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ALBERT R. MANN 
 LIBRARY 
 
 New York State Colleges 
 
 OF 
 
 Agriculture and Home Economics 
 
 AT 
 
 Cornell University 
 
Cornell University Library 
 HD92S9.A6U512 
 
 The present tendency in the marketing of 
 
 3 1924 013 773 118 
 
ffn 
 
 m. 
 
 'e^ 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this bool< is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013773118 
 
/^;lic.<k^ /4lA*<l, 
 
 Tire PR-5SSNT TENDENCY IN THE MARKETING OF APPLES 
 
 THESIS 
 
 In Fulfillment of Requireraenta for 
 
 Course Nineteen 
 
 Department of Pomology 
 
 New York State College of Agriculture 
 Cornell University 
 
 January, 1915 
 
 1) 
 
ACKNOWL15DGM15NT 
 
 To various members of the Cornell 
 University Faculty; to Mr. Shepard, of the 
 Better Prult Magazine; to Mr. Phillips, of 
 the International Apple Shippers' Associa- 
 tion; to Mr. Davidson, of the Korth Pacific 
 Fruit Distributers; to Mr. Powell, of the 
 Calif ornis Citrus Fruit Exchange; to Mr* 
 Horn, of the Merchants' Refrigerating Com- 
 peuiy of New York City; to Mr. Terhune, of 
 the Produce Exchange of New York City; to 
 certain individuals of the Federal Depart- 
 ment of Agriculture, notably Mr. Estabrook, 
 Chief of the Bureau of Crop Estimates; to 
 the Chamber of Commerce at Boston and Cin- 
 cinnati; and to the Merchants' Exchange of 
 St. Louis; to Mr* L. J. Steele, my colleague 
 at Cornell University; and to many others 
 who have aided generously with their infor- 
 mation and with their time : I owe a very 
 considerable debt. 
 
TEXT 
 
 Pages 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 Part I, The Distribution of Farm Products ... 1-33 
 
 Chapter One, History and Progress 
 Simplicity of Primitive Barter to 
 
 Complexity of Modern Exchange 1 - 5 
 
 Chapter Two. The New Science of Distribution 5-27 
 
 That Middleman Question &-14 
 
 Co-operation for Consumer and Producer • 15 - '-l^ 
 
 Transportation and Refrigeration .... 22-27 
 
 Chapter Three. The Markets and larketing . . 26-33 
 
 Domestic and Foreign Markets ••.... 28-30 
 Marketing Changes, Tendencies and 
 
 Possibilities 31-33 
 
 Part II. The Apple as a Farm Product 33-90 
 
 Chapter Pour. History and Present Status of 
 
 American Fruit Trade 34-45 
 
 Chapter Five- How Many Apples — Overpro- 
 duction .... 46-61 
 
 Cycles of Prices and Plantings 46-49 
 
 High or Low Prices to Come ....... 49-51 
 
 Existing Plantings and Their Fate ... 51-61 
 
 Chapter Liix. The Ultimate Limits of Produc- 
 tion .... 62-66 
 
 The Cost and Returns of the Apple Orchard 62 - 65 
 
 Consumption of Apples 66 
 
 Chapter Seven. Hfhat We Have Today 67-90 
 
 Apples -* Staple or Luxury 67-68 
 
 Distributing Organizations and Individual 
 
 versus Co-operative Selling 68-71 
 
 Increasing the Demand -- Standardizing 
 
 and Advertising 71-76 
 
 Competition of Other Fruits 76-78 
 
 The Various Markets • 78-90 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 Appendix. 
 
TABLES 
 
 Hwaber Table Page 
 
 I DiBposition of Seventy-seven Cents 
 
 Paid for a Bushel of Potatoes . . 13 
 
 II Yearly Value of Various Pruits Held 
 
 in Cold Storage 25 
 
 III Barrels of Apples iitored in Various 
 
 Cities, Dec. 1, 1912 26 
 
 IV Value of Small Fruits in United States, 
 
 1910 41 
 
 V Value of Orchard Fruits in the United 
 
 States. 1910 42 
 
 VI Value of Tropical and Dub-tropical " 
 
 Fruits in the United States, 1910 43-44 
 
 VII Comparative Increase in Prices of 
 
 Apples and Other Crops 50 
 
 VIII United States Production of Apples 
 
 since 1B96 • 52 
 
 IX Bearing and Kon-bearing Apple Trees 
 
 in 1910 55 
 
 X Bushels and Value of 1909 Apple Crop 
 
 for Various States 55 
 
 XI Prices Received for Apples by Growers 64 
 
 XII Apple Sxports since 1682 for United 
 
 States and Canada •.. 72 
 
 Kill Percentage Increase and Decrease of 
 United States and Canadian Apple 
 Exports since 1882 72 
 
 XIV Seasonal Fitness of Apple Varieties 75-76 
 
 XV English Imports of Apples by Coun- 
 tries, 1911-1912 81 
 
Hjuntier Table Page 
 
 XYI Acres of Orchards, Total and per Pop- 
 ulation for Australia 86 
 
 XVII Australian Dried Pruit Imports and 
 
 Fresh Fruit Exports 87 
 
 XVm Canadian Exports, Dried and Freeh Apples 88 
 
 XIX United States Atlantic "Sxport Apples "by 
 
 Exporting Ports, 1913-14 ...... Appendix 
 
 XX United States Atlantic Export Apples by 
 
 Importing Ports, 1913-14 •* 
 
 XXI United States Atlantic Sxport Apples by 
 
 Exporting Porte since 1881 " 
 
 XXII United States Atlantic ISxport Apples by 
 
 Importing Port& since 1881 ** 
 
 XXIII Yearly Price Range of Apples at Bon ton 
 
 since 1891 ** 
 
 XXIV Yearly Receipts of Apples at Boston 
 
 since 1885 ** 
 
 XXV Disposition of Total Money Paid for Puna 
 
 Crops, 1911 " 
 
 XXVI Amounts of Fruit Handled in Certain Pri- 
 mary Markets, 1912-13 " 
 
 XXVII Prices and Rate of Increase in Farm Pro- 
 ducts , 1889-1909 " 
 
 XXVIII Uonthly Percentage of Annual Sales of 
 
 Apples and Granges by Months .... " 
 
 XXIX United States Total Fruit Imports and 
 
 Exports, 1910 " 
 
 XXX Monthly and Yearly Receipts of Apples 
 
 in Hew York City, 1893-1913 .... " 
 
 XXXI Average Price of Apples in New York City 
 
 since 1893 " 
 
 XXXII Monthly Receipts of Apples in New York City " 
 
 XXXIII Hew York City Apple Variety Prices since 
 
 1893 " 
 
INTRODUCTIOE 
 
 It is one of the strange phenomena of rapid econ- 
 omic developitent that we should have bent all efforts on the 
 side of production in the commerce of farm products , and 
 have left the equally important side of distritution to awk- 
 wardly adjust itself as "best it could. A great amount of 
 energy and scientific research was expended during the last 
 century in this country and abroad toward the moint advantag- 
 eous production of iron and iron products, but it was not 
 until about 1900 that the steel interests of the United 
 States were forced to realize the enormous extravagances 
 of the laterally competitive system of distribution which 
 had grown up, and it was not until this time that a reor- 
 ganization and combination movement set in, out of which 
 was evolved the vast integrated system of distribution un- 
 der the United States Steel Corporation that is now a class- 
 ic example of efficiency for the world. Some such reor- 
 ganization as this is at hand relating to the distribution 
 of farm products. In all its details, the question of the 
 distribution of agricultural goods differs from that of the 
 distribution of manufactured goods, but in a broad economic 
 sense it is the same. 
 
In this treatise we will triefly trace the 
 history of the marketing of farm products, and compre- 
 hend what we can of the new science of distribution and 
 of the factors affecting it. Then we will fit the apple 
 and the farm product to these conditions that we have 
 worked out; find what has led up to the present condi- 
 tions in trade in apples and other fruits, discuss the 
 amounts and limits and present and possihle supply, and 
 go over the nature and extent of the demand; further, we 
 will search into the nature of the apple trade of today, 
 see what it consists of and why, and lastly, by way of 
 conclusion, we will sura up the qualifications of the Fian 
 who wouli'' dispose of apples, and we will hazard an opinion 
 on what chance of success such a man will have* 
 
PART I . 
 
 The Dlatrlbutlon of Farm Producta 
 
-1- 
 
 CHAPTER ONE 
 History and Progress 
 
 In remote times there was nothing involved 
 about exchange, one man produced one good and a second 
 man another, barter ensuing between them.* Next there 
 is money and hence a money exchange. Then a trader 
 class, technically a merchant retailer, grew up to con- 
 duct the exchange on a larger scale, but still both 
 parties to the commerce were producers as well as con- 
 sumers* When the merchant retailer later becomes a 
 land holder, he buys and sells more and more, classify- 
 ing the commerce , and we get the n on -agri cultural con- 
 sumer , with increasing steps of wholesaler and retaile:^, 
 exporter and importer, and lastly, the various forms of 
 commission men and Jobbers. 
 
 The complexity of exchange has come due to, 
 more than any other one factor, the increased transpor- 
 tation facilities. In fariii products especially, trans- 
 portation has meant markets drawing from wider and wider 
 areas, this has meant regional competition, and this again 
 regional specialization, and this, with the increased pro- 
 duction due to the Invention of agricultural machinery, 
 
 * Cunningham* s History of Snglish Commerce 
 
•2- 
 has allowed the growth of the great cities where enor- 
 mous food supplies muet be periodically furnished. Tho 
 a very recent growth, refrigerated transportation and 
 storage have intensified this competition and special- 
 ization by allowing the carrying over "long hauls" of 
 what were fonaerly perishable products, only to be lo- 
 cally distributed. Refrigeration has lengthened the 
 season and this is of far-reaching importance; it means 
 the utilization of the surplus of the flush season of 
 production. Transportation and refrigeration may be 
 said to be the enaence of the rscent changes in market- 
 ing, and we shall further consider these under other 
 headings . 
 
 6. F. Warren, the author of "Parra Management", 
 tells us that "Very much is said about the marketing of 
 farm products, and yet there is perhaps no subject on 
 which really helpful advice for the individual farmer 
 is 80 lacking. The reason appears to be that market- 
 ing is 80 much a community or public question and that 
 there is so little that the individual cm do." Profes- 
 sor Warren is entirely correct in his belief, and furth- 
 er, a great deal of popular and inaccurate literature is 
 available on this marketing quest ion .which is most con- 
 fusing; however, these are no reasons why this question 
 should not be attacked from any and all sides . 
 
-3- 
 Very "briefly, present eystems of marketing 
 farm products in this country may be described as fol- 
 lows ,* The simplest method is that in wfliich the pro- 
 ducer, delivering in a wagon, sella to consumers in 
 direct contact with them. Producers also sell to buy- 
 ers in many parts of the United States . Travelling 
 huxters in various regions go from farm to farm buying 
 eggs, butter, poultry, calvea , etc., and selling these 
 to shippers, jobbers, or retailers. Agents of large 
 brewers go to the Pacific Coast for hops; travelling 
 agents go to the Rocky Mountain ranges for wool, to 
 Louisiana plantation for rice, and to Saetern orchards 
 for apples; A third system involving the country 
 merchant who furnisheo the farmer his supplies and lat- 
 er disposes of the farmer 'c crop, tui-ning over to him 
 the difference, is fast disappearing. A large part of 
 the farm products of this country, including practically 
 all of what we know as produce, ia aold through commis- 
 sion men. This particular phase will be taken up in 
 more detail later. Direct to consumera' sales have 
 also been accomplished; wool-growers of Montana ship to 
 Omaha and Chicago warehouses, where manufacturers as well 
 as dealers are the buyers. Auction sale, though it has 
 many disadvantages, is often direct to consumer, and ex- 
 amples of this may be found in nearly all lines of distri- 
 bution -- such a condition is the rule. 
 
«4- 
 Thls la something of the development and pres- 
 ent conditions of our marketing systems; let us prooeed 
 to examine more closely a few of the more Important fac- 
 tors affecting It. 
 
-5- 
 
 CH AFTER TWO 
 The New Science of Dletributlon 
 
 Of the many queotions involved in this new 
 science of dletrlhution , we will ccnsiCer in detail 
 only the three rhloh r.re at present most before the 
 public eye and which alao happen to be the moat sig- 
 nificant. Theae three are the highly theoretical 
 ones of the mlddlemun, and of co-operation, and the 
 more or lees technical one of transportation and re- 
 frigeration . 
 
 First, as to the jniddleman controversy, on 
 which current writers are spending so much time. The 
 American farmers in the main today are subservient to 
 the middleman, in so far an to the price they nuat ac- 
 cept at their particulr.r market, but nore the less so 
 are manufacturing producers, whose only market lies 
 in the halfway stage cf the middleman's field and lies 
 in one or in a fev; centers. Certain big manufactur- 
 ers, notably Kellogg' s Toasted Corn Flakes Company, 
 have fought their way through the middleman's lines 
 and now sell at their option to consumers direct. In 
 all its details the question of distributing farm prod- 
 ucts is very different from that of distributing manu- 
 
-6- 
 factured goods, but In a broad economic sense it is the 
 SEune • 
 
 The development of the middleman has oome with 
 the development of commerce, Ab we have seen, above, 
 distribution is simple when each community produces its 
 own food, and hence we have no middlernan till the 18tb 
 century, and no marked development till about 1800, In 
 the nineteenth century came the better transportation, 
 and in the last few decades came refrigeration. One 
 farm family now feeds five to ten other families, where 
 forty years ago, without the recent farm machinery, they 
 were able to feed but two; villages have changed to towns, 
 and enormous cities have developed. This has instituted 
 new lines of commerce, and from this commerce has normally 
 evolved the middleman. In all parts of the nation the 
 city is growing apace. In no state in the Union, from 
 1900 to 1910, did the urban population increase lesB than 
 10^, and in nineteen states over 50^. In six states the 
 rural population actually declined , and in six states the 
 urban population more than doubled. That the middleman 
 should have grown up is not unnatural; it ie entirely nor- 
 mal; but that this branch of trade should have been allowed 
 to develop to its present complexity without any attempt 
 at regulation can only be explained by the habit of the 
 American public to allow the growth and crystallization 
 
-7- 
 of awkward commercial aspects before anything is done 
 toward interference . 
 
 Until 1860 there were few jobbera, while now 
 they tend to replace the coraraiesion man. In the early 
 days there wae too much risk in buying outright -- there 
 were no standardB or gradf^e, and the niutual bad faith of 
 agent and shipper forbade any sort of ccnfidence or trust 
 in trade. This developed the agential seller, the man 
 who disposes of another's gooi^a ut whatever the market 
 brings, with no ri&k to himself and with a percentage 
 profit, whether he sells for high or low prices. This 
 form of selling is known ae commio&ion. The Jobber, 
 the trader who buys and cells outright, grew ft first 
 through the practice of purchasing in the field, with 
 no standards or grades, and later through the growth 
 of definite individual relatione, which a:r.ounted to a 
 standard. All eorta of individuals anc". concerns have 
 functioned as middlemen* Commission and Jobbing sell* 
 ing have been interchangeably practiced and the combin- 
 ation of the two its .^till quite coamon. In general, 
 uniform and rising prices tend toward jobbing selling, 
 and over-supply and falling prices tend towar'.'. comrais- 
 aion celling. In the first case the producer ia able 
 to insist on the maximum price and its benefit; in the 
 second case the farmer is forced to sacrifice his goods 
 
-8- 
 at anything the market will bring. The first is the 
 farmer's advantage, and the second, the dealer's. Now 
 Jobbing is becoming the rule, except with very perisha- 
 ble products, at the leading "primary", large city, mar- 
 kets in normal years. There is a tendency for commis- 
 sion sellers to take over the lower grades of produce 
 where Jobbing does go on.* 
 
 The selling aspect of Jobbing involves the 
 disposal of regular supplies to the well-developed 
 trade and of additional produce at surplus times. 
 With commission the same holds true, with generally 
 less steady trade and more of the day-to-day disposal. 
 The variation in demand and supply is influenced by 
 many factors. The weather at both ends may cause a 
 surplus or scarcity in often not more than a day's 
 time. Formerly the vendor aided greatly in this dis- 
 posal of surplus , but the development of standards and 
 grades, with the consequent education of the housewife 
 and the growth of the strong prejudice against this 
 very unreliable salesman, have practically done away 
 with him. The seller may, and often does, depend on 
 "elastic prices", increasing demand by lowering price, -- 
 he may cut the prices considerably when he finds a sur- 
 
 « C. W. Thompson. Investigator U. S. D. A. Annals 
 Amer. Acad, of Pol. and Soc. Sci., Vol. 50. 
 
-9- 
 plus on hand. This Is usually effective, but here we 
 find one of the serious obstacles imposed by the members 
 of the next class in the system of distributing, the 
 retailer, and this class is by all odds the moot cumber- 
 some one of all. Retailers will often see fit to thwart 
 the wholesalers' elastic demand plan by buying from the 
 Jobber at the lower price, but holding the consumer's 
 price constant, and thus not allowing any increase of 
 demand. The seller may finally attempt to go over the 
 head of the retailer, and here we find the assistance 
 to every one concerned that is offered by organized co- 
 operative consumers' buying associations. In 1913 in 
 New York City an enormous number of eggs were disposed 
 of through the agency of the Housewives' Leagues under 
 Just such conditions. 
 
 The functions of the intermediary may be 
 listed as* sharing the risk, transporting the goods, 
 financing the operation, selling, assembling, assort- 
 ing, and reshipping. When we consider the "eliminat- 
 ing'* of the man who performs these functions, what ia 
 to happen to the functions ? We cannot eliminate the 
 middleman under any circumstances, but under exception- 
 al circumstances we can, in part at least, be the middle- 
 
 ♦ Professor Turner, Course 67, Bept, Political Science, 
 Cornell University. 
 
-10- 
 matt. This will involve standard grades and qualities, 
 knowledge of market requirements, suitable ehipping 
 facilities.* and general attention to the details of 
 the eystem. This is largely impractical and will 
 limit direct shipment to only a fraction of the produce 
 business. To dispose of regular supplies to a well- 
 developed trade might not offer insurmountable diffi- 
 culties, but the disposal of a surplus requires the 
 equivalent of the middleman's machinery. 
 
 In the movement toward simplifying distribu- 
 tion as regards the middleman, there is a side which 
 has 80 far been remarked upon by one or two econ'omiste. 
 This side indicates the direction from which a good part 
 of the wind blows and it should be carefully borne in 
 mind. In simplest terms, it is the taking over of cer- 
 tain functions of the intermediary by interests not pri- 
 marily a part of distribution. Storage houses are loan- 
 ing money where the jobber formerly held the notes. Tliis 
 is known as functional distribution. 
 
 Earlier in this article it has been hinted that 
 the middleman in our marketing was inefficient, and this 
 is true of the class in the aggregate, but not at all so 
 of the individual. Any one even barely acquainted with 
 
 * The Parcels Poet can hardly be over- emphasized in this 
 particular connection. 
 
-11- 
 
 thls branch of the business will vouch that the individ- 
 ual commission man is about the keenest and most indus- 
 trious man in commerce and that ^e does business on the 
 closest possible margin. Tliis and this only is what 
 the commission man looks at wlien he claims to be abused 
 and when he refuses to consider the number of millions 
 paid by the consumer compared to the number received by 
 the producer.* The following article, published in the 
 Chicago Bxaminer on Friday, Jan. 1st, 1915, is the best 
 defense of the commission man** of which the writer knows , 
 and it is given entire below. This article was inserted 
 as an advertisement in this daily by the dealers of South 
 Water Street, CJhicago, in an effort to win back the- elus- 
 ive "goodwill" of the public. It is entitled "Feeding 
 a City." 
 
 "Three million people depend on the eight short 
 blocks of South Water Street for the greater part of 
 their daily food. These eight blocks, with the ad- 
 jacent West Randolph and Pulton Markets, do a busi- 
 ness of approximately three hundred million dollars 
 a year, and in doing this business they handle the 
 second largest business in Chicago. It is natural 
 that when the food prices are high, such a centre of 
 supply should receive the attention of ttie multitudes 
 of people who depend upon it. It is natural that 
 the solution of the problem should be sought here 
 first. It is the purpose of this article, theref oEe , 
 to give you some understanding of the business dbne 
 on this street and the method of doing it. Into this 
 
 * See table 25 appendix. 
 
