. Obv. Head of Minerva r., helmeted; [behind, 
 
 • • • «J 
 Rev. Prow r. ; above, L.P.D-A.P- 
 
 Bronze triens. 4*41 grammes (68'0 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 282, 
 No. 2192. 
 
 By the Lex Papiria (generally but without good 
 reason called the Lex Plautia Papiria), says Pliny, 2 
 semunciarii asses faeti; the weight of the as was 
 reduced to half an ounce (normally 13*64 grammes or 
 
 1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 424, note. 
 3 N. H. sxxiii. 3. 46. 
 
 89 
 
HISTORICAL BOMAN COINS 
 
 210-5 grains). The author of the law was C. Papirius 
 Carbo, tribune of the people in 89 B.C., who, along 
 with M. Plautius Silvanus, carried the famous Lex 
 Plautia Papiria extending the citizenship. This was 
 probably passed quite early in 89 B.C., if not at the 
 close of 90 B.C. ;* the law with which we are con- 
 cerned was intimately connected with the policy of 
 extending the franchise, and therefore was also doubt- 
 less passed early in the tribunate of Papirius. In a 
 considerable number of cities in Italy, long before the 
 passing of this law, bronze struck on the semuncial 
 standard was in use : e.g., in Calabria, at Brundu- 
 sium, Orra, and Uxentum ; in Lucania, at Copia ; in 
 Bruttium, at Vibo Valentia and Petelia. Bronze had 
 by this time already become a mere token coinage. 
 The money of the cities which were now incorporated 
 in the Eoman state, and which therefore lost their 
 right of coinage, might have been called in, or tariffed 
 at some arbitrary rate ; but what Papirius did was to 
 reduce the legal weight of the Boman as to the weight 
 prevailing elsewhere. 2 Very soon afterwards 3 even the 
 Boman mint was closed for bronze, and Italy — once the 
 home of the bronze standard — presents the curious 4 
 
 1 Mommsen, Bom. Hist. Yol. iii., p. 247, note. 
 
 2 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 73, note. 
 
 3 About 80 B.C. 
 
 1 Curious, that is to say, at so late a date in history ; for previous 
 to the fourth century B.C. little bronze was coined in the ancient 
 world. 
 
 90 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 spectacle of a country without a bronze coinage, for 
 the few coins which Paestum was for some reason 
 allowed to issue can have made little impression on 
 the currency. 
 
 The letters E L P on the sesterce No. 53 have been 
 rightly expanded by Borghesi into E Lege Papiria ; 
 and the letters LP DA P explained by Mommsen 1 as 
 Lege Papiria de aere publico, by Graebler 2 as Lege 
 Papiria de assis pondere. Of these explanations, 
 Mommsen' s is more strongly supported by the analogy 
 of other inscriptions. 
 
 The sesterce was issued only twice, the quinarius 
 only four times, in the forty \ years following the 
 Papirian reform, so that the Eoman coinage thence- 
 forward consisted of little but denarii. L. Calpurnius 
 Piso Frugi himself was responsible, about 88 B.C., for 
 an enormous series of denarii, probably the largest 
 ever put out by any one morieyer during the Eepublic. 3 
 During the short period 49 — i4 B.C., small silver 
 was once more issued in some quantities. But 
 how the Romans and Italians can have been 
 content for some 65 years (the bronze coinage 
 was resumed in 15 B.C.) to dispense with the use 
 of bronze, it is puzzling to conceive. 
 
 L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi is Cicero's friend. It 
 
 1 Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 420, note. 
 
 2 Zeit.f. Num. 1902, p. 174, note. 
 
 8 The British Museum contains over 270 varieties. 
 
 91 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 was probably he who, after the end of the Social 
 War, carried the law embodying two new tribes, and 
 who was praetor with Yerres in 74 b.c. The Apollo 
 and the horse on his coins refer to the races celebrated 
 at the Ludi Apollinares. These were inaugurated in 
 212 B.C., and the annual celebration was established 
 next year by Piso's ancestor, C. Calpurnius Piso, 
 praetor urbanus. 
 
 SULLA IN GREECE. 
 87—84 B.C. 
 
 55. Obv. Head of Yenus r. ; before it, Cupid standing, 
 holding palm branch ; below, LSVLLA* 
 Rev. Sacrificial ewer and lituus between two 
 trophies; above and below, IMPER 
 ITERVM 
 Aureus. 10*72 grammes (165'4 grains). British Museum. 
 
 This aureus is one of the earliest specimens of that 
 gold coinage, issued by generals in virtue of their 
 imperium, which eventually developed into the gold 
 coinage of the Empire. Gold issues of this kind were 
 at the time quite outside the province of the ordinary 
 Roman civil moneyer. Apart from that fact, the 
 fabric of the coin proves that it was not produced by 
 the mint at Eome. There is general agreement 
 among numismatists that it should be assigned to the 
 period of Sulla's campaign against Mithradates. 
 During this campaign his quaestor Lucullus issued^ 
 92 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 money in Peloponnesus : At' heCvov Ikotty] to -nkticrrov h 
 
 Tl€\07TOVV7j(T<a TT€pl TOV MlSplhaTLKOV TTOkejAOV, KOL AoV KOijWtlOV 
 
 air* €K€ivov TTpocrr)yop€v8r), kcli bterikea-ev eirl TrXeiarov, vtto r&v 
 
 (TTpCLTKOTLKtoV \pZLtoV €V T(i) TTokifMlO XafX^OLVOV afXOl^TjV Tdy/iaV '} 
 
 the military necessities of the situation caused it to 
 change hands rapidly and to remain long in circula- 
 tion. Sulla, as is well known, laid all the great 
 temple treasuries of Greece under contribution — 
 Olympia, Delphi, and Epidaurus were plundered — 
 to pay the expenses of his army. Further, after the 
 peace with Mithradates, he levied an indemnity of 
 20,000 talents on the province of Asia, and this also 
 Lucullus had to convert into coin. 2 It is well known, 
 as we have seen (p. 42), that in such periods of 
 hasty coinage the metal used is more often gold than 
 silver, since gold was the metal which the plundered 
 treasuries afforded more plentifully. Signs of haste 
 are evident in the rude workmanship of these Lucullan 
 coins. 
 
 Sulla's idea that he was the favourite of Venus 3 
 accounts for the representation of her head and of 
 Cupid on his coins. But the palm branch which 
 Cupid holds is the symbol of victory in war. The 
 sacrificial ewer and lituus are indications of priestly 
 office. The two trophies have been explained by 
 
 1 Pint. Luculh 2. 
 
 2 Ibid. 4. See I\ Lenormant, La Monnaie dans VAntiquite, ii., 
 p. 295. 
 
 3 Plut. Sulla, 34. 
 
 93 
 
HISTOKICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 Lenormant as referring to the two salutations as 
 imperator received by Sulla — one in Italy, during the 
 Social War, the other in Greece after his first successes 
 there. Von Sallet, however, with much more proba- 
 bility, explains them as trophies of the two victories 
 at Chaeroneia and Orchomenus over Archelaus, the 
 general of Mithradates, in 86 and 85 B.C. 1 The aureus 
 must therefore date from the year 85 at the earliest. 
 
 The weight of Sulla's first aureus is about -£$ 
 of the Eoman pound (its normal weight should 
 be 10-915 grammes) . Later aurei were struck 
 at -^ (Sulla and Pompeius), -^ (Caesar), and -£% 
 (Augustus), and so on in regular decrease to the time 
 of Constantine. 
 
 POMPEITJS IN AFRICA. 
 81 B.C. 
 
 56. Ohv. Head of Africa in elephant-skin head- 
 dress between ewer and lituus; behind, 
 MAGNVS; all in wreath. 
 Rev. A triumphal quadriga containing a person 
 holding a palm branch and crowned by a 
 flying Victory ; on one of the horses, a 
 boy holding a palm branch and wand ; in 
 exergue, PRO COS 
 
 Aureus. 8*93 grammes (137*8 grains). British Museum. 
 
 Zeit. f. Num. xii., p. 381. These same trophies occur on a 
 contemporary tetradrachm with Athenian types evidently struck by 
 Sulla in Greece (B.M.C. Attica, p. lv). 
 
 94 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Pompeius, having in 82 B.C. as propraetor recovered 
 Sicily, proceeded in the next year to Africa, in order 
 to deal with Domitius Ahenobarbus and Hiarbas, the 
 usurper of the Numidian throne. His victory was 
 easy. The events which followed are well known : 
 the attempt of the Senate to disband his army, and to 
 baulk him of his triumph, which, as a matter of fact, 
 being an extraordinary magistrate, he could not con- 
 stitutionally claim ; his protest, and Sulla's concession. 
 When Pompeius returned to Eome, Sulla greeted him 
 as " Magnus." That title had already been given 
 him by his troops in Africa, 1 and Sulla was wise 
 enough to defer to their opinion. So Pompeius, who 
 was only 24 years old, and not yet even a senator, 
 triumphed : eques Eomanus, id quod antea nemo, 
 curru triumphali revectus. 2 
 
 This aureus undoubtedly refers to a triumph, which 
 the head of Africa on the obverse identifies, with a 
 strong degree of probability, as the triumph after the 
 African victories. 3 But where and when was the coin 
 struck ? Not in Eome, for gold coins like this were 
 issued by military commanders, in virtue of their 
 
 1 See Plutarch, Pomp. 13. 
 
 2 Plin. N.H. vii. 96 ; Liv. Ep. lxxxix. Cp. Lioinian. Gran. p. 39 : 
 et Pompeius annos natus xxv. eques Eomanus, quod nemo antea, pro- 
 praetore ex Africa triumphavit iiii. idus Martias. 
 
 3 So Mommsen-Blacas, ii., p. 456, note. But it is straining a point to 
 argue that the head of Africa also alludes to Pompeius' grand elephant 
 hunt or to his idea of triumphing in a car drawn by elephants. 
 
 95 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 imperium, and only outside the city. Probably in 
 Spain, whither Pompeius proceeded in 77 B.C. as pro- 
 consul. This accords with the inscription on the 
 coin. Mommsen, it is true, associating the inscrip- 
 tion directly with the African triumph, has some 
 difficulty in explaining the title PROCOS- He notes 
 that (according to Licinianus) Pompeius, on his return 
 from Africa, triumphed with the title pro praetore ; 
 but he explains that between this title and that of 
 pro consule there is a distinction only of rank, not of 
 authority. Pompeius, having been despatched to 
 Sicily and Africa with an extraordinary imperium, 
 without holding or having held any magistracy, 
 might well have assumed the title pro consule in 
 Africa, and triumphed as pro praetore in Eome ! 
 " Tout le reste s'explique facilement." The extreme 
 subtlety of such an explanation becomes entirely 
 unnecessary if we suppose that the coin was issued 
 when Pompeius was actually proconsul, but before 
 the glory of his African triumph had been dimmed 
 by greater exploits. That was the case when he was 
 fighting Sertorius in Spain from 76 to 72 B.C. The 
 circumstances of the campaign might very naturally 
 demand the issue of a military coinage in gold such 
 as we have before us. 
 
 Other dates which have been suggested for the coin 
 are 71 B.C. (the Spanish triumph) and 61 B.C. (the 
 Asian triumph). In considering these alternatives 
 96 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 we have always to remember that the gold coins 
 must have been issued in some province, not in 
 Kome. Therefore they cannot have been produced 
 actually on the occasion of the triumph to which 
 they refer ; * since in order to triumph Pompeius 
 had to be in Eome. It follows that, if they allude 
 to the Spanish triumph, they cannot have been struck 
 until he next went out with military imperium — viz., 
 in 67 B.C., to the East; if to the Asian triumph, it 
 would seem, on similar grounds, that they must date 
 from his proconsulship in Spain, which began in 
 55 b.c. 
 
 The fabric of the coins gives us little assistance ; it 
 does not seem to be indisputably Eastern, and of the 
 fabric of coins struck in Spain we know too little to 
 speak decisively. 
 
 One other point has to be considered. If the boy 
 who rides on one of the horses is the son of Pompeius, 
 the younger Cneius, then the triumph cannot be the 
 African one, since Cneius was still unborn at the 
 time. But, as Mommsen points out, the honour of so 
 riding was often given to relatives when sons were 
 
 1 It has indeed been suggested, at least in connexion with certain 
 analogous "triumphal" pieces of Sulla, that they were struck 
 shortly before the triumph to serve for largess. But there is no 
 foundation for such a statement, and it is significant that the Sullan 
 pieces in question are rarely found in Italy, and were evidently 
 issued and circulated chiefly in the East. The coin of Pompeius 
 before us is extremely rare, only two or three specimens being known, 
 
 H.R.C. H 97 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 not available. 1 This argument, therefore, carries no 
 weight. 
 
 We are thus, it would appear, free to choose among 
 the various available dates, and the period of the 
 first Spanish proconsulship seems to have more in its 
 favour than the rest ; since, other things being equal, 
 we are then able to connect both obverse and reverse 
 with the same event, and that an event of fairly recent 
 date. 
 
 The weight of the coin shows that it was struck on 
 the standard of 36 to the Eoman pound. 
 
 THE SUBJECTION OF KING AEETAS. 
 
 62 B.C. 
 
 57. Obv. King Aretas kneeling r. beside a camel, 
 holding an olive - branch ; above, m 
 SCAVRAED.CVR ; below, EX SC REX 
 ARETAS, 
 Rev. Jupiter in a quadriga L, hurling a thunder- 
 bolt; below horses' feet, a scorpion; above, 
 P- HVrSAEVS AEDCVR ; below, C 
 HVPSAE COSPREIVERCAPTV. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*76 grammes (58*0 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 484> 
 No. 3878. 
 
 Aretas III., king of the Nabathaeans, interfered 
 more than once in the affairs of Syria and Judaea. 
 
 1 Mommsen suggests that in this case it is Sextus Pompeius (first 
 cousin once removed of the triumvir), who was born about 95 B.C. 
 
 98 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 He ruled for a time in Damascus ; defeated the Jewish 
 king Alexander Jannaeus at Addida, and besieged 
 king Aristobulus in Jerusalem (65 B.C.). M. Aemilius 
 M. f. M. n. Scaurus, sent against him by Pompeius, 
 frightened him away ; but although during his retreat 
 he was defeated by Aristobulus, he was far from 
 crushed, and continued to give trouble. Pompeius, 
 unable to take the field himself, sent Scaurus once 
 more, and in 62 B.C. Aretas made peace, obtaining 
 good terms. That did not prevent Scaurus from 
 representing the king as a suppliant, who has dis- 
 mounted from his camel and kneels, proffering an 
 olive-branch. This is the earliest instance of a 
 Eoman moneyer commemorating on his coins his 
 own exploits. 
 
 The piece before us belongs to an issue made 
 specially (ex Senatus consulto) on the occasion of the 
 aedilician games celebrated by Scaurus in 58 B.C. 
 These games were notorious for their insane extrava- 
 gance: 150 panthers, five crocodiles, the bones (forty 
 feet long) of the very monster to which Andromeda 
 was said to have been exposed at Joppa in Judaea, 
 were amongst the attractions which he provided 1 and 
 which helped to ruin his fortunes and the morality of 
 the populace. 2 His colleague in the aedileship was 
 P. Plautius Hypsaeus, who had also been in the 
 
 i Pliny N. H. viii. 64 ; 96 ; ix. 11. 
 2 Pliny N. H. xxxvi. 113. 
 
 h2 99 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 service of Pompeius as quaestor. The scorpion may 
 indeed refer to some exploit performed by Hypsaeus in 
 the province of Commagene, of which it is the emblem. 1 
 The significance of the type of Jupiter fulminating is 
 obscure ; for the suggestion that the god is meant, 
 as Zeis v-tyiGTos, to refer to the name of the 
 moneyer, is not very attractive. After all, the type 
 was an old one. But the legend appears to connect it 
 definitely in some way with the capture of Privernum 
 by the moneyer* s ancestor, the consul C. Plautius. 2 
 This feat marked the final subjection of the Volscians 
 in 329 B.C. 3 Probably 4 the type refers to the consul's 
 triumph after his Yolscian campaign ; for it must be 
 remembered that in a triumph the victorious general 
 appeared in the character and guise of Jupiter. 
 
 The form CAPTV (for captum) is less probably an 
 instance of anousvara — i.e., the suppression of M in 
 writing — than an abbreviation caused by lack of space. 
 
 caesar in rome. 
 49 b.c. 
 58. Obv. Female head r., wearing wreath of oak- 
 leaves, and jewellery; behind ±11. 
 
 1 But it occurs only on one of the two (or three) series of coins 
 struck by Hypsaeus, so that it is more probably a differentiating mark 
 of some kind. 
 
 2 His cognomen seems to have been Decianus, not Hypsaeus as the 
 coin gives it. 
 
 8 Liv. viii. 20. 
 
 1 As Mom m sen (ii., p. 491 note) seems to imply. 
 
 100 
 
HISTOKICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. Trophy of Gaulish arms (tunic, horned 
 helmet, shield and karnyx) ; on r., an 
 axe adorned with an animal's head ; across 
 field, CAE SAR. 
 
 Aureus, 8*50 grammes (131*2 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 505, No. 
 3954. 
 
 59. Obv. Similar to preceding. 
 
 Rev. Similar trophy ; at its foot, figure of a 
 prisoner, seated, with hands tied behind 
 him ; across field, CAE SAR. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*37 grammes (52 grains). B.M.C. I., p. 506, 
 No. 3959. 
 
 60. Obv. Head of Apollo, r., hair confined by fillet; 
 
 below, star ; around, Q SICIN IVS 
 IIIVIR. 
 Rev. Club and lion-skin between bow and arrow ; 
 around, CCOPON[IVS] PRSC- 
 
 Silver denarius, 3*99 grammes (61*6 grains). British Museum. 
 
 When Caesar entered Rome in 49, he naturally 
 seized the state treasure in the temple of Saturn, and 
 converted it into coin for the payment of his troops. 
 The gold and silver coins, Nos. 58 and 59, form part 
 of this issue, which is remarkable in many ways. 
 Eoman commanders had previously issued a military 
 coinage distinct from the regular urban coinage ; thus 
 Lucullus, acting as quaestor for Sulla in the Mithra- 
 datic war, had struck gold pieces in his commander's 
 name (see No. 55). But here we have the general 
 
 101 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 striking a military coinage in Eome itself, "while 
 the only approach to a regular urban coinage was 
 being struck outside Eome ! Thus there are denarii 
 (No. 60) issued in this year for the praetor C. 
 Coponius, who was in command of the fleet at 
 Ehodes, by the monetary triumvir Q. Sicinius. Con- 
 stitutionally Q. Sicinius, as home magistrate, had no 
 right to issue a military coinage ; he placed himself 
 within his rights by adding the letters S.C. The 
 inverted position of affairs, caused by Caesar's occupa- 
 tion of the capital, could not be better illustrated. 
 But Caesar's coinage, irregular as it seems, was none 
 the less the foundation of the imperial gold coinage, 
 which is, strictly speaking, an imperatorial coinage 
 issued from the Eoman mint. 
 
 The goddess represented on the obverse of Caesar's 
 coins is generally identified with Pietas, because this 
 name is inscribed against a somewhat similar head 
 on a contemporary coin of Decimus Brutus. But 
 the head on Brutus's coin has no oak-wreath, an 
 attribute which must surely be significant. The 
 amount of jewellery which the goddess wears (ear- 
 ring, necklace, and pearls — apparently — on the knot in 
 which her hair is tied behind) suggests that Eckhel 1 
 was right in calling her Venus, who would obviously 
 be appropriate as the divine ancestress of the Julian 
 family. But there appears to be no evidence that 
 
 1 Doctrina Num. Vet. vi. p. 6. 
 
 102 
 
PL. XI 
 
 Nos. 46 — 60. 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Venus was ever represented with the oak-wreath. 
 The identification must, therefore, for the present be 
 regarded as uncertain. 
 
