Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924074468350 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 924 074 468 350 THE IMMIGRATION COMMISSION THE IMMIGRATION PROBLEM It has long been our boast that America offers an asylum for the oppressed of all nations, and Liberty Enlightening the World stands beckoning such to our shores. It is time, Mr. President, that this sen- timent should be relegated to the Umbo of things to be forgotten, and give place to the more practical sentiment that our own must be pro- vided for. SPEECH OF HON. FRANK B. GARY OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1909 ■WA.SH:nsr&TON" 1909 73521—8060 SPEECH Off HOI^. EEANK B. GAEY. Mr. GARY. Mr. President The VICE-PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Pennsyl- vania yield to the Senator from South Carolina? Mr. PENROSE. I yield to the Senator from South Carolina, as he has given notice to the Senate that he desires to address the Senate this morning. THE IMMIQKATION COMMISSION. ' Mr. GARY, Mr. President, I asis that Senate resolution No. 279 be now laid before the Senate. The VICE-PRESIDENT. The Chair lays before the Senate the resolution referred to by the Senator from South Carolina^ which will be read. The Secretary read resolution No. 279, submitted by Mr. Gaby on the 4th Instant, as. follows : Resolved, That the Immigration Commission, created by section 39 of "An act to regulate the Immigration of aliens into the United States," approved February 20, 1907, be, and hereby la, directed to report forth- with to the Congress a brief summary of its acts, doings, and present worlr, together with an itemized statement of its expenditures, giving the amounts, purpose for which spent, to whom and for whom or what paid, and a list of all persons that have been or now are employed by the commission, directly or indirectly, their residence at time of ap- pointment, the length of service, salary paid, and all allowances, and such other information as will give the Senate an idea of the amount of money and length of time It will take the commission to complete Its labors and malse its recommendiitions and final report. Mr. GARY. Mr. President, in view of the short time remain- ing of this session, and the large number of appropriation bills yet to be acted upon, I am not unmindful that the time of this body is precious. I would be loath to consume any part of it, but, for reasons that must be manifest, I must speak now or not at aU. Besides, Mr. President, there is no problem of more vital interest to t^e American people, or one more urgently call- ing for solution, than the problem of immigration. The subject embraces not only the constant importation of hordes of illiter- ate, unassimilable, and undesirable citizens from the cesspools of Europe, but it embraces the invasion of the Pacific slope by the yellow man from the Orient as well. \ Whatever may be the feel- ings excited in us when we consider the two classes, whether they be feelings of admiration or disgust and loathing, still the ultimate effect upon the peace, morality, and homogeneity of our race will be the same from each class if the importation is un- checked. He must, indeed, be an optimist with childlike faith who can contemplate the situation without concern for the future of our country, now menaced on both the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. \ 73521—8060 3 The problem is one which, like Banquo's ghost, will not down, no matter how much we may desire to repress or shun it. But it should be approached with the calmest judgment, the high- est patriotism, and the most enlightened statesmanship; and, as the Senator from Nevada well says, " No question involving such important consideraiioms as race iiomogeneity and domestic industrial peace can safely be turned over to diplomacy." It will be recalled that the Congress of the United States, on account of n disagreement between the two Bouses on the enact- ment-o£ an immigration uestrictiCHi bjll that would tend to ;solve the problem, inserted a provision in the immigration act, for the appointment of a commission of nine, composed of three Senators, three Representatives, and three laymen, to be ap- pointed by the President, for the purpose of making an investi- gation, in the United States and abroad, of the subject of immi- gration with a view of determining wliat the conditions are and with a view of determining wTiat legislation should be en- acted. This commission was appointed two years ago. The ipro- vision which created the board lequired that a report should be made to Congress. It will be recalled, too, that this commission is practically unlimited as to the amount it may spend, and is unlimited as to the number of persons it may employ in its serv- ice. Whether or not the provision creating this immigration com- mission was enacted for the purpose of sidetracldng and pre- venting needed legislation, as some have asserted, is not for me to say. Such a suggestion would serve no good purpose at this time. It is proper to say, however, tiiat from a commission so constituted and so unhampered, the Ameriean people had a right to expect, before now, some light and some suggestion as a basis for l^slation against the evH conditiwai that surround us, and which each day multiply. The books of the auditor and vouchers show that this commission lias already expended upward of $358,000, and the end is not yet. Mr. FLINT. Mr. President The YICE-PEESIDENT. Does tbe Senator fi-om South Caro- lina yield to the Senator from California 1 Mr. GART. I do. Mr. FLINT. I should like to ask the Senator a question just at that point. Does the Senator know wiat salaries are being paid to these commissioners? Mr. GARY. I was coming to that I know the salaries of some of them. There is a professor in one of the colleges who, as one of the commission, if I am r^iably infonned, gets a salary of $7,500 a year and two hundred or three hundred dollars a month expenses. There is among the employees a secret-service man, as I undjerstand, who has been at work in the southern part of California and on the Mexican border. His salary would amount to seven or eight thousand dollars a year, as he drew over a thousand dollars for the month of March, 1908. I presume he gets about that amount monthly. As to the salaries of the others, I am not informed. Mr. DILLINGHAM. Mr. President The VICiB-PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from South Caro- lina yield to the Senator from Vermont? Mr. GARY. Certainly. Mr. DILLINGHAM. Mr. President, I think it is only fair to the appointing power that a statement should be made as to 73521—8060 the salaries of the commissioners. _ The Senator from South Caro- lina is aware that there are three Senators upon this commis- sion and three Members of the House of Representatives, who receive no salary whatever, and that every member of that com- mission is giving a very large amount of work to the purposes of the commission. Under the act the President appointed three commissioners — Professor Jenks, of Cornell University ; Mr. William E. Wheeler, of California ; and Doctor Neill, the Commissioner of Labor. The President fixed their salaries at the sum received by Mem- bers of Congress — that is, $7,500 a year. Professor Jenks is re- ceiving that salary and giving substantially all of his time to the work. Mr. Wheelier is the Assistant Commissioner of Commerce and Labor, receiving a salary of $5,000 a year from that source, and he receives the balance of $2,500 under this act. I can say the same as to Doctor Neill, who is the Commissioner of Labor. Mr. BAILEY. I want to say that there never was an hour when this man Neill could earn one-third of $7,500 a year out- side of the government service. Mr. E'LINT. Mr. President The VICE-PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from South Caro- lina yield further to the Senator from California? Mr. GARY. Certainly. Mr. FLINT. I simply want to ask the Senatof from Ver- mont [Mr. Dillinqham] another question before he takes his seat, In reference to whether these commissioners are devoting their entire time to this work and receiving a salary of $7,500 a year? Mr. DILLINGHAM. Mr. President, I understand that Pro- fessor Jenks is giving substantially aU of his time to the work. As to the other two commissioners, they are engaged in the work I have already Indicated, In the positions which I have named, and the salaries received there are deducted from the salaries fixed by the President for their services as members of the commission. Mr. NBWLANDS. Mr. President Mr. FLINT. In other words, Mr. President The VICE-PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from South Caro- lina yield to the Senator from Nevada? Mr. GARY. Certainly. Mr. NEWLANDS. I understood the Senator from South Car- olina to state that the total expenses thus far had been about $350,000. Mr. GARY. Three hundred and fifty-eight thousand dollars. Mr. NEWLANDS. They have been $358,000. The Senator from Vermont [Mr. Dillingham] has stated that the salaries In the aggregate amount to about $22,500 a year — three salaries of $7,500 each. Mr. BACON. Not that much, for the salaries received from other sources are deducted. Mr. NEWLANDS. Yes; as the Senator from Georgia well says, the salaries received from other sources by the Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Labor and the Chief of the Bureau of Labor, I believe it is, must be deducted, amounting to about $10,000, so that the total amount paid for salaries out of this 73521—8060 aippropriatioH is $12,500 per anaum> I' Inquire of ISie gieiiatoT what the remainder of this large sum of $858,000' is made up'Of ? Mr, DILLINGHAM. Mr. Presldient The VIOE-PRESIDENT. Does the Seaatoc' fromi South Caro- lina yield to the Senator from. Termont?- Mr. GARY. Certainly. Mr; DILLINGHAM!. If I may be allowed to make a sn^es- tion at this point, It may saTe time. Of course, I hadi jm MiX- mation what was to be- said by the Senator from South Caro- lina or what direction this debate- wouM. take-. I have not, of course, -with me this morning: the papers and data with: which to answer all' these qraestliiBiia, Had 1 known the discussion was to take this trend, I would have had them. I do not run away from) any inqtrtiy; I do not run away from any debate on this subject. I heartily favor the resolution or a substitute which, will make it even better than it is, which I under- stand the- Senator from Souffld Carolina desires to offier ;; and; I would be very gla-d tins momiiug' if the Senator could be allowed to make his speesch, I will favoir his resolution, and I will see that the commission sends to the- Senate the fullest kind ©f a report upon every subject covered by it. Mr. BACON. I desire to' a^ the Senator from South Caro- lina, with his permission, by whom were the appointments to be made? Mr. GARY. By the commissioi^, I. assume. That is the infor- mation we want to secure by liiis resolutioni Mx. MONEY. Mr.. Pre^dent- The VICB-PEES-IDIiNa?. Does the Senator from SoB*h Car- olina yield to the Senator from Mississippi? Mr. GARY. Certainly. Mr. MONEY. The Senator said, or I thought- he said, that the President had flised the sailary of the men appoioted at $7,500 a year. Was that authority given him by the act? Mr;-. GARY. The appointmei^ ©f the citizen members of the Immigration Commissiomi is an absolutely distinct; separate, and independent matter from the special commission appointed Feb- ruary 24, 1906, and about the legal creation of this latiteE- special commission I do not know. I was merely bringing- it up to show tha-t the employment of" Michael Clayton, who -was paid at the rate of $7,000 or $8,000 a. year,: was simply a duplication of work. Mr. MONEY. Is the Senator able to teU me by wiat aiUior- i-ty the President of the XInited States fixes the pay of anybody whom he appoints? Mr. GARY. As I said, I do not know what legislative author- ity the President haxi for appointing -taie special commission which he appointed on Februaicy 24, 1906'. The immigration act of February 20, 1907, gave him authority to appoint three citi- zen members of the immigration commission created thereby, and to fix the salaries of these three. Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President The VICE-PRESIDENT. Does the jnnior Senatoc from South Carolina yield- to the senior Senator from South Carolina ? Mr. GABY. Certainly. Mr. TILLMAN. Has the Senator discovered' -that this man Clayton has given any new information, or is he merely traveling over the same old route and repeating practically the same information that the other officers have already given? 73521—8060 Mr. GARY. That is the point I was making, that he is simply duplicating the work that has recently been done by a special commission appointed by the President and by Commis- sioner Braun, who had done It officially and filed his report with the Department of Commerce and Labor, and a part of whose report is to' be found in the annual report of the Commissioner- General for 1907. Mr. BACON. If the Senator from South Carolina will per- mit me, I should like to ask the Senator form Vermont a ques- tion. The VICE-PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from South Caro- lina yield to the Senator from Georgia? Mr. GARY. Certainly. Mr. BACON. The Senator from Vermont stated that the three commissioners, outside of the Members of the Senate and House serving on the commission, had had their pay fixed by the President. I understood him to say that. Mr. DILLINGHAM. By the President. Mr. BACON. Does the act authorize that? Mr. DILLINGHAM. I do not remember whether there is a special provision in the act for that ; but my impression Is that such a provision was inserted. Mr. BACON. I hope the Senator will look at the act and in- form us, because, while it is true that we are to have the re- port subsequently, when this matter passes from our attention we do not have time to look up thes» reports, and I should like to know, while this debate is going on, whether or not the act does authorize this, or whether the President has done it volun- tarily? Mr. DILLINGHAM, I will procure a copy of the act and look that up. Mr. GARY. Mr. President, to proceed at the point where I left ofiE when interrupted. On the pay roll there is one man whose salary is $7,500 per annum in addition to his expenses, which amount to about $200 per month. I am reliably Informed that this man has not lost a day from his regular work as professor since his employment by the commission. He is ready to report as to his work, yet his salary continues. Another expensive employee of the Immi- gration Commission is Michael Clayton. According to the Con- QBESSioNAL Recoed, Under date of January 26, ultimo, page 1462, this secret-service man has been looking into the smug- gling of Japanese "and Chinese coolies over the Mexican border, a matter fully investigated by a special commission, composed of R. M. Easley, J. W. Jenks, and J. B.' Reynolds, appointed by the President February 24, 1906, whose report is in the hands of the Department of Commerce and Labor, and by such able, fearless investigators as Marcus Braun, whose findings of enor- mous smuggling were published in part by the Commissioner- General in his annual report for 1907. Clayton's total salary and allowances for the month of March, 1908, were $1,025, made up of $20 per diem compensation, $8 per diem hotel allow- ance, and over $5 per diem traveling expenses. There are many and apparently well-founded complamts as to the lax enforcement of such restriction laws as we now have which are intended to prohibit the importation of undesirable aliens. There are complaints that the existing laws are inade- 73521—8060 Quate; yet the light so much desired and tlje suggestions so Impatifflitly awaited, have not been forthcoming. The resolution we are considering seeks to bring forth at an early day a report from this commission. That the existing conditions are viewed with alarm by thoughtful men, men who have the welfare of otir country at heart, must be obvious to all. The action of state legislatures, immigration conferences, national and state farmers' unions, pa- triotic societies, commercial clubs, newspapers, and all other or- ganizations, societies, and representatives of public opinion, show most conclusively that the subject is a live one and one demand- ing attention. Certainly the agricultural elements of the South and West are alive to the situation and are calling in no uncer- tain tones that something be done to check the influx. Listen to the demand, If you please, of the representatives of two millions of farmers assembled in national convention : Resolved, That the Farmers' Edacational and Cooperative Union of America, In national convention assembled, at Memphis, Tenn., this 8th day or January, 1908, and representing two millions o( farmers, urge upon Congress the Immediate abolition of the federal bureau of distribution and the speedy enactment of laws substantially exclndlng the present enormous alien influx, by means of an increased bead tax, a money requirement, the illiteracy test, and other measures ; and that we call upon our public and especially our state officials, to prevent the agricultural sections from becoming a dumping ground for foreign Immigration. Of the same tenor are the resolutions passed in June, 1907, by the last National Oouncil.Junlor Order United American Me- chanics, representing thousands of patriotic workingmen. To the same effect and equally as strong are the r^olutions passed by the American Federation of Labor at its last annual convention at Denver, Colo., November 14, 1908. Equally emphatic are the resolutions passed by the General Assembly of the Kni^ts of Labor at Washington, D. C, No- vember, 1908. From another source, but quite as significant, are the resolu- tions of the legislature of the State of Virginia passed last winter unanimously by both houses : Resolved ty tJte senate of Tirglnia {the liouse of delegates conourring), That our Bepresentatives in both Houses of Congress be, and they are hereby, requested to oppose in every possible manner the influx into Vir^ finia of Immigrants from Boutbetn Europe, with their Mafia and Blaclc [and murder Eocletles, and with no characteristlcB to make them with US a homogeneous people, believing, as we do that upon Anglo-Saxon supremacy depends the future welfare and prosperity of this Common- wealth, and we view with alarm any effort that may tend to corrupt Its citizenship. I might also cite the message of President Roosevelt to Con- gress in December, 1905, a short time before this commission was created, in which he says : The question of immigration la of vital Interest to this country. In the year ending June 30, 1905, there cams to the United States 1,026,000 alien immigrants. Moreover, a considerable proportion of It, probably a very large proportion, incladins most of the nndeslrable class, does not come here of Its own initiative, but because of the activities «f agents of transportation companies. These agents ara distribiited throughout Europe, and by offer of all kinds of induce- ments' they wheedle and cajole many Immigrants, often against their own interests, to come here. The most serloas obstacle we have to •ncounter in the effort to secure proper regulatloH of immigration to Biese shores, arises from the detrimental opposition of tore^ steam- ship lines, who have no interest whatever In the matter, save to Increase the returns on their capital by carrying masses of Immigrar tlon hither In the steerage of their ships. 73521—8060 a As bearing out the statement of the President, as to the agencies responsible for the existing conditions, we mi^t men- tion an extract from the report of the commissioner-general for 1907, where he says : Another year's experience but emphasizes and confirms the coa. vlctlon that a considerable part of the large immigration of the past few years is forced or artificial. Two separate and distinct factors are from Interested motives responsible for such of the immigration as Is not natural; first, the violators and evaders of the contract labor feature of the law ; and, second, the steamship runners and agencies. And speaking of the influence toward immigration of letters from previous Immigrants In tMs country he says : The worst of It Is that there are evidences that this endless chaia- letter scheme Is seized upon by the promoters and money lenders to further their Interests, and no opportunity lost to encourage both the writing and extensive dissemination of . such missives. When this is done the line is passed between natural and forced Immigration, and the machinations of the promoter and usurer become a menace to the aliens directly, and to the welfare of this country Incidentally. This Steamship activity, of course, has been made possible by the changed character of steamship construction, the recent building of fleet steel ocean liners, and has brought about, owing to our feeble laws and their lax administration, a startling change in the character of our Immigration. One of the most noticeable effects has been the shifting of its source from the kindred peoples of northwest Europe to the alien brownish races of southeast Europew That the profit-making choice by these foreign steamship lines and the connivance of certain European governments are not giving us the best, even of these peoples, but much of their poorest, are matters of repeated official record. Our inspector, Marcus Braun, a foreigner by birth and a resi- dent of New York City by choice, who was sait abroad on a tour of inspection several years ago, made the astonishing discovery of documentary evidence that the Hungarian Government had actually made a contract with the Cunard Steamship Line to deliver for transportation to this country a minimum of 30,000 Hungarians annually. The Austrian officials, of course, were soon ready with plausible explanations, but Mr. Braun's report clearly demonstrates that that Government was not engaged in any philanthropic or_ftltruistic enterprise. It was a plain bargain to dump upon our shores at least 30,000 of her worst, most degraded slum population, if not her crim- inal and social outlaws and outcasts. It Is a series of facts of this character which leads Mr. Braun to conclude that some European goremments, as well as private Individuals and inter- ested societies, still regard the United States as a dumping ground for thousands of their most undesirable persons. A knowledge of the actual conditions, he concludes, would drive the blood of humiliation to the face of every good American, whether native or naturalized, and a description of them would defy the pen of a Macaulay. That these scandalous conditions still exist is evidenced by the more recent report of Dr. Maurice Fishberg; by the letters of Mr. Herbert F. Sherwood, corre- spondent of the Liberal Immigration League, a propagandist organization, who was with the commission on its European junket two years ago this coming summer; and by the still more recent official report of Special Inspector John Greenbei^, who visited Europe last summer, and whose report is now in the hands of the Department of Commerce and Labor. 73521 — 8060 10 It is unlikely, Mr. President, that these foreign corporations will at any time in the near future be brought to a realization of the enormity of their sins or of the great injustice their greed is doing the American people, for — If self the wavering balance shake, 'Tis rarely right adjusted. We must, therefore, expect a continuation of this conduct on the part of steamship companies and look upon the past as but a harbinger of what may be expected in the future, unless the Congress of the United States shall call a halt and shall by drastic legislation put a stop to this traffic in human flesh. If further evidence is needed to show that the question is a live one, we might point to the threatened legislation of California — legislation the enactment of which could be prevented only by the powerful influence of the President — and to the legislation enacted in Nevada, which even the power of the President could not prevent. But, Mr. President, we must speak of the yellow man with bated breath. We may scarcely think strongly about him with- out the suggestion that some treaty right has been infringed, and the resultant need of four battle ships is proclaimed. But we may as well face the situation now, unpleasant though it be. The history of the world does not record an instance where two races have at one and the same time occupied the same territory upon terms of equality. One must be subservient to the other or they must assimilate. Where two races are trying to occupy the same territory, one of three conditions must be brought about inevitably— either amalgamation, extermination, or subordina- tion of one to the other. Who knows anything of the Japanese character knows that he will not stand for either amalgamation or extermination nor for subordination longer than the conditions make it necessary; It seems to me, therefore, that before the situation has attained unmanageable proportions, or before it shall have become acute, it would be the part of wisdom for Congress to enact and enforce such prohibitive laws as will stop the incoming tide from the Orient. But I will not pursue this branch of the subject further, except to say that sooner or later we must meet the situation, and the sooner it is met and some adjustment made the better It will be for all parties concerned. If the assertion of supposed rights by the Japanese is vexatious now, what is to make it less annoying in the future? ^ The other branch of the subject,' viz, the flooding of the East and Middle West by an ever-increasing stream of illiterate Hun- garians, Poles, Greeks, Turks, Syrians, Arabs, and South Rus- sians, is stiir more dangerous because more insidious. As the Manufacturer's Record says in an editorial: This mongrelism, congesting the great cities of the East, Is a far greater menace to American labor, American institutions, and Amer^ lean life than the comparatively pure stock of the Japanese and Chinese of the West. Who, Mr. President, can contemplate the situation without feelings of loathing and abhorrence for the miserable creatures and apprehension for the effect upon our Anglo-Saxon civiliza- tion and democratic institutions? I can not give you a better picture of that situation than by quoting from Dr. Francis A. Walker, who, writing ten years ago, said : The Immigrant of the former time came almost exclusively from western or northern Europe. We have now tapped great reservoirs of 73521—8060 n populaM<3n> thenc almost unbiown. ta Izhe passenger lista of our anHlng vessels. Onix a short time ago tHa unmigrant from BontBecn Italy,, Hungary, Austriav anfl' Russia' together miw(B up haxSlT more than' 1 per cent of our- immlgicatioii. rEb-day fba propoEtloiii has risen, to some- thing like 40 per cent, and- thieatensi soon to- become SO tO' 6lQ' per cent, or even more. The entrance Into our oolXtlcar, social^ and indua- frial life of such vast masses of peasantry, degFaded* below our utmost eonceptionsi is a matter wMeb m> intelligent pa.'ti:lot cant look upon without the gravest apprehension and alarm. These people have no history behind them which is of a nature to give encouragement. They have none of the- inherited instihcts- amdi tendtendes wMwh made- it com- paratively easy to deal with the immiferatioa ofi the olden time; They are beaten men of beaten races, represepting, the worst failures In the struggle for exlBtence. Centuries are agains:* them as centuries were on the ^de of those who formerly came to- hb. They have none of the ideas, and aptitudes which, fit men to; take up neadiily and easily the problem of self-care and self-government,, such aa- belong to those who are descended from the tribes that met uudfer the oak trees of old GeE- many to make laws and choose* cM huaSced^ of thousands of criminals who don't know what liberty means, and don't care ; don't know our eustomsj can not Bpeak the Elngllsh language) and, are in general the scum of Europe. Was it foE tlie lite of these, Mr.. Presid^ent, that our fore- fathers baraved the hardships and danigers^ efS itet wilderness and wrested this land fromi the savage red man? Was it for the like of these that,, later,, our sires defied the arrc^ance, of tyrajats, that Anglo-Saxoa and dem«eraitie govemnnait might be planted and fostered here? Was it for the South. Bussian— duM and apathetiBi, biutaHzed! by long centuries of Ignorance,, privatloir, and tyranny : for the Greek, more debased than the, Russian, because of MS greater Intelligence for evil, unscrupulous,. q,ulck with the tongjie and also' not slow with' tlie knife that strikes from behind and in flie dark: for the ireasante from tbe Bajlkans, eqiualXy Immoral and' de- £3:aded, but less stoMd than the Russian; for tha ehafEereri tewntng / and cringing, schooled to duplicity and assassination througji long centuries beSeath the Turkish lash ; for the Hun, turbulient; savage, BtiUi half a barbarian ; for the Etaltei, more. especla,tly^^ hum at Bteiji^, in. Dlcturesone rages, stiletto In hla boot, murder in hia heart, too often a Wack heart, b^nd either as an accomplice, or as a prey tn his own black hand? If It was for these and the like of them that our forefathers fought bled, and died, then it were better, far better, that America had been left as a happy hunting ground for the red man better that Boston commons had never resounded with the cry of the patriot,, better that Kings? MountaiB had never been fought ^ ^ ... O, not yet mayst. thou Unbrace thy corslet, nor lay By thy sword ,- nor yet, Qy ffreedom, close thy 1MB m StombcTj. for thine enemy Never sleeps, and thou Must watch and combat Till the day of the new Earth and Heaven. 73521—8000 12 But let us look a little further and see what manner of people the steamships are dumping down upon us, and simply because so much per head goes into the company's treasury. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907, 1,285,349 aliens were admitted to the United States. This was an Increase of over 11 per cent of the previous year (1,100,735), which was also preceded by a banner year. It is true that for the past fiscal year, ending June 30 last, Immigration decreased to 782,870 plus 141,825 " nonimmigrant " aliens. Of this number, only 63,128 had ever been in the United States before. This would leave a new net alien addition to our population of at least 708,840 foreigners for 1908, and it is the assimilation and Americanization of these vast hordes, ever increasing in larger and larger influxes with the return of pros- perous times, that constitutes our immigration problem. About 80 per cent of the present immigration comes from extremely southern and eastern Europe and western Asia, whereas a quarter of a century ago we received practically no emigrants from these sections. This Immigration is composed of Slav and Iberic or Mediterranean races, far less capable of amalgamation and absorption than the kindred peoples of northwest Europe, which used to come to us and made such good frontiersmen. As a matter of fact, It is the coming and com- petition of these aliens, with their low standards of living, that have caused the decline in the number of assimilative Baltic peoples. As to the percentage of able-bodied, strong-minded men and women, it is diflaeult to speak with any statistical accuracy. The present laws are designed somewhat to keep out the weak- minded and weak bodied, but under its present administration most of them either escape detection, owing to the superficial inspection, or are admitted under bond. This is well shown by the fact that at least one insane or weak-minded, newly landed immigrant is picked up in two boroughs of New York City every day, and also the fact that the States of Massa- chusetts and New York deliver every day into the hands of immigration authorities from three to four immigrants for de- portation, who have become public charges, generally within two or three months after landing. I would caU attention to the last report of Theodore Bingham, police commissioner of New York, as showing the insufficiency of our present laws or their lax enforcement when it comes to dealing with the criminal Immigrant : We are trying to handle medieval criminals, men In whose blood runs the spirit of the y.endetta, by modern An|;lo-Saxon procedure. It Is wrong to allow these people to slip Into this country. But besides allowing this we give them, once in, every chance to work their black- mail without getting caught. Against this sort of crime our laws are weak. Hither they must be kept out, or else a system of procedure must be devised which is potent and Immediate enough to handle that sort of crime. The case of an alien who was arrested on November 27, 1908, will Illustrate something of the difficulty the police department works under In trying to keep tne city clear of alien criminals. On November 17, 1908, a warrant was requested for the arrest for deportation of an Italian from Naples. On November 20, 1908, the warrant was issued. On November 27, 1908, the man was arrested and delivered to Mils Island. The penal certificate of the man stated that he had been sentenced to eight days' solitary confinement In March, 1908, by the judge of the 73521—8060 13 tribunal ot Naples. Besides this, a letter from the Minister of the Interior of Italy stated that this man had committed a brutal murder in Naples, that he attempted to kill his own wife, that he had attempted to kill another man, and that while in the employ of the post-ofice department he had robbed the mail. The letter went on to say, that on July 10, 1908, this alien was sentenced in his absence, by the court ot assize, Naples, Italy, to life imprisonment. All this information was given to the United States authorities. On December 15, 1908, this alien was discharged from Mils Island and Is now at large in New York City. The ease of another man shows how the United States seems to insist on keeping these blackmailers here. A man who Is at present confined In New Tort State prison, serving a sentence of two and one-half years for attempted extortion, was arrested in Italy twenty-seven times and convicted twenty-five times. When he was sentenced to State's prison here he had been in this country less than three years. The police department tried to get a warrant for his arrest so he could be deport«d. The warrant was re- fused on the ground that the man had, by serving three years in prison, been here ntore than three years." Shall we permit a condition so revolting to continue? We look to the commission to tell us how to stop it. As to the character of the present immigration, I think the opuiion of such a man as Hon. William Williams, a recent com- missioner of immigration at the port of New York, through which comes the bulk of the influx, is the most reliable informa- tion that can be obtained. In his annual report (1903) he said: The present laws do not reach a large body of immigrants who are generally undesirable, because unintelligent, of low vitality, poor physique, able to perform only the cheapest kind of labor, desirous of settling almost exclusively in the cities, hy their competition tend- ing to reduce the standard of living of the American wage-worker, and unfitted either mentally or morally for good citizenship. It would be quite impossible to accurately state what proportion of last year's immigration should be classified as undesirable. I believe that at least 200,000 came here (631,885 entered through Ellis Island), who, although they may be able to earn a living, yot are not wanted and will be of no benefit to the country, and will, on the contrary, be a detriment, because their presence will tend to lower our standards. Their coming has been a benefit chiefly, if not only, to the transporta- tion companies which brought them over. As to the number of children, middle-aged, and aged people, about 5 per cent are under the age of 14 years of age, many of whom are still brought in by Greek padrones to work in bootblack- ing and other similar establishments, where the worst kind of child labor prevails; 85 per cent are between the ages of 14 and 44 years of age. About one-fourth are females and three- fourths males. From one-fourth to one-third of the adults can not read or write a single line in any language or dialect, not even their own. But, to return to the question of the congestion of the present immigration in our large cities, let me call your attention to what the Commissioner of Labor says in his seventh annual report, where he points out that of the slum population of Baltimore 77 per cent are foreigners, of Chicago 90 per cent, of Philadel- phia 91 per cent, and of New York City 95 per cent, and that southeast Europe furnishes from twenty to seventy-one times as many as does northwest Europe to these congested districts, where they are such a fertile field for the irresponsible agitator and corrupt boss. ,. , , „ j. t^ ,■ A year or two ago Mayor McClellan directed Doctor Darling- ton, president of the New York City Board of Health to make a special investigation of the push-cart nuisance. At the conclu- 73521—8060 M sion of his investigation Doctor Darlington reported, among other things : I have heard the assertion that immigration is necessary to carry on our public worlss, to build railroads, to dig canals, and the like. But the present immigrants now coming over do not come for that purpose and will not do that sort of work. No, they prefer to become push-cart peddlers and to live in our cities in poverty, breeding crime and disease. They occupy our streets, the streets for which our tax- payers have paid heavily. They interfere with traffic and break the laws of sanitation which we have decided are necessary for the preservation of public health. Now, it is proposed by certain interests to distribute this slum population over the South and West in order to make room for more of the same kind, and one even finds such a paper as the Jacksonville (Florida) Metropolis publishing matter sent out by the railroads under the caption of immigratioa labor for the South. ^ The Manufacturers' Record tells us that Congress is likely to be asked to set aside a fund for transporting laborers from one place to another and to be thus used on a loan basis, and the reason for this fund is given as follows: For lack of funds for transportation thousands of aliens living in large cities and who appeal for work are deprived of obtaining 're- munerative employment. From all parts of the country the cry comes for efficient help, but the laborer in many Instances is unable to go because he has not the means to pay his railroad fare. This is the situation confronting the Department of Commerce and Labor, who are trying to promote a benefi<5ial distribution of aliens among the States and Territories desiring laborers. The editor commenting on this plan, which is nothing more than a plan to relieve congestion in the principal cities and a plan to make more room in which to dump still more immi- grants, pertinently says: It must be confessed that these southern immigration schemes and other sociological, educational, and economic movements engineered from: New York disregard the fact of the South's forty years' fight for the maintenance of white civilization. It must be confessed that if the diverse schemes succeed white civilization must pass from a portion of the South. What care the schemers for that, and what care they for the disinterested warnings as long as the public mind of the South can be diverted from the fundamental questions? I take occasion to say just here, lest I be misunderstood, that I, in common with many other Southerners, would welcome to our midst homeseekers, whether they be of foreign or native birth, who from choice have embraced our form of government and wish to be part and parcel of us, and will work with us to build up the waste places and contribute to a free and stable government. But, Mr. President, it is better that our unculti- vated lands should forever lie fallow, and our water power go unharnessed to the sea, than that we should be overrun by a lot of aliens from southern Europe, who have been brought here through the cupidity of steamship companies, and who have not left behind them and do not intend to forsake their Black Hand and Mafia methods, and who contribute nothing worth having to the common good. Much is being said about the development of the South's resources In connection with the alien-labor agi- tation. For myself, I have but little patience with such agitation. I do not see the necessity for all this hot haste to use up the 73521—8060 15 country's treasure, and at the same time make such an outcry for the conservation of our natural resources. Our forests are almost gone and our public domain is exhausted. The South has prospered naarvelously and bids fair to make even more rapid strides. This has been accomplished without the aid of such immigration as that which now comes to our principal ports. Without them our white civilization has been main- tained, and I, for one, am willing to deal with the future with- out their aid. Statistics are always tiresome and dull re? ding, but at the risk of being tiresome and prolix I must quote a few figures for our information. As to the statistics on crime, pauperism, and msanity aceordiBg to the census of 1890 (part 2, pages 169, 174, 182), comparing an equal number of foreign element and the native element, we find that the foreigners furnished one and one-half times as many criminals and two and one- third times as many Insane, and three times as many paupers. When It comes to the children of native-born parentage and for- eign-born parentage, those of foreign parentage are fotind to be three times as criminal as those of the native parentage. According to the annual report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration for 1904, the foreign born in all the public in- stitutions of the United States constitute 28 per cent, whereas there were but about 10,000,000 foreign-bom persons out of a population of 80,000,000 of people. His report also shows that there were 44,985 alien inmates of penal, reformatory, and charitable institutions in the United States, 64 per cent of whom were Slavic, Iberic, or Mediterranean races, and that out of the 800 confined for murder 253 were Italians, and of 373 confined Jor attempt of murder 139 were Italians. According to the feist annual report of the commissioner-general the number of aliens confined in our penal, insane, and charitable institu- tions has Increased during the past four years from 44,985 to 60,501, an Increase of 15,516, or about 34 per cent. In New York State, which has a population one-fourth for- eign and three-fbnrths native, from one-half to three-fourths of the Inmates of public state Institutions are foreigners, who cost that State over $10,000,000 annually — a very fitting sacrifice to those foreign gods of transportation. But more Importemt are facts from an official report like that of Chief Magistrate Wahle's concerning the criminal prosecutions in the city of New York for 1905. He says liiat there was an increase for the year of 18,388 arraignments (25 per cent), and that all of this increase were southeast Europeans. We have undertaken to show that the question of immigration is a vital pressing question and that we must face it. We have undertaken to show that on account of the greed of the steam- ship companies and other subagencies throughout Europe the greater percentage of the Immigrants coming to our shores is of persons steeped in degradation and in the lowest intellectual and physical class. What will be the effect of this admixture of the lowest types of humanity with the Anglo-Saxon race Is a question that ought to concern all who are proud of our Anglo- Saxon lineage and of our achievements in the past. That our type of national character is in serious danger from the inter- breeding of native and alien stocks in the country has been affirmed on numerous occasions and by those whose opinions we 73521 — 8060 16 should heed. A recent study by Alfred P. Schultz, just pub- lished, called "Race or Mongrels," clearly points this out. In this book Mr. Schultz shows that all the great races of his- tory, such as the Chaldeans, Assyrians, Medes, Persians, Phoe- nicians, Hindoos, Egyptians, Greeks, and Bomans were great only so long as, like the Jews, they kept their race free from mixture with alien types. In opposing the views of the super- ficial optimists, who claim that all sorts and conditions of races can be somehow welded together to produce a new and won- derful breed, Mr. Schultz relies upon the recent discoveries in biology, tending to show the paramount importance of heredity. He says: As well expect to produce a more perfect dog by breeding together at random a dozen different kinds. It Is no less rational to expect to make mongrels Into refined dogs by teaching tbem tricks than to imagine that a few years of schooling, flag exercises, and civic in- structions will make the deteriorated half-breed of Southern Europe into desirable American citizens. The ideas, Ideals, and institutions of a nation change with its racial composition. Crossing must cease or America will develop into another Imperial Rome. Recently a Canadian editSr, after acknowledging the many virtues of the New Englander, stated with some condescension : You are becoming a race of mongrels. For years you have admitted, without let or hindrance, the scum of Europe to your citizenship, and you are now beginning to reap the consequences. That is why your politics are so corrupt, your trusts so tyrannical, your public senti- ment so unorganized and feeble, your Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic tra- ditions of conservatism and civic and financial morality so nearly extinct. " Canada, not the United States," he concluded with sublime faith, " is destined to be the new world Anglo-Saxon nationality of the future." I might add in passing that it. is significant that Pan, who was the son of everybody, was the ugliest of the Gods. Recently, as pointed out by the Canadian editor, a decided change has taken place in the character of our population in certain localities. The early Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic people who gave us our principles of liberty, our democratic Institu- tions, and, in fact, our very civilization itself, have been over- come. Chicago has become one of the largest Polish cities in the world, New York one of the largest Italian cities, and Bos- ton one of the largest Slav-Iberic cities. It Is in these large northern cities, with their vast majority of persons of foreign extraction, that is, foreign birth or foreign parentage, that aggressive rottenness and dishonesty in municipal affairs is attracting public opinion and condemnation. It is in these large foreign cities of the North that popular government, as our Teutonic and Anglo-Saxon forefathers conceived it, has been displaced by the despotic boss; and a profound distrust of democracy has taken hold upon the educated and property holding classes, who fashion public opinion. Of late attempts have been made in a number of these cities, with their vast foreign population, to limit materially local self-government. A little over a year ago there was created in Boston a finance commission, composed of the very best citizens, for the pur- pose of investigating and reporting on the existing Intolerable municipal conditions. The report of that commission has just been made and deals exhaustively with the situation. Among other things, the commission says : The present electoral machinery is wholly unsuited for the require- ments of successful municipal government through popular suffrage : 73521—8060 IT and recommends to the legislature the passage of a bill which will completely change the present form of city government and divide the responsibility between the people of Boston and the legislature. This, mind you, was the once refined and cul- tured Boston, the Arcady of America; Boston, that has now become so infested With aliens, thought to be incapable of self- government, that it is asked that the municipal government be divided between the people of Boston and the legislature of Massachusetts. It is not surprising that schemes are being devised and ways and means provided whereby this congested mass of humanity may be pushed on to the South and West. It is histoiy repeating itself. But if you will insist on per- mitting these steamship companies to bring such people to your ports for the sake of the revenue that is in the traffic, then we say keep them, even if the dose does choke you. Do not push them off on us. We will get on without them. This admonition is unnecessary, however, for the reason that the immigrant that is now being admitted can not be induced, cajoled, or even forced to leave the large cities. In the light of what has just been related, may we not ex- claim with Associate Justice Brewer : May not the original Anglo-Saxon stock be submerged? Will repub- lican institutions stand the continuous Influx of people who know noth- ing of self-control and who look upon all government as an enemy? We have boasted that our liberty was a liberty of law, and left no room for revolution or riot, but certain occurrences in Colorado and elsewhere have shown that this is not always true. May not the forces against law become strong enough to bi:eak it down? Is not the Anglo- Saxon principle of liberty worth preserving, even if it should be neces- sary to restrict or put a stop to immigration? It is a question, at any rate, that should not be settled by sentiment, nor will it do to say that we have done well enough in the past and are likely to do as well in the future. Much to the point is the extract from the American Common- wealth by Hon. James Bryce, author, volume 2, pages 862 and 863: Within the past decade new swarms of immigrants have invaded America, drawn from their homes in the eastern part of Europe by the constant cheapening of ocean transit, and by that more thorough drain- age, so to speak, of the inland regions of Europe, which is due to the extension of railroads. These immigrants, largely of Slavonic race, come from a lower stratum of civilization than the German Immigrant of the past, and since they speak foreign tongues are less quickly amenable to American Influences and probably altogether less improv- able than are the Irish. There seems to be a danger that if they con- tinue to come in large numbers they may retain their own low stand- ard of decency and comfort and menace the continuance among the working classes generally of that higher standard which has hitherto prevailed in all but a few spots in this country. Certainly, Mr. President, a too rapid filling up of our country with foreign elements is sure to be at the expense of national character and Anglo-Saxon homogeneity, when such elements belong to the lowest classes in their own respective homes. I have quoted frequently and at length from men who have been in a position to see the situation and have studied it and have suggested remedies. Certainly, Mr. President, the country awaits the report of the commission that it may insist on legislation that will check thi s menace to our civilization; a menace that is ob- vious to all, except tne steamsUip companies and the commission. Will the commission give us its report, or will it continue to pay high-priced professors and say nothing? 73521—8060 2 18 Mr. President^ what will be the outcome of our unhappy conditioa only God in his infinite wisdom may know. But, sir, we should be warned by the teachings of history. We are told that fifteen hundred years ago Theodoslus the Great in- duced large colonies to migrate from the countries from which a large portion of our Immigration is now coming into the Koman Empire. They did not assimilate with the inhabitants of the empire. Patriotism decayed. The national spirit be- came extinct. The Immigrants became a peril, and finally caused the downfall of the empire. Let us heed the lesson. It has long been our boast that America offers an asylum for the oppressed of all nations, and Liberty E]nlightening the World stands beckoning such to our shores. It is time, Mr, President, that this sentiment should be relegated to the limbo of things to be forgotten and give place to the more practical sentiment that our own must be provided for. How long, Mr. President, at the present rate, before the conditions here will be similar to what they are now in southeastern Europe? If we believe the evidence, the day is not far distant. Our bread lines are each day lengthening, and, if the newspapers are to be believed, the selling of human beings into slavery is a condi- tion and not a theory. Well may we ponder, then, the warning words of Thomas Bailey Aldrich in the beautiful verses entitled " Unguarded Gates : " Wide open and unguarded stand our gates, And through them press a wild, a motley throng — ^ Men from the Volga and the Tartar steppes, Featureless figures of the Hoang-Ho, Maylayan, Scythian, Teuton, Kelt, -and Slav, Flying the Old World's poverty and scorn ; These bringing with them unknown gods and rites, Those tiger passions, here to stretch their claws. In street and alley what strange tongues are these, Accents of menace alien to onr air, Voices thut once the tower of Babel knew! O, Liberty, White Goddess ! is it well To leave the gate unguarded? On thy breast Fold Sorrow's children, soothe the hnrts of fate, Lift the downtrodden, but with the hand of steel Stay those who to thy sacred portals come To waste the gift of freedom. Have a care Lest from thy brow the clustered stars be torn And trampled in the dust. For so of old The thronging Goth and Vandal trampled Rome, And where the temples of the Cssars stood The lean wolf unmolested made her lair. Mr. President, I desire to offer what I send to the desk as a substitute for the resolution which is now before the Senate. The PEBSIDING OFFICER (Mr. Burrows in the chair). The Senator from South Carolina offers a substitute for the pending resolution, which will be read. The Secretary rend the substitute, as follows : Resolved, That the Immigration Commission created by section 39 of an act to regulate the Immigration of aliens into the United States, approved February 20, 1907, be, and hereby is, directed to report to the Senate a summary of its doings and present work, together with a statement of its expenditures, the number of its employees, the capacity in which they are employed, the salaries paid and all allowances, and such other information as will give the Senate an idea of the amount of money and length of time which will be required for the commission to complete its labors and make its recommendations and final report. Mr. DILLINGHAM. Mr. President, as a member of the com- mission mentiouecl in the resolution, I want to ask for the adoption of the resolution, that the commission may be able to 73521—8060 19 lay before the Senate the Information requested. I do this because the commission has been engaged in the investigation of every question that has been suggested by the Senator from South Carolma m his admirable address this morning, and is now engaged in the investigation not only of those, but of very many other questions; and I feel that when the work is com- pleted It will be one which the Senate will appreciate as having value— information that is authentic and which has been secured from a scientific standpoint and which will materially aid Congress in legislating along these lines. In order that the Senate may know what the commission is doing, I really hope the resolution will be adopted. Mr. FRAZIER. I wish to ask the Senator from Vermont a question before he resumes his seat. The VICE-PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Vermont yield to the Senator from Tennessee' Mr. DILLINGHAM. Certainly. Mr. FRAZIER. It was stated by the Senator from South Carolma in the course of his address that a certain person was employed in making an investigation along the border between Texas and Mexico, and that that person was receiving a salary of from $7,000 to $8,000 and traveling and other expenses. I observe from the immigration act, under which the commis- sion has been acting, that the President is authorized to appoint three commissioners and to fix their compensation, but I do not observe that the President is authorized to appoint anyone else. I ask the chairman of the commission who appointed the gen- tleman referred to and fixed his compensation? Mr. DILLINGHAM. I have not the papers before me at this time, and I can not speak with certainty. He was employed in connection with work conducted by Professor Jenks. Mr. BAILEY. Employed on the secret-service force? Mr. DILLINGHAM. I shall be very glad to make inquiries about that and see that a report is made. Mr. FRAZIER. I should Uke to ask the Senator further • Mr. PENROSE. Mr. President, I call for the regular order. This debate is entirely out of order. I yielded for the Senator from South Carolina, but the post-office appropriation bill is really before the Senate. I must insist on the regular order, Mr. President. The VICE-PRESIDENT. The Senator from Pennsylvania demands the regular order. Mr. WARREN. As conference reports are always in order, I will ask the Senator from Pennsylvania to yield to me. Mr, PENROSE. I will yield for that purpose, but after that, in justice to the large number of gentlemen interested in the post-offlce appropriation bill who are here waiting for its con- sideration, I must insist that the Senate proceed with it. Mr. NEWLANDS. I will ask the Senator whether, following the Senator from Wyoming, he will not allow me to proceed for five minutes upon this line of discussion? Mr. TILLMAN subsequently s^id : Mr. President The VICE-PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Pennsyl- vania yield to the Senator from South Carolina? Mr. PENROSE. For what purpose? Mr. TILLMAN. I wish to ask the Senator if he will not con- sent to have the resolution which my colleague sent to the desk adopted? 73521—8060 20 ■ Mr. DILLINGHAM. There is no objection whatever to it. Mr. TILLMAN. There is no objection to it. Mr. DILLINGHAM. There wiU be no debate. Mr. PENROSE. Under the circumstances I yield. The VICE-PRESIDENT. The question Is on agreeing to the resolution submitted by the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Gaby]. The resolution was agreed to. Mr. PENROSE. Now, Mr. President, I ask that the Senate proceed with the post-ofBce appropriation bill. Mr. NEWLANDS. I ask the Senator from Pennsylvania whether he will allow me to proceed for about five minutes upon the question discussed by the Senator from South Caro- lina [Mr. Gaby]. Mr. PENROSE. There is nothing before the Senate on that subject. We have just adopted the resolution. Mr. NEWLANDS. I understand, but I wish to say a few words upon the subject. Mr. PENROSE. I yield to the Senator from Nevada for five minutes. EESTEICTION OF IMMIGEATION. Mr. NEWLANDS. Mr. President, I am sure we are all of ns very much indebted to the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Gaby] for his very able and comprehensive speech regarding the most serious and Important national problem of our time, the race question. We have to-day in our midst 10,000,000 of black people, manumitted about forty-five years ago, and suddenly and mistakenly admitted to an equality of political rights with us. We have the problem before us relating to that race. Involving the question as to whether these rights, so improvldently granted, should not be either withdrawn or modified, involving the question as to whether the Nation in a cooperative and help- ful, and not in an intrusive, way should aid the Southern States in the development of this infant race toward self-control. In- volving the question as to whether some form of assisted emi- gration of 'the blacks from our country should not be evolved that would diminish the existing dangers of race complications. We have also a duty to perform to 7,000,000 brown people In distant islands, in whose favor we are called upon to dis- charge a sacred trust leading to ultimate independence. We have confronting us in Elurope 300,000,000 people of tlie white race, whose surplus population of those countries is eager to come to our shores. We have confronting us in Asia 1,000,000,000 people of the yellow and brown races, multitudes of whom desire to come to this country of unrivaled resources, of high wages, of agreeable climate, and abundant opportunities. We are thus called upon to face the race question in various forms. My belief with reference to the black race now in our midst Is that the time has come for the tolerant consideration of some form of national legislation that wUl recognize the national character of the problem, and whilst humane to the black race will be cooperative and helpful to the white race in their strug- gle for race integrity and supremacy. 73521—8060 21 So far as the immigration of foreign races of whatever color to this country Is concerned, my belief Is that It is purely a do- mestic question, to be settled by national legislation and not by diplomacy, and that, without mentioning or referring to any foreign race invidiously, we should declare by law that immi- gration to this country shall be restricted to the white race alone, except for the purposes of travel, education, and inter- national trade, and that the immigration of the white race to this country shall be restricted to those whose physical consti- tution, character, and training will fit them ultimately for American citizenship. This question has become a live question within the last few months by reason of the action of the legislatures of various States In the West, expressive of their realization of the danger of race complication. Upon this subject I have had some corre- spondence with the governor of my State, and liave made a pub- lic statement regarding the form which the legislative expres- sion of the States affected should take, and I ask that clippings from the Washington Post containing such matter be printed in the Kecosd as a part of my remarks. The VICE-PRESIDENT. Without objection, permission is granted. The matter referred to is as follows : [Washington Post, February 5, 1909.] THE JAPANESE QUESTION. Letter of Son. Francis ff. Sewlanda to Oovernor Diclcerson, of Nevada. United States SenatHj „ _ WasMngton, D. C, February S, 1909. Hon. Dbhves S. Diceeesoh, Carson Citji, Nev. Mr Deae Govbenoe : With a view to moderating any action tending to create friction between Japan and this country, I take the liberty of suggesting to the legislature, through you, a plan of action which, whilst indicating a proper solicitnde for relations of frendship and ami ty with Japan, will mark clearly our purpose to maintain this coun- try as the home of the white race, free from such racial competition and antagonism on our own soil as will surely breed domestic violence and International hatred. Entertaining no prejudice against any foreign race, and particularly admiring the vigor, courage, and patriotism of the people of Japan, and disposed to advance rather than to thwart her career of national great- ness, we of the West are yet profoundly Impressed with the Tiew that the United States, possessing a vast territory as yet undeveloped and capable of supporting many times onr present population, with natural resources nnrivaled anywhere, with climates adapted to every people, will, with the cheapening of transportation, draw to itself the surplus population of all peoples. Nature has classified the peoples of the world mainly under three colors — ^the white, the black, and the brown. Confronting us on the east lies Europe, with a total population of about 300,000,000 white people. We are finding it difficult to assimilate even the Immigrants of me white race from that Continent, and have been obliged to care- fully restrict such immigration. We have drifted into a condition re- garding the black race which constitutes the great problem and peril of the future. Confronting our Pacific coast lies Asia, with nearly a billion people of the brown race, who. If there were no restrictions, would quickly settle upon and take possession of our entire coast and Intermountain region. History teaches that it is Impossible to make a homogeneous people by the juxtaposition of races ditEering in color upon the same soil. Race tolerance, under such conditions, means race amalgamation, and this is undesirable. Race intolerance means, ultimately, race war and mutual destruction, or the reduction of one of the races to servitude. The admission of a race of a different color, In a condition of indus- trial servitude, is foreign to our institutions, which demand equal rights to all within our jurisdiction. The competition of such a luce would 73521—8060 22 Involve Industrial disturbance and hostility, requiring the use of a large armed force to maintain peace and order, with the probability that the nation representing the race thus protected would never be satisfied that the means employed were adequate. The presence of the Chinese, who are patient and submissive, would not create as many complica- tions as the presence of the Japanese, whose strong and virile qualities would constitute' an additional factor of difficulty. Our friendship, therefore, with Japan, for whose territorial and race Integrity the American people have stood in active sympathy In all her struggles, demands that this friendship should not be put to the test by bringing two such powerful races of such differing views and standards Into industrial competition upon the same soli. This can be prevented either by International treaty or by national laws regulating, restricting, or preventing immigration. International negotiation and treaty Is, In my judgment, an unsatisfactory method. It requires a nation with which we have treaty relations to prevent its own people from going where they will, a restriction which we would never In any treaty apply to our own people. We would therefore be asking other nations to put a restriction upon the movements of their people which we would refuse to prescribe regarding our own. There is but one consistent position to assume, and that Is to relegate the whole question to domestic legislation in each country, permitting each to make such laws regarding the regulation, restriction, or prevention of immigration as It sees fit. The time has come, In my judgment, when the United States, as a matter of self-protection and self-preser- vation, must declare by statutory enactment that it will not tolerate further race complications. Our country should by law, to take effect after the expiration of existing treaties, prevent the immigration Into this country of all peoples other than those of the white race, except under restricted conditions relating to international commerce, travel, and education ; and it should start Immediately upon the serious con- sideration of a national policy regarding the people of the black race now within our boundaries which, with a proper regard for humanity, will minimize the danger to our Institutions and our civilization. Japan can not justly take offense at such action. She would be the first to take such action against the white race were it necessary to maintain the integrity of her race and her institutions. She is at liberty to pursue the same course. Such action constitutes no charge of inferiority against the race excluded ; It may be a confession of in- feriority in ability to cope economically with the excluded race. It involves no insult, or the possibility of war, for Japan could not pos- sibly sustain a war, even were her finances in better condition than they are now, without the sympathy of the world as to the justness of her cause. I give this utterance reluctantly, for I am not disposed to partici- pate in the prevailing sensationalism ; but the issue has been made ; the public attention Is called to the question ; and failure upon the part of our western communities to meet it candidly and courageously might be regarded in the Eastern States, whose people are unfamiliar with the economic and social dangers attendant upon Asiatic immigra- tion, to believe that we have abandoned our convictions and acquiesce in the view that a great question of national and domestic policy shall be turned over to the Dargaining of diplomats. I am opposed to sporadic legislation, here and there, by the various States, intended to meet only certain phases of what constitutes a national peril, phases which will necessarily be covered by broad national legislation. I am ' opposed to terms of opprobrium and of insult. Japan deserves from us only respect and admiration ; we deserve from her a proper regard for the integrity of our race and Institutions. A temperate declaration made at this time by the legislatures of the Western States upon the lines here Indicated will aid much to advance the enlightened, calm, and forceful presentation of this question in such a manner as shall convince the judgment of the world, including that of Japan herself. Thus, upon the expiration of the present treaty with Japan and with- out attendant attacks upon Japanese sensibilities, public opinion will be so shaped as to force a calm and rational solution of the question by purely domestic and national legislation. Very sincerely, yours, Francis G. Newlands. [From Washington Post, February 8, 1909.] BACH SOLDTION IN LAW SBNATOH NEWLANDS UKGES BROAD NATIONAL LEGISLATION NOT MATTER FOR DIPLOMACY NEVADA SENATOR SDGQESTS SUSOLUTION. Senator Newlands, of Nevada, In a statement given out last night, asserted that there should be broad national legislation covering the whole Japanese question. 73521—8060 23 "The legislation proposed by the Pacific coast States intended to meet certain phases of what constitutes a national peril has been op- posed by the President as involving violation of our treaty with Japan and Imperiling her friendship," said Senator Newlands. " While the Western States will in all probability patriotically yield to such suggestion, there is danger that the abandonment of such legis- lation may be misunderstood by the Eastern States, whose people are unfamiliar with the economic and social dangers attendant upon Asiatic Immigration, and that they may think that we acquiesce in the view that a great question of national and domestic policy should be turned over to the negotiation of diplomats. No question Involving such Im- portant considerations as race homogeneity and domestic industrial peace can safely be turned over to diplomacy. UEGES BEGAD LEGISLATION. " There should be broad national legislation covering the whole question, and thus necessarily covering the parts of the question which state legislation in the West seeks to cover.^' Continuing, the Senator stated that the Nevada legislature should, in hl^judgment, as a substitute for all pending measures, adopt reso- lutions making the following declarations : " That the race question is now the most important question con- fronting the Nation ; that already we have drifted regarding the black race into a condition which seriously suggests the withdrawal of the Eolitical rights heretofore mistakenly granted — the inauguration of a umane national policy which, with the cooperation and the aid of the Southern States, shall recognize that the blacks are a race of children, requiring guidance, industrial training, and the development of self- control, and other measures intended to reduce the danger of the race complication, formerly sectional, but now becoming national. SITUATION ON ATLANTIC. " That confronting us on the Atlantic is Europe, with a total popu- lation of 300,000,000 white people, whose surplus seeks outlet on our soil ; that we have found it difficult to assimilate even the immigrants of the white race from that Continent and have been obliged by law to carefully restrict such immigration. " That confronting us on the Pacific lies Asia, with a population of 1,000,000,000 people of the yellow and brown races, who, if unre- stricted, would overwhelmingly immigrate to our country of unrivaled resources, of high wages, and almost unlimited capacity to support ad- ditional population ; that preeminent among these people stands Japan — - strong, aggressive, with high-spirited qualities, which the American people admire, but which, if given play on American soil, would develop the strongest form of race antagonism. CAN NOT ASSIMILATB RACES. " That history teaches that it is Impossible to develop a homogeneous people by the juxtaposition of races differing in color upon the same soil ; that under such conditions race tolerance means an undesirable race amalgamation, and that race intolerance means ultimately race war, or the reduction of one of the races to servitude. " That, therefore, our duty to our race and our institutions and the maintenance of friendship with races differing in color alike demand that we abandon the attempted adjustment of these questions by inter- national treaty and pass a national law to take effect upon the expira- tion of existing treaties emphatically declaring that our country is open to white immigration alone ; that such immigration shall be restricted to those of a constitution, character, and training that will ultimately fit them for American citizenship ; and that other races shall be ex- cluded from Immigration except for purposes of trade, travel, and edu- cation," NO GROUND FOB OFFENSE. Senator Newlands adds that dignified legislative action of this kind could not be made the ground of offense by any nation affected ; that Japan herself would be the first to take similar action were the integ- rltv of her race and her institutions threatened; that the United States always had been friendly to Japan in her struggles to maintain and protect her territorial and racial integrity ; and that such action was entirely consistent with absolute friendliness between the nations. 