 *♦ The International Apple Shippers' Association plans to 
 
 distribute several hundred thousand copies of this 
 
 article in the next few months. 
 
-12- 
 
 atreet come daily hundreds of tons of practically 
 eTerythlng you eat, except ueat and bread. It is 
 a street that begins its activities before daylight 
 and ends them after dark; a street that must upen 
 with a full supply and close with an empty store, 
 because most of what it sells is perishable. It 
 has sometimes been said that we enter into combin- 
 ations to raise prices. Please ask yourself and 
 answer for yourself this question, and that idea 
 will be laid to rest for all time. If you had a 
 house that was going to burn down tomorrow, how 
 much time would you spend on a price combination 
 today, and how long could you stick to it after a 
 fair offer has been made ? Thio is practically 
 our situation in most of the products we deal in, 
 in our strawberries, in our peaches, in our grapes, 
 in our vegetables. And no business or group of 
 business that deals in perishable products can 
 ever form a combination to increase prices. Even 
 if such a combination were formed , it could not be 
 successfully maintained for twenty-four hours. If 
 cabbage is going to rot tomorrow, you are going to 
 sell it today and you are going to get whatever 
 price you can as soon as you can get it. It is 
 true that we have cold storage , but with very few 
 exceptions cold storage is used as a last resort 
 to prevent a disastrous price rather than as a 
 first resort to secure an exorbitant one. Hext, 
 the profits made upon South Water Street are often 
 harped on. It is a fact, and we consider it an 
 unfortunate fact, that In the sixty odd years of 
 this street as a produce center, not a single large 
 fortune has been made out of it, whereas in other 
 centralized sections of the ciuy, such as the bank- 
 ing and the retail, etc., you cannot count the mil- 
 lionaries on the fingers of your two hands. The 
 average net profit of this entire enormous business 
 is less than 1%. It is one of the smallest prof- 
 its in the business world. Where does the money 
 go — what is the reason for the cost of living -- 
 why are proces so high ? Let us take some staple 
 product and find out. Take potatoes, which are 
 the least perishable,- take a good grade of pota- 
 toes, for which the farmer gets 50/ a bushel; then 
 here is your schedule : 
 
-13- 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 
 
 
 Farmer gets 
 
 per 
 
 bu. 
 
 ZOfi 
 
 Trader " 
 
 It 
 
 tt 
 
 05 
 
 Freight oharges 
 
 H 
 
 n 
 
 08 
 
 Comiaission merchant 
 
 •1 
 
 N 
 
 02 
 
 Bag 
 
 n 
 
 «• 
 
 03 
 
 Cartage and labor 
 
 ti 
 
 ti 
 
 04 
 
 Jobber 
 
 n 
 
 H 
 
 05 
 
 Grocer 
 
 ti 
 
 " 
 
 -SO, 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 77/ 
 
 The farmer gets 30/ and you pay 77/; there 
 is 47/ profit between the time they left his po- 
 tato patch and the time they reached your kitchen. 
 And out of this the coi/imisBion merchants of South 
 Water Street, who ran practically all the risks, 
 got 2/, and this ie his gross profits and not hia 
 net. But even that profit is not exorbitant ex- 
 cept when you consider it separate from manufac- 
 tured things. There is hardly a product on the 
 street that is not selling at a lower price than 
 in years. All of these are legitimate processes 
 on legitimate products in getting the goods to you 
 and they represent legitimate labor. But people 
 are accustomed to think only in terms of a first 
 cost of a food product, whereas they never think 
 in such terms about anything else. You pay $25. 
 for a suit of clothes, which cost less than $15. 
 to make; you pay $40. for a sewing-machine of 
 which the factory cost was less than '^IC; you 
 pay l&O. for a typewriter of which the cout was 
 less than $20.; and in all of these things you 
 never consider the intermediate expense. But 
 in food products most people are prone to forget 
 the sajne intermediate expense exists. How, then, 
 can I lower my coat of livinp, you ask. There 
 is one way that is worth considering. There has 
 come into the living of the twentieth century a 
 feature which has proven disaistrous. That fea- 
 ture is the public's constant demand for the best. 
 Everybody is demanding the best apples, the best 
 celery, the best fruit, and the earliest, the best 
 poultry, and the largest eggs. Nature goes on 
 producing all kinds of food,- good, bad and in- 
 different,- in about the same proportiona; but 
 when you demand the best, the effort of every one, 
 from farmer to grocer, is bent upon giving it to 
 you, or at least making it seem like the best, and 
 
-14- 
 
 \mtold efforts are sp«nt upon making your purchases 
 look pleasing to the eye. For example, it cost 4 5^ 
 to pack a barrel of apples; it could be done for 5/ 
 if the apples were merely noured into the barrel. 
 Put they must be packed as carefully as china and 
 packing costs. It costs 40/ for the barrel to ship 
 those apples in, whereas an open-headed barrel, with 
 a sack tied over it, could be made for 15^, A po- 
 tato used to be just a potato. How we have many 
 grades of potatoes. They are even sized, like peaches, 
 to please your fancy, your celery is crated, and your 
 turnips are washed. Turnip-washing has become a big 
 business in this present day. One way to reduce yuur 
 living is to go oftener to your grocer and use your 
 telephone less, and to remember that a small apple 
 tastes as good as the blf^ red one wrapped in tissue 
 paper; that a potato is still a potato, and that size 
 does not alter the taste; that putting a turnip thru 
 an electric was-jing machine does not alter the flavor, 
 the it does the price. All these things you get be- 
 cause you demand them and all of them cost money. 
 Everybody is bent on giving you what you demand. 
 Even the putting of the large berries on top is an 
 effort to make the crate look "nice"; because nicety 
 is what you pay for. Probably the largest factor in 
 this high cost of living is because the public keeps 
 baying to please its eyes instead of its palate. In 
 conclusion , let us say that supplying; a city with food 
 is practically the only rigidly competitive businesa 
 that is left; really the only remaining business that 
 is governed by the laws of supply and demand. Aside 
 from the problem of transportation, which so far has 
 received no constructive action. South Water Street 
 could hardly supply you at a lesser cost." 
 
 The writer has been vehemently told by commis- 
 sion men that their system was the only one that could 
 exist under present conditions, but nevertheless firmly 
 believes that any step toward direct shipment to consumer, 
 or any sane organization of market, or any cautious at- 
 teraot toward marketing on the part of the producer is a 
 decided advance. 
 
-15- 
 
 This brings us to the dlBCussion of co-opera- 
 tion. Co-operation means organization, unity of action, 
 and all that goes with intelligence and strength of fed- 
 eration, as compared to the weakness of the individual. 
 Co-operation is not laissez f aire . and if we want the 
 logical result of what we can smoothly call "healthy 
 competition" reduced to the individual, we will have a 
 survival of the individual fittest and not at all will 
 we have co-operation. Co-operation has already meant 
 much; through it have come some of the most important 
 economic advances in marketing. The possibilities of 
 co-operation are very great; it is, indeed, entirely 
 conceivable that there may develop producei;8* trusts, 
 for, remote as this must seem, it is in this direction 
 that we are pointing. It is interesting to consider 
 that the public-spirited consumer, in his effort to 
 get better returns for the farmer, does not seem to 
 realize that he is the one who must pay these better 
 returns. 
 
 Co-operation may be considered as consumers' 
 or as producers' co-operation. We will try to under- 
 stand which shall come to the other, or if both producer 
 and constimer are to act where they shall meet. We will 
 first take up consumers' co-operation. The steps in 
 
-16- 
 conBXunera' co-operation may range from Houeewivee' Leagues, 
 purchasing units of Women's Clubs, etc, to our old friend, 
 the municipal market. An example of the fortunate use of 
 the Housewives' Leagues of New York City has already been 
 given, and a number of other examples might be cited. 
 There have been co-operative stores established; one is 
 more or less flourishing now in Hyde Park, Chicago .'*(- But 
 there is no ground to believe that there will be anything 
 like considerable progress in this quarter, unless the 
 temper of the American public changes entirely. Let any 
 one, who doubts this, attempt to organize a few families 
 on his street into the buying from a single milkman. Un- 
 questionably the milkman would be able to save in cross- 
 deliveries, etc., enough to furnish better milk at better 
 prices to the benefit of every one concerned. The man 
 who attempts this organization, however, will not be suc- 
 cessful; his indignant neighbors will inform him that they 
 reserve the privilege of buying where they see fit. 
 
 This subject should not be left without refer- 
 ence to co-operation abroad, notably in England. The 
 co-operation movement in England involves more the commer- 
 cial side to those actively interested in the organization, 
 
 * Under the U. 8. Co-operative Company of Chicago, etc, 
 ** Annals Amer. Acad. Pol. and See. Sci,, Vol. 50, p. 23L. 
 
-17- 
 and it is not entirely analogous to corresponding current 
 movements on this side. However, it is well worthy oC 
 note that the English Co-operative Wholesale Society has 
 conducted a trade of fiftytwo millions of dollars in the 
 last twelve years. 
 
 Chain stores, privately owned and operated for 
 profit, offer the best partial solution of the wastes of 
 small crossing and competing produce stores. In Louis- 
 ville, Ky., there may he found an example of a chain 
 store system where , with cash payments , there has been 
 worked out a most efficient and noteworthy example of 
 this. 
 
 Municipal markets were the rule in every vil- 
 lage and city in the United States before 1850.* Later, 
 development of private industries absorbed from public 
 industries and these markets, in most cases, ceased to 
 exist. Profeasor C, L. King, of the ?/harton School of 
 Commerce and Finance, at the University of Pennsylvania, 
 notes that in 1906 only twelve cities in this country 
 spent $10,000. or more on their markets. ISunicipal 
 markets do not develop themselves, because the produce 
 man, who is the only one immediately interested in the 
 matter, can do better without the markets. Markets 
 are not at all unheard of in this country, however. 
 Mr. John W. Farley, the Chairman of the Committee on 
 
 ♦ Clyde Lyndon King, Wharton School, Commerce and 
 Finance . 
 
-18- 
 Investlgation of Ifuniclpal Markets, of Memphis, Tenn., 
 undertook two years ago a questionaire on public markets, 
 which showed, more than any other thing, that our markets 
 were in the experimental stage and that there was no uni- 
 formity whatsoever in their establishment. In a few 
 cases markets are privately owned, the market superinten- 
 dent is almost universally underpaid and often he is but 
 a head Janitor. Usually it io only the local produce 
 that is sold to any great extent, and with the negligible 
 exceptions the markets are wholesale in nature. Much 
 has been written concerning the public markets in Europe. 
 Stadtrat D. Levin, Member of the Magistrate, Frankfurt, 
 Germany, has written in Volume SO, Annals Amer. Pol* and 
 Soc. Sci., the most comprehensive and enlightening arti- 
 cle on this point of which the writer is aware* From 
 this article we can surely learn that rather in the ex- 
 amples abroad, where the markets have been in existence 
 for from twenty to a hundred and more years , than from 
 the examples in this country, such as the much discussed 
 Hew York markets, which are at the present writing five 
 months old; we will find what we may learn of precedent 
 in the matter of public markets. Berlin has a seven 
 million dollar market, and the Paris market cost ten 
 millions* Both these markets are purely wholesale and 
 are successful, while retail markets, which were estab- 
 
-19- 
 lished in "both cities some time ago .- fourteen "branch 
 markets in Berlin and thirty-seven in Paris,- have now 
 practically ceased to operate because they failed to 
 compete with the small, private retail stores.* This 
 has been the universal experience with public retail 
 stores. The private grocer can establish his own trade, 
 can work up a business through the individual fancies of 
 his customers, etc., that seems to Insure the small pri- 
 vate retail store as an institution of permanence* 
 
 To sum up,- consumers' co-operation is very 
 limited. Municipal markets will certainly make for 
 efficiency as far as the wholesale side is concerned. 
 Probably the greatest advance in vdnolesale markets in 
 this country, now in sight, would come with the saving 
 of trans-shipping when rail and water transportation 
 facilities and cold storage are made an adjunct to the 
 market. Public retail markets are not practicable. 
 Chain stores have great possibilities. When we get 
 down to the smaller units — in the household, we find 
 further difficulties in intelligent buying. Our house- 
 holds are only furnished with small refrigerators, etc., 
 and are accustomed to the day-to-day improvident city 
 habits, if possible they all buy food for their eyes. 
 
 * Hon, Cyrus C. Miller, Chairman Mayors' Market Com- 
 mission, New York City, in "Amerlceua City" for 
 April, 1913. 
 
-20- 
 and most important of all, the great majority of the 
 consumers are forced , through insufficient means , to buy 
 unwisely. We seldom realize what a large proportion of 
 the population must buy one loaf of bread at 10/ when 
 they well know that they can get three loaves for 25/. 
 
 There is no lack of remarkable examples for 
 producers' co-operation. The classic example of this, 
 perhaps, is that of the California Fruit Growers* Ex- 
 change , which has \mdoubtedly carried the California 
 farmer through a rery precarious period. Report Mo. 
 88, of the United States Department of Agriculture, 
 gives over sixty examples of deatiled reports from co- 
 operative associations* Specialized farmers have best 
 been able to combine, but there have been examples of 
 general co-operative societies, such as many of the 
 more progressive farmers' granges throughout the coun- 
 try, and on a larger scale, in such cases as that of 
 the Monmouth County (B. J.) Farmers* Exchange, where, 
 though potatoes are the major crop, many other lines 
 are entered into. There are, to be sure, no lack of 
 examples; the danger is that we will consider these 
 individually instead of collectively, lliey have done 
 much; the movement is without doubt growing, and it is 
 
-21- 
 hard to eetim^te the untlmate extent of thie phase of 
 marketing. Certain clrcumstanceB are eosential for 
 co-operation, Mr. George K. Holmes, in Report No. 
 98 above referred to, hits upon the essence of the 
 whole matter when he says : "There are eoonoraic ad- 
 vantages in this (co-operative) system of marketing 
 which bring substantial returns to the co-operators 
 under good management and under conditions which 
 permit success." Mr. Holmes grants the idea as ef- 
 fective, but he qualifies it as requiring good manage- 
 ment and certain external conditions. We need not go 
 far to find co-operative societies that have been mis- 
 managed, where the men in charge have bent their ener- 
 gies on increasing and maintaining their own salary to 
 the neglect of the business , the head of which they oc- 
 cupy. The writer knows of a concern, nominally of a 
 co-operative nature, which markets units of fruit at a 
 charge of 10/ per unit, and which delivers this fruit 
 into the hands of city dealers exactly ae though it had 
 been handled by individuals. This 10/ is thrown away. 
 Much more often the case is of an Intelligent and honest, 
 though more seldom, an able or experienced man, who is 
 so hampered and restricted by the members of the society 
 which he represents that he is unable to produce any sort 
 of efficient work. Co-operative marketing requires a 
 
-22- 
 conalderable crop to pay the necessary charges of 
 asBociation. A prominent official at Washington has 
 recently recommended in a public speech the organiasa- 
 tion of the entire rural community of this country in- 
 to small units, which were to conduct all sorts and 
 every sort of marketing practice, from designating 
 to the farmer what he should plant to the watching 
 and telegraphic advising of the markets of the world. 
 The reasoning that prompted this is not entirely sound; 
 the units would not be large enough to bear the expense. 
 Concerning Mr. Holmes' second qualification of "condi- 
 tions which permit success", we need only realize that, 
 should it develop that Florida citrus growers could put 
 fruit in Kew York City at a considerably lower cost tha. 
 could the California grower , some 2 ,00C miles farther 
 from this market, of what avail would be the splendid 
 organization of the California Pruit Growers* Exchange 
 under I'r , Powell ? 
 
 Concerning transportation and refrigeration 
 we need only touch upon a few phases. Ivy L. Lee, of 
 the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, after describing in 
 a most interesting manner the development and position 
 of the railroad in the trassportation of produce, says : 
 
-23- 
 "Any reduotion in the coat of distribution must in the 
 Iramediate future develop out of more economical methods 
 of packing, handling and marketing. The railroad trans- 
 portation costQ can hardly decline as long as the costs 
 of railroad operation continue to increase. The gain 
 must really be derived from the removal of economic 
 wastes." Kr. Lee's position can hardly be disputed in 
 the light of recent railway rate legislation. Whoever 
 the culprit may be, if there be one, he is not the rail- 
 road . 
 
 Rates, then, can hardly te lowered, but the 
 moderate regulation of then is most certainly a public 
 duty and is exceedingly important in distribution. 
 Rates should be fixed so that the traffic will move, or 
 in other words, at a rate that "the traffic will bear". 
 Canteloupes and coal must be carried greater and less 
 distances at higher and lower speedo with a complexity 
 of interrelation of costs that foi'bid any but the most 
 expert tampering. A car of ' Btrawberrieii loses $5. to 
 $10, an hour in transit -- they must be moved rapidly. 
 Past freight is a recent development; the first shipment 
 of early vegetables made in this country was by boat,- 
 Korfoll:, Va., to New York City in 1855. The intricacy 
 of moving fast freight, or "preference" freight, as it 
 is technically called, ia exceedingly elaborate. Re- 
 
«24« 
 frigerator and ventilator oars must be on hand on time 
 and must move without cJelay. The writer has seen a 
 carload of boxed applea on Pier 20, Hew York City, which 
 had been frozen in transit. The loss falls upon the 
 railroad carrying them, and -.ve may be sure that efforts 
 were made before that carload was allowed to freeze. 
 
 To quote Mr. Lee Again,- "The railroad can and 
 should assist with every means in its power in the eecwr- 
 ing of all products to just where they can be consumed. 
 More accurate adaptation of the transportation service 
 to true market conditions, the spread of information as 
 to market purchasers and sellers, and the elimination of 
 unnecessary stages in the movement of goods from the pro- 
 ducer to the ultimate consumer, should embrace those 
 lines of experiraent and study along which future develop- 
 ment will doubtless proceed." 
 
 The subject of refrigeration is an interesting 
 one, as interesting as any in the whole question of dis- 
 tribution. The influence of this factor is the one most 
 strongly felt at present, and it is, since it has but 
 recently been a factor at all , one of the most undefined 
 and least known of all the factors affecting present mar- 
 keting. That its influence has been enormous is evident, 
 but how much further this influence in to go is a ques- 
 tion. *The average price of best creamery butter in 
 
 « Ice and Refrigeration Blue Book, Hickerson-Colllns Co 
 Chicago. 111. 
 
-25- 
 Kew York City for flush production months (June, July, 
 August) during the period 1880-1890, when there was 
 hut little or no refrigeration, was 20-1/4/, and for 
 the short production months (Noveraher, Decemher , Jan- 
 uary) was 33-3/4/^, The corresponding prices from 
 19C0-1910 , when comparatlyely ample storage facilities 
 were availahle, were 22-1/4/ and 25-1/2/, We need but 
 try to conceive of the amount of butter used in New York 
 to realize what this change has meant* Fairly accurate 
 statistics on storage facilities In this country are 
 available. In the "Ice and Refrigeration Blue Book", 
 (referred to by note above) these statistics may be 
 found, but they cannot convey any accurate idea of the 
 influence of the business. The following figures from 
 this source e.re as indicative as any : 
 
 Table II. 
 
 Value citrus fruit handled yearly 145,000,000 
 
 " apples held ir cold storage 15,000^000 
 
 " peach e f- , pears, grapes, etc. 30,000,000 
 
 " hanft"%8 refrigerated (estiniated) 20.000.000 
 
 Total 110,CCC,000 
 
 The following table gives the apples in stor- 
 age December 1st, ltl2, in the cities holding over 
 75,000 barrels. These figures are taken from Bulletin 
 48. Bureau of Plant Industry, U. £i. D* A, 
 
-26- 
 
 TABLE III. 
 
 Chicago 431,700 bbls. Boston 102,000 b"bls . 
 