 The numerals ±11 (52) 1 have been explained as an 
 indication of Caesar's age. This is not so absurd as 
 it may at first sight seem. The legates of M. Antonius, 
 on coins struck in Gaul in 42 and 41 B.C., indicated 
 the triumvir's age (see Kos. 76, 77). Caesar was 
 probably born in 102 B.C., not in 100, as is generally 
 supposed. 2 Thus in the year 49 he would have com- 
 pleted his fifty-second year. The reason for stating 
 his age would be to remind the Eomans that in the 
 next year he would constitutionally be entitled to 
 hold the consulship for the second time, (If the coins 
 were distributed on Caesar's birthday the mention of 
 his age would have additional significance.) No man, 
 by the lex annalis, could hold the consulship before he 
 had entered on his forty-third year. An interval 
 of eleven years was required between two consulships. 
 Caesar, now in his fifty-third year, would in 48 B.C. 
 be once more eligible. The trophy, on the other hand, 
 served to recall Caesar's exploits in Gaul, the shaggy- 
 headed prisoner represented on the reverse of the 
 denarius being probably no other than Yercingetorix. 3 
 
 1 For so they must be interpreted, rather than as the letters 1 1"|". 
 
 2 See the note in Mommsen's History of Rome, bk. v., chap. i. 
 
 B See Babelon, Rev. Num. 1902, pp. 1 ff. On coins of Hostilius 
 Saserna, struck about 48 B.C., we have the heads of Vercingetorix and 
 of the oak- wreathed goddess described above. 
 
 103 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 The shield, helmet, and war-trumpet are typically 
 Gaulish ; but it may be doubted whether the axe is not 
 a form of sacrificial axe rather than a barbarian weapon. 
 An axe decorated with a lion's head is represented 
 among the sacrificial implements on denarii of P. 
 Sulpicius Galba issued about 69 B.C. ; 1 and an actual 
 bronze axe with a bull's head was in the Forman 
 Collection. 2 In the present case, a wolf's head seems 
 to have been employed as ornament. 
 
 These a^m and denarii of Caesar are alike extremely 
 rare. The aurei were struck at 38 to the Eoman 
 pound of 327'45 grammes, evidently with the object 
 of approximating as closely as possible to one of the 
 many forms of the " gold-shekel M standard which had 
 been almost universal in the Eastern Mediterranean 
 from time immemorial. Soon afterwards the standard 
 was lowered to 40 to the pound, or 8*18 grammes. 
 As the gold coins continued to be worth the same 
 number of denarii (25), the older, heavier ones were 
 probably melted down. This would account for their 
 rarity, but hardly for the rarity of the denarii. 
 
 THE SENATORIAL PARTY IN THE PROVINCES. 
 49 B.C. 
 
 61 . Obv. Young male head r., hair confined with fillet ; 
 around, L LENT-CMARCCOS (NT and 
 MA ligatured). 
 
 1 G-rueber, B. M. C. i., p. 433, Nos. 3516 f. 
 
 2 C, Smith, Catal. of the Forman Collection, No. 160. 
 
 104 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. Jupiter standing, holding eagle and thunder- 
 bolt ; at his feet, altar ; in field 1., star 
 and Q. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3'75 grammes (57"8 grains). British Museum. 
 
 62. Oiv. Winged Gorgon's head in the middle of the 
 three-legged symbol (triskeles) of Sicily ; 
 between the legs, ears of barley. 
 Rev. Jupiter standing, holding eagle and thunder- 
 bolt ; in field r., pruning-hook ; on r. and 
 1. : LENT.MAR.COS (NT and MAR 
 ligatured). 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*12 grammes (63*6 grains). British Museum. 
 
 L. Lentulus Crus and C. Claudius Marcellus were 
 chosen consuls for the year 49 B.C. Both, more espe- 
 cially Lentulus, were declared enemies of Caesar, and 
 fled hastily at his approach to Eome. Early in 
 March they were sent forward by Pompeius to Epirus. 
 During the time of Caesar's Spanish expedition, 
 Lentulus seems to have been occupied in raising 
 troops in the East, but he returned in time for the 
 fighting in Epirus. Of Marcellus we hardly hear 
 again ; in 48 B.C. he was, with Coponius, in command 
 of the Ehodian squadron. 
 
 Of the two coins bearing the names of the consuls, 
 the first was issued by a quaestor (hence the letter 
 q on the reverse), either at the Pompeian head- 
 quarters, Dyrrhachium, or else at Apollonia. The 
 latter mint is perhaps the more probable, since in the 
 
 105 
 
HISTOKICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 obverse type we may recognize Apollo, whose head is 
 the regular type of the silver " denarii" of Apollonia 
 in the first century B.C. The second coin, on the 
 other hand, bears a symbol which definitely connects 
 it with Sicily. For, whatever may have been the 
 original meaning of the triskeles, 1 there is no doubt 
 that, at the time when these coins were struck, it 
 recalled the three-cornered island of Sicily to the 
 Eomans as clearly as the same symbol recalls to us 
 the Isle of Man. Now of any actual visit of the 
 consuls to Sicily in their year of office we have no 
 record ; and as our information with regard to their 
 movements, from the time of their leaving Eome to 
 their departure from Brundisium, is fairly detailed, 
 we may well doubt whether they went to Sicily at all. 
 But Pompeius was actively employed, until he left 
 Italy, in raising men and money from every source. 2 
 It is improbable that he would have neglected Sicily, 
 especially as it was held for the Senate by Marcus 
 Cato, until the approach of Curio drove him to join 
 Pompeius. We may therefore not unreasonably con- 
 jecture that these coins were struck in the name of 
 the consuls, in connexion with the levies of men, 
 provisions, or money, which were being made on the 
 island by the Senatorial party. The ears of barley 
 
 1 On this see an interesting note by J. Six in Sertum Nabericum 
 (1908), where it is suggested that the triskeles is the symbol of 
 thunder. 
 
 2 Cass. Dio. xli. 9.7. 
 
 106 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 attached to the triskeles remind us that Sicily was one 
 of the great sources of corn-supply. 
 
 The figure of Jupiter is common to the two issues. 
 It is of course possible that in the one case it has 
 some local reference, while in the other it is merely 
 retained without any particular significance. Thus, 
 if the Sicilian issue is the earlier, as is probable, the 
 figure may represent some statue of Zeus in Sicily. 
 Furtwangler, 1 accordingly, approves Havercamp's con- 
 jecture that it is meant for the Syracusan Zeus 
 Eleutherios. Further, he maintains that these coins 
 need not have been struck in or for Sicily at all, but 
 that the Sicilian types are personal to the consul 
 Marcellus, who was descended from the conqueror of 
 the island. It seems however improbable that the 
 types of both sides of the coin with the triskeles 
 should refer to Marcellus, leaving Lentulus in the 
 cold. A satisfactory explanation of the Jupiter type 
 has still to be discovered. 
 
 caesar's fourfold triumph. 
 46 b.c. 
 
 63. Obv. Veiled beardless head r. ; around, C-CAESAR 
 COSTER. 
 Rev. Lituus, ewer and axe; below, AHIRTIVS 
 PR. 
 
 Aureus. 8*07 grammes (124*6 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 525, No. 4050. 
 1 Masterpieces, p. 218. 
 
 107 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 The third consulship of Julius Caesar dates this 
 coin to the year 46 b.c. It was struck by Caesar's 
 lieutenant A. Hirtius, 1 the continuator of the a Gallic 
 War/' who abbreviates the name of his magistracy 
 thus : PR. Does this mean Praetor, or Praefectus 
 whi ? The former is the more probable, since there 
 is no certain instance of the abbreviation PR standing 
 alone , without the qualifying dative or genitive VRB (i) 
 or VRB(is), being used on a coin for praefectus. 
 When, as in the coins of C. Clovius, the qualifying 
 word is omitted, the abbreviation is PRAEF. 2 Histori- 
 cally, the choice before us is an even one ; for we 
 know that in or for the year with which we are con- 
 cerned Caesar arranged for the appointment of six 
 praefecti of the city and ten praetors. 3 Hirtius may 
 have been either, and as either may have issued the 
 coin in question. On the whole, the evidence, from 
 a linguistic standpoint, favours the interpretation of 
 the abbreviation as Praetor. 
 
 An examination of a number of these coins shows 
 that they are hastily and carelessly struck from, as a 
 
 1 On Hirtius, see Max L. Strack in Bonner Jahrbucher, Heft 118. 
 
 9 Whether Clovius is meant to be described as praefectus urbis or 
 praefectus chassis (or even praefectus fabrum, as Munzer suggests, in 
 Pauly-Wissowa s.n.) does not affect the argument. The coins of 
 Q. Oppius call him PR, but there is nothing to prove that this means 
 praefectus. Cestius and Norbanus, also called PR, were most probably 
 praetors. 
 
 3 Cassius Dio, xlii. 51 and xliii. 28. 
 
 108 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 rule, rather roughly executed dies. There can be 
 little doubt that this coinage — which, it must be 
 remembered, was not the ordinary silver coinage of 
 the triumvirs of the mint, but a special issue of gold — 
 was intended to serve for the enormous largesses 
 which Caesar squandered at his triumphs in 46 B.C. 
 He gave, for instance, to each veteran foot-soldier, 
 20,000 sesterces, i.e. 200 such aurei; to each of the 
 populace, in addition to a dole of corn and oil, 400 
 sesterces , i.e. 4 such aurei. 1 The enormous coinage 
 which must have been required explains the rudeness 
 with which the coins are executed, and their compara- 
 tive plentifulness at the present time. The types do 
 not seem to carry any allusion to the events of the 
 year. The head on the obverse is generally described 
 as Pietas — a name which is somewhat indiscriminately 
 applied by numismatists to any veiled head of some- 
 what feminine appearance. When we remember how 
 common a religious rite was the veiling of the head, 
 the doubtfulness of such an identification is apparent. 
 Nevertheless here, where the type of the reverse 
 alludes to Caesar's position as religious head of the 
 state, it is quite reasonable to suppose that the 
 obverse represents Pietas, or the sense of duty 
 towards the gods, the outward sign of which, as 
 we know from Lucretius's protest, 2 was the veiling 
 
 1 Suetonius, Divus Iulius, 38. 
 
 2 Bk. V. 1198. 
 
 109 
 
HISTOKICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 of the head before the sacred images of the 
 
 gods : — 
 
 nee pietas ullast, velatum saepe videri 
 
 vertier ad lapidem atque omnia accedere ad aras. 
 
 corinth refounded. 
 
 44 b.c. 
 
 64. Obv. Head of Julius Caesar r., laureate; behind, 
 
 LAVSIVLICORINT (INT ligatured). 
 Rev. Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus r., striking 
 downwards with spear ; above and below, 
 
 [L-CERTO-AEFICIO C] IVLIO iTviR (AE 
 
 ligatured). 
 
 Bronze. 5'27 grammes (81*4 grains). B.M.O. Corinth, p. 58, 
 No. 48V. 
 
 65. Obv. Bellerophon, wearing petasos and chlamys, 
 
 walking r., leading Pegasus by the bridle, 
 before an arched doorway. In exergue, 
 CORINTHVM 
 Rev. Poseidon seated r. on rock, r. hand resting 
 on knee, 1. holding long trident upright ; 
 on r. [PJTADICHILO, on L C IVLI- 
 NICEPII-VIR. 
 
 Bronze. 8*34 grammes (128*7 grains). B.M.C. Corinth, p. 58, 
 
 No. 484. 
 
 The recolonization of Corinth and Carthage was 
 intended by Julius Caesar at the same time as an 
 "atonement for two of the worst crimes committed 
 110 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 by the old Bepublic, and as a means not only of 
 relieving the capital of the world of starving pro- 
 letarians, but also of vigorously enforcing the Komani- 
 zation of the subject provinces/' * Corinth began to 
 rise from its ruins probably one hundred and two 
 years after Mummius sacked it — i.e., in 44 B.C. ; 
 whether actually before the murder of the dictator or 
 not, it is difficult to say. For the fact that the 
 foundation is definitely ascribed by many ancient 
 writers to Caesar merely means that he made the 
 necessary plans before his death. It has indeed been 
 maintained that the real foundation was only effected 
 by the triumvirs after the battle of Philippi. The 
 numismatic evidence, on the whole, favours an earlier 
 date. 3 For the duoviri L. Certus Aeficius and 
 C. Iulius, who strike coins with the head of Julius 
 Caesar, do not represent the heads of M. Antonius or 
 Octavian, as they might be expected to do if their term 
 of office had fallen after the campaign of Philippi. 
 Further, the full title of the colony, Laus Iuli(a) 
 Corint(hus), which, on the coins certainly of the time 
 of Antonius, Augustus and the earlier emperors down 
 to Domitian, is replaced by the form CORIIMT or 
 CORINTHI, would be expected on the earliest coins. 
 
 1 Hertzberg, Ge&ch. Q-riechenlands, L, pp. 460 f. ; where also the 
 varying views as to the date of the foundation are discussed. 
 
 B On the chronology of the coins, see Earle !Fox, in Journal Inter- 
 national d y Arckeologie Numismatique, ii. (1899), pp. 94 f. 
 
 in 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 The coin of the duoviri P. Tadius Chilo and C. Iulius 
 Niceporus, which is also for various reasons placed 
 early in the series, bears the legend Corinthum. This 
 use of the accusative is not paralleled elsewhere, and 
 is difficult to explain. 
 
 The types are local- The standing type of the 
 coinage of Corinth from the earliest times was 
 Pegasus. Bellerophon himself was less commonly 
 represented. On one of our coins he is seen leading 
 Pegasus — having evidently but just tamed him — 
 towards the doorway of a building of some kind ; 
 possibly this is meant to indicate the fountain-house 
 of Peirene. On the other, we have part of the battle 
 with the Chimaera — without the Chimaera. It is not 
 certain whether the figure of Poseidon reproduces an 
 actual statue. 1 
 
 The coins are signed by the duoviri iure dicundo, 
 the highest officials of the colony, as eponymous 
 magistrates. 
 
 THE MURDER OF CAESAR. 
 44 B.C. 
 
 66. Obv. Head of Julius Caesar r., laureate, veiled; 
 in front, CAESAR; behind, DICT. 
 PERPETVO. 
 
 1 See Tmhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Nvmwm. Comm. on Pausania8 % 
 pp. 16 f., for the various Poseidon statues at Corinth. 
 
 112 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. Yenus standing to 1. with sceptre (at foot of 
 which is a shield) in her 1., and a Victory 
 in her r. ; on r., PSEPVLLIVS; on L, 
 MACER. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3-85 grammes (59'4 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 549, 
 
 No. 4173. 
 
 67. Obv. Head of M. Antonius r., bearded, veiled ; in 
 front, lituus ; behind, one-handled jng. 
 Circular countermark. 
 Rev. Horseman riding at a gallop and leading a 
 second horse to r. ; behind, wreath and 
 palm-branch ; above, P SEPVLLIVS ; 
 below, MACER. 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*28 grammes (66*0 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 550, 
 
 No. 4178. 
 
 The exact date of these coins has been much 
 discussed, though the choice of years lies only between 
 44 and 43 B.C. The second piece, showing the head 
 of M. Antonius with the beard which he grew in sign 
 of mourning, must obviously have been struck after 
 the death of Caesar, March 15th, 44 B.C. The first, 
 on which Caesar is called " Dictator perpetuo," must 
 accordingly date after the beginning of 44 B.C. 
 Another denarius of Macer represents the temple 
 which the Senate proposed, shortly before the Dicta- 
 tor's death, to erect to his clemency ;* Clementia and 
 Caesar were represented joining hands, and this virtue 
 
 1 Plut. Caes. 57 ; App. I.e. ii. 106 ; Cass. Dio, xliv. 6. 
 H.R.C. I 113 
 
HISTOEICAL BOMAN COINS 
 
 thus entered the ranks of the gods publicly worshipped 
 at Eome. Although the temple is represented on the 
 coin of Macer, it by no means follows that it was 
 actually completed at the time. 1 
 
 There is thus no cogent reason for postponing the 
 magistracy of Macer until 43 B.C. ; indeed, since 
 Antonius left Eome at the end of November, 44, and 
 was thenceforward active against the Senate, being in 
 fact declared a public enemy after his defeat by Hirtius 
 in April, 43, it is difficult to see how the Senate could 
 have allowed a moneyer of the latter year to place 
 the head of Antonius on the coins. 2 So far, Caesar's 
 was the only portrait of a living person that had 
 appeared on the Eoman coinage, and that in accordance 
 with a special decree of the Senate. 3 The privilege 
 would not have been repeated for Antonius during 
 the period of strained relations with the Senate ; or 
 for him alone, without Lepidus and Octavian, during 
 the triumvirate. Again, when the triumvirate came 
 into being, late in the year, Caesar had been dead for 
 
 1 Any more than the Tempio Malatestiano at Rimini was completed 
 in the form represented on Matteo de' Pasti's medal of Sigismondo 
 Malatesta, which was cast in 1450 to show the elevation planned by 
 the architect Leone Battista AlbertL 
 
 2 See Grueber, B.M.C. i., p. 548. 
 
 3 Cassius Dio, xliv. 4. "What Dio say sis: Uaripa T€ avrov -rifc mrpi&os 
 c7r<Dvo/iocrai' kcu €S to. vofita-fiara £v€)(dpa.£av. A better writer would 
 have inserted a word making it clear that it was Caesar's portrait, and 
 not his title Pater Patriae, which was engraved on the coins ; but there 
 can be no doubt as to the real significance of the passage. 
 
 114 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 more than eighteen months, and the Caesarian types 
 would have lost much of their point. We may there- 
 fore accept De Salis's attribution of these coins to the 
 year of Caesar's death. The first was probably struck 
 before the fatal event. Caesar is represented with 
 veiled head as pontifex maximus. The portrait, though 
 not nearly so well executed as the head on the coins 
 of L. Aemilius Buca, another moneyer of the same 
 year, is more like the traditional Caesar. He wears 
 the laurel-wreath, the perpetual use of which was 
 granted to him by the State, much, says Suetonius, 1 
 to his satisfaction, because his baldness exposed him 
 to the derision of his enemies. Venus is represented 
 on the coin as the ancestress of the Julian house ; 
 she is here the Venus Victrix whose name was Caesar's 
 watchword at Pharsalus and Munda, 2 and whom he 
 had represented on his signet-ring. 3 On the second 
 coin the palm-branch and wreath show that the 
 type is agonistic ; the rider is a desultor, and the con- 
 test that in which a horseman leaps from one horse to 
 another in full gallop. Suetonius records 4 that nobilis- 
 simi iuvenes rode in such races at the Circensian games 
 celebrated by Caesar. As this performance by young 
 men of good position was something out of the common, 
 Macer may have thought it a suitable type for coins 
 
 1 Divut Iulius, 45. 
 
 2 Appian he. ii. 68. 281 ; 104. 43.0. 
 8 Cassius Dio, xliii. 43. 
 
 4 Dims Iuliua 39. 
 
 12 115 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 so closely connected with. Caesar or his memory. The 
 same type is used as the reverse of the coins with the 
 temple of Clementia. 
 
 brutus in asia and macedon. 
 43—42 b.c. 
 
 68. Oho. Head of Brutus r. ; on 1. BRVTVS, on r. 
 
 IMP ; the whole in a wreath. 
 Rev. Military and naval trophy ; on 1. CASCA, 
 on r. LONGVS. 
 
 Aureus. 8*64 grammes (133*3 grains). British Museum. 
 
 69. Obv. Head of Brutus r.; behind, LPLAETCEST; 
 
 above and in front, BRVT IMP- 
 Rev. Cap of Liberty between two daggers; 
 EIDMAR. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3-80 grammes (58*7 grains). British Museum. 
 
 70. Obv. Bust of Liberty r., veiled; around, LSES7T 
 
 PROQ 
 Rev. Tripod, axe, and sacrificial ladle ; around, 
 QCAEPIO BRVTVS PROCOS. 
 
 Silver denarius, 3*84 grammes (59*3 grains). British Museum. 
 
 71. Obv. Head of Brutus r. 
 
 Rev . Four-legged seat (subsellium) between 
 viator's wand (virga) and money-chest 
 (fiscus) ; below, Q. 
 
 Bronze. 9*36 grammes (144'5 grains). British Museum. 
 