73521 — 8060 o MEATvs. RICE American Manhood against Asiatic Coolieism WHICH SHALL SURVIVE? BY SAMUEL GOMPERS AND HERMAN GUTSTADT Published by American Federation of Labor AND Printed as Senate Document 1 3 7 1902 REPRINTED WITH INTRODUCTION AND APPENDICES BY Asiatic Exclusion League SAN FRANCISCO, 1908 MEAT vs. RICE AMERICAN MANHOOD AGAINST ASIATIC COOLIEISM. WHICH SHALL SURVIVE? -By- SAMUEL GOMPERS AND HERMAN GUTSTADT. Introduction and Appendices by Asiatic Exclusion League. INTRODUCTORY. In the following pages we present the material collected and assembled by Mr. Samuel Gompers, and Mr. Herman Gutstadt of San Francisco, and published, first, by the American Federation of Labor and afterward by the Government Printing Office as Senate Document Nef^ 137. Those now living who were residents of San Francisco and other Pacific Coast cities (1870-1880-1890-1900) will cheerfully testify to the truthfulness of the' statements submitted and the correctness of the inferences drawn from the same. At the present writing (June, 1908) the conditions which prevailed in California, during the decades 1880-1890-1900 are being paralleled throughout the Pacific Coast States, but with this difference :\ instead of a purely Chinese menace we have a combination of all the Asiatic races, Chinese, Japanese, Koreans and Hindoos, the most dangerous being the JapaneseJ| When (in 1900) Professor Edward T. Ross, of Stanford, in a 'great speech at the Met- ropolitan Temple, called attention to the rapid increase of Japanese and their insidious encroachments upon the industries of California, he was looked upon as an alarmist and subsequently lost his position (professor of economics) at the behest of one who was an out-and-out admirer of the Mongolian; then, when Governor Gage, guided by the alarming reports ema- nating from the California Bureau of Labor Statistics, called the attention of the Legislature to the rapid increase of Japs, it seemed to the observant student that the time was ripe for demanding a Japanese Exclusion law. However, the great Chinese Exclusion Convention (November 21-22, 1901) ignored the Japanese question and concentrated its energies upon the re- enacting and extension of the provisions of the Chinese Exclusion law, in which (thank God) they were successful. The immediate result of this neglect of the Japanese problem was to give that branch of the Mongolian race encouragement in the belief that they were a welcome addition to our population, and in consequence they 4 MEAT vs.. RICE. began to come, in swarms, like bees, until high water mark was. reached in 1907, 30,226 being admitted that year, or about 9,000 less than the Chinese immigration of 1882 (39,579), which caused the great Kearney riots and almost led to the destruction of the Pacific Mail Docks. The conditions among the Chinese during the decades depicted by Messrs. Gompers and Gutstadt find their counterpart among the Japanese to-day, and unless relief is obtained by legislative action, two or three de- cades hence will see California as much Japanized as is Hawaii to-day. If in the following pages the reader were to scratch out the word Chinese wher- ever it appears, and insert Japanese, the pamphlet would — with perhaps the exception of a few figures — be a fair portrayal of the conditions now exist- ing not only in San Francisco but throughout the State of California, and in a lesser degree the States of Oregon and Washington, though it is safe to say that the cities of Los Angeles, Portland, and Seattle have a larger Japanese population, in proportion to the whites, than has San Francisco. No figures are submitted in support of the foregoing assertions, not for the lack of them,, but because printed pamphlets containing complete tabula- tions may be obtained upon application, from the Asiatic Exclusion League, rooms 812-815, Metropolis Bank Building, San Francisco. HISTORICAL. It is now more than sixty years ago since the first Chinese laborers en- tered the United States by way of California. From a book entitled "Chinese in California" we obtain the following figures: On the first of January, 1850, having been attracted by the gold, there were in California, of Chinese, 789 men and 2 women. In January, 1851, there were 4,018 men and 7 women. In May, 1852, 11,780 men and 7 women. At this time the State tried to stop the current of immigration by imposing a tax as a license to mine. In 1868, when the Burlingame Treaty was ratified, there had arrived in California about 80,000 Chinese. How many have arrived since no person knows, for they come in so many and devioiis ways that a correct accountin.g is beyond human ken. (Appendix I.) In the year preceding the enactment of the first restriction Act, the Chinese immigration at San Francisco (39,000) exceeded the entire increase of the white population of the State of California for the same year, from births, inter-state migration, and European immigration combined. In the early settlement of that State^ now unquestionably one of the grandest in the Union, when mining was the chief industry and labor by reason of its scarcity, well paid, the presence of a few thousands of Chinese, who were willing to work in occupations then seriously in want of labor and at wages lower than the standard, caused no serious alarm or discomfort. The State of California at that time presented more or less a great mining camp, industrial or agricultural development not then being thought of. But this admission by no means warrants the assumption of pro-Chinese MEAT vs. RICE. 5 sentimentalists that without Chinese labor the Pacific States would not have advanced as rapidly as they have done. A well-known California physician replies to this assumption: "That an advancement with an incubus like the Chinese is like the growth of a child with a malignant tumor upon his back. At the time of manhood death comes of the malignity." The tales of their prosperity soon reached China, and the Six Companies were formed for. the purpose of providing means and transportation— but few^ having sufficient means to come on their own account— binding their victims in exchange therefor by contracts which virtually enslaved thettl for a term of years. They became the absolute chattels of the Tongs, or Companies, and were held, and to this day are held just as ever, into strict compliance with the terms entered into, not by any moral obligation, but by fear of death. Each Tong employs a number of men known as highbinders or hatchetmen, who are paid to enforce strict compliance, even if it must ije by the death of the culprit. The police records of San Francisco will bear ample evidence to the truth of this, as also will the report of a legislative committee of 1876. This committee concluded its report as follows: "These tribunals are formed by the several Chinese companies or guilds, and are recognized as legitimate authorities by the Chinese population. They levy taxes, command masses of men, intimidate interpreters and witnesses, enforce perjury, regulate trade, punish the refractory, remove witnesses be- yond the reach of our courts, control liberty of action, and prevent the return of Chinese to their homes without their consent. In short, they exercise a despotic sway over one-seventh of the population of the State of California. They invoke the processes of law only to punish the independent actions of their subjects, and it is claimed that they exercise the death penalty upon those who refuse obedience to their decrees. "We are disposed to acquit these companies and secret tribunals of the charge of deliberate intent to supersede the authority of the State. "The system is inherent and part "of the fiber of the Chinese mind and exists be- cause the Chinese are thoroughly and permanently alien to us in language and interests. - It is nevertheless a fact that these companies or tribunals do nullify and supersede the State and national authorities. And , the fact re- mains that they constitute a foreign government within the bpundaries Of the Republic." [ These conclusions were arrived at after a thorough and careful investi- gation, during which a large number of competent witnesses testified. Among the many there appeared D. J. Murphy, District Attorney of the City and County of San Francisco; Mr. H. H. Ellis, Chief of Police of the City of San Francisco; Charles T. Jones, District Attorney of Sacramento County; Mat Karcher, Chief of Police of Sacramento; Davis Louderback, Police Judge of San Francisco — all of whom testified that it was their belief that the Chinese had a tribunal of their own and that it was impossible to convict a Chinese criminal upon Chinese evidence, unless the secret tribunal had dft- termined to have him convicted. In a great many cases it was believed that MEAT vs. RICE. :y had convicted innocent people upon perjured evidence. The court ree- ls of California fairly teem with the evidences of every crime imaginable, [ile the coroner's office and police headquarters can furnish data as to the rpetration of crimes yet unpunished. District Attorney Jones, of Sacra- ;nto, testified as to the murder of Ah Juong, the court interpreter, who .s slain in broad daylight in the streets of Sacramento, because certain fendants were not convicted of an alleged abduction. From Mr. T. T. Williams, of the San Francisco Examiner, we learn that thin the ten days from the 4th to the 14th of November, 1901, four Chinese ;re killed in San Francisco by Chinese, and that further warning was sted on the walls in Chinatown, San Francisco, that unless heavy restitu- n was made by a certain Chinese family to another, five members of the :mer would be murdered within ten days. These are hardly the little, mild, innocent and inoflensive strangers istem pro-Chinese were wont to consider them, and we presume there are 11 some who so believe. We do not intend to enter into this question in detail, and we have called ;ention to it only because some of our sentimental friends have demon- ■ated a tendency to elevate the little brown man upon an unusually high )ral and law-abiding pedestal. A more intimate knowledge of the Chinese California — or the cities of New York or Boston — would disabuse their nds so quickly that we fancy many would be ashamed to own th^y ever rbored such convictions. (Appendix II.) From the reports of the county assessors of the State of California, 1884, ; learn that while the Chinese formed one-sixth of the population of the ate, they paid less than one four-hundredth part of the taxes. During It year there were 198 Chinese prisoners in the State Prison, at an ex- nse to the State of not less than $21,600 per year, or $12,000 in excess of E taxes collected from all the Chinese throughout the whole State. But let us return to the historical part of th« narrative. jBeginning with e most menial avocations they gradually invaded one industry after another, til they not merely took the places of our girls as domestics and cooks, e laundry from our poorer women and subsequently from the white steam mdries, but the places also of the men and boys, as boot and shoemakers, jarmakers, bagmakers, miners, farm laborers, brickmakers, tailors, slipper- ikers and numerous other occupations. In the ladies' furnishing line ey gained absolute control, displacing hundreds of our girls who would herwise have found profitable employment. Whatever business or trade ey entered was, and is yet, absolutely doomed for the white laborer, as mpetition is simply impossible. Noi.that the Chinese would not rather 3rk for. high wages than low^bjit in order to gain control he will work so eaply as to bar all efforts of his competitor. But not onlyjias the work- gman and workingwoman gained this bitter experience, but certain manu- cturers and merchants have been equally the sufferers. The Chinese 'lorer will work cheaper for a Chinese employer than he will for a white MEAT vs. RICE. 7 man,^as h,as been invariably proven, and, as a rule, he boards with his Chinese employej\_jrii.e. -Chinese merchant or manufacWrer will undersell his white competitor, and if uninterrapted will finally gain possession of the entire fieM: SuclT isThT history of the race wherever they have come in contact wtth-Sffief peoples. None can withstand their silent and irresistible flow, and their millions already populate and command the labor and trade of the islands and nations of the Pacific. (Appendices III, IV.) Baron Alexander Von Hubner, former Austrian Ambassador to France, upon returning from his travels around the world in 188S, delivered a dis- course at the Oriental Museum, Vienna, the following extracts of which are hereby given: "The war of England and France against the Celestial Empire was an historical fact of worldwide importance, not because of the military successes achieved, but because the allies cast down the walls by which 400,000,000 of inhabitants were hermetically closed in from the outside world. With the intention of opening China to the Europeans, the globe has been thrown open to the Chinese. In consequence, the Chinese are streaming over the greater part of the globe, and are also forming colonies, albeit after their own fashion. Highly gifted, although inferior to the Caucasian in the high- est spheres of mental activity; endowed with an untiring industry; temper- ate to the utmost abstemiousness; frugal; a born merchant; a first-class cul- tivator, especially in gardening; distinguished in every handicraft, the son of the Middle Kingdom slowly, surely and unremarked, is supplanting the Europeans wherever they are brought together. . . On my first visit to Singapore in 1871 the population consisted of 100 white families, of 20,000 Malays, and a few thousand Chinese. On my return there in 1884 the pop- ulation was divided, according to the official census, into 100 white families, 20,000 Malays, and 86,000 Chinese. A new Chinese town had ■ sprung up, with magnificent stores, beautiful residences and pagodas. The country lying to the south of Indo-China — a few years ago almost uninhabited— is now filling up with Chinese. The number of the sons of the Flowery King- dom who emigrated to that point and to Singapore amounted to 100,000 in 1882, to 150,000 in 1883, and last year (1884) an important increase in these numbers was expected.' "I never met more Chinese in San Francisco than I did last summer (1884), and in Australia the Chinese element is ever inereasing in importance. To a man who vn\l do the work for half price all doors are open. Even in the South Sea Islands the influence of Chinese labor is felt. The important trade of the Gilbert Islands is in the hands of a great Chinese firm. On the Sandwich Islands (Territory of Hawaii) the sons of the Middle Kingdom are spreading everywhere. The North Americans, until now the rulers of those islands under their native kings, are already feeling the earth shake under their feet as in vain they resist these inroads. All these things have I seen with my own eyes, excepting in Chile and Peru— countries that I did not visit. From official documents, however, I extract the fact that since I860 (to 1884) 200,000 Chinese have landed there— an enorrnous number, con- sidering the small European population in those countries." How does that statement— with the figures in the appendix (Appendix IV)— compare with an assertion of Wu Ting Fang, the Chinese Minister, and Consul-General Ho Yow that the Chinese do not emigrate to any large ex- tent? The Baron said further: MEAT vs. RICE. "Europe with her 300,000,000, China^jidthJi£r 400.000.00 iL-re-^e&ent, with ! exception of India, the two most over-populated parts of the world, th send their sons to foreign climes. They consist of two mighty streams, which one is white and the other yellow. In the annals of history there no mention of the migration of such immense masses of people. A ■ies of questions arise. How will the status of the old continent be affected the emigration of so many of its sons? Now suffering from a plethora, er a severe bleeding will Europe remain in a full healthy condition, or, lilar to Spain, will she lapse into a state of anemia? What fate is in ire for the young rising powers that are neither kingdoms nor republics? hat will be the reactionary effect upon the mother countries of Europe? hat will be the result of the meeting of these white and yellow streams? ill they flow peacefully on parallel lines in their respective channels, or 11 their commingling lead to chaotic events? WE DO NOT KNOW. WE IkNNOT TELL. Will Christian society and Christian civilization in their 5sent form disappear, or will they emerge victorious from the conflict, rrying their living, fruitful, everlasting principles to all the corners of ; earth? WE CANNOT KNOW. These are the unsolved problems; the ;rets of the future; hidden within the tomb of time. What we now itinguish is only the first clangor of the overture of the drama of the ming years. THE CURTAIN IS NOT RUNG UP AS THE PLOT ONLY TO BE WORKED OUT IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. In the light of events in China in 1900-1901 and the aggressive influx of panese into Hawaii and the Pacific Coast States, Mexico and British Co- nbia since 1900, how prophetic are the words of this statesman and phil- opher; would it not be well to take heed? Many years ago Rudyard Kipling, while travelling through China, was profoundly impressed with the character of the people that he said: "There are three races who can work, but there is only one that can arm. These people work and spread. They pack close and eat every- ing and can live on nothing. They will overwhelm the world." Kipling saw Canton and says of it: "A big blue sink of a city, full of tunnels, all dark, and inhabited by How devils; a city that Dore ought to have seen. I am devotedly thankful it I am never going back there. The Mongol will begin to march in > own good time. I intend to wait till he marches up to me." He has marched up to us and already has part possession of one of the irest of our States. The check given to his advance by the exclusion law s saved us temporarily, and by reason of their gradual decrease"^ (?) mewhat modified the economic condition, which for more than a genera- )n made the State of California an outcast among its sister States. To those of our citizens still in middle age the struggle of the Pacific )ast must yet be fresh in mind. A growing young giant, kept to the earth a weight he found himself unable to rise with. His appeals, piteous, and ayers for succor from those able to help availed him naught. In spite of 3 herculean efforts he was not even able to shift this burden, and when 3 final collapse became merely a question of time help came sparingly it the help he had a right to expect, but some of the weight was taken MEAT vs. RICE. 9 off. The beginning being made, by persistent effort greater help was ex- tended until, the burden being considerable lighter, the giant was able to rise. Is the burden to be again increased? Is the young giant of the West to be again crushed to the earth by an avalanche against which other and older nations have found all resistance futile? Our recently acquired possessions may furnish us a finger mark it might be well to consider. A LITTLE PHILIPPINE HISTORY. A century and a half ago the Chinese began to emigrate to Manila in the same quiet, docile, "childlike" and bland manner that they first came to Cali-'- fornia. They were quiet, humble, submissive and industrious, accepting at first menial positions and light jobs. After some years they had greatly increased in numbers, and usurped, as they have done here, many of the lighter lines of industries and had in several of them gained a monopoly and crowded out the Spanish operatives. As__t]i£3;_iaeFeased-tn— mim£iical_fo*ce they_beea»e-4efiaTrtr"of~EheTaws7Tnd when still more numerous they became aggressive and committed deeds' of violence and felonies of all kinds. The Spanish citizens sent a petition to the home government in Spain to have a law enacted to prevent them coming to the island. No notice was taken of it. After waiting a year they sent a committee of leading' citizens with a renewal of the petition to Spain. They were put off with fair promises as to what would be done, and returned home satisfied that they ,had accomplished the intent of their mission. But two years passed by and no relief came to them. A second commission was then sent with a strong appeal to the King to grant the relief asked for. He said it should be granted. They, too, went home, but when between three and four years had gone with no performance of the King's promise, and the Chinese in the meantime becoming more aggressive and insolent, an outbreak occurred, upon their killing a leading citizen, when the Spaniards arose in their full strength and slew every Chinaman on the island — ^between 20,000 and 25,000 — with the exception of five or six, whom they sent back to China to tell what had been done to the others. (Appendix V.) Some thirty-five or forty years subsequent to this massacre of the Chin- ese, when most of the participants in it had died off and the event was only a matter of tradition — much the same as the events of our exclusion fight now are with the present generation^the Chinese again began to venture to the island, and, after a series of years, the same scenes of appealing to the home governtaent in Spain, and the same absence of attention, the same subterfuges as to affording relief to the prayer of the petitioners resulted. Then another massacre took place in which a large number of the celestials were slaughtered, and the race was annihilated on the island of Luzon. About forty years after this last onslaught, they again began to immi- grate to the island, but having learned caution from the experience of their predecessors, they avoided all irritating actions and quietly absorbed the coffee and spice plantations, and then gradually engrossed the various lines . 10 MEAT vs. RICE. « )f business. Now the Spanish residents who were in business there have all )een crowded out, and the shipping, banking, insurance and mercantile busi- less, and all the leading industries, have fallen into the hands of the Chinese. It may not be out of place here to quote some of the official opinions jf men in whom the American people should have implicit confidence, most especially since, by reason of their position, they may be considered as prop- erly qualified and thoroughly reliable. General MacArthur, formerly military governor of the Philippines, in a report to the War Department made the following statements in regard to the difficulties of enforcing the Chinese immigration laws in the Philip- pines: "The system is unsatisfactory, and an immigration station is needed where immigrants can be landed and a systematic examination had of them and their belongings." General MacArthur was, like General Otis, vigorously opposed to unre- stricted Chinese immigration into the Philippines. In the report above quoted he says: "Such a people endowed as they are with inexhaustible fortitude and de- termination, if admitted to the Archipelago in any considerable numbers dur- ing the formative period which is now in process of evolution would soon have direct or indirect control of pretty nearly every productive interest, to the absolute exclusion of Filipinos and Americans. "Individually the Chinaman represents a unit of excellence that must always command respect and win adVniration, but in their organized capacity in the Philippines the Chinese represent an economical army without allegi- ance or attachment to the country, and which to a great extent is beyond the reach of insular authority. They are bent upon commercial conquest, and as those in the islands already represent an innumerable host at home, even restricted immigration would be a serious menace." If a further indorsement of these facts be necessary, we find it in the expressions of General James F. Smith, who after an experience of two years and a half in the archipelago, was interviewed in San Francisco by Lilian Ferguson of the San Francisco Examiner. Upon being asked if Oriental labor should be imported into the Orient the General said: "A Filipino can't live like a Chinaman. For this reason, if I h^d no other, I am opposed to the importation to the Philippines of Chinese or Japanese laborers. We have seen how disastrously immigration from the Orient resulted right here in California. Surely if the American laborers, with their superior intelligence and industry, have been unable to compete with the Asiatic, what can be expected of the poor Filipinos?" MEAT vs. RICE. H PART 11. DOES HISTORY REPEAT ITSELF? The people of the Pacific Coast, who by reason of their long enforced contact and bitter experience ought to be credited with some knowledge on the subject almost unanimously declare that it does. It is a most serious mistake for the citizeps of the Eastern States to believe that the anti-Asiatic sentiment is limited to any particular class or faction, creed or nationality The sentiment is general and there is practically no division of opinion on the subject. At an election held in 1879 the question of Chinese immi- gration was submitted to the votes of the State 'of California as a test of sentiment, and resulted in 154,638 votes being cast against that immigration and only 883 votes in favor. In other words the people of California in proportion of 175 to 1 voted for protection against Chinese immigration. Surely it cannot be held that this almost unanimous vote of the electors of an entire State was cast without good and sufficient cause, and not as a result of demagogic or irresponsible agitation. There is no good reason to believe, that this sentiment has undergone the slightest change. On the contrary, there is greater cause for stricter exclusion. Our recently acquired possessions of the Hawaiian and Philippine islands have added hundreds of thousands of Asiatic coolies to our popula- tion, the correct disposal of which already causes serious apprehension to our American statesmen. (Appendix VI.) But since it is always considered "good policy to speak of people as we find them, it may be well to give the result of several official investiga- tions carried on by the State and Municipal authorities of California and San Francisco respectively. CHINESE LABOR IN CALIFORNIA. John S. Enos, commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the State of California from 1883 to 1886, inclusive, made a number of investigations both of a general and individual character. The boot and shoe and the cigar industry being the most seriously affected, were made subjects of special investigation, the cigar industry in particular revealing a condition of affairs almost too horrible for publication. The general investigation was completed with the assistance of the various county assessors of the State of California, from the result of which the following tables were compiled. There is, however, some reason to believe that the returns did not' furnish the actual rate paid, as it is an established fact that Chinese [and Japanese also] laborers work at much lower wages for Chinese [and Japanese] em- ployers than they do for white: I MEAT vs. RICE. With or without Class of labor. Average wages. board. omestic servants $21.50 per month with 3oks 20.00 per month with lundrymen 10.00 per month with irmers 22.50 per month with rickmakers 30.00 per month without ipper makers 4.50 per week without ig makers 5.25 per week without iners . . . . ' 1.75 per week without jnrteries 1-00 per week without 30t and shoe workers 1.25 per week without gar, doing piece work 4.00 to $7 per week without Cost of Living. Rent per month $2 to $4 Food per month $5 Clothing per year $10 to $12 Food use, home product Per cent : .25 Food imported from China Per cent: .75 Clothing, American manufacture Percent: .20 Clothing, imported from China : . Per cent : .80 Yearly earnings sent to China Per cent : .75 Thus it will be observed that counting ten months in the year and enty-six working days a month, wages averaging $1 per day, the wages 3uld be $260 per head per year, or a total of $27,040,000 paid the Chinese California in the year 1884. The cost of living per head did not exceed DO per head including rent. Seventy-five per cent of his food and clothing me from China, so that out of the $260 per year earned by the Chinaman IS than $20, exclusive of rent, goes to increase the wealth of this nation. Is mode of living will be referred to later. (Appendix VII.) Since the investigation by Mr. Enos the Chinese have successfully invaded her fields of industry. The ladies' furnishing and undergarment trade is nost entirely under the control of the Chinese. Their stores are scattered erywhere throughout San Francisco, and the American manufacturers have en driven out and every effort to regain the trade has been unsuccessful. the manufacture of male garments and furnishings conditions are almost bad, fully one-half and possibly two-thirds being in the hands of Asiatics, veral of the largest manufacturers of clothing in San Francisco have every- ng made by Chinese. The cigar, boot and shoe, broom making, and pork industries were for iny years entirely in the hands of the Chinese, depriving many thousands Americans of their means of livelihood. As their power grew they be- ne more independent, and in the pork industry they secured so strong a Id that no white butcher dared kill a hog for fear of incurring the dis- :asure of the Chinese. This state of affairs became so obnoxious and bearable that the retail butchers could no longer submit, and with the iistance of the wholesale butchers and the citizens generally finally sue- MEAT vs. RICE. 13 ceeded in wresting the monopoly from the hands of their Chinese competi- tors. ^ In factories owned by white employers the Chinese employes refused to work with white men, and upon one occasion positively struck against them refusing to work unless the white help were discharged. This occurrence so aroused the State of California that an anti-Chinese convention was called and held at Sacramento March 10, 1886, in which the most dis- tinguished representative citizens of California took part. The convention appointed a committee of five to address a suitable memorial to Congress applying for relief. The committee consisted of Hon. John F. Swift, ex- Minister to Japan; United States Senator A. A. Sargent; Hon. H. V. More- house, Hon. E. A. Davis, and Hon. Elihu Anthony. There certainly can be no question as to the conservatism of those gen- tlemen, all of whom had been prominently identified with the growth and development of the State of California. The following extracts from the memorial are as applicable to all Asiatics as they are to the Chinese in particular: "That there is more mere money profit, in dollars, in a homogeneous population than in one of mixed races, while the moral and political objec- tions are unanswerable. "That while the Chinaman works industriously enough, he consumes very little, either of his own production or of ours. "That he underbids all white labor and ruthlessly takes its place and will go on doing so until the white laborers come down to the scanty food and half civilized habits of the Chinaman, while the net results of his earn- ings are sent regularly out of the country and lost to the community where it was created. "And while this depleting process is going on the white laboring man, to whom the nation must, in the long run, look for the reproduction of the race and the bringing up and educating of citizens to take the place of the present generation as it passes away, and, above all, to defend the country in time of war, is injured in his comfort, reduced in his scale of life and standard of living, necessarily carrying down with it his moral and physical stamina. "But what is even more immediately damaging to the State is the fact that he is kept in a perpetual state of anger, exasperation and discontent, always bordering on sedition, thus jeopardizing the general peace and creat- ing a state of chronic uneasiness, distrust and apprehension throughout the entire community. "If there were no higher reasons in getting rid of the Chinese, [Asiatics], these facts alone would be sufficient to convince the pracfical statesman of the necessity of doing so as speedily as possible — to do it lawfully. But there are other and higher considerations involved in the Chinese [Asiatic] question than that of mere industrial progress or material development, and to these we invite the attention of the American citizen who places his country and its permanent good above immediate money profit. We assure our fellow-countrymen in the East and South that the dominance, if not the actual existence, of the European race in this part of the world is in^ jeopardy. "Now, and while this territory is still practically unoccupied, and within the lifetime of the present generation, the type of human species that is 14 MEAT vs. RICE. to occupy this side of the American continent is to be determined for all time. "That in the life and death struggle now going on for the possession of the western shores of the American continent the Chinese [Asiatics] have advantages that must secure to them, if not a complete victory, at least a drawn battle in a division of occupancy with us. "To begin with, they have a hive of 450,000,000 Chinese [850,000,000 Asiatics] to draw from, with only one ocean to cross, and behind them an- impulsive force of hunger unknown to any European people. "Our common ancestors came to the American continent to found a State. The greatness of a nation does not lie in its money, but in its men and women; and not in their number, but in their quality, in their virtue, honor, integrity, truth, and, above all things, in their courage Euid manhood." What need of more figures? The reports of the Bureau of Labor sta- tistics for the years 1883-84, 1886, 1890, 1900, 1902, 1904 and 1906 furnish ample proof of the utter impossibility for our race to compete with the Mon- golian. Their ability to subsist and thrive under conditions which would mean starvation and suicide to the cheapest laborer of Europe secures to them an advantage which bafHes the statesman and economist to overcome, how much less the chances of the laborers pitted in competition against them. Asiatic Labor Degrades as Slave Labor Did. For rriany years it has been impossible to get white persons to do the menial labor performed by Chinese and Japanese — "It is Mongolian's labor and not fit for whites." In the agricultural districts a species of help has been created, known as the blanket man. White laborers seldom find per- manent employment; the Mongolian is preferred. During harvest time the white man is forced to wander from ranch to ranch and find employment here and there for short periods of time, with the privilege of sleeping in the barns or haystacks. He is looked upon as a vagabond, unfit to associate with his employer or to eat from the same table with him. The negro slave of the South was housed and fed, but the white trash of California is placed beneath the Mongolian. The white domestic servant of today is expected to live in the room originally built for John, generally situated in the cellar, or attic, and void of all comforts, frequently unpainted or unpapered, con- taining only a bedstead and a chair. Anything was good enough for "John" and the white girl must be satisfied as well. Is it any wonder that self respecting young women refuse to take service under such conditions? And what is true of agricultural laborers and domestics applies, equally, to all trades in which Mongolians are largely employed. Absolute servility (civility is not enough) is expected from those who take the place of "John" or "Togo" and it will take many years to obliterate these traces of inferiority and re-establish the proper relations of the employer and the employed. From the report of the special committee on Chinese immigration to the California State Senate, 1878, we quote the following, while in the Appen- MKAT vs. RICE. 15 dix (VIII) we submit a letter from John P. Irish upon the conditions exist- ing in San Francisco at the time of his arrival in that city— 1882: "A serious objection to slavery, as it existed in the Southern States, was that It degraded white labor. The very same objection exists against Chin- ese labor [Asiatic]. "The recent troubles in San Francisco are attributable to a class com- monly known as 'hoodlums,' young men who have grown up in idleness,, without occupation of any kind and who in various ways prey upon society. This class is peculiar to San Francisco. Many of our thinkers argue that it owes its existence to the presence of a large Chinese [Asiatic] population, (viii.) For several years after the settlement of this State by Americans the population was an adult population. There were no boys. As boys grew up they found the places filled by Chinese, and very naturally looked upon any labor they performed as servile and degrading. Their pride — whether true or false is immaterial, — kept them from entering the lists by the side of an abhorred race. If this view of the subject is correct a fearful responsi- bility rests at the door of the advocates of Asiatic labor. "The employment of Asiatics as agricultural laborers is most generally in droves, held in some sort of dependence by a head man or agent of the Chinese or Japanese companies. The workmen live in sheds or in straw- stacks, do their own cooking, have no homes, and are without interest in their work or the country. The white laborer who would compete with them must not only pursue the same kind of life, but must, like them, abdicate his individuality. The consequences would be lamentable, even if the white laborer should succeed by such means in driving the Asiatic from -the field. We wouldin that event have a laboring class without homes, without fami- lies, and without any of the restraining influences of society. "The slave owner at the South had an interest in his laborers, and even if the voice of humanity was silenced, yet that interest [money values] made hiiA care for them. He gave them houses to live in, took care of them in sickness, and supported them when old age rendered them incapable. The owner of Asiatic laborers in this State has no such interest. His interest is co-extensive with, and limited by, the ability of his slave to earn money. In sickness he turns him over to the charity of the public. When disabled by age he leaves him to his fate. It takes no prophet to foretell that if white labor is brought down to the level of Asiatic labor the white laborer will meet like treatment. "The slaves of the South were, as a race, kind and faithful. The Asiatics are cruel and treacherous. In this, by contrast all the advantages were with I Southern slavery. ' (Appendix X.) "On the whole, Asiatic immigration tends more strongly to the degra- dation of labor and to the subversion of our institutions than did slavery at the South. It has all the disadvantages of African slavery and none of its compensations." Social Habits. O'f the social habits of Asiatics none can form a proper conception unless personally familiar therewith. The following excerpts from the report of a special committee of the Board of Supervisors of the City and County of San Francisco, appointed to investigate and report updn-Ghinatown, July, 188S,~" illustrate's in a most forcible manner the evils of Asiatic immigration and" the menace attending their domicilation among us. See Appendix Mu- nicipal Reports, 1884-85. 16 MEAT vs. RICE. "In a sanitary point of view Chinatown presents a singular anomaly. With the habits, manners, customs and whole economy of life violating every accepted rule of hygiene; with open cesspools, exhalations from water- closets, sinks, urinals and sewers tainting the atmosphere with noxious vap- ors and stifling odors; with people herded and packfed in damp cellars, living literally the life of vermin, badly fed and clothed, addicted to the daily use of opium to the extent that many hours each day or night are passed in the delirious stupefaction of its influence, it is not to be denied that, as a whole, the general health of this locality compares more than favorably with other sections of the city which are surrounded by more favorable condi- tions, [p. 174.] "It is not too sweeping a declaration to make to say that there is scarce- ly a habitation occupied by Asiatics in which the so-called 'Cubic-air ordi- nance' is not constantly violated. This constant and habitual violation of this municipal regulation illustrates most forcibly the truth of an assertion, often made, that the habits and mode of life among Asiatics here are not much above 'those of the rats of the waterfront.' " [p. 178.] The committee submitted a tabulation, compiled from figures obtained during the investigation, showing the overcrowding in Cfiinatown residence^, especially in the sleeping and living accommodations of the laboring classes. In a visit to 30 apartments in which the number of occupants allowed under the cubic-air law would have been 224 there were found to be in actual pos- session no less than 799, and this may be taken as a fair type of the common manner of life among Asiatics of the ordinary classes. There are places to be found more densely crowded and some not so densely. But the figures given represent the prevailing rule, and the other extreme [about equally divided] the exception. The report goes on to say: "Descend into the basement of almost any building in Chinatown at night: pick your way by the aid of the policeman's candle along the dark and ijarrow passageway black and grimy with a quarter of a cen- tury's accumulation of filth; step with care lest you fall into a cesspool of sewage abominations with which these subterranean depths abound. Now, follow your guide through a door, which he forces, into a sleeping room. The air is thick with smoke and fetid with an indescribable odor of reeking vapors. The atmosphere is tangible. Tangible — if we may be allowed to use the word in this instance — to four out of five of the human senses. Tangible to the sight, tangible to the touch, tangible to the taste, and, oh, how tangible to the smell! You may even hear it as the opium smoker sucks it through his pipe bowl into his trained lungs, and you breathe it yourself as if it were of the substance and tenacity of tar. It is a sense of horror you have never before experienced, revolting, and to the last degree, sicken- ing and stupefying. Through this semi-opaque atmosphere you discover perhaps eight or ten — never less than two or three — bunks, the greater part, or all, of which are occupied by two persons, some in a state of stupe- faction from opium, some rapidly smoking themselves into that 'condition, and all in dirt and filth. Before the door was opened for your entrance every aperture was closed, and here, had they not been thus rudely disturbed, they would have slept in the dense and poisonous atmosphere until morning; proof against the baneful effects of the carbonic acid gas generated by this human defiance of chemical laws, and proof against Tall the zymotic poisons that wQuld be fatal to a people of any other race in an hour of such sur- roundings and such conditions. MEAT vs. RICE. 17 "It is from such pest holes that the Asiatic cooks and servants who are employed in our homes come. Cleanly though they may be in appearance while acting in the capacity of domestic servants, they are nevertheless born - and reared in these habits of life. The facility with which they put on the habits of decency when they become cooks and servants simply adds to the testimony to their ability to adapt themselves to circumstances when it is to their interest to do so. But the instinct of the race remains unchanged, and when the Chinese servant leaves employment in an American household he joyfully hastens back to his slum and his burrow, to the grateful luxury of his normal surroundings"— vice, filth and an atmosphere of horror." [p. 180.] The conditions depicted in the foregoing excerpts have been obliterated in the Chinatown of San Francisco owing to the .great fire, while Dr. Blue and his corps of sanitary inspectors" have given" the Chinese and Japanese houses, that are scattered throughout the city of San Francisco, a thorough cleansing. But a visit to the Oriental quarter in other cities of California, Oregon, Washington and the cities of New York, Boston and Washington, D. C, will discover conditions as odious and alarming as those formerly found by the Supervisors of San Francisco. Immediately preceding the, "great fire" certain Japanese lodging houses were brought to the notice of the police and health authorities by the State Labor Commissioner and the conditions prevailing in them were similar to those existing in the Chinese quarter. Detailed accounts of places visited cannot be given because of the un- speakable sights witnessed and conditions discovered. They may, however, be found in the report quoted. That these statements are correct can be proven by anyone who has gone through Chinatown or visited the quarters of Orientals in the outlying districts. If, then, Asiatics are satisfied to live such a life and practice such haoits— in a country where they are so favored financially— what must be their actual condition where they are less favored? PART III. HAVE ASIATICS ANY MORALS? Sixty years' contact with the Chinese, twenty-five years' experience with the Japanese and two or three years' acquaintance with Hindus should be sufficient to convince any ordinarily intelligent person that they have no standard of morals by which a Caucasian may judge them. A reference to the report previously quoted sheds considerable light upon the subject: "It is a less difficult problem to ascertain the number of Chinese women and children in Chinatown than it is to give with accuracy the male popula- tion First, because they are at present comparatively few in numbers; and 'second because they can nearly always be found m the localities, which thev inhab t This investigation has shown, however, that whatever may be Ihe domestic family relations of the Chinese empire, here the relations of the sexes are chiefly so ordered as to provide for the gratification of °he animal proclivities alone, with whatever result may chance, to follow in 18 MEAT vs. RICE. the outcome of procreation. There are apparently few families living as such, with legitimate children. In most instances the wives are kept in a state of seclusion, carefully guarded and watched, as though 'eternal vigi- lance' on the part of their husbands 'is- the price of their virtue.' Wherever there are families belonging to the better class of Chinese, the women are guarded and secluded in the most careful manner. Wherever the sex has been found in the Jjursuance of this investigation under other conditions, with some few exceptions, the rule seems to be that they are here in a state of concubinage merely to administer to the animal passions of the other sex, with such perpetuation of the race as may be' a resultant consequence, or else to follow the admitted calling of the prostitute, generally of the lowest possible grade, with all the wretchedness of life and consequence which the name implies. That this is not mere idle assertion, the following statement of the number of women and children found in Chinatown in the course of this investigation, and which includes probably nearlv every one living in that locality will, we trust, sufficiently demonstrate: " 'Living as families — women 57, children 59. Herded together with ap- parent indiscriminate parental relations and no family classification — women 761, children 576. Professional women and children living together — women 567, children 87.' "Such were the relations of the sexes as discovered by the investigators. No well-defined family relations were discovered other than as shown, while the next classification seemed to be a middle stratum between family -life and prostitution, partaking in some fneasure of each, if such a condition of things can be possible. "The most revolting feature of all, however, is found in the fact that there are so large a number of children growing up as the associates, and perhaps proteges, of the professional prostitutes. In one house alone, in Sullivan's alley, your committee found the inmates to be 19 professional women and 16 children. In the localities inhabited largely by professionals, women and children who apparently occupy this intermediate family re- lationship already alluded to, live in adjoining apartments and intermingle freely, leading to the conclusion that prostitution is a recognized and not immoral calling with the race, and that it is impossible to tell by a survey of their domestic customs where the family relationship leaves off and pros- titution begins." (Appendix Municipal Report, 1885; page 168.) The committee then submitted a report of the effects of this disgusting life upon the boys growing up in the community (Appendix IX). Atten- tion was then called to evidence elicited by the Legislative Committee ap- pointed to investigate the Chinese question in 1877 and the testimony of the Rev. Otis Gibson, who had lived in China, was given at length, which treated in general upon the slavery of the women. Alfred Clarke, clerk of the Police Department, confirmed the testimony of Mr. Gibson. Mr. Clarke submitted originals and translations of contracts with women for the sale of their bodies; one case naming four years for $630; another, four and a half years, $530. ' ■ For further details of this heinous traffic we refer to the report of the special committee of the Supervisors, p. 162, appendix of the Municipal Re- port of San Francisco, 1884-85. In corroboration of the statements sub- mitted from said report we annex the headings of some of the testimony to be found in a report of the grand jury of the City of San Francisco during MEAT vs. RICE. ig he first three months of 1901.^ Miss Margaret Lake of the Chinese mission estified to conditions as depicted in the Municipal Report. A slave girl estified as to the manner in which she was sold [$2,7S0 was paid for her], ihe had married since her rescue by Miss Lake and her husband had been hot by highbinders. Another girl testified that her mother had sold her for about $400. She aw the money paid and the bill receipted. Miss' Donaldine Cameron testi- ed to the conditions of this slavery coming under her personal observation nd spoke of. the difficulties encountered by the mission in rescuing these oor creatures. The foregoing represents but a minor and by far the most innocent art of the testimony taken by legislators, supervisors and grand juries, but proves beyond controversion that in spite of their (Chinese) residence in le United States for half a century there has been no improvement in leir social or moral conduct. As for the testimony of several, physicians f high standing presented before the special committee of the Board of upervisors, 1885, as to the gruesome results to thousands of boys, ranging om 8 to 15 years of age, from their intercourse with Chinese females, is 5 unspeakably vile, so horribly disgusting in its details, and so utterly Egrading that its publication can only be excused in official reports and len only for the purpose of educating the public as to the evils of Asiatic amigration. (Appendix IX.) The Opium Habit. There are so many phases of the Asiatic question that it is almost im- jssible to treat of them fully within the limits of an ordinary report. One : the most far-reaching and destructive of the vices transplanted by the/ hinese to American soil is that of the use of opium. L The stranger in San Francisco is often struck with a type of humanity Idom seen elsewhere unless in the vicinity of the Chinese quarters in 3ston and New York or other large Chinese centers. Passing through the )per end of Kearny street, in the vicinity of San Francisco's Chinatown, ter nightfall one may see a number of what were once men and women, It are now but mental and physical wrecks of humanity. Gaunt and laciated, with a death-like skin hanging loosely over their frames, eyes ep sunk in their cavities furtively glancing from side to side as if con- mtly in dread of apprehension, their features distorted, in shabby, scant d disordered attire, they slink along the street like hunted animals. They e seldom seen in open day but are always waiting for the protection of the rkness of night. Who and what are these beings, and why are they seeiT_ frequently in San Francisco, one of nature's most favored cities? To e street gamin they are objects of derision and ridicule, to those who e parents of children they are objects of dread and pity. Some time in e past these poor, miserable and degraded wrecks were the beloved chil- en of fond parents, who perhaps builded upon their bright prospects, but 2 now hopelessly lost forever. They have become what is known in the rlance of the street as "dope heads" — opium fiends in the ordinary Ian- 20 MEAT Vs. RICE. guage. In some manner, by some wily method they were induced by Chinese to use the drug. Time was when little girls no older than 12 years were - found in Chinese laundries under the influence of opium. What other crimes were committed in those dark and fetid places when, these little innocent victims of the Chinaman'swiles- were under the influence of the drug are almost too horridTS-tmagmey The police have, in the past years, largely broken up these laundry opium joints, but there are hundreds, aye thousands, ■of our American boys and girls who have acquired this deadly habit and are doomed, hopelessly doomed, beyond a shadow of redemption. It was fervently hoped, but alas, how futilely that the "great fire" having destroyed these joints, formerly existing in Chinatown, that it would be easy to prevent their revival. At this time — June 1, 1908 — San Francisco stands horrified at the disclosures made by the State Board of Pharmacy in its effort to prevent the illicit and illegal sale of opium. Young girls of good family have been found smoking opium, and it is stated upon the best of authority that ladies, who can ride in their own automobiles, are .the best customers of those engaged in the unholy traffic. And this soul- \ destroying vice may be traced directly to the presence of Asiatic^ among us. It may be argued that this is more or less a matter of police regula- tion and that the vice can be extirpated if so the people choose, but is it right or just to knowingly expose our children or the children of our neighbors to such dangerous contamination, even though it be but indi- rectly? Knowing these conditions, it seems beyond reason to remain in- different to an evil so entirely destructive to our domestic ideals. Let us remove the cause and the disease may heal itself. Are the Asiatic coolies so absolutely sacred to us that we should will- ingly sacrifice everything near and dear to us to retain their good-will and favor? " - — -~,^ Oriental Trade. / / Considering that the main objection against Asiatic Exclusion emanates kxpm the commercial interests of the United States it may be well to re- melnber that the balance of trade has thus far been in favor of the Orient — only for a year, or two, during the Russo-Japanese war did our exports to Japan exceed the imports from that country. We may d^ismiss that bugaboo which has only been invoked to scare the worshipers of the "full dinner pail." There is not the slightest danger of any trade interruption. Our trade with China has constantly increased, in spite of our restriction policy and in spite of the so-called boycott engineered and fostered by the Japanese as- sisted by Asiatic-loving Americans. A decrease in our Asiatic population will reduce the imports of foodstuff and clothing used by them [which would be a benefit], but will have no effect whatever upon the importation of teas and silks [which is not an unmixed blessing]. The Chinese and Japanese are acute merchants [especially the Chinese], and will certainly buy wherever they can buy cheapest, and if they find trading with us a source of iViiiAi VS. KiUJi. 21 profit to them they will continue to do so, irrespective of restriction or ex[ :lusion. I ^^ But assuming that the Orientals, in resentment, should refuse to trade with us, is the retention of trade relations— the interest of the few— so im- portant that we can afford to sacrifice the many— our own flesh and blood —upon its altar? Are the hundreds of thousands of our citizens to be de- prived of employment to make room for Asiatic coolies and the standard of living of our entire laboring class to be reduced to meet their murderous competition? Is our civilization, our code of morals and social status to be exposed to the contaminating influence herebefore mentioned, in order to sell a few more barrels of flour or other cereals? Asia will never be a large :onsumer of our manufactures, for just so soon as a sufficient demand for ;hem is manifested they will be manufactured in Japan at a less cost than ;hey can be manufactured elsewhere. Not only will the Orientals manu- ■acture articles for home consumption but they will flood the American narket with their surplus products, in fact a visit to the appraisers' building n San Francisco will show the honest enquirer that the flood has already set n. It is hardly to be credited that any American statesman will be found, vho, in face of the indisputable facts before him, will be willing to eopardize the welfare, not merely of our citizens, but of our very institu- :ions for a mess of rank and bitter pottage. Our Fields and Orchards. Much has been said recently, as in the past, of the necessity of having nore Asiatics for the purpose of tilling the lands and harvesting the crops of California and at the last convention of the fruitgrowers that great champion )f Asiatic immigration, Mr. John P. Irish, railroaded a memorial calling for L letting down of the exclusion bars. The earlier declarations of Mr. Irish upon his important question (Appendix VIII) has estopped him from being a compe- ent witness on behalf o-f his clients and his utterances, at this late day when )laced in comparison with those of gentlemen who were already eminent n California public life when Mr. Irish was a country editor in Iowa, ex- loses the fact that his conscience has been quieted by his interests. The late Morris M. Estee* in an address before the State Agricultural Society at Sacramento said: "I am satisfied that if in our orchards, vineyards, hopfields and grain- elds our farmers, instead of hiring the thieving, irresponsible Chinaman, what would he say of the Japanese?] who like the locusts of Egypt, are ating out our substance, would give some encouragement to- our boys, nd by hiring them instead, that in a few years we would be rid in California f that curse to farmers and ranchmen, the irresponsible_ character of farm ibor and have in its stead a far more valuable and intelligent class of farm * Corroborated by Senator Blaine, p. 22. . : : 22 MEAT vs. RICE. laborers. If this were done, then the question, 'what shall we do with our boys' would be answered." Had the honorable and learned judge lived he would have been gratified to know that the ranchers and fruitgrowers are now exerting themselves to obtain white laborers, having become heartily tired of their experience with the much-lauded Asiatics. Though much more could be said upon each phase of this great and burning question we have tried to touch upon all of them sufficiently to enable our readers to obtain reliable information on a subject that is yet. barely understood east of the Rocky Mountains. It must be clear to every thinking man and woman that while there is hardly a single reason for the admission of Asiatics, there are hundreds of good and strong reasons for their absolute exclusion. In view of those reasons we ask, nay, we expect, the undivided sup- port of Americans, and those of American sentiment, in the great effort being made to save our nation from a similar fate that has befallen ,the islands of the Pacific now overrun with Asiatics. As a fitting close to this document we submit the remarks made by one of the greatest of American statesmen, Hon. James G. Blaine, February 14, 1879, when a bill for restriction of Chinese immigration was , before the United States Senate. Mr. Blaine said: "Either the Anglo-Saxon race will possess the Pacific slope or the Mon- golians will possess it. You' give them the start today, with the keen thrust of necessity behind them, and with the inducements to come, while we are filling up the other portions of the Continent, and it is inevitable, if not demonstrable, that they will occupy that space of the country between the Sierras and the Pacific. "The imrnigrants that come to us from the Pacific isles, and from all parts of Europe, come here with the idea of the family as much engraven on their minds and hearts, and in customs and habits, as we ourselves have. The Asiatic can not go on with our population and make a homogeneous element. "I am opposed to the Chinese coming here. I am opposed to making them citizens. I am unalterably opposed to making them voters. There is not a peasant cottage inhabited by a Chinaman. There is not a hearth- stone, in the sense we understand it, of an American home, or an English home, or an Irish, or German, or French home. There is not a domestic fireside in that sense; and yet you say it is entirely safe to sit down and per- mit them to fill up our country, or any part of it. "Treat them like Christians say those who favor their immigration; yet I believe the Christian testimony is that the conversion of Chinese on that basis is a fearful failure; and that the demoralization of the white race is much more rapid by reason of the contact than is the salvation of the Chinese race. You cannot work a man who must have beef and bread, —alongside of a man who can live on rice. In all such conflicts, and in all ''^uch struggles, the result is not to bring up the man who lives on rice to the Dfeef-and-bread standard, but it is to bring down the beef-and-bread man to the rice standard. MEAT vs. RICE. 23 "Slave labor degraded free labor. It took out its respectability, and put an odious cast upon it. It throttled the prosperity of, a fine and fair portion of the United States in the South; and this Chinese, which is worse than slave labor, will throttle and impair the prosperity of a still finer and fairer section of the Union on the Pacific coast. "We have this day to choose whether we will have for the Pacific coast the civilization of Christ or the civilization of Confucius." At page 3 of Senate Document 136 (S7th Congress, First Session) the table giving the claks of labor, average wages, etc., of Chinese in California, compiled by John S. Enos, California State Labor Commissioner, 1883-86, is attacked as not being particularly reliable because he described a condition existing some years previous. The author of that statement begs the question and betrays his ignorance of the whole matter. Subsequent re- ports of the California Bureau of Labor statistics, especially that of Mr. Fitzgerald and the two reports of W. V. Stafford confirm in every par- ticular the statements made so many years ago. It is also a matter of record that the Department of Commerce and Labor has stampe"d with its approval the California reports which the advocates of Asiatic immigra- tion scorn as unreliable. 24 MEAT vs. RICE. APPENDICES. I. • Increase of Chinese. The Proceedings of the Asiatic Exclusion League, March, April and May, 1908, contain articles upon the Chinese, wherein a thorough analysis is made of that element of our population, which agrees, in the ihain, with the state- ments of Federal officials. The Chmese underrate their number because they do not want the census reports to indicate their success in evading our laws. It was the same in 1870 as now. About 1869 an examination was made, in California, by an attorney of the "Six Companies," and his statement showed that there were more Chinese then in California (having come through the port of San Francisco) than the census one year later showed as in the entire United States. Again, a joint special committee of Congress (1876) found in that year the number of adult Chinese in the State to be as great as that of all the voters in the Commonwealth. Mr. Dunn, a special agent of the Treasury Department, obtained an admission from Consul-General Ho Yow confirming the Treasury Department's figures concerning San Fran- cisco's Chinatown. The Treasury authorities estimated them at between 50,000 and 60,000 (1901). Taking the smaller figures, and assuming that of the 50,000, 2000 are women and children, there was a startling showing: for on the accepted basis of one male adult to every five persons the figures indicate that there were in San Francisco nearly as many Chinese workmen as there were male adults of all other races and nationalities, including natives. Respecting the number in the United States the census of 190''; showed 93,000, but an official of the Treasury Department, testifying bef^;e the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, declared there were, approximately, 300,000. (See Senate Rept. 776, pp. 86, 142, 234— Feb., 1902.) 11. An Eastern Opinion of Asiatics. It is premised in many quarters that the chief reason for opposition to the immigration of Asiatics is the fear of the demoralization of the American workingman through a reduction in wages and the consequent lowering J of the American standard of living. It is true that the workingmen fear the insidious corhpetition of Asiatics with its attendant consequences, but to the sociologist and student of the various civilizations which have existed through the ages there is another and very important reason why Asiatics should be debarred from the United States. Since the inauguration of the campaign against the Japanese and Koreans we frequently hear gentlemen earnestly and sincerely voicing their pre- dilection for the Chinese, as opposed to all other Asiatics. If their conten- tions be correct what must be the character of our Asiatic residents other than Chinese? The testimony we herewith present is far from being the worst — there is much that is unprintable — and as it relates to conditions in a part of the country remote from San Francisco we may be pardoned for dwelling upon the subject at some length. On Saturday, February IS, 1902, MEAT vs. RICE. 25 before a Senate committee taking testimony upon "Chinese Exclusion,"" Mrs. Charlotte Smith, representing the Woman's National Industrial League of America, being given the privilege of addressing the committee, said in part: "I have sat here for hours listening to elaborate speeches made by law- makers m regard to how the Chinese affect the financial interests, principally. Very lightly do you touch on the moral situation. "My efforts for the rescue and reform of fallen women in the United States have been, I think, more extensive than those of any other woman in the country, and in my work among those women I have had frequent occasions to see the shocking results of the immorality of the Chinamen who come to this country, very few of them who bring their wives, and who prey upon white girls. "Now in my further discussion of this question, I will confine myself to Chinese coolie labor as competitive with women as wage-earners, and Chinese as moral factors in the United States. First, the industrial women of this' country have more to fear from, Chinese than men wage-earners, because men are better organized, and women have no voice in the enacting of laws for their betterment as industrial factors. "The Chinese have taken the bread out of the mouths of 50,000 women in the city of New York alone. They absorb $3,500,000 annually in that city in one industry, namely, the laundry business. Formerly women could help ■ maintain their dependent families by procuring employment two or three days in the week at $1 per day. This is all of the past, except In isolated cases. The Chinese have a monopoly of the laundry business, and this with steam laundries and improved machinery, most of the steam laundries are managed and run by men, consequently but few women are employed. Therefore they have taken employment away from 500,000 wnmp n in the United States. "The Chinese control the slipper and women's wrapper and underwear trade on the Pacific Coast, also largely the fruit canning industries, in which women and children were formerly employed during the canning season. The Chinese are like a sponge; they absorb and give nothing in return but ^bad odors and worse morals. They are a standing menace to the women of this country. Their very presence is contaminating. They have sown the seed of vice in every city, town and hamlet in the United States. They encourage, aid and abet the youth of the land to become opium fiends, for from the sale of opium is their greatest revenue derived. Through the intro- duction of, importing and experimenting in cheap labor of the Chinese, a result is that our insane asylums are full to overflowing and Americans are fast becoming addicted to the use of opium. "In my investigations as president of the Woman's Rescue League, which is a branch of the Woman's National Industrial League, I found 175 women who had been baptized in the Christian faith living with Chinamen in New York, in 1892. These women bring young pagans into. the world and with their so-called husbands worship in joss-houses and become disciples of Confucius as well as opium fiends. "Furthermore, 99 out of every 100 Chinese are gamblers, and this un- desirable class come into direct competition with women who are bread- winners. The beastly and' immoral lives that these Mongolians lead is only too well known in the police courts of our large cities, where patrol wagons filled with Chinese gamblers and Sunday school scholars — every Monday morning — goes to prove, as an object lesson, that they can never be "Christianized." 