 New York 200,000 " Indianapolis 100^000 " 
 
 Philadelphia 200 ,000 " Leroy, N. Y. 90,000 " 
 
 Rochester 150,000 " Brighton 90,000 " 
 
 St, Louis 120,000 " Albion 86,000 " , 
 
 Further discussion of refrigeration is not neces- 
 sary here. It is a subject which should be studied at 
 length by producers of fruit and of other perishable farm 
 products. There are certain to be many changes in this 
 phase of distribution, and the man aware of these changes 
 is the one who will reap the immediate benefits to be de« 
 rived , 
 
Missing Page 
 
Missing Page 
 
-28- 
 
 CHAPTER THREE 
 The Markets and Marketing 
 
 Markets may "be viewed as domestic . local , 
 unclassified and primary, and foreign, and we will 
 consider them in this order. There will always be 
 producers who market locally to advantage in normal 
 years. This is a question of getting the trade -- 
 some one sells the nails consumed in Western Penn- 
 sylvania. Local is a comparative term, Portland, 
 Ore., is local to Northwest fruit. The writer has 
 been told by residents of Portland that they were un- 
 able to buy the best quality of apples. The reason 
 for this is that the lower grades of fruit are so 
 easily available to the market in this city that they 
 bring down the price of the best grades below a profit 
 to those concerned, and the best quality apples are 
 not extensively sold. Unclassified markets may be 
 said to include all markets between the local market 
 of the individual producing farmer and the markets we 
 know as primary in the few great centers of population 
 and consumption. Unclassified markets will then in- 
 clude all but the largest cities of the Northeast and 
 all but a iPery few of the cities of the rest of the 
 country. In the most inclusive sense, all towns im- 
 
-29- 
 porting any considerable produce In addition to that 
 brought in by nearby farmerB (locally marketed) would 
 fall in this second class. This leaves the cities of 
 the largest size, and especially those which act most 
 as produce centers, for the third class of domestic 
 markets -- the primary market. 
 
 It should be admitted at the outset that 
 this classification is purely arbitrary and that it 
 has only the object of clearer picturing of the dis- 
 posal of crop products. St. Paul and Minneapolis 
 play a part in wheat trading that they do not begin 
 to equal in any other line, the Southern cotton cen- 
 ters are in many oases exceedingly small markets for 
 other goods, and long carried products, such as Pacif- 
 ic Coast citrus and pomaceous fruits . seek certain 
 cities which act as distributing centers even more 
 than as consumers. Thus Rochester, N. Y. , is among 
 the largest apple markets of the East. The primary 
 market , in one sense , includes the markets that we 
 have termed uncalssif ied , for, in a large degree, 
 these smaller centers are supplied from, or at least 
 through, the primary cities. Farm products seek the 
 consumer; a comparatively small number of consumers 
 are found at the farmer's door, and the other consum- 
 ers must be shipped to over rail or water. Of these 
 distant consumers, a fair proportion are in smaller 
 
-30- 
 citiee and towns, but moBt of them are in or close about 
 some Eastern metropolis, and the few large Western cen- 
 ters, and thus these primary centers, in one way or an- 
 other, handle a large amount of what eventually reaches 
 the unclassified or secondary markets. 
 
 Of foreign markets in general it is unwise to 
 attempt to say much — this is a question that resolves 
 itself into entirely different systems and conditions 
 with a particular crop in mind. Foreign apple markets 
 are taken up in some detail in Chapter Seven. This 
 country, as every one knows, is a strongly exporting 
 agricultural nation, though with our soaring popula- 
 tion, we are becoming less and less so. The attempt 
 to attack foreign market problems involved every dif- 
 ficulty from straying mail to international diplomatic 
 relations , and only a very strong body and one control- 
 ling a large amount of exportable goods can suitably 
 enter into this commerce. These conditions have 
 brought about the very necessary exporters, with com- 
 plicated foreign €3cchange facilities, and this exporter 
 class should and will continue. However, we can proba- 
 bly look for simpler and simpler over-the-water trade 
 relations, and such movements as the recent agitation in 
 connection with the development of South American markets 
 for the output of this country, show a field for effort 
 and show a noteworthy example of attempt in this direc- 
 tion. 
 
-31- 
 In Chapter One we went orer briefly the cur- 
 rent marketing methods in the United States, and in 
 Chapter Two we have discuBsed some of the more impor- 
 tant factors affecting the whole of distribution; by 
 way of summary let us see in what direction the changes 
 seem to point. The changes that have occurred in mar- 
 keting are all traceable to the specific development of 
 some factor affecting marketing. The present aggre- 
 gate business of New York City dealers in Southern early 
 truck is very large, yet this has only grown up with the 
 fast produce freight development. We have seen what 
 refrigeration has done and we can see, on a somewhat 
 larger scale, the effect of one of these influencing 
 factors in the adaptation to the low prices of the 90 's 
 following the over-rapid growth of the grain and stock 
 Middle West. It can hardly be logically assvuoed that 
 ♦"idiotic" commercial situations exist for any time, 
 as some current writers insist on believing. These 
 situations depend on fundamental economic foroeB, and 
 with a change in these forces there must be a change 
 which will line up the commerce to fit the new environ- 
 ment. Population, wealth per capita, area of arable 
 land,- such forces as these are the tlpminating ones. 
 
 * See table 25 and ncte. 
 
-32- 
 
 The writer thoroughly believes that much is 
 to be done concerning the details of the intermediaries 
 in the produce and the related trades , but stateraents 
 characterizing these intermediaries as hopelessly unfit 
 show their fallacy when one realizes that this olass 
 could not exist if it were more than a little behind 
 the economic development out of which it originated. 
 Hot the greatest marketing tendency at the present 
 time, but the evidence of this tendency is the public 
 interest in the matter of waste of distribution. This 
 interest is not original, it merely voices largely il- 
 logical ideas aroused by tendencies which have been at 
 work some time before the interest was at all aware of 
 them. This public interest should be vigorously en- 
 couraged, and moreover, it should be educated. The 
 public interest is what brings action, investigation 
 and legislation, and though mistakes will doubtless bd 
 made, even with a higher degree of caution than will 
 probably be practiced , it is after all , and in spite 
 of what cynical, far-sighted critics of economics may 
 say, the public that must understand and act on the 
 conditions which affect them. We can look, then, for 
 marked changes to come -- marketing should become sim- 
 pler and more efficient in entire system, though furth- 
 er urban growth must force greater complexity of detail. 
 
-33- 
 
 We are in a transition period in diatriToution -- the old, 
 the intermediate and the new are mingled -- a good deal 
 of putlic thought and a very little public action will 
 "bring about invaluable results. 
 
PART II. 
 The Apple as a 7arm Product 
 
-54- 
 
 CHAPTER POUR 
 History and Present Status of the American Fruit Trade 
 
 Apples are mentioned in some of man*8 earliest 
 writings, and apples were planted by American Indians 
 before the middle of the eighteenth century*. We are, 
 however, only concerned with the development of the com- 
 mercial aide of the apple industry in the United States, 
 and correspondingly with the history of the whole fruit 
 trade. 
 
 One hundred years ago practically no fruit 
 was imported into this country; only an occasional 
 cask of Mediterranean prunes, raisins or grapes found 
 its way across the four weeks of water as a very great 
 luxury through the agency of the larger importing mer- 
 chants of the colonies, and later of the young republic. 
 Even the seasonal selling of the fruit of nearby farmers 
 in cities was not practiced until early in the nineteenth 
 century, and once at this point the trade stood still un- 
 til about 1830 . In 1832 a cargo of oranges arrived from 
 Sicily, and this shipment was followed by a growing com- 
 merce in Italian oranges and lemons for thirty years, dur- 
 ing which period these fruits held full possession of the 
 
 ♦ The writer has seen a specimen of these early plantings 
 at Geneva, N. Y. , which is said to be 125-150 years 
 old. 
 
-35- 
 Araerlcan markets. About 1865 wholesale oommiaslon 
 fruit houses came Into existence, and Italian fruit 
 "began to come, consigned to these firms, but about 
 1880 branches of the Italian concerns were one by one 
 established in Hew York City and elsewhere, and these 
 branch houses have since controlled the Mediterranean 
 fruit trade here . 
 
 There was practically no competition by 
 domestic fruit for the American trade till 1867, 
 Oranges and lemons, grapes, raisins, currants, and 
 prunes, fresh preserved and dried, found only the Yan- 
 kee apple as American-raised fruit. Bven West Indies 
 bananas and pineapples were not shipped in enough quan- 
 tity to disturb the complete monopoly of the Mediterran- 
 ean fruit. In 1867 the firnt car of green fruit from 
 California reached New York, and from then our domeatic 
 sub-tropic fruits rapidly took over the United States 
 markets. Lemons from Sicily still find a strong market 
 on account of their flavor, and this, with the banana, 
 rapidly growing in consumption, will always figure heav- 
 ily in our fruit imports . 
 
 The phenomenal development of the banana trade 
 is worthy of some note at this point. The schooner 
 -Reynard" was the first West Indiafi "S-ruiter?" when it 
 
•36- 
 brought, in 1804, to Hew York City the first thirty 
 bunches delivered there. Small quantities were sub- 
 sequently imported, till in 1830 a man named Pearsall 
 landed 1500 bunches, the first considerable shipment. 
 Banana imports grew quite slowly, till 1880, at which 
 date they were listed for the first time separately in 
 the importation reports. Since 1880 the growth of the 
 banana trade has been enormous, and American growers 
 feel the pressure of this competition in more ways than 
 most of them realize. The banana is the *'poor man's 
 fruit". In 1912 the continental United States con- 
 sumed 44|520»539 bunches, or orer 60 bananas for each 
 man, Ionian and child in the Union. These bananas 
 came from the various small countries bordering the 
 Carribean Sea; Jamaica leading with 15,467,918 bunches 
 of the above mentioned imports. Of the entire banana 
 crop of the world, the United States consumes nearly 
 all, 85%, and the remaining lb% is controlled and to 
 a large degree re-exported by the United T^ruit Company 
 and a few other concerns. European taste for the banana 
 is being developed, the area available for the production 
 is literally unlimited, and the banana is a most important 
 competitor of any fruit produced in tie United States. 
 
 Strangely enough at first thought, but logic- 
 ally when we consider that we were then the colonies of 
 
-37- 
 an empire which expected to receive and not to give the 
 luxuries of food, we find records of fruit export ear- 
 lier thara of import. This trade began with the apple. 
 There is record of apple shioment to the West Indies in 
 1841, and the trade prohably existed for some time ire- 
 viouB to this date. Benjamin Franklin in London waa 
 sent a package of Hewtown Pippins from the 1758 crop, 
 and the sight and taste of these resulted in quite a 
 trade. There is a letter on file*, written in 1773, 
 stating that the l^glish apple crop had failed and 
 that the market was "being supplied by American apples. 
 This letter rrads : "They (American apples)^ are not- 
 withstanding too expensive for common eating, being 
 sold for twopense, threepence, and even fourpence an 
 apple." The apple has always been the commercially 
 ranking export fruit of this country. Shipments of 
 ice from the New England ports to the West Indies, 
 which began in 1805, were accompanied by large quan- 
 tities of apples, and soon after the extension of the 
 ice trade to India and China, which occurred In 1830, 
 apples could be had in the ice ports of these countries. 
 Statistics do not exist prior to 1821, when the Treas- 
 urer reported an export of 68,443 buo>els of apples, 
 valued at $39,966. 
 
 ♦ The younger Collinson , writing to John Bartram, 
 "Better Fruit", Vol. IX, p. 10. 
 
-38- 
 
 In the "Transactions of the American Insti- 
 tute"* it is said that Beaton fruit dealers had shipped 
 apples and cranberries to Kurope for many years. "In 
 1845 Kewtown Pippins from the orchard of Robert L. Pell, 
 of Ulster Co., N. Y,, irtiich contained 20,000 trees, sold 
 in London for $21.00 a barrel," Virginia apples were 
 also exported about this time. The Eastern States still 
 furnish a large part of the apples exported, but shijimcnts 
 from the great orchard districts of the Mississippi Valley 
 and of the Pacific Coast now are a very large factor. 
 New York City has always held the lead in apple exports 
 of Korth America, in 1812-13 the approximate percentages 
 of the barrels exported by the various cities were :- 
 Hew York, Z2%; Boston, 16f. (some few Canadian apples 
 included); Portland, Me., 105; Halifax and St. Johns, 
 Z0%, Boxed apples exported in this same year from the 
 Atlantic seaboard were apportioned : Hew York, 93^; 
 Boston, 6%; and Portland, he,, 1>. The various apple 
 importing cities of Europe are elsewhere taken up under 
 foreign markets. 
 
 Apples comprise by far the greatest amount of 
 our fruit exportations , but various other fruits,- cran- 
 berries, peaches, pliims , prunes, pears, grapefruit, orangea , 
 etc,,- are also sent out. The supply of all tut the first 
 
 ♦ 1843, p. 125. 
 
-39- 
 fruit oomes In the main from California, In 1912 over 
 two million pounds of apricots and peaches, over ninety- 
 one million poimdB of pears , and over six million pounds 
 of plums and prunes were exported to England , Canada 
 imports considerable quantities of our tender fruits, 
 and most of the countries of Tihirope, excepting Russia 
 and those bordering on the Mediterranean, Import some 
 of our fruit. Dried fruits are also exported in large 
 quantities, the fruit dryer was perfected "between 1870 
 and 1875, Belgium Imported in 1912 $310,000 worth of 
 our dried apples, apricots and prunes, and Austria im- 
 ported about a million and a half pounds of various 
 dried fruits, France imports much, but her orders de- 
 pend entirely on her own crop, Germany imports a great 
 deal, but Italy, Norway, The Netherlands and Pussia im- 
 port-but little dried fruit, England imports in quan- 
 tity only prunes and plums, of which in 1912 she took 
 twenty-nine million and a hundred and fourteen million 
 pounds respectively. Japan, China and India import 
 very little dried fruit, although there may be a limited 
 field for further exploitation there, Australia does 
 take some of our dried apples, though this commonwealth 
 exports the first fruit in quantity. There is a very 
 bright promise for Increase in the dried fruit trade 
 with South America 
 
-40- 
 We have seen above that there was no domestic 
 competition for the fruit trade in the United States 
 until after the Civil War, except for the poorly devel- 
 oped apple industry and the even less developed eniall 
 fruit trade from Long Island, New Jersey and Delaware. 
 Exceptions to this condition were occasional boatloads 
 of watermelons, etc. from the South. After this time 
 the growth of intra- state commerce in fruits was very 
 strong and very rapid. ♦The planting of commercial 
 apple orchards did not receive much attention until 
 1825. although Robert Pell was already exporting New- 
 town Pippins. Gradually summer, early and late fall 
 apples became customarily shipped down the Hudson to 
 New York, These apples were often sold by the steam- 
 toat captains who carried the fruit to the city. Heavy 
 plantings in Western New York followed the completion 
 of the Erie Canal, which opened in Western New York one 
 of the greatest fruit regions of the world. The 1867 
 shipment of California to New York City was a failure 
 as regards condition of fruit and prices received, but 
 the idea remained , and pears , peaches . Tokey and other 
 grapes , and later oranges and lemons followed this first 
 shipment. This state is today easily first in green 
 fruit production, though prior to 1893 but 5,000 boxes 
 
 ♦ According to U. D. Barnes, of Middlehope, N. Y. 
 
-41- 
 In all of California fruit had ever been sold in New 
 York, Florida oranges entered the roarket shortly after 
 this first California shipment, and now the more rapidly 
 citrus industry in California has outstripped the orange 
 industry in Florida. Florida, however, has the grape- 
 fruit, and the two states are keen competitors in the 
 production of domestic, tropical and sub-tropical fruits 
 of all kinds . Early fruits with vegetables are con- 
 trolled by the Gulf States, and specialized fruit indus- 
 tries have sprung up in the Rocky Mountain and North 
 Pacific States . 
 
 The following two tables show the 1909 values, 
 acreages, etc., of small and orchard fruits in the United 
 States : 
 
 Table IV. 
 Small Fruits in the United States , 1910 Census 
 
 Total Value Production Relative 
 in 1909 in 1909 Acreage Value % 
 ■ , (Quarts) _..,_^ , 
 
 All small fruits $29,974,481 426,565,863 272,460 100 
 
 Strawberries 17,613.926 255,702,035 143,045 58.8 
 
 Blackberries 3,909,831 55,34 3,570 49.004 13. C 
 
 Raspberries 5,132,277 60,918,196 48,668 17,6 
 
 Currants 790,431 10,448,532 7,862 2.8 
 
 Gooseberries 517,034 5,282,843 4,765 1,8 
 
 Other small f rts . 1,810,982 38,870,687 19,116 6,0 
 
-42- 
 
 Table V. 
 
 Orchard Fruits in the United States, 1910 Census. 
 
 Increase Relative 
 Production over Value 
 Total Value (Bushels) 1699 (^) i%) 
 
 All oroh. crops $140,867,347 
 
 216,083,695 
 
 1.8 
 
 100 
 
 Apples 83,233.492 
 
 147,522,318 
 
 15.9 
 
 59.1 
 
 Peaches 28,781,078 
 
 35,470,276 
 
 133.0 
 
 20.4 
 
 Pears 7,910,600 
 
 8.840,733 
 
 33.4 
 
 5.6 
 
 Plums & prunes 10,299,495 
 
 15,480,170 
 
 76.6 
 
 7.3 
 
 Cherries 7,231.160 
 
 4,126,099 
 
 43.6 
 
 5,1 
 
 Apricots 2,884,119 
 
 4 ,150,263 
 
 57.1 
 
 2.0 
 
 Quinces 517 ,243 
 
 428,672 
 
 
 
 0.3 
 
 The aoreage of all classes of small fruits de- 
 creased between 1899 and 1909 from a total of 309,770 to 
 272,460 acres, or 12^ ; likewise the total production was 
 7.9^ less. The only crop with increased production was 
 cranberries. Small fruits in general are grown rather 
 uniformly throughout the United States. In acreage New 
 York and New Jersey head the list, but many states pro- 
 duce crops excelling the New Jersey crop in value. Straw- 
 berries come from all sections of the country, but the 
 South Atlantic States are the heaviest producers, having 
 in 1909 a crop worth $3,500,000, or about one-fifth of 
 the total value of the strawberry crop of the entire coun- 
 try. The increase of value in small fruits is not given 
 for the different crops separately, but as a whole the 
 berries showed an increase in 19.8^ in value, with a de- 
 crease of 7,9% in total production. 
 
-43- 
 
 Our grape crop has had a picturesque history 
 since the first vain attempts in colonial days. Ohio 
 and Missouri have in turn led the other states in pro- 
 duction, tout today 6Z% of our crop comes from California, 
 New York and Michigan. Practically all of our European 
 grapes are produced in California, whereas New York and 
 Michigan can produce only native American grapes of the 
 Concord type. The grape crop for 1909 was valued at 
 #22,027,961, an increase of 57.1^ over the value in 1899. 
 The total production in 1909 was 2,571,065,205 pounds. 
 
 The following table gives the value of trop- 
 ical and suto-tropical fruits in the United States for 
 
 1909 : 
 
 Tatole VI. 
 
 Value Tropical and Sub- tropical Pruits in 1909 
 
 fruit 
 
 flon-citrus fruits 
 
 PigB 
 
 Pineapples 
 
 Olives 
 
 Bananas 
 
 Avocado Pears 
 
 Guavas 
 
 Mangoes 
 
 Persimmons (Jap.) 
 
 Loquats 
 
 Pomegranates 
 
 Dates 
 
 Total value 
 in 1909 
 
 $ 803,810 
 
 734,090 
 
 404,574 
 
 5,661 
 
 10,100 
 
 11,628 
 
 5,739 
 
 9,087 
 
 5,880 
 
 4.203 
 
 533 
 
 Production 
 in 1909 
 
 Increase of 
 Production 
 over 1699 
 178. 3> 
 
 672.6^ 
 220. 6Ji 
 
 35,060,395 pounds 
 
 778,651 crates 
 
 16,405,493 pounds 
 
 10,060 bunches Kot given 
 4,920 crates •• " 
 354,062 pounds -78.8^ 
 
 5,278 pounds Hot given 
 6,723 bushels 148.1)i; 
 
 4,541 boxes Wot given 
 152,825 pounds " •• 
 9,947 pounds " " 
 
-44. 
 TABLK VI (Cont.) 
 