 Of these coins, No. 68 was struck in Asia Minor, 
 during the year 43, when Brutus was preparing for 
 116 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 the campaign of Philippi; the others in 42, when he 
 was in Macedon. The name of Brutus, as the adopted 
 son of Q. Servilius Caepio, has on No. 70 the official 
 form Q. Caepio Brutus. Besides him, the coins name 
 three of his officers. L. Plaetorius Cestianus is 
 unknown to history. L. Sestius, who strikes as pro 
 quaestore, is that attractive person, the devoted friend 
 of Brutus, to whom Horace addressed an ode (1.4), 
 and whom Augustus took into his favour. Casca 
 Longus is Servilius Casca : either Publius, who was 
 the first to strike at Caesar, 1 or his brother Caius. 2 
 Publius served as the legatus of Brutus, fought at 
 Philippi, and died soon afterwards. Caius, who was 
 also among the conspirators, was, like his brother, 
 present in the campaign of Philippi. The bronze 
 piece, No. 71, does not, strictly speaking, come into 
 the ordinary Eoman series. Prom comparison with 
 other coins it is clear that it was struck in Macedon, 
 and probably at Pella or Thessalonica, shortly before 
 the campaign of Philippi. 3 
 
 The types for the most part explain themselves. 
 The cap of liberty between the two daggers, with the 
 inscription commemorating the Ides of March, has an 
 extraordinarily modern flavour. The sacrificial instru- 
 ments on No. 70 must refer to some priestly office. 
 
 1 Cic. Phil. ii. 11; Plut. Caes. 66; Brut 17,45; Cass. Dio, xliv. 52; 
 xlvi. 49. 
 
 2 Cic. ibid. ; App. ii. 113 ; Cass. Dio, xliv. 52, 
 
 8 Jm hoof -Blunter, Mommies grecqueSj p. 60, No. 1. 
 
 H7 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 The trophy on Casca's coin commemorates the petty 
 victories which the tyrannicides won over the unfor- 
 tunate Asiatics in the year before Philippi. On the 
 reverse of the bronze coin we find the insignia of the 
 quaestor who issued it (marking it accordingly with 
 the letter Q). 
 
 THE TRIUMVIRS. 
 
 Nov. 43— Dec. 38 b.c. 
 
 72. Obv. Head of M. Antonius r. ; around, M*ANT- 
 
 ONIVSIIIVIRRPC- 
 
 Rev. Heroic figure (Anton) seated 1. on rocks, 
 
 with spear and shield ; around, L 
 
 REGVLVSIIIIVIRAPF. 
 
 Aureus. 7'98 grammes (123'1 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 578, No. 
 4255. 
 
 73. Obv. Head of Octavian r. ; around, CCAESAR 
 
 III VIRRPC 
 
 Rev. Aeneas carrying Anchises r. ; around, in- 
 scription as on preceding. 
 
 Aureus. 8*24 grammes (127*1 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 579, No. 
 4258. 
 
 74. Obv. Head of Lepidus r. ; around, MLEPIDVS 
 
 IIIVIRRPC. 
 
 Rev. The Vestal Aemilia standing L, holding 
 simpulum and sceptre ; around, inscrip- 
 tion as on No. 72. 
 
 Aureus. 7*98 grammes (123'2 grains). B.M.C. L, p. 580, No. 
 4259. 
 
 118 
 
PL. XII 
 
HISTOEICAL SOMAN COINS 
 
 L. Livineius Eegulus issued these coins as one 
 of the quattuorviri auro publico feriundo. Other 
 moneyers who struck gold coins with the same title 
 about the same time are L. Mussidius Longus and 
 P. Clodius M. f. All three men issued sets of 
 three gold coins with portraits of the triumvirs ; 
 and C. Vibius Varus, though he does not describe 
 himself as belonging to the quattuorvirate, has an 
 analogous issue. It seems natural, therefore, to 
 assign these four moneyers to the same year, viz., the 
 first year of the triumvirate, 43 — 42 B.C. De Salis, 
 however, on various numismatic grounds with which 
 we need not concern ourselves here, gives the coins of 
 Mussidius and Eegulus to the year 39, and postpones 
 the issues of the two others to the next year. It 
 was in 44 B.C. that Caesar raised the number of 
 moneyers from three to four. De Salis' s view was 
 that only two of the board of four exercised their 
 right of coinage in each year. And he supposed the 
 portraits of the triumvirs to have appeared, not in the 
 first year of the triumvirate, but after the third 
 partition of the Empire at the treaty of Brundisium. 
 
 However this may be — and De Salis's position has 
 been shaken in some details by the discovery of coins 
 unknown to him — the historical interest of these issues 
 does not depend entirely on their exact date. "We 
 have already noticed the gradual intrusion of the gold 
 imperatorial coinage into the system of the Eoman 
 
 119 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 mint. The process is now complete ; these gold coins 
 are part of the regular currency, struck by the regu- 
 larly appointed officials of the mint, without reference 
 to the military imperium. Equally important, how- 
 ever, is the emphasis laid on the personalities of the 
 triumvirs. The portrait of Julius Caesar was the first 
 to appear, quite irregularly, as the portrait of a living 
 person, on the coins ; z then, in exceptional circum- 
 stances, came the portrait of M. Antonius ; now, with 
 the portraits of the triumviri reipublicae constituendae 
 side by side before us, we no longer feel that there is 
 anything exceptional in the portrayal of the living 
 rulers of the state. Another blow has been struck at 
 the " republican " nature of the coinage. On the coins 
 of Q. Voconius Vitulus and Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, 
 which De Salis has attributed to 37 B.C., the heads of 
 Antonius and Lepidus do not occur, and their absence 
 illustrates the growing power of Octavian, who alone, 
 with Divus Julius, is represented. This is the next 
 stage. Finally, after this year, not even the names of 
 the quattuorviri or other moneyers are inscribed on 
 the coins, while the types refer wholly to Octavian, 
 not to the moneyer's family history ; we have, to all 
 intents and purposes, reached the full imperial stage 
 of the coinage. "With the revival of the bronze or 
 brass coinage in 16 B.C., the moneyers' names reappeared 
 
 1 On the significance of the portraits of living persons on Roman 
 coins, see Macdonald, Coin Types, pp. 192 f , 
 
 120 
 
HISTOEICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 for a brief period, and the Senate's authority was 
 recognized, in that this money bore the letters S C 
 (Senatas consulto). These letters, indeed, continued to 
 mark, with few exceptions, all the coins of copper, 
 bronze or brass, for nearly two and a-half centuries, as 
 issued by the authority of the Senate. But the gold 
 and silver coinage always retained the character which 
 had been given it in the years with which we are 
 dealing. The imperial coinage of Rome thus begins 
 not with the year 27 B.C., but some ten years earlier. 
 
 The types on the reverses here described are obvious 
 in their personal reference. Anton, son of Hercules, 
 was claimed by the Antonii as the founder of their 
 race. Aeneas appears on the coins of Octavian as 
 founder of the Iulii. The Yestal is presumably the 
 Aemilia who, when the fire of which she was in charge 
 went out, prayed to the goddess and, throwing a 
 piece of her robe on the embers, miraculously re- 
 kindled the flame. Yet the Romans who saw a Vestal 
 represented on the coins of an Aemilius could hardly ? 
 fail to remember first of all the scandal of the Yestal 
 Aemilia who for her unchastity paid the penalty of 
 death in 114 B.C. 
 
 cassius at rhodes. 
 
 43 b.c. 
 
 75. Obv. Head of Liberty r., laureate; behind, 
 CCASSEI IMr 
 
 121 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. Crab holding in its claws an aplustre ; 
 below, a diadem and a half -blown rose ; 
 on 1. MSERVILIVS, on r. LEG. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*84 grammes (59*2 grains). British Museum. 
 
 Cassius, having crushed Dolabella in Syria, returned 
 to meet Brutus in Asia. Before proceeding to 
 Macedonia he undertook to punish the adherents of 
 the triumvirs in Asia Minor, and first directed himself 
 against the Ehodians, who had sided with Dolabella. 
 They attempted to appease his wrath, but he declined 
 to listen, and after defeating them by sea and by land, 
 gained possession of the city, which he plundered. 
 Plutarch relates that after his victory, when the 
 Ehodians hailed him as king and lord, he replied : 
 " Neither king nor lord, but the slayer and chastiser 
 of the lord and king." 1 
 
 Four objects are crowded together on the reverse of 
 this coin ; of these it is obvious that the aplustre 
 alludes to victory at sea, while the diadem and the 
 rose speak of the royal greeting which the Ehodians 
 extended to their conqueror. But the crab is more 
 difficult to explain. If the rose, as the Ehodian arms, 
 alludes to the Ehodians, it would seem that the crab 
 represents the arms of the neighbouring island of Cos. 2 
 
 1 Plut. Brut. 30. 
 
 a The crab had at this time almost disappeared from the Coan 
 coinage ; but, as it had from the earliest times been the standing type 
 of the Ooan coins, it doubtless always remained the badge or arms of 
 the city. 
 
 122 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 It appears that Cassius's sea victory was won in Coan 
 waters. 1 There is, indeed, just a possibility that the crab 
 has not here any reference to Cos at all, bnt that, as 
 Thalassa, the personification of the sea, wears a head- 
 dress of crab's claws, so the crab may be a kind of 
 short-hand for the sea. The reference to Cos, how- 
 ever, seems much less far-fetched. 
 
 Cassius's victory took place in 43 B.C. The coin 
 itself was struck by his legatus M. Servilius, probably 
 in the next year, after Cassius himself had left on the 
 fatal expedition to Philippi ; at any rate, after he had 
 rejoined Brutus at Sardis, where he was saluted as 
 imperator. 
 
 The form CASS El on the obverse preserves an 
 older form of the name, which was written with El 
 instead of I- 
 
 M. Servilius, the legate of Cassius, appears to be 
 the person who was tribune of the people in 44 B.C., 
 and was described by Cicero as vir fortissimus? 
 
 THE LEGATES OF M. ANTONIUS IN GAUL. 
 42—41 B.C. 
 
 76. Obv. Female portrait bust r., with small wings 
 on either side of neck. 
 
 1 See Borgheei, (Euvres, i., p. 393 ; from Appian iv. 71. 300 f., we 
 see that the action began off Myndue ; cp. Cass. Dio, xlviii. 33. 
 * ddfarn, xii, 7; Phil, iv. 6, 16. 
 
 123 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. Lion walking r. ; below and above [L]VGV 
 DVN [I] ; in field 1. [A], r. XL- 
 
 Silver quinarius. 1*43 grammes (22 grains). British Museum. 
 
 77. Obv. Similar to obv. of No. 76; around 77I.VIR 
 R-P-C. 
 Rev. Similar to rev. of No. 76 ; above lion, 
 ANTONI, below IMP; in field 1. A,r.XLI 
 
 Silver quinarius. Cabinet des Medailles, Bibliotheque Nationale, 
 Paris. 
 
 In the division of the provinces under the second 
 triumvirate in 43 B.C., Lepidus received Spain and 
 Gallia Narbonensis, Antonius the rest of Gaul. The 
 two triumvirs were represented in their absence by- 
 legates ; P. Yentidius Bassus seems to have governed 
 Gallia Lugdunensis until, in 41 B.C., he left the province, 
 which then came under Fufius Calenus. 
 
 M. Antonius was born in 82 b.c His 40th birthday 
 therefore fell in 42, his 41st in 41 B.c. EckhePs inter- 
 pretation of A XL and A X|J as anni or annos xl. or 
 xlL has generally been accepted, the point of the com- 
 memoration of Antonius's age on these coins being 
 clear if we assume, with Hirschfeld, that they were 
 struck for his birthday and distributed to his troops. 1 
 The locative LVOV DVN I shows that the first, at any 
 rate, was struck at Lugdunum. It is certainly odd that 
 on the earlier quinarii the name of M. Antonius is 
 not mentioned. But if they were distributed on his 
 
 1 See above, on Caesar's coinage of 49 B.C. (p. 103). 
 
 124 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 birthday, everyone concerned must have known the 
 meaning of the number XL. When the issue was 
 repeated next year, we may suppose that the omission 
 was rectified, and the name of Lugdunum had to give 
 way to the name of the triumvir. 
 
 The types are significant. The woman who appears 
 as Victory on the obverse is the triumvir's wife Fulvia. 
 That is clear from a comparison with coins of the city 
 of Eumeneia in Phrygia, which for a time bore after 
 her the name of Fulvia; on those coins also she is 
 represented as Victory. The lion on the reverse 
 has been ingeniously interpreted 1 as the triumvir's 
 genethliac sign. It appears from Pliny 2 that he 
 showed the same sort of partiality for the lion as 
 Augustus showed for the Capricorn ; and as the 
 Capricorn became the badge of several legions founded 
 by Augustus, so, it has been thought, the lion was the 
 badge of a legion established by M. Antonius. And 
 as a matter of fact there exists a quinarius of Augustus 
 with a running lion as its reverse type and the inscrip- 
 tion LEG. XVI. It may well be, then, that this sixteenth 
 legion was founded by M. Antonius, and that the 
 quinarii struck at Lugdunum were issued for its 
 especial benefit. But, whatever we may say as to 
 
 1 By Willers, in the Numism. Zeitachr, xxxiv. (1902), in an elaborate 
 study of the coinage of Lugdunum, to which the information given 
 in the text is mainly due. 
 
 8 N. H. viii. 21. 55. 
 
 125 
 
HISTOEICAL BOMAN COINS 
 
 these conjectures, there can be little doubt as to the 
 occasion on which the coins were issued. 
 
 The early form Lugudunum for the name of the 
 city is noteworthy. 
 
 sexttjs pompeius in sicily. 
 42—36 b.c. 
 
 78. Obv. Head of Sextus Pompeius r. ; around, MAG 
 
 PIVS IMP ITER ; the whole in oak- 
 wreath. 
 Rev. Heads of Cn. Pompeius Magnus r. and Cn. 
 Pompeius the Younger 1., confronted ; on 
 1., lituus, on r. tripod ; above and below, 
 PRAEF CLASET- ORAE MAR IT-EX S C 
 (some of the letters ligatured). 
 
 Aureus. 8'06 grammes (124*4 grains). British Museum. 
 
 79. Obv. The pharos of Messana ; on the top, figure 
 
 of Neptune (holding trident and dolphin, 
 with his foot on a prow) ; lying before it, 
 a war-galley, bearing a military eagle, a 
 trident and a thyrsos. Around, inscrip- 
 tion as on obv. of No. 78. 
 Rev. Scylla, with double tail, and foreparts of 
 wolves around her waist, brandishing an 
 oar; around, inscription as on rev. of 
 No. 78. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3'86 grammes (59*5 grains). British Museum. 
 
 Sextus Pompeius Magnus was the younger son of 
 126 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Pompeius the Great. From the time of the battle of 
 Pharsalia he was almost continuously a thornin the side 
 of Caesar, and, after the dictator's death, of Antonius 
 and Octavian. In 44 B.C., "when the Senate broke with 
 M. Antonius, Pompeius was appointed praefect of 
 the fleet and of the sea-coast, as he calls himself on 
 his coins. The phrase EX SC* which follows the title 
 refers, probably, to the grant of this office, and not to 
 the grant of the right of coinage. From the beginning 
 of the triumvirate, being proscribed, he turned pirate, 
 and eventually (in 42 B.C.) made himself master of 
 Sicily. Here he held out for six years, until Agrippa, 
 defeating him first at Mylae and then decisively at 
 Naulochus, broke his power. He fled to the East, 
 where he met his death in 35 b.c During his six 
 years in Sicily his only idea seems to have been to 
 annoy the triumvirs, without aspiring to restore the 
 Republican regime or to seize the supreme power 
 himself. His rough, uncultured nature 1 is well 
 expressed in the portrait on the obverse of his aureus. 
 As the avenger of his father and his elder brother 
 (killed in Spain after the battle of Munda in 45), he 
 calls himself "Pius," and represents their portraits on 
 his coinage. The denarius is one of a number with 
 types of local interest : for all these coins appear to 
 
 1 Veil. Paterc. ii. 73 : hie adolescens erat studiis rudis, sermone 
 barbarus, impetu strenuus, maim promtus, cogitatione celer, fide 
 patri dissiraillimus, libertorum suorum libertus, servorumque servue, 
 speciosis invidens, ut pareret humillimis. 
 
 127 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 have been struck in Sicily. 1 Scylla symbolizes the 
 Straits of Messana ; the obverse of the same coin shows 
 an admiral's galley 2 occupying the harbour of Messana. 
 On the pharos is a statue of Neptune, naturally appro- 
 priate to such a place, but also significant of the fact 
 that Sextus claimed to be " son of Neptune." He 
 called himself Imperator iterum, probably after his 
 defeat of Q. Salvidienus Eufus in 42 b.c. ; a victory 
 over Asinius Pollio in Spain in 45 or 44 having 
 allowed him to take the title for the first time. 3 
 
 The augurship of Pompeius the Great 4 is alluded to 
 by the lituus behind his head ; the tripod is also the 
 symbol of some priestly office. 
 
 q. labienus paethicus. 
 40 b.c. 
 
 80. Olv. Head of Labienusr. ; around, Q. LABI EN VS 
 PARTHICVS IMr 
 Rev. Bridled and saddled horse standing r. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*78 grammes (58*3 grains). British Museum. 
 
 1 For others see my Coins of Ancient Sicily, PI. xv. 6 and 9. 
 
 2 The meaning of the thyrsos which leans against the aplustre (or 
 stern ornament) is obscure. It is found in the same position on the 
 ship in the beautiful Ludovisi relief representing Paris and Oenone. 
 Attempts have been made to explain the significance of this Dionysiac 
 emblem on the relief, but without success. It seems still more out of 
 place on the flagship of Sextus Pompeius. 
 
 8 Cassius Dio, xlv. 10. 
 * Cic. Phil. ii. 4. 
 
 128 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Q. Labienus 1 was the son of that T. Labienus who, 
 after serving under Caesar in Gaul, deserted to the 
 side of Pompeius, and was slain at Munda. After 
 the murder of Caesar, Quintus was sent to Parthia by 
 Brutus and Cassius to obtain help from King Orodes ; 
 and he stayed in the country until, in 40 B.C., a favourable 
 opportunity occurred for him to strike a blow against 
 the power of the triumvirs. With Pacorus, the son 
 of Orodes, he invaded Syria, which for the most part 
 submitted without a blow. Leaving Pacorus to com- 
 plete the work in Syria, Labienus overran the greater 
 part of southern Asia Minor, reaching as far as 
 Caria. His successes induced him to take the title 
 of Parthicus Imperator, which must have been doubly 
 offensive to a "Western ear, since, according to Roman 
 usage, it should have meant that he was the conqueror 
 of the Parthians, not their ally. The orator Hybreas, 
 who unsuccessfully defended the Carian fortress of 
 Mylasa against him, ironically proposed to call himself 
 KapiKos avroKp&Tcop* The successes of Labienus in 
 
 1 Labienus is a gentile name, but the error -which, regards it as a 
 cognomen of the gem Atia still persists. For the career of Labienus, 
 see especially Cassius Dio, xlviii. 24 — 26, 39, 40. 
 
 2 Strabo, xiv. 660. Strictly speaking, no doubt, "Parthicus" and 
 " imperator " are co-ordinate words, qualifying " Q. Labienus." But 
 Hybreas chose to take *' Parthicus" as an adjective qualifying 
 "imperator"; or perhaps he knew no better. Cassius Dio carefully 
 says avTOKparopa re avrbv teal ILapOtKOV ye Ik tov ivavruaT&TOv rots 
 Pujuouxs €0ovs wvo/ao^cv (liv. 26). Gardthausen {Augustus I. L» 
 
 p. 225) seems to have missed the point of Hybreas* joke. 
 H.R.C. K 129 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Asia Minor were brought to a close by M. Antonius' 
 lieutenant, P. Yentidius, in 39 B.C. 
 
 The coin of Labienus must have been issued by 
 him either in Syria (at some such place as Antioch) or 
 in Asia Minor. A Syrian mint is, on the whole, more 
 probable, although it cannot reasonably be argued 
 from a statement of Cassius Dio that Labienus took 
 no Parthian cavalry with him across the Taurus. 1 
 Labienus doubtless claimed that he was issuing money 
 in virtue of his Eoman imperium ; so he issued it of 
 the weight and in the style of the denarius ; and, at 
 the same time, struck an aureus precisely like it in all 
 respects save metal and weight. 
 