26 MEAT- vs. RICE. "In February, 1898, 700 Hebrews and Italians were discharged. from two stearri laundries on the East-side, New York, and 400 Chinese took their places. A delegation waited upon me at 24 Union Square, the headquarters of the Rescue League, and asked me to address a mass meeting called to protest against these Chinese substitutes, and within ten days the Hebrews and Italians were reinstated. "I say most emphatically that the Chinese laundries could not exist six months in the large cities of the East if it were not for the patronage of the so-called industrial class. I regret to say that they are supported in the East largely by organized labor. Men- who want union prices for their labor patronize and sustain Chinese laundries in all our large towns and cities. To illustrate: "In February, 1898, I walked 108 blocks in a section of New York, a section that might be properly called the Hebrew city, where every man, woman and child were conversing in the Hebrew language and where every daily newspaper was published in Hebrew. I counted 49 Chinese laundries and but one white laundry run by a Hebrew, who was making a very precarious living. The tenants in this district were nearly all Hebrews, with a few Italians, who could not speak English, and yet the Chinese, who could speak neither Hebrew, Italian, nor English, controlled the laundry trade. The rich and well-to-do middle class do not patronize Chinese laundries. It is the poor, laboring people who maintain Chinese laundries. This, with the unsanitary conditions of these establishments and the Chinese mode of living, makes them a menace to society. "During the year 1889, in Washington, D. C, 564 Chinese were arrested, the majority of whom were members, of the Metropolitan Church Sunday school. Men and women, pipes and opium-joint paraphernalia were brought into the police court. The very worst of gamblers and most immoral opium- joint keepers were so-called Sunday school Chinese pupils. I was interested in having these Chinese "Christians" raided, because of their contaminating young children, and the result was published in the newspapers at that time. "In Boston, June 23, 1894, 15,000 unfortunate girls were turned loose to forage upon the community because of a moral crusade inaugurated against vice. What was the result? American born, educated girls, became the mistresses of the Chinese of Boston. The tenderloin floating population was soon after transferred to Chinatown, and the Chinese were permitted to go into the business of keeping houses of ill-repute, and engaged extensively in this illicit traffic. This in puritanical Boston, where educated, American- born white slaves were bought and sold for as low as $2 per head, while Chinese women were prized at $1,500 to $3,000 each. The Chinese, with fevA exceptions, do not bring their wives and children to this country, therefore \ they prey upon American girls because they can be procured so muchsr cheaper. They place a much higher value on their women than do Americans upon theirs. "A few days since I had a conversation with Minister Wu and he told me I was an enemy of China. He wanted me to say if the Chinese were not good husbands. My reply is that I do not want to see any more young, pagans brought into the world in this country. I do not want to see any more children in this country become disciples of Confucius and opium fiends.' "It is time Christian women began missionary work in our big cities. The heathen are making more converts to Confucius than the missionaries arre making converts to Christianity. Therefore it would be well to keep the missionaries at home and help save the bodies as well as the souls of our girls." MEAT vs. RICE. 27 Mrs. Smith then quoted at length from a report upon the spread of loathsome diseases in Massachusetts, wherein the Woman's Rescue League and its president received much honorable mention. This report proved by evidence from the best medical authorities in Massachusetts that 75 per cent of all diseases treated in Boston originated from venereal diseases, and it v*ras also satisfactorily demonstrated that already a large percentage of the population of the United States have become infected with loathsome disease because of carelessness and indiscriminate association with the Asiatic race. Mrs. Smith then went on to say that "If some decided s1;eps were not taken by the Government to exclude and keep out this undesirable class, it would not be long until legislators would be asking that there be leper hospitals established in every township in this country. "Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, this is a serious ques- tion, 300,000 (?) Chinese in the United States and 1,000,000 in the .Philippine Islands who are entitled to the protection of our flag. The wage women, who are helpless, and society should be protected from coming in contact with these imported Asiatic heathens as competitive breadwinners. Therefore, jT ask in the name of 25,000 organized industrial women and in the interest of morality, health, and industry that the Chinese be excluded from our shores " —[Senate Report 776, Part II, pp. 442-447.] • In looking back over the sixteen years which have elapsed since the giving of the above testimony, it seems astonishing that the Commission who presented the case of California before the Senate committee should be so crassly ignorant as not to see the Japanese menace that was even then con- fronting them and insist upon placing the Japanese and other Asiatics oil the same footing as the Chinese. To those familiar with the characteristics of the Chinese and who have also made a study of the Japanese, both in Japan, on the Pacific Coast and in Hawaii, it is very evident that the Japanese; problem is the most dangerous and far reaching. III. Asiatics in Hawaii, Philippines and Australia. In 1853 the foreign-born Chinese in the Hawaiian Islands were 364, in 1900 they had increased to 21,746. The Japanese were not enumerated until 1884, at which time there were 116 of foreign birth, while by 1900 their numbers had swollen to 56,230. In the latter year there were of native birth— Japanese 4881, Chinese 4021, making a grand total of 86,878 Asiatics. Of this immense number, in so small a territory, 51,320 were engaged in agriculture; 1196 in professional service; 8769 in domestic service; 3286 in trade and transportation; and 4302 in manufacturing and mechanical pursuits. During the decade 1890-1900, Asiatics in mechanical occupations increased from 606 to 1389, Japanese mechanics, alone, increasing- from 42 to 904. In twenty-seven licensed occupations for the year 1898 we find 1468 Chinese, 452 Japanese; while for the year 1904 there were 1288 Chinese and 1241 Japanese license-holders, against 1629 license-holders of all other nationalities, including native Hawaiians. (Bull. 66 U. S. Bureau of Labor.) 28 MEAT vs. RICE. In Bulletin 58 (of same Department) it is stated that the Chinese popu- lation of the Philippines (1903) was 41,035, of whom only 517 were females. There were also 921 Japanese and a sprinkling of other Orientals. From the tabulations submitted it is to be seen that the yellow men are about 89 per cent traders and mechanics, the remaining 11 per cent covering all other occupations. In Australia the people of Teutonic and Celtic stock are insistent in their demand for the "Maintenance of a White Australia," a question^ which in- volves more for that country than does our Chinese exclusion policy for the United States. The Chinese question there has developed special aspects of more or less direct interest to Americans. So early as 1854 a Restriction Act was passed in the colonies of Victoria and New South Wales, and these acts were amended, from time to time, being made more stringent in their operation. Notwithstanding the harshness of the laws passed, in 1861 there were 12,988 Chinese in New South Wales and 24,732 in Victoria, constituting over 11 per cent of the adult male population of those colonies. Wherever the Chinese go the experiences of white workingmen are the same. The Chinaman and Japanese will undercut, or as was said by a prominent merchant suffering from Asiatic competition, "As to patriotism, ^here is nothing in it selling goods; it is pocketism." They work below the rates of wages established by the government board, and the report of a New South Wales Royal Commission stated that "to stop this unless there be an inspector to each Asiatic seems impossible." The Asiatic defies the law with the quiet pertinacity peculiar to the race and there has as yet been no method devised to compel an observance of the most primitive sanitary laws. During the past few years an earnest and honest enforcement of the exclusion laws has decreased the Chinese to about 34,000, but Japanese have crept in until there are now about 3000, while the Hindus and Cingalese have about an equal number. This is in striking contrast to the operation of our exclusion laws. (See Bull. 58, Bureau of Labor.) IV. Chinese Abroad. According to a Chinese official investigation made public the latter part of 1907, the number of Chinese in other countries was as follows: Japan, 17,673; Russian Asia, 37,000; Hongkong, 314,391; Siam, 2,755,709; Burmah, 134,560; Java, 1,825,700; Australia, 34,465; Europe, 1760; Corea, 11,260; Amoy, 74,500; Malaysia, 1,023,500; Annam, 197,307; Philippines, 83,785; Africa, 8200; and America, 272,829, of w'hom 250,000 are in North America. The total number was 6,792,639. These figures are not as formidable as they might be, but, even taken alone, without considering the vast number of Japanese and other Asiatics who are developing a migratory disposition, they indicate very fully the possibilities of an Asiatic invasion unless restrained by stringent exclusion laws. A country which has 7,000,000 of its subjects in other lands, under existing circumstances, would probably have ten times the number if barriers to their entrance were not raised by apprehensive peoples. While the Chinese have been sixty years in arriving at their stated numerical strength on this continent, the Japanese in twenty-five years have increased from a comparatively nothing to 200,000 and possibly many more. 3 In view of these facts, it may be asked are we unduly alarmed? Are the \protestations of the Chinese and Japanese Governments that they are opposed ID the emigration of their peoples to be considered sincere or are they evasions? MEAT vs. RICE. 29 ? V. Expulsion of Chinese from Eureka, Cal. One of the most efficient Labor Commissioners of the State of Washing- ton said in a report to the Governor upon Japanese immigration, "If we were a union of men instead of a union of States, there would be no necessity for the passage of exclusion laws." The truth of that statement has been demonstrated by the action of the people of Eureka, who in 1885 forcibly expelled the Chinese from that city, and the movement became general throughout the county (Humboldt, Cal.). This was accomplished without violence or destruction of property, and even after the lapse of twenty-three years the sentiment is as strong as at the time of expulsion. The Japanese have also been put under the ban, with the exception of about a dozen "Samurai students," who are permitted to occupy the lofty position of "utility men" in houses of prostitution. The son of a gentleman who owned all of "Old Chinatown" was Mayor of Eureka in 1908, and was and is yet one of the most enthusiastic of exclusionists, as indeed are all the people, from the "millionaire millowner" to the humblest "clam- digger." The time is approaching, very rapidly, when the people of California will again be a unit on the question of exclusion, and it is to be feared that continual disappointments will shake their faith in representative government and impel them to seek relief by methods other than petition and persuasion. VI. Characteristics of Asiatics. "The entire absence of good faith on the part of China in the observance of her treaty obligations." [p. T), Lord Charles Beresford's "Breaking Up of China."] "The Oriental's idea of diplomacy is to fool his adversary, for the time being, regardless of the future." "Perjury is not a crime, as it is taken for granted that every man will lie as long as it will benefit him.." [RounsevelleWildman.] "It is characteristic of Asia that truth is not considered a virtue if deceit will promote interest." [Prof. Paul Remsch.] "Absence of truth, uprightness ^nd honor — this is the most appalling void, and, unfortunately, it meets one in' all classes and professions of the people." [Dr. Williamson.] "A man of good physical and intellectual qualities, regarded more as an economic factor, is turned out cheaper by the Chinese than any other race. He is deficient in the higher moral qualities, individual trustworthiness, public spirit, sense of duty, and active courage, a group of qualities, perhaps best represented in our language by the word manliness; but in the humbler qualities of patience, mental and physical, and perseverance in labor he is [Bourne — England's Chinese, Agent.} "A people without nferves as without digestion — they will overwhelm the 30 MEAT vs. RICE. I "Does any one doubt that the day is at hand when China will have cheap fuel from her coal mines and cheap transportation by her railways and steamers? When that day comes she may wrest the control of the world's markets, especially throughout Asia, from England and Germany. A hundred years hence, when the Chinese, Japanese, Hindus and Negroes, who are now as two to one to the higher race, shall be as three to one; when they have borrowed the science of Europe and developed their still virgin worlds, the pressure of their competition upon the white man will be irresistible. He will be driven from every mutual market and forced to confine himself within his own." [Pearson — "National Life and Character."] "Forty centuries of privation, of fierce competition for subsistence, have left ineffaceable impressions on the yellow race; have given that race a minimum of nerves, power to work hard with little food and little sleep, and to rest under the most uncomfortable conditions; have given that race qualities of self-control, servility, fatalism and perseverance which no Caucasian nation, or ever should, approximate, and which no Caucasian nation can afford to ignore. "I tremble when I think what possibilities lie in stirring that terrible people — one-third the population of the earth — into industrial effectiveness, into — well, that is the terrifying problem. Into what? — Who shall say? Out of the land of the Dragon may sweep some modern Kublai Khan, some new Tamerlane — not perhaps with fire and sword, but with industry and rice — • to destroy our Christian civilization." [Congressman Livernash.] "Every Chinese official, with the possible exception of one in a thousand, is a liar, a thief, and a tyrant." "Dirt, falsehood, corruption, and cruelty are some of the least objection- able of Chinese vices." "Chinese litvature inculcates all the virtues; Chinese life exhibits all the vices. Chinese professions are everything that is desirable; Chinese practices are everything that is convenient." [Sir Henry Norman, in his "Peoples and Politics of the Far East," pp. 282-297.] "It is my deliberate opinion that the Chinese are, morally, the most debased people on the face of the earth. Forms of vice, which in other coujjtries are barely named, are in China so common that they , excite no ^ comment among the natives. Their touch is .pollution, and harsh as t^e ^opinion may seem, justice to our own race demands that they should not settle on our soil. Science may have lost something, but mankind has gained by the exclusive policy which has governed China during the past centuries.'' [Bayard Taylor — "India, China and Japan," published 1855.] The reasons for presenting the opinions of various travelers and pub- licists, relative to the characteristics of the Chinese, are, that at the present time many people who are bitterly opposed to the immigration of Japanese are openly and honestly advocating a modification of the existing Chinese ^ exclusion laws on the ground that the Chinese are superior to Japanese in ^honesty and morality. If there be any grounds for such a condition, then it is undoubtedly the duty of the American government to bar out every Jap- anese, no matter what his standing — be it laborer, merchant or traveler. Did space permit evidence could be submitted showing that the characteristics MEAT vs. RICE. 31 of all Orientals are very similar and that no exception should be made in favor of any particular people from Asia. VIL California a Gold Mine for Asiatics. Senator Perkins, a few years ago, while addressing the United States Senate upon Chinese Exclusion, submitted statistics showing that the Chinese had, in thirty years, sent or carried to China, $800,000,000. A prediction made in 1906 indicated that in a like period the money taken or sent out of the United States by the Japanese would exceed that sent out by the Chinese. That this prediction is in a fair way of realization may be seen from the figures submitted, based upon the number of Japanese in California as per census reports of 1890 and 1900, and from a "statistical pamphlet" published by the Asiatic Exclusion League. In 1890 there were 1147 Japanese in California; in 1900 there were 10,1517^ the rate of increase being 900 per cent. Estimating that each Japanese sav^s and transmits to his home SO cents per day — and this estimate is possibly far too small — the amount for the decade ending 1900 would exceed $12,000,000^ The increase of the Japanese population of California, 1900-1908, approximate SS,000, an increase of nearly 8000 per year. Figured on the 50-cent basis, the total amount, including that of the past decade would approximate $75,000,000 from California alone, and ip the short period of eighteen years. If we should include in this statement all the Japanese on the mainland of the United States and in Hawaii — estimated at 200,000 — the total amount would exceed $250,000,000. Beside the savings and remittances of those engaged in agri- cultural and domestic o.cc.upations, we have an army of merchants! and manu- facturers whose profits derived from business transactions with Americans run so high as 30 to 35 per cent on the capital invested, and whose remittances to Japan are made through the numerous Japanese banks and mercantile institutions. Is it any wonder that the Japanese Government encourages the migration of its people? If we closed our doors to her as she is doing to us in Manchuria and Corea, or burdened her trade with rebates and differentials, where would her gold supply come from? Had the enormous amount of gold of which California has been drained by Asiatics been received by white men and women it would have passed through the natural channels of trade and remained in the State for permanent investment, and our progress, instead of being remarkable, would be little short of marvelous. VIII. A Letter Written by John P. Irish (1883). "We found San Francisco in a ferment over the Chinese question. Hayes insulted every lady and kicked every laborer by his veto of the effective Chinese bill passed by the last Democratic Congress, and Arthur had just deliberately repeated the dose. . „ , , ■ ^, "1 came here not for health, but for the opportunity of looking at the Chinese question. When I saw it, I thanked God that for fifteen years, from the beginning of the evil until now, I had fought it. Since I came a ship landed a thousand Chinese laborers and thirty-five prostitues, shipped to their masters here, for whom they must slave in infamy. Nearly forty thousand live in the district called Chinatown, and this district has in it not one dozen wives not one dozen families. Forty thousand white laborers would represent 32 MEAT vs. RICE. one hundred and sixty thousand of population. Here every woman is unclean, she has no children, she is a slave, sold at birth to infamy and trained to vice as white men train their children to virtue. The men cook their own food, tend their own foul- sleeping places and live on twenty dollars a year. "CHINESE CHEAP LABOR! Here is a tragedy— alongside this wife- less, childless, Christless labor, the white toiler with his wife and weans competes in vain. "THE SAN FRANCISCO HOODLUM! He is a victim of the cancer. He is the son of a white laborer who was guttered in the unequal contest: his sons missed their schooling and at working age had to cornpete with Chinese labor. The competition was impossible, they fell into vice. The white laborers' daughters have not a thing to which they can turn to honestly earn a living. The young men who in the natural course would mate them and make them homes are in the jail, the gutter, the gambling house. So the girls' feet take hold of perdition and they carry their bodies to market to meet the Chinese and compete with them in the footrace to hell. So the white laboriing class is festered out, livid with the leprosy of the Chinese curse, rotting with the cancer which grows and thrives as they decay. This is a sketch of the eflects of Mongolian labor on this Coast. The picture is underdrawn; it is not colored."* IX. Medical Testimony Regarding Asiatics. Much has been said in the past relative to the undesirability of Asiatic residents among whites, and much is being said to-day by philanthropists and missionaries as to the desirability and actual necessity of their presence among us. These differences of opinion are irreconcilable, from one point of view the conversion of the Asiatic to Christianity is the upmost thought with the other it is the preservation of American youth from contaminatior by the vices of Asia. To those inspired men like St. Francis Xavier anc De Hue who devoted their lives to the enlightenment of the Orientals, ir their own lands, we bow in admiration and even adoration; to those who like Bishop Hamilton, wish the Asiatic to come here for conversion and whc look forward to the time when the coming American will be part Negro part Mongolian, and part Caucasian, we entertain sentiments of the greatest horror, and declare that it is questionable whether there are any people or the face of the civilized globe who would have borne so orderly and sc peacefully the ills brought upon them by the invasion of Asiatics as havf the bone and sinew of the people of California. The question as it confronts us to-day has many phases, the most im portant one being that illustrated by testimony taken before a Senate Com mittee of the California Legislature, 1876 and 1877. "Dr. Toland, a man standing at the head of his profession, founder o the Toland Medical University, and at the time a member of the San Fran Cisco Board of Health and practitioner of twenty-three years' standing testified before this committee (pp. 168, 169, 170, Report of California Stati Committee) that he had seen and treated boys eight and ten years old fo diseases contracted on Jackson street in Chinese houses of prostitution; anc • See opinion of M. M. Estee, p. 21. MEAT vs. RICE. 33 again, when asked what effect upon the community the presence of Chinese has, he replied that it had a teridency to fill our hospitals with invalids, and it would be a great relief to the younger portion of the community to get rid of them. When asked as to whether the coming of Chinese tended to adrance Christian civilization among them, he replied that it had a contrary effect. There is scarcely a single day but what a dozen young men come to my office for treatment of diseases, nine-tenths of which have been contracted from Chinese women. The prices are so low that -they can go whenever they please. The women do not care how old the boys are, as long as they have money. Have never heard or read of any country in the world where there are so many children diseased as there is in San Francisco." At pages 171 and 172 of the same report the testimony of Dr. J. C. Shorb j;ppears. He testified that the influence of Chinese prostitution upon the white population is exceedingly bad. That by reason of the cheapness of service it affords unlimited opportunity to white boys. "I have had boys from twelve up to eighteen and nineteen, any number of them, afflicted with syphilis, con- tracted from Chinese prostitutes. No one can pretend to map out the ravages which syphilis will make. You don't know to what extent it may affect generations yet unborn. No man with any knowledge of the facts c-an reach the conclusion that Chinese immigration tends to the advancement of Christian civilization." "Mr. F. A. Gibbs, chairman of Hospital Committee of the Board of Super- visors, San Francisco, testified that there were at the time thirty-six Chinamen in the pest-house, eight of whom were afflicted with leprosy, and most of the balance with venereal diseases. And, again, that there were many cases of white' young men iri the County Hospital suffering from diseases contracted in the Chinese quarter." Of the utter contempt of Asiatics for sanitary laws ample evidence will be found in the preceding pages, but we call particular attention to the utterances of an eminent medical gentleman of Oregon, Dr. Ralph Matson, State Biologist, and a recognized authority on tropical diseases, who, with his brother. Dr. Ray Matson — former health officer of Portland, Or. — con- ducted an exhaustive investigation of the "bubonic plague" situation in Port- land and other parts of Oregon. The conclusions of Dr. Matson are: "Until the Asiatic sections of every city on the Pacific Coast are thoroughly modernized and the inhabitants made to conform to the standards of cleanliness set by Americans, the Coast will nevef be free from the danger of an incursion of the bubonic plague," saying in conclusion: "If this result can not be obtained by any other method than the stringent exclusion of the Chinese, Hindus, Coreans and Japanese, then I do not believe that exclusion is too high a price to pay for it." Much more evidence of the baneful influence of the presence of Asiatics could be here produced, but we deem the foregoing sufficient for the pur- pose of calling the attention of those not familiar with the Asiatic question to the manifold dangers to which our youth are exposed, and the inevitable result if such horrible conditions are permitted to become permartently en- grafted upon Caucasian civilization. 34 MEAT vs. RICE. X. Are Chinese Honest and Truthful? It is being urged in many quarters that Chinese are desirable additions to the body civic — and would be to the body politic. There is some testimcfty in the report before quoted (see Appendix IX) which throws some light on the subject. At page 114, Abram Altemeyer, a member of the firm of Einstein Bros. & Co., being duly sworn, deposed: "Have employed from 200 to 375 Chinamen in our factory. We have a contract to recompense us for anything they steal. They will bear close watching. I think they will take things whenever they get a chance.* Have made the contractors pay us $1000 for goods stolen. Many of the goods (Jboots and shoes) were found in their boarding and lodging houses." Davis Louderback, judge of the Police Court, said of the Chinese (p. 158): "I think they are a very immoral, mean, mendacious, dishonest, thieving people, as a general thing. As witnesses, their veracity is of the lowest degree. They do not appear to realize the sancity of an oath, and it is difficult to enforce the laws, where they are concerned, for that reason. They also use our laws to revenge themselves upon their enemies, and malicious .prosecutions are frequent." Mr. W. J. Shalv, who had traveled extensively in China, testified (p. 84): "Regarding their honesty, I can mention this fact which may interest the committee: I was assured by all the merchants with whom I conversed on the subject — in the towns that I visited in China — that nobody hired a Chinese servant without taking a bond from some responsible person that he would be responsible for any thefts that servant might perpetrate. It was con- sidered that Chinamen were" so constituted that they must sooner or later steal something." Note — It may be advanced that the facts presented in the pamphlet, "Meat vs. Rice," and its appendices that conditions have changed since the seventies, e'ighties or nineties, but the Asiatic Exclusion League, during its three years of existence, has accumulated sufficient evidence to warrant the declaration that the change has not been for the better. Never before in the history of California had she so many Asiatics within her borders — including Chinese, Japanese, Koreans and Hindus there are more than 100,000. It is true that the whites have increased in population and that the material resources of the State have been developed, but that curse of all governments — republican and monarchial — the trend of population away froia the land — has been accelerated and abnormally increased, in our case, through the presence Of these Asiatics as tillers of the soil. A secondary Asiatic population following the agriculturists have built up a numerous class of Asiatic traders who, making an enormous profit through a system of semi- compulsion with their countrymen, are enlarging their scope so as to compete with the white merchant for the patronage of his white customers. For information or literature apply, or write, to Asiatic Exclusion Leaguii, Rooms 812-815 Metropolis Bldg., San Francisco. • See opinion of Judge Estee, p. 21. Selection of Immigration By Prescott F. Hall, Secretary of the Immigration Restriction League, Boston, Mass. stated above, some of these, children are supported at the public expense until they are able to go into a sweatshop. There can be no doubt which is the higher type of citizen or of family, yet the higher barely tends to perpetuate itself and the lower "survives" to five times the extent of the higher. Of course the falling of a birthrate may be due to many causes which I have not time here to discuss. But in general it is caused by the desire for the "concentration of advantages," and one of the principal provocatives of this desire is the effects of immigration. Consider for a moment the typical town of a hundred years ago with its relatively homogeneous society. The young men drive the om- nibus and tend the store. Everybody knows them, and, while not ranking with the judge, or the parson, or the doctor, they are in general as good as anybody. Now suppose a small factory is started and some of the village girls are employed there. For a time no great i8i change occurs. Then a number of unskilled immigrants settle in the town. Being unskilled they naturally take up the easiest kind of manual labor. At first they are regarded as curiosities. More come, enough to form a class. They naturally group more or less by themselves. They do not enter into the existing clubs and amuse- ments of the town. After a time they constitute the larger part of the help in the factory. Being poor, they live in the cheapest loca- tion and in the most frugal style. The natives gradually withdraw from social contact with them, the girls dislike to work with them in the factory, the boys do not want to be with them in the fields and the mills. After such a caste system invades a town the natives are unwilling to marry, or, if they do marry, to have children, unless they can be sure of enough means to secure employment for their children in an occupation where they will not be classed with the immigrants. The girls no longer go out to service, but go into book-keeping, or certain kinds of stores ; and the boys are sent to the High School or, if possible, to college. At any rate, the children of the natives seek only the so-called better grades of employment. After a time there is an invasion of French Canadians or Italians into the town, and the same process tends to operate in the case of the earlier immigrants. That this is no flight of the imagination but an actual descrip- tion of what happens is testified by many students of the question. The writer has personally inquired as to the cause of the small families in various parts of our Eastern States and has been repeatedly told by parents that this social reason was the controlling one in their own families. Dr. Roberts and Dr. Warne report the same thing in the mining regions of Pennsylvania. General Walker says : "The great fact protrudes througt all the subsequent history of our popu- lation that the more rapidly foreigners came into the United States, the smaller was the rate of increase, not only among the native population of the country as a whole, including the foreigners If the foregoing views are true, or contain a considerable degree of truth, foreign immigration into this country has, from the time it assumed large proportions, amounted not to a reenforcement of our population, but to a replacement of native by foreign stock." The Industrial Commission also says in its report, p. 277 : "It is a hasty assumption which holds that immigration during the nine- teenth centvuy has increased the total population." R. R. Kuczynski has shown that in Massachusetts the foreign bom mother has two-thirds more children than the native-born mother, and three-fifths more children living. Now in many discussions of this question it is said that the natives are displaced by the foreigners, but are "crowded up" into higher occupations. I do not beUeve that this can be shown to be true, even of the natives in existence at the time the process operates. Some are undoubtedly crowded up, some are crowded out and go elsewhere, many are crowded down and become pubUc charges or tramps. But the main point is that the native children are mur- dered by never being allowed to come into existence, as surely as if put to death in some older invasion of the Huns and Vandals. In this question of immigration we are dealing with tremendous social forces operating on a gigantic scale. How careful should we be, then, to turn these forces in the right direction so far as we may guide them. It is no doubt true that hybridization has often pro- duced better stocks than those previously existing; and some infusion of Mediterranean and Alpine blood into the Baltic immigration of the last centiurymay perhaps be a good thing. But if we were trying such an experiment on plants or animals would we not exer- cise the greatest care to get the best of each stock before mixing them ? And has it not been said that human beings are of more value than many sparrows? The success of the American Republic is of more value to the world than the good of a few thousand immigrants, whose places are filled up at home almost before they reach this side of the Atlantic. It is by no means certain that economic reforms would not already have taken place in Europe which have been de- layed because those countries have had the safety valve of emigra- tion to the United States, and have thus been able to keep up the frightful pressure of militant taxation in their own domains. If we are to apply some further method of selection to immi- grants, what shall it be ? The plan of constdar inspection in Europe, once popular, has been declared impracticable by every careful student of the subject. A high headtax might accomplish something, but it is not a discriminating test, and hits the worthy perhaps harder than the unworthy. Two plans have been suggested. One, more in the nature of a palliative than a cure, is to admit immigrants on a five-year proba- i83 tion, and to provide that if within five years after landing an immi- grant becomes such a person as to be within the classes now excluded by law, whether the causes of his changed condition arose prior or subsequent to his landing, he shall be deported. There are various practical difficulties with such a plan, the chief one being that of identification, but, in view of the decision in the Turner case, such a plan would probably be held to be constitutional. The other plan is to adopt some more or less arbitrary test, which, while open to theoretical objection — as any practicable test must be — nevertheless will on the whole exclude those people whom we wish excluded. It must be a definite test, because one trouble with the "public charge" clause of the present law, under which most exclusions now occiur, is that it is so vague and elastic that it can be interpreted to suit the temper of any of the higher officials who may happen to be charged with the execution of the law. As I have else- where repeatedly shown those persons who cannot read in their own language are, in general, those who are also ignorant of a trade, who bring little money with them, who settle in the city slums, who have a low standard of living and little ambition to seek a better, and who do not assimilate rapidly or appreciate our institutions. It is not claimed that an illiteracy test is a test of moral character, but it would undoubtedly exclude a good many persons who now fill our prisons and almshouses, and would lessen the burden upon our schools and machinery of justice. In a country having universal suffrage it is also an indispensable requirement for citizenship, and citizenship in its broadest sense means much more than the right to the ballot. The illiteracy test has passed the Senate three times and the House four times in the last eight years. It has been endorsed by several State legislatures, a large proportion of the boards of associated charities of the country, and by immerous intelligent persons famil- iar with immigration matters, including the State associations for promoting immigration above referred to. This test has already been adopted by the Commonwealth of Australia and by British Columbia, and would have certainly been adopted here long since but for the opposition of the transportation companies. It is no doubt true that many of the newer immigrants are eager to have their children educated, and that many of these chil- dren are good scholars. But this fact strikes us the more forcibly i»4 because it is the one ray of hope in ,^^^.^^^. ^ uu not Know that anyone has ever claimed that these foreign-born children are superior in any way to native-born children, and the latter acquire the most valuable part of civic education by hearsay and imitation in their own homes, while the foreign born have their only training in the school. Furthermore, everyone admits the enormous burden of educating such a large mass of children, illiterate as to even their own language. This is in addition to the burden of the adult illit- erates imposed on a country which already has its problems of rural and negro education. There is no doubt that an illiteracy test would not only give us elbow room to work out our own prob- lems of education, but would greatly promote elementary education in Europe. Why should we take upon oittselves a burden which properly belongs to the countries from which these immigrants come? Whatever view we may take of the immigration question there can be no doubt that it is one of the most important, if not the most important, problems of our time, and, as such, it deserves the careful study of all oiur citizens. We are trustees of oiu: civilization and in- stitutions with a duty to the future, and as trustees the stocks of population in which we invest should be limited by the principle of a careful selection of immigrants. PUBLICATIONS OF THE IMMIGRATION RESTRICTION LEAGUE, No. 30. DIGEST or IMMIGRATION STATISTrCS. EFFECTS dp, IMMIGRATION UPON THE UNITED STATES AND REASONS FOR FURTHER RESTRICTION. PROPOSED LEQISLATION. 2 DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. I. General Figures as to Total Immigration. (/.) Immigration by Decades, 1821 to 1900. i^Prom Report of U.S. Industrial Commission, p. 267.) 182 I to 1830 143.439 1831 to 1840 599>i25 1841 to 1850 1,713,251 1851 to i860 2,598,214 1861 to 1870 2,314,824 1871 to 1880 2,8i2,igi 1881 to i8go 5,246,613 1891 to 1900 3,687,564 Total, 1821-1900 19,115,221 {2.) Immigration by Years from 1885. (^From Reports of Superintendent and Bureau of Itnmigration.^ 1885 ' 395.346 1886 334.203 1887 490,109 1888 546,889 1889 444.427 1890 455.302 1891 560,319 1892 579.663 1893 439.730 [The Cholera Year,] 1894 285,63i\ 1895 258,536 ( ^^i^^^dof, 1896 343.267 f 1897 230,832; i8g8 229,299 1899 311.715 1900 448.572 1901 487,918 Commercial Depression.] II. DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. Recent Changes in the Nationality of Immigrants. (^specially prepared for the League from Quarterly Report' Bureau Statistics No. 2, Series 1892-1893, and Reports of Commissioner- General of Immigration.) (/.) Comparison of Certain Groups. Per cent. 0! immigrantB from Austria-Hnngary, Italy, Poland, and Bussia ta> total immigration. Per cent, of immigrants from United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Scandinavia to total immigration. i86g 0.9 73.8 1880 8.5 64-5 iSgo 34-0 57-7 i8gi 39-6 52.1 1892 44.8 53-9 1893 42.7 48.2 1894 42.6 47-9 1895 39-8 52-9 1896 52- 39- 1897 52. 38. 1898 57- 33- 1899 64. 27. 1900 66.7 25-3 1901 68.6 22.5 JS^ote. — In 1869 the immigrants from Austria-Hungary, Italy, Poland, and Russia were about i-iooth of the number from the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Scandinavia; in 1880 about i-ioth; in 1894 nearly equal to it ; in 1901 three times as great. 4 DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. (2.) Western Europe and Eastern Europe. Note. — In 1899 the Government abandoned tabulation by political divisions and adopted a classification by races. This was in all respects a more precise and useful division, and had long been needed. In order to preserve the valuable comparison of groups of relatively desirable and rela- tively undesirable immigrants from Europe, the League has divided Europe by a north and south line as follows : Beginning at the boundary between Finland and Russia the line leaves Finland and Germany on the west, then follows the boundary between Bohemia, Austria and Carinthia on the west, and Galicia, Hungary, and Croatia on the east. It then follows the division between Northern and Southern Italy adopted by the new U.S. classification. Spain and Portugal, having a high illiteracy and sending many undesirable immigrants, are also placed in the eastern division. The Hebrews are also included in Eastern Europe, as the Government report shows that about seven-tenths come from Russia and most of the balance from Austria-Hungary. " Per cent. Immigration from Percent, of total Immigration from of Total Western Europe. Immigration. Eastern Europe. Immigration, 1899 130,160 41.7 175,270 • 56-2 1900 149,442 33-3 276,793 61.8 I90I 164,792 33-7 309,301 62.7 (J.) Total Immigration of Asian Races. 1899 8,972 1900 I7i946 1901 13.698 {4.) Ttie Largest Elements in Immigration at Present are: 1899. 1900. 1901. Southern Italian 65,639 84.346 115.704 Hebrew . 37,415 60,764 58,098 Polish 28,466 46,938 43.617 Scandinavian 23,249 32,952 40,277 Irish 32.345 35,607 30,404 German 26,632 29,682 34,742 Slovak . 15.838 29.243 29.343 DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. III. Conditions of Immigration. (/.) Average Money Shown by Immigrants. i8g6 $11 1897 15 i8g8 17 1899 17 igoo 15 1901 15 Money Brought by the Several Races, 1900. (^Report of United States Industrial Commission, p. 284.) Baces. Amount of money Baces. Amount of money shown per capita. shown per capita. Scotch, $41.51 Chinese, $13.98 Japanese, 39-59 Finnish, 13.06 English, 38.90 Croatian and Slavonian, 12.51 French, 37.80 Slovak, 11.69 Greek, 28.78 Ruthenian (Russniak), 10.51 German, 28.53 Portuguese, 10.47 Bohemian and Moravia in, 23.12 Magyar, 10.39 Italian (northern), 22.49 Polish, 9.94 Dutch and Flemish, 21.00 Italian (southern), 8.84 Cuban, 19-34 Hebrew, 8.67 Scandinavian, 16.65 Lithuanian, 7.96 Russian, 14.94 Irish, 14.50 Syrian, 14-31 (Z) Percentage of Immigrants who have been in the United States before. . 1898 1899 1900 1901 18. 16. 11.6 11.9 6 DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. (J. ) Percentage of Immigrants having no Occupation, including Women and Children. 1895 36. 1896 36. 1897 39- 1898 39-4 1899 35-1 igoo 30.1 1901 30.5 (4.) Percentage of Immigrants who were Farm Labor" ers, Laborers, or Servants. 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 42. 46. 40. 40-3 47-3 1900 53.0 igoi 53-1 (5.) Illiteracy. (a.) In General. Per cent, of illiterate in total immigration over IS years of age. 1895 20 1896 29 1897 23 1898 1899 Over 14 years of age. 23. 19.7 1900 24-3 igoi 27.7 iJiCjEST OF* IMMIGRA'TION STATISTICS. (b.) Of Particular Groups. (Compiled from the Re-port of the Commissioner- General of Immigration for the Year ending jfune 30, 1901.) Percentages of Illiteracy among Immigrants from those Nations of Europe which sent upwards of 2,000 Immigrants to THE United States during the Fiscal Year 1901. Coming from Western Europe. The black part shows the propor- tion of those over fourteen years of age who could not read and write in any language. Coming from Eastern Europe. Average of Group, 5.6 Jo- Average of Group, 43.2%. Note : that the oflBcial figures as to illiteracy are not based upon actual tests, but depend for their accuracy upon the truth of the immigrants' answers to the questions put to them. If they were actually required by the inspect- ors to read and write before admission, the above figures of illiteracy would undoubtedly be larger. Number of persons in each hundred immigrants over fourteen years of age who cannot write or cannot read and write their own language, from those races {not nations) which contributed upwards of 2,000 immigrants to the United States during the past three fiscal years : Western Europe. Scandinavian English Scotch . Bohemian and Moravian Finnish Irish French . German Dutch and Flemish Italian (north) Average of above 1899. 1900. 1901. 0.6 0.9 0.6 1-7 0.2 I.I — ■— 1.2 3-3 30 i-S 2.0 2.7 2.2 3-9 3-3 3-2 3-5 3-9 3-9 3-2 5-8 4.1 — 9.6 7.8 11.4 II. 2 15-7 3.6 4.2 5.6 8 blGESt O^ IMMIGRATION STATISTICiS. Eastern Europe (with Spain and Portugal) Magyar Hebrew Greek Slovak Polish Croatian and Slovenian Lithuanian . Ruthenian . Italian (South) . Portuguese Average of above 1899. 1900. I9OI. 10.8 16.8 7-5 20.3 22.g 23.6 23-4 17.1 259 27.6 27.9 30-7 31-3 31-2 37-5 26.1 37-4 39-7 32-4 31-7 49.8 — 49.0 53-2 57-2 54-6 59-1 655 59-9 63.8 37.6 36.4 43.2 Other Races. Cuban . Japanese Chinese Syrian . — 6.8 — 4-7 8.9 6.7 — — 6.9 6.2 55-9 56.1 (c.) Illiteracy of Italian Immigrants. {^From manifests of 2,^1*] i, immigrants over \\ years of age arriving at the fort of New York during Afril, 1896, on four steamers from. Genoa and Naples. This is believed to present a fair average of recent Italian immigration.') Total Immigrants examined, 3,174 Percentage of males, 89.2 Percentage of females, 10.8 Total illiterates, 2,147 Percentage of total immigrants v^rho were illiterates, 67.6 Percentage of male illiteracy, 66.5 Percentage of female illiteracy, 75.7 Number debarred under existing laws, 197 Percentage debarred of total immigrants, 6.2 Number wliicti would have been debarred by a reading and writing test, 3,147 Or a percentage of, 67.6 Percentage of those who had been in the United States before, 27.7. Percentage of total immigrants who were laborers, 85. S DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. IV. Effects of Immigration in the United States. (/.) Crime, Insanity, and Pauperism. According to the Census of 1890 \_Part II., pp. 169, 174, 182] those of foreign birth or parentage, who are 38 per cent, of the total white population, furnish over J^ the white convicts of the United States, while the foreign-born population, who are about 15 per cent, of the total population, furnish J^ of the insane, and nearly % of the paupers of the United States. Or, comparing an equal number of the foreign element and the native element, the foreigners furnish ij^ times as many criminals, zyi times as many insane, and 3 times as many paupers. (^From Senate Report No. 290, 54M Congress, \st Session, 1896.). Commitments to all penal institutions of Massachu- Illiteracy setts pel 1,000 inhabi- of tants from countries Immigrants Country. Scandinavia Germany Scotland France England Ireland Russia Austria Poland Hungary Italy . named, less drunks. (1895) 5-1 I 3-6 2 5-8 3 6.1 3 7.2 3 7-1 7 7-9 26 10.4 28 16.0 29 154 33 18.2 44 (2.) Distribution of Immigrants. (a.) Foreigrn-Born in the United States. {Census of 1890. Population. Part I., pp. Ixxxii, cxxxv.) The total foreign-born population of the United States is 9,249,547, constituting 14.77 per cent, of the entire population of the United States. This foreign-born population is made up as follows : lO t)lGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. North and South Americans Great Britain and Ireland Germanic nations Scandinavian nations Slav nations Latin nations Asiatic nations . All others . Total Number. Per cent. 1,088,245 11.76 3,122,911 33-76 3> "9.583 33-73 933.249 10.09 510,625 5-52 319,822 3-46 "3,383 1.23 41,729 0.45 9.249.547 lOO.O (b.) Distribution of Foreigrn-Born • ( Compiled from Census of 890, Part I. t- cxxxvi.") North Atlantic. South Atlantic North Central. South Central. Western. Great Britain and Ireland, 59-5 2.5 27.6 2.4 7-9 France, 36.0 2.2 34-1 12.7 14.9 Germany, 32.2 2.9 56.4 4-1 4-3 Bohemia, 10.4 1.4 84.3 3-1 0.8 Scandinavia, 12.7 0-3 76.0 0.8 lO.O Austria, 49.9 1-7 31.8 8.4 8.1 Hungary, 72.9 1.8 22.1 1.4 1.6 Italy, 65.0 2.7 12.0 6.7 13-7 Poland, 38-4 1.7 57-0 1-7 1.2 Russia, 50.9 3-2 38.2 1.5 6.1 " South Atlantic " includes States south of N.y. and Pa. " South Central" includes States south of the Ohio River and Mb. Note : that only 4.6 per cent, of the Poles and only 4.8 per cent, of the Hungarians and ro.S per cent, of the Russians live in the Southern States or in the Western Division; altogether only 29,528, scattered in a total population of nearly twenty-three millions. Note: that while the non- Atlantic States gain three-fourths of the Germans and Scandinavians, the Atlantic States are burdened with two- thirds of the Russians, Hungarians, and Italians. DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS.- II (c.) Congrestion in Certain States. ( Compiled from the Reports of the Commissioner- General of Immigration. ) Per cent, of total immigration Per cent, of total immigration destined for States south of destined for the four States the Potomac Biver, Pennsyl- of Illinois, Massachusetts, vania, andtheOhioBiyer,or Hew York, and Pennsylvania. west of the Mississippi Biyer. i8gs 72. 1895 — i8g6 72. i8g6 11. 1897 71. 1897 15. 1898 68.9 i8g8 15.2 1899 68.7 1899 15.7 igoo 68.8 igoo 13.4 igoi 6g,5 igoi 13.5 (d.) Rural and Urban Distribution. It is saijd that there is plenty of room in this country in the West on farms and ranches to receive an unlimited number of immigrants of whatever character they may be. In considering this statement the following figures are of interest. \_From Bureau of Statistics, Quarterly Report, No. 2, 1892.] Of a total foreign-born population of 9,249,547 in 1890, 4,081,927, or 44 per cent, of them, were found in the 124 principal cities of the United States. Of persons born in Norway 20.8% live in cities. " " " " England 40.7 " " " " " " " Germany 47.7 " " " " " " " Ireland 5S.g " " " " " " " Poland 57.1 " " " " " " " Russia 57.9 " " " " " " "^Italy 58.8 " " " Congestion of Recent Immigration and of tlxat most Affected by the Illiteracy Test in Large Cities and Centres of Population. {Prom the Senate Report No. 290, <^\th Congress, ist Session, 1896.) In 1890 there were 147,740 persons in this country born in Poland. Of these there were,in the States of — New York 22,718 Pennsylvania .....••• 25,191 Illinois 28,878 Michigan 15.669 Wisconsin 17.660 Total 110,116 12 DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. Now let US see how they are distributed within these States. Illinois : Cook County (Chicago) Michigan : Wayne County (Detroit) Manistee County Bay County Kent County . New York : Erie County (Buffalo) New York County (New York) Kings County (Brooklyn) Pennsylvania : Allegheny County (Pittsburg) Luzerne County Northumberland County . Philadelphia County (Philadelphia) Schuylkill County Wisconsin : Milwaukee County (Milwaukee) Portage County 25.336 5.599 2,607 1.973 1. 175 8,929 6,759 1,957 3,343 7,408 2,083 2,i8g 4,492 10,066 2,070 In 1890 there were 182,580 Italians. Of these there were in Massachu- setts 8,066, and 4,799 in Suffolk County (Boston). In New York, 64,141, of which 39,951 were in New York County (city of New York) ; Kings County (Brooklyn), 9,789; Westchester County, 1,820; Erie County (Buffalo), 1,908. In Pennsylvania, 24,662, of which 6,799 were in Phila- delphia County,; Allegheny County (Pittsburg), 3,498; Luzerne County, 1,661. In New Jersey, 12,989, of which 3,598 were in Essex County; Hudson County (Jersey City), 3,039. In Illinois, 8,035, °^ which 5,734 were in Cook County (Chicago). In Louisiana, 7,767, of which 3,622 were in Orleans County (New Orleans). In California, 15,495, of which 5,212 were in San Francisco. There were 182,644 from Russia. Of these there were in the States of — New York 58,466 Pennsylvania ......... 17,315 Massachusetts .,,.,..,, 7,325 DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. Connecticut 3,027 South Dakota 12,398 Michigan ..... 11,889 Illinois 8,407 Kansas 9,801 Of these New York City had 48,790 ; Brooklyn, 3,397 ; Rochester, 1,085; -Albany, 479; Syracuse, 774; Elmira, 108; Long Island City, 121. There were in Boston 4,305, or more than attributed to Massachusetts; Philadelphia, 7,879; Chicago, 7,683; New Haven, 1,160; Hartford, 492 ; Bridgeport, 102; Waterbury, 123. One-half of these Russians are found in the Atlantic division, or 89,896, and in the Central division, 69,907. Philadelphia has Pittsburg . Scranton . Wilkesbarre Kansas : Marion County Ellis County McPherson County Michigan : 7.897 2,279 488 149 316 1,269 1,654 Portland County Gogebic County Marquette County . In 1880 there were only 8,967 of these in the 50 principal cities 1890 there were 98,355. 3>S2i 1,129 2,563 In (e.) Destination of Illiterates. {From Manifests of 1 000 Immigrants at New York, i8g6.) By Numbers. By Percentages. Other Central and Non- Won- Penn. W.Y. Atlantic. Middle. Western. Atlantic. Atlantic. Atlantic. Atlantic. Russians, 11 Hungarians, 76 Galicians, 25 Croats, etc., 20 Syrians, o 28 20 12 8 21 II 34 25 o 2 Totals, 132 89 73 4 4 II 4 o 23 I o 5 4 4 50 130 63 28 23 5 4 16 8 4 91% 97 80 78 85 14 294 37 89 9% 3 20 22 15 II 14 DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. Only II illiterates were destined to the South, i Hungarian going to Delaware, 3 to West Virginia, and 2 Galicians to Maryland, while the 5 who were going to Missouri were sent before the Board of Special Inquiry on suspicion of being contract laborers and were admitted for lack of evidence. Italians. — From examination of the manifests of 3,174 immigrants over 14 years of age arriving at the port of New York, on four steamers from Genoa and Naples, in 1896, it appeared that 95.3% were destined for New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. Of those destined for " other States "31 or less than 1 %*were bound to States west of the Mississippi river, and only 11 to States south of Pennsyl- vania and the Ohio river, while only 3 were going to the Southern States proper. Note: that an educational test as a measure of restriction would not affect in any important degree the Western and Southern States, many of which are naturally desirous of obtaining a large immigration ; because the races like the Germans, Scandinavians, Bohemians, French, and English, which would be little affected by an educational test, largely go West, while the illiterate races, such as the Hungarians, Galicians, and Italians, remain to lower the standards of the already crowded Atlantic territory, as appears by the tables above. (f.) Illiterates and Slums. The Seventh Special Report of the U.S. Commissioner of Labor (1894) shows (p. 44) that the proportion of those of foreign birth or par- entage to the total population in the slums of Baltimore was 77 per cent., in Chicago 90 per cent., in New York 95 per cent., and in Philadelphia 91 per cent. The figures for the foreign-born alone are correspondingly striking. It appears from the same report (pp. 160-3) that of every 100 aliens, 40 were illiterate in the slums of Baltimore, 47 in Chicago, 59 in New York, and 51 in Philadelphia; and that of every 100 of these illiterate aliens there were 67 males of voting age in Baltimore, 77 in Chicago, 78 in New York, and 85 in Philadelphia. The proportion in which the literate and illiterate nationalities contrib- ute to the slum population is shown by the following tables, compiled from the same report, pp. 41, 72 : DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. 15 Austria-Hungary,, Italy,, Poland, and Russia. Per cent, of Pei cent. o{ Total Population. Slum Population. United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Scandinavia. 1.97 6.41 9-45 1-95 12.72 44.44 51-11 50.28 Per cent, of Total Population. Baltimore. Per cent, of Slum Population, 1 .13-52 27.29 Chicago. 1 30.70 10.64 New York. 1 30-73 8.64 'tiiladelphia. 22.95 8.44 Note : that Southeastern Europe furnishes 3 times as many inhabitants as Northwestern Europe to the shims of Baltimore, 19 times as many to the slums of New York, 20 times as many to the slums of Chicago, 71 times as many to the slums of Philadelphia. The comparative degree of illiteracy of foregoing elements of slums is as follows for the above-mentioned four cities : Scandinavia, 5-6% Great Britain, 7.0 France, 10.2 Germany, 21.9 Ireland, 40.4 Average of Group, 25-5 Austria-Hungary, 16.6 Russia, 37-1 Poland, 46.1 Italy, 66.4 Average of Group, 54-5 Native Americans, 7-4 (J.) Naturalization of Aliens. By Census of 1890, Part II., p. 683, out of the total foreign-born males over 21 years of age, 32.8 per cent, were not naturalized; i.e., nearly J of the foreign adult males are not citizens. And out of the total male popula- tion of the United States over 21 years of age, 7 per cent, are alife^s. Of the 1,189,452 aliens in the United States, 32.6 per cent, do not speak English. l6 DIGfeST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. From the Census of 1890 {^Part II., pp. 600, 688] it appears that the proportion of the foreign-born of the various races who were still aliens was as follows : Slav, 21.4% British, 9-3% Latin, 29.7 Germanic, 9.7 Asiatic, 85.7 Scandinavian, 13.2 Average, 32.0 Average, 9.9 {4.) Replacing of Native Stock by Foreign Stock. Perhaps the most important effect of immigration, and the one to which popular attention has been least directed, is that of the supplanting of one race by another in this country. In this view the descendants of the settlers of British origin, and later the immigrants of Irish, German, French, and Scandinavian origin, have tended to increase less rapidly on account of the coming of immigrants of habits, customs, and modes of thought alien to those already here and of an inferior social and economic status. The result is not merely a social and economic struggle between those already here and those coming, in \yhich it may be true that the former are in general victorious and are displaced upwards to take more lucrative and responsible positions ; but there is another struggle between the new-comers and their children on the one side, and the children of those already here on the other, in which the latter are defeated and slain by never being allowed to come into existence. I Francis A. Walker, Superintendent of the Censuses of 1870 and 1880, maintained that if there had been no immigration whatever into this country during the past 90 years, " the native element would long ago have filled the place the foreigners have usurped." And he further says : " The American shrank from the industrial competition thus thrust upon him. He was unwilling himself to engage in thet lowest kind of day labor with these new elements of population ; he was even more unwilling to bring sons and daughters into the world to enter into that competition. . . . The great fact protrudes through all the subsequent history of our population that the more rapidly foreigners came into the United States the smaller was the rate of increase, not merely among the native population, but throughout the population of the country as a whole, including the foreigners. ... If the foregoing views are true, or contain any considerable degree of truth, foreign immigration into this country has, from the time it assumed large proportions, amounted not to a reenforcement of our population, but to a replacement of native by foreign stock." {See articles in " Forum," 1891, pp. 634-743 ; reprinted in "Discussions in Economics and Statistics," Vol. II., pp. 417-426; also article in ^'Atlantic Monthly," Vol.' 77, p. 822, June, 1896.) The United States Industrial Commission says in its report, p. 277 : " It is a hasty assumption which holds that immigration during the nineteenth century has increased the total population." DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. 1 7 IV. Nationalities of Immigrants desired by the States. {From Report of the Immigration Investigating Commission, January, 1896. The Commission sent letters to the Governors of all the States asking what nationalities of immigrants were preferred in their several States.) Of 52 preferences for different nationalities of immigrants expressed in these replies 15 are for Germans. 14 are for Scandinavians. 12 are for English, Scotch, or Irish. 3 are for French. 2 are for Swiss. 2 are for Italians. I is for Hollanders. I is for Belgians. I is for " North of Europe." I is for Americans. JVote: that there are only 2 calls for immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, and these are both for Italians. One of the Governors asking for Italians expressly states that he is " not sure that immigrants from any foreign country are desirable as laborers " in his State, and the oth»r says " that unskilled labor is not desired " in his State, but that farmers with small means are highly desirable. As very few of the Italian immigrants now coming to this country settle down and become independent farmers, but are almost entirely unskilled laborers, it may be concluded that in the second case Italian immigration of its present character is not desired. Note : that there is no call for Poles, Russians, Hungarians, Slovaks, or the other races of Southern and Eastern Europe and of Asia. Note: that the immigrants from Northern and Western Europe, such as the English, Irish, Scotch, Germans, Scandinavians, and French, who are desired as immigrants in all parts of the -United States, are as a whole well educated, there being on the average only four per cent, of illiteracy among them, while the illiteracy of the immigrants from Austria-Hungary, Italy, Russia, and Poland is over forty per cent. An educational test, therefore, requiring every immigrant to be able to read before gaining admission to the United States, would debar a considerable number of the undesirable classes, while it would interfere very little with the immigration from the North and West of Europe, l8 niGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. V. The Present Laws and Their Effects. (/.) Excluded Classes. The only classes of persons excluded from this country under our present immigration laws (not considering Chinese immigration) are the following: v. Idiots; II. Insane persons ; III. Paupers or persons likely to become a pub- lic charge; IV. Persons •with a loathsome or dangerous contagious disease; V. Persons who have been convicted of felony or other infamous crime or misdemeanor involving moral turpitude; VI. Polygamists; VII. " As- sisted immigrants" unless on special inquiry they are found not to belong to any of the foregoing excluded classes; VIII. Contract laborers; IX. Women itnported for purposes of prostitution. Note. — There are three general misconceptions regarding our present immigration laws. Thefrst is that we now require a careful examination of all intending ianmigrants in Europe, before they embark, and in this way the least desirable element is very largely prevented from coming here. The second., that persons who cannot read and write are at present debarred from landing. The third., that every immigrant must have $30 in order to be admitted. None of these is true. • All immigrants except those from Canada and Mexico pay a head tax of $1. {2.^ Numbers Debarred and Deported. 1892 2,801 out of 579,663 or 0.5 per cent. 1893 1)630 out of 440,793 or 0.4 per cent. 1894 2,389 out of 228,020 or i.o per cent. 189s 2,419 out of 258,536 or 1.0 per cent. i8g6 3)037 out of 343,267 or 0.9 per cent. 1897 1,880 out of 230,832 or 0.8 per cent. 1898 3)194 out of 229,299 or 1.4 per cent. 1899 4,061 out of 311,715 or 1.3 per cent. 1900 4,602 out of 448,572 or 1.3 per cent. 1901 3)879 out of 487,918 or 0.8 per cent. biGKST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. 19 VI. Proposed Methods of Restriction. (/.) Consular Certificate Plan. It has been suggested that the U.S. consuls shall examine intending im- migrants at the various ports of embarkation and certify as to their admissi- bility under the U.S. immigration laws. This plan was formerly very pop- ular and at first sight seems an excellent one ; but closer examination dis- closes defects in it that not only make it useless but show it would endanger all the good of the present system of inspection. Some of these objections are as follows : 1. Necessitates a large increase in consular force, and consequent expense. 2. Divides responsibility between the consul and the inspector at the American port. In doubtful cases each would throw responsibility upon the other and the immigrant would be allowed to enter ; or else 3. Works hardships on the immigrants, because it is not certain that all with consular certificates will be allowed to land. 4. Consuls have npt the time to examine the large numbers embarking at one time, and the result would be that inspection would practically be done by their clerks, who are frequently natives and who would gen- erally sympathize with the immigrants, and in any case would be less efficient and responsible, and more open to corruption. 5. Does not add at all to the classes now excluded by law, but is simply an administrative measure. Other classes are objectionable also. 6. Does not draw any line of exclusion more definite than the present law, which vests an unlimited and burdensome discretion in the immi- gration officials. 7. If consular inspection were public the foreign governments could at once tell whom to detain as being desirable citizens, and fit for military service ; or 8. If secret consular inspection were contemplated foreign governments would not permit its introduction. {2.) The Educational Test. (a.) Advantages of the Educational Test as a Means of further Restricting Immigration. I. Excludes the people we wish to exclude ; i.e., those who are degraded, ignorant alike of their own language and of any occupation, incapable ^O tildESt Oti- IMMlGRAl-ION STATISTICS. of appreciating our institutions and standards of living, and" very difficult of assimilation. 2. Adds to the excluded classes. 3. In practice would be applied at place where ticket bought and applied by steamship companies, therefore 4. Does not imply any great change in existing machinery, or any large increase in consular service and expense. •> 5. Inspection is not committed to persons in remote countries where ser- veillance is difficult, but remains a uniform system, which is public and easily controlled. Is exact and definite in its operation ; easily and simply applied, and therefore Diminishes the labor of the boards of special inquiry, and gives the im- migration officials opportunity for a more thorough inspection. Secures rudimentary education on the part of all foreigners applying for naturalization papers and American citizenship. Promotes education among those who desire to immigrate, and to that extent improves the social condition of Europe. Saves the hardship to the immigrant of making the voyage in doubt as to his admission or exclusion, and therefore Does away in large part with the separation of families, and with a temptation to a lax enforcement of inspection, in order to prevent such separation. Intending immigrants can tell before starting whether they are eligible or not, and can decide whether to separate or not. (b.) Proposed Bill. The Immigration Restriction League is not committed to any one method of restriction. It recognizes the need of many administrative re- forms, and of a proper treaty with Canada concerning European and Asiatic immigration through that country; it is also not opposed to a small increase of the head-tax for the purpose of improving the efficiency of the inspection service. Nevertheless it believes that the most important reform at present is legislation which will really exclude the most undesirable elements of the present immigration. The League has therefore prepared a bill embodying the educational test as follows : DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. 21 A BILL TO AMEND THE IM^IIGRATION LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled : That section one of the Act of March third, eighteen hundred and ninety- one, in amendment of the immigration and contract labor Acts, be and hereby is amended by adding to the classes of aliens thereby excluded from admis- sion to the United States the following : All persons over fifteen years of age and physically capable of reading, who cannot read the English language or some other language ; but an ad- missible immigrant or a person now in or hereafter admitted to this country may bring in or send for his wife, his children under eighteen years of age, and his parents or grandparents over fifty years of age, if they are otherwise admissible, whether they are so able to read or not. Sect. 2. That for the purpose of testing the ability of the immigrant to read, as required by the foregoing section, the inspection officers shall be furnished with copies of the Constitution of the United States, printed on uniform pasteboard slips, each containing not less than twenty nor more than twenty-five words of said Constitution printed in the various languages of the immigrants in double small pica type. Each immigrant may desig- nate the language in which he prefers the test shall be made, and shall be required to read the words printed on a slip in such language. No two immigrants listed on the same manifest shall be tested with the same slip. An immigrant failing to read as above provided shall not be admitted, but shall be returned to the country from which he came at the expense of the steamship or railroad company which brought him. Sect. 3. That the provisions of the Act of March third, eighteen hun- dred and ninety-three, to facilitate the enforcement of the immigration and contract labor laws shall apply to the persons mentioned in Section one of this Act. (c.) Endorsements. The principle of the educational test has been endorsed in past years by about 90 PER CENT, of the press of the United States which has pronounced editorially upon the question of restriction, and was aslted for by petitions of thousands of citizens sent to the 54th and 55th Congresses. The following bodies and individuals are among those that have at various times endorsed the test : ±2 ijigest of immigration statistics. State Legislatures. Arkansas House of Representatives by a vote of 80 to 2, January, 1897- The Legislature of the State of California. The Legislature of the State of Washington. , The Legislature of the State of Wyoming. Associations for Promoting Immigration. John M. Haines, Esq., Secretary Idaho Immigration Association. SewellDavis, Esq., Secretary Montana Mining and Immigration Committee, Butte, Mont. S. W. Narregang, Esq., Secretary South Dakota Immigration Association. D. R. McGinnis, Esq., Secretary North Western Immigration Association. Sixth Congressional District Immigration Association, Aikin, Minn., March 17, 18, 1896. South Dakota Immigration Association. Washington State Immigration Society, Seattle, Jan. 14, 1896. Labor Organizations. National and International. American Federation of Labor, by a vote of 1,858 to 352, Nashville, Dec. 17, 1897. General Assembly, Knights of Labor, Rochester, N.Y., Nov. 14, 1896; November, 1897; November, 1901. Boiler Makers and Iron Ship Builders of America, December, 1897. Carpenters and Joiners National Brotherhood, Cleveland, Sept. 29, 1896. Core Makers' International Union, Newark, N.J., Aug. 25, 1897. Henry Weil, Esq., Secretary American Diamond Verstellers Union, Newr York. Electrical Workers of America, November, 1897. Henry White, Esq., General Secretary United Garment Workers of America. Glass Blowers' Association of America. Glass Blowers' Association of United States and Canada. Glass Bottle Blowers of United States and Canada. Granite Cutters' National Union. Horseshoers' International Union, Buffalo, May 30, 1896. United Wood Carvers' Association, New York, December, 1896. DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. 23 Local, D.C. — Central Labor Union, Washington^ 1896 and Dec. 6, 1897. " Local Assembly, No. 3672, Knights of Labor, Washington, Oct. II, 1897. " Knights of Labor District Assembly, No. 66, Washington. III. — Journeymen Tailors' Union, Bloomington. " Bridge and Structural Iron Workers' Union, No. i, Chicago. " Carpenters' Union, No. 10, Chicago. " Hoisting Engineers' Association, Chicago, March, 1897. " Woman's Fed. Labor Union, No. 2703, Chicago, Dec. 3, 1897. " Zinc Workers' Protective Association, No. 6^,00, Collinsville, Sept. 11, 1897. Mass. — Central Labor Union, Brockton. " Lodge No. 21, Amalgamated Association of Iron, Tin, and Steel Workers, Cambridge. " Workingmen's Protective League, Lowell, Nov. 26, 1897. Mich. — Chandelier Workers' Union, No. 6913, Detroit, Sept. 3, 1897. " Council of Trades and Labor Unions, Detroit, Feb. 11, 1897. '•- Cigarmakers' Local Union, No. 22, Detroit, 1897 ; Dec. 7, 1901. " Edison Union, Port Huron. " Trades and Labor Council, Port Huron. " Longshoremen's Union, Port Huron. " Journeymen Barbers' Union, Port Huron. " Typographical Union, Port Huron. " Cigarmakers' Union, No. 368, Port Huron, November, 1901. - J/i««.— Central Saw Mill Workers' Protective Union, No.' 6724, Duluth, Sept. 4, 1897. iV. J. —Screw Makers' Union, No. 6585, Elizabeth, Sept.