 CltruB fruits 
 
 Oranges 17,506,464 19,487,481 boxes ai7.0^ 
 
 Lemons 2.993,738 2,770,313 " 215.9^ 
 
 Grape Pruit 2,060.010 1,189,250 " 3,378.7;< 
 
 Limes 12,478 11,318 •• -50^ 
 
 Tangerines 68,770 38,752 " liot given 
 
 Mandarines 6,553 3,890 h n n 
 
 Kumquats 2,826 1,112 '• " " 
 
 The total value of tropical and sub- tropical fruits 
 trebled in the ten years between the twelfth and thirteenth 
 census figures. The production of citrus fruit alone in- 
 creased 231.3^. Much of the greater part of the tropical 
 and sub- tropical fruit produced in the United States is 
 grown in California and Florida, the former producing 67.8J6 
 and Florida 28.7^ of the total valuation. Of the oranges, 
 nearly three-fourths are produced in California, moat of 
 the remainder coming from Florida. Nearly the entire 
 domestic supply of lemons comeefrom California. Although 
 California produces a few grape fruits, the dealers receive 
 nearly the entire supply from Florida. No other class of 
 fruit has increased in production and popularity in the 
 past decade as has the grape fruit or pomjilo. The other 
 citrus fruits are unimportant ; these are limes, tangerines, 
 and kumquats, chiefly from Florida and mandarines from 
 Louisiana. The production of figs is widely distributed 
 throughout the Southern States, although California leads 
 with two-fifths of the crop. Arizona and California con- 
 
-45 
 trol the domeetic aupply of olives — a crop which has 
 trebled in the last decade. Florida is the only source 
 of supply within the United States for pineapples, bananas 
 Avocado pears, and mangoes ,* The guavas are icnowa only 
 in California and Florida, and loquats only in the former. 
 The native supply of pomeRranates and dates come from sev- 
 eral of the southern and southwestern states. Japanese 
 persimmon is produced only in California, Florida and 
 Texas . 
 
 -K- Discussion Uiaall Fruits, Orapea, and Tropical 
 Fruits largely verbatim copy from "Better Fruit", Vol. IX, 
 page 14, 
 
.46- 
 
 CHAPTl'.R FIVK 
 How ilany Apples — Overproduction. 
 
 The writer has been told on many occaBiona by 
 variouB good businesB men, some of whom were farmers, to 
 
 *keep out of the apple game -- there will be overproduc- 
 tion." In the general sense athat this germ is taken, 
 it would seem from all points of view that this is indeed 
 to be the case. However, without explanation, the admis- 
 sion of overproduction is sure to be misleading, and when 
 it comes to the blanket advice to keep out of the apple 
 game, it is indeed another question entirely. We will 
 therefore at this point qualify and define this over- 
 production. 
 
 Pirst, as to the subject of cycles of prices 
 and plantings : "Man is so constituted that he is too 
 likely to think that the present conditions are to con- 
 tinue. If we have a wet year or two, we think that it 
 will always oe wet, if good prices, these are to remain 
 forever. In the case of prices, it is the very feeling 
 of certainty that preaent conditions are to continue that 
 makes it impossible for them to do so.«^* Farmers, to 
 some degree, and near-farmers, to a much more marked de- 
 
 * G. i?. Warren, "yarm Management". 
 
-47- 
 gree, are prone, in determining what crops and animals to 
 produce, to select those which have been high for the last 
 year or two. The fallacy of this appears with consider- 
 ation of price range over a considerable period, showing 
 temporary inclines and declines that have no real indica- 
 tive value. Further, it must be considered as regard to 
 the total amount produced that the weather for any partic- 
 ular year is almost as important as the acreage at that 
 time. The annual crop tends to be much less out of ad- 
 justment to the demand than longer time crops for obviuus 
 reasons. To quote Professor Warren again : "The longer 
 the time required to grow a product, the worse the periods 
 of over and under-production become." Curves have been 
 constructed to show the cyclic nature of prices with sev- 
 eral products, and the result is very striking. The per- 
 iod for hogs is three years of high prices and three years 
 at low,- a six-year cycle, and graphed prices since 1867 
 show true cycles which only vary occasionally with a very 
 large corn crop, etc. The writer believes Prcfessor V/ar- 
 ren to be the most logical thinker of prominence in agri- 
 culture today, and as to the cyclic nature of farm pro- 
 duction, there can hardly be any question, but the case 
 for each individual or for each community is affected by 
 
 many other factors. 
 
 From 1854 to 1864, apple prices were high, and 
 from 1864 to 1874 they were very high, and continued at 
 
.48- 
 about this level till 1878, when the down elope of the 
 curve was reached. Prices dropped quite steadily, r.ore 
 rapidly at first, till 1896, the year of the famous 
 bumper apple crop. Bince 1896, the prioee liave been 
 rising steadily till the present. 1912 was a bad year, 
 and 1914 has been a very bad year, and it rather appears 
 that the approach of the down turn is at hand. This 
 should be well under way by about 1920, according to the 
 cycle hypothesis. « 
 
 In Barraa Township, Monroe County, .Uow York, in 
 1912, 5,7% of the apple trees were planted between 1859 
 and 1878, and only ll;jli froui 1879 to 1903, while 21^ vrere 
 planted in the five years 1904-1908** . In 1908. 6% of 
 the apple crop of this country was borne on trees planted 
 since 1878, and since practically no trees were planted 
 after this period till 1903, vre may expect high prices in 
 some years until the recent plantings fully affect the pro. 
 duction, and then large crops and low prices should pre- 
 vail for a period of aoout twenty years. Profeosor War- 
 ren estimates that the plantings will affect prices about 
 1920 or 1925, but this estimate was uade before the size 
 of the last three crops, 1912, 1913, and 1914, ard of 
 these three, the first and last certainly point to an 
 earlier Waterloo than Professor Warren anticipated. 
 
 « See Appendix, Table 31. 
 
-49- 
 The writer is convinced of the general Boundneso 
 of the overproduction bugaboo in apples, but at the same 
 time, he fails to see this as complete discouragement to 
 the present, or even the prospective apple grower. We 
 should remember that weather is almost as potent a factor 
 in the production of a given year as is the bearing acre- 
 age ; farmers expect good and bad years with any crop, and 
 most so with a biennial crop. A very progressive North 
 Padific grower has told the writer that he could do very 
 well on a 1913 year once in three or four years, and 1915 
 wan only a fair to good year for western apples. A good 
 many men will engage in the production of apples, and they 
 will make some sort of profit, or they would cease to raise 
 the fruit until the scarcity had brought up the price to 
 a point where they could produce at a profit. The ques- 
 tion for each grower and each community is : Who is going 
 to raise the apples ? They must be raised. 100,000,000 
 to 300,000,000 bushels a year, and competition of a very 
 harsh sort will decide. 
 
 We have, above, covered in a way the question of 
 high or low prices to come, but it will be well to attempt 
 
9.5^ 
 
 Oats 
 
 37.7?f 
 
 6A.l% 
 
 Potatoes 
 
 28.2)^ 
 
 41.9^ 
 
 Wheat 
 
 36.5^ 
 
 33.4^ 
 
 
 
 -50- 
 to settle this question from a slightly different angle. 
 The following table may prove enlightening in the ques- 
 tion of comparative high prices of apples. It will be 
 noted that apples have increased in price in nothing like 
 proportion to other staple food products.* 
 
 TABLB VII. 
 
 Comparative Increase in Price of Apples 
 
 and Other Crops. 
 
 Apples 
 Cotton 
 Corn 
 Hay 
 
 Prices laust be higher or lower ; they cannot 
 rema.in at a medium level under the pressure of the cap- 
 ital involved. This capital is pretty well lost unless 
 some return is obtained for apples, and it stands to rea* 
 son that this capital- will produce apples at a very low 
 return rather than to mark itself out as a deed loss. 
 We can start with the perfectly fair assumption of the 
 existence at present and of the future "coming in" of 
 further supply of more than enough trees to meet the de- 
 mand for apples in any but swall-crop years. As to the 
 alternntives of high and low prices -- if prices should 
 show any prospect of being good, the farmers will crop 
 
 *iiee Appendix, Table 7. 
 
-5X- 
 ( spray, eto.) more than enough apples to supply the 
 demand at high prices, and the prices consequently will 
 drop. Apples will be marketed ae long as the farmer 
 can get anything over his total coat of production, and 
 in bad years fruit will be marketed below the cost of 
 production, for once raised, the farmer lauat get what he 
 can for his product. We have, then, a pressure of sup- 
 ply which will assure against higher than bare profit 
 market prices in nori.ial years. This pressure of supply 
 will accomplish much in the lowering of the cost of pro- 
 duction, considering production as taKing the fruit clear 
 to the consumer. ISconomic necessity, and this alone, 
 may, and doubtless will, alter the maciiinery of distri- 
 bution, and here are involved several important factors 
 which vitally affect our future prices. The chief of 
 these is increased consumption with lower prices. This 
 subject is best discussed elsewhere. It is safe to say 
 that producers in general will receive in norma,! yeara 
 what they now consider bad apple year pricea, r..nd that 
 the man who eats apples will pay less for ^hem. 
 
 What, then, is to be the fate of the existing 
 plantings of apples ? Unfortunately, juut the sort of 
 statistics on plantings which would be most useful in 
 
-sa- 
 
 thlB disouaaion are not availHl>le. Jfigureo on bearing 
 and non-bearing plant iaga over a long period of yeara, 
 and figur«5B on annual plantings would do much to clear 
 up this matter. However, oeuaus figures and figuras 
 from other aouroee can be of the greatest ausiatauce 
 if studied intelligently, and we will below consider 
 several tables on plantings and production. 
 
 The following figures on the production of 
 apples since 189G aro the beat that the writer Jtnowa of. 
 The figures are rather conaervative, generally below 
 census or governnent figures, and represent soaething 
 like the commercial crop. Katiuatos for 1896-97-and 
 98 are from "Better Fruit", Vol. V, Ho. 5, and estimates 
 for 1911, 1912, 1913, 1914, are from various sources, in- 
 cluding the Pomology Department at Cornell University, 
 and certain government figures i All of the years are 
 from estimates of the American Agriculturists: 
 
 
 
 TAHLI'] 
 
 VIII. 
 
 
 U. S. Production of i 
 
 1896 
 
 69,070,000 
 
 
 1906 
 
 1897 
 
 41,530,000 
 
 
 1907 
 
 1898 
 
 28,570,000 
 
 
 1908 
 
 1899 
 
 37,460.000 
 
 
 1909 
 
 1900 
 
 56,820,000 
 
 
 1910 
 
 1901 
 
 26,970,000 
 
 
 1911 
 
 1902 
 
 46,625,000 
 
 
 1912 
 
 1903 
 
 42,626,000 
 
 
 1913 
 
 1904 
 
 45,360,000 
 
 
 1914 
 
 1905 
 
 24.310.000 
 
 
 
 38,280,000 
 29,540,000 
 28.850.000 
 2S, 41b, 000 
 23,825,000 
 31,499.000 
 47,825,000 
 30,900,000 
 40,505,000 
 
-53- 
 
 The average for the five years, 1896-1900, 
 from the above table, ie 46,090,000 barrels, the aver- 
 age for the five year, 1901-1905, is 37,178,200 barrels; 
 and for 1906-1910, 28,582,000. It appears, then, that 
 there has been a regular decline in production, the 
 second period averaging 9,511,800 leas than the preced- 
 ing five years, and the years of the third period aver- 
 aging 8,596,200 less than those of the second. Note, 
 however, that since 1910, every crop has been above the 
 average of the previous five years (1905-1910). The 
 lowering of production may be explained by the fact that 
 until about 1911 practically all bearing trees (94^ esti- 
 mated) were planted previous to 1878, when a low price 
 period set in and planting ceased. These bearing trees 
 are rapidly going out with age and accident (wind storms, 
 etc.) and a decrease in production, 1896-1910, is to be 
 expected. We have further seen earlier in this chapter 
 that the last period of planting began about 1903, and 
 it is also to be expected that production will increase 
 when these trees begin to come in, about 1910, 1913. 
 
 Mr. L. J. Steele, in undergraduate work at 
 Cornell University, in the last year, has conducted a 
 questionaire with nurserymen all over the country. From 
 a great many replies, he selected 38, from twenty-four 
 states, and from theue he finds that 17.6^ more apple 
 
-54. 
 trees were bought for setting 1909-1913 than were bought 
 during the four years previous, 1904-1908, and that the 
 trees purchased in 1913 showed a decrease of b,Z% from 
 those purchased in 191^. The high planting had been 
 increasing steadily for about ten years up to 1913, when 
 the very bad year of 1912 caused the above b,Z% decrease. 
 1913 was a good apple year, comparatively, and though 
 figures are not available, probably 1914 plantings in- 
 creased somewhat over 1913. There is a tendency to let 
 the pendulum swing too far — we go on after evidence 
 definitely shows that apple plantings are hardly the most 
 promising agricultural investment. 
 
 The following United States Census figures are 
 very valuable. There were 120,152,795 bearing and non- 
 bearing trees in 1890, 201,794,764 in 1900, and 217,181,689 
 in 1910. The maximum was not reached till 1895-1896, and 
 the commercial crop decline since has been given, the 
 higher number of trees in 1910 over 1900 simply shows the 
 existence of a larger proportion of non-bearing trees 
 (about 45^). The 1910 crop was^ but about half of the 
 1900 crop. The number of farms, the bearing and the non- 
 bearing trees in the United States and in several of the 
 larger producing and more indicative (recent heavy plant- 
 ings) states are as follows : 
 
-55- 
 
 TABLil IX 
 Farms, Bearing and Non-bearing Apple Trees, 1910 Census. 
 
 States 
 
 yarms 
 
 United States 
 
 2,960,398 
 
 151,322,840 
 
 bearing 
 
 •» d 
 
 1, 498,746 
 
 65,798,848 
 
 non-" 
 
 New 'York •• 
 
 168,677 
 
 11,248,203 
 
 bearing 
 
 It II 
 
 48,007 
 
 2,828,515 
 
 non-" 
 
 Missouri 
 
 183.396 
 
 14,359.673 
 
 bearing 
 
 n 
 
 75,035 
 
 3,624,833 
 
 non-* 
 
 Washington 
 
 21,156 
 
 3m009,337 
 
 bearing 
 
 M 
 
 21,401 
 
 4,862,702 
 
 non-" 
 
 Oregon 
 
 23,850 
 
 2,029,913 
 
 bearing 
 
 M 
 
 14,327 
 
 2,240,636 
 
 non-" 
 
 California 
 
 19,671 
 
 2,482,762 
 
 bearing 
 
 w 
 
 12,716 
 
 11,054,107 
 
 non-" 
 
 Colorado 
 
 7,968 
 
 1,688,425 
 
 bearing 
 
 H 
 
 6,496 
 
 1.972,914 
 
 non-" 
 
 Before commenting on these figures, it will be 
 well to submit figures from the same source for 1909 pro- 
 duction and value of crops in several crops. Interesting 
 comparisons can be made here. The yield figures are the 
 "agricultural" and not the commercial yield ; the latter 
 is usually 40 to 50^ of the former. 
 
 TABLJ5 X 
 Bushels and Total Value of A^^les in Various States, 1909. 
 
 State d 
 
 Kew York (let) 
 IJichigan (2nd) 
 Pennsylvania (3rd) 
 Missouri (4th} 
 
 Washington 
 Oregon 
 California 
 Colorado 
 United States 
 
 Bushels 
 
 25,409,000 
 
 12,332,000 
 
 li;648,000 
 
 9,968,000 
 
 2,672,000 
 
 1,931,000 
 
 '♦,935,000 
 
 3,559,000 
 
 146,122,000 
 
 Valuft 
 
 $13,343,000. 
 5,969,000. 
 5,567,000. 
 4,885,000. 
 2,926,000. 
 1,657,000. 
 2,902,000. 
 3,405,000. 
 83,231,000. 
 
-56- 
 
 Missouri, in 1910, had more bearing trees than 
 any other state, but Missouri apples were worth but about 
 50 cents, while Washington apples are worth better than 
 a dollar a bushel. In the v/est, where high value per 
 bushel is shown, there have been the heaviest plantings 
 of late, and there are the largest proportion of non-bear- 
 ing trees ; Washington has half again as many non-bearing 
 as bearing trees. In New York, there are about 127 trees 
 to the farm, while in Washington there are over 200 trees 
 to the farm. This last is important for the question of 
 small versus commercial producers will be a vital one in 
 the future competition. Nearly half the farms of the 
 United States (46.9^) reported bearing apple trees in 
 1910, but a very large proportion of these are only kit- 
 chen orchards, or are used as suoh except in years of 
 specially good apple prices. Though there was a decline 
 in total production of 16.7^ from 1899 to 1909 (flagrioul- 
 tural") crop — Census figures — production increased in 
 30 states and decreased in but 18. The largest increases 
 in production were in Missouri, Michigan, Colorado, and 
 California, and the largest decreases were in Ohio and 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Definite apple statistics on Northwest plantings 
 are conspicuously lacking, but in this connection the fol- 
 
-57- 
 lowing opinion of Mr. Bhephard, the editor of "Bettor 
 Fruit" should be of much value :» "The orop of 1912 waa 
 about 12,000 cars ; in 1913, 8,000 cars ; and in 1914 will 
 be about 12,000 cars. It is impossible to get an aver- 
 age price for the reason that no such figures have been 
 . compiled. X)ifferent marjceting concerns in different 
 places, different varieties and different grades and 
 sizes present such a variation that no one has ever at- 
 tempted to figure out an average price, and without such 
 a record being kept, the average price could not be com- 
 piled. In 1912 the average price was somewhat under $1.; 
 in 1913 it was considerably over $1. for all varieties, 
 grades and sizes. It is a little early (December 5, X914) 
 to make a guess on this year's prices, but I assume the 
 grower of Kood varieties in pood districts will probably 
 receive somewhere around #1., although it may be somewhat 
 less. The acreage in the Northwest has been estimated 
 at about 500,000 acres in apples. About 20?f of this is 
 estimated to be in full bearing last year. Probably 
 lOjS to 20?6 of the balance would come into bearijng annual- 
 ly. A prominent official in the Department of Horticul- 
 ture at Washington, D. C. , informed me when I was there 
 in 1910 that only between 10 and 20% of the fruit trees 
 planted in the United States ever made commercial orchards. 
 Old nurserymen tell me the same. Therefore the average 
 
 ♦Letter to the writer, Dec. 5, 1914, 
 
-bO- 
 would be about 15%. Aauuming the IJorthvest wuuld do 
 quite as well as the average, that would be about 30Ji, 
 which would uean that perhaps 150,000 acres out of 
 500,000 acres in the IJorthweut would laake ooiaueroial 
 orchards. If 20)i of the bearing acreage ij in bearing, 
 that would be aoout 100,000 acres, vfiach probably is an 
 exaggeration, and if ia,000 cars werij ohipped, it would 
 mean that if the whole acreage catne into bearing as it 
 did in 1914, tho output of the Horthwest would be about 
 50,000 cars. A few years ago various newspaper men and 
 railroad men began to figure on the production of the 
 northwest, taking the number of acres at so xriany trees 
 to the acre, producing so much to the acre, and estimated. 
 If I rem3mber correctly, the crop in 1915 would be 50,000 
 cars and in 1920 160,000 cars, I honestly believe that 
 it will be a long time before the Horthwest will exceed 
 50,000 cars. If we are to have 50,000 cars in 1915. 
 and only 12,000 cars in 1914, we have to go a good deal 
 faster in increasing the production in the future than we 
 have in the past." 
 
 Apples produced in other countries affect only 
 our foreign market, and important as this market is, 
 specially to high grade fruit, only 7 to 10^ of our com- 
 mercial crop is exported. We will consider foreign pro- 
 duction later under the head of foreign markets. 
 