 The reverse type alludes to the Parthian light 
 cavalry with which he raided Koman territory. It 
 offers an admirable contrast to the conventional repre- 
 sentation of horses which prevails at this time, is 
 evidently carefully studied from -the life, and gives a 
 better idea than anything else now extant of what 
 the Parthian horse was like. It is difficult to explain 
 what it is that hangs from the saddle. One of the 
 Scythian horses on a famous silver vase, from 
 Tchertomlitsk in South Eussia, 2 carries an object 
 depending from its saddle in the same way, but on a 
 much smaller scale. None of the explanations that 
 
 1 XLY11I. 39 : when Ventidius came upon Labienus in Asia Minor, 
 Labienus avev twv Tldp$(DV fi€TcL twv avroOeu o"Tpa,Tta)Twv fi,6vo)v rjv. 
 
 2 Kondakoff , Tolstoi and Reinach, A?itiquites de la Eussie Meridionale, 
 p. 298. I owe this analogy to Mr. 0. M. Dalton. 
 
 130 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 occur to the mind (bow-case, stirrup, saddle-bag, 
 saddle-cloth) seems satisfactory. 
 
 Ventidius, says Dio, 1 got nothing from the Senate 
 for his services, because he was serving merely as 
 Antonius' lieutenant. A rare denarius, on which both 
 Antonius and Ventidius are named with the title 
 imp(erator), has been associated with the campaign 
 of Ventidius against Labienus and the Parthians. It 
 was, however, more probably issued in Cisalpine Gaul 
 when Ventidius was acting on behalf of Antonius in 
 43 B.C., or else a little later, during the Perusine "War. 
 M. Antonius is still represented as wearing a beard in 
 mourning for Julius Caesar. There is no numismatic 
 record of Ventidius' Parthian victories. 2 
 
 THE ARMENIAN EXPEDITION OF M. ANTONIUS. 
 34 B.C. 
 
 81. Obv. Head of M. Antonius r. ; around, AN- 
 TON IVS • AVGVR COS DES ITER ■ 
 ET TERT. 
 
 Rev. Armenian tiara, with bow and arrow (or 
 sceptre) crossed behind it; around, IMP 
 TERTIO III VIR R P C 
 
 Silver denarius. Cabinet des Medailles, Biblioth£que Nationale, 
 Paris. 
 
 1 XLVIII. 41. He was compensated, however, when Antonius sent 
 him back to Rome, by a splendid triumph in Nov. 38, after which he 
 disappears from history. 
 
 5 Except probably the dates on coins of Bhosus ; see Journ, Internat. 
 d'Arch. Num. 1903, pp. 47 f. 
 
 K2 131 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 82. Obv. Bust of Cleopatra r., diademed, with small 
 prow before it; around, CLEO[PATRAE 
 REGINAE] REQVM FILIORVM REGVM. 
 
 Rev. Head of M. Antonius r. ; behind, small 
 Armenian tiara ; around, ANTON I • 
 
 [A]RMEN[IA] * DEVICTA. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*58 grammes (55'2 grains). British Museum. 
 
 On his unfortunate expedition against the Parthian 
 Phraates in 36 B.C., M. Antonius was accompanied 
 by his ally Artavasdes, King of Armenia, with 
 6,000 horse and 7,000 foot. But, after the destruction 
 of the Eoman siege-train under Oppius Statianus, 
 Artavasdes deserted the Eoman cause, and returned 
 to Armenia with his troops. As the king was thus in 
 some measure responsible for the subsequent disasters 
 to the Eoman forces, Antonius determined to have 
 his revenge ; but he concealed his intentions until 
 after his return to Syria. In the spring of 34 B.C. 
 he invaded Armenia, obtained possession of the person 
 of Artavasdes by treachery, and carried him off to 
 figure in the triumph which was celebrated at 
 Alexandria. The recognition of the eastern capital 
 as a place where an imperator could triumph as well 
 as in Eome earned for Antonius no small unpopu- 
 larity. At the same time he proclaimed Cleopatra 
 Queen of Egypt, Cyprus, Libya, and Coele-Syria; 
 her sons received the title of King of Kings, Armenia 
 with other kingdoms being assigned to Alexander, 
 132 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 "while Cleopatra herself was hailed as "Queen of 
 Kings." 1 
 
 Antonius was designated consul for the second and 
 third time in 39 b.c. 3 His third imperatorship dates 
 from 39, 3 or at latest from 36 B.C. (the Parthian expedi- 
 tion being regarded by courtesy as victorious), 4 and his 
 second consulship from 34 B.C. The denarius No. 81, 
 on which he is described as " imperator tertio " but 
 is not yet " cos. ii.," must have been struck at the 
 latest in 35 B.C. Now in this year Antonius had 
 not even started on his Armenian expedition. The 
 Armenian tiara that forms the type of the reverse is 
 evidently therefore an anticipation of the subjection 
 of the country. 5 The coins were probably struck at 
 Alexandria during the preparations for the expedition 
 which started in the next spring. On the other hand, 
 the denarius with the head of Cleopatra, describing 
 her as "Queen of Kings, the sons of Kings," was 
 doubtless issued after the return of M. Antonius to 
 Alexandria with Artavasdes in his train. Accordingly 
 
 1 Cass. Dio, xlix. 41. 
 
 * Babelon, i., p. 160. 
 
 3 Supposing that he was acclaimed imperator on the strength of 
 Yentidius' defeats of Labienus and the Parthians. 
 
 * We know that Antonius sent to Rome announcements of imaginary 
 successes in this campaign (Cass. Dio, xlix. 32). 
 
 5 As Mr. Grueber reminds me, Antonius promised at this time to 
 give Lesser Armenia to Polemo I. of Pontus, as a reward for the 
 mission on which he sent him to the Median king. He kept his word 
 (Cass. Dio, xlix. 33, 44). Mr. Grueber thinks that it is this claim to 
 dispose of Lesser Armenia which is illustrated by our coin. 
 
 133 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 we have the tiara behind the conqueror's head, and 
 the inscription ARMENIA DEVICTA. The prow, 
 which appears as an adjunct to the portrait of 
 Cleopatra, is difficult to explain, unless it be the 
 mark of some Syrian mint, such as Tripolis or 
 Berytus. 
 
 octayian's triumph. 
 29 b.c. 
 
 83. Obv. Victory to r. on prow of galley, holding 
 
 wreath in r. and palm-branch in 1. 
 
 Rev. Octavian in a triumphal quadriga r., holding 
 
 laurel-branch ; in exergue, CAESAR 
 
 DIVI F. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*78 grammes (58*3 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 12, 
 No. 4342. 
 
 84. Obv. Similar to preceding. 
 
 Rev. Similar to preceding, but with inscription 
 replaced by IMP • CAESAR. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*98 grammes (61 '4 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 13, 
 No. 4343. 
 
 The triple triumph which Octavian celebrated on 
 his return from the East in the summer of 29 B.C. is 
 alluded to in various ways on the coinage of the time. 
 The victory of Actium in particular is commemorated 
 not merely by the type of Victory on a prow, but 
 also by a figure of Neptune standing with one foot on 
 a globe, and by a combined naval and military trophy. 
 The Neptune and the Victory are interesting as 
 134 
 
HISTOEICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 showing a conscious adaptation of types used by 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes on his coinage to commemorate 
 his victory over Ptolemy in 306 B.C. The Greek, on 
 one of his coins, represented Poseidon standing with 
 his foot on a rock, leaning with his left hand on his 
 trident — probably a reproduction of a statue. On 
 another was Victory, blowing a trumpet, on a prow — 
 this too representing a statue, which is still preserved 
 to us in the Victory of Samothrace in the Louvre. 
 Octavian makes Neptune (or perhaps himself in the 
 guise of the god) stand with his foot on a globe, and 
 hold an aplustre ; he rests with his left hand on a 
 trident, but he wears a sword at his side ! His 
 Victory, instead of the magnificent figure of the fourth- 
 century artist, is a wreath-and-palm-bearing winged 
 woman of highly conventional style. The types thus 
 show, not merely a conscious adaptation, but a frigid 
 modification of a great original. 
 
 It will be noticed that the two denarii here described 
 differ only in the legend of the reverse. The coins on 
 which Octavian is called Imperator Caesar (No. 84) 
 appear to date from the years 29 to 27 B.C. In the 
 latter year he received the title Augustus. The coin 
 with Caesar Divi ftlius (No. 83), on the other hand, is 
 one of a class which is assigned to the period 36 to 
 29 B.C. Since it refers to the Actian triumph, it must 
 belong to the very end of this period. 
 
 Octavian was saluted as imperator twenty-one times 
 
 135 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 in all, the first occasion being in 43 B.C. But he also 
 employed the word, and does so here, in an extra- 
 ordinary sense, in that he used it as a personal 
 praenomen, inheritable by his children, and having no 
 direct reference to military achievements. When he 
 assumed this praenomen in 29 B.C., 1 he dropped his 
 old praenomen Gaius. 
 
 caesar augustus. 
 27 b.c. 
 
 85. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, CAESAR* 
 
 COS- VII- CIVIBVS- SERVATEIS. 
 
 Rev. An eagle, wings spread, holding in his 
 talons an oak- wreath ; behind his wings, 
 two branchesof laurel ; above, AVCVSTVS; 
 at sides of wreath, S. C 
 
 Aureus, 7*81 grammes (120*5 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 18, No. 4371. 
 
 86. Obv. Head of Augustus r ; around, CAESAR 
 
 AVGVSTVS- 
 Rev. A shield, inscribed S PQRCL'V', leaning 
 against a column ; before the column, 
 Victory flying r., holding in her hands a 
 wreath. 
 
 Aureus. 7*92 grammes (122*2 grains). B.M.O. II., p. 22, No. 4385. 
 
 In the Will of Augustus we read: senatu[s con- 
 sulto Aug(ustus) appe]llatus sum et laureis postes 
 
 1 Cass. Dio, lii. 41 ; cp, xliii. 44. 
 
 136 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 aedium mearum v[estiti publice coronaq]ue civica super 
 ianuam meam fixa est [clupeusque aureu]s in [c]uria 
 Mia posituSj quern mihi senatum [populumque 
 Komanu]ru dare virtutis clem[entia]e iustitia[e pietatis 
 causa testatum] est pe[r e]ius clupei [inscriptionjem. 1 
 
 The title of Augustus was conferred on Octavian 
 on 16th January, 727 ( = 27 b.c.) by decree of the 
 Senate. Three days earlier the honours of the oaken 
 crown and the laurels at his door had been granted to 
 him. Cassius Dio tells us 2 that laurel trees were 
 placed before the door of the house of Octavian, and 
 an oak-wreath hung above it. This is confirmed by 
 a coin of L. Caninius Grallus, which shows a pair of 
 laurel trees and an oak- wreath in position at the door 
 of the Emperor's house. 
 
 The golden shield of valour mentioned in the will is 
 described in an inscription 3 in the following words : 
 S.P.Q.E. Augusto dedit clupeum virtutis [c]le[men]- 
 ti[ae ius]t[itiae pietatis causa]. Ancient writers are 
 silent regarding it. But there can be little doubt 
 that it was voted to the Emperor at the same time as 
 the other decorations. It was deposited, as Augustus 
 tells us, in the Senate House, where also stood the 
 statue of Victory from Tarentum, with the altar which 
 he dedicated in the year 29. This fact is illustrated 
 
 1 Mon. Anc. (Mommsen, Res Gestae Divi Aug.) c. 34. 
 
 LIIL 16. 
 3 C. I. L. ix. 5809. Other inscriptions also refer to it. 
 
 137 
 
HISTOEICAL SOMAN COINS 
 
 in the type of the coin No. 86, which connects Victory 
 with the shield of valour. On the preceding coin the 
 oaken corona civica is borne by an eagle. This is the 
 symbol of Empire, which Augustus is said to have 
 borrowed from Egypt, where it had, almost from the 
 foundation of the Ptolemaic dynasty, been used on the 
 coins as the type of sovereignty. 1 It must, however, 
 be remembered that the Eomans had long used the 
 eagle for the purposes of a standard in war ; and, the 
 Empire being based on a military imperium, the bird 
 would naturally come to be used as its emblem. 
 
 Count de Salis assigned the aureus with the eagle to 
 the year 27 B.C., and the other piece before us to the 
 period 24 — 20 B.C. His reasons for this division appear 
 to lie in the treatment of the portrait. For our pur- 
 pose, it is sufficient to note that both were struck 
 between 27 and 20 B.C., and that No. 86, with its 
 pointed reference to the decree of 16th January, 27, 
 was doubtless issued in that very year. 
 
 THE RECOVERY OF THE STANDARDS. 
 20 B.C. 
 
 87. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; below, [AVOVSTVS]- 
 Linear border. 
 Rev. SIGIMIS PARTHICIS RECEPTIS in three 
 lines, within a linear circle. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*82 grammes (59 grains). British. Museum. 
 1 See Oder in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencycl. L 375. 
 
 138 
 
PL. XIII 
 
 
 m 
 
 V* 
 
 ■=> - fe - "H -a ,'■'" ^ - X X ' 
 
 
 
 Nos. 75 
 
 x 
 
HISTOEICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 88. Obv. Head of Augustus r; around, CAESAR 
 
 AVGVSTVS. 
 
 Rev. Mars, nude but for a slight cloak fastened 
 round his waist, helmeted, walking to 1., 
 looking back ; he holds in his right a 
 legionary eagle, in his left the standard of 
 a maniple ; inscription on 1. SIGN IS, on r. 
 RECEPTIS. 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*36 grammes (67*3 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 26, 
 No. 4405. 
 
 89. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, S PQR 
 
 IMP CAESARI AVG COS XI TR POT 
 VI. 
 
 Rev. Triumphal arch with three openings ; 
 above, Augustus in quadriga to front, 
 between a Parthian (on 1.), offering a 
 manipular standard, and another (on r.), 
 offering a legionary eagle and holding in 
 his 1. a bow; around, CIVIBETSIGN 
 MIl-ITAPARTRECVP\ 
 
 Aureus. 7*81 grammes (120*5 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 37, No. 4453. 
 
 90. Obv. Head of Augustus 1. ; around, CAESAR 
 
 AVGVSTVS. 
 
 Rev. Circular domed temple ; within, Mars to 1., 
 holding a legionary eagle and a manipular 
 standard ; across the field, MAR VLT- 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*89 grammes (60-0 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 28, 
 No. 4411. 
 
 The stroke of diplomacy by which in 20 B.C. 
 
 139 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Augustus induced Phraates to return the standards 
 which the Parthians had on three different occasions 
 captured from Eoman armies was one of the achieve- 
 ments of which he was most proud. u Signa militaria 
 complur[a per] alios d[u]ces ami[ssa] devicti[s hostibus 
 reciperavi] ex Hispania et [Gallia et a Dalmjateis. 
 Parthos trium exercitum Eoman[o]rum spolia et 
 signa re[ddere] mihi supplicesque amicitiam populi 
 Eomani petere coegi. ea autem si[gn]a in penetrali, 
 quod e[s]t in templo Martis TJltoris, reposui." 1 The 
 standards recovered from the Dalmatians (in 33 b.c.) 
 were those which had been lost in 48 by Gabinius 
 and in 44 by Vatinius. Of those recovered from 
 Spaniards and Gauls we know no more than Augustus 
 tells us. The three armies defeated by the Parthians 
 were those commanded by Crassus (in 53), and by the 
 legates of M. Antonius, — L. Decidius Saxa in 40, and 
 Oppius Statianus in 36. The Parthians, threatened 
 by Augustus with war, handed over to Tiberius 
 the standards which they had retained, as well as 
 some prisoners. 2 Augustus celebrated their recovery 
 with great pomp ; among other things, he erected the 
 triumphal arch which is represented on the aureus 
 No. 89. The standards themselves were placed in the 
 temple of Mars the Avenger. By this, in the passage 
 
 1 Mm. Anc, c. 29. Cp. Cassius Dio (liv. 8) : typovei /xeya, Acywv 
 cm to. irporepov 7rore £v rats /m^ais d-jroXop.eva olkovitl ckcko/*1(Tto. 
 
 2 Sueton. Divus Aug. 21; Tib. 9; Cass. Dio, liv. 8. 
 
 140 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 quoted from the Will of Augustus, is undoubtedly 
 meant the Temple in the Forum of Augustus. But 
 as that was not finished until the year 2 B.C., the 
 standards must have been placed elsewhere in the 
 meantime. A small shrine of the god was erected on 
 the Capitol in 20 B.C., and it is definitely stated by 
 Cassius Dio 1 that it was meant for the reception of 
 the standards. Both Horace and Propertius, however, 
 seem to imply that they were dedicated to Jupiter : 
 
 Tua, Caesar, aetas . . . 
 signa nostro restituit Iovi 
 derepta Parthorum superbis 
 postibus. 
 
 (Hor. Carm. iv. 16. 6.) 
 
 Adsuescent Latio Partha tropaea Iovi. 
 
 (Prop, iii (iv.) 4. 6.) 
 
 It is accordingly tempting to assume that they 
 found a temporary resting-place in the Temple of 
 Jupiter on the Capitol. But, on the other hand, we 
 have the definite assertion of Dio just cited. At first 
 sight it would appear that the passages of Horace and 
 Propertius cannot be regarded as good evidence 
 against the statement of the historian. But they are 
 not really contradictory. The historian only says that 
 Augustus decreed the erection of a temple on this 
 occasion ; but the standards must have been kept 
 somewhere pending its completion. Has the temple 
 of Jupiter Feretrius more claim to consideration as the 
 
 1 LIV. 8. 
 
 141 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 temporary resting-place of the standards than the small 
 shrine of Mars Ultor on the Capitol ? Let us examine 
 the coins. 
 
 Of the few coins chosen here, out of the many which 
 commemorate this achievement, the first (No. 87) was 
 struck in the East, possibly at Pergamum. 1 The second 
 (No. 88), on the other hand, is of Eoman fabric. The 
 war-god carries a legionary eagle in one hand, a mani- 
 pular standard in the other. Both kinds of standards 
 are, of course, included in the general term signum. 
 This coin was probably struck on the return of 
 Augustus to Eome in 19 b.c. These pieces do not 
 assist us to decide the question of the temples. But 
 on No. 90 (also struck in Eome at the same time as 
 No. 88), we see a circular-domed temple of Mars Ultor. 
 
 Now Borghesi 3 and Mommsen 3 regard this type as 
 an anticipatory representation of the greater temple 
 eventually dedicated in the Forum of Augustus. 
 There is, of course, nothing improbable in the sug- 
 gestion that the type should thus anticipate the 
 completion of the temple which had been vowed 
 during the campaign of Philippi. 4 But one thing is 
 very clear from the remains of the temple itself, and 
 that is that it was not circular, but an octastyle 
 
 1 E. Grabrici, Numism. di Augusto in Milani's Studi e Materiali, ii. 
 
 2 (Euvres, ii., p. 379. 
 
 3 Res gest. div. Aug. p. 126. 
 * See supra, p. 114. n. 1. 
 
 142 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 peripteros. 1 Obviously then, either the representation, 
 if it is meant for the temple in the Forum of Augustus, 
 is quite imaginary, or else the original plans were 
 completely altered when it came to building. But 
 neither alternative is so reasonable as the supposition 
 that in the temple on the coins of 19 B.C. we have the 
 shrine which Augustus built on the Capitol, hard by 
 the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, as a temporary resting- 
 place to receive the standards until they should be 
 transferred to a more permanent abode. 2 
 
 This being so, the references by Horace and 
 Propertius to Jupiter must be taken in a general 
 sense, as indicating merely that the standards were 
 placed on the Capitol, which was especially associated 
 with Jupiter. 
 
 THE PROVINCE OF ASIA. 
 19 B.C. 
 
 91. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; below, IMP IXTR 
 
 rov. 
 
 Rev. Fa9ade of a hexastyle temple, inscribed on 
 
 architrave ROMETAVGVST; across field, 
 
 COM ASIAE. 
 
 Silver et cistophoric medallion." 11*92 grammes (184 grains). 
 British Museum. 
 