- 27, 1897. " Hatters' Union, Newark, December, 1896. " Typographical Union, Newark, December, 1896. " Morocco Dressers' Union, Newark, December, 1896. " Silk Workers' Union, Newark, December, 1896, " Central Labor Union, Newark, December, 1896. N.r. — Branch No. i , American Workmen's Protective League, Brooklyn. " Central Labor Union, New Tork City, Jan. 31, 1897. " Protective Labor Union, New Tork City. 24 DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. iV. T: — Blacksmiths' Helpers' Union, No. 6931, New York City, Sept. 3, 1897. Brass Moulders' Union, New Tork City, December, 1896. Stair Builders' Union, New York City, December, 1896. Stone Cutters' Union, New York City, December, 1896. Typographical Union, New Tork City, December, 1896. United Wood Carvers, New York City, December, 1896. United Garment Workers, Local No. 136, Rochester, Dec. 20, 1S97, and Nov. 18, 1901. ' O. — Trades and Labor Assembly of Ohio. " Cooperative Trades and Labor Council, Hamilton, Sept. 8, 1897. " Trades and Labor Assembly, Massilon. Pa. — Kane Labor League, Kane. " Knights of Labor Social Assembly, No. 1562. " Glass Bottle Blowers, Philadelphia. " Cigar Makers' Union, No. 295, Scranton. Other Bodies and Individuals. National. National Board of Trade, Philadelphia. American Agents' Association, Louisville, Ky., Aug. 30, 1897- American Agents' Association, Nov. 18, 1901. Commercial Travellers of United States. Farmers' Congress, Indianapolis, Ind., 1896. Local. Cal. — A. Eckstrom, Registrar of Associated Charities of San Joaquin County, Stockton, Nov. 26, 1901. Col. — Mrs. S. Izetta George, Secretary Charity Organization Society, Den- ver, Oct. 28, 1901. Conn. — Associated Charities, Bridgeport, Nov. 11, 1901. " A. S. Finch, Esq., Agent Associated Charities, New Britain, Oct. 31, 1901. Fla. — L. B. Wombwell, Esq., Commissioner of Agriculture. ///. — Board of Trade, C/%«ca^o, Dec. 15, 1896. " Miss Mary P. Roberts, Superintendent Associated Charities, Jackson- ville, Nov. 2, 1901. Ind. — C. S. Grout, Esq., General Secretary Charity Organization Society, Indianapolis, Oct. 26, 1901. DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. 25 La. — Michel Heymann, Esq., Superintendent Jewish Orphans' Home, New Orleans, Oct. 28, 1901. " Miss Sophie B. Wright, State Secretary, International Order of King's Daughters and Sons, New Orleans, Nov. 25, 1901. Mass. — State Board of Trade, Jan. 19, 1897. Associated Charities, Lynn, Nov. 25, 1901. Associated Charities, Salem, Nov. i, 1901. Boston Chamber of Commerce, Boston, Jan. 22, 1896. The Bostonian Club, Boston. Bostoniana Club of Boston. Park Street Club, Boston. Minn. — Common Council and Mayor of Duluth, March 16, 1896, by a unanimous vote. O. C. Gregg, Esq., Superintendent State Farmers' Institute, Dec. ID, 1897, Lynde. Mo. — J. M. Hanson, Esq., General Secretary Associated Charities, Kan- sas City, Oct. 28, 1 901. Mont. — S. M.Emery, Esq., Director Montana Agricultural Experiment Station. " Jas. H. Mills, Esq., and J. A. Ferguson, Esq., Commissioners Bureau of Agriculture, Labor and Industry, Helena. iVe^. — The Nebraska Club. N.J. — A. W. McDougall, Esq., General Secretary Associated Charities, Orange, Oct. 30, 1901. " Miss Sarah M. Van Boskerck, Agent Organized Aid Association, Plainjield, Oct. 29, 1901. N.Y. — Daniel O'Leary, Esq., Chief Factory Inspector, State of New York. " Dr. J. H. Senner, when United States Commissioner of Immigra- tion Port of New York. " Catholic Temperance Society, ^«<^«/o, January, 1898. '< Hon. John G. Milburn, President of Pan-American Exposition. Buffalo, Dec, 1901. " Frederic Almy, Esq., Secretary Charity Organization Society, Buffalo, Oct. 24, 1 901. " Charity Organization Society, Castleton,^ov. 14, 1901. " Hon. Chas. Stewart Smith, Ex-President New York Chamber of Commerce, New York City. *' Mr. Justice Robert C. Cornell, New Tork City. " Edward T. Devine, Esq., General Secretary of Charity Organization Society and Editor of "Charities," New York City, Oct. 22, 1 901. 26 DICJEST op IRiMldRATlON STATISTICS. iV. 31 — Homer Folks, Esq., Secretary State Charities AicJ Association, New York City, Oct. 23, 1901. Ohio.—C. M. Hubbard,' Esq., General Secretary Associated Charities, Cincinnati, Oct. 26, 1901. " C/ewe^awt^ Chamber of Commerce, Dec. 15, 1896. " J. H. Brigham, Esq., President of Trustees of Ohio State Pene- tentiary, Delta. Ore. — W. R. Walpole, Esq., Secretary Associated Charities, Portland, Nov., 1 901. Pa. — Association for the Improvement of the Poor, Pittsburg, Nov. 11, 1901. 5.Z>. — Hon. Thomas Thorson, Secretary of State, Pierre. Texas. — W. T. Levy, Esq., U.S. Inspector of Immigration, Galveston. Wash. — Seattle Chamber of Commerce, Seattle. Wis. — Associated Charities, Milwaukee, Nov. 8, 1901. (J.) Restriction Generally. A very large number of important names of those favoring measures for restricting immigration, though not in terms advocating the educational test, may be added to the above. A few of these are : Atlantic Coast Seamen's Union, April, 1895. National Association of Hatmakers of the United States, New York, Jan. 25, 1895. Eighty-five local unions of the Journeymen Tailors' Union of America, 1897. E. E. Clark, Esq., Grand Chief of Order of Railway Conductors. Secretary Pearce of the United Mine Workers. International Convention of Factory Inspectors, Detroit, Sept. 2, 1897. Farmers' National Congress, St. Paul, Minn., September, 1897. National Prison Reform Association, Austin, Texas, December, 1897. Commander Booth-Tucker of the Salvation Army. Cal. — Building Trades Council of San Francisco, Nov. 20, 1897. Col. — Colorado State Grange, Jan. 12, 1898. Conn. — Connecticut Branch American Federation of Labor, Hartford, Oct. 14, 1896. " Mrs. Mary A. T. Clark, Superintendent Associated Charities, Wilmington, Nov. 2, 1901. ///. — State Branch American Federation of Labor, Bloomington, September, 1897. DIGEST OF IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. 2*] III. — Ernest P. Bicknell, Esq., General Superintendent Bureau of Charities, Chicago, Nov. 4, 1901. Ky. — Miss E. A. Gallagher, Secretary Charity Organization Society, Louisville, Nov. 16, 1901. Mass. — Massachusetts House of Representatives, 1895. " International Brotherhood of Bookbinders, Local No. 16, Soston. " Bricklayers' International Union, Worcester, Jan. 21, iSg'j. " Clothing Cutters' and Trimmers' Unions, Boston, April 8, 1895. " Brockton Branch of Lasters' Protective Union, Brockton (1,100 members). " Hon. Roger Wolcott, late Governor of Massachusetts. " Mrs. Lucia T. Ames, Factory Inspector, State of Massachu- setts. Mont. — Hon. Robert B. Smith, Governor of Montana. Nev. — Legislature of the State of Nevada, March, 1897. N. Y. — Joint State Convention of Labor Organizations, State of New York, January, 1898. " Prof. George Gunton, New York City, Oct. 23, 1901. " Walter Laidlaw, Esq., Secretarj- of Federation of Churches, New Tork City, Oct. 21, 1901. Ohio. — American Federation of Labor, Ohio State Branch, Decem- ber, 1897. " Trades Assembly, Columbus, November, 1897. " Hon. William Ruhrwein, Labor Commissioner of State of Ohio. Pa. — Local Assembly 4907, Pittsburg, June, 1897. " George Hoffman, Esq., Examiner of Department of Charities, Pittsburg, Pa. Wis. — Mrs. Ivah B. Wiltrout, Secretary Associated Charities, Eau Claire, Nov. 11, 1901. For publications and membership in the Immigration Restric- tion League, address PRESCOTT F. HALL, Secretary and Treas- urer, Fiske Building, Boston. The dues for membership are as follows: For a/inua/ membership, one dollar, payable in advance upon admission and upon January 1st of each year; for life mem- bership, ten dollars, payable upon admission, life members being exempt from annual dues. The League is a strictly nonr-partisan and non-sectarian organisation, with members from all parts of the United States. It advocates a stricter regulation of immigration, but not the exclusion of any immigrjmts whose character and standards fit them to become citizens. 3M — 13 01, PUBLICATIONS OF THE IMMIGRATION Rt :. HON LEAGUE No. 37. The Present Status of the Immi The session of Congress just ended has furnished^Rgypjaiff forcible and in teresting illustrations of the way in which a small if ijiority of the American people can bring influence to bear on a few feieiMfters of Congress, and of how these few members can absolutely prevenr legislation. There, is no .better concrete example of this sort than the Iriimgration bill, for while nom- inally a bill was enacted into law, essentialbi^^$9^ measure was defeated. It is important to emphasize this at the outse knowledge of the subject, is likely to be d important has been accomplished in the vV^^ o History o / In order to understand the and to see what has been restriction of immigration. T 1882 and fixed the head tax a 1887 ; another general act in i raised to one dollar in 1895^ tax to two dollars. No parts — that defining what^ the public, having no expert and to suppose that something rete'ulating immigration. gis^apon. situatioViVit is necessary to look back 'shed along the lines of the proper general immigration act was passed in ;nts; the contract labor acts in 18S5 and m administrative act in 1893 ; the head tax ral codifying act in 1903, raising the head ion legislation may be divided into two ies of immigrants shall be excluded, and that pi'oviding tl^e machinery whereby the exclusion is accomplished. Class^ Let us consideji the importation of " 1 broader than the la| considered as disti^ coolie provisions Immigrants now Excluded. Excluded classes, (i.) The act of 1862 prohibited " labor from oriental countries, and was, therefore, " Chinese Exclusion Acts," which have always been • immigration acts," and which have superseded the act of 1875 added (z) convicts, except those guilty of political offenfeefej'^nd' (3) women imported for immoral purposes: The act of 1882 added (4^1unatics, (5) idiots, (6) persons unable to care for them- selves without becoming public charges. The act of 1885 impliedly and the act of 1887 expressly added (7) contract laborers. The act of 1891 added (8) paupers, (9) persons suffering from loathsome or dangerous contagious diseases, (10) polygamists; (11) " assisted" immigrants, i.e., those whose passage has been paid for by others unless they show affirmatively that they are otherwise admissible. The act of 1903 added (12) epileptics, (13) persons who have been insane within five years previous, (14) professional beggars, (15) anarchists, or persons who believe in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence of the government of the United States or of all government or of all forms of law, or the assassination of public officials, (i6) persons attempt- ing to bring in w^omen for purposes of prostitution, (17) persons deported within a year previous as being contract laborers. Present Laws not Adequate. For a long time prior to 1891, and still more strongly after that date, there was a widespread feeling that the laws as fi-amed were entirely inadequate to accomplish their purpose, and that not only was the machinery defective, but the material of immigration was full of undesirable elements. Numerous reports upon the matter were made by Congress and special commissions, but ' the enemies of restriction claimed that the trouble lay wholly with the adminis- '^ trative features of the law. To improve the machinery the act of 1893, ^ purely administrative act, was passed, and it soon became apparent that the trouble lay much deeper, and that some further additions to the excluded classes were desirable. A largely increased head tax was advocated ; also a system of consular inspection of immigrants in the foreign countries. The former method never found much favor, and the latter method has long since been abandoned as impracticable by every one familiar with the subject. From a statistical and practical study of the immigrants themselves it came to be recognized that there is a close correspondence between ignorance of language and the other chief undesirable qualities. These qualities ai'e, in general, ignorance of a trade, lack of resources, criminal tendencies, aversion to country life and the tendency to congregate in the slums of large cities, a low standard of living and lack of ambition to seek a better, lack of disposition to assimilate and to have any permanent interests in this country. The facts and statistics of these matters have been frequently published and are collected in concise form in the various documents issued by the Immigration Restriction League since 1894. • History of the Illiteracy Test. Observing this connection between ignorance of language and other unde- sirable qualities, most students of the immigration problem have come to believe that the next addition to the excluded classes should be made by means of an "illiteracy" or "educational" test; In 1895 a bill to exclude illiterates was introduced into both Houses of the 54th Congress at the request of the League. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, presented the bill in the Senate, and the bill has since been generally known as the " Lodge Bill." It passed the House May 20, 1896, by a vote of 195 to 26, and the Senate Dec. 17, 1896, by a vote of 52 to 10. A conference report subsequently passed the House Feb. 9, 1897; by a vote of 217 to 37, and the Senate on Feb. 17, 1897, by a vote of 34 to 31. Unfortunately, an amendment had been tacked on to the bill in the House at the instance of Representative Corliss, of Michi- gan, against the protests of the friends of the bill, which was calculated to 2 make trouble with Canada. On March 2, 1S97, the bill was vetoed by Presi- dent Cleveland, largely because of this amendment. President McKinley, in his inaugural message, strongly emphasized the need of further restriction, and the same bill, without the Corliss jimendment, was promptly introduced into the 55th Congress and passed the Senate Jan. 17, 1S98, by a vote of 45 to 28. Then the steamship companies caused numerous telegrams to be sent to the Representatives, stating that a vote for the bill meant defeat at the next election; and other persons interested in defeating legislation succeeded in stirring up a certain factitious opposition among certain German societies by means of false and misleading circulars. The Representatives therefore resolved not to take up the measure until after the elections. Meanwhile the Spanish War broke out, and on Dec. 14, 1898, the bill was refused present consideration in the House by a vote of 103 to 100. It is needless to add that pressure of matters arising out of the war prevented its consideration later in the session. In the 56th Congress a similar bill was favorably reported by the Senate Committee on Immigration, Jan. 15, 1900, but pressure of Philippine and other business prevented further action. A similar bill was introduced into both Houses of the 57th Congress. President Roosevelt strongly advocated the educational test in his message to Congress. It so happened that the government was preparing at the same time a general codification of the immigration laws, embodying many desired ad- ministrative changes. This bill (H.R. 12199) was originally drafteid by the United States Industrial Commission acting in consultation with the oflScers of the Treasury Department. Modifications were made at the suggestion of the Imnii^rgtion Restriction League and of a conference of the various commission- ers of immigration. The bill was reported to the House, March 18, 1902. The League's. bill, embodying the illiteracy test, was added to the general bill by amendment in the House, May 22, 1902, by a vote of 86 to 7, becoming, with some additions. Section 3 of the bill. On June 23, 1902, the bill was favorably i-eported to the Senate. Then the same influences which are always working against this sort of legislation put in a little underground work, with the result that the bill went over till the fall session. In his message to Congress, Dec. 2, 1902, the President renewed his recommendation. for immigration legislation. On Dec. 8, 1902, the bill was further amended by the Senate sitting in Committee of the Whole. Although the bill had been reported, the Senate Committee continued its hearings, and it is most important to notice who opposed and who favored the pending bill. The only opposition which openly appeared came from' the International Navi- gation Company, the Polish National Alliance, the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad Company, the Southern Pacific Railroad Company, and the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association. One individual opposed Section 3 of the bill. In favor of the bill arguments were made by several of the principal officials of the immigration service, the New York State Lunacy CommjApn, the Washington Government Insane Hospital, the American Federation of Labor, the organized railroad employees of the United States, and the Immigra- tion Restriction League. The League presented a list of petitions to the first session of the 57th Congress in favor of the educational test, which when printed covered fifty-seven printed pages of the report of the committee, and a further list of endorsements cov.ering fourteen pages of the report. These en- dorsements included a large proportion of the Boards of Associated Charities of the principal cities of the United States ; all the organizations formed to promote immigration into the Northwestern States ; a large number of Chambers of Commerce and Boards of Trade ; the American Federation of Labor ; the Knights of Labor ; the Legislatures of Arkansas, California, Washington, and Wyoming. There were 5,082 petitions in favor of further restriction of immi- gration sfent in to the first session of the 57th Congress, and only 22 petitions against. Nature of the Opposition to the Test. Everything looked favorable for the prompt passage of the bill. The, steamship companies, of course, opposed the educational test, but most of the railroad companies declared their neutrality, providing the test were not applied against Canadians. Then came the deadlock over the " omnibus statehood bill " ; the weeks passed rapidly, and finally, when it became evident that one or two Senators would kill the whole bill unless it were amended, the Senate Committee agreed to drop the educational test, which Senator Lodge described in debate as the " only really valuable part of the bill," and to make certain other amendments weakening its efficiency. In its emasculated form it was passed by both Houses in the closing hours of the session and became law. Two amusing incidents relieved slightly the general disappointment. The bill as passed contained no recognition of the fact that the Immigration Bureau had, during the session, been transferred to the Department of Labor and Com- merce, so that a special resolution was needed to rectify the error. Also, although one chief merit of the bill was supposed to be the fact that it was a codification, for some unknown reason the contract labor provisions were taken out, leaving that matter to be governed by the preceding acts. Now this act, while good as far as it goes, is practically futile. It is not in the least degree a fulfilment of the pledges of the Republican party for leg- islation along the lines of the educational test, nor of Democratic pledges to exclude the cheap labor of Europe and Asia. It is no answer to the popular demand, repeatedly and emphatically expressed for the last dozen years. No one supposes for a monient that the $2 head tax will operate as a restrictive provision. It is singular that since 1896 bills embodying the educational test' should have passed the House of Representatives four times and the Senate three times, only to be defeated from causes not affecting the merits of the prop- osition, — the first time, a hostile amendment; the second, the Spanish War; the Jfci'd and last time, the desire to admit to statehood a few hundred thousand people, a matter of far less consequence to the public welfare than the yearly admission of hundreds of thousands of far less desirable people into the North- ern and Eastern States., What opposition there is to further restriction outside of a few laissez faire doctrinaires is solely that of parties Interested for pecuniary gain. There are the steamship companies with almost unlimited resources, which maintain constantly a lobby at Washington. There are certain railroad corporations which want the cheapest labor they can get, although it is fair to say that most of the railroads have, openly at least, remained neutral, asking only that all be treated alike.' Finally, there are some mine owners and contractors who are also indifTerent to the moral and social welfare of the public if only they can get their " instruments of production," their human picks and shovels, a bit cheaper. How long are the American people going to stand dictation from this small interested riiinority ? It is a great piece of good fortune that President Roosevelt has given the immigration service a thorough overhauling and appointed such capable, honest, and trustworthy officials as the present Commissioner-General and the Commis- sioner at New York. Too much praise cannot be given to the latter for the reforms inaugurated at Ellis Island and the discovery of extensive "frauds in the landing of immigrants. Effects of Unrestricted Immigration. Space will not suffice to give in detail the reasons why a further regulation of immigration is needed, and why the educational test is the best remedy thus far suggested for present evils. These matters have been fully set forth in the publications of the Immigration Restriction League. There is, however, one effect of immigration which has not received the attention it deserves, namely, its effect in causing what President Roosevelt has forcibly described as "racial suicide" on the part of the earlier settlers and their descendants; or, in other words, race substitution in this country. > In his report for 1902 the Commissioner at the Port of New York says : " Last year over two thousand cases of aliens who had arrived within the past twelve months *and in the meantime become destitute were reported to the outdoor poor department of the city of New York. . . . From my own observation while travelling abroad, as well as from information received, I am satisfied that much of the present immigration is not spontaneous, but assisted or encouraged. ... It must be clear to all that had our early immigration proceeded from those portions of eastern and southern Europe which are now sending us such large numbers of aliens, this country would not enjoy its present civilization. The constantly deteriorating quality of the recent immi- gration is a well-established fact, and calls for the execution of existing laws in the most stringent manner. . . . The effect of [the tide of undesirable immigration], if unchecked, will be to dilute and debase the elements which in the past have made this country great." 5 Gen. Francis A. Walker, Superintendent of the Censuses of 1870 and 1880, explains how the immigration of inferior sorts has lowered the birth-rater of those already in this country. In his " Discussions in Economics," Vol. II., pp. 417-426, he says: " The American shrank from the industrial competition thus thrust upon him. He was unwilling himself to engage in the lowest' kind of day labor with these new elements of population ; he was even more unwilling to bring sons and daughters into the world to enter into that competition. . . . The great fact protrudes through all the subsequent history of our population that the more rapidly foreigners came into the United States, the smaller was the rate of increase, not merely among the native population, but throughout the population of the country as a whole, including the foreigners. . . . If - the foregoing views are true, or contain any considerable degree of truth, foreign immigration into this country has, from the time it assumed large proportions, amounted not to a re-enforcement of our population, but to a re- placement of native by foreign stock." (See articles in " Forum," 1891', pp. 634-743 ' reprinted in " Discussions in Economics and Statistics," Vol. II., pp. 417-420; also article in "Atlantic Monthly," Vol. 77, p. 822, June, ,1896.) The United States Industrial Commission says in its report, p. 277: " It is a hasty assutnption which holds that immigration during the nineteenth cen- tury has increased the total population." R. R. Kuczynski, in the "Quarterly Journal of Economics " for November, 1901, and February, 1902, has shown that in Massachusetts the average number of children bom to every foreign born married woman is two-thirds higher than for the natives, and the number of children living three-fifths higher. He says : " It is probable that the native population cannot hold its own. It seems to be dying out." President Eliot, of Harvard, has recently found that of the graduates of the classes from 1872 to 1877, twenty-eight per cent, are unmarried, and the mar- ried average only two surviving children. Undoubtedly other causes besides immigration have played their part in the lowering of the native birthrate. But, admitting the fact, is it not the strongest of reasons for using our best judgment in the artificial selection of the individuals and races which shall preserve and carry on thfe great traditions of our past? The immigration problem is not a question of to-day alone, but of our country long after we are dead. We are trustees of our civic ideals and in- stitutions for the benefit of future generations. As Phillips Brooks said : "If to this particular nation there has been given the development of a certain part of God's earth for universal purposes ; if the world is going to be richer for the development of a larger type of manhood here, then for the world's sake, for the sake of every nation that would pour in upon that which would disturb that development, we have a right to stand guard over it." MD— 603 6 PUBLICATIONS OF THE IMMIGRATION RESTRICTION LEAGUE No. 38. Immigration Figures M 1903. {From data furnished by the Commissioner-General of Immigration.') Comparison of the Fiscal Years endinhJune 30, 1902 and 1903. Total immigration .... Percentage of increase over 1902 Percentage of increase over 1901 Percentage of increase over 1899 Percentage of increase over 1898 Number debarred from entrancej one year after landing . Per cent, debarred and retur Number of illiterates over i^ Note i.\ ithin 'See mmigration over orthern and West ] Ition outhern and Eastern NoieTJl mmigration Per cent, of illit( 14 years of ai Immigration from ci em Europe. Per cent, of lotal' Immigration fro Europe Per cent. 01 Immigration Per ceaftldftofef immigration Average inon*y Mcught, in dollars Per cent, of immigrants wjbo have been in the United States before .... Per cent, of total immigration having no occupa tion, including women and children Per cent, of total immigration who were farm-labor^ ers, laborers, or servants Per cent, of total immigration destined for the four States of 111., Mass., N.Y., and Pa. NOTE 1. — Although the percentage of illiteracy shows an improvement this year over last, it should be remembered that these figures are based upon the manifests, which in turn are made up from the statements of the immigrants. One test recently made at New York showed that if^ 1903. 1903. 648,743 857,046 32 33 76 108 175 183 274 5,429 9,316 0.8 I.I 165,105 189,008 28.7 25.0 138,700 203,689 21.4 23.8 480,331 610,813 74.0 71-3 22,271 29,966 3-4 3-S 16 19 9-5 8.9 23.6 23.3 60.6 57-3 67.8 65-4 immigrants listed as able to read and write were, in fact, illiterate. The recent agitation for an educational test for immigrants has undoubtedly made the latter more disposed to assert their ability to read and write. NOTE n. — "Northern and Western Europe" includes the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Scandinavia, Belgium, Netherlands, and Switzerland. " Southern and Eastern Europe " includes Austria-Hungary, Italy, Poland, Russia, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Turkey, and the Balkan States. GENERAL REHARKS. — Immigration has reached the high-water marlc during the past year, exceeding that of the largest previous year (1882) by nearly 70,000. It is gratifying to note an increase of over one^third in the proportion of those debarred and returned, and to testify to the great im= provement in the efficiency of the service since the present Commissioner-^ General took office. Attempts are also being made to secure an adequate inspection on the frontiers of Canada and riexico, and steps are being now taken to ascertain definitely the aliens in our penal and charitable institu° tions. On the other hand, while there has been some increase in the immigra- tion from Northern and Western Europe, the great proportion of immigra= tion has come as usual from the less desirable races of Southern and Eastern Europe, and there has been a considerable influx of illiterate Japanese. Hon. William Williams, Commissioner at New York, says in his report : " Without the proper execution pf [the present laws] it is safe to say that thousands of additional aliens would have come here last year. But these laws do not reach a large body of immigrants who, while not of this class, are yet generally undesirable, because unintelligent, of low vitality, of poor physique, able to perform onJy the cheapest kind of manual labor, desirous of locating almost exclusively in the cities, by -their competition tending to reduce the standard of living of the American wageworker, and unfitted mentally or morally for good citizenship. It would be quite impossible to accurately state what proportion of last year's immigration should be classed as 'undesirable.' I believe that at least 200,000 (and probably more) aliens came here who, although they may be able to earn a living, yet are not wanted, will be of no benefit to the country, and will, on the. contrary, be a detriment, because their presence will tend to lower our standards; and if these 200,000 persons could have been induced to stay at home, nobody, not even those clamoring for more labor, would have missed them. Their com= ing has been of benefit chiefly, if not only, to the transportation companies which brought them here." The largest elements in recent immigration were : 1809. lOOO. lOOl. 190a. 1903. . 65,639 84,346 115,704 152,915 196,117 . 28,466 46,938 43,617 69,620 82,343 . 23,249 32,952 40,277 55,780 79,347 . 37,415 60,764 58,098 57,688 76,203 . 26,632 29,682 34,742 51,686 71,782 . 32,345 35,607 30,404 29,001 35,366 . 15,838 29,243 29,343 36,934 34,427 Croatian and Slovenian . 8,632 17,184 17,928 30,233 32,907 Southern Italian Polish . Scandinavian Hebrew German Irish Slovak . ILLITERACY. Number of persons in each hundred immigrants over fourteen years of age who cannot write or cannot read and write their own language, from those races {noi nations) which contributed upwards of 2,000 immigrants to the United States during any of the past four fiscal years : Western Europe. 1900. 1901. 1902. 1903. Scandinavian o.g 0.8 0-5 o.§ Scotch . . . . — 1.2 1.2 1.2 Bohemian and Moravian 3.0 1-5 1.6 1.6 English . . . . 0.2 1.8 1.9 1.6 Irish . . . . . 3-3 3-2 3-9 3-8 Finnish . . . . 2.7 2.2 1.4 2.2 French . . . . 3-9 3-9 4.8 3-8 German . 5-8 4.1 5-4 4.6 Dutch and Flemish . 9-6 7.8 7.6 6.9 Italian (North) II. 2 15-7 14.4 12.7 Average of above . 4.2 5.6 4.4 3.9 Eastern Europe (with Spain and Portuc ,AL). Spanish . . . . — — 8.9 Magyar . . . . 16.8 7-5 13-3 10.5 Roumanian . . . . — 28.3 21.5 Slovak • 27.9 30-7 25-9 21.6 Greek . 17. 1 25-9 30.0 27.7 Russian . . . . — — 31-9 Polish 31.2 37-5 38.4 32.1 Croatian and Slovenian • 37-4 39-7 42.2 35-2 Bulgarian, Servian, Monteneg rin . — — — 44-7 Lithuanian • 31-7 49.8 54-1 46.6 Ruthenian . . . • 49.0 53-2 50.0 49.4 Italian (South) • 54-6 591 56-4 51-4 Portuguese . . ■ ■ ■ 59-9 63.B 71.6 73-2 Average of above . 39.8 46.0 44.3 39.7 Other Races. Cuban 6.8 — 8.0 4.2 Chinese . . . • — 6.9 — i2.g Hebrew . . . • 22.9 23.6 28.6 ^6.5 Japanese . . . . 8.9 6.7 1.2 27.0 African (black) — — — 325 Syrian . . . • • 55-9 56.1 51.0 53-8 For publications and membership in the Immigration Restric- tion League address Prescott F. Hall, Secretary, Fiske Building, Boston. The dues for membership are as follows : For annual mem- bership, one dollar, payable in advance upon admission and upon January 1st of each year ; for lite membership, ten dollars, payable upon admission, life members being exempt from annual dues. The League is a strictly noiv-partisan and non-sectarian organisation, with members from all parts of the United States. It advocates a stricter regulation of immigration, but hot the exclusion of any immigrants whose character and standards fit them to become citizens. 3M — II03E. EXTRACTS FROM THE Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration FOR THE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1903. I. Character of Present Immigration. at New Yorkjp.fo.] I have said before in other words. But nd the facts concerning the continued of an inferior type even in their own \Report of the Commission^ " In what follows I am merely repeating wh; there are many trite things which bear repetitioi coming here of large numbers of aliens, many o^tl homes, is one of these things. " (i.) The great bulk of the present itfwiigration proceeds from Italy, Austria, and Russia, and, furthermore, from some of th^^ost undesirable sources of population of those countries. No one would object t» the better classes of Italians, Austrians, and Russians coming here in large numbers ; But the point is that such better element does not come, and, furthermore, that imr British Isles has fallen to a very low 1 " (2.) The great bulk of tie ] and most of it in the large cities »f tl for agricultural labor in the WestVn* ;ion from such countries as Germany and the sent i lunigration settles in four of the Eastern States fee Sllt8|s. Notwithstanding the well-known demand 3tates,\tl|ousands of foreigners keep pouring into our cities, declining to go where thev njTght be wanted because they are neither physically nor mentally fitted to go to thfee, fttmeveloped parts of our country and do as did the early settlers from northern Eur<^.y_^ positions it is as irrelevant as it is misleading to assert that, ' has been a source of greatness to the country, and because Jdustrial operations now going on in the United States re- Ition should not be further restricted. Past immigration was good because most of it \^s/of the right kind and went to the right place. Capital can- not, and it would not if it could, employ much of the alien material that annually passes " In view of these twopr because immigration in thejj the great building and ol quire labor,, therefore imfc through Ellis Isl; New York. Let immigration ; th; cheerfully ackno are still cominj " A strl termed the worst' and thereafter chooses to settle in the crowded tenement districts of ain plainly stated that these remarks are not directed against all 'eat debt which this country owes to immigration in the past is ; and that the strong, intelligent emigrant, of which class many is as welcome to-day as ever he was. tion of our present laws makes it possible to keep out what may be lement of Europe (paupers, diseased persons, and those likely to be- come public charges), and to this extent these laws are most valuable. Without a proper execution of the same it is safe to say that thousands of additional aliens would have come here last year. But these laws do not reach a large body of immigrants who, while not of this class, are yet generally undesirable, because unintelligent, of low vitality, of poor physique, able to perform only the cheapest kind of manual labor, desirous of locating almost exclusively in the cities, by their competition tending to reduce the standard of living of the American wageworker, and unfitted mentally or morally for good citizenship. should be classed as "undesirable." I more) aliens came here who, although they m^y s£ ii.c -.u cam a iivmg, yc. ^.c ^i^^ ..„„v3d, will be of no benefit to the country, and will, on the contrary, be a detriment, because their presence will tend to lower our standards ; and if these 200,000 persons could have been induced to stay at home, nobody, not even those clamoring for more labor, would have missed them. Their coming has been of benefit chiefly, if not only, to the transportation companies which brought them here. " Relying on the views generally expressed by the intelligent press throughout the country ; on those expressed by nine out of ten citizens, whether native or foreign born, with whom one discusses the subject ; on letters received from charitable and reformatory institutions in some of the Eastern States, and upon official observation at Ellis Island, I state without hesitation that the vast majority of American citizens wish to see steps taken to prevent these undesirable elements from landing on our shores. Attempts to take such steps will be opposed by powerful and selfish interests, and they will insist, among other things, on the value of immigration in the past to the United States and the enormous demand for labor, neither of them relevant as applicable to the particular question whether the undesirable immigrants shall be prevented from coming here. " Throughout the discussion of this question, which is becoming of greater impor- tance to the United States every day, it is necessary to bear in mind that Europe, like every other part of the world, has millions of undesirable people whom she would be glad to part with, and that strong agencies are constantly at work to send some of them here. To determine how to separate the desirable elements from the undesirable elements will tax the best skill of our lawmakers, but they will surely find a way to do this as soon as the American people have let it be known that it must be done. " Aliens have no inherent right whatever to come here, and we may and should take means, however radical or drastic, to keep out all below a certain physical and economic standard of fitness and all whose presence will tend to lower our standards of living and civilization. The only apparent alternative is to allow transportation compa- panies, largely foreign (whether by their own agents or by men to whom a commission is paid for each immigrant secured is not important), to cause eastern and southern Eirope to be scoured for aliens, not whose presence here will benefit the United States, not who belong to a stock which will add to the elements on which the country in the past has grown great, not who will bring a certain amount of wealth to their new homes, but whc merely happen to have enough money to purchase tickets from Europe to some place ir the United States and can bring themselves within the easy requirements of tbe existing statutes. A too rapid filling up of any country with foreign elements is sure to be at the expense of national character when such elements belong to the poorest classes in theii own respective homes." [ Commissioner- Genera/, Report, pp. ^g, 6o.'\ " The problem presented, therefore, to enlightened intelligence for solution, is how may the possibility — nay, probability — of danger from an enormous and miscellaneous influx of aliens be converted, by a wise prevision and provision, into a power for stability and security? If such a solution can be^ obtained, it seems the part of foolhardiness tc make no effort to that end, to trust fatuojisly to the circumstance that, though numericallj immigration was years ago nearly as large in proportion to our population as it now is, n( very serious ill resulted from the failure to take any especial care in reference to it othei than an inspection at the time of arrival. "In my judgment, the smallest part of the duty to be discharged in successful!} handling alien immigrants with a view to the protection of the people and institutions o this country is that part now provided for by law. Its importance, though undeniable, ii relatively of secondary moment. It cannot, for example, compare in practical value with nor can it take the place of, measures to insure the distribution of the many thousand; who come in ignorance of the industrial needs and opportunities of this country, and, b' (2) hotbeds for the propagation and growth of those false ideas of political and personal freedom whose germs have been vitalized by ages of oppression under equal and partial laws, which find their first concrete expression in resistance to constituted authority, even occasionally in the assassination of the lawful agents of that authority. They are the breeding ground also of moral depravity ; the centres of propagation of physical disease. Above all, they are the congested places in the industrial body which check the free circulation of labor to those parts where it is most needed and where it can be most benefited. Do away with them, and the greatest peril of immigration will be removed." II. Needed Additions to the Excluded Classes, (1.) Illiterates. \Commtssioner-General, Report, p. d/.] " Irrespective of the effect in diminishing the number of alien arrivals, now approxi- mating one million anjiually, I am impressed with the importance of still further measures to improve the quality of those admitted. Such measures would be merely additional steps in the same direction already taken in dealing with the question of immigration to this country. They would involve no new departure from a policy which has been pursued for years, and which, therefore, may now be assumed to be a fixed principle of the United States in dealing with this subject. From this point of view, it seems not unjust to require of aliens seeking admission to this country at least, so much mental training as is evidenced by the ability to read and write. This requirement, whatever arguments or illustrations may be used to establish the contrary position, will furnish alien residents of a character less likely to become burdens on public or private charity. Other- wise, it must follow that rudimentary education is a handicap in the struggle for existence, a proposition that few would attempt to maintain. It would, also, in a measure, relieve the American people of the burden now sustained by them, of educating in the free schools the ignorant of other countries." (2.) Diseased and Physically Incapable Persons. ^^Commissioner- General, Report, p. 84..^ " Enough, however, has been learned to convince the Bureau that the inadmissible classes of aliens should be somewhat enlarged. Thus, no diseased or physically incapable person should be admitted to the United States. The number coming is large enough to justify a rigid censorship, so as to exclude all those whose presence would be, either at the time of arrival or soon thereafter, a burden upon some community. With the same pur- pose in view an age limit might be presented — say, sixty years — and every alien appli- cant for admission who had passed that age should be refused a landing unless possessing a son or daughter in this country amply able to provide for such alien. " It seems hardly necessary to enlarge upon the importance from this point of refusing admission to aliens suffering with disease, whether of a communicable nature or not. To meet with the physical conditions in a new and strange country, to avoid the lisk of pau- perism therein, diseased aliens should at least exhibit so much prudence as to await recovery in their own homes." [ Commissioner- General, Report, p. J20.] " The steadily increasing influx of aliens, now amounting approximately to 1,000,000 annually, constrains me to suggest the importance of still further enlarging the list of inad- missible aliens. It would materially diminish the risks attendant upon the amalgamation of such a larse and heterogeneous mass with our own citizens to remove, as far as possible, ° -. ..,' .. . 1 rr^i ..1 ...I u-i_i r :^:4.,. should be lessened by excluding all thoE? ?v.5-~ =nv; t~ ?=ss ••"?;- unless they have children resident here and able to provide for them. Those whose indepen- dence is endangered by ignorance might be kept within narrow bounds by exacting of all above a certain age evidence of at least a primary mental training." \ (3.) Morally Unfit Person^. \_Commissioner- General, Report, p. 120.] " For the same purpose, moral perverts might be excluded by requiring some evidence of their reputation for honesty and industry from the authorities in their own countries, while those in any way physically disabled, as well by non-communicable as by communi- cable disease, or by bodily deformity, accidental or congenital, should be denied admission, as they would become probable burdens upon this country. Such a course would deprive foreign communities of the interest they now have to encourage the departure to this country of those members whose continued residence therein constitutes a menace to the common peace, good order, health, and prosperity." III. Much of the Present Immigration Unnaturally Stimulated by Transportation Agents.' [ Commissioner- General, Report, p. 83. '\ " Perhaps, too, it displays a somewhat childlike confidence in the innocence and the implicit respect for law of those persons who are operating the vast transportation business for the benefit of owners who approve any management that produces dividends, to assume that they will not resort, either directly or indirectly, to every known means of selling transportation. That they are inducing through agencies that spread like a vast network over all Europe, having representatives of all classes in every town, village, and hamlet, who are local centres for the distribution of enticing literature showing with all the art of the advertiser and illustrator the glories of the Eldorado on the west of the Atlantic — to which the great majority may gain entrance without hindrance, and from which even the poor, diseased, and helpless cannot always be excluded — is shown by the subjoined report of Immigrant Inspector Marcus Braun, who was detailed for the pur- pose of investigating thoroughly and reporting fully on the methods of inducing immigra- tion from Europe." \_Special Immigrant Inspector Marcus Braun, Report, p. jy . J " The deplorable political and financial conditions of the eastern and southern countries of Europe, coupled with the prosperous condition of the United States, creates a large natural immigration to our shores. The most convincing proof in the eyes of the people of these countries of the exceptional prosperity of our country is the large sums of money, almost unprecedented to them, which annually arrive from friends and relatives residing in the United States. Besides this natural immigration, however, we are bur- dened with a dangerous and most injurious unnatural immigration which from year to year assumes larger proportions. This unnatural immigration consists of paupers and assisted emigrants, and is induced and brought about by the unscrupulous and greedy activity dis- played by a large number of agencies and sub-agencies having well-established connections in the United States and abroad, apparently unknown to the steamship companies, which activity manifests itself in the peddling of steamship tickets and prepaids on the install- ment plan, both here and abroad, the constant agitation and offers of inducements by sub- agents in Europe, occupying semi-public positions, who, in order to earn commissions, play upotfthe ignorance and susceptibility of the plain peasant, frequently inducing, him to sell or mortgage all his belongings for the purpose of raising the necessary travelling expenses, which latter transaction is also turned to profit by such agent." PUBLICATIONS OF THE IMMIGRATION RESTRICTION LEAGUE No. 40. I BURDENS OF REGENT IMMIGRATION As Illustrated In the State of New York. '^ '904 °^ \y FRANK H. AINSWORTH. Composition of Present, Immigration. Since 1880 there has-been an average aimhal imnsigratipk of about 474,380 persons. The greatest number of person/ wVo calme in L,n\ one year was 857,046, in the fiscal year 1902-1903. Jgi thisNu^ber 2541661, or nearly one- third, were destined to New York StatI, the Itd;lian8 numlL^g 101,226, the Hebrews, 50,945, and the Poles, Ifi/Dll./^P^e were in all about 195,000 from eastern and southern Europe,' while\jje remainder were from western Europe. By eastern and soytEern EuropS,is meant Russia, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Turkey, Bulgaria, Setvia, etc., and' by western Europe, Great Britain, Scandinavia, Germany, France, Swilfeacland, Spain and Portugal. The financial condition M those w^o came to New York may be estimated by referring to the report of Vhe U. S. (Industrial Commission, page 284, from which it appears that south Imlians Brought on an average $8.84, Hebrews, $8.67, and Poles, $9.94 each. lt-«rust "be conceded that this is not a large amount for a person to li-^<)n in New York while looking for work. Another very significant fact is tMt while of the total immigration last year, 71.3 .per cent, came from ea^Wi and southern Europe and 23.8 per cent, from 'western Eur^p6,W)ut of^the^ptal immigration destined to New York State nearly 80 pkk kem. wdit^rom eastern and southern Europe, while about 20 per cent, wjxs frorrh western Ewrope. This is unanswerable evidence that the form€^[j)^ple9 L tend to seek settled and, in many instances, overcrowded centres of popiMation^kyhile the latter class are more inclined to distribute themselves. 'ft The Present Laws Inadequate. There are few, if any, who will not agree that we should rigorously^ exclude criminals, paupers and those who are physically incapacitated. Laws to that effect have been on the statute books for some time. In 1875, convicts and immoral women were prohibited; in 1882, lunatics, idiots and persons unable to care for themselves; in 1891, paupers and persons sufEering from loathsome and contagious disease ; and in 1903, epileptics, persons who have been insane within five years previous, professional beggars and anarchists were prohibited. It would therefore seem that there has for some time been no possibility of the admission of these three general classes of aliens, viz., criminals; paupers and those physically incapable. Yet what is the actual condition in this State ? According to the New York Press, March 2, 1904, Dr. Petersen and Mr. Lockwood of the New York State Lunacy Commission appealed to the Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor for aid in keeping alien insane from becoming a burden to the State. These gentle- men are reported as stating that New York is expending the enormous sum of $10,000,000 annually for the support of alien-born insane ; that 60 per cent, of the inmates of the insane asylums of the State were of alien birth, and that no less than 150 insane aliens who had heen inmates of foreign insane asylums now awaited deportation. Is not this an astounding con- -dition, and is it not sufficient ground of itself for a more severe scrutiny of incoming aliens than the present law directs ? This tax of a dollar a year for each resident of New York State to maintain alien insane is by no means all of the burden. Dr. George F. Shrady writes : " Look at the constant stream of immigrants coming to this port. Two-thirds of the patients in our hospitals are foreigners." There recently appeared a statement which has not been contradicted, to the effect that twenty of the principal New York City hospitals had an annual aggregate deficit of about $450,000, and various methods were suggested by which this deficit could be met. If Dr. Shrady's statement is a fact, and an inspection of the reports of several hospitals indicates that it is, would not the solution of this problem be in this very immigration question that we are considering ? Is it not manifestly the proper thing to do to see that no more such aliens come ? ^ The Burden of Supporting Foreign Delinquents and Dependents. In the 35th annual report of the Presbyterian Hospital, one of the best we have, it appears, page 16, that the total operating expenses were 1213,539.86, and that of 3,026 patients cared for, 1,417, or nearly half, were of alien birth. This hospital has a deficit of 158,504.88, or_ about 25 per cent, of the total cost of operation. The question is, then, if there had been no applicants for free treatment, other than citizens of this city, would not this particular hospital not only be free of debt but have a surplus ? Would not those who so generously maintain it have cause to congratulate themselves that all the needy were being properly cared for ? The burden is increasing, because we are being deluged with a flood of weaklings from European countries whom we shall soon have to support. We are now living in the " seven years of plenty " and contributions are freely made, but wbat will be the situation during a period of hard times when we shall still have the same number to care for, but with a much diminished revenue ? Another illustration of the burden imposed by undesirable aliens is found in the report of the Lying-in Hospital, from which it appears that, out of- 2,595 out-door patients treated, but 315 were native born, and of 696 in-door patients, 260 were born in the United States. The cost of this attendance was $78,659.12. These figures are from the report of the 104th year of the Society. For the last year there is reported a deficit of $88,477.63. Is it not a fair conclusion that if there were not a very large number of aliens in this city who could not support themselves, there would be but little need of this institution ? There can be no more noble purpose for which wealth can be used than for the relief of suffering humanity, but there is a great danger of abuse in this matter, and there are tokens that such danger is Upon us. The eminent statistician, Mr. Henry Gannett, writes : "The evidence on record is that this country supports the greatest eleemosynary work known to history." This would be good if it tended only to strengthen the weak and to build up character and self reliance, but if it tends to lessen thrift and industry, and encourage shiftlessness it is a menace. One of the managers of the " House of Refuge " writes : " I notice the large number of children that are placed in charitable institutions for no crime or misdemeanor, but to relieve their parents of their support. They are principally from southern and eastern Europe." [The italics are the writer' s.J Thus it is evident that the aliens who are diseased and cared for in public and private institutions are an enormous tax upon the commonwealth. Serious Danger from Diseased Immigrants. Trachoma. There are many immigrants, who, although they are not supported by others, constitute a menace to the communities in which they reside, because they are afflicted with disease in primary stages which does not interfere with their ability to do certain kinds of work. The most important of these diseases are trachoma, syphilis and tuberculosis. Take, for example, the present condition of persons afflicted with trachoma', of whom there are said to. be 40,000 in this city alone, where practically none existed five years ago. The Board of Education and the Board of Health have found it necessary to examine the pupils 'Slhe^i[HicicEools at frequent intervals in order to check the spread of trachoma amoig chOdren. This disease has b^en introduced and extended almost entirely by aliens from southern and eastern Europe. The report of Special Inspector Marcus Braun, contained in the Report of the Commis- sioner-General of Immigration for 1903, contains the following : " In Hungary this disease [trachoma] has assumed such proportions that the government encounters great diflSculty in some counties to muster the required men for military service, trachomatic people belong- ing to the class who are rejected for the aimy. To combat and, if possible, stamp out the disease, the Hungarian government maintains a special medical corps, consisting of fifty physicians who constantly travel to and fro, in certain respective districts to which they are assigned, it being the duty of every person to submit to an examination for such disease and, if found afflicted therewith, to present himself or herself for gratuitous treatment twice a week until cured. . . . Although this rule is strictly enforced, people intending to emigrate rarely observe it [italics are the writer's], and in order to be able to give the Department more definite information on this subject, 1 accompanied Dr. Simon Buchwald, one of the physicians appointed by the government of Hungary for the district of Lipto-Szt. Miklos, on one of his tours through the villages of his district, and was present at the examinations and treatment conducted by him. I succeeded in obtaining from Dr. Buchwald an extract of the official record of 35 ' persons of the age ranging from 17 to 42 years, who had left the district for the United States and were afflicted with trachoma, had been treated by him, and at the time of their departure were not cured. Only four of these emigrants returned to their respective homes, having been refused at the medical examination regularly held at the control stations of the North German Lloyd and Hamburg American Lines at the Austro- Prussian border, upon the ground of this very affliction. . . . [Italics are the vnriter's.] There are at least 60,000 persons in the Kingdom of Hungary suffering from trachoma. The worst conditions in this respect prevail in Bussia, where at least 30 per cent, of the army are afflicted with this dread disease, who, after their discharge from the army, spread the affliction in all parts of the empire." On page 6 of the report of the Commissioner-General it is stated that 572,726 aliens came from Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia, the very countries which Mr. Braun reports as being particularly affected by trachoma. The present law prohibits any person having this disease from landing. Of the number of persons deported last year, 748 were afflicted with trachoma. During the voyage from Europe these persons were in close association with their fellow passengers. How close that association is, only those who have visited the steerage quarters and seen 200 or more men, women and children in one open corjipartment, with no privacy, can realize. This contact is maintained from six to fifteen days, according to the time the vessel occupies on the voyage. From the nature of the case, no positive evidence can be submitted, but it is not unreasonable to say that each of the 748 innoculated at least one other person on the ship. Upon being inspected at Ellis Island, this would not be apparent because the period of incubation is not passed. As a result, probably 748 or more cases of trachoma were introduced into our midst last year, and we have no protection against it. Tuberculosis. Tuberculosis is a disease that is becoming more prevalent, especially in the overcrowded portions of New York City. At the Tuberculosis Exposition held in Baltimore last January it was stated that 30,000 persons were affected in New York City; that 8,500 died from its effects last year, and 13,000 new cases were repoj-ted to the Health Department during the same period. The following statement was made at that time by Dr. Herman N. Biggs, chief bacteriologist of the Health Department, according to the press reports : "The $600,000 expended by the municipality each year for the care and treatment of tuberculosis patients is estimated as only 2 per cent, of the actual loss to the city from this scourge. It kills or incapacitates the young and the most useful members of society and costs the city at least $25,000,000 each year." In immigrants of low vitality we have the very class of people who, by reason of their physical condition and habits of crowding in unsanitary quar- ters are in a position to become easy victims of consumption. Dr. Henry L. Shively, of New York, says : "Infection from trachoma and favus is readily traced to immigrant sources ; in tuberculosis the course of the disease is slow and insidious, and immediate sources of infection are less readily recognizSd, It is per- haps for this reason that the danger of the tuberculous immigrant to the health of the community has not been emphasized as it should be. . . . Their gregariousness causes them to herd together in thickly-populated urban communities of their own nationality, thereby lowering the stan- dard of living among the city poor, and making their own education in the elementary principles of hygiene slow and diflSlcult." Here we see the professional man and the public official pointing out almost exactly the same objectionable class from totally different view points and entirely independent of one another. Having this testimony that many immigrants seek crowded quarters let us hear what the Church Association for the Improvement of Labor has to report on the actual conditions in these quarters. Referring to some of the tenement houses this report is made : " Under these conditions children work from early morning until late at night. Women work from morning to midnight, and on Sundays. The average wage is $3.00 per week. Trousers are finished JEor less than five cents a pair and it takes two hours to make one pair. Not only 80 per cent, of the clothing sold in New York City but many other articles are made in tenement sweat shops. One man was seen covering boxes with paper and using sputum to fasten it on. These boxes were for wedding cake.'" Is there any language too strong to point out the danger resulting from this condition of living to which such numbers of immigrants flock ? This Society goes on to state : " Tubei'culosis, diphtheria, smallpox, scarlet fever, measles, and affec- tions of the eyes and skin are propagated in the rooms of the tenement house dweller, in which besides the family itself with an occasional lodger or two, assemble day by day, in defiance of law, as large a crowd of workers as can be packed into them. The atmosphere, already fetid enough by mere presence of those who fill it, is rendered still more oppressive and unwholesome by the heat of the stove and the irons required in the business, besides being highly seasoned by the malodor- ous preparations which enter into the cooking arrangements. Every piece of furniture, even the floor space, is utilized. If the children are in bed or in their cradles it makes no difference, the clothing, finished or unfinished, lies heaped up until it is taken back to the contractor. If the children have any contagious disorder it is of no consequence ; the garments im- pregnated with disease germs go out all the same, caiyying with them their seeds of sickness and death. It may be that candy or medicine boxes pass through the hands of the workers, some of whom may be afflicted with tuberculosis. It is all the same. The edges of the boxes are smeared with the germ-laden saliva and the boxes themselves are sent off to some candy or drug store, the bearers, possibly, of mortal dis- ease to some unsuspecting victim." One or two cases taken from the report of the Lying-in Society may further illustrate the condition that city-destined immigrants develop. "Seventh child: Italians; man, a laborer out of work for past four months. Woman very ill, evidently overworked; had finished clothing at home working early and late for 40 cents per day, etc." "Fourth child: Family two weeks in America; very destitute ; man learning the trade of presser, not under wages. No clothing for baby, same not being used in Kussia, etc." " Fifth child : Woman lying in filthy sweatshop ; several girls and old woman working in room. No clothing for bed or patient, etc." This report goes on to state that: " The demands on charitable institutions in this city increase from year to year, in oaring for, and giving to many of these people who remain here, proper medical service." Is any further evidence necessary to prove that we do not want any more of this class of immigrants who are destined to the cities ? Crime and Pauperism. In the year 1900 the foreign-born population of the city of New York was 1,270,080 out of a total ,of 3,437,202, or a little over one-third. During the year 1902 in the City Magistrates' Court of the first division, out of 55,125 persons held for trial or summarily tried and convicted, 27,031 were born in foreign countries. Of these, it is remarkable to note that in 1900 the total Greek population of New York is given as 1,309, while in the year 1902 1,678 Greeks were held in these courts as above described. These arrests were largely for violation of corporation ordinances, and not of a serious nature, but nevertheless it is a remarkable indication of ignorance of, or indif- ference to, the law. In the report of the Five Points House of Industry, Vol. XLVI., p. 12, it is stated that of 378 cases, the parents of 116, or less than one-third, were of American birth, while in 262 instances the parents were of alien birth. The report of the Society for the Reformation of Juvenile De- linquents (House of Refuge) for the 78th year shows that 430 children were received, of whom 135 were American (94 white and 41 colored), the remain- der being of foreign birth. It might be interesting to know how many of those classified as Americans were of American-born parents. The Seventh Annual Report of the TJ. S. Commissioner of Labor shows, that the proportions of those of foreign birth or parentage to the total population in the slums of Baltimore was 77 per cent., in Chicago 90 per cent., in New York 95 per cent., and in Philadelphia 91 per cent. This report also shows that 51.11 per cent, of the slum population of New York is from eastern and southern Europe. The following case may also serve to illustrate the existence of undesirable aliens. Annie Ventre, 12 years old, small for her age, was found working in the Chelsea Jute Mills, Greenpoint. She had been employed upon presenta- tion of the affidavit of her father. Her mother testified that the child was twelve years old and had b.een working in themill for nearly one year. Her father, Rafael Ventre, said that he had come to this country two years before the opening of the Brooklyn Bridge (1884). Annie, he said was born in this country, but he could not remember the year. ^ "Did you swear that Annie was born on April 4, 1887?" " Yes, I put my cross to it." " And did you know what it was ? " " I signed it after it had been drawn up and read to me in both English and Italian. I understood that it was all right. I never went to school." When placed on the stand a second time the father admitted that he stated that Annie was sixteen years old so that she could get work and help him to run the house. Are any such immigrants wanted ? A story is told by one of the managers of the House of Refuge who examined boys to be paroled. The person applying for the boy, of > whom the, story is told, was a well-dressed man who wore considerable jewelry and had a handsome overcoat with a fur collar. When asked his interest in the boy he replied that he was the father. Asked if he had any more children, stated that he had seven more, all in public institutions where he expected to leave them until they were old enough to take care of themselves. A city magistrate writing on this subject says : " I have been particularly disturbed by the growth of faginism of children on the east side. Some of these children are immigrants and some are the children bom here from immigrants. It has been particu- larly severe in that section of the city among the Jews, Roumanians, and Poles, and I do not flind it existing in any other part of the city." Fraudulent Naturalization. Still another feature that is developing into alarming proportions in con- nection with immigration is the fraudulent naturalization of aliens. This, it has been truly said, is the fault of ourselves and of our incomplete laws on the subject. However that may be, let us briefly examine some of the results. ' It has been estimated that there are 50,000 fraudulent citizenship papers held in New York City alone. This is indeed difficult of verification, but the wholesale resignations from the Street Cleaning Department last year, when the matter was being investigated, give some color to the estimate. District Attorney- Burnet is reported as saying that one agency in this city sold 4,000, and another 2,000 naturalization papers last year. From the testimony in the trial of J. W. E. York, former clerk in the United States Court, it appears 'that this man sold citizenship papers, made out in blank, and with forged sig- natures, at from five to ten dollars each ! Giovanni Morrelli, an Italian miner from Butte, Montana, is reported to have testified before the authorities at Ellis Island that he had been in this country but three years and had full citizenship papers apparently issued by the County Court of Butte, Montana. Before United States Commissioner Shields, Morrelli swore that he knew hun- dreds of Italians in Butte who had full citizenship papers and had been in America two or three years. In connection with some arrests recently made it was asserted that one-fourth of the Italians in the Street Cleaning Depart- ment have obtained their positions by means of fraudulent papers. All those arrested voted last fall as citizens and declared that they were able " to get their fraudulent papers through the assistance of political ward heelers." The Schuylkill County (Pa.) courts recently refused citizenship to a number of applicants because they did not know whellier they came to this country before they were 18 years old. If you think further regulation of immigration is needed, pletise communicate with the IMMIQRA- TION RESTRICTION LEAGUE, Boston, Mass. PUBLICATIONS OF THE IMMIGRATION RESTRICTION LEAGUE No. 42. Immigration Figures for 1904 (From data furnished by the Commissioner-General Sf Immigration.) ,P Comparison of tlie Fiscal Years ending Jude^^O, 1 903 and i 904 festern Europe, Faces, 1904, \_See Total Immigration Number debarred from entrance anc one year after landing \_See Per cent, debarred and retui Number of illiterates over 14 yA Note g.] Per cent, of illiterall 14 years of age Immigration from Nor^ 1903, Teutonic aJ Note 5.] Per cent, of total immigMEion Immigration from SWathern and Eastern Europe, 1903, Slavicyl^d Iberic races, 1904, [/S'ee Note 4-2 Per cent, of tto^K^mmigration Immigration, fr&n -^Is^ Per icent. dfWral immigration Average moneTObrought, in dollars Per cent, of immigrants who have been in the United States before Per cent, of total immigration having no occupa- tion, including women and children Per cent, of total immigration who were farm-labor- ers, laborers or servants .... Per cent, of total immigration destined for the four States of 111., Mass., N. Y. and Pa. Per cent, of total immigration destined for the Southern and Western States 1903. 1904. 857,046 812,870 9,316 I.I 8,773 I.I i8g,oo8 172,856 25.0 24.6 203,689 293,922 23.8 36.1 610,813 459,003 71-3 56.S 26,186 3-2 26 29,966 3-5 19 8.9 23-3 57.3 65.4 12.8 26.4 49.4 64.6 lO.I JVOTE I. — TTie fibres for ig04 inchi-ie atso those immi^ran^s refurng'i 7i'7*hin three years after landing, under the Act of March j, ii)0;j, but do not include 68^6 debarred at ports on the Canadian and Mexican borders. NOTE 2. — Although the percentage of illiteracy shows an improvement this year over last, it should be remembered that these figures are based upon the manifests, which in turn are made up from the statements of the immigrants. One test recently made at New York showed that IJS immigrants listed as able to read and write were, in fact, illiterate. The recent agititionfor an educational test for immigrants has undoubtedly made the latter m.ore disposed to assert their ability to read and write. NO TE 3. — ^^ Northern and Western Europe^'* includes the United Kingdom, France, Germany , Scandinavia, Belgium, NetJierlands aud Switzerland, This group is the same as ^''Teutonic and Keltic races," with the exception that the latter group includes Northern Italians, and does not include Bohemians and Moravians. NOTE 4 — '^.Southern and Eastern Europe" includes Austria- Hungary, Italy, Poland, Russia, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Turkey and the Balkan States. This group is the same as "Slavic and Iberic races,'' except that the latter does not include Northern Italians, Migyars or Turks. LARGEST ELEMENTS IN RECENT IMMIGRATION. 1902. 1903. 1904. Southern Italian .... 152,915 196,117 159 329 Hebrew 57,688 76,203 106,236 German 51,686 71,782 74,790 Polish 69,620 82,343 67,757 Scandinavian 55i78o 79'347 61,029 IMMIGRATION OF 1904 BY RACIAL DIVISIONS Slavic Teutonic Iberic Keltic Mongolio All others Number 272,396 i95'287 186,607 98,635 20,616 39'329 Per cent. of Tutal ImiDigration 33-5 24.0 22.9 121 2-5 4-8 The Burdens of Immigration. [Compiled from Commissioner-General's Report for igo4^ ALIEN INMATES OF PENAL, REFORHATORY AND CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS IN THE UNITED STATES. Penal Institutions Insane Institutions Charitable Institutions Total 9,825 19,764 i5'396 44,985 Proportion of all alien Inmates Proportion of alien Inmates who are criminals Proportion of alien Inmates arrived within 5 years 9 39 47 14 25 40 38 17 15 33 15 7 Xote that these figures include only inmates of institutions supported by the public, and do not include foreign-born citizens. Xote that of these 44,985 alien dependents and delinquents, 26,890 or more than half were found in Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania and Illinois. Although Slavic and Iberic immigration (from Southern and Eastern Europe) is of relatively recent arrival, its proportion of criminals among all alien inmates of penal, reformatory and charitable institutions, and the proportion of all alien inmates for the different racial divisions was as follows: Race Division Iberic .... Slavic .... Teutonic .... Keltic .... Average ... 