-59- 
 ffe have now gone over the pXantings of apple 
 trees, they are -vary large and have been in creasing, and 
 further* "there is no shortage of apple land, raoat of 
 the tillable land in the United States is vrell adapted 
 to the crop'*. What will then be the fate of existing 
 plantings. The question resolves itself into one of 
 competition ', applas must be produced, and tha individuals 
 and communities that can produce the required grades of 
 fruit at the least cost vill outcompete others. Jtontuna 
 and Colorado districts cannot avail themselves of the 
 Panama Canal all-water shipments to the East and to South 
 American and European markets, as can, for instance, 
 Hood River, Oregon. This is, of course, not the only 
 factor in the competition, and it may or may not be the 
 deciding one, but this factor gives Hood rtlver an advan- 
 tage, and it is Just such faotoss as this which will de- 
 termine the survival of the most fit. To quote l.'r. 
 Shepard again.** "An elimination process is going on. 
 There are some sections in the . orthwest where apples 
 cannot be grown of sufficient quantity and flavor, color, 
 keep, and perfection to justify Kaatern shipment. 3uch 
 sections, as you can readily understand, must necessarily 
 
 * 0. ¥, Warren, "Farm ]&.nagement". 
 ** Letter to an Oregon orohardist. 
 
-60- 
 pasB out. Blight is another factor as wiping out an 
 immenBe area already set to apple treee. Large tracts 
 set by promotion companies to bo sold on 10-aore plan 
 in some instances have already passed out. Others are 
 passing. I know of one case, a 3,000 acre tract that 
 has not been cultivated this year. The reason is peo- 
 ple were buying tracts on the payment plan during the 
 boom, and when the boom ceased, and business became de- 
 pressed, they discontinued their payments. The promo- 
 tion company had depended on a continuance of these pay- 
 ments and the continued selling of 10-acre tracts to 
 carry on their cultivating. This having ceased, the 
 work on the tracts ceased, and it doesn't take long for 
 an orchard tract to be down and out without proper care. 
 I have heard several able men lately say there are only 
 from three to five sections where the apple business will 
 be continued in the Northwest. The first three of these 
 would be Hood River, Wenatchee and Yakima, and to these 
 is sometimes added parts of Southern Idaho and Southern 
 Oregon. The general impression is that Southern Oregon 
 has not been very successful in making money in the apple 
 business, but it is a splendid pear country, and I think 
 the day is in the near future when nearly all of Southern 
 Oregon will be pears, far in excess of the apple produc- 
 tion." 
 
-6X- 
 The general opinion of men with whom the writ- 
 er has talked is that the best apple districts will pro- 
 duce the future apples, and that the small grower in the 
 less favored districts will have to he content to supply 
 his own table. Kew Bngland corn cannot compete with 
 Iowa corn, because it cannot be raised as well in 11 ew 
 Sngland — the soil and the climate are an insurmountable 
 handicap to Heyi Bngland. The writer is convinced that 
 the same thing will evolve out of the heavy future crops, 
 and he sees no reason why the best farmers of the JNew 
 York growers, of the Virginia growers, and even of the 
 North Pacific grwwers, may not continue to operate their 
 orchards at a normal profit over a period of years, while 
 the cycle Juggernaught is forcing out all the absurd 
 recent, steep-hillside, poor soil, and out-of-the-way 
 plantings ; forcing out, let us say, thousands of acres 
 in poorly favored l«.issouri. 
 
-62- 
 
 CHAPTER SIX 
 The Ultimate Limits of Production. 
 
 The ultimate limits of the production of 
 apples may be reduced to two things : the cost and re- 
 turns of the apple orchard and the consumption of ap- 
 ples. Kither heading, in one sense, includes the 
 other, and various headings might he worked out to 
 Include or to subdivide one or both of the above, but 
 for discussion of the underlying principles, these two 
 are as apt as any. 
 
 In the previous chapter we have several times 
 hinted at the direct dependence of production upon the 
 profit or loss made by the grower. The principle is 
 simply that apples or any other crop will be produced 
 as long as a profit can be made, and will creas to be 
 produced above the amount that will bring a profit. With 
 a long-time crop, the extremes are true ; a very low prof- 
 it will be accepted on apples before the expensive orchard 
 will be taken out or allowed to "go back*, where with po- 
 tatoes the farmer can next year leave this crop out of 
 his rotation. This is the sum of the only logical con- 
 clusion that can be made from any observations of supply 
 and demand in farm products, and the principle can only 
 
-63- 
 be amplified. Data on the cost of producing apples that 
 is accurate enough to be used for caloulatione ie not 
 available. The absence of such data is only explainable 
 by the fact that the very important science of cost ac- 
 counts in agriculture is a new one. Though cost accounts* 
 on annual crops have been carefully worked out in detail 
 in New York, Minnesota, and elsewhere, dependable figures 
 for the production cost of apples, including the six to 
 ten unproductive first years, will not have been worked 
 out for several years. Estimates are valuable in the 
 absence of such exact data, and the most reliable of which 
 the writer is aware are given here. 
 
 Tfor 6.1 acres, containing 234 apple trees of 
 mixed varieties and ages, over a ten-year period, U. C. 
 Burritt, of Cornell University found the average yearly 
 cost per barrel of apples to be $1.08. As regards 
 Western box- fruit, Mr. Shepard estimates the total har- 
 vesting cost of a box as reduoable to 30 cents (under 
 unfavorable circumstances his own cost was 35.9 cents). 
 From estimates, Mr. iShepard believes that 25 cents will 
 cover all cost of growing, from the end of one harvest 
 to the beginning of the next. This makes 55 cents to 
 which 35 to 55 cents must be added as the water or rail 
 rate to New York. The overhead (interest, etc.) charges 
 
-64- 
 that must be added to thle varlea with the land value, 
 and is best not included here in considering one of the 
 Western orchard oommunities, whore land values are so 
 unsettled, descending, as they have, from ridiculous 
 boom prices to an indefinite, much lower status, with 
 not enough land transfers to fix the cost. Fifty-five 
 centB, then, plus thirty-five to fifty-five cents, gives 
 90 cents to ^1.10, plus overhead charges, which must be 
 received as wholesale price in New York before the Western 
 grower can make a profit. V/ith 1912 and 1914 prices, 
 very little over $1.00, and 1913 prices not a great deal 
 over ^1.00, (Oee Mr. Bhepard's letter quoted on page 
 57) , we can see that we do not appear to be far from 
 the point at whidi //estern growers can no longer raise 
 apples. 
 
 Farmers' Bulletin, 615, U. Li. D. A., gives the 
 following figures on the average price received per bush- 
 el by growers the country over. This is interesting, 
 but without other data on the same apples, it is of lit- 
 tle value for comparison. 
 
 TABLB XI. 
 Prices Received by Growers Per Barrel of Apples. 
 Date 1912 IH^ ISIH ^Sl^ l^M 
 
 June 18 MO data ho data «^1.08 ill. 01 $1.36 
 July 15 |^ .77 $ .95 .82 .86 .91 
 Aug. 15 No data No data Ho data .68 .75 
 
-65. 
 
 Pricee are to tend to be at least ae low as 
 they are at present — lower prices will tend toward 
 greater consumption and the pressure of the oompetition 
 forced by lower prices will cause the lowering of the 
 cost of production ; this is the most important phase 
 of the question. The writer h£is spent the past two 
 summeis in Hood River, Oregon, and in that short time 
 has seen the change from the expensive policy of "clean 
 cultivation is the only thing" to a general trend for 
 intercropping and farm diversif action. The by .product 
 side of this discussion is a very promising one (Mr. 
 Shepard estimates a saving of from $10. to $20* an acre 
 from this source), and the phase of savings in distrlbu> 
 tion discussed in Chapter Two will undoubtedly have much 
 effect in this direction. 
 
 The costs, then, may be lowered, and the returns 
 will be a slight profit of necessity, but the marginal 
 profit will tend to be low. Our conclusion is identical 
 with our first premise : apples will be produced at any 
 profit and below profit they will not be produced. 
 
 The various phases of consumption of apples 
 iiave been or will be treated elsewhere in this work, and 
 
-6(3- 
 here it is only neoeBeary to sum up the question. To 
 begin with, applea hare always been the inost popular 
 and the leading fruit in this country, and this is a 
 great advantage to the apple industry. The oonsuup- 
 tion depends to a large degree upon price, and the prices 
 are to be low, so we can count upon increased consumption 
 from this lowering of prices. There is the most intense 
 sort of competition going on between the various fruits; 
 this will strongly tend against increased consumption of 
 apples. The apple has some advantages over other fruits; 
 oranges cannot be cooked unless Jellied, but the rate at 
 which the grape fruit has been taken up in the last few 
 years is assurance of the mobility of public taste in fresh 
 fruit. The story of the banana, the poor man* a fruit, 
 is discussed on pages 35 and 3C in this treatise. iGx- 
 tending consumption by advertising and standardising 
 promises much within certain limits ; these topics are 
 discussed later. Various grades of apples are oonsumedt 
 and the demand for the most expensive fruit is very limit- 
 ed. Such consumption buys to please Its eyes, but the 
 great consumption which affects the whole of the indus- 
 try is the consumption of the lower grades of fruit. But 
 one other factor need be mentioned. This is the popula- 
 tion increase. Increased population means increased 
 markets, but the markets will become none the less compe- 
 
-67- 
 CHAPTKR SKVICII 
 What We Have Today 
 
 In this chapter we will take up five of the moat 
 important phases of the present apple industry. We will 
 taJce these up in the following order : — Apples - titaple 
 or Luxury, Distributing Organizations, and Individual or 
 co-operative Selling, Increasing the Demand - standard- 
 izing and Advertising, Competition of Other Fruits, and 
 finally the various markets. 
 
 Apples are not at all a necessary of food. Fruits 
 are not a necessary of food, since proteins, carbohydrates 
 and fats can be obtained in more concentrated and cheaper 
 forms in other foods. Much less, then, is any one fruit 
 a necessary of food, since any other of many fruits can 
 substitute for it. The query as to whether apples or a 
 staple or a luxury is of no importance. It is not worth 
 settling, since it is but a matter of definition. The 
 farther from a luxury that apples will appear, due to the 
 extent of the habit of their use and to the price at which 
 they are sold, the greater will be the consumption. Apples 
 will appear a staple if the price is low enough. Bananas 
 are a staple to a great number among our foreign population 
 who have become accustomed to this fruit (See pages 35 and 
 
-08- 
 36). Apples are selling wholesale and retail right be- 
 side oranges, grape fruit, bananas, and whatnot, and the 
 price cannot but be an all important factor to the buyers 
 of these fruits. Elastic demand increases in about di- 
 rect proportion ; other things being equal, ha&ving the 
 price doubles the demand. Apples are, then, a staple or 
 a luxury primarily as they vary in price, and excluding 
 the very highest grades of apples, the industry will bene* 
 fit or suffer (other things being equal, again) in propor- 
 tion as apples are made by their price to appear a staple 
 of the daily public diet. 
 
 We have discussed distributing organizations of 
 farm products in Chapter Two. At this point we will con- 
 sider something of the same question as it applies to ap- 
 ples. Commission and jobbing, etc., is practiced in the 
 apple trade as outlined in the above mentioned chapter, 
 but co-operative organizations, in as far as they concern 
 apples, merit further discussion at this point. ^or 
 nearly all examples of successful co-operative concerns, 
 we must look to the Far West or to specialized districts 
 in the Bast. Some little work has been done on co-opera- 
 tive marketing of apples in Hew York communities, but the 
 movements are not at all well developed. It is in the 
 
-69- 
 West only that co-operative apple marketing hao been car- 
 ried on thoroughly enough to give this practice anything 
 like a trial. Mr. 0. K. Holmes* (See page 21 of this 
 treatise) statement of the essence of the matter admits 
 of the results and possibilities of co-operutive market- 
 ing under "good mcuiagement* and "with conditions which per- 
 mit success". This system is still on trial, and yet it 
 has gained already such momentum that there must be some- 
 thing back of it. Northwest growers have had local as- 
 sociations and unions for several years, and the 1913-14 
 crops were marketed to a large degree under the co-operative 
 body known as the Uorth Pacific Pruit Distributers. The 
 northwest growers are planning at present a large repre- 
 sentative meeting at Spokane in February, 1915, at which 
 it is expected that further marketing schemes along lines 
 similar to those now in vogue will be evolved. Many evils 
 of strict competition were not avoided by the distributers; 
 in spite of every effort self-competition went on, and 
 over-heavy consignments and under-bidding, etc., all lent 
 a hand in bringing low returns for the 1914 crop. The 
 writer has been told by various men whose judgment should 
 be of the best that the only salvation for co-operative 
 fruit producers was complete pool of produce, with no 
 chance for the insistance on the pick of the markets at 
 certain times by any fruit-raising community. This com- 
 
-70- 
 plete pool Is without doubt a vital point, but the Califor- 
 nia Pruit Orowera' Exchange has managed without such an 
 abBOlute pool, the various localities retaining their re- 
 spective identities, and though the circumstances in Calif- 
 ornia are different, the writer believes that this one 
 factor will not check the movement in the Northwest. 
 
 . JSaoh grower must decide in these communities 
 whether he is to market individually or with the union or 
 association. If the association is clearly bringing him 
 the highest prices, there is no doubt as to what to do. 
 But when, as in many cases, the association does not bring 
 in as good prices as certain individuals receive by stand- 
 ing out for themselves, it is a different question. The 
 writer knows of a group of growers who are associated in 
 a Northwest valley to market their apple crop independent- 
 ly of the local and of the Northwest Association. These 
 growers believe that they can grade higher, etc., and so 
 get an earned better price. Is it right to say to these 
 men ; ">7e know you can get better prices selling alone, 
 but we want you to sell through us so that the co-operative 
 idea will gain strength?" The writer believes not. The 
 burden of proof is on the co-operative association ; they 
 must prove themselves to be moat advantageous marketing 
 agency before they can be allowed to market all the fruit. 
 The small grower has been forced to join the association. 
 
• 71- 
 He oannot handle his own marketing, and though the larg- 
 er owner may believe In co-operation and eventually in- 
 tend to join the movement, he cannot be logically asked 
 to sell his apples for less than the highest price that 
 they will bring under any pretense of any motive whatso- 
 ever. 
 
 Within limits, a great deal may be done in the 
 direction of getting a larger consumption of apples, v/e 
 will consider this phase of increasing the demand under 
 the heads of standardizing and advertising. 
 
 The grading of apples has come from the V/est to 
 the iiast. In the West what was then a revolutionary 
 uniformity of pack became a necessity. The Western grow- 
 er could only sell fruit at top prices to compete with 
 Basterners who did not have the expensive long shipment, 
 and hence there developed in the Hocky Mountain and IJorth 
 Pacific States systems of sizing, grading and packing 
 which have very vitally affected the apple industry. Per- 
 haps the most important function of grading is that in thus 
 standardizing the marketable produce, there is taken a long 
 step in bringing the consumer closer to the producer. This 
 standardizing has also allowed much of the change from 
 oommission to jobbing marketing, and thus accomplished a 
 
-72- 
 great deal towards the simplification of distribution. 
 Standardising has its drawbacks ; the Chicago commisoion 
 men on pages 11 to 14 of this treatise mention some of 
 these, but nevertheless standardization is a most de- 
 cided advance in agricultural marketing. We cannot ac- 
 complish anything by clinging to antiquated methods. We 
 must make what progress we can by adapting ourselves skill- 
 fully to the inevitable new systems. 
 
 When the Sulzer bill was before the House of 
 Representatives, the International Apple Shippers* Assoc- 
 iation prepared a pamphlet in support of the bill, in 
 which they submitted, among many other figures, the fol- 
 lowing tables :-- 
 
 TABLE XII. 
 Barrelled Apple Exports : United States and Canada. 
 
 Pive Year 
 
 Period Prom United States Canada 
 
 1882-1887 2,354,256 585,277 
 
 1887-1892 3,115,107 1,480,106 
 
 1892-1897 3,904,224 2,578,255 
 
 1897-1902 2,859,628 2,450,101 
 
 1902-1907 8,154,552 4,353,103 
 
 1907-1912 4,310,474 5,048,305 
 
 TABLB Xill 
 Percentage Increase and Decrease, United States and Canadian 
 
 Exports 
 
 1882-1887 U. S. Increase over Canada 300^ 
 
 1887-1892 U. S. Increase over Canada 110^ 
 
 1692-1897 U. S. Increase over Canada 51^ 
 
 1897-1902 U. li. Increase over Canada 16^ 
 
 1902-1907 U. 8. Increase over Canada 87^ 
 
 1907-1912 U. S. Decrease from Canada 14,% 
 
-73- 
 ThiB pamphlet of the Shippers' Aosociation laid the Canad- 
 ian gains largely to the Canadian j?ruit Marks Aqt, which 
 had at this time been in effect some years. 
 
 A grading law has been in effect during the pres- 
 ent season (1914) in New York State, and although it is 
 too early to pass final Judgment upon this, it is certain 
 that the first year's practice of the law has not been 
 either an unqualified success or an unqualified failure. 
 The season was not one for fair trial, but decidedly one 
 for a severe trial. There were many complaints, but these 
 came mainly from the smaller growers, who claimed to be 
 unable to pack inside the law without unjustifiable ex- 
 pense, and these growers asked for lower grades and for 
 wider limits in the higher grades. It appears that the 
 law is not strictly enforceable, and not being in the 
 •agricultural code". Further, the law was hardly fol- 
 lowed out to the letter during this year.* ^1^® present 
 plans are to go on under this law, and it would appear 
 that grading will continue in New York Btate, but there 
 are many difficulties to be overcome. There has been 
 considerable agitation in New Bngland in regard to apple 
 
 *The writer inspected several sample barrels of Jitandard 
 A Baldwins during J)«oember, 1914, on the lieir York Central 
 Pier, New York City, which needed much leaway before strict- 
 ly falling under the specifications. 
 
-74- 
 gradlng.* New Bngland will have every disadvantage and 
 will lack many of the advantages of Hew York in putting 
 through a grading measure. Fruit is even more ooattered 
 in New Kngland than in New York State, and there is much 
 less of it. 
 
 The International Apple Shippers' Association 
 (Rochester) and in the last year or so the Apple Advertis- 
 ers of America (Baltimore) have done a very considerable 
 work in advertising apples, and they are vigorously pur- 
 suing plans for the future. The shippers distributed a 
 great number of booklets on apple recipes several years 
 ago, and they have Juat lately put on its feet the slo- 
 gan, "Bat an apple a day -- keep the doctor away". Mr. 
 Phillips, Secretary of the Shippers' Association, has 
 shown the writer a large book of newspaper clippings on 
 "Apple Day", 1914, The Shippers' gave a cup to the city 
 holding the best demonstrations, etc. (won this year by 
 very enthusiastic Cincinnati), and the results of this 
 Apple Day were felt all ovur the country. The apple 
 Advertisers work in harmony with the shippers, and though 
 much newer, the former organization have done a great deal. 
 Other agencies have done much ; growers and dealers. 
 Steinhart and Kelly, fruit dealers of New York City, have 
 
 ♦Boston Herald, January 11, 1915. 
 
-75- 
 had during this (1914-15) season very catohy advertise- 
 inants in the New York City subway and elevated cars, with 
 the "Sat an Apple* slogan over the name and attractive 
 picture of the "Bkookum** apple, the particular Northwest 
 brand that they are pushing this year. This advertising 
 has value, and all apple men should support it. There 
 is some danger of waste in the cross advertising of com- 
 peting brands of boxed apples, etc., but in general the 
 more said about apples, the less the public will think 
 about oranges. Any means of causing more intelligent use 
 of apples is also productive advertising. The following 
 table is an example of this ; intelligent seasonal consump- 
 tion of apples means satisfaction and future purpose. 
 
 TABL8 XIV. 
 Seasonal Fitness of Apple Varieties. 
 ¥. a. Thornber, Lewiston, Idalio, "Better Fruit", April, 
 
 1914. 
 
 Months to 
 Variety be Used 
 ( aeason) 
 
 Yellow Transp. 
 
 H It 
 
 Duchess 
 Mcintosh Hed 
 
 Wealthy 
 
 Aug. -Sept. 
 
 It H 
 
 Aug. -Oct. 
 
 fjapt.-Oot. 
 
 Bept.-Uct* 
 
 Winter Banana Oct. -Dec. 
 