 The date of this piece is fixed, by the titles given 
 to Augustus on the obverse, to 19 B.C. The coin 
 
 1 See, for instance, the plan in Lanoiani, Ruins and Excavations , p. 305. 
 
 2 So Eichter in Baumeister's Denkmciler, iii. p. 1480 ; A. Schneider, 
 das alte Rom, PI. yiti. 12. 
 
 143 
 
HISTOLICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 itself is one of a class 1 which corresponded in weight 
 and purpose to the cistophori which had long been the 
 chief silver currency of the province of Asia. 2 The 
 old cistophoric types gradually disappeared ; thus on 
 a piece issued in the name of M. Antonius, about 
 39 — 38 B.C., the ivy-wreath, snakes and cista mystica 
 still remain, but on the obverse we have the head of 
 M. Antonius in the wreath, while the cista is trans- 
 ferred to the reverse, where with the head of Octavia 
 it occupies the place of the old bow-case. On a piece 
 of Octavian, struck in 28 B.C., the only relic of the 
 old types is the cista, used as an adjunct in the field of 
 the reverse. 
 
 Although it was no new thing for the different 
 cities of a province to send representatives to a 
 common assembly for some definite purpose, Augustus 
 is rightly credited with having first organized the 
 Kolvov 'Ao-tas (commune Asiae) in the form which 
 it was to maintain for nearly three centuries. The 
 assembly met periodically, and its object was above all 
 to celebrate the joint cult of Home and Augustus. 
 Once their religious functions had been fulfilled, the 
 members could proceed to deliberate on matters of 
 politics interesting the province. In the province of 
 Asia there was one supreme high priest of this cult, 
 
 1 On which see E. Gabrici, Numism, di Augmto, in Milani's Studi e 
 Materialif ii. 
 
 2 Hut. Or. Coins, p. 138 f. 
 
 144 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 known simply as apx^pevs 'Ao-iW In addition, how- 
 ever, there were a certain number of apx*- € P& 'A<r(a$ } 
 each of whom was attached to the temple of the 
 Kolvov in the various cities which possessed such 
 temples : thus we have an ipx^pevs 'A<r(a$ va&v t&v h 
 ITe/jyd/xw. Pergamum, indeed, was the first city in which 
 a temple of Eome and Augustus was erected at the 
 expense of the province; and it is probably this 
 Pergamene temple that is represented on our coin. 
 Not improbably also the occasion for the issue of this, 
 and other coins connected with it, was the dedication 
 of the temple. 1 Other cities at which the assembly is 
 known to have met are Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardis, 
 Cyzicus, Laodicea and Philadelphia. This provincial 
 cult was the focus of the official religion of the 
 provinces during the first three centuries of the 
 Empire, and its importance cannot be exaggerated as 
 a public expression of the relations between the 
 provinces and Eome. Its organization was one of the 
 most masterly achievements of Augustus. 
 
 ARMENIA RECEPTA. 
 CIRCA 19 B.C. 
 
 92. Oiv. Head of Augustus r. ; below, AVGVSTCVS]. 
 
 Rev. Armenian tiara, bow-case with bow and 
 quiver with arrows ; above and below, 
 
 ARMENIA RECEPTA. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*76 grammes (58 grains). British Museum. 
 
 1 Grabrici, op. cit. p. 15. 
 H.R.C. L 145 
 
HISTOEICAL BOMAN COINS 
 
 Artaxias, who succeeded to the throne of Armenia, 
 when his father Artavasdes was taken prisoner by 
 M. Antonius in 34 B.C., had a troubled reign of some 
 14 years. His brother Tigranes, who had also 
 fallen into the hands of Antonius, had passed into the 
 possession of Augustus. "When Augustus was in the 
 East, actually preparing an expedition against 
 Artaxias, 1 the Armenians begged that Tigranes 
 might be sent back to rule over them. While the 
 young prince was on his way, conducted by Tiberius, 
 Artaxias was murdered by his subjects. " Armeniam 
 maiorem," says Augustus in his Will, 2 " interfecto rege 
 eius Artaxe c[u]m possem facere provinciam, malui 
 maiorum nostrorum exemplo regn[u]m id Tigrani 
 regis Artavasdis filio, nepoti autem Tigranis regis, 
 per T[i. Ne]ronem trad[er]e, qui turn mihi priv[ig]nus 
 erat. et eandem gentem postea d[esc]iscentem et 
 rebellantem domit[a]m per Gaium filium meum 
 regi Ario[barz]ani regis Medorum Artaba[zi] filio 
 regendam tradidi et post e[ius] mortem filio eius 
 Artavasdi. quo [inte]rfecto [Tigra]ne(m), qui erat ex 
 regio genere Armeniorum oriundus, in id re[gnum] 
 misi." 
 
 The denarius before us is generally supposed 
 
 1 On this sojourn in the East, see Gabrici, II secondo Viaggio di 
 Augusto in Oriente, Naples, 1900, and the same writer's Nvmisrmtica 
 di Augusto in Milani's Studi t Materiali, ii. 
 
 2 Mon. Anc. c. 27 ; cp. Tac. Ann. ii. 3 ; Veil. Patera ii. 94 ; Cass. 
 Dio, liv. 9. 
 
 146 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 to refer to the occasion when Tiberius occupied 
 Armenia in force, and the country accepted a king at 
 the hands of Augustus. The fabric of the coin shows 
 that it was struck in the East ; and there is much to 
 be said for the suggestion that the mint was Pergamum, 
 and the occasion the dedication of the temple of Rome 
 and Augustus which had been begun nine years 
 earlier. 1 
 
 The types explain themselves : the bow and arrows 
 of the Armenian soldiery, and the Armenian royal 
 tiara, 2 a tall head-dress with dentated crown. The 
 latter varies in some details from the tiara worn by 
 Tigranes the Great on his coins 3 — that, for instance, 
 has flaps hanging down on to the shoulders — but in 
 general form it is the same. 
 
 Some of the coins commemorating the events in 
 Armenia use, instead of " recepta," the form " capta." 
 It is possible that the coins with u recepta" are the 
 earlier, and that the form " capta" was an afterthought, 
 for "recepta" recalled the fact of the previous 
 subjugation of Armenia by M. Antonius, whose 
 exploits it was not to the purpose of Augustus to 
 glorify. 4 
 
 1 Gabrici, Numism. di Augusto, p. 15. 
 
 2 Cp. the coins of M. Antonius, above, No. 81. 
 8 Hist. Or. Coins, PL xiii. 96. 
 
 4 Gabrici, op. cit., p. 12. 
 
 l2 147 
 
HISTORICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 THE SECULAR GAMES. 
 17 B.C. 
 
 93. Olv. Head of Augustus r. laureate ; around, IMP* 
 
 CAESAR TR POT NX. 
 Rev. Augustus seated 1. on a platform inscribed 
 LVD S ; lie hands an object, taken from a 
 basket at his feet, to one of two togate 
 figures standing before him ; in exergue, 
 AVGSVPP; around, [LME]CSI NIVS. 
 
 Aureus, 8*01 grammes (123*6 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 53, No. 
 
 4487. 
 
 94. Olv. Head of Augustus r. laureate; around CAE 
 
 [SAR] AVGVSTVS TR POT. 
 Rev. A cippus inscribed IMP CAES AVG LVD 
 SAEC ; across field, XV S'F; around [L' 
 
 mescin]ivs rvfvs [iii-vir]. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3'47 grammes (53*5 grains). B.M.C. IL, p. 54, 
 No. 4488. 
 
 Since Augustus is described on the former of these 
 coins as holding the tribunician power for the eighth 
 time, its date is fixed to the year 16 B.C. "We know 
 nothing of the moneyer L. Mescinius Euf us ; for there 
 is some difficulty in identifying him with the man of 
 that name who was Cicero's quaestor in Cilicia in 51, 
 and served under Cassius in Asia in 43. Augustus, 
 as master of the college of quindecimviri sacris faciundis, 
 celebrated the secular games for the college in the 
 148 
 
HISTORICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 consulship of C. Furnius and C. Silanus, 1 i.e., in 
 17 b.c.j the year preceding the issue of the coins of 
 Mescinius. The letters XV S F- on No. 94 are pro- 
 bably to be taken as referring to Augustus, xvvir 
 sacris faciandis, rather than to the whole college of 
 zvviri. They were, as a matter of fact, for this special 
 occasion at least twenty-one in number, and their 
 names are preserved. 2 Augustus, in the Monumentum 
 Ancyranum, mentions Agrippa as his colleague. 
 Agrippa, nevertheless, was not one of the five magistri 
 of the college, whose names are preserved elsewhere. 3 
 
 Before the games began, the quindecimviri, seated 
 on platforms, distributed to the people purificatories 
 for fumigation. These were knQwn as purgamenta or 
 suffimenta, and their distribution is illustrated on the 
 reverse of No. 93, with the inscription Aug(ustus) 
 8uf[fimenta) p(opulo dedit). The purification was 
 effected by the burning of torches with sulphur and 
 bitumen ; only after this had been done were the 
 people fit to partake in the festival. 
 
 Other features of the festival are alluded to on 
 other coins of Augustus. Thus, on aurei and denarii 
 of M. Sanquinius, dating from 12 B.C., there is repre- 
 sented the herald who proclaimed the festival; he 
 wears a helmet decorated with two long plumes, and 
 
 1 Mon. Anc. ch. sxii. Mommsen, Res gest. y pp. 91 f. 
 
 2 Eph. Epigr. viii. pp. 240 ff. 
 
 8 Fasti Capitolini, C, I. L. i. p. 442. 
 
 149 
 
HISTOKICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 carries a caduceus and a circular shield. On other 
 pieces, probahly struck in the year of the games, two 
 priests (perhaps Augustus with another person) are 
 occupied in sacrifice at the altar. Further light is 
 thrown on the various ceremonies by the coinage of 
 Domitian, who celebrated the secular games for the 
 sixth time in his fourteenth consulship (a.d. 88). 1 
 
 THE PUBLIC ROADS. 
 17 B.C. 
 
 95. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, SP-QR IMP. 
 
 CAESARI. 
 Rev. Triumphal arch with two openings on a 
 viaduct or bridge ; on the arch, Augustus, 
 crowned by Yictory, standing in a car 
 drawn by two elephants ; around, QVOD 
 
 VIAE MVN'SVNT. 
 
 Aureus. V'83 grammes (120*8 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 39, No. 
 4462. 
 
 96. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, AVGVSTVS 
 
 TRPOTVH 
 Rev. On a cippus, the inscription [S'P]Q*R* 
 | IMP.CAEIQVOD V' | MS- EX | 
 EAP'Q'IS | AD ADE ; around, 
 
 L'VINICIVS L[FIIIVIR]. 
 
 Silver denarius. 4*03 grammes (62*2 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 49, 
 No. 4471. 
 
 1 The whole of the material relating to the history of the secular 
 games has been collected by Mommsen and Dressel in Eph. Epigr. viii. 
 pp. 225 — 315, and by 0. Wasiner, Ludi Saeculares (Warsaw, 1901, in 
 .Russian). 
 
 150 
 
HISTOKICAL BOMAN COINS 
 
 The restoration of the great Italian roads is one of 
 the most important public works which stand to the 
 credit of Augustus. In his Will 1 he records that in 
 his seventh consulship (a.e., 727 a.tt.c. = 27 b.c.) he 
 restored the Flaminian Way from the city to 
 Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian 
 and the Minucian. An inscription on the arch at 
 Ariminum records that it was erected in honour of 
 Augustus, "v[ia flammjia [et reliquei]s celeberrimeis 
 Italiae vieis consilio [et sumptib]us [eius mu]niteis." 2 
 Further, we know from Cassius Dio 3 that in com- 
 memoration of the work statues of Augustus were 
 set up on the bridge over the Tiber and in 
 Ariminum. 
 
 The inscription on the second of our two coins is to 
 be expanded : S(enatus) p(opulus)q(ue) E(omanus) 
 Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) quod v(iae) m(unitae) s(unt) 
 ex ea p(ecunia) q(uam) is ad a(erarium) de(tulit). 
 This must be one of the four occasions mentioned by 
 Augustus in his Will (chap. 17), in which he came to 
 the assistance of the treasury. Mommsen 4 draws a 
 distinction between money thus given by Augustus out 
 of his private purse, and money obtained by the sale 
 of booty (manubiae) and devoted to public works. It 
 was out of such pecunia manubialis that the Temple of 
 
 1 Ch. 20 ; Mommsen, Res gest. p. 86. 
 
 2 Cf. Suet. Aug. 30. 
 * LIU. 22. 
 
 d Op. cit. p. 66. 
 
 151 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMA1T COINS 
 
 Mars Ultor was built, 1 and the Flaminian "Way- 
 restored. 2 It would follow, if Mommsen is right, that 
 the grant made by Augustus to the treasury, and 
 commemorated on the cippus on No. 96, was not 
 identical with the money expended by him on the 
 Flaminian Way. However this may be — and the 
 distinction appears to be somewhat over-subtle — it 
 seems probable that the triumphal arch erected on a 
 viaduct or bridge, represented on No. 95, is one of 
 those erected on the Flaminian Way. Whether it is 
 the arch on the Mulvian bridge (the bridge over the 
 Tiber mentioned by Dio), or some other, we can 
 hardly decide. But it can scarcely be meant for the 
 arch at Rimini, which has but a single opening. And 
 the road on which it stands looks more like a viaduct 
 than a bridge. 
 
 In any case, the aureus. No. 95, commemorating 
 though it does an event of 27 B.C., was nevertheless not 
 struck until ten years later ; for it belongs to a class 
 which are assignable on various good grounds to 
 17 B.C. The denarius, No. 96, again, is dated by the 
 fact that Augustus held the tribvunicia potestas for the 
 seventh time in 17 — 16 B.C. 3 
 
 We may assume that the year 17 b.c. saw the 
 
 1 Mon. Anc, ch, -giri 
 
 2 Suet. Aug. 30 : desumpta sibi Flaminia via Arimino tenus munienda 
 reliquas triumphalibus viris e mamibiali pecunia stemendas distribuit. 
 
 3 Another coin of Vinicius is dated TR. POT. "VTIL, i.e., in 16 B.C., 
 but late in the year. 
 
 152 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 completion of the work of restoring the roads which had 
 been begun in 27 B.C. Probably the Flaminian Way- 
 was finished early in the period ; but when the general 
 completion of the works was commemorated the road 
 especially associated with Augustus naturally figured 
 on the coins. 
 
 Other triumphal arches are commemorated on coins 
 of the same date. Thus we have one resembling in 
 every particular that already described, except that 
 the car of Augustus is drawn by four horses. There 
 is another (see No. 89) of quite a different character 
 associated with the recovery of the standards (CIVIB* 
 ETSIGNMILIT A PART RECVP). Of these prob- 
 ably only the former belonged to the Flaminian Way. 
 
 THE MONETARY REFORM OF AUGUSTUS. 
 CIRCA 15 B.C. 
 
 97. Obv. Oak wreath between two laurel-branches ; 
 
 inscription OB CIVIS SERVATOS. 
 Rev. The letters S'C surrounded by the inscrip- 
 tion CCASSIVSC FCELERIIIVIR. 
 
 AAAPF. 
 
 Brass sestertius. 27*11 grammes (418*4 grains). B.M.O. II., 
 p. 58, No. 4501. 
 
 98. Obv. Oak wreath ; inscription AVGVSTVS 
 
 TRIBVNIC POTEST. 
 
 Rev. Similar to No. 97, but without OF. 
 
 Brass dupondius. 8*28 grammes (127*8 grains). B.M.C. II., 
 p. 59, No. 4505. 
 
 153 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 99. Obv. Head of Augustus r. ; around, CAESAR 
 
 AVGVSTVS TRIBVNIC POTEST. 
 
 Rev. Similar to No. 97, but without C'F. 
 
 Copper as. 11*15 grammes (172*0 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 59, 
 No. 4507. 
 
 100. Obv. Cornucopiae between S C ; around, 
 
 PVLCHER-TAVRVSREGVLVS. 
 Rev . Coin anvil, wreathed ; around, I II V I R* 
 A'A'Aff. 
 
 Copper quadrans. 3*37 grammes (52'1 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 76, 
 No. 4577. 
 
 The four coins represent the four denominations 
 which were instituted by Augustus. The quadrans 
 was never issued in large quantities ; but the three 
 higher denominations persisted for nearly three cen- 
 turies. To modern eyes, time having covered the 
 surfaces of the majority of coins with a deceptive 
 patina, the distinction between the dupondius and 
 the as is usually imperceptible. But from analysis, 
 combined with a statement of Pliny, 1 we know 
 that the sestertius and the dupondius were of brass 
 and the as and the quadrans 2 of copper. The deno- 
 minations, as will be seen from Nos. 97 — 100, are 
 
 1 H. N xxxiv. 2. 4 : the copper of Corduba contains, after that of 
 the Livian mines, the greatest proportion of zinc and equals the 
 quality of orichalcum (artificial brass) in sestertii and dupondii, while 
 the asses are of pure copper. For various analyses, see Mommsen- 
 Blacas, iii. p. 38; Grueber in Num. Chron. 1904, p. 244. 
 
 3 Usually these small coins (like No. 100) have been called semisses ; 
 but they never exceed in weight a quarter of an as (Grueber, Num. 
 Chron. 1904, p. 241). Although weight counts for little in this token 
 coinage, it seems more probable that they are quadrantes. 
 
 154 
 
J L. XIV 
 
 
 Nos. 89 — 100. 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 distinguished by their obverse types, although these 
 were not adhered to for long. The quadrans, which 
 was not struck by C. Cassius, is illustrated from a 
 specimen bearing the names of the triumvirs Clodius 
 Pulcher, Statilius Taurus, and Livineius Kegulus, 
 who are assigned by Ct. de Salis and Mr. Grueber 
 to the year 13 B.C. The date of the coins of Cassius 
 is uncertain, but they serve as well as any other to 
 indicate the denominations introduced by Augustus 
 when he revived the bronze coinage. There is a 
 general agreement among numismatists in dating 
 this revival in the year 15 B.C. Opinions differ, 
 however, as to the year in which Augustus first 
 allowed the monetary magistrates to place their names 
 on the gold and silver coinage ; the earliest date 
 suggested is 20 B.C., the latest 16 b.c For our 
 purposes the fact of chief importance is the intro- 
 duction of the new brass and copper currency. It 
 will be noticed that, besides the names of the triumvir 
 a(ere) a{rgento) a(uro) f{lando) f[eriundo)^ all these new 
 coins bear the letters SC' (Senatus Consulio) in a 
 prominent form. In other words, they record the fact 
 that Augustus, while keeping the coinage of gold and 
 silver in his own hands, gave to the Senate the privi- 
 lege of striking the baser metals. 1 This the Senate 
 
 1 For certain exceptions, in the shape of coins in these metals which, 
 not bearing the letters S.C., appear to have been struck by imperial 
 authority, see Strack in Bonner Jahrbucher, 111 — 112, p. 435. Cp. also 
 F. Gnecchi, in Eiv. Ital, di Numism,, 1908, p. 526. 
 
 155 
 
HISTORICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 retained until the middle of the third century, when 
 the silver coinage had become so degraded that it could 
 not, as a rule, be distinguished from copper or brass. 
 "We are accustomed, owing to the resemblance in 
 size between the dupondius and its half, the as, to 
 regard the system inaugurated by Augustus as 
 singularly unpractical. But, as we have seen, the 
 two denominations, when fresh, were easily distin- 
 guished by their metal, with a certain amount of 
 assistance drawn from the variation in their types. 
 Apart from this, however, these coins were all tokens, 
 representing an arbitrary value. The normal weight 
 of the sestertius from Augustus to Elagabalus was 
 kept, with considerable regularity, at one Eoman 
 ounce (2 7 '29 grammes); the dupondius and as seem 
 to have weighed the same, viz., half an ounce. The 
 aureus was equivalent to 25 silver denarii ; the 
 denarius to 4 sesterces of brass; the sesterce to 4 asses 
 of copper. Since the aureus of this period was -^ lb., 
 the denarius ^ lb., the sesterce ^ lb., and the as 
 -^ lb. in weight, we obtain the following relations 
 between the metals, as expressed in the coinage : — 
 Gold to silver as 12*5 to 1. 
 