22 21 These figures show that the recent immigration furnishes the largest proportion of criminals among its dependent and delinquent classes; also that the races constituting the bulk of the recent immigration becomes dependent and delinquent sooner than the other races. The average cost of supporting a dependent or delinquent is not far from 1150.00 per year. At this figure our alien dependents and delinquents in public institutions alone cost us 16,750,000 per year; and as their average expectation of life is about 12 years, their total cost, if they all remained for life in these institutions, would be about $75,000,000. A large proportion of them will spend the rest of their lives or a considerable part of their lives in these public institutions. Considering only the insane and charitable institutions, it appears that an alien population which is only 1.3 per cent of the total population furnishes 12 per cent of the inmates of these institutions. If we consider the foreign- born, it appears that they furnish 8 per thousand while the native-born furnish' only 2 1-2 per thousand to these institutions. ILLITERACY. Number of persons in each hundred immigrants over fourteen years of age who, according to their own statement, cannot write, or cannot read and write, their own language, from those races {not natio)i.s) which contributed upwards of 2,000 immigrants to the United States during any of the past three fiscal years : Northern and Wbsthrn Europe (Chiefly Teutonic and Keltic) Scotch . Scandinavian English Bohemian and Moravian Finnish French Irish Dutch and Flemish German Italian (North) Average of above 1903 1903 1904 1-2 1-2 0-6 0-5 0-6 0.7 19 1-6 1-3 1-5 1-6 1-8 1-4 2-2 2.7 4-8 3-8 3-2 3-9 3-8 3-4 7.6 69 4.1 5-4 4-6 4-8 14.4 12-7 12-6 4.4 3.9 4.0 Southern and Eastern Europe (Chiefly Slavic and Iberic) Spanish Magyar Greek Russian Slovak Roumanian Dalmatian, Bosnian and Herzegovinian Polish Croatian and Slovenian Bulgarian, Servian, Montenegrin Lithuanian .... Italian (South) Ruthenian .... Portuguese .... Average of above — 8.9 9-8 133 10-5 I4-I 30-0 27-7 23-6 — 31-9 26-0 259 21-6 27.9 28.3 21-5 31-7 — — 35-6 384 321 35-8 42-2 35-2 36.1 44-7 45-4 541 46-6 541 564 51-4 542 50.0 494 58-8 71.6 73-2 67-5 44.3 39.7 42.6 Other Races. Chinese Cuban Japanese Hebrew African (blaci Syrian — 12 9 8.2 8.0 4-2 8.7 1-2 270 21-6 286 26-5 233 32.5 237 51-0 53-8 54-7 1M-206-B. Tk^ Tatoanese ^Aeepoiaitiptf of tt? l?acifi« NortEWest! Japanese Immigration AN EXPOSITION OF ITS REAL STATUS * # '#4? PREPARED AND PUBLISHED BY TLe Japanese Association oi tke Pacific NortWest Seaftle, Wastington, 1907 GENERAL LITHOGRAPHING AND PRINTING CO. SEATTUE. V, SiA. LETTERS OF ENDORSEMENT In presenting this pamphlet to the public, the Japan- ese Association of the Pacific Northwest, which is re- sponsible for its publication, has the honor to call par- ticular attention to the following two letters addressed to this Association by the Seattle Chamber of Commerce and the Tacoma Chamber of Commerce and Board of Trade, respectively, endorsing the statements contained in this publication: LETTER PROM THE SEATTLE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. Seattle, Washington, Nov. 20th, 1907. Hon. C. T. Takahashi, President Japanese Association, Seattle, Wash. Dear Sir: I have to advise you that the offi- cers of this Chamber have examined the contents of the paper entitled ''Japanese Immigration: An Exposition of Its Real Status,'' and take pleasure in informing you that, in our judgment, its contents are a fair and accurate exposition of conditions as they exist on the Pacific Coast. I. It is noted that the figures, which were used throughout, were taken from the statistics compiled by the Bureau of Com- merce and Labour, which, in itself, is the best evidence of the desire of the author to present the facts in the case, which, when analyzed, speak for them- selves. Yours very truly, (Signed) LETTER FROM THE TACOIVIA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE AND BOARD OF TRADE. Tacoma, Wash., Nov. 15th, 1907. Hon. C. T. Takahasdi, Chairman Japanese Association, Seattle, Washington. Dear Sir: The copy of the memorial pre- pared by you, which we understand is to be presented to Congress, was consid- ered by a special committee of our board, and they have reported that they have gone carefully over the matter and believe the statements made therein are correct, and assure our board that in view of these statements we were warranted in passing II. the resolutions that were adopted by our board on April 29th, 1907. We would be pleased, when you have this matter in book form, to have a few of them for our organization so we may give our membeTs as a whole the benefit of your findings. Very truly yours, (Signed. Fri6i«*ot *See Appendix n, pp. 38-40. ni. CONTENTS Page. Letters of Endorsement I.-IIL Introduction , „ , 1-3 1. Object of this pamphlet 1 2. Scope of this pamphlet. 1 3. Source of information , 2 PAET I., — Extent of Japanese Immigeation 5-8 1. Yearly totals of Japanese immigrants 5 2. Volnmie of Japanese immigration as com- pared with that of European peoples 7 PART II. — Destinations op Japanese Immigeants.... 9-12 PART in. — ^Nature of Japanese Immigeation 13-20 1. What classes Japanese immigrants come from — -K 13 2. Financial condition of Japanese immi- grants 15 3. Japanese immigrants classified by age 17 4. Educational condition of Japanese immi- grants -. ,. ....- 19 PART rV. — Economic Questions Attendant Upon Japanese Immigeation 21-29 1. Effect of Japanese immigration upon the wages of American workingmen...- 21 2. Effect of Japanese immigration upon the mercantile business on the Pacific Coast... 25 3. Sbortage of labor on the Pacific Coast 26 PART V. — ^Aee Japanese Immigrants Unassimil- ABLB ? 31-34 Appendix : 1. Eesolution of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce relative to Japanese immigra- tion _ ~ 37 2. Resolution of the Tacoma Chamber of Commerce and Board of Trade Relative to Japanese immigration 38 3. Resolution of the Portland Chamber of Commerce relative to Japanese immigra- [ tion , 40 4. A letter addressed by the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce to the Japanese Association of America. ^ 41 5. Resolution of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce relative to the treatment of the Japanese school children in California.— 42 6. A joint appeal addressed by the Chambers of Commerce of Tokyo, Kyoto, Yoko- hama, Osaka and Kobe to the principal Chambers of Conunerce of the United States _ 44 7. Reply of the Seattle Chamber of Com- merce to the same. 45 8. Reply of the Chambers of Commerce of Tokyo, Kyoto, Yokohama, Osaka and Kobe to the above 47 9. A joint appeal addressed by the Chambers of Commerce of Tokyo, Kyoto, Yokohama, Osaka and Kobe to the President of the United States . „ „ „ 43 Japanese Immigration AN EXPOSITION OF ITS REAL STATUS INTRODUCTION. 1., Object of This PampMet. In view of tlie fact that the exclusion of Japanese im- migrants seems to be seriously considered in certain quar- ters in this country, the Japanese Association of the Pacific Northwest has deemed it proper to make a special investigation into the real status of Japanese immigra- tion, with a view to submitting its result to those directly concerned with the solution of this question. This course has seemed the more advisable because the question of Japanese immigration has been talked about but indis- criminately. The purpose of this pamphlet, therefore, is to set forth as plainly as possible facts and statistics rela- tive to Japanese immigration. 2. Scope of TMs Pamphlet. In order to make our statement as clear as possible, this pamphlet is divided into five parts, each part being subdivided into several items. They are as follows : 1 Part I. Extent of Japanese Immigration. 1. Yearly totals of Japanese immigrants. 2. Volume of Japanese inamigration compared with that of European peoples. Part II. Destinations of Japanese Immigrants. Part III. Nature of Japanese Immigration. 1. "What classes Japanese immigrants come from. 2. Financial condition of Jajianese immigrants. 3. Japanese immigrants classified by age. 4. Educational condition of Japanese immigrants. Part rv. Economic Questions Attendant Upon Japanese Immigration. 1. Effect of Japanese immigration upon the wages of American laborers. 2. Effect of Japanese immigration upon the mer- cantile business of the Pacific Coast. 3. Shortage of labor on the Pacific Coast. Part V. Are Japanese Immigrants Unassimilable? 3. Source of Information. In preparing this pamphlet, the following documents formed the principal source of information. 1. Annual report of the Commissioner General of Immigration. 2. Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department. 2 3. Annual Report of tlie Department of Commerce and Labor. 4. Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of California. 5. Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Statis- tics of Oregon. 6. Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor, of Washington. 7. Consular Report of the Foreign Department of Japan. Part L EXTENT OF JAPANESE IMUIGRATlt 1. Yearly Totals of Japanese Immigrants Japanese immigration into America may be said to have begun in 1866, when there were six immigrants from Japan. In the following table the yearly totals of Jap- anese immigrants since 1866 are compared with those of European immigrants: No. European Immi- grants. 1866 278,916 1867 283,751 1868 130,090 1869 315,963 1870 328,626 1871 265,145 1872 352,155 1873 397,541 1874 262,783 1875 182,961 1876 120,920 1877 106,195 1878 101,612 1879 134,259 1880 348,691 1881 528,545 1882 648,186 1883 522,587 1884 453,686 1885 353,083 1886 329,529 The sudden increase of Japanese immigrants in 1900 is due to the fact that in that year Japanese immigrants to Hawaii was for the first time included in the immigra- tion statistics of the United States, the annexation of the No. No. No. Japanese European Japanese Immi- Immi- Immi- grants. grants. grants. 7 1887 ... 482,829 229 67 1888 ... 538,131 404 1889 ... 434,790 640 63 1890 ... 445,680 691 48 1891 ... 546,085 1,136 78 1892 ... 608,472 1,498 17 i893 ... 488,882 1,648 9 1894 ... 303,150 1,739 21 1895 ... 271,223 489 3 1896 ... 329,067 1,110 4 1897 ... 216,397 1,526 7 1898 ... 217,786 2,230 2 1899 ... 297,349 2,844 4 1900 ... 424,700 12,635 4 1901 ... 469,237 5,269 11 1902 ... 619,068 14,270 5 1903 ... 814,507 19,968 27 1904 ... 767,933 14,264 20 1905 ... 974,273 10,331 49 1906 . . . 1,018,365 13,835 194 Sandwich Islands having taken place in 1898. Since 1900 by far the largest portion of Japanese immigrants came to Hawaii. The following table will show the apportionment of Japanese immigrants between Hawaii and the main- land of the United States for the past five years : Year. Hawaii. Mainland. Total. 1902 9,125 5,330 14,455 1903 13,045 6,996 ' 20,041 1904 6,590 7,792 14,382 1905 6,692 4,329 11,021 1906 9,051 4,192 14,243 It must be considered that a considerable number of Japanese immigrants yearly return to their native coun- try. This number should be deducted from the totals of Japanese immigrants shown in the above table. Unfor- tunately, no accurate figures for these departing Japanese are yet obtainable. The Bureau of Immigration however, classifies immigrants into newcomers and those who have been in this country before, the latter class of which might well be regarded as those going back home. According to this source of information, the yearly departures among Japanese immigrants during the past four years are as follows : Year. Departure. 1903 1,365 1904 1,890 1905 1,515 1906 1,531 It must be conceded that these figures are considerably smaller than the actual number of yearly departures among the Japanese. This is evident from the reports of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of California. Accord- ing to these reports, the single port of San Francisco reg- istered, in the year ended September 30, 1904, the depar- 6 wye oi z,44v Japanese as against 1,426 arrivals from Ja- pan, making a decrease of 1,021 in the Japanese population jt California. In the succeeding year the same port re- corded 2,022 departing Japanese as against 1,224 arriving /Japanese, resulting in a decrease of 798 in the number of Japanese in California. It is to be regretted that we are unable to pursue our investigation along this line in re- gard to other states, owing to the fact that California is the only state which takes recor^ of departures of alien immigrants. 2. Volume of Japanese Immigration, Compared with that of European Peoples. "We can comprehend the extent of Japanese immigra- tion more clearly by comparing it with that from those European countries which furnish this country with most immigralits. This comparison will be best shown in the following table: 1891—1900. 1901—1905 1906. No. Immi- grants. Per Cent. No. Immi- grants. Per Cent. No. Immi- grants. Per Cent Jap£Lii 24,806 592,707 505,152 .67 16. 14. 64,102 944,239 176,995 1.7 25. 4.6 ' 13,835 265,138 37,564 1 3 Austria-Hungary Germany 24. 3.4 grants numbered, roughly speaking, only one to twenty- five compared with Austria-Hungarian immigrants; one to twenty-five compared with Italians; one to seventeei compared with Russians. Again, in the year 1906 Japan ese immigration amounted to one twenty-fourth of Aus- tria-Hungarian immigrants, one twenty-fifth of Italian immigrants, one eighteenth of Russian immigrants, and one third of Irish and German immigrants. The number of Japanese immigrants is not increas- ing, as has been reported in the newspapers. Their figures for 1901 were smaller than half their total for the preced- ing year ; then there was an increase for two years, then a falling off for two years, then a slight increase last year. The increase of Japanese immigrants for 1906 over those for 1905 was 3,504, but this increase sinks into insig- nificance when compared with other principal increases. This comparison is shown in the following table : Country. Increase, 1905-1906. Japan 3,504 Italy 51,641 Russia 30,768 Greece 8,974 Turkey 4,068 Part IL DESTINATIONS OF JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS. It is a recognized fact that the Japanese government is, as it always has been, endeavoring to restrict as much as possible the number of passports for those laborers intending to come to the mainland of the United States. Hence, more than one-half of Japanese immigrants have been destined to Hawaii, the United States proper having received a comparatively small number of immigrants from Japan. In order to show their distribution among Hawaii and the different states in the mainland, the fol- lowing table is prepared : YEAR. 8 •a be ■^ •«■ a g a 02 a S P h 1 o $ o 9,125 2,518 130 2,419 263 13,045 4,511 329 1,820 336 6,590 4,003 318 2,446 1,025 6,692 2,022 279 1,200 828 9,051 2,068 398 1,619 1,107 o 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 14,455 20,041 14,382 11,021 14,243 The significance of Japanese immigration to the Pacific Coast will be understood more clearly, when the proportion of the Japanese to the European immigrants 9 coming to that section is ascertained. We observe that the tendency on the Pacific Coast is, comparatively speak- ing, toward increasing the European population and de- creasing the Japanese. In 1903 the proportion of the Japanese to the European immigrants for the three states on the Pacific Coast was 3 to 11.3; in 1904, 3 to 12.5; in 1905, 3 to 20.3, and iu 1906 3 to 19.1. The following table gives the exact figures showing this proportion : Washington. Oregon. California. sa r J a a 4 2d O M dO 1 ^a 1 5a5 1 SI O Ft 1 3d QQ ^ ftp. 1903 .... 1904 .... 1905 .... 1906 .... 5,035 5,780 7,317 8,849 1,820 2,446 1,200 1,619 2.7 2.3 6. 5.4 1,595 1,754 1,620 2,151 329 318 279 398 4.8 5.5 5.8 5.4 17,348 19,163 17,293 17,286 4,511 4,003 2,022 2,068 3.8 4.7 8.5 8.3 The destinations of Japanese immigrants given in the immigration statistics of the United States are merely those professed by individual immigrants upon their arri- val to these shores. Hence their actual destinations are frequently different from those recorded by the immigra- tion officials. As a matter of fact, the Japanese immi- grants are more widely scattered over different parts of this country than the report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration shows them to be. Unfortunately, statistical data in respect to the actual destinations of Japanese immigrants are not adequate. 10 Of the official documents of the United States, the census of 1900 is the only source of information on this point, but it is at this moment entirely out of date., Perhaps the latest and best available statistics in this respect are found in the annual census of the Japanese consuls in America for the year 1906. The Foreign Department of Japan divides the United States into four consular districts : 1. The Seattle district, comprising Alaska, Washing- ton, Oregon, Idaho, Wyoming and Montana. 2. The San Francisco district, comprising California, Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada, Arizona and Utah. 3. The Chicago district, comprising Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Wisconsin, Michigan, Nebraska, the Da- kotas, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Ohio, Kentucky, Mississippi and Alabama. 4. The New York district, comprising the rest of the United States. Now, according to the said consular census, there were, at the end of 1905, 49,598 Japanese in the United States proper. Distributing this among the four consular districts, we obtain the figures in the following table : Consular District. No. of Japanese. New York District 2,456 Chicago District 1,860 San Francisco District 31,092 Seattle District 14,190 This shows that the Japanese population in this coun- try is widely scattered, not only along the entire Pacific Coast, but in other parts of the States. The most power- ful argument against Chinese immigration previous to the enactment of the Chinese exclusion law in 1882 was that 11 they, flocking to the single state of California, were likely to jeopardize the growth and occupancy of that state by Americans. The Chinese immigrants from 1854 to 1882, inclusive, totaled 139,455, the overwhelming majority of which came to and remained in California. In view of the fact that in the seventies of the past century, when agitation for Chinese exclusion was begun, the state of California had a population of only 560,000, including Negroes, Indians and Chinese, the apprehension that the Chinese might hinder the wholesome development of the white community in that state was not without ground. But the conditions on the Pacific Coast have since radi- cally changed, while other circumstances attendant upon Japanese immigration are widely different from those ac- companying Chinese immigration. In 1900 the white population of California (excluding Negroes, Indians, Chi- nese and Japenese) increased to 1,402,727. In 1870 the population of Oregon was only 90,923, and that of Wash- ington only 23,955, both including Negroes, Indians and Chinese; but the census of 1900 estimates the population of Oregon at 394,582, and that of Washington at 496,304, both excluding Negroes, Indians, Chinese and Japanese. It is needless to say that during the seven years following the taking of the last census the white population on the Pacific Coast has increased even more rapidly than in the years preceding., And the increase in the white popula- tion is merely one of many factors which solidify the American community on the Pacific Coast. It may, there- fore, well be asked whether the argument advanced against Chinese immigration can reasonably be applied to the Japanese immigration of today. 12 Part IIL NATURE OF JAPANESE IMMIGRATION. 1. What Classes Japanese Immdgrants Come From. A study of the reports of the Commissioner-Greneral of Iminigratioii will reveal the fact that the Japanese im- migrants are not necessarily recruited from among the lowest classes of laborers. To call them "coolies" with- out discrimination is not to render them justice. During the eight years from 1899 to 1906, inclusive, the classifi- cation of Japanese immigrants by occupation is as shown in the following table : YEAR. ■3 g ■a m o ■d 0} n D9 a c3 £ o i 1 if Pi 3 § O d _ o s S !3 ,13 J ^ .■^ ^ = cu m ta ki 1-1 § m * u» 1899 92 563 121 1,793 828 2,521 854 3,855 203 1,977 601 797 53 223 84 19!1 559 1900 707 1901 ■ 167 222 603 1,047 897 5,212 1,153 451 830 1,558 652 1,205 181 173 181 199 585 1902 4,388 1903 274 922 5,010 5,816 572 1,442 132 591 5,282 1904 373 641 121 6,775 1,474 1,184 317 !153 3,244 1905 280 256 35S 329 380 5,883 522 8.435 743 835 777 632 207 195 181 593 ?, ?119 1906 2 446 *This consists of agents, bankers, hotel keepers, manufacturers and fishermen. §Thls includes women and children under 14 years. 13 The meaning of the above table will be understood more fully when the figures for each occupation are re- duced to percentage of total Japanese immigrants and compared with the figures representing each occupation of European immigrants, likewise rendered into percentage. For this purpose the following table is prepared compar- ing the Japanese immigrants for 1906 with those from several European countries: People or Race. § m m 13 al CD 1 2 s u 5s -" 1^ <1> Pk w fe fe a S 1.79 2.16 3.66 59.22 5.86 4.43 .32 12.63 .37 30.58 29.41 .89 1.13 11.15 3.25 11.08 37.94 1.24 1.47 11.56 2.44 5.36 24.8 .79 .71 33.26 .1 1.11 5.44 2.27 2.7 18.86 2.17 14.17 7.58 3.34 .19 6.19 .79 33.64 23.35 .09 .07 3.79 1.41 46.17 12.31 .04 1.45 19.11 2.42 6.45 25.82 .52 o Japanese Italian (South . Italian (North) Irish Hebrew German Polish Slovak Scandinavian . . 1.36 4.50 6.82 36.6 6.39 13.58 16.3 14.4 24.02 From the foregoing two tables it will be seen that the majority of Japanese immigrants are farmers and farm laborers who, in this country, are generally regarded as more desirable than common laborers. Common labor- ers, who are apt to crowd in the city, form a very small portion of Japanese immigrants, viz., only 5.86 per cent, as against 29 per cent from South Italy, 37 per cent from North Italy, 24 per cent from Ireland, 23 per cent from Poland and 25 per cent from Scandinavia. With the ex- ception of Germany, Japan furnished the largest percent- age of professional men. In examining these statistics it is necessary to remember that the figures given in them include those from Hawaii, which form by far the great- 14 est portion of Japanese immigration. The overwhelming majority of Japanese laborers given in jhe above table came to the Hawaiian group, and not to the mainland of this country. 2. Financial Condition of Japanese Immigrants. It is worthy of note that the per capita of money shown by Japanese immigrants is smaller only than that produced by English and German immigrants. In the fiscal year 1905, the average amount of money brought by English and German immigrants was $57.65 and $43.72 per capita, respectively, while Japanese immigrants brought $37.78 each. In 1906 English immigrants brought $57.90 per capita, Germans $40.87, and Japanese $31.09. In the following table we present a comparison of the per capita of money shown by Japanese immigrants with that produced by immigrants from various European countries in the two fiscal years 1905 and 1906 : Race or People. 1905. o el O o m 1906. a a d a |l II o ^ H Japanese Italian (South) . . Italian (North) . . Irish. Hebrew Polish Scandinavian . . . Slovak Magyar Croatian-Slovenian Russian 11,021 186,390 39,930 54,266 129,910 102,437 62,284 52,368 46,030 35,104 3,746 416,395 3,127,207 1,169,980 1,421,682 1,824,617 1,352,230 1,604,205 818,207 695,108 539,337 133,576 14, 240 46 40. 153 95 58, 38 44, 44, 5, ,243 ,528 ,286 ,959 ,748 ,835 ,141 ,221 261 ,272 ,814 442,909 3,637,787 1,237,404 1,082,332 2,362,125 1,103,955 1,542,129 526,028 621,077 582,503 159,251 31.09 10.96 26.73 26.42 15.36 11.51 26.52 13.76 l4.03 13.15 25.67 15 Attention must also be called to the fact that a very small number of Japanese immigrants have been denied admission on the ground of being paupers or likely to become public charges. The following table shows the number of Japanese so rejected in 1906 as compared with that of European immigrants debarred for the same reason : Race or People. Debarred. Japanese 84 Italian (South) 2,107 Italian (North) 127 Irish 149 Hebrew 1,131 Greek 365 German 359 English 404 Race or People. Debarred. Croatian and Slovenian 202 Magyar 129 Polish 385 Ruthenian 118 Scandinavian 142 Scotch 142 Slovak 153 As this table shows, ,only 84 Japanese were rejected on the ground above mentioned. This is markedly small as compared with 2,107 South Italians and 1,131 Hebrews debarred on that account. Naturally, only an infinitesimal portion of Japanese immigrants have been afforded aid in hospitals of this country, while European countries have yearly furnished this country with hundreds, even thousands of immigrants relieved in hospitals. In the following table the number of Japanese afforded aid in hospitals in 1905 and 1906 is compared with that of European immigrants so relieved : 16 1905. 1906. Race or People. d Si g u is •2 5 S3 Japanese 11,021 186,915 3,569 54,266 129,910 12,144 82,360 102,437 62,284 2 1,290 158 243 1,534 70 747 991 253 .01 .69 4.42 .44 1.18 .57 .9 .96 .4 14,243 240,528 46,286 40,959 153,748 23,127 86,813 96,835 58,141 1 1,776 346 214 2,495 189 867 1,000 179 .007 Italian (South) .73 Italian (North) .74 Irish .52 Hebrew Greek 1.62 .81 German Polish .99 1.04 Scandinavian .3 We see that out of the entire Japanese immigrants for 1905 and 1906, only 3 became public charges. This rate is almost naught by the side of the enormous number of European immigrants who became public charges in the same two years. 3. Japamese Immigrcmts Classified hy Age. The fact that so few Japanese have become public charges in this country is due perhaps to the presence among them of a very small number of the aged and in- fant, as well as to their happy financial condition. Al- most 98 per cent of Japanese immigrants are in the prime age of 14 to 44, leaving only 2 per cent for the aged and infant. In the following table we classify the Japanese im- migrants for the past five years, giving percentage for each class: 17 O o m o S Year. PI P 3 1-1 -4-' Is o P4 o o 1902 14,455 20,041 14,382 11,021 14,243 630 4.36 13,685 119,344 13,832 10,588 13,821 94.67 140 .97 1903 515 2 56 96.53 182 .9 1904 190 1.32 96.17 360 2.5 1905 124 146 1.12 1.02 96.07 97.03 309 276 2.8 1906 1.23 In the five years under consideration Japanese immi- grants under 14 years amounted to 2.07 per cent on the average, and those of 40 years and over 1.68 per cent. As against such a small number of aged and infant im- migrants from Japan, European countries have furnished a considerable number of this class of immigrants, rang- ing from 33 to 10 per cent. A comparison of Japanese and European immigrants in this respect is shown in the following statement compiled from the Annual Ee- port of the Commissioner-General of Immigration for 1906: Race or People. a to S3^ CM c4 > t.i 6 Immigration Japanese yearly 3 "l California ■ 6,7 " ' Comparative tables 13, 14, 15 Japanese Report of 4 Korean 1904-1906 , , 6 " Increase of i . : ; 6 Occupations Invaded 9, 10 " Police report 12 e.- J A.??*^^tf ana Kprean Ekdusi'oh League i^ a general meeting held Sunday, Deeenib6r 2fi4 decided to tabiilkte and print the information con- cethmg sUbjefcts herewith ghliiiieraled: 1st. Number of Japanese and Koreans in the United States. 2nd. Increase during the past ten yeats. 3rd. Number of arrivals hionthly durihfe the past twelve months. 4th. Nuitibfer bf dfepartares monthly dtiiriiig the past twelVfe months. 5th. Net increase iii number of arrivals duHng last twelve months. oth. List of employments invaded by Japanese and Koreans. 7th. Average wages- paid as tbmparfed to- the wages of white labor. 8th; Comparative figutes of Japanese, Korean and dthet immigration. The tables following Wferfe bbtained ffBm the Vtti-idUfe GbVBrriffieht Re- pOftSj Federal and State, and Hiay be corisidfeifed absolutely Reliable. DuHng the past twenty-fiVe years Japanese immigration, as shown by tHfe accom- panying table, has increased to an alarming extent, and had it not been for the vigilance displayed by the workingmen of California since 1890, it is skfe.tbsay tnw the litlmUef ©f Ja^ifttse ih Calif afflia arid the Uhitfed States would be double what it is today. Japanese Immigration to United States,^ 1880-1906. Yedf Number Year Number 1880 86 1895 ' ilSO 1881 92 1896 lilO 1882 SO 189F 1S26 82 1898 2230 18^4 >... 231 1899 im ■■■.■■ IH im 12(365 188g 277 1901 6296 1887 60S i902 .... i •. ... i .. ; 14,279 _..- - .817 1903 .i...... 19,968 181^ 16Q7 im H382 im - ^ 2732 1905 '... 11,021 1891 4842 1006 14,000 1892 no record iSi?3 1380 -^" — ^ 1894 i93l Total 115,170 The numbei- t)f Jsfiahese in IlaWaii at the time bf annexation, itl 1898. aS Stiated %f the Islarid authorities, #al 30,000. At the takiiig bf the tjliitea States Census in 1900, the number had increased to 61,111, or a little more than 100 pef cent. That the total 6i the immigi'atlbti table repfefeeiitS the number of j^p- aiifesfe in the United States catihot be fconsidered tor one moment. If, fot iilStaftte, We festiniate the hUmber bf departures Up ^tb the year 1000 and SUbi trdfet thdl riUmbef from the number of arrivals wfe fall far short Of the 86,000 given by the Cenfeus RdpOrt of thkt year. The legitimate airivals Since the taking of the IC^hsus bf 1900 a^gf egatS 91,302. ^ For many years the number of Japanese surreptitiously entering the United States from British ColtitiiBiii tUlly equaled the number entering thrsttgh the custom house; Forjthis information lye are indebted to the R6p6fts 6f thfe Caiifbrflia State Bureati bf Labor Statistics tor 1894-1898. The annexation of Hawaii put a stop to that method of admission and transferred it to the Mexican border. We are confident that if a census were taken today fully 150,000 Japanese would be found in the United States and Hawaii. Mr. Yamawalki, the Japanese Secretary of the . Interior, made a report to his Government a few years ago aitd gave the ^ following figures, as to jthe 'number of Japanese emigrating ' to the United States and possessions during 1900, classifying thein as follows: . • Officials .' .;...'...... 52 Students r .;. ........: 554 . Merchants ...... ..,...,... r 2,851 ■ . Laborers :,.......... 86,689 Total ■....;..;..........,......... ;..9ai46 . It is , possible that the report should be i-ead as referring to' the - total emigration up to and including 1900; even so, -the figures justify the sp'e.cula- tions made as to how these people -arrive and successfully evade record; and supervision. ' ■ .; NUMBER OF JAPANESE AND KOREANS IN THE UNITED STATES AND HAWAII. "'""' .. ( Year Census Report 1880 ■■■■' .■.•;. .:..;. 1890 ■■•^- ■■■:■::: ..1900 ;■■"■■•;■;.;.;.; 1906 In 1890 there, were .12,360 Japanese in Hawaii • and 2039 in the United States. At the time. of. annexation there were 30,000 in- Hawaii,- and in 1900 the number had .m,or.e -than doubled, i. e., 61,111, jnaking -the- number for the mainland of the. United States 24,889. From 1900 to -1906, both inclusive, 91,300 Japanese -have- immigrated into the United States, or -since the annexation of Hawaii- 96)610.- . .Deducting 3 per cent for decrease- by death, we still find ISOjOOO in- the -United States and Hawaii.. _ These figures are very conservative, for if . they were 'based, upon the' ratio of increase and decrease as shown by the RepOTtof 'the •California Bu- reau of Labor "Stati'stics they would reach nearly 200,'000." ' Of late years a great many Japanese women have come into the United States, and owing to the high, birtlj rate and low death rate of the race they are raising up large families. • ' , In the near future— 1910-1920 — the native-born Japanese, will have become a factor .in San Francisco and Hawaiian politics; In 1900 there were 4881 native«born Japanese in the Territofy of Hawaii, all of whom were born since 188S; todajr the number of native-born Japanese is estimated at 10,000 j this, of course, includes the mainland. If we take into consideration that there are over 4000 nativerborn Chineise in Hawaii and on the mainland, it 'iS a sure thing that the Mongolian vote must be reckqned with. ■', KOREANS. In 1904 there were 1906 admitted' in .1905, 4929; in 1906,, 5000; total 11",83SJ Number ' 148 14,399- • • Increase in 10-yeaj:. periods 14,251 86,000- • ■ 71,601 150,000- • 64;ooo JAPANESE IN HAWAII. Census Reports of 1890 and 1900. 1890 Hawaii 5,939 Kauai and Nihau 2,627 Lauai and Naui 2,514 Molokai 13 Oahu 1,267 Increase in - 1900 . . ten years 23,381 17,542 10,822 • 8,195 11,070 - ■ 8,556 412 399. 15,418 14,151 12,360 61,103 48,843 It is impossible to form an accurate estimate of the number of Japanese in the territory at this time. The number which came to California from -the Islands is known through the courtesy of the State Labor Commissioner, who receives his information from the steamship companies, but of the numbers who reach the Sound via Honolulu we have no record. In the early part of 1906 a partial census was taken by the Hawaiian officials, which showed a falling off in the numbers of Japanese in the Isl- ands. During the last few months, however, immigration to the Territory has greatly increased. Any losses that. Hawaii has sustained may be cred- ited to California and Washington, fevf Japanese leave the islands for the Orient except the merchants who return on a visit to replenish their mer- chandise. ' There are now in round numbers 150,000 Japs in the United States, 50,000 or 55,000 of whom are in California and 60,000 in Hawaii, the re- mainder scattered throughout the Pacific Coast and many western States with a small sprinkling in the East. INCREASE OF JAPANESE AND KOREANS IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE PAST TEN YEARS. In 1900 there were 86,000 Japanese in the United States, an increase of 71,601 over the number given by the Census of 1890. In 1906 the estimate is 150,000, an increase, of 64,000. Increase from 1890-1900 71,601 Increase from 1900-1906 : 64,000 KOREANS. There is no evidence of the presence of large numbers of Koreans pre- vious to the Immigration Rtport for 1904. During that year there were admitted: Year Number In 1904 . . . , ; •, 1906 .5000 1905 ....::::::::::::: -. : 4929 1906 • • 11,835 INCREASE OF THE JAPANESE IN CALIFORNIA SINCE THE CENSUS OF 1880. Year No. Increase Census of 1880 86 « " ' 1890 1,147 1,161 " " 1900 10,1'Sr 9,004 " 1906 50,000 39,849 A s^udy of these figures naturally leads to the question how were they obtained? The reports of the State Bureau of Labor have been ransacked for information and in conjunction with the reports of the officers of 36 of the 57 counties of the State give us the above result. Prom the taking o,f the Census of 1900 up to September 30, 1904, there came to California from Japan 10,524 immigrants. IJuring 20 months, pre- ceding September, 1904, we received 7270 from Hawaii, and 672 from YiP- toria. These figures do not cover the arrivals from Victoria for three years ending December 31, 19Q3, nor from Hawaii for the two years preceding De- eemt)er 31, 1902. Approximating the arrivals during the missing periods at SOOO, it would make the numlier of Japanese immigrants during that time testal 23,466. Add 10,151 of the (Zensus Report to the 7942 from Hawaii and Victoria with SQOO fqr ths missing periqd, and 10,524 coming direct from Japan, and we have a total of 33,517 Japanese in CaliforniJ^ on October 1, 1904: In these figures due allowance has been made for deaths and departures, ^nd also for births, and' fqr arriyals via Oregon and Mexico; one offsetting t}\e qthe^r The following table from^the Report of the California, Bureau of Labor Statistics is an interesting one, and throws much light upon the methods of obtaining information: ARRIVAL^ AND DEPARTURES SEPT. 30, 1904, TO SEPT. 30, 1906. Year 1905 1?P6 Asia. Arrivals 1426 1224 Deptrs. 2447 2022 Decrease 1021 799 26S0 4469 1820 Hawaii. Year 1905 1906 Arrivals Deptrs. " 6348 77 9320 114 Incr. 6721 9206 Net Incr. 5250 8408 15,668 191 15,927 13,658 Here we see that notwithstanding the number pf. depgirtures to the Orient of Japanese who have been here the three year? pajled for by their contract, the influx from Hawaii still gives us a net increase of 13,658 for the two years preceding October 1, 1906. This number added to the result up to and including September 30, 1904, gives 47,275 Japanes'e in California. Figures oreviously quoted place the Japanese population of California at 50,000. How can the apparent contradiction be reconciled? The Labor Commis- sioner has not taken into consideration the two other sources of immigra- tion — overland via Oregon and Mexieo. We have placed the arrivals from these sources at 3000 which, of course, is only- conjectural, but a gentleman whose duties call hirn to Seattle occasionally reports that carloads pf Jap- anese laborers from Washington and Oregon are dumped into the Sacra- mento. Valley during the summer months and it is rarely that any pf them return North. As to Mexico, a recent dispatch stated that 300 Japanese had crossed the border into the United States during the month of November, J906. . That these - figures may be relied upon is- certain. The Labor Commis- sioner, in an interview given Mr. Fuller-ton, Staff Correspondent of the Chicago Tribune, estimated the number of Japs in California to be 55,000. That he has not used this estimate in his report is because he will Jeave no room for criticism or objection, though quite satisfied of its correctness. The following table gives the arrivals and departures monthly to and from California and in conjunction with the- previous one furnishes co.mplete proof that California is being slowly- invaded by the Japanese via Hawaii: Note — The figures given for 1906 are approximations based upon Jap- anese immigration during the past three years. The Immigration Report for 1906 has not yet been received. ARRIVALS AND DEPARTURES MONTHLY OCT. 1, '05-SEPT. 30, '06. Asia 1905 Ar. Dptrs. Oct., Nov., Dec. ..345 951 Incr. Deer. 606 Hawaii Ar. Dptrs. Incr* Net In. 1906 Jan., Feb., Mch. ..499 Apr 38 May 113 June 22 July -. 68 Aug. 82 Sept 57 356 '82 143 200 110 180 143 38 31 121 132 28 123 544 36 508 98 2038 IS 2023 2166 1493 11 1246 }2 948 6 9S0 25 1458 643 9 1482 1520 1234 1265 942 821 925 793 1458 1430 634 511 8506 These figures are furnished monthly by the various steamship companies, at the request of the Bureau of Labor, and' their correctness can not be ques- tioned and in any event there is no other source of information, as the United States Bureau pf Imnp-jgration gathers no statistics relative to the arrivals and departures of immigrants to arid' from domestic territory. Before leaving th^ subject patter of California we woiild state that dur- ing the summer of 19QS the Esfclusion League communicated with the vari- ous county officers of "the State, soliciting information as to the numbers of Japanese in the respective counties. Replies were received from 36 counties ; the information obtained compiled and placed side by side with statistics taken from the last Census Reports; 1905. 1900. Alameda 4000 1149 Alpine • Amador •• • ■ • - ; Butte, ,.., SOO 365 Calaveras ■■■■■ ■^^ 4 Colusa .,..., ■■■■• 230 -H Contra Costa sUO ^/O 1890. 184 "3 3 3' 5 11 1880. 16 8 Del Norte ... ■El Dorado Fresno 1200 Glenn ' Humboldt 60 Inyo 20 Kern 750 Kings 500 Lake Lassen ' - Los Angeles 3500 Madera 40 Mariposa Marin 300 Mendocino 125 Merced 250 Modoc , 2 Mono 1 Monterey 1000 Napa 350 Nevada Orange Placer 500 Plumas ■ Riverside 200 Sacramento 2000 San Benito : ' ... San Bernardino 300 San Diego San Francisco 8000 San Joaquin 800 San Luis Obispo San Mateo ; . 5000 Santa Barbara 250 Santa Clara 2000 Santa Cruz 2500 Shasta Sierra 10 Siskiyou Solano 2000 Sonoma 300 Stanislaus Sutter 400 Tehama 150 Trinity Tulare Tuolumne 8 Ventura Yolo 800 Yuba 30 598 14 48 156 3 2 204 17 "52 23 43 "i 710 6 15 3 13 kh 1209 IS 148 25 1781 313 16 46 114 284 235 20 1 8 870 148 5 ISS 143 1 48 2 94 410 56 2 2 12 "i "3 36 24 1 51 "2 13 590 10 2 9 5 27 19 2 26 74 45 34,901 10,151 1,147 86 To the "student fond of digging, to the bottpm of things, the foregoing offers a very good field. If one sKpuld take. the ratio, of .increase from the 1880 coittmn and bring it down to the present, the resulting figures would be somewhat interesting. The 1905 column contains the figures received from the officials of 36 counties, and they are believed to be conservative. Some of the counties did not reply to the request for information, while the reply of others was in such a shape that it could not be used. One official informed us that there was no information available in his office, when later it was discovered that he had more than 100 Japanese working on his large ranch. The difficulty in obtaining data relative to the Japanese may be attrib- uted to indifference or lack of sympathy and a lack of knowledge. Indica- tions are now favorable for investigation and discussion of the subject, and to that end the preceding tables and those to follow are submitted. EMPLOYMENTS INVADED BY JAPANESE AND KOREANS, WITH COMPARISON OF WAGES PAID. The Koreans, so far as can be learfted, have not yet made themselves felt in the industrial life of California. According to the Immigration Re- port, 95 per cent of these are agricultural laborers and are, we presume, em- ployed chiefly in the cane-fields of Hawaii. During the past two years they have made themselves acquainted with the opportunities of obtaining in- creased wages in California, and in consequence many of them are now to be found on the ranches of the southern section of the State. The Japanese are engaged in every occupation from banking to ped- dling. In Hawaii they have virtually driven the white laborer out of the country, with the exception of a few building mechanics and the men en- gaged in the iron trade industries. The "Third Report on Hawaii (U. S. Bulletin of Labor, No. 66)," issued last September, devotes ISO pages of very interesting reading concerning the Orientalization of Hawaii by the Japanese. Every line of every page is an arraignment of the policy which has permitted the industrial and economic conquest of Our "Outpost in the Pacific," and every statement is supported by statistical tabulations which will convince the most skeptical advocate of the Japanese that any further influx of that race into California will. result most disastrously to all the industries of the State. The following list shows the occupations in which the Japanese 3,re en- gaged in San Francisco and throughout California: * 1 Gardeners. 2 Florists. * 3 Farmers. * 4 Overseers. * 5 Farm laborers. 6 Laundry workers. 7 Wholesale merchants. 8 Retail merchants. 9 Merchandise brokers. *10 Watchmakers, jewelers. *11 Lumbering. 12 Saloon keepers. 13 Barbers. 14 Bartenders. 15 Bootblacks. 16 Lunchmen. 17 Porters. 18 Servants. 19 Stewards. 20 Cooks. 21 Waiters. 22 Employment offices. 23 Hotel keepers. 24 Restaurant keepers. *25 Powder works. *26 Soda works. 27 Billiard parlors. 28 Bath houses. 29 Physicians. 30 Lawyers. 31 Clergymen. 32 Bankers. 33 Steamship agents. 34 Railroad agents. 35 Gas and water agents, 36 Office, boys. 57 Sale clerks. 38 Janitors. 39 Shoe workers. 40 Shoe stores. 10 *41 Tannery workers. 42 tailors. 43 Cigarptte makers. 44 Teapi^ters. *45 Fishermen. *46 Quarrymen. *47 Miners.' *48 Section han^s. *49 Salt works. *S0 Orphardists. SI Photographers. 52 Journalists. 53 Printers. 54 Architects. *S5 Engineers (Sta.). 56 Renovatories. 57 Furriers. 58 Bamboo furniture. 59 Sailprs,. 60 Marine firenien. 61 Machinists. 62 Transfer companies. And every one of the building trades. The occupations marked with a star are confined solely to the country districts; all others are to be found in San Francisco and other cities. So far as the mechanical trades are concerned, the Japanese are doing all their own work from the excavation to the shingling. The industries invaded to the greatest extent are those classed as the domestic occupations, and shoe workers, ccjofcs, waiters, house servants; janitors and laundry workers are the principal sufferers amoiig the journeymen, while the white proprietors of launclries, restaurants, barber shops, a^;d cheap clothing stores are the first of the tradesmen to feel Japanese competition. The following is the rate of wages paid in several Oriental establish- rnpnts covering 133 employes. Several of the proprietors were dqing their own work, and, of course, could give no rate of wages. Sufficient data, how- ever, were gathered to show the difference between Japanese and white labor: One tjookkeeper at $1.25 'per month. Three carpenters at $3-50 per day. - Forty clerks irom $5.0,0 to $10.00 per week and $20.00 to $40.00 per month. A few of them receive from i$50.00 to $85.00 per month, but without board. Thirteen cooks from $25.00 to $70.00 per month. Six dishwashers, $30.00 to $35.00. Fourteen housecleaners, 25c per hpur. Thirteen ironers", $20.00 to $4d.00 per' month. Five lai^ndry manglers, $2a00 to $35.00 per month. Four porters, $20.00 to $45.00 per month. Four shoe repairers, $1.00 and $1.25 per day. Five tailors at $3.00 per day and two at $11.00 per week. Thirteen waiters at $20.00 to $35.00 per month. Thirteen laundry washers from $20.00 to $35.00 per month. Some time ago a few Japanese were employed at stove-qiaking, wages $12.00 per week, but their work was so inferior that the management had to re-engage white molders. Not alone in wages does the Japanese competition affect white labor, but in the number of hours employed. The white laundry workers receive from $1.00 to $3.00. per day and work 9 hours, while the Japanese work from 12 to 14. The 3,000 Japanese employed as cooks, waiters anql lunehmen work from 10 to 14 hours, for 7 days a week, while the white man in the same occupa- tions work only 6 days at a vastly increased wage. White cooks receive from $15.00 to $25.00 per week; waiters from $12.00 to $15.00; helpers from $8.00 to $10.00, the Japanese receiving from 40 to 50 per cent less wages for their labor, the white laborers' minimum being greater than the Japanese max- imum. The competition of the Japanese shoeworker with white labor is of the keenest kind. Previous to the fire there were 306 Japanese shoe repair shops in San Francisco; many of thenj dividing \h,eix tiiine with housecleaning, thus running two kinds of business under one roof — a roof sheltering from 6 to 10 Japanese, which would be scorned by the poorest white laborer and his wife, even if. they, had no children. Count Hirokichi. Mutsu, at one time Japanese Consul in San Francisco, writing in the. O.vJerland .Monthly about 1898, and speaking of the special trades among his countrymen in. San Francisco, very candidly enumerates some 220 business houses among which ara to he. found shoemakers, watch- men, photographers and barhers^n fact, every occupation previously enu- merated in this report.. SixtyTfour professional men are mentioned— hankers, teachers and physicians. There were also 14 religious establishments throughout the State for the purpose of . cultivating and conserving the patriotism and loyalty of the Japanese towards the .Mikado. Mr. Kawakami, a distinguished graduate of the Tokio College of Law, writing in a late issue of the Independent, of the wonderful progress made by hi? people, triumphantly points to the following figures and says; "A considerable Japanese farming population in California exceeds the mark of 10,000 by many hundreds. Classifying the farms cultivated by Japanese according to their size, we find 8 farms of over 400 acres each, 14 of over 300 acres, 75 of over 200 acres; 204 of over 100 acres, 123 of over SO acres, 235 of over 20 acres, and 341 under 20 acres each, a total of 989 farms with an ag- gregate average of 61,859 acres. The discrepancy between the number of farms and the number. of Japanese farmers is due to the fact that some of these farms are owned or rented by a company of several farmers." In corroboration of the statement made by Mr. Kawakami, we quote from the Report of the Bureau of Latjor Statis.tics. The Commissioner says that in Vacaville, about 3000 Japanese are employed during the summer and about 120P during the winter. There ^re about 9Q0 permanent Japanese resi- dents in VacEiville, ISO of whom are engciged in mercantile pursuits. Five of them own fruit farms containing' some 200 acres each. Sixty. lease ranches and one man leases no less than three. The statement closes with the re- mark, "There is no business for the white merchant because the Japanese patronizes his own countrymen." . Fresno during the busy season of 1906 had about 3000 Japanese employed. In this town about 50 are engaged in general merchandise, 25 own their own farms, none of which are less than ,20 acres; one of them has .320 acres and there are two of 160 acres each. Twenty-five Japs lease vineyards with an average of 60-acres in eaeh. Within the last three or four years they have. gained complete control of the country around Fresno and they are virtually the dictators and arbiters in all mat- ters pertaining to. the cultivation and harvesting of the raisin crqp. Watson- ville, the central point of the Pajaro Valley, has a Japanese colony of '700 permanent residents,. 500 of whom, are engaged in berry culture, to the ex- clusion of the white farmer. These three localities are but typical of many others' in the Central and Southern part of California and tend to show the inroads that are being made in every direction by the studious and ubiqui- tous "little brown man." Shortly afte;- San Francisco had conimenced Ijer rehabilitation it was discovered' that tjip Japanese had invaded one of the most select of the resi- dence districts of th? sjty. An investigation was undertaken by the police ^Vfthoritie? with the fQllowing stalling results: Irl' the district bounded by Van Ness avenue, Steiner street. Market street and the Bay, Officers Cottle and Rdhl found as follows: Residing in boarding h.ouses, missions, etc., and whose pe- cupatrons can not be ascertained 651 12 Occupations Ascertaiiiedi ' :' ' - Bazaars . ... .... ■'■■'• 64 Shoemakers '. ' • 30 "■ Housecleariefs ..'.:.. '.. IS ^Restaurants 33 Doctors ■. 2 Fruit stores ■ 19 Barbers ' 23 Groceries ■ • 8 . Bankers . . . .' • 17 Tailors -. 21 Billiard parlors, ...:..,.. 9 -Furnishing goods ;......'... 11 Stationers 4 Employment ofifices ." 25 Laundries 10 Tin- stores 3 Florists 2 Jewelry stores 3 Bath houses 10 Bakeries ...-. 11. Carpenters 2 Real Estate 9 331 Total number residing in district 982 In the district west of Steiner, from Haight north to Pacific avenue, thence to the ocean, Officers Judge, Johnson, King, Rice, Miller, Wedekind, Boudette and Ceinar, reported: Laundries '. 2 House cleaners 13 Shoemakers 9 Employment agents 3 Florists ■ Curio stores 1 Restaurants .' General merchandise Porters .'..... Employed at Chutes .'...... 4 No occupation 13 S9 Total number obtained ..1041. This report was submitted on July 27, 1906, or three months after the great fire, and the wonder is how could these people so quickly rehabilitate themselves when today, December ISth, thousands of our people are vir- tually homeless and poverty-stricken? The police in obtaining their infor-^ mation met with the same difficulties that have .attended all attempts to ac- quire data as to the numbers, habits, occupations, etc., of the Japanese. Peo- ple who employ them resent any inquiries as to the number employed and wages paid; some even denying -that, they employ Japanese, when it is known "that they do so. 1.3 A COMPARISON OF JAPANESE IMMIGRATION TO CALIFORNIA AND HAWAII WITH THAT OF THE PEOPLES OF THE ■ TEUTONIC RACE. . .^M 'That the Territory, of Hawaii is -becoming Mohgoricjl r'athef than white, has been apparent for some time. The. question JloW. before us is, "Shall California become Mongolic?" ;'. The comparisons made in the following table between the immigrants of Caucasian a,nd of Mongolic stock is. rujt assuring, to. the forfflen It is' true that thousands of immigrants are coming .inta .the -State .from, other States of -the Union, and it is. also true that .thousands .of Mongolians are also com- ing' into California from Mexico and .the -States .to.the. nar-thJ of -us; . The Japanese popiilation of Hawaii has . dficreased,- if .anything, since the last Census (1900), but California has. received, the. surplus;' The.naitural increase by birth would keep the Japanese papulation, of. -the .Islands -at -its present figure (60,000). without any immigration from. Japan,. and ££ the. same, policy is -followed- in California as has-been maintained in Hawaii during the past twenty years, California. is destined to become. practicalLy. a colony of Japan. Nothing short of a drastic and prohibitive Exclusioii Act can prevent this result. During the three yCars ending June 30, 190S, there came into Cali- fornia by immigration 22,664 persons -of the Teutonic stock, which, in the table below, are segregated into the various divisions of that great r^gs. These, when placed in comparison with the number of Japanese" cOttiing into California, with the ratio of increase .of .the. ira'mig.ration. p.f. that, race,', as shown by previous tables, are indicative of the short, period. Tv.hich will .elapse before the parent stock' of the Americanyjieople .wiU , be. outnumbered -a^ overwhelmed by the Mongolian race.. '. >• •.:■;,•, COMPARATIVE TABLES OF IMMIGRATION INTO THE. , TERRI- TORY OF HAWAII AND CALIFORNIA BY RACE DIVISIONS. Teutonic, Nationality— ' 1^3. 1904. 1905. Dutch 71 101 109 Enelish ...;..'. 2,663 2,960 2,468 .San ::..:.:........ I.SIS 1,709 1,S83- Irish 729 966 994 Scandinavian '. .-. • .•..•.■ 1,643 " • ' ' T,416 1/^ Scotch ,..,.. •.•.■.•• -266 -464 601 Welsh ...• .....■..•.•• 29 49 55 Teutons" to Hawafi :.■..■ 340 188 165 Total. 281 8,091 I 4,805: ■ 2,m ^4,641 1,331 133 , 693 Total --7,254 7,853 7,557 22,664 Latin. NatioriEllity-^ i French ..;..- Italian (North) .. Italian (South) .. .Mexican Portuguese ..■, Spanish '. Spanish-American Latins to Hawaji . 1903. 827 1 208 ' 299 1,057 • • '169" 212 33 1904. 1,139 ■S;9'4S' 1,020 134 1,028 ■ 395- 202 20 190S. 1,021 •<628 l,0Sl ■■■69 901 ' ■ 399 - -201- 15 Total. 2:987 16,107 . ^,309 502 • 2,986 963 ' 615 68 Total ...-.V.......,.-....— .-; 9;339 9,883 8,315 27^537--' 14 Slavic. Nationality- l^Oi 1904. 1905. Total. gbhemialns g^d Moravians 31 28 29 98 BUifeariahs, Servians & Montenegrifls 200 131 67 39» Croltians and Slavonians 385 412 224 li021 D^hhatians, Bosnians and . Hetagovinianfe 204 307 301 872 Finnish : 348 278 31^ . 9|2 Polish 41 45 65 ISl :i^oumartian 4 3 8 1| Russian 138 PS 431 66| Ruthenian (Rusniak) 10 2 12 Slovak 36 40 27 103 Slavs to Hawaii 40 8 • ■ • J*" fotal ;....:... 1,427 1.420 1,480 4-,327 Semitic 'AaA Hamitici Nationality— 196J. 1994. 1905. total. Atttieniatt .36 35 59 isO Hebrew 223 311 341 87| Syrian 57 6 20 83 Turkish ; 4 1? ID 31 To Hawaii ° .° Total 325 369 430 1,11^ Mongolic. To Hawaii. Natiohality— 1903. 1904. 1905. Total Chinese , 573. 415 2Q| 1,1^? kareans '515 1,884 4,g92 7,291 Japanese 13,045 6,590 6,692 . 26,327 Total .14,133 8,!889 1U89 34,811 5 To California. Nationality^ 1903. 1904. 1905; Total. dhihese 1 2,447 li016 3,464 Kof tans . . ; 38 « 22 , 6B Jdp&nese 4jS71 4,003 ^,022 10,396 Totfel 4,610 6,456 3j060 14,1^8 Total Mongolift, 48,939. The foregoing tables represent the total immigration into the "f erritory of Hawaii and California' for a period, of three years and are classified by IS face into tli6 various fanlilifes df divi^iorife oi the Caucafeiah riik for the purpose of comparison. "f etitotiie peoples :;.::.. 22,664 Latin t)eDples .............. 2^'^^- Slavic pfeb^leM ... .....[. ......[[[.. 4,327 Semitic and Hamiti6 ...:.; .'!!!'.■.'. 1,119 Mongolic .>.. ; .".!!'.!!!!.'".." 48i939 Gfaad total ; ; : I04j576 Of this total the Mofigoiic division fiirHishfes 4&,9^&, of 4§ per ^eht. Cal- ifornia and Hawaii have been classified together because to all intent and purpose the Japanese immigration into Hawaii is but preliminary to that of the mainland. The above figures represent the Japanese coming into the United States frorn the Orient only. Great numbers emigrate from Japan to Mexico and British Columbia who by various devious methods ultimately find their way into the United States. The number of Mongolian immigrants (48,939) into California and Hawaii is double that of the dominant peoples (Teutons, 22,654) making up the population of this territory. The "Third Report on Hawaii," con- tained in United States Bulletin of Labor No. 66, furnishes convincing proof that the Caucasian peoples cannot and will not try to compete with Mon- golians in their struggle for existence. What has happened in Hawaii will occur in California if Mor^golian, especially Japanese, immigration be not checked. The Teutonic peoples will be the first to retreat before the ad- vancing tide of Orientalism, next the Latin, to be followed later by the Slavic and Semitic families, though it is possible that the latter peoples will mix and be absorbed by the invaders. The Chinese Exclusion Act is a recognition of the principle that the public welfare, at this stage of the world's development, demands the inter- vention of the law-making branch of the Government to prevent the unre- stricted eruption of elements hostile to our institutions and who by reason of their mental characteristics are incapable of comprehending them. The fact that 86 per cent of all immigration into Hawaii is Japanese and that the same people greatly exceed all the immigrants of the Teutonic race entering California adds to the gravity of the problem. SUMMARY. Number of Japanese and Koreans in the-Unitjed States: Japanese 150,000-200,000 Koreans 11,835 Increase during past ten years: Japanese ?f'9?? Koreans • 11,835 Number of Japanese arrivals monthly during the past 12 months: An average of 895; this applies only to the port of San Francisco. Number of departures monthly for same period: Average 260 for port of San Francisco. Net increase in number of arrivals during past 12 months: 8408, for port of San Francisco only. , , i List of employments invaded by Japanese and Koreans: All employ- ments except Master Mariner, Marine Eiigineers,, Steam and Street Railway Employes, ,and officials of State and Municipal . Governments invaded by the Japanese. Koreans are employed chiefly as farm laborers in the southern ' section of the State with a few in domestic service. ' Average wages paid to Japanese as compared. with whites: 40 to 50 per cent less. , Comparative figiires of Chinese, Japanese,. Korean and white immigrants to California and' Hawaii':' ' Mbngoliahs' form "48 per cent of total immigra- tion, and exceeds the inimigration of peoples of the Teutonic race by more than ,100 per cent. , . Restriction oi anese 3mTttigratiom JVl REPIjY: -B Y_ H B R B E R T B? JQH N S o1n; Snyerinteltbenf pacific 3^fa-iiese Utissiott, , : 1 9 OS. OUTLINE. Object of this Partfphlet. The Origin of this Agitation. The Voice of Organized Labor against the Japanese The Building Trades Council ; The San Francisco Labor Council ; The American Federation of Labor ; Japanese and Korean Exclusion League ; Pacific Coast Branches ; The Wider Movement. Boycott of Japanese. How the Japanese Live. The Character of the Japanese. Able Pacific Coast Papers not in Sympathy : — Los Angeles EerfXlci ; . The Argonaut -, The San Francisco Call. Position of leading Eastern Papers : — / New York Tribune -, Philadelphia^ Press. Methods of, Dealing with the Question. Opinion of President Harriman. The Real Problem. Qomparative si'^e of the Japanese Menace. America's High Ideals of Jiustice and Right. Refutation of Charges by Special Committee : — Crime and Wages ; Japan and the Japanese Friendly ; Agitation Ill-timed ; Restriction, but not Discrimination ; An Economic and Moral Question. C. W. Gordon, Printer, 595 Mission Street, San Francisco, Cal. Restrichoh of Japanese Immigrahon. OBJECT OF THIS PAMPHLET. Knowing that an organized effort is being made to present to Congress, from a wrong standpoint, the question of restricting Japanese and Korean immigration, appreciating the evil in- fluence of the printed matter used in the agitation, and believing that no greater calamity could overtake our country at the present time than that resulting from hasty and inconsiderate action on this qiiestion, I feel constrained to shed such light as I am able. Having spent nearly two years on the Pacific Coast in careful study of the problem as it exists, from Canada to Mexico and from the Eocky Mountains to the Pacific, and with a knowledge of Japan and the Japanese gained by eighteen years of residence in various parts of the Japanese empire, it would seem that my knowledge ought to be of value in the settle- ment of the queistion. The object of this pamphlet is to show the origin and animus of the movement which is made to appear as very general, to indiciate the real conditions existing among the Japanese on the Pacific Coast, and to point out a better way of dealing with the problem than that suggested. THE ORIGIN OF THE MOVEMENT. Much to the surprise of everybody, save a few union labor leaders and politicians, the San Francisco Chronicle began, late in February last, a most untimely and unjust agitation against Japanese and Korean immigration. The worst that had ever been said concerning the coming of the Chinese was repeated and enlarged upon. The unscrupulous articles and editorials continued consider- ably more than a month under such headings as the following: "Crime and Poverty Go Hand in Hand With Asiatic Labor," "Brown Men Are an Evil in the Public Schools," "Japanese a Menace to American Women," "Japs Throttle Progress in the Rich Fruit Section," "Brown Asiatics Steal Brains of Whites," 2 Restriction of Japanese Immigration. "How the Japanese Immigration Companies Override Our Laws," "Big Immigration May Be Japanese Policy," etc., etc. Employers of Asiatic labor were severely condemned, and the doctrine was proclaimed that it would be better to allow fruit to rot in the orchards and grain to remain unharvested in the fields than to employ Asiatic labor. The boycott of Japanese places of business was advocated and begun. An effort was made to have the Japanese children excluded from the public schools. Anti- Japanese and Korean Leagues were organized in San Francisco and Oakland, and the articles above referred to were reprinted and scattered broadcast. On the first of March last, just one week from the publication of the first article, the State Senate adopted a resolutioa, which was concurred in the following day by the Assembly, requesting and demanding that action be taken, without delay, by treaty or otherwise, tending within reasonable bounds to limit and diminish the further immigration of Japanese laborers into the United States, and arrangements were made to bring the matter to the attention of the President and the Department of State. The surprise of the people was indescribable. Everybody wondered what could be underneath a movement that seemed to be so spontaneous and so general. Soon the question was repeated again and again, "Are the labor leaders using the politicians or the politicians the labor leaders ? ' ' ORGANIZED LABOR AGAINST JAPANESE. The articles had been running but two or three days when Secretary; Tveitmoe, of the Building Trades Council, in an inter- view said: "This question was taken up four years ago by Organized Labor, fhe Building Trades Council of San Francisco, and the San Francisco Labor Council. We recognized at that time the imminent danger to our State and our country from Japanese immigration, and the agitation resulted in a mass meeting, which was held in the Metropolitan Temple, where Dr. A. E. Ross, Cleveland L. Dam and others made strong addresses showing how the Japanese immigration tended to deteriorate and injure the State of California both from a political and sociological standpoint. ' ' A few days later Mr. Tyeitmoe, at a largely attended meeting Restriction,' of Japanese Immigration. 3 of the Building Trades Council, offered a resolution which was adopted, ' ' renewing the protest of the Council against the ■ national policy, laws and treaties which allow the Japanese to enter our ports in unlimited numbers, to the great detrim,ent of our citizeriship, our standard of living, and the progress of American civilization." It was further resolved to endorse the action of the California State Legislature, and to send copies of the resolution to President Roosevelt, Secretary of State Hay, an^ to the local representatives in Congress. A day or two later ike San Francisco Labor Council took up the ques- tion,- and through its law and legislative committee prepared an appeal ' ' from the people of the Pacific Coast to the people of the whole United States, the President, members of Congress and all legislative, judicial and executive memhers of the Government." It will be noticed here that an effort was to be made to make the movement appear general, as an appeal was to be prepared from the people of the Pacific Coast to the people of the whole United States, etc. This was in keeping with the plan of a year ago, when the American Federation of Labor met in San Francisco. That body 'adopted, after a long preamble, the following : "Resolved, That the terms of the Chinese exclusion act should be enlarged and extended so as to permanently exclude from the United States and its insular territory all classes of Japanese and Coreans other than those exempted by the present terms of that act ; further Resolved, That these resolutions be submitted, through proper avenues, to the Congress of the United States, with a request for favorable consideration and action by that body." The Federation sent a commissioner to Japan to study the labor problem, and his report was ready when the scurrilous articles began to appear. JAPANESE AND KOREAN EXCLUSION LEAGUE. The next step was the organization of the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League in San Francisco, which, through various com- mittees, has been carrying on a vigorous campaign in the various labor organizations of the country. The effort has been made to secure the endorsement of as many different unions in as 4 Restriction of Japanese Immigration. many parts of the country as possible, and when we consider the character of the literature sent out— filled with misrepresen- tations—it is not strange that so many have given approval. There are unions in the East which have adopted resplutions that in the very nature of the case could have had no personal knowledge of the Japanese nor experience with them. What a pity that they have not had safer leaders ! Note the following, as reported in the Chronicle of August 14: "Your committee has been and is now furnishing the Anierican Federation of Labor with plenty of statistical matter and data regarding the Asiatics in our vicinity," the report stated. "The result of this work brought many expressions from the press of the interior on the subject. President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor has personally taken up the question, and no doubt will accomplish a great deal of good work among our Eastern friends, where it is most needed." The same paper gives the steps in the organization of branches all over the Pacific Coast States. One of the members commented caustically upon the non-committal nature of the communications received from the State Senators and Representatives, and said: "If our Congressional delegation does not talk any more def- initely to Congress than it talks to us, all that we can do will amount to nothing. The only way to bring the Congressmen into sympathy with the movement," he said, "is to make it dangerous for them to neglect it." He urged the formation of strong branches of the league all over the State and in all the Western States, to brace up the members of the delegation, and the action was taken unanimously. THE WIDER MOVEMENT. At a meeting of the Jap.inese and Korean Exclusion League held in San Francisco Sunday, October 22, a.s reported by the Sa7i Francisco Call, A. E. Yoell, the secretary, submitted the n port of the executive board. It contained the following statenunts : " 'That many replies had been received to the letters of the coYnmittee on publicity and statistics regarding the number of Japanese at various places; that wide publicity had been ob- tained, with the result that twenty-seven of the largest labor ex- changes in the East had taken up the subject of exclusion ; that Restriction of Japanese Immigration. 6 resolutions on exclasion adopted by the league on May 14 had been adopted by the Ancient Order of Foresters, International Association of Machinists, International Association of Elevator Constructors, American Brotherhood of Cement Workers, Inter- national Association of Blacksmiths and Helpers, International Association of Photo-Engravers, International Association of Electrical Workers— representing 377,500 citizens; that the reso- lutions had obtained the unanimous indorsement of the Building Trades Councils of California, numbering 33,500 artisans; that a total of 219 communications had been received from as many organizations, representing 11,970 members, indorsing the reso- lutions; that the San Francisco Labor Council, representing about 40,000 members, had also given its indorsement; that up to date the movement had received the indorsement of 82,470 citizens of this state and 377,500 outside the state, these numbers being continually on the increase ; that the committee on publicity and statistics had been instructed to communicate with the editors of the principal labor journals relative to the publication of mat- ter relative to exclusion ; that the secretary had been instructed to submit something every week to the various labor exchanges to keep the matter constantly before the public; that the com- mittee on organization had added nineteen to the number of af- filiated organizations ; that the monthly income of the league had reached $219 ; that Congressman Gillett had announced squarely that he was in favor of applying the Chinese exclusion law to the Japanese and Koreans; ;that Congressman McKinlay had writ- ten that he was heartily in accord with any movement along the line unde^r which the league was working; that Congressman Needham had written that the resolutions of the league would be given careful consideration by him, and that he hoped his stand when the matter came up in Congress would be satisfactory.' " BOYCOTT OF JAPANESE. One of the strong methods advocated is the' boycott. It is again and again referred to in the reports of the meetings of the various labor organizations, and the Chronicle came out openly and advocated it. In an editorial we read? "The Chronicle is seeking to convince all classes of our citizens that they ought not to employ Japanese. If they are not employed they will go away. But in no case should more be admitted. We cannot too quickly prohibit the immigration of Japanese coolies. " Is it any wonder that the Waiters' Union has begun a war upon Japanese restaurants? We read: "Pickets have been placed in front of the Japanese eating joints and an effort will be made to secure the name of every union man entering. The attention of the & Restriclion of fapahese Immigration. union of which the patronizer is a member will then be directed to his case. ' ' This is only one of the many eases that have ap- peared in the papers. Though The Chronicle, would certainly not openly advocate it, reference has several times been made in that paper to the possibility of bloodshed. To their honor, be it said, the Japanese all through this unjust agitation have been quiet and discreet. No people could be more patient. IJiecently one of the Y. M. C. A. secretaries in San Francisco was refused entertainment for a prominent Christian Japanese by several of the first and second-class hotels of the city. To what lengths will not race prejudice carry us? A high-born, well-bred Japanese, honored by being sent to Europe as a del- egate to an International T. M. C. A. convention, . treated there and in the Eastern states. with marked courtesy, and turned down in San Francisco, the center of this agitation, because he was a Japanese; just as a common negro would be excluded from cer- tain hotels in the South. And the statement was added, in one instance, that no Japanese, not even the personal representative of the Emperor, would be received. And this is Japan, the lead- ing nation in the Orient, which a few years ago was admitted into the sisterhood of civilized nations, and more recently by treaty twice into alliance with Great Britain. HOW THE JAPANESE LIVE. It is stated in the articles circulated that the Asiatic immigrant intends at all costs to preserve his old standards and to herd with his mates, but this is precisely what the Japanese do not do nearly so much as the great mass of immigrants that come from Europe. In the great cities of the East, and of the West as weU, there are quarters set apart for the various nationalities. This has been true of the Chinese, which fact had its influence in the anti-Chinese discussions and riots a few years ago. But with rare exceptions it is not true of the Japanese. Certain Japanese, it is true, in many of our cities. flock to Chinatown, but the great mass do not. They live in various parts, dress in American style, live in Ametican homes, use American furniture, and almost without exception eat our food. They do not save, as do the Chinese, but far too many of them spend as they go. There are places where they do not mix v/ith white people, namely, at the race^track and prize-fights, and in th6 saloons ai)d prisons., But, as far as Restriction of Japanese Immigration. 