 M tl 11 M 
 
 Condi- 
 tion 
 
 Unripe 
 Ripe 
 
 Unripe 
 
 Hipe 
 Unripe 
 
 Hipe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 
 Dessert _. Uauce 
 
 Good 
 Kxcellent 
 
 Poor 
 Kxcellent 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 
 Poor 
 Kxcellent 
 
 Good 
 Kxcellent 
 
 ISxcellent 
 
 Good 
 Kxcellent 
 
 Good 
 Excells nt 
 
 Good 
 Kxcellent 
 Excellent 
 
 Poor 
 
 Poor 
 
 ■Bakinig 
 
 Poor 
 Poor 
 Ifoor 
 Good 
 Good 
 Poor 
 Excel. 
 Good 
 Poor 
 Poor 
 
-76- 
 
 Varlety 
 
 TABLK XIV (Cont.) 
 Months to 
 
 Be Used Condi- 
 ■(8?»ftOn),.. tion Jjeaaert 
 
 SelioiouB 
 Jonathan 
 
 Oot. 
 
 -Nov. 
 
 Nov.- )30. 
 
 Grimefc' Golden Nov, -Feb. 
 
 M M N 
 
 Stamen 
 
 N 
 
 Deo. -Feb. 
 
 Spitzenberg Dec.< 
 
 White Pearraain Dec. 
 « n 
 
 Rome Beauty Dec. -Apr. 
 
 >Jan. 
 
 H 
 
 Mar. 
 
 Yellow Kewtown Feb. -May 
 
 i-eb.-Apr, 
 Peb. 
 
 n 
 
 Ark. BlHck Feb. 
 
 N II 
 
 Winesap 
 
 N 
 
 Wagoner 
 
 Ben Davlo 
 n 
 
 Feb.- 
 
 H 
 
 -May 
 
 a 
 
 -14ay 
 
 n 
 
 May 
 ■I 
 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Hipe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 Unripe 
 
 Ripe 
 
 Uauce Baking 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 Bxoellent 
 
 Poor 
 i^^xcellent 
 
 Poor 
 i'^xcellent 
 
 Good 
 Uxoellent 
 
 Poor 
 Excellent 
 
 Poor 
 iSxcelleut 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 
 Poor 
 
 Good 
 
 Poor 
 
 Poor 
 
 Poor 
 
 Poor 
 
 Good 
 
 Poor 
 Hxoellent 
 
 Good 
 liixcellent 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 
 Poor 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 lilxcellent 
 Excellent 
 Excellent 
 Excellent 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 
 Poor 
 
 Good 
 
 Poor 
 
 Poor 
 
 Poor 
 
 Good 
 
 Poor 
 
 Good 
 
 Poor 
 
 Good 
 
 Poor 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 
 Good 
 
 Good 
 
 Good 
 Excellent 
 
 Poor 
 Exceleent 
 
 Good 
 
 Good 
 
 Poor 
 
 Advertising can hardly create a want, but it can 
 disclose a desire, and thereby create a demand. "Gunkiet" 
 for oranges is a model for the results attainable for ef- 
 forts toward a brand, and this has meant thousands of dol- 
 lars in receipts, and many more thousands in prestige to 
 ths California Fruit Growers' "rixchange. 
 
 There can be no question but that apples compete 
 decidedly with every other fruit on the muriet, literally 
 
-77*. 
 from mangoeo to hickory nuta. In a previous chapter, we 
 have traced the hiBtory of the apple industry from the days 
 when it did not even oorapete with the Mediterranean trade 
 through the period when the apple was practically the only 
 widely ooneuned orchard fruit. The first California ship- 
 ment waa made in 1867, but only in the last twenty yeara 
 have oranges been keenly marketed up to the limit of con- 
 sumption. The banana trade (sec pages 55, 5G of this 
 traatiae) is even more recent, and the grape fruit moat 
 recent of ail. i^'iorida grape fruit alone increased from 
 117,330 boxes in 1900 to 1,611,537 boxes in 1910, about a 
 900>» (see Table VI, page 44). Our population is increas- 
 ing rapidly, and more and more fruit per capita seems to 
 be eaten. This gives room for increase in all agricul- 
 tural production, but the fruit production has been gen- 
 erally over- emphasized and a man will either eat an orange, 
 a grape fruit or an apple for breakfast, he won't eat them 
 all, or if he were able to perform this feat, the growers 
 of each respective fruit would all clamor to have him eat 
 three of their parti oulf<r kind. 
 
 The apple has certain advantages, some of these 
 have already oaen ineiitioaed. The apple has always been 
 and is the lending fruit of this country, and this is 
 worth somethiiig ; but the rapid public appreciation of 
 
-7e- 
 the citrus fruits in the past generation has ohown thla 
 advantage is not neoeasarily permanent. The apple can 
 be coneuraed in uiore conditione tii&a can any other fruit. 
 The apple has more to fall back on in the way of by> 
 products than any other of our orchard frui^^a, in spite 
 of the "essential oils" of the citrus industry. Prob- 
 ably more than any other advantage found in the apple 
 will be the possibility of lower cost of production of 
 this fruit compared to others, and its greater ability, 
 compared to some, to find cutlet in the lower levels of 
 ultimate consumers. 
 
 Under Chapter Thru-e we have discussed the mar- 
 kets of this country, applying the question to farm pro- 
 ducts generally, and as regards the donestio ^narkets, 
 apples fit in with this discussion with only slight qual- 
 ifications. Apples are so universally produced for home 
 use by farmers that the farms and small villages, and even 
 many outlying towns, are practically marked off the map of 
 deinand for the fruit that is not produced in that immedi- 
 ate locality. This differs apple from orange diatribu- 
 tion, for instance. Further, Haatern apple states can 
 hardly expect to market apples in other Kastem apple 
 states, except in the larger cities, and even there they 
 
are at a strong disadvantage. The whole market question 
 is thus to some degree localized on a large scale. i/eBt- 
 ern apples are an exception to this, and have proven their 
 ability to sell on their appearance beside less expensive 
 and often quite as good quality locally produced fruit.* 
 "Local** and "unclassified** markets are then pretty well out 
 of the question, except for locally produced fruit, and for 
 anything like distance shipment, the grower must turn to ^ 
 the primary market. The largest priiaary markets for ap- 
 ples in about the order of their importance may be listed 
 as : New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago, Cincinnati, 
 Baltimore, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, SanPranciaco, New Orleans, 
 and Seattle. We will leave the question of domestic mar- 
 kets here and proceed to take up in some detail the foreign 
 markets. The writer realizes that more than proportionate 
 emphasis is laid below on foreign markets. However, the 
 subject is most interesting to all fruit growers and deal- 
 ers, and is especially vital to the growers of the Par 
 West, and since their grades of fruit are more in demand 
 abroad than the general grades of Eastern fruit, the 
 V7estern growers will do well to follow up this matter very 
 vigorously. 
 
 * The writer has observed Pacific Coast apples attract- 
 ing attention on fruit stands in Hochester, li. Y. , the cen- 
 ter of perhaps the greatest apple region in the world. 
 
-so- 
 
 About 7% of the United States apple crop ie mar- 
 Jteted over seas, each year, and this fruit tends strongly 
 to be the better and the best classes of fruit and to be 
 more uniformly and safely packed. This preference has 
 favored the strictly graded Northwest boxed apple, but 
 the handicap of transcontinental freight rate to the At- 
 lantic seaboard for European shipment has largely offset 
 this. Foreign markets seem to prefer the boxed fruit, 
 but barrelled apples are generally delivered per bushel 
 cheaper (barrel equals three bushels). In England, always 
 the chief foreign market for apples, there has been built 
 up by many years of custom the liking for barrelled apples 
 of certain varieties, notably the Baldwin ; this is a dis- 
 tinct advantage to Eastern barrelled fruit. There are 
 many difficulties attendant on foreign shipments of ap- 
 ples, as there are in any foreign trade, and development 
 of foreign markets must proceed very slowly, since trans- 
 portation, refrigeration, storage, and moat important, 
 trade relation facilities can only be built up with time. 
 Our Yankee methods run into many stumbling blocks as soon 
 as we get away from our own shores, and only conservatism 
 can be successfully practiced when dealers over the seas 
 are to haridle our output. 
 
 The markets outside of the United states are 
 
-el* 
 briefly considered country by country below.« 
 
 England should be mentioned first. This was 
 our earliest and has always been our largest market. 
 Liverpool, London and Glasgow have always taken most of 
 our exports of apples. Bngland imports large quantities 
 of apples from the United States and Canada as well as 
 from other countries. Their relative importance is shown 
 by the following appiroximate percentages : 
 
 TABLE XV. 
 
 ISnglish Imports of Apples. 
 
 Country 1911 1912 
 
 United States 
 
 Australia 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Canada 
 
 Prance 
 
 Portugal 
 
 All others 
 
 Total imports in cwt.3,332,618 
 
 Distribution by the importing fruit brokers is 
 either by private sale or by auction. When large quanti- 
 ties are to be dealt with, the latter method is most 
 general, but where the supply is short, private sales 
 are frequently better. Brokers prefer to be in a pos- 
 
 44^ 
 
 
 43^ 
 
 ^% 
 
 
 10.5Jg 
 
 0.8J6 
 
 
 \,7>% 
 
 41^ 
 
 
 42.7^ 
 
 1.65^ 
 
 
 0.4^ 
 
 2.6Jg 
 
 
 2,% 
 
 Tool 
 
 
 looji 
 
 618 
 
 3,681 
 
 ,946 
 
 ♦ Much of the text, and all of the tables not other- 
 wise specified on the subject of foreign markets here 
 are from R. M. Hutledge, "Better Ifruit", Vol. IX, No. 1, 
 and from i3. iJ. Lamb's article based on consular reports 
 published in "Better ffruit", May, 1914. 
 
>e2w 
 
 it ion to adopt either method according to their Judgment 
 of market conditions at the time. The 19ia-l3 American 
 imports came in at the following ports as follows : Liver- 
 pool, 35^ of total U. 8. export barrelled apples, and 22% 
 boxed apples ; London, 19^ barrelled, and 38?5 boxed ; 
 Glasgow, 18^5 barrelled and f% boxed. Of the boxed apples, 
 taken into Great Britain, Washington supplies about 60^ 
 and Oregon and California each about 20/£. Appendix 
 tables give exact import figures, etc. England is a 
 large, but a very close market for all fruits. There 
 are some strong variety preferences ; the Klberta peach, 
 for instance, is practically the only peach marketed in 
 London. The writer has been told by M. U. French, ap- 
 ple exporter of New York City, that at a fair price the 
 English msirket for Baldwins was unlimited, but that the 
 market for any other variety went "all to pieces'* as soon 
 as any above normal shipments were made. The heavy ex- 
 pense of placing apples on the English market is rather 
 discouraging ; the Panama Canal should materially aid 
 the V/estem grower. In 1912-13, best quality Yellow 
 Newtowns brought $1.22 to $1.94 per half box ; the red 
 apples 11.09 to #1.94 ; "choice" boxed apples per box 
 brought from #2.18 to $4.86, Australian apitzenbergs, 
 in the opposite season, brought about $1.65 per 40 pound 
 
.63. 
 box. Newtowns "104 b" to^UA a" are the preference 
 Western apple, Oravensteins and Jonathane have been 
 mentioned ae well liked epirly apples ; Bpitzenberg, 
 Staymen, i/ineBap and RomeB, as late varieties, and Ben 
 Davis and Blaoke as very late varieties from the V/est, 
 which are specially desired. Bome apples are raised 
 in England, but the climate is unfavorable ; they are 
 generally o1 a very poor quality, and as competitors, 
 they are negligible. 
 
 Oeroany imports large amounts of apples, chief- 
 ly from the United States and Australia. In 191«2-13, 
 300,000 boxes and 230,000 barrels were handled at Hamburg, 
 the barrels coming from the Eastern IHates and Canada, and 
 the boxes chiefly from Washington and Oregon. Hamburg 
 is the distributing center for all Germany. In 191<2 
 what were called low prices prevailed, with three times 
 the usual shipments of apples, the prices per wholesale 
 box ranged from $1.GC to $2.14. 
 
 Apples are the only United iitates fruit sold in 
 France, and practically all of these come from the north- 
 west. After a bad local season, there is a good market 
 for apples. They sell, retail, on Paris fruit stands 
 for from five to eight cents a piece. The J?rench zoar- 
 ket depends entirely upon the local production of fruit 
 
-64- 
 and for thia reason ia so unsteady from year to year that 
 shipping apples to France steadily is something of a spec- 
 ulation. 
 
 Belgium Imports considerable apples through Ant- 
 werp by way of London and Soutlihampton, The market is 
 controlled by .^ondon, and only the best quality apples sell, 
 local production taking ct.re of the poorer grades. The 
 United Dtites ship a good proportion of the apples consumed. 
 Canadaand Uouth Africa also supply some. This market ia. 
 characterized by irregular shipments and fluctuates badly. 
 
 Denmark, Korway and Russia consume considerable 
 of our fruit ; 1,000,000 pounds of apjles and pears were 
 imported from this country to Norway in 1910. Araerican 
 apples brought in this year $4.80 to $6.07 per wholesale 
 barrel, in Utavanger, but shipment to the markets of 
 all three of these countries is very expensive, since it 
 includes repacking, or at least reloading at English 
 ports. There are some homegrown red apples in Denmark, 
 but American apples are imported through Hamburg, and the 
 English cities. 
 
 There is practically no market for apples in 
 Russia, and there seems to be no chance for increase ; 
 very little fruit is eaten, and the country is locally 
 self- supplying. Conditions in The Ketherlands are simi- 
 lar to those in Belgium, and though there are excessively 
 
-85- 
 high Import freight rates ^t Rotterdam, some few Aiaerican 
 apples find their way to thia country- Thia completee 
 the survey of the countries shipped to via the English 
 Channel. 
 
 Austria-Hungary will pay a very high prices for 
 a limited amount of the best fruit ; well-to-do classes 
 would probably buy considerable American fruit out of 
 the fresh fruit season in that country. Hothouse out- 
 of-seaeon Auatralian fruit shipped in 55 pound wooden 
 packages has brought excessively high prices. 
 
 There is, generally spealcing, no raarlcet for 
 American fresh fruit in any of the Mediterranean countries. 
 These countries produce such an enormous amount of fresh 
 fruit at prices with which it is impossible to compete 
 tliat there appears to be no opportunity for American fruit 
 interests here. 
 
 In the Northwest, Asia is generally thought of 
 as a big market for apples, but as a matter of fact, only 
 small quantities of first-class stock is demanded. Only 
 the most wealthy classes of natives in theue densely pop- 
 ulated countries can purchase American apples, and these 
 few, with the small foreign colonies in the larger cities, 
 make up the market. Hongkong imported 11,000 boxes of 
 apples from all countries in 1912-15, and of these 2,000 
 boxes carae from Hood Hiver by way of Seattle and C,000 
 
.8Gp 
 were seoond and third claes apples from Sanlfranciaoo. 
 Certain V/estern growers can supply thia market to ad- 
 vantage, but it is a question of individual business 
 relations and not at all a normal market. 
 
 Australia imports dried fK'uit and exports 
 fresh fruit. They are strong compotitors of our apples, 
 though they are always marketed in the opposite season. 
 The following figures and tables are from the "Official 
 Year Book of the Coimaonwealth of Australia"! Boston Public 
 Library). 47,749 acres of fruit were planted in Austral- 
 ia in the last ten years. The main increase in Tasmania 
 (16,383) and Western Australia (12,118) is due to the ex- 
 tensive plantings of apple trees with a view to the London 
 miirket for fresh fruit. 
 
 TABLE XVI. 
 
 Total Acres of Orchards and Hfruit Gardens and Acres 
 
 per Population for Australia. 
 
 Years Acres Acers per U 
 
 "" ' ' " of Populatipyi 
 
 1901-02 146,775 38 
 
 1907-08 169,299 41 
 
 1908-09 171,558 41 
 
 1909-10 178,798 41 
 
 1910-11 185,156 42 
 
 1911.12 194,524 43 
 
 Note : Australian fruit ranges from tropic pineapple and 
 
 mango to temperate apple, strawberry and gooseberry. 
 
-87- 
 Auatralian fresh fruit imports consists chief- 
 ly of bananas from Fiji ; oranges and lemons from Italy ; 
 add out-of-season apples from Canada, 1911 fresh fruit 
 exports amounted to * 420, 780 ( *594 of this was re- 
 exported) . This fruit was apples to a large extent, arid 
 the:,* were sent to the United Kingdom, Germany, Hew Zealand, 
 Brazil, U. ;'.. A., and India. The following table gives 
 an idea of the fruit trade of the Commonwealth : 
 
 TABLiS XVII. 
 
 Net Imports of Dried Fruit and liet Bxpoets of Fresh 
 
 Fruit for Australia. 
 
 Net Imports Dried Fruit Ket li^xports Fresh Fruit 
 Date Quantity Value (Quantity Value 
 
 Lbs. "Centals" 
 
 
 41,031 
 
 246,482 
 
 17.594 
 
 211, &85 
 
 19,257 
 
 121,997 
 
 18,168 
 
 326,928 
 
 19,513 
 
 313,088 
 
 12,592 
 
 1901 13,433.735 165,099 
 
 1907 8,000,000 57,864 
 
 1908 8.000,000 64,159 
 
 1909 12,000,000 108.046 
 
 1910 9,000,000 74,311 
 
 1911 5,000,000 45,042 
 
 Of preserved fruit in 1911 Australia imported 
 * 6 7, 620 worth and exported * 29,245. 
 
 The following figures and quotations from the 
 1913 i^ew Zealand Official Year Book are of interest, more 
 as production figures of a competing country than as apply- 
 ing to a prospective foreign market. 'iSach succeeding 
 
-88- 
 year shows a inariced increase in area planted to coimner- 
 oial orchards in the Dominion." For the four years end- 
 ing December, 1912, 7,413 acres were planted, and 2,420 
 acres ,vere estimated for 1913 ; the total 1913 area would 
 then be 38,720, as compared to 31,953 for 1910-11. "A 
 good raarket exists locally for choice, clean fruit, but 
 as large c^reas recently ;jlanted come into bearing, growers 
 will have to look to outside markets to take the surplus, 
 and it ia hoped that the export of fruit will become in 
 time one of the largest of the Dominion." 33,000 cases 
 of apples were shipped to South America in 1913, and "this 
 market will be able to absorb all the Dominion can supply 
 for several years to come at satisfactory prices to the 
 grOTirers. 
 
 The exports of Canada to the United Kingdom were 
 
 as follows :- 
 
 TABLE XVIII 
 Canadian Exports : Dried and i'resh Apples. 
 Prui^ 19 OQ 1909 1910 12ii 
 
 Presh Apples ^4,422,772 42,692,233 $4, 184,878 #1.598,359 
 Dried Apples 11,667 41,269 86,084 16,013 
 
 Canada imported no green; practically no (^48, 
 worth) dried apples in 1912, while she imported 1826,239. 
 worth of oranges, lemons, limes, etc. 
 
.89. 
 Our apple trade, with our sieter continent, 
 has been very undeveloped. How, howevor, due to the 
 increasing ^jroaperity of Somth America, exportatione of 
 American applee are finding their way into that market. 
 At present the industry is only in its infancy, but it 
 is hoped that the solidity and labor of the American 
 apple will enable it to travel long distances and to 
 hold its own against all comers. Argentina, Brazil 
 and Uruguay all have small importations of our apples, 
 but due to the fact that refrigeration facilities are 
 very inadequate on the few transportation lines between 
 our ports and those of South America, these have been 
 very limited in quantity and very costly when landed in 
 trans- equator ports. American apples are unknown in 
 Chili, as well as in many other parts of the west coast, 
 but with the advent of the Panama Canal, this will prob- 
 ably be remedied. Venezuela imports some of our ap- 
 ples from the Northwest, but it is only at great cost 
 incurred by shipping over the Isthmus ; these are JNorth 
 Pacific apples. Mexico started some importation of our 
 apples some years ago when refrigerator oars could be 
 sent to Mexico City, but due to the unsettled condition 
 of the country and theiimpossibility of maintaining 
 rapid transportation, this has ceased. The Uouth 
 American markets can never rival lingland or perhaps Uor- 
 
'90- 
 many as an outlet for apples from this country in quanti- 
 ty, but trade south of the equator promises laore propor- 
 tionately to the apple industry tJrian does any other mar- 
 ket in sight. This applies, especially, to best quality 
 Korth Pacific stock. 
 