 ,, brass 
 
 ?? 
 
 350 
 
 ,,1. 
 
 „ copper 
 
 ;> 
 
 700 
 
 „1- 
 
 Silver to brass 
 
 ?> 
 
 28 
 
 ,,!• 
 
 „ copper 
 
 5? 
 
 56 
 
 »1- 
 
 Brass to „ 
 
 JJ 
 
 2 
 
 »1. 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 In the case of the relations of the nobler to the baser 
 metals, this could hardly have represented intrinsic 
 value ; probably the sestertii and smaller denominations 
 were minted at something like double their actual value. 1 
 
 One element of the reform of Augustus was of 
 brief duration. The privilege which the moneyers 
 enjoyed of placing their names on the coins was 
 withdrawn after 3 B.C. We do not know why it was 
 taken away, any more than we know why it was 
 granted in the first place. It was possibly a con- 
 cession to republican feeling. Although the types 
 and legends usually have direct reference to Augustus, 
 we have on some coins types which recall the good 
 old days when moneyers commemorated their family 
 history. Thus L. Aquillius Floras represents his 
 ancestor M' Aquillius supporting Sicily, a fainting 
 woman ; another type is the three-legged symbol of 
 Sicily. Both refer to the suppression by M' Aquillius 
 of the slave revolt in 100 B.C. Allusions of this kind, 
 however, are excluded from the brass and copper 
 coinage. One may regard them as concessions made 
 by Augustus to the moneyers working under his 
 direct control. 2 
 
 1 On this whole question see Mommsen-Blacas, iii. pp. 42 — 48. 
 
 9 Moneyers who issued gold or silver in this period very rarely 
 issued brass or copper, and vice versa. The only exceptions are 
 M. Sanquinius and P. Licinius Stolo. It is possible, therefore, that 
 the triumvirs were divided into two classes, one imperial, the other 
 senatorial. 
 
 157 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 THE ALTAR OF LYON. 
 10 B.C. 
 
 101. Olv. Head of Augustus r., laureate; around, 
 
 CAESAR PONT MAX. 
 
 Rev. Altar, surmounted by eight objects of 
 uncertain significance, and decorated in 
 front with a wreath, between two small 
 figures (?) holding laurel branches ; on 
 either side, on a column, a Yictory 
 holding a wreath and a palm branch ; in 
 exergue, ROMETAVG. 
 
 Bronze. 11*02 grammes (170 grains). British. Museum. 
 
 102. Olv. Head of Augustus 1., laureate ; behind, 
 
 caduceus. 
 Rev. Similar to No. 101. 
 
 Bronze. 4*40 grammes (67-9 grains). Cabinet des Me'dailles, 
 Biblioth^que Nationale, Paris. 
 
 103. Olv. Head of Augustus r., laureate ; around, 
 
 CAESAR AVGVSTVS DIVI F- PATER 
 PATRIAE. 
 
 Rev. Similar to preceding. 
 
 Brass. 24*76 grammes (382*2 grains). British Museum. 
 
 The great altar of Lyon was inaugurated by the 
 Gaulish chiefs, in honour of Eoma and Augustus, on 
 1st Aug., 10 B.C. 1 It is well kuown that Augustus 
 allowed no cultus of himself alone, apart from Eoma ; 
 
 1 See Toutain, in Bee, des Mem. de la Soc. Nat. des Ant. de France, 
 Centenaire, 1904, pp. 455 — 459, where the date 12 B.C. is disposed of. 
 
 158 
 
HISTOEICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 accordingly this altar, the focus of Eomanism in Gaul, 
 was always known as the ara Eomae et Augusti. It 
 was associated with the concilium of the Tres Galliae, 
 sometimes called the conventus arensis. The concilium 
 was the earliest assembly of the kind (corresponding 
 to the Greek koivo) to he founded in the "West. It 
 was attended at first by representatives of 60, after- 
 wards of 64 Gaulish civitates} The provincial priest, 
 who presided over the concilium, held the title sacerdos 
 Bomae et Augusti ad confluentes Araris etRhodani; and 
 his most important function was the conduct of the 
 festival which took place on 1st Aug., consisting of a 
 grand procession, prayers and sacrifice for Roma and 
 the Emperor, a banquet and athletic contests. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the erection represented 
 on the coins Nos. 101 — 103 is meant for the altar, 
 although an attempt has been made to disprove the 
 current interpretation. 2 The wreath (corona civica) 
 between the laurel branches conveys an obvious 
 allusion to Augustus (see No. 85) ; the same decora- 
 tion is found on the altar of the Genius Augusti at 
 Pompeii. 3 No satisfactory explanation has, however, 
 
 1 On the numbers, see Ferrero, Qrandezza e Decadenza di Boma, v. 
 p. 71. On the organization of the Tres Galliae the latest writer is 
 Hirschfeld in Etta, 1908. 
 
 2 Willers in Numiam, Zeitsclir. xxxiv. (1902) maintains that it is 
 the ovarium of the circus at Lugdunum ; see the reply to his article in 
 Rev. Numism, 1904, pp. 46 ff. by Poncet and Morel, and in Bonner 
 Jahrbucher, 111, 112, pp. 442 f. by Max L. Strack. 
 
 8 Oyerbeck-Mau, Pompeii, 118 f. 
 
 159 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 been found for the two objects (if they are not meant 
 for small figures) flanking the laurel branches, or for 
 the objects on the top of the altar. 
 
 In addition to the series of coins (such as No. 101) 
 issued at the time of the inauguration of the altar, 
 there is a second series (to which No. 103 belongs) 
 issued after Augustus had received the title Pater 
 Patriae, i.e., after 3 B.C. Finally, there exists a small 
 bronze coin (No. 102) having the altar on the reverse, 
 and a laureate head of Augustus on the obverse, with 
 a caduceus behind it. 1 It has recently been main- 
 tained that the festival of the three Gauls was 
 celebrated at Lugdunum on 1st Aug., because that 
 was the date of the festival of the Gaulish Mercurius, 
 and Augustus had been received into the Gaulish 
 Pantheon in the character of that god. The coin 
 seems to give some confirmation to this view. 2 
 
 THE DEATH OP NERO DRT7SUS. 
 9 B.C. 
 
 104. Obv. Head of Nero Drusus 1., wearing oak 
 wreath ; around, NERO CLAVDIVS 
 DRVSVS GERMANICVS IMP. 
 
 1 Unfortunately much worn, so as hardly to repay reproduction. 
 
 2 See R. Mowat, Procea-verbaux de la Soc. Nat. des Ant. de France, 20 
 Avr. 1904 ; the theory of Augustus and the G-aulish Mercurius is 
 Otto Hirschfeld's (Bee. des MSm. de la Soc. Nat. des Ant. de France 
 Centenaire, 1904, pp. 211 f.). 
 
 160 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 Rev, A triumphal arch, surmounted by an 
 equestrian statue of Drusus, charging r. 
 with spear couched, between two trophies, 
 each with a captive at its foot ; inscription, 
 DE GERM. 
 Aureus. 7*69 grammes (118-7 grains). British Museum. 
 
 Nero Drusus, the younger brother of Tiberius, and 
 the favourite stepson of Augustus, died on 14th Sept., 
 9 B.C., as the result of a fall from his horse on his way 
 from the Elbe to the Rhine. His body was brought to 
 Borne, his brother Tiberius walking all the way beside 
 the bier, and his memory was honoured in an unpre- 
 cedented manner. A splendid funeral was partial 
 compensation for the triumph of which death had 
 robbed him. A cenotaph was erected to him on the 
 Ehine, near Moguntiacum, and a marble triumphal 
 arch on the Yia Appia. The Senate ordered the 
 setting up of various statues, and granted to him and 
 to his descendants the name of Germanicus. 
 
 The triumphal arch and the name Germanicus 
 are both recorded on the aureus No. 104. This coin 
 and all the others relating to Drusus are obviously 
 posthumous ; the question is whether they were struck 
 immediately after his death, or much later. Owing, 
 presumably, to the fact that a coin with the portrait 
 of Drusus was struck by his son Claudius after he 
 became Emperor, it has been supposed that all the 
 pieces referring to the German victories date from the 
 
 h.r.c. m 161 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 reign of Claudius. It is true that some of them bear 
 a portrait, the treatment of which recalls the style of 
 the coins of Claudius ; this is the case with the aurei 
 inscribed DE GERMAN IS in full (on a triumphal arch 
 or around a trophy of arms). Our aureus with the 
 shorter inscription, however, shows a broad treatment 
 of the head which seems earlier, and it may well have 
 been struck under Augustus or Tiberius. 
 
 THE SENATORIAL MINT AT ANTIOCH. 
 CIRCA 7 6 B.C. 
 
 105. Obv. Head of Augustus r., laureate ; around, 
 
 KAIZA[POZ ZE]BAZTOY; fillet border. 
 Rev. The Tyche of Antioch, wearing turreted 
 crown, seated r. on rock ; she holds palm 
 branch ; at her feet, half -figure of the 
 river Orontes swimming ; around, ETOYZ 
 crK NIKHZ, andin field, Yn (in monogram) 
 IB and monogram of ANTIOX- 
 
 Silver stater. 14*88 grammes (229*6 grains). B.M.C. Galatia, 
 p. 166, No. 131. 
 
 106. Obv. IMP-AVGVST- TR'POT. Head of Augustus 
 
 r., laureate ; beneath head, /ve (in mono- 
 gram, retrograde). 
 Rev. S'C* within laurel wreath. 
 
 Bronze. 17*43 grammes (269 grains). B.M.C. Galatia, etc., p. 166, 
 No. 128. 
 
 The policy generally adopted by the Emperors from 
 Augustus onwards, in regard to the bronze currency 
 162 
 
HISTOKICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 of the Eastern provinces, was to leave the control 
 in local hands. The municipal coinages sufficed for 
 all ordinary purposes. The city of Antioch, however, 
 was one of the three great cities of the Eastern 
 provinces in which the Emperors established mints 
 which played a special part in producing provincial 
 currency. At Alexandria, the capital of the Imperial 
 province of Egypt, the control of the coinage, both 
 bronze and silver, remained entirely in Imperial hands ; 
 there was no municipal coinage. Augustus, in fact, 
 simply continued the Ptolemaic system ; his first 
 Alexandrian pieces, issued in the period 30 — 27 B.C., 
 are merely a continuation of the coinage of Cleopatra, 
 with the same reverse types and the same marks of 
 value. In a province which was peculiarly Imperial, 
 the Senate naturally would be allowed no part in the 
 coinage. At the mint of Caesarea in Cappadocia, 
 which supplied the silver coinage for the greater 
 part of Eastern Asia Minor, there is again no sign 
 of Senatorial control. But at Antioch, the political 
 and military centre of the Syrian province, the exten- 
 sive and varied coinage falls into two or three classes. 
 "We have, first, an Imperial silver coinage (No. 105) 
 with the portrait of Augustus, the date (calculated 
 from the " Yictory," i.e., according to the Actian era, 
 and by the Emperor's consulship 1 ), and a representa- 
 tion of the famous figure of the Tyche of Antioch 
 
 1 The abbreviation YII is for forccrou. 
 
 m2 163 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 by Eutychides of Sicyon. Again, there is a bronze 
 coinage commemorating the assumption by Augustus 
 of some high priesthood (whether the office of Pontifex 
 Maximus or some local Antiochene dignity we do 
 not know). But this coinage has a more definitely 
 local character than the other, on which at first the 
 name of Antioch does not appear at all. The inscrip- 
 tions on these two classes are in Greek. The third 
 class of coins with the head of Augustus is illustrated 
 by No. 106. There is yet another small class of 
 bronze coins, without the Emperor's head, but with 
 the names of the legates of the province, Yarus 
 (7 — 4 b.c.) and Saturninus (4 — 5 a.d.). 1 The reverse of 
 No. 106 tells its own tale; the coin in fact corre- 
 sponds to the brass and copper coins introduced at 
 the Eoman mint by Augustus in 15 B.C. At what 
 date, however, the Senatorial mint was established 
 at Antioch it is difficult to determine. In 14 B.C. 
 Augustus founded the colony of Berytus, and it might 
 be urged that the organization of the mint at Antioch 
 dates from the same period. But the coinage itself 
 does not, apparently, begin until later ; the first of 
 the silver coins above mentioned is of the 26th year 
 of the Actian era : i.e., 6 — 5 B.C. The first coin with 
 the name of Varus is of the preceding year, 7 — 6 B.C. 
 The coins commemorating the high priesthood of 
 
 1 On these various bronze issues, see Macdonald in Numism. Chron. 
 1904, pp. 105 f. 
 
 164 
 
HISTORICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 Augustus begin in 5 — 4 B.C., that is to say in the 
 year when Varus' s tenure of office came to an end, 
 and some change was evidently made in the arrange- 
 ments of the mint. These u archieratic " coins con- 
 tinued to be issued down to year 31 of the Actian 
 era ( = 1 b.c. — 1 a.d.), ceasing at the same time as 
 the silver coins with the figure of Tyche. These two 
 issues of silver and bronze were thus, as Macdonald 
 remarks, closely connected. As the Senatorial coinage 
 is not likely to have been permitted before the Imperial, 
 we may date the organization of the mint about7 — 6b. c. 
 There is nothing on the coin No. 106 itself to prove 
 its attribution to the mint of Antioch. But the pro- 
 venance of coins of this class is Syrian ; and a chain of 
 numismatic evidence, which we cannot follow here, links 
 these coins to others which are certainly Antiochene. 
 
 GAIUS CAESAR. 
 CIRCA 5 B.C. 
 
 107. Obv. Head of Gaius Csesar r. ; below, CAESAR ; 
 all in oak wreath. 
 Rev. An incense altar, with lion's feet and ram's 
 heads as decoration ; around, a wreath 
 containing flowers, paterae and bucrania ; 
 across field, AVGVST. 
 Aureus. 7-96 grammes (122*8 grains). B.M.C. II., p. 42, No. 4468. 
 
 This aureus, with the corresponding denarius, was 
 assigned by Count de Salis to the mint of Borne and 
 
 165 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 the year 17 B.C., in which. Augustus adopted Gaius and 
 Lucius, the sons of Agrippa by Julia. Now as Gaius 
 was born in 734 a.tt.c. = 20 B.C., he was only three years 
 old at that time ; his brother Lucius was still younger, 
 having been born a few days before the adoption. The 
 person whose head is represented on our coin must, 
 however, have been at least in his teens at the time 
 when the coin was struck ; a fact which it is difficult to 
 reconcile with the date and interpretation given to the 
 coin by De Salis. Further, had the piece been issued 
 to celebrate the adoption of Gaius, we should have 
 expected to find his brother represented on the same 
 or on an analogous coin. But this one stands alone. 
 
 It seems, therefore, that we must look somewhat 
 later in the life of Gaius for the event which the coin 
 commemorates. Before proceeding further, however, 
 it is well to face any doubts we may have as to the 
 identity of the person represented. It is just possible, 
 but hardly probable, that the word CAESAR does not 
 refer to the portrait, but is to be read with the word 
 AVCVST which comes on the reverse. Even so, 
 however, the portrait must represent some youth in 
 intimate relationship with Augustus ; and the choice 
 lies between Gaius and Lucius. And Gaius, being 
 the elder, is more likely to have been represented 
 alone than his brother. 
 
 In his "Will 1 Augustus says, " Gaium et Lucium 
 
 1 Mon. Anc. ch. xiv. (Mommsen, Res gest? pp. 51 ff.). 
 
 166 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Caesares honoris mei caussa senatus populusque 
 Eomanus annum quintum et decimum agentis consules 
 designavit, ut [e]um magistratum inirent post quin- 
 quennium, et ex eo die, quo deducti [s]unt in forum , 
 ut interessent consiliis publicis decrevit sena[t]us." 
 
 The deductio in forum took place early in 749 = 
 5 B.C. l — perhaps, as Mommsen says, on 1st January. 
 L. Caesar did not receive the toga virilis until three 
 years later. But the designation of Gaius as consul 
 did not necessarily take place at the same time as the 
 deductio in forum? Some decent interval probably 
 elapsed. It is to this interval that we may, perhaps, 
 without rashness, assign the coin before us, Now Dio 
 tells us, 3 in connexion with the admission of Gaius to 
 public affairs, that he received Upaxrvvrjv nvL In 
 this statement we may find an explanation of our 
 reverse type. The thymiaterium or incense altar and 
 the wreath — the constituents of which are the ordinary 
 decorations of Roman altars 4 — both indicate some 
 priestly office, as surely as do the sacrificial imple- 
 ments which are so common as reverse types on 
 Eoman coins. 
 
 So far as our information goes, there is no objection 
 to the date here suggested for this aureus. Placed 
 
 1 Sueton. Aug. 26; Zonar. 10. 35 : 12th consulship of Augustus. 
 *' Mommsen, Res gest. pp. 52 f. disposes of the current belief that 
 G-aius was designated consul while still praetextatus. 
 
 3 LV. 9. 
 
 4 See Eeisch in Pauly-Wissowa, i. 1679. 
 
 167 
 
HISTOKICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 beside the coins of 17 B.C. it cannot be said that it 
 looks "at home," even if the portrait could possibly 
 be meant for a boy of three years. But if we bring 
 it down to a later date, we cannot place it after the 
 designation of Gaius as consul in 749 ; for such an 
 honour would surely have been mentioned. 1 On the 
 other hand, we can hardly put it before his assump- 
 tion of the toga virilis early in that year, since we 
 know of no occasion which would have justified the 
 issue of a coin with his portrait before that event. 
 
 The fabric of the coin is somewhat peculiar, and is 
 unlike the Eoman fabric of the year to which De Salis 
 assigned it ; nor does it fit well with the Eoman coins 
 of the last ten years of the century. It is just possible 
 that it was struck in Gaul. But if so, we are practi- 
 cally compelled to date it three years earlier, i.e., to 
 8 B.C., when Gaius accompanied Tiberius on his cam- 
 paign against the Sugambri. In that case, some other 
 explanation must be found for the reverse type. 
 
 GAIUS AND LUCIUS CAESARES. 
 CIRCA 2 B.C. 
 
 108. Obv. Head of Augustus r., laureate ; around, 
 CAESAR AVGVSTVS DIVI F PATER 
 PATRIAE. 
 
 1 A fortiori, the coin cannot commemorate his death, -which "would 
 have been in some way alluded to. 
 
 168 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 Rev. Gaius and Lucius standing to front, each, 
 veiled and togate, holding a spear and 
 shield ; above, sacrificial ladle and lituus ; 
 in exergue, CL-CAESARES ; around, 
 AVGVSTIF-COS-DESIG-PRINC'IVVENT. 
 Aureus. 7*79 grammes (120*2 grains). British Museum. 
 
 " [Fil]ios meos, quos iuv[enes mi]hi eripuit 
 for[tuna], Gaium et Lucium Caesares honoris mei 
 caussa senatus populusque Komanus annum quintum 
 et decimum agentis consules designavit, ut [e]um 
 magistratum inirent post quinquennium . . . equites 
 [a]utem Eomani universi principem iuventutis 
 utrumque eorum parm[is] et hastis argenteis donatum 
 appellaverunt." 2 
 
 Augustus received the title of pater patriae on^ 
 Feb. 5, 2 B.C. 2 C. Caesar had already in 5 b.c. been 
 designated consul, to enter on his consulship in the 
 fifth ensuing year, i.e., on Jan. 1, a.d. 1. This coin, 
 therefore, since on it Augustus is called pater patriae y 
 and Gaius is still consul designate, must have been 
 struck between Feb. 5, 2 b.c. and Dec. 31, 1 b.c. 
 
 The date of the acclamation of the two adopted 
 sons of Augustus as principes iuventutis is not known. 
 Mommsen inclines to the day on which they first laid 
 aside the toga praetexta and appeared in public among 
 
 1 Mon. Anc. ch. xiv. ; Mommsen, Bea geat. pp. 51 f. 
 
 2 Mon. Anc. ch. xxxv. 
 
 169 
 
HISTOEICAL EOMAN COINS 
 
 the equites. That is of course the most probable 
 occasion. 
 