7 allpwed, they attend our schools; and one reason why so many are engaged as domestics is that they wish to learn our ways. This is noticeable not only here but in Japan also. Of children of school age in Japan who are in attendance at school, the percentage is considerably over 92 for the whole empire. What European nation from which we are receiving immigrants has so good a record? There are no anarchists nor nihilists swarming to our country from Japan as from Europe. Compared with the average immigrant, the Japanese is repub- lican in ideas, and, though not permitted to become a citizen, is loyal to our flag and our institutions. In their rejoicing over victories, the sons of Dai Nippon have nearly always a banzai (hurrah) for President Roosevelt. At Riverside, this State, in celebrating the fall of Port Arthur, they several times sent up day fireworks which opened out into large American flags. After more than seventeen years of residence in Japan, I am glad to endorse Dr. Griffis' opinion concerning the characteristics of the Japanese as given in ' ' The Mikado 's Empire, ' ' one of the very best books ever written on Japan. He says: "In moral char- acter, the average Japanese is frank, honest, faithful, kind, gentle, courteous, confiding, affectionate, filial, loyal." Can this be said of the average citizens of the various European countries whose representatives are coming to America by the thousands each week? PACIFIC COAST PAPER.S ARE OUT OF SYMPATHY WITH THE MOVEMENT. The Los Angeles Herald of September 30th, in an editorial, puts the responsibility where it belongs. It shows that San Francisco is the storm center of the agitation, that all this opposition to Japanese immigration emanates from professional labor leaders, whose motives are questioned, and it contends that there is no real danger. I give an extract : "The agitation against Japanese immigration to California, which has been going on since the early part of this year, started afresh after the end of the Russian-Japanese war. San Francisco is the storm center of the talk, but strong evidence of it is seen in some other northern cities and to some extent in those of Southern California. The argument is adduced that the pros- perity of the Japanese in this state will attract vast numbers of 8 Restriction of Japanese Immigration. their countrymen who are now in the army. Hence the picture is drawn of! a swarm of Japanese cheap workers in California elbowing Americans out of the labor market. "All this opposition to Japanese immigration emanates from professional labor leaders, mostly those of San Francisco. The purpose is to maintain a shr.itage of labor, such as has been witnessed this year in harvesting the fruit crops. With a demand greatly exceeding the supply, as was the case a few months ago in the orange belt, the labor leaders find it an easy matter to enforce demands concerning wages and work hours. "There has been no real danger, and there can be none, of a great inflow of Japanese to California. No more will come, in any case, than are needed to supply the deficiency in the market. And those who may come, like those already here, will be indus- trious workers, not the kind who make a pretense of looking for work while praying that they may not find it. ' ' The Argonaut criticises severely the inconsiderate action of the State Legislature and shows that it will be sure to be interpreted as "subserviency to the ignorant demagogues of labor." A part of its language is : "We warn the Legislature' of the State of California, which this week adopted a concurrent resolution urging upon the na- tional government the passage of a law or negotiation of a treaty looking to the restriction of Japanese immigration, that it will be regarded by the press of the United States with marked disfavor. The great majority of the journals of the East will, as with a single voice, characterize our Legislature's action as 'subserviency to the ignorant demagogues of labor.' Scornfully they will inquire : ' Are our national policies to be dictated again by the voice from the sand-lot? Does another Dennis Kearney dominate the California Senate and Assembly?' " The same paper ridicules the method of exaggeration followed by the Chronicle in the articles which are the basis of the pam- phlet issued by the Exclusion League. It says editorially : "The Chronicle will effect nothing for its cause by talking, when referring to the Japanese, of the 'manners and customs of the slave pen.' Such exaggeration hurts rather than helps, for we all know that the ordinary Jap is a neat, clean, personally pleasing little fellow." The San Francisco Call opposes the position of these agitators in two particulars— concerning the legal aspect and the unde- sirability of the Japanese as compared with immigrants from Europe. Restriction of Japanese Immigration. 9 Concerning the former, it says editorially : "That language puts Japanese in this country upon an exact equality with immigrants from any other country, and bestows upon Americans in Japan a like quality. Instead of meaning that either nation may exclude the people of the other, while ad- mitting the people of all other nations, it means that Japanese in the United States shall be upon a perfect equality with other foreigners under our laws, and that Americans in Japan shall enjoy the same equality ther^. "When it was conceived that Chinese immigration was harm- ful to us we made several ineffective attempts at exclusion, which were voided by the courts. Finally the Supreme Court of the United States, in an opinion written by Mr. Justice Field, pointed out that exclusion legislation must be based upon an amendment to the treaty. We sent a special embassy to China and secured the desij-ed amendment, and exclusion legislation fol- lowed. If we want to exclude the Japanese we must take the same course. The Japanese government has already let it be known that it will not assent to any treatment of its subjects different from that given to the people of other nations. In other words, it adheres to the equality of treatment secured in the clause of the treaty above quoted. To advise that we proceed against Japan with that treaty in existence is to advise mischief. ' ' T^e Call is equally emphatic in its statement as to the desira- bility of Japanese immigrants as compared with those coming to us from Europe. "The race question aside, we are receiving at the rate of 5,000 a day foreign immigrants that are no more desirable than the Japanese. When our Chinese population was at its highest fig- ure its effect upon wages was imperceptible compared with what is sure to follow the coming of the millions of immigrants that are flocking here from Europe. So the effect of the few thou- sand Japanese that are here is inconsiderable compared to that produced by the Southern and Southeastern Europeans. If we put Japanese exclusion upon the wage question, and close the door to them while leaving it open to Europ.eans, we are stopping the spigot only and leaving the bung open. One needs only to visit the immigrant quarters in the large Eastern cities to dis- cover that the Japanese and even the Chinese do not suffer m comparison with their fellow immigrants from Europe in any of the respects in which immigrants are to be studied in the light of their economic effect upon the country." 10 Restriction of Japanese Immigration. POSITION OF THE LEADING EASTERN PAPERS. Space will not permit extended extracts from many papers. One or two must suffice. The 'New York Tribune, said, editorially, April 26 : ' ' There have been few, if any, things more ill timed and less in harmony with the general spirit of the American people at present than the agitation against Japanese imniigration. At a time when Japanese ai-ms and statesmanship are commanding the admiration of the world these agitators are doing all in their power to make an enemy instead of a friend of the greatest Asiatic power, a power worthy of the best treatment accorded to a European nation, and one whos6 friendship and self-respect America in particular, which introduced Japan into the ways of modern thought and life, should of all nations thoroughly respect. Judging from the achievements of the Japanese, both in peace and in war, they would form a desirable element in America's material life— much more desirable, in fact, than many elements against which no special protest has been made. "There can be no danger from a wave of Japanese immigra- tion, such as has been feared and provided against in the ease of China. As a result of the present war in the Far East, Japan will soon have aii outlet for its energies and its surplus popula- tion in Corea, and possibly in Manchuria, which, in addition to' the work it is carrying forward in Formosa, will abundantly provide for practically all the population it can spare for many years. The Japanese who have already made America their home fit in admirably with American customs and ways, and conform in dress and standards of living to Amer- ican ideas, in which respects they differ radically from the Chinese, against whom America discriminates through the in- stinct of preservation of national ideals and characteristics. ' ' The Philadelphia Press, April 20, said editorially : "San Francisco has never been an example of moderation to all men; therefore its recent outburst against the immigration of Japanese should not cause serious disturbance. Led by one of the papers of the city, a considerable sentiment has been awak- ened against the admission of Japanese to this country, and the State Legislature has even taken action in consonance with the agitation of this particular journal. So serious a local issue has the subject become that the Methodist Ministers' Meeting— they have religion with a spine out West— appointed a committee of three to investigate the subject. "Their findings have recently reached the East. The paper is Restriction of Japanese Immigration. ll a model of careful, thorough, clear-cut statement. The committee appreciated the gravity of the charges, to the effect that the Japanese in this country are an undesirable element of the population, and that in their own country they are inspired by sentiments of bitter hatred against Americans. The worst that was ever said agaiijst Chinese immigration has been repeated ia San Francisco with added force and made to apply to the little brown men from Japan. "The ministers take up these charges in detail. They show that the Japanese residents of California are clean in habit and character, quick to learn the best that America has to teach, conspicuously law-abiding and inclined to place the highest valu- ation upon their labor. The ministers adduce a mass of incontro- vertible evidence to show that the charges of a certain newspaper correspondent concerning discrimination in Japan against Americans are wholly unfounded, as is also the charge that the Japanese Government is systen;iatieally planning to deluge America with cheap labor. ' ' All this would seem, to the average American; to go without saying. Its proof has been in all recent periodicals and literature. The defense entered by the ministers is timely, temperate and manly; but most worthy of praise is the spirited plea made for American sympathy in behalf of Japan at this time, when the nation is fighting for its life, and for those ideals which haye their best exemplification beneath the Stars and Stripes. ' ' The demagoguery of certain Western papers was never more unwisely directed than in this instance, and it is altogether to the credit of the San Francisco preachers that they take up the cudgel so valiantly in behalf of a' people who are commonly regarded as heathen— though in Japan it would be impossible for any nation to be treated in the fashion which the element com- plained of is treating the Japanese in San Francisco." So important is this document to a full understanding of the situation that, in place of the extract, I give the paper in full in another place and bespeak for it a careful reading. METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE PROBLEM. The position of the Chronicle and the action of the Labor Organizations contemplate exclusion laws. The joint resolution of the State Legislature, on the other hand, requests action by the President and the State Department rather than by Congress. By entering into any such treaty the Japanese Government would declare before the- world the inferiority of her people to 12 Restriction of Japanese Immigration. the masses of immigrants who are coming from Europe by the hundreds of thousands. It is only recently that Japan, after an awful struggle, succeeded in gettling relief from a treaty which discriminated against her. I refer to that which limited the amount of import duty which she could collect and exeiipted foreigners residing in Japan from the action of the laws of that country. Then the exemption existed both in China and Japan, and it still exists in the former. Japan is to-day a member of the sisterhood of civilized nations and an ally of Great Britain. Those who suppose that she is going to forget the awful struggle and to step from this pedestal and take her place along with China, as she was twenty years ago, or even as she is to-day, have not yet awakened to the situation. And in writing thus I do not refer to Japan's great military and naval strength ano to her power to enforce her rights. Some there are who fear and have given expression to their fears, but there is no "yellow peril" of this kind so long as we hold steadily to our best American traditions. OPINION OF PRESIDENT HARRIMAN. President B. H. Harriman of the Southern Pacific system said, on his return from the Orient, concerning his treatment in Japan and the Japanese being the dominant factor in eastern Asia: ' ' I was interviewed when last in San Francisco and either mis- quoted or misunderstood, and therefore request that you will publish this statement in the exact language in which I give it. ' ' Our visit to the Orient has been one not only of much pleas- ure to us all, but interesting and instructive. We were treated by all classes, especially in Japan, with the utmost courtesy and consideration. "Japan is working out her own destiny. Her people are in- telligent and active, the government is well organized and alive to the interests and working in close alliance with the people, and will continue developing the commercial welfare of the whole country. "My opinion is that the Japanese are the dominant factor in the Orient and that there will be a large future development, though not immediate, and if the United States is to participate therein to any extent it will have to be by co-operation between its statesmen and those representing its business interests and by dose commercial alliance with the Japanese. ' ' Restriction of Japanese Immigration. 13 VICE-PRESIDENt AND GENERAL MANAGER Sehwerin, who accompanied Mr. Harriman, added that the anti-American boycott in China is still a very real danger, and said : "It is smoldering now, but the sooner America realizes that the_ fire has not by any means been extinguished the better. This is the first and only time that the people of China were ever as one on a single issue. The feeling is intense, the movement popular. The Chinese government, able for the present to hold the boycott in check, would be helpless to control it unless the people are satisfied by this government that the privileged classes of Chinese travelers, will be treated at our ports with the same courtesy extended to other foreigners. And it will take more than promises to satisfy the people of China. Something must be done, and soon, for it will take very little breeze to fan the smoldering embers into a blaze in which America's hopes of trade with China will be ver^ thoroughly cremated." THE REAL PROBLEM. Unrestricted immigration of undesirable immigrants, from whatever country, is a national question and a pressing one. The Commissioner General of Immigration in his report for last year present,s the statistics in such a manner as to impress the casual reader with the fact that unrestricted immi- gration is a national problem. For every one that came from Asia there were twenty-nine from Europe. The Japanese num- bered only one to ten compared with Russian immigrants, one to thirteen compared with Austrian, and one to fourteen compared with Italian. I present a few figures. There were 26,189 immi- grants from Japan as compared with 767,933 from Europe. There were 500,000 from the three countries above named, and what sane man will assert that on the average these are more desirable than the immigrants from Asia? Japan furnished 14,264, a decrease of 5,704; China 4,309, double the number of the preceding year; and Korea 1,900. There were rejected as paupers, or likely to become so, 158 from Japan as against 1,396 from Southern Italy. Of the Russians, 119 only were profes- sionals against 373 Japanese, and of the latter 44 were clergymen. Of immigrants over 45 years of age, there were only 380 Japanese as against 9',443 from Southern Italy. Of those debarred re- ported as relieved in hospitals, there were only four Japanese 14 Restriction of Japanese Immigration. as against 1698 from Southern Italy. The comparative size of the Japanese menace may be seen at a glance in the following : COMPARATIVE SIZE OF THE JAPANESE MENACE. ' — ■ Italian Immigrants, 193,296. 14 to 1. Austrian Immigrants, 177,156. 13 to 1. Russian Immigrants, 145,141. 10 to 1. Japanese Immigrants, 14,264. The proposed axstion to restrict the immigration of Japanese only is not calculated to accomplish its purpose when looked at from Japan's standpoint or from ours. In this discussion we should be true to America's high ideals of justice and right, and, whatever the temporary embarrass- ment while the broader question is being considered and a satis- factory conclusion reached, our amicable relations with Japan must continue. Representative Drew, in the State Assembly, voiced the sentiments both of America and of Japan when he said : ' ' Our relations with Japan are at present amicable, and it , is our desire that they should so continue. ' ' The Japanese will suffer long before they will do anything to break these pleasant relations, but the Japanese government will not be a party to any treaty that even implies a discrimination against her people. I am glad to believe that neither will President Roosevelt nor the Congress of the United States. REFUTATION OF. CHARGES BY SPECIAL COMMITTEE. Report of H. B. Johnson, Geo. B. Smith, and W. S. Matthew, a committee appointed to investigate the charges made against the Japanese in the United States and the Japanese Government by one of the leading papers of San Francisco in its campaign to secure the prohibition of the immigration of Japanese into this country, adopted unanimously by the Methodist Preachers' Meeting of San Francisco and vicinity. " The contention of the long series of articles and editorials hitherto published, is that the Japanese in this country form an Restriction of Japanese Immigration. 15 undesirable element of our population, and that the Japanese in their own country are inspired by sentiments of bitter hatred against Americans. To prove the (irst, it is said that the Japanese work for starvation , wages, are responsible . for the increase of crime in California, that they intend at all costs to preserve their old standards of living, and are utterly hostile to our institutions and laws. There is not one of these charges which can be substantiated. There is no more law abiding class of immigrants on the Pacific Coast than the Japanese. CRIME AND WAGES. In their neatness and cleanliness, in their adaptability and desire to learn the best that we have to teach, in thfeir freedom from crime and their desire to faithfully obey both in letter and spirit our laws, they are models whom we may. well hold up for the imitation of many of the European immigrants who are flocking to this Coast. The prevalence of crime throughout the State, and the condition of San Francisco with its vile brothels, its open gambling, its infamous race tracks, and its more than 3000 saloons; these and many other things of which everybody knows, are not due to the presence of the Japanese among us. The Japanese do not work for starvation wages, as every man who employs them Imows. They sell their labor at the highest price. They do not, as a rule, underbid American labor. "Where they compete with white labor at all, they do so in competition with Italians and Russians and other European immigrants who have no more right here than the Japanese, and whose labor is not one whit more valuable. "The American Workman" is a phrase which covers in the articles referred to a multitude of aliens, good, bad, and indifferent in character. The charge that Japanese exert an "unclean" influence on American women and children in our schools is baseless and absurd. JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE FRIENDLY. As to the second charge, that the Japanese are inspired by sentiments of hatred against the Americans, a returned corres- pondent, named James F. J. Archibald, is quoted as saying that all Americans have been dismissed from their positions as in- structors' in the schools, universities and military colleges in Japan, . and that the Japanese Government has enacted laws which are in every sense of the word excliision acts directed against American and German subjects, which legislation pro- hibits any foreigner from holding land, from entering into any business, from practicing any profession, and from teaching in any school or university. These statements are absolutely false. 16 Restriction of fapanese Immigration. There are scores of Americans, many of them Californians, now teaching in Japanese Government schools. Many foreign phy- sicians with Government licenses are practicing medicine. In the matter of leasing and selling land, the Japanese Government is becoming steadily more liberal. For purposes of residence, travel, trade, and religious work, the country is thrown wide open. To those who would learn how the Japanese feel toward Americans, we would recommend a reading of the extracts from Japanese papers in the March number of ' ' Review of Reviews. ' ' To those who know the facts, this is not necessary. The Perry Monvmient at the entrance to the Bay of Tokyo, the Grant Mon- ument at Nagasaki, and the recent great meeting in Tokyo to commemorate the signing of the first treaty with America, are the everlasting answer to the unjust critics of every nationality and every description who represent Japan as ungrateful oi- hostile to the American people. Were the Japanese people what the recent statements of the newspaper referred to would make them, we should not now be witnesses of the honor and righteous- ness manifested in all their diplomatic and other relations, and in their conduct of the present war, which have surprised the Western world. We regard the charge against the Japanese Government of systematically planning to deluge us with cheap labor; as most unjust. On the contrary, it has exercised, and does exercise, a commendable supervision over the coming of its subjects to Pacific Coast ports. Only graduates of the Government Acade- mies are permitted to leave Japan for Pacific Coast ports, and even they are obliged to certify thatthey do not come as laborers. Th^ peasant laborers who are arriving on the Coast come by way of Honolulu, and most of them were in the Islands before Hawaii became an American possession. AGITATION ILL-TIMED. For the reasons above mentioned and because of the influence of the agitation in stirring up race prejudice on this Coast and in Japan, and because of its deterrent effect upon the highest American interests in the Orient, we do most emphatically pro- test against the publication referred to, and particularly at the moment when Japanese people are engaged in a life and death struggle with a great world power. We believe this agitation ill- umed, unwise, and unjust. FAVOR RESTRICTION BUT NOT DISCRIMINATION. The question of undesirable immigration, from whatever land, Restriction of Japanese Immigration. 17 is one that deserves careful consideration by the American peo- pl. We are strongly in favor of such restriction of immigration from Japan and every other country as will secure adequate protection for American labor. The danger at the Golden Gate is no greater than that which presses upon us at Castle Garden. America cannot afford to even appear to discriminate against a nation with which for over fifty years we have been on such friendly terms, and which, in the Providence of God, we have had so honorable a share in encouraging to take its stand in the great sisterhood of civilized nations. AN ECONOMIC AND MORAL QUESTION. Finally, we hold the coiirse of the publications which have fomented this agitation, and the hurried and inconsiderate action of the State Legislature in harmony therewith, to be unworthy, un-American, and un-Ghristian. Americans, of all people in the world, should stand by a nation, whatsoever its color, which is struggling for a chance to live, and is fighting for the preserva- tion and extension in the Orient of the civilization for which America stands. Let us act as Christians. We cannot believe that the American people will accept the dictum that the only morality to guide us in the decision of such a question as this is that of the savage at bay or the brute in trouble. We cannot for a moment accept the doctrine that in the struggle for existence ethical considerations have no place. Every economic question is fundamentally a moral question. Nothing can be economically right which is ethically wrong. Let us not forget our own his- tory. Let us not be false to American traditions and American honor. Let us be faithful forever to the highest ideals and the noblest life." DISCRIMINATION AGAINST THE JAPANESE IN CALIFORNIA A REVIEW OF THE REAL SITUATION BY HERBERT B. JOHNSON, D. D. MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL IMMIGRATION CONGRESS, NEW YORK, 1905. SUPERINTEN- DENT JAPANESE MISSIONS ON THE PACIFIC COAST PRESS OF THE COURIER PUBLISHING COMPANY BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 19 7 INTRODUCTION The author of this little book, Rev. Herbert B. Johnson, is a wise, patriotic, and devoted American citizen. He has lived many years in Japan. He is thoroughly familiar with all phases of fact and opinion connected with the residence of Japanese people in California and of American people in Japan. He has endeavored in these pages to give a just account of certain recent occurrences in San Francisco which afifect our relations with Japan. I commend this book to those who are interested in having our country maintain a just, dignified, and peaceful attitude in its relations with other nations and with other peoples. "Our country right or wrong," is a popular motto, attributed to Stephen Decatur. But the essence of true patriotism is to keep our country right, and to see that her word is as good as the bond of any other nation. DAVID STARR JORDAN. CONTEMS (,?• (i5* <^* INTRODUCTION: By President David Starr Jordan. A FORE-WORD: A National and an International Issue. Page 9 The Object of This Pamphlet. ' Embalming Current Literature. CHAPTER I. A Campaign of Extravagance and Misrepresentation. 1. The Chronicle Fears the East may Learn the Real Situation: — 10 Eastern Opinion Reflected — TJie Review of Reviews. 2. Bitterness Toward Defenders of Federal Policy: — 11 Attack on President Jordan — Criticism of President Wheeler — The President and Secretary Metcalf. 3. Lack of Consideration and Tact: — 13 The Exclusion League — Pressure in the Settlement — Loss of Memory or Lack of Sensitiveness. 4. Extravagance of The Chronicle: — 14 The President Insincere and Detested — The Chronicle and Just- ice — The Leader in the Anti-Japanese Campaign — The Con- tention of The Chronicle. 5. Other San Francisco Papers: — 16 The Argonaut — Passive Resistance — The Bulletin — .\dults in the Schools — The Call and the President. 6. The Pacific Coast Not Solid: —17 Seattle News — No Sympathy in the Northwest — Tacoma Daily News — Not Convinced — Los .Angeles Times Refuses to Join — Los Angeles Express Fixes the Responsibility — The Chris- tian Press — The Pacific — The California Christian Advocate. 7. Foreigners Against Foreigners: — 20 CHAPTER II. Charges Refuted. 1 State Law Mandatory: . — 21 Its Age — Former Interpretation — Japanese, Mongolians— Grace- ful Surrender of The Chronicle — Proposed New State Law. Segregated Because Adults and Influence Bad: Page 22 A Letter from the Pacific Coast— Important Facts and' Figures — A Strong Challenge — A Remedy Suggested Previously — Resolution of Board Indicates Race Prejudice. The Claim of Equal Privileges: — 24 Remarkable Letter of a Japanese Boy— Discrimination and Practical Exclusion. The Bugaboo of Non- Assimilation: — 26 Intermarriage and Assimilation— Japanese Versus Chijiese— The Japanese Scattered— Adopt Our Customs — Conversion from Thorough Inspection — Japanese at Home Assimilate Our Civilization — Christian Civilization and the Japanese — Vari- ous Classes Among Us — Japanese Women — The Japanese and Patriotism. Japanese Treatment of Foreigners: — 30 Revenge of War Correspondents — Absurdity of Charges — Japa- nese Schools and Foreigners — Freedom of Residence and Travel — Overcharging in Japan. CHAPTER III. Defense by Influential Classes in California. Educators: — 33 Letter of an Experienced San Francisco Principal — Testimony of Leading Oakland Educators— The Superintendent, of the Los Angeles Schools — Convention of School Superintendents • — President Jordan of Stanford University — Governor Carter of Hawaii. Action of Christian Bodies: — 36 San Francisco Methodist Preachers' Meeting — Oakland Inter- denominational Missionary Conference — Congregational Preachers' Meeting — The General Missionary Committee. The Christian Press:, —40 The Pacific on Assimilation— The California Christian Advocate on Rights and Ethics. Farmers and Fruit Growers: — 41 Letter from a Fresno Fruit Grower — Fruit Growers' State Convention — Orchardists in Santa Clara Valley. CHAPTER IV. The Real Issues. Questions for Interpretation: — 43 State Law and Action of gchool Board — The Federal Consti- tution — The Treaty Between the United States and Japan. Explanations and Protests: — 44 Prompt Action by State Department — Cablegram — Protests in San Francisco — Statement of Secretary Root. 3- Basis of Action in the Courts: Page 45 The Government's Position — Summary of Suits— The Treaty the Basis — History of the School Law — ^Japanese and Mon- golians — Hardship and Discrimination — The Subject of the Test Case. 4. The Powers of the State: — 48 Mr. Devlin's Statement — Two Views of State Rights — Governor Pardee — The State Sovereign — Secretary Root — States Must Rise to Duty — Criticisms of the California State Legislature — The Legislature and the Japanese Question. 5. Japanese Views of the Case: —51 Interpretation by a Veteran Missionary — The Jiji Shimpo — Leading Japanese Daily — The Japan Mail — Leading English Daily — Tact. of Japanese Representatives — Speech of Minister Aoki at Banquet — The Japanese Quiet — The Attitude and Viewpoint of Chronicle Changed — Successful Termination of Conference Anticipated. CHAPTER V. The Broader Question of Immigration. 1. Views of President Jordan. — 58 2. The National Immigration Congress: — 57 3. Address of the Author at the Congress: — 57 Which the Greater Menace — Pacific Coast Divided — Former Methods Revived — Investigation in San Francisco — What 'Corrupts San Francisco — Agitation and Peace — Self-Protec- tion in California — The East and the West — Progress in China and Japan — Differences Here" on the Coast — No Danger from Numbers — Immigration from Europe and Japan Compared — The Japanese Comparatively Young — Intelligence of Japanese — Restriction by the Japanese Gov- ernment — Embarrassment Through Hawaii — Ideas of Gov- ernment — Poverty and Crime. 4. Late Statistics. — 63 5. The New Immigration: — 63 Illustrations which Illustrate — Silence of Pacific Coast Signifi- cant — Corresponding Decrease of Japanese — Japanese Versus Jews. 6. Beneficial Effects of Japanese Immigration: — 66 Movements Toward Distribution — Resourcefulness of the Japanese — Japanese and Others in California. 7. A Race Question. 68 CHAPTe'r VI. The Activity of the Japanese-Corean League and of Organized Labor. I. 'The First Anti-Japanese Convention. 6g 2. Principal Agents in the Agitation: Page 69 A Former Meeting. 3- The American Federation of Labor. — 70 4. Organization of the Exclusion League: — 71 Tactics of the League — The League and Congressmen — Citizens' Mass Meeting — State Organizer of Labor Takes a Hand — Punishment of Opposers. 5. The Agitation and Violence: — 73 Reorganization after . the Earthquake — Attack^ on Noted Sci- entists — Vicious Report in The Call — Second Attack Due to Strike— Other Assaults. CHAPTER VIL Solution of the Problem. 1. Demands of the Exclusion League: — yS Endorsed by The Chronicle — Opposed by The Call. 2. Recommendations in my Former Pamphlet. — yy 3. Views of Others: — 78 President Jordan — Mr. George Kennen — Hon. John Barrett. 4. Japanese Views: Professor Mitsukuri. — So, 5. Solution in Naturalization: — 80 Reasons for Naturalization — Japanese Expatriation — rShoukl Open the Way for Further Legislation. 6. Danger of Compromise: — 83 Temporary Settlement — Proposed Settlement of School Ques- tion — Gains and Losses — The Broader Adjustment — Diffi- culties of Further Negotiations — The Agitation Will Con- tinue — The Exclusion League on Further Agitation — Mr. MacArthur Again. 7. Later Developments: — 88 Measures Before the Legislature — Vigorous Action of the President — Revised Action of the Board of Education — Executive Order Concerning the Exclusion of Japanese — Concluding Words. APPENDIX. A. President Roosevelt's Message to Congress Concerning the Japanese Question. 92 B. The President's Second Message and Secretary Metcalf's Report. —94 GEORGE WASHINGTON ON DISCRIMINATION Observe gdod faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin, it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind a magnanimous and, too, novel example of a People always , guarded by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it Can it be that Providence has not con- nected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue? The experi- ment, at legist, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that rooted antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. — George Washington in his Farewell Address. Discrimination Against Japanese in California (5* <5* (5* A National and an International Issue. The message of President Roosevelt and the Report of Secretary Metcalf* which followed have given the Japanese Question in Cali- fornia special prominence, though it was the action of the Board of Education of San Francisco and the agitation underlying it which have made it a national and an international issue. So many misleading statements have appeared in the daily press and so harmful are they in their effects that they should not be allowed to pass without refutation. This is impossible through the daily press of San Francisco. The Object of This Pamphlet. The object of this pamphlet is to give the gist of the question in all its bearings in as little space as possible; to embalm current literature upon the subject; to furnish proof of the real nature of the campaign, laying st,ress upon the fact that large and influential classes in California have no sympathy with the movement against the Japanese; and to point out the only satisfactory solution to the. problem. Twenty years of close contact with the Japanese in their own?^ country and on the Pacific Coast, and a careful study of the California- Problem, on the ground and at first hand, should enable the writer to , shed valuable light upon the questions that have aroused the peoples of he two nations, if not of the world. Embalming Current Literature. A great deal of literature is available on the subject, some of • which it seems well to "embalm" for future reference, as well as for present use. As will be seen by the following quotation, others also , are engaged in embalming: "We reproduce this to give our readers an idea of the intolerant attitude of some of our Eastern critics," says the San Francisco. Chronicle of December 30, igo6, in commenting upon an editorial in, the Journal of Commerce of New York, "and to embalm it so that it may be resurrected in the near future, when the whole country comes to the same conclusion we have reached." Unless all signs fail, this, will not be soon. *For text see Appendix. '. ,,. 10 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. CHAPTER I. A Campaign of Extravagance and Misrepresentation The Chronicle Fears that the East May Learn the Real Situation. Just before Christmas, 1906, a so-called citizens' meeting in San Francisco, arranged and managed by the Japanese and Corean Exclu- sion League and the Labor Organizations affiliated with it, and addressed by Mayor Schmitz and others, was the occasion qf fears -which are well expressed in the Chronicle. The Mayor took occasion to refer to his unfortunate situation as an indicted man before a Judge whom he detests, and from whose jurisdiction he has, by various means, sought to escape. The object of the meeting was to condemn President Roosevelt for his attitude on the Japanese question in his Message to Congress. Most of the speeches were extravagant, but were confined to the question at issue. The Mayor's, break and its result can best be described in the language of the Chronicle: "In a speech the other evening to a meeting which he should never have been permitted to address. Mayor Schmitz lugged in an attempted defense of himself which was utterly out of place, and in the course of his remarks he said: 'I find myself against a bottled-up Judge.' A conditions of affairs under which an indicted criminal presumes to thus attack the Judge before whom he is to be tried, is outrageous. That he should assume that the avidience whom he was addressing would patiently listen to such an attack on a Judge of the Superior Court, will tend to make the people of the East, whom we are trying to convince of the wisdom of the exclusion of all Asiatic coolies, more consistent than ever in their assertion that the opposition to Japanese immigration is promoted by 'the scum of the earth.' Some of the Eastern journals do not hesitate to say that, and worse, and that the same meeting which listened approvingly to resolutions favoring the exclusion of Asiatic coolies was made the occasion for an open attack on the judiciary will make it very hard to change their opinions. And however vigorously we here may protest and resolve, we cannot exclude Asiatic coolies until we convince the people of the East that it is desirable to do so." Eastern Opinion Reflected. The opinions of the Eastern Press, which are so much feared in the above editorial in the' Chronicle, are well reflected in the editorial department of the Review of Reviews for January, 1907. The editor, in referring to the Japanese question, says: "Secretary Metcalf's last piece of work before his transfer to the Navy Department was his investigation of the condition of the Japa- nese in California. President Roosevelt sent in Mr. Metcalf's report on December 18, accompanying it with a brief message of his own to Congress. As the facts have now come to be clearly known, it is not easy to find language strong enough to characterize fitly the absurd behavior of the school authorities of San Francisco. They have allowed the merest trifle to asisume such dimensions that it is now under serious discussion in every newspaper of every Discrimination Against Japanese in California. ii civilized country of the entire world. The facts seem to be that about ninety Japanese were at one time attending San Francisco schools. Of these perhaps half* were young men above the age of sixteen who were trying to learn English and had to be taught with little children in the primary grades. The other half were bright, clean, well-behaved children against whom no possible complaint could be rnade. The San Francisco School Board could easily have adopted a simple age rule for primary classes which would have admitted the handful of small Japanese children and kept out the young men. Nobody would have objected to such an arrangement, and the famous international controversy would have been avoided. The result would have been about forty Japanese children scattered through the schools of a great city, with an average of not more than one to each' large school building. "But it is evident that the San Francisco school authorities inten- tionally voided the adoption of a common-sense rule regarding the age of children in primary classes, in order to seem .to have a com- plaint against the Japanese and an excuse for shutting them out of the ordinary schools and assigning them to the so-called Oriental school, so placed in the burnt district that small children could not get to it. Now that the facts are known, there is only one state of mind that the country can as a whole properly adopt with respect to the San Francisco school authorities, and that is one of derision. Foolish and fanatical labor leaders had worked up a strong feeling in favor of the exclusion of the Japanese. And the School Board of San Fran- cisco was too cowardly to act with ordinary common sense, and was guilty of conduct that seems scarcely short of imbecility. The solution of the question was perfectly simple. As a matter of course, the grown-up Japanese should not have been allowed for a moment to enter the grades with white children. Equally as a matter of course, the few scattered Japanese children should have been taken care of — as the teachers would have been glad to manage them — without the interference of a political school board governed by demagogues. The young men who wished to learn English could have gone to the Oriental school or could have been taught English in night classes. Happily, the great Japanese nation is now well aware of the friendly sentiments of the American people." BITTERNESS TOWARD DEFENDERS OF FEDERAL POLICY. Without exception, every man who has stood up publicly and" defended the position of the Federal Authorities and of the Japanese has been the object of attack on the part of the city press. The situa- tion is well revealed in an editorial in The Pacific* of January 24, 1907.. This paper says: "Some of the newspaper attacks on President Jordan of Stanford,, because of his position and utterances on the Japanese question, have: been a disgrace to journalism. He has been called a liar, a hypocrite, a moral pervert, and epithet has been piled on epithet in the frenzy of the writers who seem entirely unaware that in so doing they injure themselves and their papers far more than they injure Dr. Jordan. Not many of the persons who have stood for what they regard the right,. in this controversy, have escaped the venom of the persons who write with the same savagery yrith which men are clubbed and shot *About one-third. — Editor. 12 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. to death by .other elements of our society who cannot tolerate any opposition to their aims. Our daily papers, and some of the weeklies , also, need to learn that what the public wants at this and all other times are facts and arguments, not abuse." *The organ of the Congregational Church on the Pacific Coast. Attack on President Jordan. A sensational article appeared in the Call of January 22, 1907, headed "Anti-Japanese Order Issued by Jordan: Orientals Segregated in Stanford Dormitory and Quartered in Basement: Practice Belies Recent Preaching: Strict Rule Denies Right of Mongolians to Occupy Comfortable Apartments.'' The article says: "This has been a rule of the institution almost since the day it opened its doors. As Dr. Jordan lias jurisdiction over all matters pertaining to the dormitory, it is presumed that the law is of his own framing. At any rate, he enforces it to the letter. .• . .In the basement — poorly ventilated, ill-furnished, and with floor of cement — the Japanese, Negro and Chinese students are quartered." A few days after this appeaerd, the writer visited the Japanese Students' Club at Stanford, and not one present knew of such discrim- ination. Neither did several others with whom he spoke. The fact that the janitors occupy the quarters in the basement seems to be the only basis for this attack upon President Jordan. President Wheeler of the University of California returned from the East about the time that the President's Message was made public, and immediately became the target at which the shafts of the papers were fired. Great interest was manifested as to who influ- enced the President, and President Wheeler was openly charged with underhandedness and advised to attend to his own business in the University. The President and Secretary Metcalf. Secretary Metcalf and President Roosevelt naturally came in for their share. In an editorial in The Chronicle, January 18, 1907, we read under the title "Secretary Metcalf Forgot His Duty to the Nation"- "The Pasadena News says that the San Francisco critics have been unjust to Secretary Metcalf, 'who had a duty to perform not as a citizen of a state but as a representative of the nation.' San Fran- ciscans find fault with Metcalf because of his desire to please the President caused him to neglect his duty to the nation by sending in an utterly misleading report, which represented a condition as existing here totally different from that which really does exist." In another place he is advised to seek political preferment from the President, as he need expect no further honors from California. Equally bold have been the accusations of the President. Consid- erable space has been given to reports of the Exclusion League and Labor Organizations in their attacks upon the President, and the subject has also received due notice editorially. These are too insult- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 13 ing to reproduce. Some of the editorial comments of The Chron- icle will be noted. LACK OF CONSIDERATION AND TACT: THE EXCLUSION LEAGUE. President O. A. Tveitmoe of The Japanese and Corean Exclusion League, at a public meeting held in San Francisco while Mayor Schmitz and the Board of Education were en route to Washington, and after a request had been made from Washington to cease agita- tion in order to make possible diplomatic success, said, as reported in The Chronicle of Februry 4, 1907: "You have no doubt noticed in the daily press some dispatches which might lead us to believe that this meeting should adjourn sine die at the command of President Roosevelt. The talk of war all over the world as a result of this school question was for a purpose. I do not believe that there is any possibility of war with Japan. But rumors of war have a perceptible effect upon the stock markets, you know. . . President Roosevelt saw fit to heap insults upon the people of California, but he was not honest in his expressions. He has now summoned our School Board to Washington to try and induce them to yield the stand it has taken under the state law— to shake the big stick in its face. He wants us to stop the exclusion agitation. He would have exclusion by treaty, but exclusion by treaty never excludes. Roosevelt and Root may hedge and scheme and try to throw dust in the eyes of the people of the Pacific Coast, but we know what the Oriental invasion means." Pressure in the Settlement. After the Mayor's party arrived in Washington and it was reported in the Press that the Californians might yield, hundreds of telegrams were sent to the Capitol, it is said, exhorting the Mayor and School Board not to yield. One from President Tveitmoe of the Japanese and Corean Exclusion League will be of interest. Mayor Schmitz r£plied: "I am a Californian and trying to do my duty to my State. Cannot succeed if hampered by hostile press of San Francisco." The telegram of Mr. Tveitmoe is as follows: "Hon. Eugene E. Schmitz, Washington, D. C: Morning papers announce; in big headlines that 'Mayor Schmitz Deserts Labor for Japs — Mayor and School Board Make Complete Surrender.' We can not and will not believe it. Exclusion League endorses City Attor- ney's telegram of yesterday, and demands exclusion by act of Con- gress. TTreaty will not exclude. Sovereign rights must not be bartered away for promises, and should not be basis for cotnpromise. We will not yield one iota of our rights as a sovereign people, regardless of cost or consequence. If President wants to humiliate American flag, let him tell California's Governor and Legislature to repeal the law, but he cannot coerce free Californians to bow in submis.sion to the will of the Mikado. Roosevelt's power will not make one white man out of air the Japs in the Nipponese Empire. California is the white man's country, and not the Caucasian graveyard."— The Call, February II, 1907. It is easily seen from the above that the exclusion leaders are 14 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. very determined and that they are bitter toward the defenders of the National Policy. More will appear under the chapters treating of the "Real Issues" and of the "Relation of Organized Labor to the Broader Question of Immigration.'' Loss of Memory or Lack of Sensitiveness. "Since it is form'ally announced that the President is endeavoring to satisfactorily adjust: -gwt relations with Japan,'' says The San Fran- cisco Chronicle of February i, 1907, editorially, "no patriotic American :— and no Americans are more patriotic than those of California — will by word or deed knowingly make the situation more difficult. It must be remembered th&t, so far as the expressions of press or organized bodies in-California are concerned, there has never been one word that we now recall of which the most sensitive people could complain." The reader can draw his own conclusions, after completing this chapter, whether there has been a loss of memory or a lack of sensi- tiveness. For the edification of those who have not been permitted to see the daily papers of the Coast, during these months of excite- ment, we will give some brief quotations from The Chronicle and from other papers. EXTRAVAGANCE OF THE CHRONICLE What shall be said of the tolerance or temperance of a paper that asserts that the President is evidently insincere, and that he is detested by both The Chronicle and by Congress? The quotations follow: The President Insincere and Detested. "We care nothing whatever for Mr. Roosevelt, but we do desire at all times to speak with respect of the President of the United States. It is necessary, however, to say that the President has degraded his position by assertions which are untrue, assumptions which have no basis in fact, recommendation's which can only excite ridicule, implied threats which he has no power to execute, all presented in a tone calculated to arouse national and international passion, and the worst of all is that he is evidently insincere." — Chronicle, Editorial, December ^, 1906. "We have not the slightest ill-will to Congress, for we know that it detests the President as heartily as we do, and is as ready to snub him if he steps outside his authority on the Japanese question as it was in respect to his attempt to dictate the Government's official spelling." — The Chronicle, Editorial, January 17, 1907. The Chronicle and Justice. "If the case goes up, it will be interesting to see what view the Supreme Court takes. "There is no Judge, however exalted, whose views of the law are not affected by his views of public policy, which in turn are affected by the prevailing sentiments of the day. "The discussion inspired by the Federal assault on State control of its own schools is setting men to thinking. . . . We in. California cannot pre- tend to have either a good or a strong government. It can do nothing with our great corporations, and we permit notorious criminals to Discrimination Against Japanese in California. is badger our courts of justice."— Chronicle, Editorial, January 2, 1907. "It is hard to conceive of the folly of those who stirred up this question in the first place. It is still harder to understand how any sane person could be so destitute of reason as to persist in pressing it. Even if a legal victory could be won, it would be a barren victory! No sensible Japanese parent would permit his child to enter one of our schools upon a court order. The only result of the unspeakable stupidity of our Federal authorities in this matter will be to stir up international hatred and make it difficult, if not impossible to, settle the matter in a reasonable way." — Chronicle, Editorial, December i, 1906. • This Paper Is the Leader in the Campaign Against the Japanese. This is the paper that has been leading in the opposition to the , Japanese upon the Coast. This extravagance has been recognized since 'The Chronicle began its campaign in the spring of 1905, with such glaring headlines as the following: Crime and Poverty go Hand ■ in Hand with Asiatic Labor; Brown Men Are an Evil in the Public Schools; Japanese a Menace to American Women; Brown Asiatics Steal Brains of Whites; Big Immigration may be Japanese Policy, etc. It is no wonder that so strong a ^aper as The Argonaut, in criti- cising this method, should then say editorially: "The Chronicle will effect nothing for its cause by talking, when referring to the Japanese, of the "manners and customs of the slave pen.' Such exaggeration hurts rather than helps, for we all know that the ordinary Jap is a neat, clean, personally pleasing little fellow." The Contention of The Chronicle. The following quotation from an editorial of The Chronicle of November 30, 1906, is laughable in view of the violent language which it has so frequently used during the two years' discussion of this whole question. Think of the editor sitting down and talking over, in a friendly way with representative Japanese, these matters with any hope of a satisfactory adjustment! The quotation reads: "The objection of our people is simply to. the establishment of Oriental forms of civilization in the United States. We particularly object to a Japanese invasion, because, as the Japanese are the most virile of Oriental peoples, their lodgment on our shores is by so niuch the more dangerous. We recognize that Asiatic peoples are entitled to maintain such forms of civilization and such a standard of life as they prefer in their own country, and to exclude, if they so desire, and as they certainly did once desire, the people of Western countries. So far as we are concerned they are quitp welcome, as they have the right, under existing treaties to exclude all American manual workers from Japan. We claim the same right, and demand that it be exercised. "We have more hopes of convinting the Japanese statesmen of the wisdom of keeping the races apart than of convincing Eastern manufacturers and fool sentimentalists. We should be delighte_d to sit down and talk it over in a friendly way with representative Japa- nese not concerned with ocean transportation nor with contracts for coolies." i6 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. The question as to the establishment of Oriental forms of civili- zation in the United States will be considered in the next chapter, under the heading of Assimilation. OTHER SAN FRANCISCO PAPERS. Brief extracts from The Argonaut, The Bulletin, and The Gail will be given, and in the following section it will be shown that the Pacific Coast is not solid, the papers in the Northwest and in Los Angeles refusing to join in the outcry against the Japanese, and the Christian press being decidedly opposed to the movement. The Argonaut: Passive Resistance. It must not be inferred from the above quotation from The Argonaut that it is in sympathy with the Japanese. It has been equally zealous in its opposition, but for the most part more sober. It has taken a strong position on the question of State Rights, but recognizes the strength of the East in the matter of restricting immi- gration. In an editorial, December- i, 1906, on California and the Japanese, this paper said: "California has a law which makes it obligatory on her school board to provide separate schoolhouses for children of Indian, Chinese or Mongolian blood. That law still stands on the statute books. It is a duty of the school board to enforce it. They are enforcing it. They will continue to do so. That law, we beg to assure our Eastern friends, will be enforced until it has been set aside by the Supreme Court of the United States. . . . Some of the Eastern journals con- sider it odd that California and Californians should seem at this junc- ture so extremely placid. The reason that we in California are calm in the presence of this crisis is: First, because we know we are right; second, because we hope to convince our countrymen that we are right; third, that if we fail to so convince them, we will, whatever they do or say, do what we know to be right." In a subsequent editorial, entitled "Passive Resistance,'' in reply to a criticism of The Commercial Advertiser, The Argonaut says: "The statement means simply that in this public school question we in California will do what we know to be right. By that we mean, that we will educate our own children in our own way. We will not permit adult males — whether white, yellow, black or brown— to be- intimately associated with white girls of tender age in the schoolroom. We will not permit the Federal Government, the Japanese Govern- ment, Theodore Roosevelt, the Mikado, or anybody else to dictate- to us in this regard." It will be noted in the abov.e that The Argonaut assumes that the- State law is mandatory, that the only question is concerning adults,, and that the segregation of Japanese students of all ages is the only solution. These questions will be taken up later. The Bulletin: Adults in the Schools. In the following quotation from The Bulletin, emphasis is placed. upon the objection to adults in the schools, and the editor suggests Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 17 that the refefence of the whole question to the courts would be wel- comed. We read: "Whatever may be the report of Secretary Metcalf, the stubborn fact remains that the citizens of San Francisco object to having Japa- nese men taught in the same classes with 'American children. They do not object to giving the Japanese all the educational advantages enjoyed by the San Francisco children, but as to the conditions under which this instruction is to be given, the California people claim the right to decide a local matter, even if it involves international issues. The President's desire to submit the matter to the Supreme Court for decision will not be obnoxious to the people of California, who feel that this whole affair is overemphasized. There may be some difficulty in enforcing the mandate of the Supreme Court." — Editorial, December 3, 1906. The Call and the President. In an editorial entitled "An Extraordinary and Unpleasant Situa- tion," The Call of February 2, 1907, in referring to the President's request for two members of the San Francisco Board of Education to proceed to Washington for conference, says: "Officially the President has not exposed the reasons behind his urg'ent request that San Francisco and California back down in the rnatter of the segregation of Japanese and white children in the public schools of this city. Iii the usual left-handed manner, known as semi-official, it is made to appear, however, that if the present request be hot heeded Japan will be angered to the point of a resort to arms. . . . It is an extraordinary request, an extraordinary and unpleasant situation. The President's reasons for his urgency need to be strong reasons. President Roosevelt asks us to take a great deal on trust, and apparently he still misconceives the attitude of Californians on this matter. . . . California has no angry or malignant feeling in the matter. As citizens of the commonwealth, we neither like nor dislike the Japanese, but are irrevocably apposed to permitting them to come here in such numbers as to make this an Asiatic colony." In Chapter V., under "The Broader Question of Immigration," this question will be taken up and discussed at length. As the sta- tistics show, there is no ground for such a fear, and the reason for the agitation must be found elsewhere. THE PACIFIC COAST NOT SOLID. The attitude of certain Seattle, Tacoma, and Los Angeles papers is given in a review of the Pacific Coast Press in the Literary Digest of January 12, 1907, which says: Seattle News. "A canvass of the Pacific Coast Press, prompted by statements of The Seattle News to the effect that the majority of the thoughtful people of California are not in sympathy with the agitation of the demagogues of the cities against the Japanese, and that 'no part of the State of Washington or Oregon, which exceed in area and popula- the State of California, have any sympathy with the foolish agitation of the San Francisco people,, leaves us between the horns of a i8 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. dilemma. It seems that we must either believe that the , thoughtful people of the Pacific Coast are not represented by the press of that section, or that The News is mista-ken in its diagnosis of public opinion," The Tacoma Daily News. The Digest continues: "The Tacoma Daily News, it is true, pro- tested that it has not shown sympathy with any demagogic agitation against the Japanese. But it adds that it is not convinced that the disturbance in California is due to demagogic agitation. The Pacific Coast, it asserts, will not close the doors to the Japanese nor drive them from the country. Nevertheless, we are assured it does arid will refuse to set this people on any pedestal — a determination which no presidential order shall change." Los Angeles Times. Still quoting The Digest, "The Los Angeles Times also refuses to join the hue and cry against the Japanese, taking a rap instead at Mayor Schmitz. Alluding to the latter's declaration that he would, if necessary, lay down his life in battle against the Japanese, The Times remarks: 'It is a notable fact that his Honor has never laid down anything of value. His promise, however, would almost recon- cile anyone to a war with Japan. His Honor has probably merely discovered some place in Japan that the extradition treaty doesn't cover, and is willing to go for that purpose.' It claims, moreover, that 'California could utilize the services of 100,000 Chinese and Japanese at the present time more easily than 10,000 twenty years ago.' And adds that we need the Japanese as workers, but not as voters. In justice to The Literary Digest, the following should be added: "In a canvass of fifty leading Coast papers, however, these three are the only ones we find expressing such views. Most of the Coast press display uncompromising antipathy against Japanese aggression and competition, against the President, and against Secretary Metcalf for his 'disloyal' report. The 'latter is admonished by one paper to 'stick by the President, who can give 'him a job, because he could get nothing from the people of his own State.' " The editor of the above had doubtless not seen several other Coast papers. Extracts will be given from The Los Angeles Express, which places the responsibility for the agitation upon union labor; also from the Christian press. Los Angeles Express Fixes Responsibility. The following quotation from the Los Angeles Express is taken from The Pacific, January 3, 1907, the organ of the Congregational Churches on the Pacific Coast: "The Los Angeles Express declares that nothing less than the hanging of Japanese by the toes would satisfy some of the anti- Japanese agitators in San Francisco. With a desire to ascertain the sentiment as to Japanese exclusion, the Secretary of the Merchants and Manufacturers' Association of Los Angeles has sent out a letter to the members of the Association. The Secretary himself says: 'We believe the gist of all this agitation is to be found in the action of the labor union leaders at San Francisco, and that they are trying to involve the entire State in their own little controversy.' And the Secretary says further: 'If the Japanese labor were cut off from Southern California many, interests -would Buflfer.' In the days of the Discrimination Against Japanese in California. ig Sand Lot agitation Denis Kearney ended every one of his speeches with the words, 'And whatever happens, the Chinese must go.' There are among us now persons who are saying practically, 'whatever hap- pens, the Japanese must go.' No matter if, local industries are greatly damaged, no matter if we do lose influence and trade in the Orient, no matter if we do transgress the laws of human brotherhood, 'the Japanese must go.' But fortunately California is only a small part of this great nation, and fortunately also only a small part of our popu- lation has this deadly hostility to the Japanese. "We have had some interest recently in a glance backward to the days of Kearneyism in California. Bryce, in 'The American Com- monwealth,' says concerning Denis Kearney, out on the sand lot: 'At first he had mostly vagabonds to listen to him, but one of the two great newspapers took him up. These two. The Chronicle and "The Call, were in keen rivalry, and the former, seeing in this movement a chance of going ahead, filling its columns with sensational matter and increasing its sale among workingmen, went in hot and strong for the Sand Lot party. One of its reporters has been credited with dressing up Kearney's speeches into something approaching literary form, for the orator was a half educated man, with ideas chiefly gathered from the daily press.' In one way and another Kearneyism became ere long quite an influence, and, says Bryce, 'The Call had now followed the lead of The Chronicle, trying to 'outbid it for the support of the workingman.' We wondered when the representative of one of the leading daily papers of San Francisco called the other day, with the offer of various trinkets as an inducement to subscribe, to what length San Francisco dailies will go at this time when Japanese exclusion bids fair to become a burning question hereabouts. As a general thing nowsdays daily papers do not try to mold public sentiment. They cater to it in that direction in which it is strongest. Daily papers are money-making concerns, or are meant to be such. They want circu- lation, and trim their sails accordingly." The Coast Christian Press: Another quotation from The Pacific will be found in Chapter IIL, under the general heading of "Defense by Influential Classes in California." The California Christian Advocate. The California Christian Advocate, the organ of the Methodist Episcopal Church on the Coast, has taken a strong position in several editorials, one of which will be quoted here (November 8, ,1906) : "There has been for forty years a growing and intensifying agita- tion against the Chinese and Japanese dwellers upon the Pacific Coast. This agitation found but little support beyond the circle of the profes- sional agitators of the Denis Kearney and sand-lot variety. It becomes active just before elections, and usually quiets down in the intervals. It is well known on the Coast that the Japanese who come to America come for an education. They are students. They work as domestics, or in the fields picking fruit; but they are nearly all eager to acquire an English education. These agitators, all of them foreigners, led by a foreigner, have from time to time been before the school boards seeking to exclude the Japanese from the public schools. The race-hating agitator is a sheer demagogue. The politicians are afraid of him, and yield to his clamor, fearing that his appeal to prejudice will control the balance of power and defeat his candidacy 20 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. and his party. This anti-Asiaitc agitation has been for forty years an absolute despot on the Pacific Coast. We do not belong to that company who predict international conflict. The sensible nine-tenths of the people on the Pacific Coast believe in according the Japanese and Chinese their full rights under the treaty under which they are admitted to the country." Opposing the idea of discrimination, and calling attention to the , fact that the agitation largely centers in the influence of foreigners, The Advocate expresses the hope that Federal interferance will put the whole matter on a proper basis. The language is as follows: "There is need of exclusion in case of Chinese and Japanese, but that exclusion should apply to all nationalities alike, and in accord with the national treaty existing between these nations and our own. The Japanese and the Chinese have the same right to exclude the Swedes and Norwegians and Italians from the public schools as these foreigners have to exclude the Chinese and Japanese. It has come to a ridiculous pass when a dozen foreign agitators can intimidate a foreign school board and exclude the children of a foreign people from the public schools, taught by foreigners, and thereby provoke a foreign nation to an attitude of hostility. It is about time Uncle Sam shovild take a hand. We devoutly hope that this Federal interference will put the whole matter on a different basis." FOREIGNERS AGAINST FOREIGNERS. In illustration of the above assertion, if proof is necessary, that this is largely a campaign of foreigners against foreigners, the follow- ing resolutions are reprinted from The Chronicle of December 20, 1906: "Whereas, By resolution, dated October 11, 1906, the Board of Education of this City and County, acting under the authority of Sec- tion 1662 of the Political Code of the State of California, established the Oriental school for the instruction of Chinese and Japanese, and directed principals to transfer forthwith such Japanese as were enrolled in their respective schools to the Oriental school, be it "Resolved, That the German-American League of California, in regular meeting assembled, cordially endorse' the sentiments and action of the said Board of Education, believing that the welfare and wishes of the people of the commonwealth are alike served by this procedure; "Resolved, That copies of the foregoing resolution be forwarded to the German-American Alliance of the United States, the Board of Education, the press, and to the President of the United States." CHAPTER II. Charges Refuted Among the statements constantly recurring in the press are several which seem very plausible to those who have not carefully investigated the matter, to the effect that the School Board was com- pelled to exclude the Japanese under the State law; that the Japanese pupils were segregated because of their being adults, and because their influence is bad upon white children; that equal rights are given Discrimination Agaiiist Japanese in California. 