 The foreign market question is an involved one 
 at best, and with war afterciath conditions in Europe, we 
 cannot tell what exports can be counted upon. franco is 
 said to have recovered very rapidly in a commercial way 
 after the disastrous wars of 1870, and apples sold in Europe 
 are always sold to the upper classes, who will ue least 
 embarrassed ufter t}ie war. 
 
 it there is any place more than another where 
 business ability in apple marketing will count, it will 
 be in the disposition of apples over the seas. 
 
CONCLUSION 
 
 The marx who would Itnow how to sell hia appleo 
 must first study and understand some of the fundamental 
 principles in the exchange of farm products. Apples 
 are not sold today in the same manner aa they were sold 
 a hundred years ago. It is not necessary to toiow how 
 apples were sold a hundred years ago in order to icnow 
 how they are sold today, that subject can be more quick- 
 ly, though less intelligently, studied by itself ; but it 
 is necessary to understand the history of the trade in 
 apples in order to Judge how they will be sold tomorrow. 
 There is no question in the whole subject of commerce 
 and trade that is more distinctly in a developing stage 
 than is that in the distribution of farm products. Un- 
 settled phases of this distribution are working out their 
 destiny, and the man unaware of this evolution can hard- 
 ly avoid being left behind in the race of keen competi- 
 tion, a The subject of the distribution of farm products 
 needs no advertising to make it a pertinent question — 
 it is a popular issue already — it is a cry of the day. 
 This means tJiat reams of biased and baseless opinions and 
 criticisms will pour out from all sources, but it also 
 means that some sort of solution to the problems will be 
 forced under the glare cast by publicity. 
 
The nuui who would noil hio apples intelligently 
 must know the leaeons that the past has taught, and must 
 underotand the proaent queatioii ?rith a perspective which 
 is not to be obtained by submerging in petty, individual 
 or even oouaaunity problems. Ho cannot inplicitly accept 
 the coucluaions of others ; theae uattera are too unde- 
 fined to allow of settlement by any one opinion. He 
 must realize that there is an excess of apple plantings 
 in America, but he must not stop here, for he would then 
 be no better off than if he firmly believed that there 
 were an insufficient supply of trees. Ho mu3t follow 
 the matter out. Uow will these large crops to come af- 
 fect him, and through what agoiiciea, and what may he 
 do to place himself in the moat advantageous position 
 for the necessary competition. This man who would 
 market apples must know who eats his fruit and how much 
 is paid for it, and what else is offered to the man who is 
 to select his apples. He muat decide whether to sell 
 his crops alone or with associations, and he muat know 
 where his fruit may be moat advantageously disposed of. 
 The man who is thus armed for the competition 
 can hardly fail to aucceed, but auch arms are not to be 
 
 easily obtained, and hence the weeding out can take place 
 
 rapidly. 
 
APPEHDIX 
 
TABUS XIX 
 
 Apple Exports for Seaiion 1913-14 in Barrels. 
 By Mahlon Terhuno, Produce Exchange, New York City 
 
 Porta of Export 
 1913 Hew York Boston Montreal Portland Halifax St. John 
 
 Aug. 
 
 M 
 A 
 N 
 
 n 
 
 Sept. 
 
 » 
 n 
 
 n 
 
 Oct, 
 n 
 
 N 
 
 It 
 
 Hov. 
 If 
 
 •I 
 
 n 
 
 N 
 
 Deo. 
 II 
 
 n 
 
 >• 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 16 
 23 
 30 
 
 6 
 13 
 20 
 27 
 
 4 
 11 
 18 
 25 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 15 
 22 
 29 
 
 6 
 13 
 20 
 27 
 
 184 
 
 258 
 
 869 
 
 1,806 
 
 q,769 
 
 4,967 
 
 7,350 
 
 12,818 
 
 17,785 
 
 25,812 
 
 33,465 
 
 57,934 
 
 41,549 
 
 39.209 
 
 24,848 
 
 17,036 
 
 30,719 
 
 28.199 
 
 22,929 
 
 23,420 
 
 7,934 
 
 10.603 
 
 45 
 
 534 
 
 820 
 
 1,619 
 
 2.393 
 
 9.549 
 
 7,023 
 
 32,998 
 
 21.962 
 
 34.910 
 
 23.931 
 
 18.695 
 
 56.105 
 
 10,904 
 
 23.804 
 
 7,917 
 
 5,462 
 
 9.107 
 
 363 
 
 860 
 
 1.445 
 
 7,493 
 
 18.007 
 
 23,773 
 
 29,026 
 
 22,952 
 
 20,410 
 
 25,194 
 
 21,681 
 
 27,606 
 
 21,709 
 
 37.875 
 
 9.900 
 8,120 
 8,606 
 
 3,079 
 
 23.910 - 
 
 23.177 
 
 7.075 
 
 43,679 
 
 47,914 
 
 14,600 ----- 
 
 35,110 
 
 16.359 
 
 8?935 
 
 15,833 - 
 
 37,962 929 
 
 18,225 3,048 
 
 20,892 2,555 
 
 278 2.880 
 
 29,174 
 
 914 
 
 Jan. 
 n 
 
 M 
 « 
 It 
 
 Feb. 
 
 ISar. 
 
 Apr. 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 17 
 24 
 31 
 
 7 
 14 
 21 
 28 
 
 7 
 14 
 21 
 28 
 
 4 
 11 
 18 
 25 
 
 17 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 .854 
 ,370 
 ,334 
 ,652 
 ,361 
 ,163 
 .918 
 ,376 
 .619 
 ,231 
 .371 
 .409 
 .331 
 .625 
 .884 
 239 
 160 
 
 7,304 
 10.060 
 7,304 
 6,613 
 4.412 
 8,257 
 5.673 
 1,984 
 3,676 
 9,501 
 5,702 
 1,407 
 4,618 
 4,406 
 2.182 
 1.614 
 
 10.426 
 6,657 
 4.336 
 6.712 
 3.636 
 3,632 
 2.064 
 2.686 
 2,678 
 
 6.420 
 3.751 
 
 1.928 
 
 261 
 
 2.516 
 
 32,114 1,336 
 
 10.124 2,364 
 
 22,394 723 
 
 9,909 1,771 
 
 22,152 2,327 
 
 1,748 
 
 16,683 1,033 
 
 2,164 1,562 
 
 7,956 
 
 14,200 
 
 6,159 2,574 
 
 6,247 
 
 160 
 
 Total0561.39O 
 Boxes 739,219 
 
 352,491 258.414 
 128.127 (Boxes 
 
 81,813 496,212 25.617 
 included in above shipments) 
 
Table xx 
 
 Apple Exports for aeaeon 1913-14 in Barrels. 
 By Mahlon Terhune, Produce Exchange, New York City 
 
 Porta of Import 
 
 
 
 Liver- 
 
 
 
 1913 
 
 , pool 
 
 London 
 
 Glas«:ow 
 
 Aug. 
 
 2 
 
 54 
 
 
 130 
 
 M 
 
 9 
 
 50 
 
 
 208 
 
 It 
 
 16 
 
 393 
 
 
 476 
 
 M 
 
 23 
 
 398 
 
 •1? 
 
 1,391 
 
 n 
 
 30 
 
 1.192 
 
 167 
 
 1,455 
 
 Sept 
 
 . 6 
 
 2,515 
 
 66 
 
 3,283 
 
 n 
 
 13 
 
 6,638 
 
 649 
 
 4,518 
 
 n 
 
 20 
 
 12.340 
 
 9,669 
 
 17,783 
 
 «i 
 
 27 
 
 10.315 
 
 24,468 
 
 14,863 
 
 Oct. 
 
 4 
 
 22,023 
 
 3,457 
 
 28,969 
 
 n 
 
 11 
 
 36,906 
 
 22,380 
 
 25 . 520 
 
 n 
 
 18 
 
 69,681 
 
 28,049 
 
 38,542 
 
 it 
 
 25 
 
 37,729 
 
 8,142 
 
 28,168 
 
 Nov. 
 
 1 
 
 44,713 
 
 34,293 
 
 13,947 
 
 H 
 
 8 
 
 33,136 
 
 20,599 
 
 21,790 
 
 n 
 
 15 
 
 28,857 
 
 3.978 
 
 12,422 
 
 n 
 
 22 
 
 37,844 
 
 22,363 
 
 28,432 
 
 rt 
 
 29 
 
 28,957 
 
 32,375 
 
 12.043 
 
 Dec. 
 
 6 
 
 59,295 
 
 15,484 
 
 19.802 
 
 <i 
 
 13 
 
 14 , 323 
 
 10-, 9 35 
 
 28,046 
 
 fi 
 
 20 
 
 10,875 
 
 2,445 
 
 4,354 
 
 n 
 
 27 
 
 20.159 
 
 23,103 
 
 5,115 
 
 MM 
 
 Jan* 3 
 
 13,318 
 
 4,770 
 
 7,475 
 
 « 
 
 10 
 
 18,737 
 
 26,628 
 
 6,825 
 
 ft 
 
 17 
 
 11,043 
 
 8,975 
 
 8,250 
 
 R 
 
 24 
 
 12,268 
 
 20 . 326 
 
 4,855 
 
 M 
 
 31 
 
 18,737 
 
 6,404 
 
 3,324 
 
 Feb. 
 
 7 
 
 13,204 
 
 23,991 
 
 4,594 
 
 « 
 
 14 
 
 7,607 
 
 3,012 
 
 4,085 
 
 H 
 
 21 
 
 8,514 
 
 17,265 
 
 2,831 
 
 11 
 
 28 
 
 8,166 
 
 6,999 
 
 2,271 
 
 Mar. 
 
 7 
 
 7,725 
 
 9,588 
 
 635 
 
 M 
 
 14 
 
 15,092 
 
 12,756 
 
 2,880 
 
 n 
 
 21 
 
 9,561 
 
 12,904 
 
 835 
 
 It 
 
 28 
 
 10.374 
 
 5,295 
 
 1,768 
 
 Apr. 
 
 4 
 
 6,276 
 
 413 
 
 290 
 
 n 
 
 11 
 
 2.639 
 
 210 
 
 1,217 
 
 II 
 
 18 
 
 1.212 
 
 
 28 
 
 M 
 
 25 
 otal 
 
 rt 1<50 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 |!i3.026 
 
 424,175 
 
 363,420 
 
 ^^'^fHci 
 
 211,539 
 
 > • 
 
 239.913 
 
 83,904 
 
 lfe,n- 
 Hamburg pheater Varioue 
 
 2,419 
 14,115 
 28,245 
 16 , 321 
 17,896 
 
 5,463 
 14,712 
 21,285 
 12.779 
 
 2,812 
 
 3,289 
 801 
 
 3,566 
 
 324 
 
 1,202 
 259 
 
 1,279 
 5.000 
 5.545 
 5.814 
 3.307 
 780 
 4,339 
 6,598 
 
 4,713 
 3,417 
 
 5,490 
 
 3,829 3,608 
 
 3,189 
 
 881 
 
 3,467 213 
 
 2,797 3,912 
 
 2,453 
 
 1,752 
 
 1,866 3,146 
 
 2,040 
 
 171,487 53,456 
 
 211,875 29,921 
 
 3,316 
 9,019 
 2,076 
 5,703 
 
 13.245 
 3,530 
 3,071 
 
 17,550 
 9,210 
 1,899 
 8,091 
 1,486 
 2,130 
 
 7,047 
 2,909 
 7,005 
 5,764 
 5.944 
 33 
 2.246 
 
 400 
 1,263 
 
 708 
 1,925 
 
 1,759 
 2,170 
 
 874 
 
 120,373 
 89 .294 
 
TABLE XXI 
 Comparison of Apple Sxporta (Trans-Atlantic) 1880-81 to 1913-14 
 By Mahlon Terhune, Produce Exchange, New York City 
 
 Ports of Export 
 
 Halifax & Anna- 
 
 New York Boston Montreal Portland St. John Various polia 
 
 1880-81 
 1881-82 
 1882-83 
 1883-84 
 1884-85 
 1885-86 
 1886-87 
 1887-88 
 1888-89 
 1889-90 
 1890-91 
 1891-92 
 1892-93 
 1893-94 
 1894-95 
 1895-96 
 
 " BXB. 
 
 1896-97 
 1897-98 
 1898-99 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1899-00 
 
 » Bxs. 
 1900-01 
 
 • Bxs. 
 1901-02 
 
 » Bxs. 
 1902-03 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1903-04 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1904-05 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1905-06 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1906-07 
 
 •• Bxs. 
 1907-08 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1908-09 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1909-10 
 
 " Bxa. 
 1910-11 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1911-12 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1912-13 
 
 " Bxs. 
 1913-14 
 
 599200 
 
 75889 
 169570 
 
 53048 
 256314 
 466203 
 175595 
 275696 
 474337 
 169557 
 
 76503 
 537247 
 218037 
 
 29396 
 221398 
 230705 
 
 13610 
 570327 
 361894 
 158213 
 176107 
 306889 
 149515 
 240635 
 203333 
 154223 
 296427 
 732764 
 212587 
 1120284 
 388975 
 654443 
 
 66001 
 609847 
 416266 
 668866 
 252011 
 484779 
 285206 
 363327 
 520792 
 398944 
 460362 
 651738 
 959980 
 551663 
 456278 
 982318 
 1353235 
 561380 
 
 510300 
 
 65093 
 
 102409 
 
 7145 
 
 307130 
 
 221724 
 
 303479 
 
 163916 
 
 382199 
 
 132569 
 
 .23123 
 
 339964 
 
 204138 
 
 4796 
 
 523123 
 
 84771 
 
 1015029 
 176322 
 237395 
 
 177660 
 
 409979 
 
 143851 
 
 838815 
 
 676593 
 
 680398 
 
 440440 
 
 521241 
 
 431852 
 
 188914 
 
 263623 
 
 487896 
 146630 
 447685 
 130757 
 551607 
 28623 
 352491 
 
 145276 
 
 56433 
 
 64190 
 
 7445 
 
 84487 
 
 68716 
 
 106713 
 
 93058 
 
 201307 
 
 161526 
 
 182095 
 
 320457 
 
 429243 
 
 56255 
 
 273353 
 
 128027 
 
 1861 
 
 700274 
 
 163313 
 
 404573 
 
 285528 
 
 249219 
 
 122465 
 
 476425 
 
 732044 
 
 375085 
 
 20529 
 
 551914 
 
 399161 
 
 624159 
 
 353146 
 
 587287 
 
 «••••-«•"••■ 
 
 172729 
 270951 
 337670 
 258414 
 
 39908 
 
 6497 
 
 16890 
 
 9811 
 
 71460 
 
 87301 
 
 100569 
 
 25215 
 
 145825 
 
 122433 
 
 80365 
 
 163145 
 
 235395 
 
 49344 
 
 155878 
 
 141955 
 
 221350 
 126261 
 143892 
 4529 
 148829 
 
 225396 
 
 100419 
 
 338080 
 
 361364 
 
 304921 
 
 738 
 
 247516 
 
 375345 
 
 423929 
 
 89403 
 
 240820 
 
 »» — — — — 
 110339 
 
 236602 
 
 280929 
 
 3133 
 
 81813 
 
 24250 
 
 13805 
 
 18542 
 
 3758 
 
 42207 
 
 37982 
 
 94606 
 
 32652 
 
 94691 
 
 53627 
 
 89190 
 
 87379 
 
 116725 
 
 35058 
 
 264410 
 
 165797 
 
 409733 
 
 82208 
 
 277014 
 
 1349 
 
 360799 
 
 200000 
 
 271230 
 
 156675 
 
 594635 
 
 372369 
 
 53 
 
 336414 
 
 342476 
 
 504809 
 
 560887 
 
 682515 
 
 ■»«■«* ^ •*** 
 
 211275 
 1271126 
 808473 
 521829 
 
 21535 
 19893 
 
 9972 
 
 3900 
 325 
 
 8612 
 
 186 3161 
 
 26965 
 
 17884 
 
 860 18190 
 37030 
 
 2174 
 
 ^ as ■• «M «»«•«•«»«» 
 
 3133 
 
 3998 
 
 13400 
 
 20801 
 
 20414 
 
 8500 15907 
 
 16908 
 39265 
 
 17574 
 
TABLE XXII 
 
 CompariBon of Apple Bxports iTrana-Atlantio) 1880-8X to 1913-14 
 
 ^^^^^P°°^- Lomion G^aafioyy Hamburg Variou^ yptal 
 
 1880-81 839444 l!?793a 216391 95036 ixooon^ 
 
 1881-82 133784 46147 59266 ^^^55 ^?f®°| 
 
 1883-84 46661 4843 29685 343 litl^ 
 
 1884-85 491898 123081 137631 16590 769210 
 
 1885-86 537695 147102 176445 24031 885273 
 
 1886-87 468553 187840 138756 lS775 807924 
 
 1887-88 346567 104072 139517 18275 608421 
 
 1888-89 790502 279374 272068 64465 1407409 
 
 1889-90 418850 128248 116449 14115 677762 
 
 1890-91 252548 116706 80772 1260 451285 
 
 1891-92 917536 224356 282553 - 25892 1450336 
 
 1892-93 798291 174405 220790 - 10052 1203538 
 
 1893-94 101205 32681 38624 2530 n74S41 
 
 1894-95 853198 388535 173312 23110 1438155 
 
 1895-96 410596 196184 127942 16533 751255 
 
 • Bx8. 11342 2458 1771 15471 
 
 1896-97 1581560 716771 411575 117105 92835 2919846 
 
 1897-98 490138 198281 123828 88780 12969 /913996 
 
 1898-99 689036 271342 180336 22861 57512 1221087 
 
 " Bxs. 81484 87188 9226 1531 2556 181985 
 
 1899-00 644857 319869 211555 72150 44690 1293121 
 
 " Bxfl. 58922 70724 13118 4826 1925 149515 
 
 1900-01 814100 251322 225061 26728 28919 1346030 
 
 •♦ Bxs. 60776 111307 22925 1326 7000 203333 
 
 1901-02 408655 229808 129312 18296 6077 792128 
 
 " Bxs. 109715 153653 20449 2929 9681 296427 
 
 1902-03 1445347 457778 398271 146671 94692 2542759 
 
 " Bxs. 69020 126730 11782 4627 488 212587 
 
 1903-04 1616037 869572 474950 283212 261563 3505334 
 
 " Bxs. 107260 188463 24302 23486 45284 388975 
 
 1904-05 1130220 552692 394090 158568 176053 2411623 
 
 " Bxs. 17154 32254 24484 13429 87321 
 
 1905-06 943652 486657 351375 180795 223652 2186131 
 
 " Bxs. 127199 196372 24067 14656 53972 416266 
 
 1906-07 1084810 464240 404838 163523 189678 2307089 
 
 " Bxs. 87067 128024 10307 3878 22735 252011 
 
 1907-08 1179323 593110 445726 104882 146487 2469528 
 
 •• Bxs. 98609 151363 11958 2208 21068 285206 
 
 1908-09 674700 406253 341389 14910 142363 1572615 
 
 " Bx8. 208383 243969 41708 3263 23469 520792 
 
 1909-10 878052 615354 452853 73931 192224 2212474 
 
 " Bxs. 145486 211873 45388 22516 35099 460362 
 
 1910-11 649055 446672 324876 71773 142601 1634977 
 
 " Bxs. 361268 501964 94465 77981 70932 1106610 
 
 1911-12 962262 756056 537306 283065 229338 2768027 
 
 " Bxs. 189334 226094 44242 70634 56531 587035 
 
 1912-13 1125670 740145 548068 258543 288571 2960997 
 
 " Bxs. 389084 586566 106982 172208 198457 1453577 
 
 1913-14 643026 424175 3634'^0 171487 173829 1775937 
 
 " Bxs. 211539 240613 83804 211775 119515 867346 
 
TABLxil XXIII 
 Yearly Range of Apple iTices at Boston. 
 