 The aureus ', to judge from its inscription, seems to 
 have been struck mainly to commemorate the honours 
 heaped upon the two princes. L. Caesar assumed the 
 toga virilis and became consul designate in 2 B.C., 
 probably on Jan. I. 1 It is reasonable to suppose that 
 the coin was issued in the course of the same year. 
 It is a brief commentary on the passages from the 
 Monumentum Ancyranum and from Cassius Dio 2 
 relating to the entrance of the princes on public life. 
 They are represented wearing the toga virilis; they 
 are veiled, and sacrificial implements are placed beside 
 them, to indicate that they held priestly offices, such 
 as Dio mentions in connexion with Gaius. They 
 have the silver shields and spears which the knights 
 bestowed on them. 3 
 
 As Mommsen has shown, the attainment of the 
 dignity of princeps iuventutis was equivalent to 
 nomination as successor to the reigning Emperor. 
 These coins, then, must have served as a means of pro- 
 claiming the choice of Augustus. They were struck 
 in great numbers, both in gold and silver, and circu- 
 lated widely, not only in the Eoman Empire, but far 
 
 1 Mommsen, lies gest. p. 52. 
 
 2 LIV. 18. 
 
 3 Dio (lv. 12), in describing the funeral ceremony of Gaius and 
 Lucius says that these decorations were dedicated in the Senate house ; 
 hut he calls them golden. 
 
 170 
 
HISTOEICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 beyond its limits. They are frequently found in 
 India, 1 and it is a curious fact that the denarii from 
 that source are nearly always of base metal plated 
 with silver. Mommsen has accordingly suggested 2 
 that they were purposely issued for trade with South 
 India. However this may be, the Indians found them 
 much to their liking, and barbarous imitations con- 
 tinued to be made in considerable numbers for many 
 years after the originals first appeared in India. It 
 was not the custom of barbarians in antiquity to 
 imitate coins of bad quality ; the two Greek currencies 
 which were most imitated by barbarians were the 
 excellent coinages of Athens and of Philip II. of 
 Macedon. Here we have an exception to the general 
 rule, which awaits explanation. 
 
 THE PANNONIAN TRIUMPH OP TIBERIUS. 
 A.D. 13. 
 
 109. Obv. Head of Augustus r., laureate; around, 
 CAESAR AVGVST[VS] DIVI F. PATER 
 PATRIAE. 
 
 Bev. Tiberius in a triumphal quadriga to r., 
 holding a sceptre surmounted by an eagle 
 and a laurel branch; around, TTCAESAR 
 AVG-F'TR'POT- XV. 
 
 Silver denarius. 3*16 grammes (48*7 grains). British Museum. 
 
 1 See Num. Chron. 1898, p. 319. 
 
 2 Mommsen-Blacas, iii. p. 337. 
 
 171 
 
HISTOEICAL ROMAN COINS 
 
 The dangerous Illyrico-Pannonian revolt, which 
 broke out in a.d. 6, provoked by the demands made 
 upon the provincials in preparation for Tiberius' 
 expedition against the Marcomanni, was not quelled 
 until the autumn of a.d. 9. Cassius Dio records 1 that 
 Augustus accepted a triumph for the conclusion of this 
 war ; whether he is correct or not, 3 Tiberius at any 
 rate was saluted imperator and granted a triumph and 
 two triumphal arches in Pannonia. The titles " Panno- 
 nicus " and " Invictus " which it was also proposed to 
 give him were, however, disallowed by Augustus. 
 
 The fearful disaster to the legions of Yarus pre- 
 vented Tiberius from immediately enjoying the honour 
 accorded to him. He left almost at once for the 
 Rhine, and was occupied there until the end of a.d. 
 12. Not until 16 Jan., a.d. 13 did he celebrate the 
 long-delayed triumph. 
 
 The date on this denarius and on corresponding 
 aurei (tribunicia potestate %v.) is equivalent to the 
 year a.d. 13 — 14, and the triumph commemorated is 
 obviously the one with which we are concerned. The 
 event is also commemorated on the magnificent cameo 
 at Vienna, known as the Gemma Augustea, on which 
 Tiberius is seen alighting from his chariot to greet 
 Augustus. 3 
 
 1 LYI. 17. 
 
 2 See Mommsen, Bes gestae, p. 19. 
 
 3 Furtwangler, Ant. Oemmen, Taf. lvi. 
 
 172 
 
PL. XV 
 
 Nos. 101— 109. 
 
HISTOKICAL KOMAN COINS 
 
 This — the last u historical coin" in the present 
 selection — has brought us well into the Imperial period. 
 The Koman money, as we have seen (p. 121) has 
 already borne an Imperial character for something 
 like half a century. "We stop on the threshold of an 
 age in which the coinage is, if possible, still fuller of 
 historical interest than we have found it during the 
 three and a half centuries which we have surveyed. 
 
 173 
 
INDEX 
 
 [Italicised entries represent inscriptions on covns. The numbers 
 refer to pages of the text.] 
 
 A. C, 67, 69 
 
 Actium, victory of, 134 
 
 Adfru. emu. ex S. C, 79 
 
 Adramytteum, Senatus consultum of, 78 
 
 Aegusa, battle of (241 B.C.), 43 
 
 Aemilia, Vestal, 121 
 
 Aemilius Lepidus, M., moneyer (65 B.C.), 52 
 
 Aemilius Lepidus, M., propraetor in Sicily (80 B.C.), 53 
 
 Aemilius Lepidus, M., tutor of Ptolemaeus V., his career, 51 ff. 
 
 Aemilius (M.), M. f, M. n. Scaurus, his campaign agaiust Aretas, and 
 
 his aedilician games, 98 
 Aeneas carrying Anchises, 118, 121 
 Aerarium populi Romani, 81, 83 
 Aes grave of Campania, 11, 13 ; see also As. 
 Aes rude, 14 
 Aes signatum, 13 f. 
 Africa, head of, 94 f. 
 Africa, Pompeius in, 94 f . 
 
 Agrippa : defeats Sex. Pompeius, 127 ; xvir sacris faciundis, 149 
 A, Hirtius Pr., 107 
 Alexandrea, 51 
 Alexandria : coinage of, 163 ; head of, 51 ; M. Antonius triumphs at, 
 
 132 
 Allies. See Social "War. 
 
 Altar of Lugdunum, 158. See also Incense altar. 
 Antioch in Syria, coinage of, 162 f. 
 Antium, subjection of, 4 
 Anton, son of Hercules, 118, 121 
 Antoni. Armenia devicta, 132 
 Antoni. imp. a. xU.> 124 
 
 175 
 
INDEX 
 
 Antonius augur cos. des. iter, et tert., 131 
 
 Antonius, M. : portraits of, 113, 118, 120, 131 f. ; his coinage as 
 triumvir, 118 ; his legates in Gaul, 123 ff. ; birthday coins, 124 ; 
 uses Hon as badge (?), 125 ; his relations with Ventidius, 131 ; 
 his Armenian expedition, 131 ff., 147 ; his expedition against 
 Phraates, 132 ; his triumph at Alexandria, 132 ; bestows kingdoms 
 on Cleopatra and her sons, 132 f . ; his cistophori, 144 
 
 Anvil, 154 
 
 Aplustre, alluding to naval victory, 122 
 
 Apollo : head of, 9, 19, 24, 72, 89, 101 ; " Apollo " series of aes grave, 
 24 
 
 Apollonia : coins issued at, 105 f. ; " victoriati " of, 36 
 
 Appian Way, completion of, 10, 13, 18 
 
 Appuleius. See Saturninus. 
 
 Aquillius, M', coins commemorating exploits of, 157 
 
 Ara Romae et Augusti, 159 
 
 Arches. See Triumphal. 
 
 Aretas III., subjection of, 98 f. 
 
 Argentum Publicum, 83 
 
 Arg. Pub., 83 
 
 Ariminum, arch at, 151 
 
 Armenia : expedition of M. Antonius against, 131 ff. ; given to 
 Alexander, son of Cleopatra, 132 ; recovered by Augustus, 145 f. ; 
 Lesser, given to Polemo, 133 n. 
 
 Armenia devicta, 132, 134 
 
 Armenia recepta, 145 
 
 Armenian : arms, 145, 147 ; tiara, 131 f., 145, 147 
 
 Artavasdes, king of Armenia, 132 
 
 Artaxias, king of Armenia, 146 
 
 As : earliest libral, 6 f. ; reductions in, 21 &., 30 1, 46 f. ; of Augustus, 
 154, 156 
 
 Asia, Commune of, organized by Augustus, 143 f . 
 
 Aug. suf. p., 148 
 
 August., 165 
 
 Augustus, 136, 138, 145 
 
 Augustus (see also Octavian): portraits of, 136, 138 f., 143, 145, 148, 
 150, 158, 162, 168, 171 ; receives oaken crown, laurels and golden 
 shield, 137 ; recovers lost standards, 138 ff. ; builds shrine for 
 them, 141 f. ; his temple of Mars Ultor, 140 f. ; organizes Com- 
 mune Asiae, 144 f. ; celebrates secular games, 148 ; restores 
 
 176 
 
INDEX 
 
 public roads, 150 ff. ; reforms coinage, 153 ff. ; cult of, 158 ff. ; 
 
 his monetary policy in the East, 163 ; receives title of " pater 
 
 patriae," 169; declares G-. and L. Caesares his successors, 170; 
 
 will of, see Monumentum Ancyranum. 
 Augustus tribunic, 'potest., 153 
 Augustus tr. pot. vbh., 150 
 Aurei: of Caesar, 100 f., 104; of Pompeius, 94 f. ; of Sulla, 92 f. ; of 
 
 the Triumvirs, 118 ff. See also Gold. 
 Ausculum, battle of (279 B.C.), 26 
 Axe, sacrificial, 101, 104 
 A. <cl., a. xli., 124 
 
 Bacchante, head of, 85 
 
 Barbarous imitations of Roman coins, 171 
 
 Basilica Aemilia, 52 f. 
 
 Bellerophon and Pegasus, 110, 112 
 
 Bellona, head of, 7, 18 
 
 Bells on column of Augurinus, 64 
 
 Beneventum : battle of, 26 ; mint of, 46 
 
 Biga : of Luna, 56 ; of Victory, 56, 82 
 
 Bigati, 60 
 
 Bocchus surrenders Jugurtha, 70 f. 
 
 Brass coinage of Augustus, 154 
 
 " Bricks," quadrilateral, issued by Roman mint, 11, 14 ff., 26 
 
 Bronze: its relation to silver, 5, 12, 17, 21 f., 29 ff., 48; ceremonia 
 
 use of, 15 ; cessation of coinage in, 90. See also Aes. 
 Brundusium, colony of, 31 
 Brut, imp., 116 
 Bruttian silver coinage, 35 
 Brutus imp., 116 
 Brutus (Q. Caepio), the tyrannicide, in Asia and Macedon, 116 f ; 
 
 portrait, 116 
 Bull goring wolf, 85, 87 
 Buteo, 84 
 
 Caesar, 101, 165 
 
 Caesar Augustus, 136, 139 
 
 Caesar Augustus Divif. Pater Patriae, 158, 168, 171 
 
 Caesar Augustus tribumc. potest., 154 
 
 Caesar Augustus tr. pot., 148 
 
 H.B.C. N 177 
 
INDEX 
 
 Caesar (C. Iulius) : portrait of, 110, 112, 120; increases military 
 stipendiurn, 49 ; returns to Rome (49 B.C.), 100 f. ; his fourfold 
 triumph, 107 ff. ; founds Corinth, 110; murdered, 112 f. 
 
 Caesar cos. vvi. civibus servateis, 136 
 
 Caesar Diet, perpetuo, 112 
 
 Caesar Divi /., 134 
 
 Caesar pont. max., 158 
 
 Caesarea in Cappadocia, coinage of, 163 
 
 Caesares, Graius et Lucius, 165 ff. 
 
 Caldus. See Coelius. 
 
 Caldus Illvir, 76 
 
 Calendar, reformed in 191 B.C., 59 
 
 Caleno, 9 
 
 Calpurnius Piso, C, establishes Ludi Apollinares, 92 
 
 Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, L., coin of, 79, 81 
 
 Calpurnius Piso Frugi, L., coinage of, 91 
 
 Campania: relations with Rome in 4th cent., 4,5; Romanization 
 of, 10 ff. 
 
 Campanian : didrachm, 5, 9 ; drachm superseded by vietoriatus, 36 
 
 Canting allusions, 61, 63 
 
 Canusium, mint of, 46 
 
 Cap of Liberty, 116 f. 
 
 Capitol, Roman mint on, 8 
 
 Capua : mint at, 9, 24 f., 35 ; Hannibal's coinage in, 50. See also 
 
 Campania. 
 Carthaginians : relations with Rome in 4th cent., 4, 7 ff. ; influence on 
 
 Roman coinage, 9, 13 
 Casca Longus, 116 
 
 Casca Longus (P. or C. Servilius), coin of, 117 
 Cassei t 123 
 
 Cassius, C, at Rhodes (43 B.C.), 121 f. 
 Cassius Longinus, C, coin of, 69 
 Cassius Longinus, L., moneyer about 52 B.C., 69 
 Cassius Longinus, Q. (quaestor 54 B.C.), coin of, 69 
 Cassius Longinus Ravilla, L., his judicial reforms, etc., 69 f. 
 Caudine Forks, 87 
 C. Aug., 62 
 
 C. Caesar cos. ter., 107 
 C. Caesar Illvir r. p. v., 118 
 C. Caldus Imp. A. X., 76 
 
 178 
 
INDEX 
 
 C. Cassei imp., 121 
 
 C. Cassi, 67 
 
 C. Cassius Celer iiivir a.a.a.ff, 153 
 
 C. Cassius G.f. Celer iiivir. a.a.a.f.f., 153 
 
 C. Coel. Caldus Cos., 16 
 
 C. Coponius Pr., 101 
 
 C. Egnatulei. G.f., 72 
 
 C. Fabi. G.f, 82 
 
 Chariot. See Biga, Quadriga. 
 
 C. Hypsaeus Cos., 98 
 
 Cimbri, 73 f . 
 
 Circensian games, 115 
 
 Cista : for voting, see Voting-box ; mystica, 86 
 
 Cistophori, 143 f. 
 
 Citizen : appealing, 67 ; voting, 68 
 
 Civib. et sign. mildt. a Part, recup., 139, 153 
 
 Civibus servateis, 136 
 
 Claudius Caecus, Ap., the Censor, 18 
 
 Claudius Marcellus, C, cos. 49 B.C., 105 
 
 G. L. Caesares Augusti f. cos. desig. prime, invent., 169 
 
 Clementia Caesaris, temple of, 113 f. 
 
 Cleopatra : portrait of, 132 f. ; gifts of M. Antonius to, ibid. 
 
 Cleopatrae regmae regum fiUorum regum, 132 
 
 Clodius, P., M. f., moneyer, 119 
 
 Clodius Pulcher, moneyer, 155 
 
 Cloulius, T., coin of, 72 f. 
 
 Glovius, C, praefect, 108 
 
 Club and lion-skin with bow and arrow, 101 
 
 Clupeus virtutis, 137 
 
 Coelius Caldus, C, founder of the family, his career, 75 f. 
 
 Coelius Caldus, C, Imp., Augur, xvir sacris faciundis, 78 
 
 Coelius Caldus, C, moneyer, 76 
 
 Coelius Caldus, L., epulo, 78 
 
 Column of L. Minucius Augurinus, 62 ff. 
 
 Com. Asiae, 143 
 
 Conventus arensis, 159 
 
 Coponius, C, coin of, 101 
 
 Copper coinage of Augustus, 154 
 
 Corcyra, Roman mint at, 36, 44 ff. 
 
 Corinth refounded, 110 f . 
 
 n2 179 
 
INDEX 
 
 Corinthian coinage in the West, 14 
 
 Corwitfoum, 110 
 
 Cornelius Sulla, Faustus, coin of, 71. See also Sulla. 
 
 Corn-laws, 79 f. 
 
 Corn-supply of Eome, 63, 79 f. 
 
 Cornucopiae, 154 
 
 Cos, victory of Cassius near, 123 
 
 C. Paapi. C.y 85 
 
 Crab, badge of Cos, 122 
 
 Crassus defeated by Parthians, 140 
 
 Croton, Roman mint at, 35 f . 
 
 Cupid on coin of Sulla, 92 
 
 Daggers and cap of Liberty, 116 f . 
 
 Dalmatians, standards recovered from, 140 
 
 Debts, remission of, 23 
 
 Decidius Saxa, L., defeated by Parthians, 140 
 
 Decimal division of the as, 21 f. 
 
 Deductio in forum, 167 
 
 De Germ., 161 
 
 De Germanis, 162 
 
 Delphi, dedication by Flamininus at, 66 
 
 Denarius : introduction of, 28 ; equated to 16 asses, 47 ff. ; reduced, 
 
 48 
 Desultor, 115 
 
 Diana : confused with Luna, 58 ; bust of, 70 f . 
 Dionysiac types on coins of Social War, 88 
 Dioscuri, 9, 27, 28, 33, 38, 46, 65, 85 
 Drusus. See Nero Drusus. 
 Duoviri of Corinth, 111 f. 
 Dupondius of Augustus, 153 f., 156 
 Dyrrhachium : " victoriati " of, 36 ; coins issued at, 105 
 
 Eagle : holding thunderbolt, 10, 14 ; standing on thunderbolt, 37 f. ; 
 
 as symbol of sovereignty, 136, 138 
 Egnatuleius, C, coin of, 72 f. 
 Egypt. See Alexandria, Ptolemaeus. 
 Eid. Mar., 116 
 Electrum coinage, 50 f. 
 Elephant, 19, 26 
 
 180 
 
INDEX 
 
 E. L. P., 89, 91 
 
 Epulo, 76, 78 
 
 *Etovs sk' Nfoijy, 162 
 
 Ewer, sacrificial, 92 f., 94 
 
 ExA.Pu.jS2t 
 
 Ex S. G. t 81, 98, 126 f. 
 
 Fabius, C, coin of, 82, 84 
 
 Fabius Maximus, Q., dictator, 47 f. 
 
 Faustulus the shepherd, 57, 61 
 
 Faustus, 70 
 
 Felix, 70 
 
 Fig-tree, ruminal, 57, 61 
 
 Fiscus, 116 
 
 Flamen's apex, 65 
 
 Flaminian Way, 151 
 
 Flaminirms. See Quinctius. 
 
 Frugi, 89 
 
 Fufius Calenus, governor in Gaul, 124 
 
 Fulvia, wife of M. Antonius, portrait of, 125 
 
 Gaius Cabsak, coins relating to, 165 ff. ; his career, 166 f. 
 
 Galley in harbour of Messana, 126. See also Prow. 
 
 Gaul : legates of M. Antonius in, 123 f. ; worship of Borne and 
 
 Augustus in, 159 
 Gaulish trophy, 101, 103 
 Gemma Augustea, 172 
 General with lictor and citizen, 67 
 Germanicus, title given to Nero Drusus, 161 
 Gold coins : first issued at Capuan mint, 25 ; attributed to 242 B.C., 
 
 37 ff. ; issued in times of stress, 39, 42 ; issued by the Allies, 86 ; 
 
 becomes part of ordinary Roman currency, 120; relation to 
 
 silver, 156. See also Aurei. 
 
 Hannibalian crisis, 39 fi\, 46 ff. 
 
 Hatria, Roman mint at, 35 
 
 Hercules, head of, 1, 7, 9 
 
 Herdonea, mint of, 46 
 
 Hirtius, A., 108 
 
 His., 76 
 
 Horse : 9, 89, 128 ; Parthian, 128, 130 ; head of, 1, 9 
 
 181 
 
INDEX 
 
 Horseman (desultor), 113, 115 
 HS, see IIS 
 Hybreas the orator, 129 
 Hypsaeus. See Plautius. 
 
 Ibius, Minius, coin of, 81 
 
 Illvir a.a.a.f.f., 154 
 
 Illvir r.p.c, 124 
 
 IIS, 27, 29 
 
 Illyrico-Pannonian revolt, 172 
 
 Imp. August, tr. pot., 162 
 
 Imp. Caesar, 134 
 
 Imp. Caesar, tr. pot. iix., 148 
 
 Imp. Caes. Aug. Lud. Saec, 148 
 
 Imperator, Octavian's use of title, 135 f . 
 