21 them in the education provided for them in the separate school; that we cannot assimilate the Japanese, and that Americans are discrimi- nated against in Japan. These statements will be considered in the present fhapter sufficientl}' in full to indicate that they are not well founded, though our space will not permit an exhaustive treatment. STATE LAW MANDATORY. ! The school law of California, 1903, Page 37, Article 10, "Primary and Grammar Schools,'' Section 1662, says: "Trustees shall have the power to exclude all children of filthy or vicious habits, or children suffering from contagious or infectious diseases, and also to establish separate schools for Indian children, and for the children of Mongolian or Chinese descent. When such separate schools are established, Indian, Chinese or Mongolian chil- dren must not be admitted into any other schools." It is generally admitted that so far as the organization of the- school is concerned, the language is permissive rather than mandatory.. After such separate school is established, children of the parentage- indicated must not be admitted into other schools. Three facts are of interest in this discussion: The law as originally made is about thirty years old, and when made there were few, if any, Japanese in the counti-y; until the resolution of the Board of Edu- cation, October 11, 1906, the law was interpreted as applying to the Chinese, the Japanese being permitted in the public schools; and authorities are divided as to whether the Japanese can properly be classed as Mongolians. Before this order was finally made by the Board of Education, that body was warned by the writer and by others that the matter, if carried out, would be contested. However, as the Japanese were to be put upon the defensive, the cours seemed an easy one to the Board of Education. The tables are now turned, and the Board of Education is on the defensive. The Chronicle Gracefully Surrenders. The Chronicle, which has led in this fight against the Japanese, now finds itself in a dilemma. In an editorial, January 19, 1907, this paper says: "We do not think it can be proved that the Japanese are Mongo- lians. The origin of the Japanese is not known even to themselves. As the burden of proof of origin, so far as we rely on the State law, apparently rests on us, we should fortify ourselves by a new law cov- ering by name, and geographical expressions, all the races of Asiatic origin. We certainly cannot prove the Japanese to be Mongolians, and the authority for the' segregation of the Japanese pupils must rest on the discretion of our Board of -Education." Proposed New State Law. As a further proof that there was no authority for the action of the Board of Education, not to speak of their action being mandatory, on January 21, 1907, the State Senate introduced the following amend- 22 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. merit, which later was reported from the committee with recommen- dation to pass: "Section i. Section 1662 of the Political Code of the State of Cali- fornia is hereby amended to read as follows: "Section 1662. Every school, unless otherwise provided by law, must be open for the admission of all children between 6 and 21 years of age, residing in the district, and the Boa^d of School Trustees, or City Board of Education, have power to admit adults and children not residing in the district, whenever good reasons exist therefor. Trus- tees shall have the power to exclude children of filthy or vicious habits or children suffering from contagious or infectious diseases, and also to establish separate schools for Indian children, Chinese •children, Malay children, Corean children, Japanese children, and all •children of the Mongolian race. "When such separate schools are established, Indian children, ■Chinese children, Malay children, Corean children, Japanese children, -and all Mongolian children must not be admitted into any other school; provided, that in cities and towns in which the kindergarten has been adopted or may hereafter be adopted as a- part of the public primary school, children may be admitted to such kindergarten classes at the age of four years; and provided further, that in cities or school districts in which separate classes have not been or may hereafter be established, for the instruction of the deaf, children may be admitted to such classes at the age of three years. "This act shall take effect immediately upon its passage." ' After the Japanese were segregated, under the law which provides that Mongolians may be excluded, and after both The Chronicle and the State Senate have admitted that it cannot be proven that the Japa- nese are Mongolians, The Chronicle says editorially, January 29, 1907: "It shows a bad animus that the Federal Government should have •raised the technical question of whether the Japanese are, or are not, Mongolians. The Chronicle has already expressed the belief that it ■would not be possible for the State to affirmatively prove that as an ■ethnological proposition.'' Under these circumstances it certainly seems absurd for the Board of Education to continue its assumption that it was compelled, under the State law, to segregate the Japanese. SEGREGATED BECAUSE ADULTS AND BECAUSE INFLUENCE BAD. One would suppose, from constantly recurring statements in the papers, that all of the Japanese students in the public schools were adults. In an editorial. The Call of December 6, 1906, says: "All this outburst of august and Jovian wrath takes its rise in the fact that San Francisco, proceeding under the State law, has segre- gated Asiatic students in special schools because it is deemed inexpe- dient that adults should associate with little children in the intimate relations of school life." The illustrations in the papers, from day to day, have laid empha- sis upon the fact that there was a great disparity in ages, oiie showing little white girls walking to school with Japanese young men, another picturing Japanese young men sitting in the same seats with small Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 23 American girls, etc. All of this has been for effect. In a letter from the Pacific Coast appearing in a Boston paper, in December, we read: "The children are frequently young men from eighteen to twenty- five years of age, who are brought into close association with little girls in the grammar grades. I have learned by personal conference with teachers themselves of the unseemly conduct of these young, men of Japan toward the little girls, and even toward the young; ladies who are teaching in the grammar grades. In one school it was found that of the ninety-three Japanese in attendance, two were.- over twenty years of age, four were nineteen, six were eighteen^, twelve were seventeen, nine were sixteen, and ten Were fifteen." In Chapter III., under "Defense by Influential Classes in Cali- fornia," the testimony of educators. Christian bodies, etc., is presented? in full. A strong challenge, printed in a leading daily paper, and' testimonials from school men in San Francisco, Oakland, and Los Angeles are given to which the reader is respectfully directed. The questions of number and adults will here be considered. 5 Important Facts and Figures. ] Secretary Metcalf secured a list of pupils attending the schools, giving the name of each pupil, name of school, age of pupil, grade, place of birth, and sex, which will be found in his report to the Presi- dent in the Appendix. In brief, the figures are as follows, — There were ninety-three Japanese children attending twenty-three different schools, not one school, as per above quotation. There was a total of sixty-eight, twenty-five of whom were born in this country. There were sixty-five boys and twenty-eight girls. Seven were seven years of age or under, nine eight, thi'ee nine, seven ten, five eleven, eight twelve, seven thirteen, four fourteen, ten fifteen, nine sixteen, twelve seventeen, six eighteen, four nineteen, and two twenty. Nearly all of the so-called adults were in the upper grades. Of the five in the first grade, all were eight and under, except one who was eleven; of the ten in the second grade, none was above twelve; of the eleven in the third grade only two were above twelve, one being fifteen and one sixteen; of the seventeen in the fourth grade only five were thir- teen; and of the ten in the fifth grade only three were above fourteen. Most of the adults were in the sixth, seventh and eighth grades, though here also there were several Japanese children who averaged in ages with American children. A Strong Challenge. Colonel John P. Irish, a former San Francisco editor, a politician of great influence, and at present Naval Officer at San Francisco, presented a strong challenge in The Oakland Tribune of January 20, 1907, which was not answered, and a part of which I quote: "I state as a fact that no teacher nor school principal ever pro- tested against the Japanese pupils in the San Francisco schools.^ I state as a fact that no oral or written protest was ever made agamst 24 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. the Japanese pupils by the parents of white pupils in those schools. I state as a fact that no Japanese pupil in those schools was ever under the slightest suspicion of immoral or disorderly conduct. I state as a fact that the Japanese pupils were obedient to discipline, studious, honest and unobtrusive. I state as a fact that they were exceptionally cleanly in their habits and neat in their dress. I state as a fact that they were frequently an aid to their teachers in creating by their good example a proper moral atmosphere in the school- rooms. I state as a fact that they did not crowd white children out of the schools. The policy of isolating thetn is the policy of the present municipal government of San Francisco, endorsed by the head of that government in a public speech. It was entered upon without popular demand or suggestion. It afifects the international policy of the United States, and is an attempt to formulate that policy, not by the government of the United States, but by the government -of San Francisco." A Remedy Previously -Suggested. The above is not only the opinion of a man who has been very prominent on the Coast for many years, but is endorsed by many influential men whose testimonies are found in a subsequent chapter. That the Board of Education was prompted, not by a congestion in the schools but by other motives, is seen in the following resolution of the Board of Education passed May 6, 1905, immediately after the Methodist Preachers' Meeting had sent a protest against discrimina- tion. The action of the Preachers' Meeting called attention to the fact that there was no immediate need of the action proposed, as the Japanese had already taken steps to remove their young men from the grades. They suggested as a remedy the establishment of a sepa- rate school for backward children of whatever nationality, and heartily protested against discrimination. The resolution in reply is as follows: "Resolved, That the Board of Education is determined in its efforts to effect the establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese pupils, not only for the purpose of relieving the conges- tion at present prevailing in our schools, but also for the higher end that our children should not be placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be affected by association with pupils of the Mongolian race." THE CLAIM OF EQUAL PRIVILEGES The article from the Pacific Coast in a Boston paper, quoted above, reiterates what has frequently been claimed — that the priviliges afforded in the Oriental school are equal. The writer says: "The educational facilities provided for Japanese and Chinese in San Francisco have been in every respect equal to those offered white children, and the charge of exclusion is therefore false and mis- leading." A Remarkable Letter. To bolster up this theory, a letter of a fourteen year old Japanese boy was published in The Chronicle of December 15, 1906. It is a Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 25 very remarkable letter, and indicates that Japanese boys are specially bright, or that he was coached by someone interested in maintaining the theory indicated. The letter is addressed to Theodore Roosevelt, President, and is signed by Frank Kobayashi, the only Japanese stu- dent in attendance at the new Oriental school. It is of so much interest that it is here reproduced in full: "Oriental Public School, San Francisco, Dec. 10, 1906. — Sir: As I think it quite interesting, I would like to tell you my opinion about the Oriental Public School which was built for the Oriental children here. I was a member of the Hamilton Grammar School until Octo- ber IS, but, complying with the order of the Board of Education, I was transferred to this school, where I am now attending the eighth grade, skipping one whole year, and am going to the high school at the beginning of the next term. I am the only Japanese pupil who ■came to this school, and am enjoying my lessons very much. I have been educated among American children and am unable to understand why other Japanese do not come here. It is as good as any other public school in San Francisco. The teachers give the same instruc- tion under the rules of the Board of Education. "The Japanese seem dissatisfied with this school without knowing its worth. Of course, I myself did not know what kind of a school it was, but after attending a few days I knew that this was the best school for Oriental children, especially for Japanese who do not understand very much English or are over the limit of the school age. T'here are several reasons why I say this is the best school for them when I think I am the only Japanese in San Francisco who comes to the Oriental school. In the few months since I came here I have received fifty per cent more knowledge than I had when I entered. I can declare this to the public. I am' a pupil of the graduating class and have knowledge enough to say this. I am very thankful to Mrs. Newhall and Mrs. Greer, the principal and teacher of the Oriental school, who have taught me so kindly and patiently. "Yours very truly, Frank Kobayashi. "Theodore Roosevelt, President." Discrimination and Practical Exclusion. It is not simply a question of instruction, which may be as good or even better in the new Oriental school as in the ordinary public schools. It is a question of discrimination. The Oriental school is located in the old Chinatown district, in the heart of the burned district, far removed from the principal center of Japanese populat'on and miles from the remote sections where many Japanese live. Unlike the Chinese, who herd together in one quarter, the Japanese for the most part, in all of our cities and towns in the West, are quite widely scattered. Concerning this question of inaccessibility. Secretary Met- ■calf, in his report, says: "An examination of the map attached hereto will at once clearly show that it will be absolutely impossible for children residing in the remote sections of the city to attend the Oriental school. The condi- tions in San Francisco are such, owing to the great conflagration, that it would not be possible even for grown children living at remote distances to attend this school. If the action of the Board stands, 26 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. and if no schools are provided in addition to the one mentioned, it seems that a number of Japanese children will be prevented from, attending the public schools, and will have to resort to private instruction." It will thus been seen that the action of the Board of Education in compelling the Japanese children who have been attending twenty- three different schools, in widely scattered sections of the city, to assemble in one school is practically prohibitive, as many of them are of tender years. The School Board recognized the injustice of its action in a letter to Hon. K. Uyeno, Consul for Japan, in reply to his protest against the order for discrimination. The letter, in part, is as follows: "As almost the entire Japanese quarter is in a locality easy of access to this Oriental school, and is situated practically the same as- the other schools in the city where children are required to walk, several blocks, ofttimes in the burned district, it was thought that no- hardships whatever would be placed on any Japanese student. Since making the order alluded to, the Board of Education has ascertained that there are some fifty very small children that would be affected thereby, and the Board has under advisement a plan to accommodate these tots at a school much nearer their place of abode than the Oriental school." — The Call, October 23, 1906. THE BUGABOO OF NON-ASSIMILATION. No stateme;nt is more frequently made by those who are striving for a restriction of Asiatic immigration than that it is impossible to- assimilate the Asiatics, and no distinction is made between the Chinese and the Japanese. The Call of December 6, 1906, says editorially: "The National body politic can assimilate the European of whatever grade, but never the Asiatic. They are aliens always, no matter what their civil status. The proposition to naturalize them is prepos- terous." This extract is fairly representative of the Coast press. Intermarriage and Assimilation. In reply, several things are to be noted. First, it is assumed that intermarriage is essential to assimilation. But is it not strange that these enthusiastic defenders of our Anglo-Saxon civilization, who are so loud in their assertions that we can assimilate the European, have- never thought that we do not assimilate the Hebrew by intermar- riage? In a later chapter, when Immigration is under consideration,, reference will be made to the enormous increase of Jews in this country, especially from Russia, during the last few years. The- papers on the Pacific Coast, as is seen from the following quotation,, are not troubling themselves about immigration from Europe. The Chronicle says, in an editorial entitled "Japanese and Others," April IS, 1905: "Another reason why we confine ourselves to the Japanese ques- tion is that The Chronicle is published in San Francisco and not in New York. We are doubtless getting some very undesirable people from Southern Europe, but comparatively few of that class reach Discriminafion Against Japanese in California. 27 California. The class that fills the Eastern sweatshops land in New York, and nine-tenths of them remain in Eastern cities. That is particularly a problem for the East to take up, while Japanese immi- gration for the present is a question for the Pacific Coast. We doubt whether they will consent to the exclusion of Europeans, and so in the exercise of our sound common sense we are asking for what we think we can get." Japanese Versus Chinese. Again, the Japanese differ greatly from the Chinese. In Chapter v., in the discussion of the Broader Question of Immigration, refer- ■ence will be made to the agitation against that people, which finally resulted in the passage of an exclusion act. While there was much ground for the various criticisms, it is clear that there was much unjust treatment. From the beginning of that agitation until the present time, it has been urged that the Asiatic immigrant preserves his old standard of I'ving and herds with his mates. Visitors to the various Chinatowns on this Coast have seen much to confirm them in this opinion. While in all Chinese settlements there will be fotind some Japanese, it is not true that the Japanese herd together. See the discussion referred to. The Japanese Scattered: Our Customs Adopted. The fact brought out in Secretary Metcalf's report that Japanese -were scattered all over the City of San Francisco, their children attending twenty-three different schools, should be sufficient proof of this fact. Unlike the Chinaman, the Japanese adopts our clothing and, so far as possible, our methods of living. They do not herd together nearly so much as do the great mass of immigrants that •come to us from Europe. As is well known in the great cities of the East, and of the West as well, there are quarters set .apart for the -various nationalities. The Japanese live in various parts of our cities and towns, unless restricted by city or town ordinance, as in one or two cases, dress in American style, live in American homes, use American furniture, and very largely adopt our food and methods of serving it. Soon after the beginning of the agitation against' the Japanese, nearly two years ago, the Methodist Preachers' Meeting of San Francisco, through a strong committee, made a careful investi- gation and published an exhaustice report. In this it is said con- cerning the Japanese who live on the Pacific Coast: "In their neatness and cleanliness, in their adaptability and desire to learn the best that we have to teach, in their freedom from crime and their desire to faithfully obey both in letter and spirit our laws, they are models whom we may well hold up for the imitation of many of the European immigrants who are flocking to this Coast. Conversion From Thorough Inspection. After the great earthquake and fire in San Francisco, when the J-apanese, in common with others, were seeking new locations, some of them rented vacated homes in the Western Addition, not being so 28 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. terrified with earthquakes as the people who had moved out. Sooni after, an agitation was started against them, and an effort made on. the part of the leaders of this general campaign to prevent them securing leases of houses. Public meeting were held and fiery speeches made. Among others, a Protestant preacher was reported in the newspapers as saying that the landlords who would rent to the Japanese ought to be treated with a coat of tar and feathers. The writer called upon him and asked him his objections. After a con- versation of an hour it was agreed that they should visit the various parts of said Japanese district at once, without notifying anybody of their intentions, in order that things might be found in normal condi- tion. The preacher was asked to select the places to be visited. We went to a hotel in which it had been reported that upwards of seventy were nightly accommodated, and found the rooms nicely furnished,, the beds all in order, and everything neat and clean. There were no more beds in the house than would ordinarily be found in an American house of similar size. At his request we visited the Bud- dhist Mission, private residences and various places of business,, including several fruit stores. These latter were found especially neat. At his request we visited the narrowest streets and lanes in the quarter, and he was greatly surprised not to find the odors that had been described. I reminded him that we were neither in China- town nor in the quarters of certain immigrants from Europe, but in the Japanese section. He expressed his great surprise, and gladly opened his church afterward, several times, for large Japanese gath- erings. When he was in San Francisco, Secretary Metcalf visited this- same section, and took occasion to speak in the highest terms- of what he saw. The so-called Japanese quarter of San Francisco- will compare very favorably with most parts of the city, and is decidedly superior to many parts occupied by immigrants from' Europe. Japanese Assimilate Our Civilization: The President's Message. The fact that Japan has made such marvelous progress in the last few years, and taken on our civilization to such an extent, should be a strong proof of the adaptability of the Japanese to take on the best that we have to give them. If in 'their own land, under circum- stances not altogether favorable, they can assimilate our civilization,, we certainly in our own country can assimilate the few thousands that come here. In his Message to Congress President Roosevelt took occasion in one paragraph to outline the marvelous changes that have taken- place there, and his terse statement is universally endorsed by all who- know the facts. I quote thd paragraph: ■.t-j1'?"*a ^^*^ ^^^""^ ^^° Japan's developme^r was still that of the Middle Ages. During that fifty years the progress of the country in every walk of life has been a marvel to mankind, and she now stands- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 29 Indlu' ?h.*^.r.Pf ^'* °^ "''"'^^■'^ "^tj°"^; g^^at '" the arts of war and in the arts of peace; great in military, in industrial, in artiltic tZJn^T''^ T"^ achievement. Japanese soldiers and sailors have shown themselves equal in combat to any of whom historv makis men- .fr.\^^'r°'^^'''^ Generals and mighty Admirals; her^^fi^htrng rnen, afloat and ashore show all the heroic courage, the unques- d°^lh^'Zth^'^^^T^ll' *V 'P',^"4'^ indifference fo'hardsMp^ and fh^l\u marked the Loyal Ronins; and they show also tfL 7 ^°'f"!. the highest ideal of patriotism. Japanese rlTL^ 7^7 '!l'^ '^^ *^"''- P'-Sducts eagerly sought for in all lands, ihe industrial and commercial development of Japan has been ohe- nomenal; greater than that of any other country during the same period. At the same time the advance in science and philosophy is no less marked. The admirable management of the Japanese Red - Cross during the late war, the efficiency and humanity of the Japa- nese officials nurses and doctors, won the respectful admiration of all acquainted with the facts. Through the Red Cross the Japanese people sent over $100,000 to the sufferers of San Francisco, and the gift was accepted with gratitude by our people. The courtesy of the Japanese, nationally and individually, has become proverbial. To no other country has there been such an increasing number of visitors from this land as to Japan. In return, Japanese have come here in great numbers. They are welcome, socially and intellectually, in all our colleges and institutions of higher learning, in all our'professional and social bodies. The Japanese have won in a single generation the right to stand abreast of the foremost and most enlightened people of Europe and America; they have won on their own merits and by their own exertions the right to treatment on a basis of full and frank equality." Christian Civilization and the Japanese. It is generally admitted that the Christian religion, through the faithful efforts of Protestant missionaries, has been a prime factor in bringing about the notable changes outlined above. Many there are who boldly assert that Japan is already Christian in Spirit. It is also true that those who come to us from Japan come with sympathy toward and interest in the generally recognized basis of our Chris- tian civilization. To be sure, there are peasant classes in Japan, and there are those in middle life today who have not been greatly influenced by the modern school system in Japan. Some of these have been finding their way to our shores through Hawaii, and are to be found on the railways, in the orchards-, on the ranches, and in the sugar beet fields. Various Classes Among Us. A large portion of those who serve as servants in our homes represent the student class, and are here primarily to secure an education. They serve us for the double objept of learning our ways and of securing money to complete their studies in our schools. That there are in our larger cities undesirable Japanese, both men and women, no one would attempt to deny. But that they are here in greater numbers, or that their influence is worse, than many peoples who come from Europe, no sane person would attempt to assert. There are many instances of Japanese of the so-called lower classes 30 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. among us having become progressive and prosperous, and many of them are active and influential Christian workers. Those who claim that we cannot assimilate the Japanese who come to us are either prejudiced against them or have not carefully investigated all the conditions. Japanese Women. Under this question of assimilation, two other phases need to be noticed, — Japanese women and Japanese patriotism. Some are so unfortunate as to form their opinions of Japanese women from the tales of travelers concerning the social evils in Japan, or from what they have seen or heard of the Japanese whom unscrupulous Amer- icans and Chinese of the baser sort have induced to come here for gain. When the complete history of this dreadful iniquity is written, it will be found that scores of innocent women and girls have been victimized. The female population among the Japanese residents in the cities of the Coast and in other places is increasing, and Japanese women by the hundreds may now be met who in every way are worthy to associate with our most intelligent and cultivated American women. The Japanese and Patriotism. Because our laws do not permit the naturalization of the Japa- nese people resident in the United States, it is assumed by some that they are not interested in things American, and that their patriotism is confined to Japan. Nothing could be further from the truth. Patriotism is more than noise and show on a great national holiday. It is more than going to the front in time of war. Patriotism is an intelligent interest in the institutions of the country, and willing and glad obedience to its laws. Patriotism is unselfish devotion to the welfare of one's country. That the Japanese are patriotic in the highest sense is gladly, admitted by all who know them. Those who know them best freely testify that their patriotism is not confined to their own country, but extends to the one in which they reside, even though denied the privilege of citizenship. In the Autumn of 1905, the present writer delivered an address at the National Imrpigration Congress, in. New York City, in which he said that the Japanese, if allowed to becoirie citizens of this land, would fight as loyally for the flag as they had been fighting in the East under the Japanese flag, and the statement was reecived with tremendous applause. This address will be reproduced in the latter part of this pamphlet as a part of the discussion of the Immigration question. JAPANESE TREATMENT OF FOREIGNERS. A very significant statement appeared in The New York Herald on the 30th of December, 1906, which has been very widely quoted in California. Concerning this The Chronicle says editorially, in its issue of January 7, 1907: Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 31 an Al^^tir^nZJ°'^ I^^'^'^i °^ December 30th printed a letter from some of th. H^ ?" t°'"^ business m Japan, in which he mentioned fnTh^t *he drawbacks experienced by himself and other foreigners Lnow.d fnT^- ^!"°"^ °*''". '*^^S^' ^'^ ^t^t^d Americans arf not h v^ .Prf,- ? --eal property m Japan; they are only privileged to buy a certam class of securities; they cannot hold Japanese on certain sorts of mortgages; they are not allowed to attend Japanese schools, old or young,^ they are only permitted to reside in certain sections set aside tor them; they are not permitted to sail in a private pleasure Doat; they cannot leave a treaty port without a permit, and it is next to impossible to obtain one; they cannot enter any port of Japan (.except the regular open ports) from the water front; at the theaters they are charged more than double what the Japanese pay for the same accommodations, and hotel charges are on a similar basis; they cannot obtain justice in the lower courts, every case in which a foreigner is involved must be carried up before justice is given; they pay double the rate of taxes paid by Japanese. The Chronicle knows that most of these assertions are true; they probably are all true." It is impossible to understand how a great paper like The New York Herald, which is generally careful, should allow itself to be imposed upon in this way. A greater number of outright falsehoods is seldom seen anywhere in equal space. We are not dependent upon the above summary, but have the full text before us. It is significant that this so-called business man is nameless. He asserts there would be more letters of a similar nature sent from Japan to the United States if it were not for the constant espionage which foreigners resident in Japan have to endure. Revenge of War Correspondents. This identifies this writer with the campaign of certain war corre- spondents who for very wise- reasons were held up in Japan and not permitted all the privileges at the front which they desired when they left this country. A book has recently appeared by one of these correspondents, in which an effort is made to correct what he claims to be false impressions concerning Japan and the Japanese. It is clear, in the language of the streets, that he "has it in" for Japan. And he is not the only one. It is well known that at the present time a systematic effort is being made to alienate the sympathy of the American people, which has hitherto been with the Japanese. Absurdity of Charges. These charges of this so-called resident in Japan are absurd on their face.- Some of them contain partial truth, and some of them were true years before the treaties were revised. Almost without exception in their present form, and at the present time, they are absolutely false. Americans can and do own real property in Japan, but not as individuals. The thing required is that ownership shall come under the law of corporations, and that they shall not have foreign connections. For example, the Japanese have been wise enough to prevent the necessity of sueing for insurance in the courts of Germany, as has recently been necessary by losers in the recent San Francisco fire. Property which was formerly held in trust by 32 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Japanese, for various Foreign Missionary Societies, is now held by foreign missionaries residing in Japan who have incorporated them- selves according to Japanese law. The ownership is real. So far as the individual is concerned, an unlimited lease is possible and actual, which for all practical purposes is real ownership. Japanese Schools and Foreigners . The Japanese schools are open to foreign children. My own children were offered the privileges of Japanese schools, and some Americans of my acquaintance have availed themselves of this privi- lege. The reason why Americans and English people do not send their children to the Japanese schools is that the basis of the work is in the Chinese character and the Japanese colloquial. Two Stan- ford graduates, Messrs. D. B. Spooner and J. F. Abbott, are now studying in the Imperial University, Tokyo. Thousands of Chinese students are attending school in Japan today, and those who are qualified to enter the courses in the Japanese schools are permitted to do so, separate schools being provided for those iinding it neces- sary to study elsewhere. That foreigners living in Japan are not prejudiced against the Japanese schools because of the associations is clear from the fact that the children of Americans and other resi- dents in Japan frequently and quite habitually play with Japanese children. Freedom of Residence and Travel. The assertion that Americans are permitted to reside only in certain sections set aside for them, is decidedly out of date. Even before the treaties were revised, which years ago opened the entire country to residence, Americans and other foreign residents were permitted not only to occupy homes outside of the foreign conces- sions, but in various parts of the interior. It was my privilege to live for several years in an interior city and in a Japanese house. One needs only to go to Japan to see hundreds of private sailing boats flying American flags and occupied by American people. The statements concerning leaving treaty ports without a permit, and not entering any exfcept the regular ports from the water front is absurd. Thousands of travelers who have visited Japan in recent years can testify tliat they are free to go where they wish. Overcharging in Japan. As to double charges in theaters and hotels and in t^ax rates, reputable residents in Japan by the score and hundred will gladly testify that it is pure nonsense. Strangers in Japan, as in America and in other countries, are not infrequently overcharged because of their ignorance. My business required extensive travel in various parts of Japan, and where I was willing to put up with accommoda- tions furnished to Japanese I paid the same prices. Because forr eigners generally require more service and do not give the customary tips for tea money in the hotels, the custom has grown up of making a distinction in certain parts of Japan. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 33 If space permitted, it would be possible to take up each one of these statements in detail and show its falsity. As indicated above, some of them contain partial truth, and some of them were true years ago, before the treaties were revised. But almost without exception at the present time and in their present form they are absolutely false. CHAPTER III. Defense by influential Classes In California An effort has been made to make it appear that the entire Pacific Coast is at one on this Japanese question, including the segregation of pupils from the public schools and the restriction of immigration of the laboring, classes. In the present chapter it will be shown that large and influential classes are entirely out of sympathy with this continued agitation. The testimony of prominent educators, includ- ing principals and superintendents of schools, or both, of San Fran- cisco, Oakland and Los Angeles, is given, commending Japanese pupils most highly; also the opinion of President Jordan of Stanford University and of Governor Carter of Hawaii. Prominent Christian bodies, including the Oakland Interdenominational Missionary Con- ference, The Congregational Preachers' Meeting, The Methodist Preachers' Meeting and the General Missionary Committe of the; Methodist Episcopal Church, are quoted as sustaining the same view; also the two strongest Christian papers published on the Pacific Coast. The opinion of Farmers and Fruit Growers is also given touching the need of the very immigration that it is proposed to restrict. The present chapter will be devoted almost entirely to the educational question, the question of immigration being reserved for later con- sideration. EDUCATORS: Opinion of an Experienced San Francisco PrincipaU Through the courtesy of Colonel Irish, Naval Officer at San Francisco, I am permitted to use a letter to him from an experienced principal in San Francisco, which he read at a recent banquet of the Unitarian Club in San Francisco. It speaks for itself: "First. I have had ample opportunities, in over twenty years' experience with Japanese students, to know whereof I speak, in all its bearings. j , tt > "Second. No considerable part of these students are adults. Had the adult pupils ever reached as large a proportion as twenty per cent there would, years ago, have been protests from teachers and principals and Japanese adults could. and would have been excluded, from eleinentary day schools, just as other adults, without friction °^ °"Third Japanese students do not crowd 'white' children out of • the schools The San Francisco schools are not overcrowded. They never have been overcrowded, during the past twenty years, except in a few spots, and that for causes entirely outside this matter. "Fourth The statement that the influence of the Japanese, in our schools, 'has had a tendency towards immorality,' is false and abso- 34 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. lutely without foundation. From all I have ever heard in conference with other school men, as well as from my own continuous and careful observation, there has never been the slightest cause for a shadow of suspicion affecting the conduct of one of these Japanese pupils. On the contrary, I have found that they have furnished examples of industry, patience, unobtrusiveness, obedience and hon- esty in their work, which have greatly helped many efficient teachers to create the proper moral atmosphere for their class rooms. "Fifth. Japanese and American children have always been on good terms in my class rooms, and in others concerning which I am informed. They work side by side, without interference or friction, and often some Japanese student would be a great favorite among his American classmates. "Sixth. In all my, years of experience, there has never come to me, orally or in vvriting, from the parents whose children have attended my school, one hint or complaint or dissatisfaction, con- cerning the instruction of their children in the same school, or the same rooms, with Japanese. Nor has there ever been complaint or protest from teachers in regard to this coeducation." Testimony of Leading Educators of Oakland. Upon the authority of the Rev. Miles Fisher of Oakland, a promi- nent pastor, I am permitted to give an extract from a paper which he read before the Congregational Ministers of his City, in which he said: "Curious to know the experience of educators, I inquired of Mr. Keyes, the Principal of one of our Oakland schools of eleven hundred pupils, and he said he had never had the least knowledge of any morally reprehensible conduct on the part of Japanese students. I talked with Mr. J. H. Pond, the Principal of the High School, and out of experience both in Oakland and Sacramento, where he has had many scores of Japanese students, he has no knowledge of any immoral conduct on their part, but much which leads him to esteem them as pupils. I talked with Mr. M. C. Clymonds, Superintendent of the Oakland schools; he has never had any improper conduct reported of any Japanese. Similar testimony was given by Mr. Craw- ford, County Superintendent of Schools." The Superintendent of Los Angeles Schools. Professor E. C. Moore, Superintendent of the Los Angeles City Schools, one of the best-known educators in California, says, in a reply to a letter from Mr. Frank L. Browne, traveling in Japan, and printed in the Japan Mail of December 22, 1906: "Replying to your inquiry as to the status of Japanese pupils in the schools of Los Angeles, I beg to say that during all the time that I have been in the office of Superintendent of Schools here I have not heard a single word of protest against them. They are given every opportunity to attend school that American boys and girls have. We find them quiet and industrious in their school work, and such good students that our principals and teachers believe them to have a most helpful influence upon the other pupils with whom they associate. As a California school man I bitterly regret the action of the San Francisco school authorities. It was wholly unnecessary, in my view, and is, I am glad to say, not representative of public opinion in California." Discrimination Against Japanese in California, 35 Convention of School Superintendents. The California Christian Advocate is responsible for the fol- lowing statement (November 29, 1906): "The State Convention of School Superintendmts, which has just closed at San Diego, turned down Mr. Roncoyjeri's resolution favoring separate schools for Chinese, Japanese, a!)ud Coreans. The San Francisco Board of Education is finding itself very lonesome in its position on that question. That such a meaa and narrow policy could be accepted by educated Christian gentlemen is not possible. There are a good many demagogues t-o-the square yard in California, but, to the credit of the State School Superintendents, they did not lend themselves to this narrow, this small an4 contemptible foreign policy." In the light of the abov^, it is not strange that there has been no reply to the challenge pf Colonel Irjsh, already quoted. My duties take me up and down the Pacific Coast- several times each year, from Seattle and Spokane to Log Angeles and Riverside. I have taken occasion to interview a large number of educators in these three great states of the WesJ, and the testimony, without exception, has been in line with that -■furnished above. Views of President Jordan of Stanford University. In a letter to The Boston Evening Transcript, December 29, 1906, entitled "Japan in California," Dr. David Starr Jordan treats the questions at issue very broadly, showing that grown boys are not the source of trouble, giving the pro and con of immigration, indi- cating the high rank of thiC Japanese, setting forth why the Japanese are criticised, outlining the best method of restriction, revealing the situation in Hawaii, showing the ambition of the Japanese, and reviewing Japan's admiration for Americans. Concerning grown boys not being the source of trouble, Dr. Jordan says: "Various ex post facto reasons for the Board's action have been suggested. Among the Japanese are a few grown boys who try to learn English in the grammar grades. It might be well to shut out these, but, as a matter oi fact, their occasional presence has made no trouble of any consequence. Neither have the Japanese children been the source of any friction. They are intelligent, docile and clean — more so than the average children of most European immi- grants — and no patrons of the schools have complained of their presence. The School Board may have very good reasons for their action, but these reasons have not appeared. That their action was legal is not likely; the weak point is in their acting an racial grounds alone. . . . The school question is a side issue of the greater one of immigration." Governor Carter of Hawaii Endorses Federal Position. In a telegram from Honolulu, published in The San Francisco Call, November 21, 1906, we read: "That an entirely diflferent view is taken in Hawaii on the subject of the education of the Japanese children from the view that has been adopted in San Francisco is evident from the remarks of Gov- ernor Carter, whb says: "There is nothmg to deplore m the mcrease of Japanese children. The Japanese are here probably m large proportion to remain. Their natural mcrease has been very great, _ 36 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. and as eight years have elapsed since annexation, a large number of the Japanese children now crowding into our schools have been born under the American flag. When these reach maturity they will have the right of claiming American citizenship. It is therefore most important that they should have full opportunity of becoming equipped with the knowledge and habits of thought requisite to good American citizenship. Apart from that consideration it must be con- ceded that it is the inalienable privilege of every child under protec- tion of the flag to enjoy the benefits of that public school system which is one of the chief glories of the American commonwealth and which, moreover, Hawaii took as an ideal long_ before admission and continues, as a part of the Union, with best erideavors to main- tain." In a later telegram the Governor puts himself strongly in favor of the naturalization of the Japanese. In view of the large number of Japanese children and the large experience of the Governor in the Islands, this opinion should have great weight. The figures, are as follows: Out of a total of 21,358 pupils in all the schools of the Territory there are 4,845 Hawaiian^, 3,522 part Hawaiians, 4,472 Portugese, 4,297 Japanese, 2,092 Chinese, and 6,527 of all other nationalities. ACTION OF CHRISTIAN BODIES: The San Francisco Methodist Preachers' Meeting. The Methodist Preachers' Meeting of San Francisco and other Bay cities, at a meeting held Jan. 28, 1907, unanimously adopted the following paper dealing with the broad ethical principles involved in the Japanese Irnmigration and School Question: "We stand as we have ever stood for the Fatherhood of God and the universal brotherhood of man, and we use that phrase not as a mellifluous catchword to be mouthed without meaning, preached but not practiced, but we use it as the expression of one of the most vital truths of Christianity. God hath made of one blood all the nations of men, hence to oppress or ostracise men on account of their race or color is high treason against God and humanity, and they who today judge manhood by the color of the skin, have got into the wrong century and the wrong country: We recognize that while God hath made of one blood all the nations of men. He hath also appointed the bounds of their habita- tion, and equal rights does not mean that all national boundaries are to be wiped out. We do not deem it wise or expedient to land on our shores a vast number of the lower classes of immigrants either from Asia or from Europe, convinced as we are that such unrestrict- ed immigration must inevitably lower the standards of American life and American manhood, and must degrade American labor. So far, however, as Japanese immigration is concerned, we have it on the' very highest authority that the Japanese government is opposed to the immigration of unskilled Japanese laborers to the United States directly or indirectly, and has, as a matter of fact, for the last six years prohibited their immigration here, and we express our firm conviction that it can be and should be left to the diplomacy of the two nations now on such amicable terms to adjust the whole matter in a manner satisfactory to both nations. With regard to the segregation of Japanese and other Oriental Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 37 pupils from the lower grades of the regular public schools, we waive all discussion of the legal questions involved and agree that there should be no objections to the exclusion of all adults or adolescent pupils of whatever nationality from the lower grades of our schools or to the establishment of a language test admitting no pupils who cannot speak English, nor to the establishment of a Cosmopolitan . school for all aliens. But we submit that as an ethical proposition nay as a matter of Anglo Saxon fair play to say nothing of treaty rights, it is un-American as well as un-Christian to discriminate against a single race on race grounds alone, while other nationalities are frely admitted. I^ is quite natural and wholly creditable to the Japanese people that they object to the establishment of separate schools for their children, thus placing upon them the ban and brand of race inferiority. Finally, we counsel patience and moderation at this crisis when efforts are being made to inflame public sentiment and enkindle race antagonisms. This question will be settled by civilized and lawful methods and not by demagogism, denunciation or violence." Oakland Interdenominational Missionary Conference. The following Statement was unanimously adopted by the Inter- denominational Missionary Conference, composed of nearly two thou- sand delegates and representing a large section of the State of Cali- fornia, in session at the First Presbyterian Church in Oakland, October 15-18, 1906. This was only four days after the order of segregation was made by the Board of Education. The paper con- cludes: "We desire that these resolutions be given the widest publi- cation possible, in order that the people of our own land and the people of Eastern Asia may know our sentiments on this question." The paper follows: "Whereas, the authorities of the City and County of San Fran- cisco, in harmony with recommendations made by the Japanese and -Corean Exclusion League, have recently decided to segregate all Oriental pupils of the primary and grammar grades, and have estab- lished a separate school for children of Mongolian" parentage, near the old Chinese settlement, in the heart of the burned district. "Resolved, That we deplore said action and place ourselves on record as disfavoring it, for the following reasons, — "IT IS UNAMERICAN; While we do not favor the minghng of young men of any nationality with little children in the lower grades of our public schools, we are strongly of the opinion that the success of our national institutions requires the intermingling, in our schools, of the children of the various nationalities represented. here. "IT IS UNJUST. Nothing could be more so than to compel the little children of any race, scattered throughout the various parts of a great city, to attend school in one place, particularly if very incon- venient for the majority and positively dangerous for all, as is the case at the present time. The transfer of near y one hundred Japa- nese who have been attending our public schools, and who desire to assirnilate our civilization, practically excludes most of them from school privileges altogether and makes necessary the establishment of Japanese schools in this country by pur Japanese residents, a course which is not calculated to Americanize the children. "TT IS UNTIMELY. Following so closely upon the great disaster, when the eyes of all are turned upon San Francisco, its city 38 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. officials cannot afford to take an action of this kind, particularly in view of the splendid conduct of the Japanese following the great calamity, and the generous gift of the Emperor of Japan of $100,000 to the San Francis-co Relief Committee, not one-tenth of which, we are informed, was needed or used for Japanese, the remainder being at the disposal of the General Relief Committee. "THE ACTION IS UNWISE, whether considered from the standpoint of commerce or. of missions. Such discrimination now will seriously jar the cordial relations that have existed for half a century between the United States and Japan, the leader in the' Orient. It will further be felt in China, Corea, and other Eastern Asian countries, whose spirit and power are becoming more and more manifest. "IT IS UNCHRISTIAN. Nothing could be more contrary to the teachings of Christ, which require us to do to others as we would wish them to do to us. While far too few of our people and officials are governed by Christian principles, the United States is rightfully regarded as a Christian nation. As a great Christian Assembly, representing all Protestant denominations and all sections of the State of California, we can ill afford, even by silence, to sanction an action so un-American, unjust, and un-Christian. "SUCH PLAN IS IRREVOCABLE when fully established. The laws of certain States, pertaining to education, discriminate against Negroes and Indians. The law of California goes further and makes possible the segregation of Mongolians, providing that when separate schools are established such children will thereafter be excluded from the public schools. The new action may now be regarded as in its experimental stage. The new school is located in an unpopulated district and in a temporary building. When the policy has been fully entered upon, and a permanent building is erected, the city authorities are required to adhere to the plan. "We therefore disfavor the plan and respectfully request and entreat the Board of Education and the Board of Supervisors of San Francisco to reconsider their action and to continue to allow children of Asiatic parentage to attend our public schools." ' Congregational Preachers' Meeting. An extract has already been printed from the Paper of Rev. Miles Fisher, of Oakland, giving the opinions of prominent educators. This Paper, as will be seen from the. following editorial in The Pacific of January 17, 1907, was practically adopted unimously by the Congre- gational ^inistevs' Meeting. The editorial says: "The Congregational Ministers of San Francisco and vicinity discussed the Japanese question last Monday. The subject w^as intro- duced by the Rev. Miles Fisher of Oakland in an able paper which left little to be added. Mr. Fisher's positions were in all essential particulars those taken by The Pacific, and he fortified them by an array of what seemed to nearly everyone in attendance at the meeting incontrovertible facts. Only one person of at least thirty-five in attendance made any objection to his statements or took exceptions to conclusions, and all gave expressioii to their sentiments. "Several persons expressed the wish that Mr. Fisher's paper be sent to 'The Congregationalist for publication, so as to correct the impression given by a recent article in that paper. A motion was made to this effect, but it was not carried, for the reason that it was stated by Mr. Fisher that an article by Professor Nash of Pacific Theological Seminary had already been sent, and for the further Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 39 reason that the paper of Monday was regarded as too lengthy for acceptance by The Congregationalist." The section concerning the morals and conduct of Japanese pupils is found above. Two Americans who had lived in Japan from .seventeen to twenty years, respectively, were quoted as having said .in substance, "While among the lower classes in Japan laxness is more common than with us, among the middle and upper classes such safeguards are thrown about both men and women as to present a degree of social purity quite the equal of ours." This has an impor- tant bearing, in view of the fact brought out by Mr. Fisher that .almost without exception the student body in our schools in Cali- fornia is recruited from the middle and upper 'classes, where fair standards prevail. Two additional paragraphs of the Paper will be of interest. Referring to the action of the State Convention of Superintendents of Education recently in session in San Diego, he said: "It appears that resolutions were drafted in San Francisco and ■given publicity in the press endorsing the action of the School Board, -and giving this moral reason among others for such action. These resolutions were announced as intended for the consideration of the Superintendents then in session, who would beyond all doubt endorse them. 6ut they did not. When the testimony of the Superintendents was in, so I am informed, there was no warrant for the position taken in the resolutions, and they were not issued." As to the matter of assimilation, the Paper says: "We have the charge that the Japanese are hard to assimilate, only less difficult than the Chinese. Well, what wonder when he has no franchise! I am not advocating the franchise. But I say, what wonder? If then we shall compel the Japanese by this affront to maintain his own Japanese school, we might write all over this hopeless problem of assimilation, what wonder? It is our national safeguard to imbue every alien who comes to our shores with American ideas, standards and feelings. Our public schools have been our great boast as we have watched the deluge of immigrants pour in upon us. By their leveling and reforming influences we have been sanguine of a happy outcome." Strong Position of General Missionary Committee. The General Missionary Committee of the Methodist Episcopal Church, composed- of all the Bishops and representative preachers and laymen' from all parts of the Church, at the annual meeting in Novem- ber, 1906, took the following action with reference to the discrimina- tion against Japanese children in the public schools of San Francisco: "With a sense of shame as Americans, and a feeling of sorrow as Christians, we have heard from time to time of the indignities, insults and even violence, inflicted upon the natives of Chma, Japan, and Corea, by certain classes of persons who resent the presence of these particular foreigners on American soil. "The sentiment of humanity, not to speak of international hospi- talitv or of the higher obligation of a great people to those whoin thev deem less favored, should ever protect such strangers as are found to be lawfully within our gates, even in the absence of the obligations imposed by the solemn compacts of international treaties. But where 4° Discrimination Against Japanese in California. right sentiment is wanting or fails of its wholesome ends, and the safety of the stranger, visiting or resident, depends solely or mainly upon the fidelity of government to its treaty pledges, we hol'd that the obligation of the nation determines the duty of the citizen and that any class of persons in any part of our country who openly and clamorously repudiate the pledges of our government, show them- selves unworthy of the respect and sympathy of all loyal citizens; and, as well, of the protection of the government they have thus discredited. "That such irresponsible classes of our population, many of whpm are themselves citizens by the grace of adoption only, should ever be able to dictate the policy of any great municipality, and even to send advocates and defenders of their prejudices to the National Congress, is one of those monstrous facts that are at once a disgrace to American politics, and a challenge to Christian civilization. "We particularly deplore at this time the reported municipal action of San Francisco, which discriminates against the subjects of a great and friendly power — action which, if rightly interpreted by our government, is in violation of our treaty obligations, and the more to our discredit because directed against a people who have -shown themselves humane even to their foes; a people in whose hearts there has been for decades a growing regard for the American nation, and under the strong protection of whose government Americans have found favor and safety. "We are confident that we represent the entire communion of our Church — three millions of Methodist Episcopalians — in our hearty approval of the prompt measures taken by President Roosevelt to make good the treaty pledges of the nation, and to relieve our people at large from any appearance of complicity in or sympathy with the conduct complained of, by which subjects of Japan, while under protection of our government, have been humiliated — and this in the land that first bade their country to rise and be strong in the presence of the nations of the earth. "For the sake of the many thousands of our loyal and courageous fellow-countrymen, who by reason of awful calamity need at this juncture, as never before, the sympathetic consideration of the whole country, and of all the world: and in the hope, cherished by every true American, that San Francisco may speedily rise from her ruins in new splendor and with increased power, we sincerely trust that every sign of hostility to any and all her inhabitants of foreign birth may be quickly suppressed and disappear forever." THE CHRISTIAN PRESS: The Pacific on Assimilation. The Pacific, the organ of the Congregational Church on the Pacific Coast, in reviewing ex-Governor Pardee's assertion that both Europeans and Americans have lived in Japan and China, yet there is no intermingling of races even there, no intermarriage, says: "The facts are that there have been several intermarriages. Cap- tain Brinkley, a retired British Army Officer, a resident of Japan for more than a third of a century, and editor of The Japan Mail, married a Japanese woman, and they have a family of several children. Pro- fessor John Milne of England, one of the world's most famous seismologists, long connected with the Imperial University of Tokyo, took a Japanese bride back to England with him a few years ago. Sir Edwin Arnold, who has been termed "a connoisseur in femininity," when in Japan several years ago took a Japanese woman as a wife. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 41 and, taking her with him to his old English home, raised Jier to the British peerage. Other such unions can be named. (We take the liberty of adding that Viscount Aoki, the Ambassador of Japan to Washington, has a German wife, and the late Mr. Hearne, the famous, writer on Japan, not only married a Japanese wife but became a Japanese subject. — Editor.) If Mr. Pardee had looked about a little he could have found here in California both Japanese and Chinese, beyond intelligent question, with just as good material in them today for American citizenship as one-half of those persons who are already citizens. No unprejudiced person can come in contact with these Asiatics and' not so conclude in a very short time. In saying this we are not arguing for the franchise for them; we are merely stating a fact. And there is every reason for the belief that if this nation had treated European immigrants as it has treated the Asiatics there would not have been any large assimilation of Europeans." The California Christian Advocate: State Rights and Ethics. The California Christian Advocate, after quoting the State law permitting Trustees to exclude children of filthy or vicious habits, or children suffering from contagious or infectious diseases, and also to establish separate schools for Indian children and for children of Mongolian or Chinese descent, says: "The unfortunate association of this paragraph with filthy and vicious and diseased and repellant conditions carries an impression which in no sense can lie against the Japanese. It is conceded by all that the Japanese are in every way neat, clean, obedient, and apt in their studies. This section, 1662 of the Political Code, was originally section 1669, and read as follows: 'The education of children of African descent and Indian children must be provided for in separate schools, provided that if the directors fail to provide such separate schools, then such children must be admitted in the schools for white children.' "The origin and flavor of the law carries with it a repellent, not to say a repulsive flavor. It arouses a strong feeling in the minds of the Japanese. No one can admit the intent and purpose of the law without the conviction that it is a discrimination. We cannot hide in the meshes of States' rights the plain intent of this law. If the courts rule that the State has the technical right to make such _a, law the ethics of applying such a law remains, and in the last analysis- determines the status of the law in its bearings on the mternationar question involved. The Japanese consider themselves in every sense- one of the great nations of the earth, and no on can blame them for resenting an application of a law to them which on its face is. intended for defective and abnormal conditions. We believe that the Japanese children are entirely competent to enter our public- schools, and that the application of this law, which is plainly intended to meet abnormal conditions, was a part of a deep laid politicaE scheme based upon race prejudice." FARMERS and FRUIT GROWERS. Though bearing but indirectly upon the question of education, the side of the employers of labor will here be given, though strictly the subject should be classed in the chapter on Immigration. Aa, already indicated, these two questions are really inseparable. 42 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Letter From a Fruit Grower. The following is a part of a letter from a Fresno fruit grower to The Chronicle, and appears, with editorial comments, in the issue of January 2, 1907. The editor says: "As our readers may suppose, The Chronicle gets many letters on the Japanese question, some commendatory of its course, some abusive. We have no space to jjrint either, unless they contain some now statement of fact, which Hhey seldom do — never in the case of the abusive letters." Most let- ^ters that are not commendatory must be abusive for, almost without •exception, only one side appears. As noted in a previous chapter, •this has been a one-sided campaign. The letter is as follows: ■"I write of conditions as they are here, and they do not differ greatly from those in other parts of the State. We assert that the farmers do not want to exclude Japanese labor until such time as they can secure substitutes for them. You ask why? Because we are wholly dependent upon their labor. If they are excluded, we shall have to give up our farms and go out of business. That is reason enough. It is not a question with us of white labor or brown labor, because we cannot get white labor and we can get brown labor. Again, the Japanese and Chinese do a class of labor that white men can not do, and will not do at any price. It is not a question of cheap labor, or efficient labor, but of laborers of any kind at any price.? Fruit Growers' State Convention. The Fresno Republican, commenting upon an editorial in The Seattle News: "The majority of the thoughtful people of California are not in sympathy with the agitation of the demagogues of the cities against the Japanese. . . . No part of the States of Washington or Oregon, which exceed, in area and population the State of Cali- fornia, have any sympathy with the foolish agitatipn of the San Francisco people." — Quoted in The Berkeley Reporter, December 25, 1906. "If by 'thoughtful people' is meant farmers, as the context would indicate, it is of course true that there is a strong sentiment among the farmers of California in favor of Japanese, or still better, Chinese laborers. The Fruit Growers' State Convention at Hanford the other day formally adopted resolutions to this effect, and the sentiment expressed is quite general." Orchardists Oppose Idea of Exclusion. In a special dispatch from San Jose to The Chronicle, October 9, 1906, it is stated that the orchardists at Saratoga and Cupertino strongly opposed the stand of Congressman E. A. Hayes on the question of Japanese exclusion. The dispatch says: "Congressman E. A. Hayes addressed a meeting of orchardists tonight at Saratoga. On Thursday night last week he met the orchardists at Cupertino, and at the conclusion of his address asked for questions as to his action in the matter of Japanese exclusion. The farmers at Saratoga tonight, as well as at Cupertino, took the stand that to exclude the Japanese would be equivalent to pauperizing them. Hayes' arguments were firmly combatted by the orchardists, some of whom claimed that if they employed white labor there would soon be a prune pickers' union." Discrimination Against Japanese in Califoftiia. 43 Thus it is seen in the two great valleys of California, San Joaquin and Santa Clara, the farmers and fruit growers take a strong position in favor of the unrestricted immigration of Japanese. In both of these sections, as well as in other parts of California, Japanese children and youths are in the public schools, and there is no opposition whatever against this course. CHAPTER IV. The Real Issues. The real issues have been hinted, at and referred to indirectly in the preceding discussion. The resolution of the Board of Education, segregating Japanese children, and the State law upon which said action is based are given in Chapter II. QUESTIONS FOR INTERPRETATION. In order to secure a more complete understanding of the situation, in the present chapter an extract of the Federal Constitution and that part of the Treaty with Japan which is involved will be quoted; the cablegram from Secretary Root to Japan will be given; the position of the Government, as outlined by United States District Attorney Devlin, will be furnished, together with a statement by Secretary of State Root. The Japanese position will be outlined, the opinions of several leading men being given; and the position of the Central Government against the City of San Francisco and the State of California quoted, which will involve the question of State rights. It has been well said that the test case of the Japanese pupil, Aoki, is destined to take its place among the famous actions of the century — through the Supreme Court of California and thence, for final decision, to the Supreme Court of the United States, unless the matter is satis- factorily adjusted by diplomacy. The Federal Constitution. The Federal Constitution, Article VII., says: "All treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of th6 Land; and the- Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Consti-- tution or Laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." The Treaty Between the United States and Japan. The following extracts from the Treaty of November 22, 1S94; between the United States and Japan, cover the questions at issue: "The citizens or subjects of the two high contracting parties shall have full liberty to enter, travel, or reside in any part of the territories of the other contracting party, and shall enjoy full and perfect protection for their persons and property. "In whatever relates to rights' of residence and travel;' to the possession of goods and effects of any kind; to the succession of 44 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. personal estate, by will or otherwise, and the disposal of property of any sort and in any manner whatsoever, which they may lawfully acquire, the citizens and subjects of each contracting party shall enjoy in the territories of the other the same privileges, liberties, and rights, and shall be subject to no higher imposts or charges than native ■citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. The high contracting parties agree that in all that concerns commerce and navigation, any privilege, favor or immunity which either high contracting power has actually granted to any other power .shall be granted to each as to the most favored nation." EXPLANATIONS AND PROTESTS: Prompt Action of the State Department. In view of a cablegram from Embassador Wright, at Tokyo, ■calling attention to the views of the Japanese newspapers co.ncerning the segregation, and to acquaint the Japanese Government with the views of the Federal Authorities, Secretary of State Root sent the following telegram to Embassador Wright, October 23, 1906, as published in The San Francisco Call of October 28, 1906: "October 23. — To Wright, Tokyo: Troubles your dispatch of 21st are so entirely local and confined to San Francisco that this Govern- ment was not aware of their existence until the publication in our newspapers of what had happened in Tokyo. The best information we have been able to obtain indicated that there is nothing even in San .Francisco but an ordinary local labor controversy, excited by the abnormal conditions resulting from the earthquake and fire. We cannot prevent. men desirous of a labor vote from making speeches in favor of excluding any kind of competition. This does not seem to have gone beyond irresponsible agitation, to which no attention can be paid by each Government, or should be by the people of Japan. The trouble about schools appears to have arisen from the fact that the schools which the Japanese attended were destroyed by the earth- quake and have not yet been replacd. "You may assure the Government of Japan in most positive terms that the United States will not for a moment entertain the idea of any treatment toward the Japanese people other than that accorded to the people of the most friendly European nations, and that there is no reason to suppose that the people of the United States desire our Government to take any different course. "The President has directed the Department of Justice to rnake immediate and full investigation, and take such steps as the facts call for to maintain all treaty rights of Japanese subjects in the spirit of the friendship and respect which our people have so long entertained. The purely local and occasional nature of the San Francisco school question should be appreciated when the Japanese remember that the Japanese students are welcome in the hundreds of schools and colleges all over the country. ROOT." .As a sidelight on the above, an interview with Mr. G. Ikeda, Secretary of the Japanese Association of America and one of the prime movers in the Japanese school controversy, as published in The Call of February i, 1907, will be of interest. Secretary Ikeda is reported as saying: "In the school controversy we are depending on the United States Government to do the right thing. I made a protest against excluding the Japanese children from the public schools. My protest Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 45 was not accepted, and I sent word to all the papers throughout Japan. The news of the controversy was published, came to the attention of the Japanese Government, and was in turn presented to the Govern- ment of the United States." Hon. K. Uyeno, the Consul for Japan in San Francisco, made a protest in the name of his Government, and the writer and other Americans protested to the school authorities. Statement by Secretary Root. A Washington telegram, published in The San Francisco Call, February I, 1907, quotes Secretary Root as saying to a California Congressman: "Japan has been wounded in her tenderest spot — her national pride. The Japanese regard themselves as the equals of any other people on earth. They believe themselves to be superior, intellec- tually, morally and in every other way, to the Chinese. Anything which tends to place them on a level with the Chinese before the world is degrading and humiliating to them, and they will resent it. It is most important that tact should be exercised immediately to remove the impression on the part of Japan that the United States is not willing to treat her as one of the most favored nations." BASIS OF ACTION IN THE COURTS. In a communication of the Board of Education to the Hon. K. Uyeno, Consul of Japan, is the following, indicating that the Board of Education welcomed an action in the Courts: "The Board of Education regrets that it cannot comply with the request you have communicated in your letter — i. e., that the order made on the nth inst. be rescinded. .In conversation with your Secretary (not the Secretary of the Consul, but of the Japanese Asso- ciation.