 Year High 
 
 h2S 
 
 1891 
 
 $ COO 
 
 '4 .50 
 
 1692 
 
 5.00 
 
 .75 
 
 1893 
 
 5.00 
 
 .50 
 
 1694 
 
 6.50 
 
 .50 
 
 1895 
 
 4.00 
 
 1.00 
 
 1896 
 
 5.00 
 
 .35 
 
 1897 
 
 4.50 
 
 .50 
 
 1698 
 
 5.00 
 
 .35 
 
 1899 
 
 5.00 
 
 .75 
 
 1900 
 
 5.00 
 
 .50 
 
 1901 
 
 5.00 
 
 .50 
 
 1902 
 
 5.50 
 
 .50 
 
 Year 
 
 1903 
 
 $4.00 
 
 ;; .50 
 
 1904 
 
 4.50 
 
 .75 
 
 1905 
 
 6.00 
 
 .75 
 
 1906 
 
 6.00 
 
 1.00 
 
 1907 
 
 6.00 
 
 1.00 
 
 1908 
 
 4.50 
 
 .75 
 
 1909 
 
 6.00 
 
 1.50 
 
 1910 
 
 5.50 
 
 1.00 
 
 1911 
 
 6.00 
 
 1.00 
 
 1912 
 
 6.50 
 
 1.00 
 
 1913 
 
 5.50 
 
 1.25 
 
 figures compiled for writer by L. V/. DePass, Statistical Dept., 
 
 Boston Chamber of Commerce. 
 
 TABL1-. XXIV 
 Yearly Receipts of Apples at Boston. 
 
 Yeas 
 
 Barrels 
 
 1885 
 
 519,217 
 
 1836 
 
 645,217 
 
 1887 
 
 390,027 
 
 1688 
 
 588,822 
 
 1889 
 
 424,461 
 
 1890 
 
 206,003 
 
 1891 
 
 426,678 
 
 1692 
 
 602,092 
 
 1893 
 
 314,126 
 
 1894 
 
 590,143 
 
 1895 
 
 420,650 
 
 1896 
 
 871,617 
 
 1897 
 
 712,144 
 
 1898 
 
 447,093 
 
 1699 
 
 522,539 
 
 Boxes 
 
 Year 
 
 Barrels 
 
 Boxes 
 
 1900 
 
 589 , 016 
 
 
 1901 
 
 427,398 
 
 
 1902 
 
 1,011,287 
 
 
 1903 
 
 1,189,766 
 
 
 1904 
 
 1,157,956 
 
 
 1905 
 
 928,897 
 
 
 1906 
 
 827,838 
 
 
 1907 
 
 660,949 
 
 
 1908 
 
 607,937 
 
 
 1909 
 
 432,369 
 
 
 1910 
 
 818.969 
 
 
 1911 
 
 778,121 
 
 
 1912 
 
 808,487 
 
 222,029 
 
 1913 
 
 59ft, 931 
 
 219,395 
 
 1914 
 
 509 , 220 
 
 212,688 
 
 Figures compiled for writer by L. W. DePass. Statistical Dept., 
 
 Boston Chamber of Commerce. 
 
TABLE XXV 
 DiBpoBition of Money Paid for y&rrn Crops, 1911. 
 B. i. Yoakum, World's V/ork, 25:183-91. 
 "Approximated fron CoveminGnt Figures" 
 
 Producer received $6,000,000,000. 46.1^ 
 
 Railroads " 495,000,000. 3.8 
 ■Legitimate" Expense 
 
 of Selling 1,200,000,000. 9.2 
 
 Waste in Selling ' 1,560.000,000. 12.0 
 
 Dealers & Retailers 3,745,000,000. 28.9 
 
 Total Price Paid by Publ .13,000,000,000 100.0 
 
 TABLE XXVI 
 
 Amounts of ?ruit8 Handled by Prominent Primary Llarkets, 
 
 1912-13. (In Barrels) 
 
 Boston 785,663 Cincinnati 309,158 
 
 St. Louis 295,996 Louisville 159,101 
 SanPrancisco 111,601 
 
 "Better Fruit", Vol. IX, No. 1. 
 
 TABLS XXVII 
 
 Prices and Hate of Increase in Farm Products, 1889-1909 
 
 Average Per Unit 
 
 Value Increase Increase in 
 
 Crop Unit 1B99 1909 Amount J^ Prp^uption 
 
 All crops 66.6 83.0^ 
 
 All Cereals 
 
 76.5 79.8 
 
 Hay & Forage Ton |6.11 ^8.45 ^2.34 38.4 70.2 
 
 Potatoes Bu. .35 .42 .07 18-? 9^.2 
 
 Small Fruits qt. .054 .07 '^B 30.1 19.8 
 
 Orchard " Bu. .39 -65 -26 65.3 68.2 
 
 Huts Lb. .04 .07 .03 46.5 128.1 
 Population 
 
 "Better Fruit", Vol. IX, No.^1 
 
tabl:^ xkviii 
 
 Monthly Percentage of Annual Jalea of Apples and Oi'anges 
 
 Month 
 
 July 
 
 August 
 
 September 
 
 October 
 
 November 
 
 December 
 
 January 
 
 February 
 
 March 
 
 April 
 
 May 
 
 June 
 
 Bo a ton 
 ranges Aptflea 
 
 
 1.7 
 
 
 3.3 
 
 .2 
 
 6.3 
 
 1.4 
 
 31.7 
 
 13.3 
 
 32.8 
 
 31.3 
 
 12.0 
 
 17.7 
 
 3.9 
 
 18.2 
 
 3.8 
 
 13.0 
 
 3.5 
 
 2.8 
 
 1.7 
 
 1.4 
 
 1.3 
 
 .7 
 
 .1 
 
 Cinciniiati 
 
 prance B, 
 
 'Vnt^^^P 
 
 1.2 
 
 1.5 
 
 3.3 
 
 2.0 
 
 8.9 
 
 .9 
 
 23.8 
 
 1.1 
 
 23.6 
 
 6.2 
 
 16.4 
 
 29.3 
 
 2.7 
 
 11.1 
 
 6.4 
 
 15.7 
 
 6.9 
 
 13.8 
 
 4.7 
 
 S.2 
 
 1.7 
 
 6.2 
 
 .4 
 
 4.0 
 
 "Better ]?ruit*. Vol. IX, Ho. 1. 
 
 1910 
 
 TABLE XXII. 
 
 United Statea Fruit Imports and iSxporte. 
 
 Total Value Fruit Imports #23,220,792. 
 rt « isxporta 18,504,591. 
 Percentage of ?ruit Crop Exported 8.3% 
 
 Percentage of All Fruits Imported 
 Compared to Total /igr. Importa 
 
 3.6J5 
 
 1^12 
 4.0^ 
 
 "Better Fruit", Vol. IX, Ho. Ir 
 
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 ^BLE XXXI 
 
 
 
 Average Prices of 
 
 Apples in Hew 
 
 York for Twenty Yeai 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 Receipts 
 
 Total 
 
 Price 
 
 
 1893-1894 
 
 (Barrels) 
 634,664 
 
 Value 
 # 865,8'?3 
 
 Per Bbl. 
 
 i^.43 
 
 
 1894.1895 
 
 526,338 
 
 1,368,716 
 
 2.60 
 
 
 1896-189e 
 
 736,487 
 
 1,627,907 
 
 2.21 
 
 
 1896-1897 
 
 1,426,546 
 
 2,018,411 
 
 1.41 
 
 
 1897-1898 
 1898-1899 
 
 877,077 
 650,686 
 
 2,336,934 
 2,116,021 
 
 2.66 
 3.25 
 
 : "#2.62 
 
 1899-1900 
 
 921,648 
 
 2,147,728 
 
 2.33 
 
 
 1900-1901 
 
 895,967 
 
 2,238,004 
 
 2.50 
 
 
 1901-1902 
 
 553,816 
 
 2,067,679 
 
 3.72 
 
 
 1902-1903 
 
 1,540,005 
 
 3,196,294 
 
 2.08 ; 
 
 
 1903-1904 
 
 2,043,606 
 
 4,880,324 
 
 2.39 : 
 
 
 1904-1905 
 
 1,865,459 
 
 3,895,384 
 
 2.09 ; 
 
 
 1905-1906 
 
 1,566,855 
 
 5,176,749 
 
 3.30 ; 
 
 
 1906-1907 
 
 2,227,577 
 
 5,889,810 
 
 2.64 . 
 
 
 1907-1908 
 
 1,687,719 
 
 5,150,687 
 
 3.05 : 
 
 i'2.87 
 
 1908-1909 
 
 1,858,267 
 
 5,992,356 
 
 3.22 : 
 
 
 1909-1910 
 
 1,898,268 
 
 6,045,390 
 
 3.18 : 
 
 
 1910-1911 
 
 1,932,327 
 
 6,904,624 
 
 3.57 : 
 
 
 1911-1912 
 
 1,876,168 
 
 5,028,725 
 
 2.68 : 
 
 
 1912-1913 
 
 2,438,606 
 
 6,320,756 
 
 2.59 : 
 
 
 
 TABLE XXXII 
 
 
 
 Average Monthly Receipte of Apple 
 
 8 in nent 
 
 r York. 
 
 Month 
 
 1893-1903 
 
 1903 
 
 to 1913 
 
 
 Average 
 
 Per Cent 
 
 Average 
 
 Per Cent 
 
 Ifonth 
 
 Receipts 
 
 of Total 
 
 Receipts 
 
 of Total 
 
 August 
 
 33,370 
 
 3.94 
 
 94,053 
 
 4.80 
 
 Septemlser 
 
 85,950 
 
 10.14 
 
 223,780 
 
 11.42 
 
 October 
 
 176,115 
 
 20.77 
 
 427,868 
 
 21.84 
 
 Hovemher 
 
 171,491 
 
 20.22 
 
 373,551 
 
 19.07 
 
 December 
 
 96,964 
 
 11.43 
 
 210,877 
 
 10.77 
 
 January 
 
 69,385 
 
 8.18 
 
 157,362 
 
 8.03 
 
 February 
 
 63,659 
 
 7.51 
 
 134,506 
 
 6.87 
 
 March 
 
 65,632 
 
 7.74 
 
 148,358 
 
 7.57 
 
 April 
 
 45,314 
 
 5.34 
 
 101,236 
 
 5.17 
 
 May 
 
 21,968 
 
 2.59 
 
 54,835 
 
 2.80 
 
 June 
 
 6,814 
 
 .80 
 
 23,125 
 
 1.18 
 
 July 
 
 11,337 
 
 1.34 
 
 9,317 
 
 .48 
 
 
 "Better Fruits 
 
 3", June, 1914 
 
 • 
 
 
TABLE XXXIII. 
 
 Prices of Different Varieties by Years and Percentage of 
 Increase In the Last Ten Years over the Previous Ten Years.* 
 
 
 Alex- 
 
 Pall 
 
 Pa- 
 
 Grav- 
 
 I^iden 
 
 Moln- 
 
 Olden- 
 
 Twenty 
 
 
 ander 
 
 EApp.in 
 
 msuae 
 
 ,?P,stein 
 
 . B;Lush 
 
 tosh 
 
 ,. "burp; 
 
 Ounc£ 
 
 1893-1894 
 
 --. 
 
 2.54 
 
 3.28 
 
 2.64 
 
 2.40 
 
 ..- 
 
 2.62 
 
 2.81 
 
 1894-1895 
 
 2.75 
 
 2.02 
 
 2.45 
 
 1.84 
 
 2.01 
 
 --- 
 
 1.84 
 
 2.12 
 
 1895-1896 
 
 2.32 
 
 1.73 
 
 3.16 
 
 1.86 
 
 1.62 
 
 --- 
 
 1.66 
 
 1.71 
 
 1896-1897 
 
 1.57 
 
 i.3C 
 
 1*49 
 
 1.53 
 
 1.12 
 
 --- 
 
 1.43 
 
 1.33 
 
 1897-1898 
 
 2.25 
 
 1.97 
 
 --- 
 
 2.07 
 
 2.20 
 
 
 2.24 
 
 1.96 
 
 1098-1899 
 
 2.47 
 
 2.31 
 
 o , G? 
 
 2.09 
 
 2.56 
 
 — - 
 
 2.25 
 
 --- 
 
 1899-1900 
 
 2.03 
 
 1.53 
 
 2.35 
 
 2.02 
 
 1.69 
 
 
 
 1.68 
 
 1.73 
 
 1900-1901 
 
 1.92 
 
 1.63 
 
 2.47 
 
 2.0C 
 
 1.73 
 
 tm mnmm 
 
 1.95 
 
 1.75 
 
 1901-1902 
 
 3.52 
 
 3.37 
 
 4.06 
 
 3.01 
 
 (-•«■» 
 
 • — 
 
 3.36 
 
 3.52 
 
 1902-1903 
 
 2.32 
 
 1.67 
 
 1.7G 
 
 1.87 
 
 1.71 
 
 T"- 
 
 2.85 
 
 1.80 
 
 1903-1904 
 
 2.93 
 
 1.93 
 
 2.77 
 
 2.52 
 
 1.96 
 
 --- 
 
 2.35 
 
 2.06 
 
 1904-1905 
 
 2.26 
 
 1.85 
 
 2.04 
 
 1.98 
 
 1.76 
 
 3.00 
 
 1.93 
 
 2.05 
 
 1905-1906 
 
 2.31 
 
 2.55 
 
 3.06 
 
 2.78 
 
 2.46 
 
 3.90 
 
 2.74 
 
 2.84 
 
 1906-1907 
 
 2.93 
 
 2,39 
 
 2.76 
 
 2.54 
 
 2.42 
 
 3.25 
 
 2.62 
 
 2.24 
 
 1907-1908 
 
 3.87 
 
 2.70 
 
 3.00 
 
 2.73 
 
 2.86 
 
 3.65 
 
 3.76 
 
 2.99 
 
 1908-19C9 
 
 3.10 
 
 2.73 
 
 2.96 
 
 2.80 
 
 2.57 
 
 5.75 
 
 2.65 
 
 2.74 
 
 1909-1910 
 
 4.04 
 
 3.31 
 
 3.71 
 
 2.75 
 
 2.62 
 
 3.95 
 
 3.16 
 
 3.13 
 
 1910-1911 
 
 3.71 
 
 3.12 
 
 3.37 
 
 3.05 
 
 3.36 
 
 3.89 
 
 3.05 
 
 3.48 
 
 1911-1912 
 
 2.98 
 
 2.34 
 
 --- 
 
 2.32 
 
 2.C6 
 
 3.00 
 
 2.45 
 
 2.57 
 
 1912-1913 
 
 3.01 
 
 2.59 
 
 
 
 2.69 
 
 2.32 
 
 3.S2 
 
 2.46 
 
 2.56 
 
 Av. for 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 yrs . 
 
 2.75 
 
 2.28 
 
 2.84 
 
 2.35 
 
 2.18 
 
 — - 
 
 2.45 
 
 2.39 
 
 Av. 1893- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1903 
 
 2.35 
 
 2.01 
 
 2.74 
 
 2.09 
 
 1.89 
 
 — -' 
 
 ki,19 
 
 2.08 
 
 At, 1903- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1913 
 
 3.11 
 
 2.55 
 
 2.96 
 
 2.62 
 
 2.44 
 
 3.51 
 
 2,72 
 
 2.67 
 
 Percentage 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 increase 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 in last 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 yrs . over 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 previous 
 10 yrs. 
 
 32.3 
 
 26.9 
 
 8.0 
 
 25.4 
 
 29.1 
 
 -\— 
 
 24.2 
 
 28,4 
 
 ♦Blanks indicate no quotations for that year. 
 
TABL^ XXXIII (Cont.) 
 Prices of Different Varieties by Years and Percentage of 
 Increase in the Last Ten Years over the Prerious Ten Years.* 
 
 
 
 
 Bsopus 
 
 Korth- 
 
 
 
 Tomp- 
 
 
 
 Bald- 
 
 Ben 
 
 Spltz- 
 
 em 
 
 Rhode 
 
 
 kins 
 
 Pound 
 
 
 win 
 
 DavlB 
 
 enber^ 
 
 - Spy. , 
 
 Island 
 
 Russet 
 
 KlnR 
 
 Sweet 
 
 1893-1894 
 
 3.90 
 
 3.05 
 
 5.04 
 
 3.80 
 
 3.39 
 
 4.44 
 
 4.02 
 
 ... 
 
 1894-1895 
 
 2.78 
 
 4.0C 
 
 3.96 
 
 2.86 
 
 3.01 
 
 3.07 
 
 2.56 
 
 ... 
 
 1895-1896 
 
 2.37 
 
 2.76 
 
 1.80 
 
 2.26 
 
 2.47 
 
 2.73 
 
 2.33 
 
 ... 
 
 1896-1897 
 
 1.53 
 
 2.71 
 
 1.82 
 
 1.93 
 
 1.69 
 
 2.08 
 
 1.47 
 
 1.18 
 
 1897-1898 
 
 2.72 
 
 3.13 
 
 ... 
 
 2.83 
 
 2.87 
 
 2.88 
 
 3.15 
 
 _— 
 
 1898-1899 
 
 3.72 
 
 4.12 
 
 ... 
 
 3.63 
 
 4.17 
 
 3.49 
 
 3.20 
 
 ... 
 
 1899-1900 
 
 2.77 
 
 3.06 
 
 3.51 
 
 2.71 
 
 2.55 
 
 3.16 
 
 2.51 
 
 ... 
 
 1900-1901 
 
 2.70 
 
 2.87 
 
 3.78 
 
 2.97 
 
 2.49 
 
 3.04 
 
 2.73 
 
 1,93 
 
 1901-1902 
 
 3.46 
 
 3.52 
 
 4.46 
 
 3.20 
 
 3.65 
 
 2.92 
 
 4.17 
 
 2.91 
 
 1902-1903 
 
 1.99 
 
 2.24 
 
 2.73 
 
 2.07 
 
 2.14 
 
 2.17 
 
 2.24 
 
 1.50 
 
 1903-1904 
 
 2.23 
 
 2.33 
 
 2.90 
 
 2.59 
 
 2.32 
 
 2.30 
 
 2.80 
 
 1.86 
 
 1904-1905 
 
 2.07 
 
 2.19 
 
 2.54 
 
 2«42 
 
 1.94 
 
 2.52 
 
 2.52 
 
 1.50 
 
 1905-1906 
 
 3.88 
 
 4.02 
 
 4.25 
 
 4.64 
 
 3.79 
 
 4.55 
 
 4.15 
 
 2.76 
 
 1906-1907 
 
 3.26 
 
 3.29 
 
 3.24 
 
 3.29 
 
 2.94 
 
 4.09 
 
 3.03 
 
 ... 
 
 1907-1908 
 
 2.86 
 
 2.62 
 
 3.30 
 
 3.10 
 
 3.14 
 
 1.98 
 
 3.24 
 
 2.62 
 
 1908-1909 
 
 4.16 
 
 3.26 
 
 4.14 
 
 4.36 
 
 3.61 
 
 3.52 
 
 3.71 
 
 2.12 
 
 1909-1910 
 
 3.19 
 
 3.06 
 
 2.89 
 
 3.17 
 
 3.44 
 
 2.71 
 
 3.43 
 
 ... 
 
 1910-1911 
 
 4.02 
 
 3.60 
 
 ... 
 
 4.42 
 
 4.26 
 
 3.76 
 
 3.54 
 
 ... 
 
 1911-1912 
 
 2.61 
 
 2.41 
 
 3.14 
 
 3.25 
 
 2.86 
 
 --- 
 
 2,83 
 
 ... 
 
 1912-1913 
 
 2.66 
 
 2.46 
 
 3.25 
 
 ?.35 
 
 2.71 
 
 2.42 
 
 2.55 
 
 2.10 
 
 Av. for 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 yrs. 
 
 2.94 
 
 3.04 
 
 3.34 
 
 3.14 
 
 2.97 
 
 3.04 
 
 3.01 
 
 2.05 
 
 Ave. 1893- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1903 
 
 2.79 
 
 3.15 
 
 3.39 
 
 2.83 
 
 2.84 
 
 3.00 
 
 2.84 
 
 1.88 
 
 Av, 1903- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1913 
 
 3.09 
 
 2.92 
 
 3.29 
 
 3.46 
 
 3.10 
 
 3.09 
 
 3.18 
 
 2.16 
 
 Percentage 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Increase 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 in last 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 yrs. over 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 previous 
 10' yrs . 
 
 10.8 
 
 7.3 
 
 2.9 
 
 22.3 
 
 9.2 
 
 3.0 
 
 12.0 
 
 14.9 
 
 ♦Blanks Indicate no quotations for that year.