 Imperial coinage, origins of, 102, 121 
 
 Imper. iterum, 92 
 
 Imperium, military, 68 
 
 Imp. ix. tr. po. v., 143 
 
 Imp. tertio Illvir r.p.c, 131 
 
 Incense altar, 165, 167 
 
 India, Roman coins from, 171 
 
 Italia, 85 
 
 Italia (Corfinium), 87 
 
 Italia, head of, 85 ff. 
 
 Janiform head of Persephone, 50 
 Janus, head of, 1, 7, 18 f., 25 
 Janus- Mercurius series, 24 
 Jugurtha, surrender of, 70 f . 
 Juno Moneta, 7 f. 
 
 Jupiter : on coins of Lentulus and Marcellus, 107 ; in quadriga, 19, 
 50; head of, 7, 44, 46 ; Feretrius, temple of, 141 f. 
 
 Kawrapos Sc/^cuttou, 162 
 
 Karnyx, 72, 78 
 
 Keltic arms on trophies, etc., 73, 76 f. 
 
 Labienus, Q., career and coinage of, 128 ff. 
 
 Laeca, 66 
 
 Largess, coins struck for, 109. See also Triumphs. 
 
 182 
 
INDEX 
 
 Latin League reorganised (358 B.C.), 4 
 
 Laurel-branches, bestowed on Augustus, 136 f. 
 
 Loms ItiU. Corint., 110 
 
 L. Calckts Vllvir epul., 76 
 
 L. Certo Aeficio C. IuUo Ilvir,, 110. 
 
 L. D., 75 
 
 Lectisternium, 76 f. 
 
 Leges : Acilia (191 B.C.), 59 ; annalis, 103 ; Appuleia frumentaria de 
 
 semissibus et trientibus, 79 ; Cassia tabellaria, 69 ; Clodia (104 
 
 B.C.), 37, 72 ; Coelia tabellaria, 77 ; Flaminia minus solvendi, 47 ; 
 
 Iulia Papiria, 2 ; Ogulnia, 63 ; Papiria de asse semunciali, 89 f. ; 
 
 Plautia Papiria, 90 ; Porciae, 68 ; Tarpeia, 2 
 Leg. xvi.y 125 
 Lent. Mar. Cos., 105 
 Lentulus Crus, L., cos. 49 B.C., 105 
 Lepidus. See Aemilius. 
 Libella, 22, 25 
 
 Liberty : in quadriga, 66 ff. ; head of, 116, 121 ; cap of, 116 f. 
 Lictor attending general, 67 
 Lion : used by M. Antonius as a badge (?), 124 f. ; head of, on 
 
 column of Augurinus, 64 
 Lituus, 62, 70 f., 92 f., 94, 107, 126, 128, 169 
 Livineius Begulus, moneyer (c. 13 B.C.), 155 
 Livineius Regulus, L., moneyer (43 — 38 B.C.), 119 
 L. Lent. G. Marc. Cos., 104 
 L. Mescinius, 148 
 L. Mescinius Bufus Illvir, 148 
 Local Roman coinage of Italy, 35 f., 40, 46, 68 
 Longin. HIV., 68 
 L. P. D. A. P., 89, 91 
 L. Plaet. Cest. y 116 
 L. Begulus Illlvir a.p.f., 118 
 L. Sauf., 56 
 L. Sesti. proq., 116 
 L. Sulla, 92 
 
 Luceria, Roman mint at, 35 f., 46 
 Lucilius Rufus, M., 82 
 Lucius Caesar, coin representing, 168 f. 
 Lucullus, coinage of, 92 f. 
 Ludi Apollinares, 92 
 
 183 
 
INDEX 
 
 Lud. S. } 148 
 
 Lugdunum : coins struck at, 124 f ., 158 f. ; altar of, 158 ff. 
 Luguduni, 124 
 
 Luna : in biga, 56 ff. ; worship of, 58 ; reason for appearance on coin- 
 age, 59. 
 L. Vvrricvus L. f. iiivir, 150 
 Lyon. See Lugdunum. 
 
 Macedonian shield, symbol of Macedonian victory, 65 
 
 Magna Mater, head of, 82, 84 
 
 Magnesia, battle of, 60 
 
 Magnus, 94 
 
 Mag. Pius. imp. iter,, 126 
 
 M. Antonius Illvir r.p.c, 72 
 
 Marcellus. See Claudius. 
 
 Marius defeats the Barbarians, 72 f . 
 
 Mars : holding standards, 139 ; within temple, ib. ; head of, 1, 37 f. ; 
 
 Ultor, 139 ff., 151 f. 
 Mar. Ult., 139 
 
 Massalia, 3-scruple drachms of, 37 
 Mercurius : Gaulish, Augustus identified with, 160 ; Roman, head of, 
 
 7, 18 f., 27. 
 Mescinius Rufus, coins of, 148 
 Messana, pharos of, 126, 128 
 Mi. leiis. Mi., 86 
 Military coinage, 101 f. 
 Minerva, head of, 7, 89 
 Minucius Augurinus, C, 62 ff. 
 Minucius Augurinus, L., 62 ff. 
 Minucius Augurinus, P., 63 
 Minucius Augurinus, Ti., 65 
 Minucius Faesus, M., 62 f. 
 Mithradates and the Allies, 86 ff. 
 M. Lepidus An. XV. Pr. H. O. G. S., 52 
 M. Lepidus Illvir r.p.c, 118 
 M. Lepidus Tutor Begis Pontif. Max., 51 f. 
 M. LuciU. Buf.j 82 
 
 Moneta, supposed origin of the name, 8 
 Moneyers : gradual appearance of their marks, etc., on coinage, 61 f. ; 
 
 under Augustus, 120, 157. See also Tresviri, Quattuorviri. 
 
 184 
 
_ x INDEX 
 
 Monumentum Ancyranum (will of Augustus), 136 f., 140, 146, 149, 
 
 151, 166 f., 169 
 Moon-goddess. See Luna. 
 M. Pore, 66 
 M. Scaur, aed. cur., 98 
 M. Servilius leg., 122 
 Mulvian bridge, arch on, 152 
 Mussidius Longus, L., moneyer, 119 
 Mutil. embratur, 85 
 Mutilus. See Papius. 
 
 Nabathaea. See Aretas III. 
 Neapolis, silver coinage of, 35 
 Neptune : Octavian represented as, 135 ; statue of, on pharos of 
 
 Messana, 128 
 Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus imjp., 160 
 Nero Drusus, death of, 160 
 
 Oak-wreath : bestowed on Augustus, 136 f., 153 ; worn by Venus (?), 
 
 102 
 Oath-taking scene, 19, 25, 85, 87 f. 
 Ob civis servatos, 153 
 Octavian: portraits of, 118 ; as triumvir (43 — 38 B.C.), 118; growth of 
 
 his power reflected in coinage, 120 ; his triumph in 29 B.C., 134 f. ; 
 
 receives title "Augustus," 135 ff. ; represented as Neptune, 135 ; 
 
 use of title " imperator," 135 f. See Augustus. 
 Oppius Statianus defeated by Parthians, 140 
 Orontes, river, 162 
 Osco-Latin standard, 5 
 Ox as coin-type, 3 
 
 Pacorus of Parthia invades Syria, 129 
 
 Paestum, late bronze coinage of, 91 
 
 Pannonian triumph of Tiberius, 171 f. 
 
 Papirius Carbo, C, his lex de asse semunc, 89 i. 
 
 Papius, 0., Mutilus, coins of, 85 ff. 
 
 Parthians : joined by Labienus, 129 f. ; restore the standards, 139 ff. 
 
 Parthicus, title taken by Q. Labienus, 128 f. 
 
 Pater patriae, title of Augustus, 169 
 
 Pecunia, origin of name, 2 
 
 Pegasus, 11, 14. See also Bellerophon. 
 
 185 
 
INDEX 
 
 Pergamum : coins struck at, 142, 145, 147 ; temple of Borne and 
 
 Augustus at, 145 
 Persephone, janiform head of, 50 
 
 Personal names and types on coins of Republic, 60 ; of Augustus, 157 
 Phraates IV. of Parthia : M. Antonius attacks, 132 ; restores standards, 
 
 139 f. 
 Phrygian helmet worn by Roma, 13 
 P. Hypsaeus aecL. cur., 98 
 Picus Martis, 61 
 Pietas, head of, 102, 109 
 Piso, 89 
 
 Piso Caepio Q. t 45 
 P. Laeca, 66 
 
 Plaetorius (L.) Cestianus, moneyer, 117 
 Plated coins, 171 
 
 Plautius, Hypsaeus (or Decianus), C, 100 
 Plautius Hypsaeus, P., curule aedile, coin of, 99 
 Pliny : on earliest Roman coinage, 2 f . ; on introduction of the 
 
 denarius, 28 f. ; on reduction of the as, 31 f., 47 ; on earliest gold 
 
 coinage, 38 £f. ; on equation of denarius to 16 asses, 47 \ on 
 
 victoriatus, 72 f. 
 Pompaedius Silo, Q., coin of, 85 ff- 
 Pompeius, Cn., Cn. f., 97, 126 
 Pom(peius ?) Fostlus, Sex., denarius of, 57 ff. 
 Pompeius Magnus, Cn. : his African campaign, 94 f. ; sends Scaurus 
 
 against Aretas III., 99 ; sends Lentulus and Marcellus to Epirus, 
 
 105 ; portrait of, 126 
 Pompeius, Sextus, Cn. f., his career, 126 f. 
 Pompeius, Sextus (first cousin once removed of the IHvir), 98 
 Portraits of living persons on coins, 114, 120 
 Poseidon of Corinth, 110 
 Pound : of 273 grammes, 6 ; of 327*45 grammes, 6, 24 f. ; of 341 
 
 grammes, 24 
 Pr. — Praetor or Praefectus, 108 
 Praef. clas. et orae marit. ex S. C, 126 
 Praefecti of the City appointed by Caesar, 46 B.C., 108 
 Praetors appointed by Caesar, 46 B.C., 108 
 Preiver. Captu., 98 
 
 Priestly office, symbols of, 93, 107, 116, 170 
 Princeps iuventutis, meaning of title, 170 
 
 186 
 
INDEX 
 
 Prisoner tied to trophy, 101 
 
 Privernum captured, 100 
 
 Pro cos.) 94 
 
 Provincial cult of Rome and Augustus, 144 f. 
 
 Provocatio, 68 
 
 Provoco, 67 
 
 Prow of galley: 1, 6, 13, 18, 27, 89; as mint-mark on coin of M. 
 
 Antonius and Cleopatra, 134 ; Victory on, 134 f . 
 P. SepulUus Macer, 113 
 P. Tadi Chilo C. IuU. Nicep. Ilvir., 110 
 Ptolemaeus IV. and the Romans, 53 
 Ptolemaeus V. and M. Aemilius Lepidus, 51 ff. 
 Ph., 82 f. 
 
 Pulcher, Clodius, moneyer, 155 
 Pulcher Taurus Regulus, 154 
 Punic War, First, 37 ff. 
 Purgamenta, 149 
 Pydna, battle of, 60 
 Pyrrhus, war with, 20, 26 
 
 Q = quaestor, 105, 116, 118 
 
 Q = quinarius, 49, 72, 74 
 
 Q. Caepio Brutus procos., 116 
 
 Q. Gassius, 67 
 
 Q. Labienus Parthicus imp., 128 
 
 Q. Sicvnius Illvir, 101 
 
 Q. Silo, 85 
 
 Quadrans, 7, 154 
 
 Quadriga : of Jupiter, 50, 98, 100 ; of Liberty, 66 ff. ; triumphal, 
 
 94 f., 134, 171 
 Quadrigatus, 19, 25, 35 
 Quattuorviri auro publico feriundo, 119 
 Quinarius, 29, 72 f., 123 ff. 
 Quinctius Flamininus, T., moneyer, 65 
 Quinctius Fla minin us, T., victor of Gynoscephalae, 65 f. 
 Quindecimviri sacris faciundis, 148 
 Quod viae mun. sunt, 150 
 
 Reduction : of the as, 22, 46 f. ; of the denarius, 48 
 Regulus. See Livineius. 
 
 187 
 
INDEX 
 
 Bex Aretas, 98 
 
 Rhodes plundered by Cassius, 122 
 
 Roads, public, 150 f. See also Appian Way. 
 
 Boma, 12, 18, 19, 27, 28, 37, 38, 44, 46, 56, 57 ; disappears from the 
 
 coins, 56 
 Roma, the goddess: head of, 10, 18, 27, 33, 38, 46, 56 f., 62, 65 fi., 
 
 82 ; temple of, 143 f., 145, 147; worship of, 143 ff., 158 ff. 
 Bomwno, 1, 9, 10, 12, 17 
 Bomcmom, 11, 12 
 Bom. et Aug. j 158 
 Bom. et August., 143 
 Romulus and Remus. See Wolf and Twins. 
 
 S., 7, 27 
 
 Sacrificial instruments, 92 f., 107, 116, 170 
 
 Samnites : in 4th cent., 4 ; in 3rd cent., 19 
 
 Sanquinius, M., coins of, 149 
 
 Saturn, head of, 79 
 
 Saturninus (L. Appuleius), corn-law of, 79 f. 
 
 Saturninus, legate in Syria, 164 
 
 Saufeius, L., denarius of, 56 ff. 
 
 S.C., 83, 101 f., 121, 136, 153 ff., 162 
 
 Scaurus. See AemiUus. 
 
 Scruple, 17 
 
 Scylla, 126, 128 
 
 Secession of the plebs (288—286 B.C.), 23 
 
 Secular games, 148 f. 
 
 Semi-libral as, 22 
 
 Semis, 7 
 
 Sempronius Gracchus, Ti., moneyer, 37 B.C., 120 
 
 Semuncial standard, 89 f. 
 
 Senate, its control of coinage, 121, 155, 162 f. 
 
 Senatorial Party exiled from Rome, 104 f. 
 
 Sepullius (P.) Macer, coins of, 113 
 
 Series marks on coins, 75 
 
 Serrati, 60, 84 
 
 Servilius Caepio, Q., coin of, 79 
 
 Servilius, M., legate of Cassius, 123 
 
 Servius, King, 2. 
 
 Sestertius, 29 ; of Augustus, 153 L, 156 
 
 188 
 
INDEX 
 
 Sestius, L., coin of, 117 
 Sex. Pom. Fostlus, 57 
 
 Sextans, 7 
 
 Sextantal standard, 30 f., 43 
 
 Shield of valour bestowed on Augustus, 136 f. 
 
 Sicily: coins of Lentulus and Marcellus connected with, 106 ; Sex. 
 Pompeius in, 126 ff. 
 
 Sicinius, Q., coin of, 101 
 
 Sickle of Saturn, 79, 81 
 
 Signis PartMcis receptis, 138 
 
 Signis receptis, 139 
 
 Silo. See Pompaedius. 
 
 Silver : restriction of local coinage in, 135 ; relation to brass and 
 copper, 156 ; relation to bronze, 5, 12, 17, 21 f., 29 ff., 48 
 
 Sitella. See Voting urn. 
 
 Social War, 82—89 
 
 Sol, head of, 76 f . 
 
 Soldiers : clasping hands, 86 ; pay of, 48 f. ; taking oath. See Oath- 
 taking. 
 
 Sorticula. See Voting tablet. 
 
 Sow, 19 
 
 Spain, Pompeius in, 96 
 
 Spanish boar-standard, 77 
 
 S.P.Q.B. CI. F., 136 
 
 S.P.Q.B. Imp. Cae. quod v. m. s. ex ea p. q. is ad a. de., 150 
 
 S. P. Q. B. Imp. Caesari, 150 
 
 S. P. Q. B. Imp. Caesari Aug. cos. xiA. tr. pot. vi. } 139 
 
 Standards, military : recovered by Augustus, 138 ff. ; boar-shaped, 76 f . 
 
 Statilius Taurus, moneyer, 155 
 
 Stipendium of Roman soldier, 48 f . 
 
 Struck bronze, introduction of, 23 
 
 Subsellium, 116 
 
 Suesano, 10 
 
 Sufnmenta, 149 
 
 Sulla : receives Jugurtha from Bocchus, 70 f. ; disembarks at Brun- 
 dusium, 87 ; in Greece, 92 f. ; acknowledges Pompeius as Mag- 
 nus, 95 ; his triumphal coins, 97. See also Cornelius. 
 
 Swine and elephants, 26 
 
 Symbols on coinage, a mark of lateness, 40, 43 
 
 Syria, coins issued in, 130 
 
 189 
 
INDEX 
 
 Tarentum : relations with Rome in the 3rd. cent., 20 ; late silver 
 
 coinage 35, 37 
 Taurus, moneyer, 155 
 T. GlonU.y 72 
 
 Temple : of Mars Ultor, 139 ff. ; of Rome and Augustus, 143 
 Teutons, 73 f. 
 Thyrniaterium, 167 
 Thyrsos, as ornament of galley, 128 
 Tiberius : occupies Armenia, 146 f . ; brings body of Nero Drusus to 
 
 Rome, 161 ; his Pannonian triumph, 171 f. 
 Ti. Caesar Aug. f. tr. pot. xv., 171 
 Tigranes, son of Artavasdes, king of Armenia, 146 
 Token money, 9, 22, 90 
 T. Q., 65 
 
 Trasimene, crisis after, 39, 46 ff. 
 Tresviri A. A. A. F. F., 82 
 Tresviri monetales, 62 
 Triens, 7 
 
 Triental standard, 30 
 Triskeles symbol of Sicily, 106 
 Triumphal arches : of Augustus, 139 f., 150 ff. ; of Nero Drusus, 161 ; 
 
 of Tiberius, 172 
 Triumphs, coins relating to, 95 ff., 134, 171 
 Triumvirate : of 43 — 38 B.C., 118 f. ; monetary. See Tresviri. 
 Trophies, 72, 76, 92 f., 101, 103, 116. See also Victory. 
 Tyche of Antioch, 162 f . 
 
 Uncia, 7 
 
 Uncial standard, 46 
 
 Urban coinage, 102 
 
 F., 27, 29 
 
 Varus, legate in Syria, 164 
 
 Veiled head: of Caesar, 115 ; of Liberty, 116; of Pietas, 107, 109 
 
 Ventidius Bassus, P. : governor in Gaul, 124 ; crushes Labienus, 130 
 
 131 ; his service under Antonius, 131 
 Venus: head of, 92, 102 f. ; Victrix, 113, 115 
 Vercingetorix, 103 
 Vest, 67 
 Vesta : head of, 67 ; temple of, 67 ff. 
 
 190 
 
INDEX 
 
 Vestal virgins, 69, 121 
 
 Veturius, Ti., coin of, 88 
 
 Vibius Varus, C, moneyer, 119 
 
 Vibo Valentia, Roman mint at, 36, 46 
 
 Vicarello, deposit of, 16, 24 
 
 Victoriatus : origin of, 35 f., 44 ff. ; struck at Corcyra, 44 ff. ; revived 
 by lex Clodia, 72 f. 
 
 Victory : crowning Liberty, 66 ; crowning trophy, 28, 44, 46, 72 ; driv- 
 ing chariot, 50, 56, 82 ; fastening taenia to palm branch, 10 ; fly- 
 ing, before shield of Valour, 136 ff. ; Fulvia as, 125 ; standing on 
 prow, 134 f. ; statue of, in Senate House, 137 ; writing on shield, 
 72 
 
 Virga viatoris, 116 
 
 Voconius Vitulus, Q., moneyer, 120 
 
 Voting : box, 70 ; tablets, 67 ff., 75, 77 ; urn, 67 ff. 
 
 Wheel, 10, 12 f . 
 
 Wolf : gored by bull, 85, 87 ; suckling twins, 9, 57 
 
 X as mark of value, 49 
 ■X as mark of value, 49 
 XVI as mark of value, 49 
 XV. 8. F., 148 
 
 Zeus Eleutherios, statue of, 107 
 
 | || (= 52), 100, 103 
 4,X(= 60), 37 
 
 BRADBURY, AONEW & CO. LD., LONDON AND TONBRIDGE. 
 
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BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
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HISTORICAL GREEK COINS— continued. 
 
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