^Editor), the teasibility of having the State law tested in the Federal Counts has been discussed, and such a disposition of the matter would be highly agreeable to this department. We can but refer you again to that section of the State law under which the order was made, and express regret that you have found cause for protest in the application of the same." The San Francisco papers expressed the same view, but it is quite clear that it was expected that the Japanese would be on the defense, rather than the Board of Education. Government's Position Outlined. The Federal Government brought two actions in the Courts, January 17, 1907, designed to compel the San Francisco Board of Education to accord the Japanese school children the same rights that are given to children of American or European parentage,— one in the Supreme Court of the State, and a bill of equity in the Federal Circuit Court In the latter,, an injunction was asked for restrammg the municipal authorities from excluding the Japanese pupils from the public schools of the city which they attended before the famous order of segregation was issued. The Chronicle gives the following summary: 46 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Summary of Suits. "It is alleged that the United States Government partly supports the schools of the State, having made a grant of public lands for this purpose, with the understanding that all the schools and institutions benefited thereby should be conducted in conformity with the Consti- tution of the United States, and all treaties made by the authority of the United States. It is denied that the Japanese are in any sense Mongolians, but are a separate and distinct race, and cannot be properly included among those affected by the provisions of the State code requiring the segregation of all pupils of Indian or Mongolian descent. It is alleged that the segregation of the Japanese children is a violation of the existing treaty rights of Japan, who, it is alleged, are entitled to the same treatment as the most favored nations. It is contended that the law of California does not justify any such action as the Board of Education has taken in respect to the Japanese school children, and that, if it does, then it is null and void." . To make this historic case still more clear to these who are not in a position to consult the legal records, extracts from a statement issued by United States Attorney Devlin setting forth the legal actions instituted by the Federal Government, are given. The first shows the relation of the Japanese child, Aoki, to the case. Mr. Devlin says: "The United States began two suits today (January 17, 1907) in San Francisco for the pur-pose of enforcing the provisions of the treaty with Japan giving to the Japanese equal school advantages. One of these actions is brought in the Supreme Court of the State of California in the name of a Japanese child, for the purpose of obtain- ,ing a writ of mandamus to compel his admission to one of the public schools, from which he is excluded by the action of the Board of Education. The proceeding in this action is against the Principal of the school in the name of a Japanese child, but to this petition is appended a request, signed by the Attorney-General of the United States, to the effect that the United States be bade a party to the record for the purpose of enforcing its treaty obligations with Japan, or, if such cannot be done in accordance with the practice of the Court, that it be permitted to appear by its proper law officers and be heard to urge the granting of the relief prayed for in the petition. "The second suit is a very comprehensive bill in equity, filed by the United States in the Federal Circuit Court, in which the members of the Board of Education, the Superintendent of Schools and all the Principals of the various primary and grammar schools of San Fran- cisco are made defendants. The allegations in both proceedings are substantially the same, but in the bill in equity filed by the Govern- ment the various facts upon which the Government relies are set out at greater length." The Treaty the Basis. The treaty between Japan and the United States is the basis of action in both cases. Continuing, Mr! Devlin says: "In both proceedings the Government alleges the execution of the treaty with Japan in 1895, which provides that 'in whatever relates to the rights of residence and travel,' the subjects of each party to the treaty shall enjoy in th'e territories of the other 'the same privi- leges, liberties and rights as citizens or subjects of the most favored nation.' The State of California having expressly provided that every school in a district liiust be open to all children of school age resident within the said district, the privilege of such attendance is alleged to be clearly one of the said 'rights of residence' for Japanese children Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 47 resident in that State, to be enjoyed on the footing of the most favored nation. History of School Law. After outlining the claim of the Government to partial support of the schools of California, in view of grants of public lands for that purpose, which grants could only have been made with the under- standing and intent that all schools or other institutions to be bene- fited thereby would be conducted in conformity with the Constitution of the United States and with all treaties made by the authority of the United States, which constitutes the Supreme Law of the land, Mr. Devlin outlines the history of the school law, which has an impor- tant bearing on the case. He says: "The school system of California, it is alleged, forms a continuous chain of ediacational establishments, from the primary school to the university, and California has at various times prescribed the qualifi- cations for admission to her public schools. In the bill in equity it is set out that formerly separate schools were provided in California for native born white and colored children; that afterward the word 'white' was stricken from the statute, and in a ca-se brought in Cali- fornia it was held that Chinese children born in California were entitled to admission to all the public schools. For the purpose of preventing this, the section was amended by declaring that the Board of Education might provide separate schools for children of 'Mongo- lian or Chinese' descent. At that time there were few Japanese children in California, and this amendment was made only to prevent the admission of Chinese children to the schools." Japanese Not Mongolians. "The bill alleges," Mr. Devlin continues, "that the Japanese are not in any sense 'Mongolians,' but form a separate and distinct race, and it is asserted that for more than twenty years, and until recently, the authorities in California have conceded that the Japanese are not included in the term 'Mongolian,' and have admitted them to all the public schools." Hardship and Discrimination. "It is further shown in these suits," says Mr. Devlin, "that the conflagration which prevailed in San Francisco on April 18, and several days following, impaired the means of transportation and made it more difficult than it had previously been for the pupils to attend schools a long distance from their respective residences A map is attached to the various pleadings, showing the location of the Oriental school and the other schools of San Francisco, and the residences of the Japanese pupils. ' "The resolution providing for sending Japanese children to the Oriental school was passed on October 11, 1906. At that date there were ninety-three pupils attending primary and grammar schools of San Francisco, of whom twenty-five were born ,n the United States and sixty-eigh in Japan. Only those born m Japan are claimed to be protected by the provisions of the treaty. . .The Government daims and charges that to compel all o the children of Japanese descent thus to ItTend a single schoo , without regard to the places of the"r respective residences or to their convenience, solely by.reason ^f \hVw We or descent, is a hardship and "discrimmation against all o them and violates their legal rights under the said treaty; and the Government a^so sets out that Japanese pupils are allowed to attend 48 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. the high schools and schools other than those of the primary and grammar grades without discrimination, and that no such discrimina- tion is exercised against German, French, Italian, or various other foreign children, so that the Japanese are not treated as the most favored nation. It is claimed by the Government that these acts constitute a flagrant violation of the treaty between the United States and Japan; that, properly construed, the law of California does not justify them, and that, if it does, it is null and void." The Subject of the Test Case. Preparatory to the action brought in +he Courts, a statement of facts was agreed upon at a conference of the President of the Board of Education, the City Attorney and the United States District Attorney. This is a long document, covering many points, only one of which is here quoted: "Fifth. That Kei Kichi Aoki was born in the Empire of Japan, and is a subject thereof; that the said infant is of the age of ten years and three months, and is a resident of the City and County of San ' Francisco, and, with the exception of being of Japanese descent, has the qualifications provided by the laws of the State of California for admission to the public schools. That Michitsuki Aoki is his father; that said father was born in the Empire of Japan, is not a naturalized subject of the United States, and is a subject of the Empire of Japan, but is a resident and taxpayer of the City and County of San Fran- cisco. That the above-named infant, prior to the adoption of the resolution of the Board of Education above quoted, attended one of the regular public schools of the City and County of San Francisco, known as the Redding Primary School, to which American children and children of other nationalities were admitted, and after the passage of said resolution was prevented from attending said Redding Primary School, and was permitted to attend no other public school than the said Oriental school." THE POWERS OF THE STATE. In another communication to the press, Mr. Devlin makes a very important distinction as to the rights of a State in the matter of establishing and maintaining public schools. He says: - "The question is not involved whether California may or may not establish a free school system, as it may be conceded that such a matter is entirely within the discretion of the States; but if the State Constitution does require the maintenance of a free public school system, and does maintain such a system for the children of residents without regard to citizenship, and admits to its schools children of subjects or citizens of France, Germany, Russia or any other Euro- pean country, the question is: Is the right of education in the public Schools of the State not a right secured by the treaty provision with Japan; and is a segregation of Japanese children based on no other consideration than they are Japanese not a denial of equal treatment with the subjects of the most favored nation?" — Chronicle, December 7, 1906. Two Views of State Rights. The views of two very prominent men are here given, repre- senting two sides of the vexed question of State rights — Secretary Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 49 of State Root and Governor Pardee. The opinion of the latter is found in his last message to the Starte Legislature after the Japanese question became a National one; the views of Secretary Root are from his noted Nevic York" speech on "The Growth of National Power," in which he insisted that State lines are obliterated by the Nation's needs, and that States must rise to duty. The extract from Governor Pardee's message is as follows: Gov.' Pardee: The State Is Sovereign. "The State of California, a sovereign State of the United States of America, has no quarrel with the Government of either Japan or China. On the contrary, California has the greatest respect for these two countries, and deprecates equally any indignities which may be put upon Americans in Japan or China, or upon Japanese or Chinese subjects in this country. But, nevertheless, until the Courts of this country shall have declared that California has no right to do so, this State reserves to itself the prerogative and privilege of conduct- ing, under law. State, National and Treaty, its schools in such manner as seems best to us; and this without the slightest disrespect toward the Government of the United States or the subjects of any foreign nation." Secretary Root: States Must Rise to Duty. Secretary Root, as the guest of honor at the annual dinner of the Pennsylvania Society of New York, December 12, 1906, delivered an address which was heard not only by the five hundred present, but by the millions in all parts of the world where the English language is read. He said, in part: "I submit to your judgment, and I desire to impress upon you the earnestness I feel, that there is but one way in which the States of the Union can maintain 'their power and authority under the condi- tions which are now before us, and that way is by an awakening on the part of the States to the real question of their own duties to the country at large. Under . conditions which now exist, no State can live unto itself alone and regulate its affairs -with sole reference to its own treasury, its own convenience, its own special interests. Every State is bound to frame its own legislation and its own admmistration with reference not only to its own special affairs, but vvith reference to the effect upon all its sister States. Every individual is bound to regulate his conduct with some reference to its effect upon his neigh- bors and the more populous the community and the closer the indi- viduals are brought together, the greater becomes the necessity which constrains and limits individual conduct. It is useless for the advo- cates of State rights to inveigh against the supremacy of the consti- tutional laws of the United States or against the extension of national authority in the fields of control where the States theniselves fail m ?he performance of their duty. The instinct for self-governnient among the people of the United States s too strong to permit them Cg to respect any one's right to exercise a power which he fails to exercise." Criticisms of the California State Legislature. Two years ago the State Legislature surprised the people of the entire nation by an action which called forth the following criticism from The Argonaut: "We warn the Legislature of the State of California, which this so Disctimination Against Japanese in California. week adopted a concurrent resolution urging upon the National Gov- ernment the passage of a law or negotiation of a treaty looking to the restriction of Japanese immigration, that it will be -regarded by the press of the United States with marked disfavor. The great majority of the journals of the East will, as with a single voice, char- acterize our Legislature's action as 'subserviency to the ^ignorant demagogues of labor.' Scornfully will they inquire: 'Are our National policies to be dictated again by the voice from the sand lot? Does another Denis Kearney dominate the California State and Assembly?' " In an editorial entitled "Our Weak State Government," December 24, 1906, in reviewing the New York speech of Secretary Root, the San Francisco Chronicle says: "The weakness of the Government of California is shown every day in the year. We do not control our corporations. There is no disposition to do, so. We rejoice at the Federal prosecution of offend- ers against the Interstate Commerce Act, but when the same act, word for word, is introduced into the Legislature as a State law, it is smothered in committee, and not a word of protest is uttered. No Governor has ever referred to it in his message. No organization of citizens has ever asked for it." In an editorial in this same paper, January 17, 1907, printed in conspicuous type, we read the following concerning the present Legis- lature, and the San Francisco representatives in particular: "The obvious intent of the (proposed) law is to enable the indicted bopdlers of this City to select the Judge who shall try them, to set aside all that has thus far been done to get them before a jury and have their cases retried from the beginning. "Nothing more atrocious was ever proposed in any Legislature. The people of this City in their folly have sent to the Legislature as vicious a gang as was ever got together for such a purpose. The decent, people of San Francisco have relied- upon the people of the State to save them from the corrupt machine which has its grip on the City, and this is what we get. Instead of a law putting an end to the gross abuses which have characterized the trial of these bood- lers, we have bills whose object is to put us permanently in the hands of the robbers." The Legislature and the Japanese Question. It would be very improper to infer that all the members of the Senate and Assembly are unworthy. Many of them are superior in ability and very conscientious. But that they are not in control is seen in the failure to pass the anti-racetrack bill and the one providing for a weekly rest day. The Assembly passed the Sabbath law, but it was killed in the Senate. The latter body also killed the anti-prize fight bill, two to one. In order not to complicate matters in Washington, and to make possible a peaceful solution, the California delegation telegraphed to Governor Gillett to use his influence to keep matters quiet in the State Capitol, and a spe- cial message of the Governor was the result. We have already noticed that, in spite of this request, the Japanese Exclusion League held its regular meeting in San Francisco while the School Board and the Mayor were en route to Washington. But it is surprising that the representatives of the State in Sacramento should follow suit. In a special dispatch to The Chronicle, dated Sacramento, Feb- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 51 ruary 6, 1907, under the heading "Japanese Bills Can't Be Kept Down," we read: "The best endeavors of the pacific element in the Senate were unable today to keep the Japanese question any longer below the surface of legislation. In the first place, the Committee of Education, of which Caminetti is a leading spirit, recommended Keane's school bill for passage. This bill adds the word 'Japanese' to that of 'Mon- golian' in describing the classes of pupils for whom special schools may be provided." The same dispatch refers to the presentation of a joint resolution which was referred to the Committee on Federal Relations. The preamble reviews the entire field of controversy between this country and Japan, and calls upon the California lawmakers at Washington to oppose any treaty which does not insure the exclusion of Japanese laborers, and guarantee to every State the right to regulate its own schools. The dispatch adds: "The Black resolution is the most thorough-going anti-Japanese measure yet introduced." And this was all while negotiations looking toward a peaceful settlement were going on at Washington. The last day of February, the Assembly passed a bill limiting •the titles passed to Japanese, with only one dissenting vote. It pro- vides that no alien shall hold title to real property for more than five years, and forbids leasing to aliens for more than a year. The bill is generally understood to be aimed at the Japanese. It compels aliens owning property to become citizens after five years residence, which no Japanese is permitted to do. Under the lash of certain labor leaders of San Francisco, who have been lobbying at the Capitol, two other measures may be passed, — one providing for a referendum on the immigration question, and the Keane bill, above referred to, which provides for segregating the Japanese children in the public schools. The constant reference in the papers to these indefatigable workers for exclusion, and to their plans, are not calculated to help matters after the return of Mayor Schmitz and party. Concerning this The Call says: "City Attorney Burke feels confident that the amendment will be adopted. He will urge that the rules be suspended and that the bill be passed at once in each branch of the Legislature. If his plans materialize. Mayor Schmitz and the Board of Education will find the law in force by the time they arrive from the East." Associated with Attorney Burke are Messrs. McArthur and Tveitmoe. JAPANESE VIEWS OF THE CASE. It is important to gain a clear view not only of the attitude of the Japanese Government, but the views of the press and leading men as well.. Hence, an interpretation of Japanese views by a veteran missionary now in Japan, by the leading Japanese paper and the leading English paper in Japan are giren; also interviews of repre- sentatives of Japan in this country showing their patience and 52 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. tactfulness. Writing on the San Francisco School Question in the Mission News of Kyoto, Rev. Dr. D. C. Green says: "No responsible Japanese would object to any suitably framed resolution which would exclude Japanese of practically adult age from the lower grades of the schools intended for children. Neither would any object to the strictness of regulations framed for the purpose of segregating individuals whose presence might reasonably be supposed to have an unfavorable influence upon the morals of the pupils of the public schools. The claim of the Japanese is simply this, that the existing treaty requires that no such educational or other laws and regulations shall subject their countrymen to different treatment from that accorded to other foreigners. They feel, and feel strongly, that special legislation like that which the San Francisco Board of Education has put in force is not only in flagrant violation of the' existing treaty between Japan and the United States, but is an indignity to which they cannot be expected to submit. Perhaps no other form of indignity would wound the amor propre of the Japanese nation more than this plan of segregating the children of their representatives. Smooth it over as one may attempt to do, the Japanese are bound to regard the regulation as tantamount to saying, 'Your children are not fit to associate with ours.' " The Jiji Shimpo: Leading Japanese Daily. The Japanese today proudly boast of many daily papers, some of whicli can truly be called great. None have had a greater and wider influence than The Jiji Shimpo, founded by the late Mr. Fukuzawa, who also established a great private university. This leading daily, as translated by the Japan Mail, says that in view of recent reports and publications, the Government has considered it advisable to i»vite the attention of Washington to three points: "The first relates to the question raised in some quarters as to whether Japanese are to be classified as Mongolians, and thus come within the purview of the California Exclusion Act. Japan desires it to be clearly understood that her claims are preferred as Japanese claims, and not as claims of any other nationality whatsoever. As Japan, she has a certain treaty with the United States, and as Japan she expects to receive the usage guaranteed by that treaty. The racial question is a matter entirely apart. "The second point is this: It is true that an explicit reference is contained in the treaty as to residential rights only, and that nothing is definitely stated with regard to educational rights, but it is quite evident that unless a resident can obtain for his children the same educational privileges as those enjoyed by other residents, his resi- dential rights are essentially imperfect. Japanese subjects, residing in California, pay exactly the same taxes as those imposed on native citizens, or on the subjects and citizens of other nationalities, and to discriminate against the Japanese in the matter of location would be to manifestly impair their residential rights. "In the third place, it is observable that a question is raised with regard to the relations existing between the several States of the Union and the Federal Government. Japan wishes to point out that such question, being purely a matter of domestic administration, has no conventional concern for her. She knows only Federal Govern- ment in the matter. Her treaty is with the Federal Government, and she looks solely to the Federal Government for the just enforcement of her rights. "At the same time, being full convinced of the friendly and honor- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 53 able intentions of that Government, she does not wish to embarrass it in any way by importunity, and she is prepared to await patiently till such machinery as the United States authorities desire to employ for the purposes of domestic accommodation shall have been set in motion." ' The Japan Mail: Leading English Daily. There are several daily papers published in Japan and -edited by foreigners, one being owned and operated by the Japanese them- selves. One of the oldest, and by far the most representative, of these English dailies is The Japan Mail, edited by Captain Brinkley, who, as noted above, is an old resident of Japan. Until the establishment of The Japan Times by the Japanese, The Japan Mail was understood to have a semi-official relation to the Government. And it is quite clear, to thosfe whd have watched its course during the two great wars in which Japan has been engaged, that Captain Brinkley, the editor, must have had access to inside information. Printed in Japan and edited by an Englishman, this great paper suggests for Americans a way out of the dilemma, as follows: "No thoughtful Japanese could fail to approve of a rule which forbade adults or adolescents attending the lower grades of the public schools. Such a rule would be founded on practical universal expe- rience. Neither would they object to the introduction of a language test for all applicants for admission to the public schools. A certain standard of efficiency in the use of the English" language might very wisely be established, the attainment of which should be essential to admission to any but special schools. .Furthermore, no one could object to the segregation of any and all pupils who might show them- selves morally unworthy. "There is a right and a wrong way in all such cases, and it seems to the writer's Japanese friends that the people of San Francisco have more or less deliberately chosen the wrong." Tact of Japanese Representatives. The San Francisco papers have on various occasions commended the course of Mr. K. Uyeno, the Consul for Japan in San Francisco, for his diplomatic way in dealing with this and other vexed questions. A gentleman by birth and training, and realizing the gravity of the situation, Mr. Uyeno, though fearless in doing his duty, has managed the whole afifair with great discretion. Great interest has been taken in the public utterances of Viscount Aoki, the Japanese Ambassador at Washington. On the 17th of December last he was the guest of honor at the annual dinner of The American Asiatic Association, held at the Waldorf-Astoria in New York, other prominent guests being present. Viscount Aoki, in responding to a toast, said: Ambassador Aoki at Banquet. "I am aware that the sense of this Association in regard to the relations between Japan and the United States, which has so often found fitting expression on former occasions, is based on the recog- nition of the broad principle that the interests of the United States and the Empire of Japan are identical, and that therefore the best of 54 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. reasons exist for the most cordial friendship between the two coun- tries. Indeed, it would be difficult to find a parallel case in the history of mankind in which better reasons existed for the maintenance of the most amicable relations between any two nations, whethe-r viewed from historical, commercial or moral points of view. "Historically speaking, it was the United States that rapped at the door of the seclusion within which Japan, in her ancient isolation, cherished her own science, literature and art, which were the products of a civilization entirely distinct in type from yours. It was the United States that half a century ago offered to Japan the right hand of fellowship and introduced her into the intercourse of nations, which has in turn brought into the Empire all thp benefits of what is known as the Western civilization. "Since then, not a year has passed but has witnessed some inci- dents that have vividly recalled to the minds of the two peoples the •existence of weighty reasons which form the basis of their mutual ^sentiment of respect, love and admiration. The fact naturally was -never more eloquently brought home to us than in that hour of ^gigantic struggle from which it has pleased providence to see us -emerge as a power of some consequence. It was a struggle in which -our very existence was at stake. . . . The people of Japan are fully -^live to the magnitude of the everlasting service which was thus ^rendered by the people of this country in the cause of Japan, and the memory of that support, liberally given, will continue to be a living monument of the cordial friendship which cements the two nations." Viscount Aoki then turned to the commercial aspect of the question, to the maintenance of the principle of the "open door" in the natural markets of Asia, and said: "You may rest assured that there is the best of commercial reasons for the resolute defense and maintenance by Japan of that principle with which the name of John Hay is honorably connected." Anglo-Saxon and Japanese Fair Play. Turning to the moral reasons which should draw the two nations ■closer and closer together, Ambassador Aoki said: "It should be observed that, while the political institutions of the two countries widely differ in form, yet that high sense of liberty, equality and justice which forms the ideal of the American national life is also the guiding principle of Japan's political life. The love of fair play, which is often referred to as a peculiarly Anglo-Saxon characteristic, I am proud to say, is also found in the blood of the Japanese people. It is, therefore, safe to say that so long as the moral character of the two peoples does not change, the commercial activities of the two peoples will be characterized by that sense of fairness which is after all the best guarantee of peace in the inter- course of nations, no less than in the intercourse of individuals." Patience of Japanese. Nothing has been more remarkable, during this entire agitation of two years, than the patience of the Japafiese. Naturally proud as a people, and having recently come to a consciousness of their great power, the Japanese, both as a nation and as individuals, have shown a spirit which has been commendable.. The Japanese Press of San Francisco has been thoughtful and moderate, notwithstanding frequent and, at times, great provocation. Secretary Metcalf's report, which Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 55 may be found in full in the Appendix, contains many references to attacks of various kinds upon the Japanese. He speaks particularly of the assault upon Professor Omori and his party when here, in beh'alf of his Government, examining earthquake conditions. This will be referred to again in connection with the discussion of the agitation looking toward restriction of Japanese immigration. It is not simply by physical attack, but rather by little, petty annoyances and by constantly keeping the questions at issue before the public in their most undesirable form, that the Japanese are almost daily humiliated. But for the open attacks upon the visiting scientists, the public at large would hardly have heard of the many things which the more humble Japanese have been compelled to endure daily. Acquainted as I am with the remarkable self-control, of the Japanese people, their patience through all these troubles has been to me a. cause of astonishment. .1 Attitude or Viewpoint of the Chronicle Changed. f In an editorial entitled "A Modus Vivendi," The Chronicle, Feb-- Tuary 5, 1907, made the following suggestions: "The Chronicle's program for making everybody happy is this: isf, the Government suit against the Board of Education of this city to be be dismissed; 2nd, the repeal of the order compelling Japanese pupils to attend the Oriental school; 3rd, by mutual understanding the United States and Japan to .each enact a law excluding the manual workers of the other nation; 4th, the enactment by our Legislature of a general law by which aliens shall not be allowed to acquire title in fee simple to land in this State, unless that privilege is expressly granted to them by a treaty. Japan certainly cannot complain of that, because no alien can acquire title, except leasehold, to land in Japan — which is a most excellent law for Japan or any other country." It will be noticed that this is a decided change from the program of The Chronicle as originally announced. Of course so radical a change could not be made without an excuse,- and one which seems sufficient to the editor is given. The idea is certainly novel of the President expiating his fault by condescending to invite the Mayor of San Francisco to a personal conference. The language of the editorial is of interest: President Expiating His Fault. "The situation has been complicated by the unwarranted and improper language used by the President of the United States in refer- ring to the people of this State. This -language, which from its nature was entirely personal, and in no sense official, because it was no part of his duty to pass judgment on our morals, when injected into what •should have been a dignified State paper, inevitably, human nature being what it is, aroused deep and just resentment in this State. There is no occasion, however, to pursue that further. The President has fully expiated his fault by condescending to invite to a personal conference an official person, who is doubtless the lawful representa- tive of this City, but whom the President knows to have accumulated wealth in association with a corrupt politician who has confessed to receiving money for a disgraceful service — the official being now under S^ Discrimination Against Japanese in California. indictment, on which he is striving to escape trial, for conspiring to compel that payment, and presumably receiving some part of it. The humiliation of appealing to such a person, whom we have made our lawful representative, but whom the President would not, socially, touch with a pair of tongs, is ample repraration for the wrong done to our people, and The Chronicle suggests that we consider the inci- pient closed." ."Successful Termination of Conference Anticipated. • It is to be hoped that the conference of the President with Mayor rSchmitz and the Board of Education may result in the reopening of -the doors of the Ban Francisco schools to Japanese children of suitable ,-age. Also that this adjustment may open the way for the Japanese •Government to take such steps as it may deem best to restrict the immigration of laborers to the United States by way of Hawaii as efficiently as it has already done in the case of those bound directly for Pacific Coast ports. The broader question of Immigration will how be taken up. In view of the publication of a separate pamphlet about a year ago, on this question, and of the many references to immigration in the former part of the pamphlet, the subject will not receive as full treatment as- would otherwise seem necessary. CHAPTER V. The Broader Question of Immigration Views of President Jordan. In an able article from the pen of Dr. David Starr Jordan, pub- lished in The Boston Evening Transcript, December 29 last, we find this significant statement: "The school question is a side issue of the greater one of immi- gration. There are, in general, three points of view in California concerning Japanese immigration. The fruit growers, the farmers, the railroad builders and the capitalists generally would welcome a much larger influex of Japanese and Chinese. California is suffering for want of common laborers. There are not men enough to till the fields, to gather the fruit, to build roads and railroads, or to properly attend to the coarser needs of civilization. A large body of Oriental laborers would mean a great increase of the wealth of the State. "Opposed to this, the labor unions, and laboring men generally, are jealous of competition, and especially of Oriental competition, for that would mean lower wages and a general reduction of the standard of living. The same arguments are urged against the admission of unskilled Japanese laborers that used to be urged against the Chinese. The name 'coolie,' which has here no meaning at all, is applied to all competing Orientals. . . . "The attitude of the average man on the street, in California.- towards the Japanese is one neither of welcome nor of antipathy. Some Japanese house servants and most Japanese students make themselves beloved within the circle of their acquaintance. The struggles of some of these penniless but ambitious young men to secure an American education, and to fit themselves for professional usefulness in Japan, has few parallels in the history of education. The future professor, the future admiral, the future general works in Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 57 :a California kitchen, not because he wishes to spy out the land, but because through da=ly work lies his only means of securing an •education." National Immigration Congress. In November, 1905, a National Immigration Congress was held in New York City for three da^s, composed of 500 members repre- senting all parts of the United States and practically all organizations interested in the question of immigration. The first day, after the -organization, was spent in a visit to Ellis Island, where opportunities were afforded the delegates of inspecting two shiploads of immigrants fresh from Europe. The next day was given to the consideration of European immigration, and specially to the distribution of immigrants coming from the various countries across the Atlantic. The third .and last day was occupied in considering the various phases of Asiatic immigration. It was the privilege of the author to be present as a member and to deliver an address, Mr. Walter MacArthur of the Japanese and Corean League taking the other side of the question. It seems best, for various reasons, to lay before the readers the address delivered on that occasion just as it came from the mind and lips of the speaker in the earnestness of debate. The address is a reply to Mr. MacArthur and others who had spoken in favor of extending the Chinese Exclusion Law to cover Japanese, Coreans and others coming from across the Pacific. The address follows •exactly as it was delivered, the introduction only being omitted. ADDRESS OF THE AUTHOR. In my work last year, I traveled 15,000 miles, without coming ■east of the Rocky Mountains, and made a very careful examination of the Japanese conditions, both in the church and out of it; so I think that what I have to say today may receive the confidence of those who are present. And first, I want to say that I am very, very glad, indeed, that this conference had the good sense to endorse the position •of our noble President in the able paper which he presented to Congress a few days ago, in which, as you will remember, he stated that he was opposed to discrimination and that he would not consent to ■discriminate against races, naming a large number, in "which he included the Japanese. Which the Greater Menace? One question before us today, in connection with this subject, is ■whether the agitation on the Pacific Coast. against the Japanese and the Coreans is not a greater menace to our people and to our institu- tions than the immigration that it is proposed to do away with, or at least to restrict; an agitation which began at a moment when the Japanese people were in a life and death struggle with the great northern foe; an agitation which has been continued during the time o^f the serious boycott in China, which has stirred not only the Chinese S8 Discrimination Against Japanese in California, people but all the peoples of the world; continued at a time when. Japan today sits as the mistress of the entire East. So that if we- have any regard for the friendship of a nation which is bound to influence more and more not only Eastern Asia but a large part of the civilized world, it behooves us well to think twice before we allow, these agitators to have their, way. (Applause.) Pacific Coast Divided-. It was stated here this morning, from this platform, that this is-- a great movement, and that the people of the Pacific Coast are united in the matter. I wish I had time to read to you from this little pamphlet, which I circulated this morning, several extracts indicating that that statement is not founded in truth. For example. The Los Angeles Herald says: "All this opposition to Japanese immigration eminates from professional labor leaders, mostly those of San Fran- cisco. The purpose is to maintain a shortage of labor, such as has been witnessed this year in harvesting the fruit crop. With a demand greatly exceeding the supply, as was the case a few months ago -in the orange belt, the labor leaders find it an easy matter to enforce laws concerning wages and work hours." The extract is quite a long one, and indicates that The Los Angeles Herald has no sympathy with this agitation. Former Methods Revived. The Argonaut, one of the ablest papers published in the West, has been up to quite recently in line with an agitation against Japa- nese immigration, favoring restriction to a certain extent; but so- unwise have been these leaders -that The Argonaut, in an editoria^ after the action of the State Legislature of California, said: "We warn the Legislature of the State of California, which this week, adopted a concurrent resolution urging upon the National Government the passage of a law or negotiation of a treaty looking to the restric- tion of Japanese immigration, that it will be regarded by the press- of the United States with marked disfavor. The great majority of the" journals of the East will, as with a single voice, characterize our Legis- lature's action as 'subserviency to the ignorant demagogues of labor.' Scornfully will they inquire, 'Are our national policies to be dictated; again by a voice from the sand lot? Does another Denis Kearney dom- inate the California Senate and Assembly?' " And then, a little further on, The Argonaut continues; "The Chronicle will effect nothing for its cause by talking, when referring to the Japanese, of the 'manners andi customs of the slave pen.' Such exaggeration hurts rather than helps,, for we all know that the ordinary Jap is a neat, clean, personally pleasing little fellow." This from a paper which is really in favor of restriction; yet so unwise have been the agitators, in the opinion of The Argonaut, that it expresses itself in the strong language I have read to you. And The San Francisco Call, one of the strong papers. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 59 of the Pacific Coast, in equally strong language condemns the agita- tion. (The Call has since changed its position and its editorial staff .as well. — Editor.) Investigation in San Francisco. And what shall I say of the Christian press, and what shall I .say of the various religious bodies? The Methodist Preachers' Meet- ing, in the City of San Francisco, regarding the agitation as not only nintimely but unjust and wicked in the extreme, appointed a committee to make a thorough investigation of the matter, the committee con- :sisting of Dr. George B. Smyth, one of the Secretaries of our Mis- ■sionary Society; Dr. W. S. Matthew, the Presiding Elder of the San Francisco district, who has charge of our Missionary interests in *he city, including a large number of our missions, and therefore ■particularly qualified to look into this question, and the present speaker. We went into the matter most carefully, and the result of ■our investigation was that we found, as stated in the last few pages ■of this little panaphlet, that a very decided sentiment on the Pacific Coast is opposed to this agitation. When the statement is made here in public that the whole West is in favor of it, I want to declare to you in unmistakable language that that statement is not founded in truth. What Corrupts San Francisco? We heard this morning that the Chinaman comes here to corrupt us and destroy our manhood. I would like to have you ask yourselves ioi just a moment, you who have traveled in the West and have inves- tigated the conditions as they are to be found there, whether the -notably open San Francisco is the result of Chinatown being in it; whether the 3,000 or more saloons that are there, the public and notable houses of prostitution, the racetrack gambling, the prize-fights and bull-fights and other things that take place in San Francisco, ■whether they are due to the influence of the Chinese who live in •Chinatown. It is not necessary for me to say that they are not. The influences which are injuring San Francisco and other cities of the :great West do not come from across the Pacific. Agitation and Peace. It was also stated here this morning that we are pursuing a policy •destined to preserve peace between ourselves: and other nations. I •confess I cannot understand the position of the speaker of the -morning, or of those who are in sympathy with "him, for it seems to -me that that policy pursued will result in just the opposite. It has, ;as we know, resulted in the stirring up of tremendous race feeling in China, and it certainly will result in the stirring up of race prejudice -not only in China but in Japan and Corea, and among the various peoples in Hawaii. It will result in exactly the opposite of what the ^speaker of the morning indicated was the intention. 6o Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Self-Protection in California. It was further said that the people of the Pacific Coast will be compelled to protect themselves, indicating, as you know, that certaim strong and rash measures must be followed unless the people of the- East endorse the measures that have been proposed from the West. I was exceedingly sorry to hear, from a public platform this morning,- any suggestion as to what possibly might take place if we here in this deliberative body do not find ourselves in a place where we can endorse the position of the speaker of the morning. (Applause.) Certainly such statements are not calculated to produce good feeling and to aid in the settlement of a question which ought to be settledi on broad, humanitarian lines. The East and the West. Another speaker of the morning called our attention to the fact that the Chinatowns of Portland and San Francisco ought to be transferred bodily to Boston and to Harvard College, in order that the people of the East may know something of the conditions of the West. Here let me say to you that the Chinatown visited by tourists from the East is not the true Chinatown. There are certain things gotten up to please, to astonish the innocent from the East, and I caw state this on the very best of authority. But I want you to note the- fact that the Chinese are to be distinguished from the Japanese, both in their home land and in this country, and I am not here to say one- single word for or against the Chinese. I think China was well' defended this morning by one of her own nationality who spoke to- you from this platform. (Applause.) Progress in China and Japan. But I do say that the people of Japan have made a progress which is as yet unknown to China; that the conditions which prevail' in Japan are not those which prevail in China, and are conditions which will probably not prevail there for ten, twenty or even fifty- years. Therefore, when we think of people coming to us from' Japan,, we ought to distinguish very carefully between them and those who- are coming to us from China. Differences Also Here on the Coast. Then again, we ought to note the differences as they exist here- on this Coast. As has been indicated, the Chinese do to a certain extent gather themselves together and live in a class in their China- towns in San Francisco and Portland and Seattle and Eos Angeles and other cities. The Japanese do nothing of the kind. They dress in American clothes, and they are dressed well when you see them- on the street; they eat American food; they associate as far as possible- with American people; they attend, to the full extent of the privileges- which are given them, our American schools and learn our language,-: Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 6i and were they allowed to become citizens of this land, they would fight as loyally for our flag as they have been fighting in the East under the Japanese flag. (Applause!) No Danger from Numbers. Another thing that we must note is that there is not the danger from numbers in the Japanese that there is in the Chinese. Our attention was called this morning to the fact that there are about 400,000,000 of Chinese and, therefore, there is a great menace growing out of this fact. There are less than 50,000,000 of Japanese altogether; and when we take into consideration their land, with the opportunities of expansion in the North, and in Formosa in the South, and particu- larly in Corea and Manchuria, the danger is exceedingly small of large numbers of the Japanese ever even wishing to come to- this country for labor. Immigration from Europe and Japan Compared. I think it will be well for us, in our thinking, to discriminate very carefully between the Japanese and the Europeans, some of whom are coming to this country. Now let us just for a moment look at some of the statistics. There were last year less than 15,000 Japanese who came to this country, 5,000 less than the year before. Are the Japanese increasing? I say last year, I mean for 1904, 5,000 less than came to us in 1903. And, as I have just indicated, as a result of the war and the opportunities opened in Eastern Asia, the Japanese are going to decrease rather than increase, and, therefore, there is no great fear. (Later figures will be found on subsequent pages, showing a still greater dropping off. — Editor.) There were rejected as paupers, or likely to become so, 158 from Japan last year, as against 1,396 from one of the lands of Europe, namely, from Southern Italy. Nearly 1,400 rejected from one country of Southern Europe, as against 158 from Japan! The Japanese Comparatively Young. Another thing I notice is that the Japanese are young. East year there landed from Southern Italy nearly 10,000 over forty-five years of age; there landed from Japan last year of the same age only 380, all the others being young men, very many of whom, I think I can safely say most of whom, have come here for educational advan- tages, directly or indirectly. Last year, of those debarred, reported as relieved in hospitals, there were only four Japanese. Think of it! While from Southern Italy alone there were 1,698 — in round num- bers, 1,700. A voice: What are the percentages? Dr. Johnson: Well, it is not very difficult to figure out the percentages when there are only four from Japan as against 1,700 from another country. 62 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. The voice: Very difficult if you do not know the number. Dr. Johnson: I hope I will not be interrupted. Now, another point, concerning the Japanese as desirable immigrants. First, with reference to their intelligence. Ninety-two per cent of the children of school age are in the schools of Japan today. Is there another country from which we are receiving immigrants that has any such proportion? A voice: Yes. Dr. Johnson: Ninety-two percent? There are very few countries, if there are any. How many States are there within this Union in which ninety-two per cent of the children of our own people are in attendance in the public schools? Restriction by the Japanese Government. And furthermore, the Japanese Government itself has so restricted immigration that it provides that no young man or woman can enter one of our ports here until he or she has passed through the High School in Japan and received public recognition of the fact. To be sure, there are those of the other classes who are coming into Hawaii simply because they have been invited to come, and the Japanese Government has been of the opinion that they are desired there. And I notice in this proposed law which this Japanese and Corean Exclu- sion League has prepared for Congress, that they themselves make an exception in the case of Hawaii. Embarrassment Through Hawaii. One of the great difficulties is that there is no protection now from this class of people coming to our Coast from Hawaii. That is the great evil that needs to be corrected, and I want to say to you that I am not in favor of unlimited immigration to this country. I favor restriction. I believe that there ought to be restriction along the line I have just indicated, but I do not believe there ought to be any discrimination, particularly against a nation like Japan, which has been admitted into the sisterhood of civilized nations and which today stands as the peer of England, being recognized as an ally of that great country. Ideas of Government. Another thought as to their desirability grows out of the ideas which they have of Government. The Japanese are a progressive people. They are a people who live tinder a constitutional form of Government. They are a people who have respect for law. There is not a nihilist nor an anarchist among them, not one. And as I said before, if allowed to become citizens of this country, they would love our flag as well as they love their own. That is a matter which is of the utmost importance to us in considering this proposition. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 63 Poverty and Crime. Another thought concerns their relations to poverty and crime. I have already called your attention to some statistics concerning poverty, and I now say, without the possibility of successful contra- diction, that Japanese names are rem^arkably rare upon our court records on the Pacific Coast. (Here the gavel fell.) LATE STATISTICS. A thought-provoking book entitled "Aliens or Americans?" by Howard B. Grose, recently published, reviews the meeting of the National Immigration Congress, where the above address was deliv- ered, and makes some interesting comparisons based on the report of the Commissioner of Immigration for 1905. The author of this book says: "A million a year and more is the rate at which immigrants are now coming into the United States. . . . Gather these immigrants by nationality, and you would have in round numbers twenty-two Italian cities of 10,000 people, or massed together, a purely Italian city as large as Minneapolis with its 220,000. The various peoples of Austria-Hungary — Bohemians, Magyars, Jews and Slavs — would fill twenty-seven and one-half towns; or a single city nearly as large as Detroit. The Jews, Poles and other races fleeing from persecution in Russia would people eighteen and one-half towns, or a city the size of Providence. For the remainder we should have four German cities of 10,000 people, six of Scandinavians, one of French, one of Greeks, one of Japanese, six and a half of English, five of Irish, and nearly two of Scotch .and Welsh. Then we should have six towns of between four and five thousand each peopled respectively by Belgians, Dutch, Portuguese, Roumanians, Swiss, and European Turks; while Asian Turks would fill another town of six thousand." There are smaller groups of Servians, Bulgarians, Spaniards, Chinese, etc. The author calls attention to the fact that the illiterates alone would make a city as large as Jersey City or Kansas City, with a population of 230,000. Concerning this he says: "Divide this city of ignorance by nationalities into wards, and there would be an Italian ward of -100,000, far outnumbering all others; in other words, the Italian illiterates landed in America in a year equal the population of Albany, the capital of the Empire State. The other leading wards would be: Polish, 33,000; Hebrew, 22,000, indicating the low conditions whence they came; Slavs, 36,000; Magyar and Lithuanian, 12,000; Syrian and Turkish, 3,000. These regiments of non-readers and writers come almost exclusively from the South and East of Europe." Mr. Grose points out that of the total of 1,026,499 who came, 780,000 were unskilled laborers. He shows that the immigration of one year equaled the combined population of Alaska, Arizona, Nevada, Idaho,- Wyoming, and Utah, with 37,000 to spare. THE NEW IMMIGRATION. Concerning the change of racial type, Mr. Grose says: 64 Discrimination Against Japanese in. California. "So great' has been the change in the racial character of immigra- tion within the last ten years that the term 'new immigration' has been used to distinguish the present prevailing type from that of former years. By new immigration we mean broadly all the aliens from Southeastern Europe — the Italians, Hungarians, Slavs, Hebrews, Greeks, and Syrians — as distinguished from the Northwestern Euro- peans — English, Scotch, Welsh, Irish, French, Germans, and Scandi- navians." He further says, concerning undesirability: "These people come out of conditions of oppression and depression, illiteracy and poverty. Far more important than this, they have had no contact with Anglo- Saxon ideas of government. They are consequently almost wholly ignorant of American ideals or standards." The author of this striking book, in pointing out the remarkable shifting of the sources of our immigration, says concerning two or three of the countries from which we get the largest number: "The immigration from Italy did not reach 10,000 (annually) until 1880, and passed the 100,000 mark first in 1900. In the past five years nearly a million Italians — or one-half of the entire Italian immi- gration — have entered the country, and the number in 1906 promises to exceed a quarter of a million more. . . . The immigration from Russia, consisting chiefly of Jews, did not become appreciable until 1887, when it reached 30,766. It passed 100,000 in 1892; and from 1900 to igos the total arrivals were 748,522, or just about one-half the entire number of Jews in the United States. The same is true of the Hungarian and Slav immigration. Its prominence has come since 1890." Illustrations Which Illustrate. The Report of the Commission of Immigration for 1906, if pos- sible, makes a still more impressive showing. During the year there were over 1,100,000 immigrant aliens admitted into the United States, and nearly 66,000 non-immigrant aliens. Sixty-seven per cent were from Southern and Eastern Europe and Asia Minor; 14 per ctnt were Hebrews, most ly from Russia; 22 per cent from Southern Italy alone; less than 8 per cent were Germans; less than 10 per cent Enghsh, Scotch and Irish; s per cent were Scandinavians; and 1% per cent ONLY were Japanese. Those who are so insistent concerning the preservation of our Anglo-Saxon civilization against the coming of the Asiatic hordes should take note of the following: The immigrants for 1906, as per races, were: Slavic, 408,903, 37 per cent, of whom over 150,000 were Hebrews and nearly 96,000 Poles; Iberic, 283,540, 28 per cent, of whom over 23,000 were Greeks and 240,528 from Southern Italy; Teutonic, 213,904, 19 per cent, the Ger- mans leading and the Scandinavians, English, and Dutch following in order; Keltic, 116,454, or 11 per cent; Mongolic, 16,139, of whom 13.83s were Japanese; all others, 61,795, including Turks, Bulgarians, Magyars, Armenians and other living in Southern Europe and Western Asia. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 65 SILENCE OF PACIFIC COAST SIGNIFICANT. As was noticed in Chapter IL, the papers of the Pacific Coast are not troubling themselves about immigration from Europe. An editorial in The Chronicle, in 1905, is significant: "Another reason why we confine ourselves to the Japanese question IS that The Chronicle is published in San Francisco, and not in New York. 'We doubtless are getting some very undesirable people from Southern Europe, but comparatively few of that class reach California. ■ The class that fills the Eastern sweatshops land in New York, and nine-tenths of them remain in Eastern cities. That is particularly a problem for the East to take up, while Japanese immi- gration for the present is a question for the Pacific Coast. We doubt whether they will consent to the exclusion of Europeans, and so, in the exercise of our sound common sense, we are asking for what we think we can get." There were aided in hospitals, as per the report of th'. Commis- sioner, 2,495 Hebrews, 2,121 Italians, 1,000 Poles, 867 Germai.s, and 2,817 others, including ONE JAPANESE ONLY. Japanese Versus Jews. There was an increase of 3,504 Japanese; and the other principal increases were 51,641 Italians; 30,768 from Russia, mostly Hebrews; 4,968 from Turkey in Europe; 3,489 from Portugal; 8,974 Greeks, and 2,623 Bulgarians. Corresponding Decrease of Japanese. What is an increase of three thousand Japanese, compared with the hundreds of thousands pouring in from Russia and Southern Europe? Instead of a rapid increase, as in the case of the European countries, the figures for Japanese immigration since 1900 are signifi- cant. There is a decrease, then an increase to 1903, when nearly 20,000 were admitted, then a falling off for two years to nearly 10,000, and then a slight increase last year. The figures are as follows: 1900, 12,635; 1901, 5,269; 1902, 14,270; 1903, 19,968; 1904, 14,264; 1905, 10,331; 1906, 13,835. And this is the wonderful increase that we read so much about. It will be seen that there were about half as many in 1905 as in 1903 — two years before. This includes the so-called undesirable immigration through Hawaii. It is not probable that there will be much of a further increase. If this aggravating agitation can cease, it is not unlikely that the Japanese Government will arrange matters to the satisfaction of all parties concerned. In another chapter, the question of Methods of Dealing with the Problem, will be consid- ered, where suggestions made by the writer two years ago will be quoted, and others offered. We have just seen how the Jews are very rapidly increasing, and in Chapter II. , under Intermarriage and Assimilation, it was shown that non-intermarriage is not a bar to assimilation in the case of the Hebrew. A most interesting and instructive article on "The Great Jewish Invasion," by Burton J. Hendrick, appears in McClure's 66 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Magazine for January, 1907. It is in recognition of the celebration of the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the settlement of the Jews on Manhattan Island. Mr. Hendricks says: "The twenty-seven Portuguese Jews who obtained a scant asylum in 1655 have multiplied into a colony of 800,000 souls. This is the greatest Jewish community ever assembled, in ancient or modern times, in any one place. Jerusalem itself, at its period of greatest development, sheltered not one-sixth as many Jews. Warsaw, the largest Jewish city except New York, contains 300,000; Lodz, 120,000, and Vilna, 100,000. In the whole United States there are 1,400,000; thus, in New York City three-fifths of our total Jewish population is found. In the greater city one man in every five is a Jew; on Man- hattan Island, one man in every four." He further says concerning the sources of this immigration: "New York, the headquarters of American wealth, intelligence, and enterprise, seems destined to become ovrwhelmingly a Jewish town. More remarkable still, the great mass of its Jews are not what are commonly regarded as the most enlightened of their race. They are not drawn from Germany, from France, from Austria, and England — countries in which the Jew has been practically Europeanized— but from Hungary, from Poland, from Roumania, from Galatia, above all", from the Russian Empire. . . . When they land at Ellis Island they are to a large extent ignorant, unable to read or write; personally uncleanly; without professions or skilled trades; inevitably with a sus- picious hatred of governmental authority. Their only capital stock is an intellect which has not been stunted by centuries of privation, and an industry that falters at no task, however poorly paid. In spite of all these drawbacks, the Russian Jew has advanced in practically every direction." This remarkable article describes at length the great advance made, refuting the idea that the Jew is congentially a money-changer, a trader, and not a workman, a manufacturer, a natural producer of wealth; it discusses his securing control of the clothing industry, where 175,000 craftsmen are employed, and his successful entry into real estate transactions, where, it is said, he has outdistanced all competition. BENEFICIAL EFFECTS OF JAPANESE IMMIGRATION. Every objection that has been urged against the Japanese on the Pacific Coast can be urged equally, and with greater force, against the Jew in New York City, and yet I would be among the last to suggest that we cannot assimilate the Hebrew, or that his coming, on the whole, is not a benefit to America. Those who condemn the Japanese — especially of the laboring classes — for coming to America forget the great benefits that they have conferred in redeeming and developing waste lands, in culti- vating the fields and harvesting the crops, in encouraging new railroad enterprises, in developing trade with the Orient, and in various ways that cannot be outlined here. Movements Toward Distribution. In the book, "Aliens or Americans," ali-eady quoted, the author further says: Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 67 "No phase of the immigration question is receiving more attention at present than that of distribution. There is a common opinion that if the proper distribution can be made, the chief evils of the tremen- dous influx would disappear. We are told that it is the congestion of aliens in already crowded centers of population that creates the menace to civilization; that there is land enough to be cultivated; and that vast enterprises are under way calling for the unskilled labor that is coming in. But the puzzling problem is how to get the immi- grants where they are wanted and needed, and can be of value." This question was seriously discussed at the National Immi- gration Congress, wh-ch has resulted in certain of our Southern States taking up the matter and encouraging immigration and- migration to their sections. The Japanese in large measure have arranged this themselves, which is commendable. The Japanese population in California is increasing very little, if any. The Pacific Northwest finds employment for many on the railways, and the Japanese are moving eastward into Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, Utah and Colorado. There are Japanese centers now at Missoula, Pocatello, Ogden, Denver and Pueblo, though the settlements in these centers are not so large as in San Francisco, L,os Angeles, and Seattle. There was a scattering of the Japanese at the time of the earthquake, and it will be a long time before the population of San Francisco is what is was before. Resourcefulness of Japanese After the Fire. Because of their spirit of self-help, and by the aid of the Japanese Relief Committee, which was promptly organiz,^, the Japanese got out 'of the bread-line almost at once, and the promptness and efficiency of their relief organization caused wide and very favorable comment. The Japanese in the outer districts sent prompt aid to the relief of the sufferers and opened the way for them to go to the country districts. It is a sad fact that, nine months after the earthquake, hundreds, if not thousands, of European immigrants are receiving aid in San Francisco from the Relief Committee. This is in part explained by the fact that to a greater extent than the Japanese they live in families, but this explains it only in part. The Japanese are very resourceful and self-helpful. Japanese and Others in California. The percentages for California for the past eight years are as follows: Teutonic, 27 per cent, quite equally divided between Germans, Scandinavians, and English, the latter being largest; Keltic, 32 per cent, two-thirds Italian, the others being Irish and French; Iberic, 13 per cent, about half Italians; Slavic, 6 per cent; Mongolic, 18 per cent, largely Japanese; and all others, 4 per cent. The Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration for 1905 contains some very striking figures a^ to immigration into Cali- fornia. The races or peoples and the percentages are as follows: North Italian, 22 per cent; South Italian, S; Japanese, 19; English, 11; 68 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Scandinavian, 6; German, 6; Irish, 4; French, 4. This is yy, per cent of the whole. There is quite a movement of Russians and Finns into California. It will thus be seen that the Japanese invasion is not as great as has been made to appear. A RACE QUESTION. ^ That this is a race cjuestion, in all of its bearings, is readily seen from what has already appeared and from two or three additional quotations that are here given: "The Board of Education is determined in its efforts to effect the establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese pupils, not only for the purpose of relieving the congestion at present prevail- ing in our schools, but also for the higher end that our children should not be placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be affected by association with pupils of Mongolian races." — Action of San Francisco Board of Education, May 6, 1905. "The National body politiic can assimilate the Europeans of whatever grade, but never the Asiatic. They are aliens, always, no matter what their civil status." — The San Francisco Call. "The whole thing is based upon theoretical race prejudice. There are thousands of foreign children in the San Francisco public schools — Italians-, Portuguese, Russians, Irish, and all the rest. None of them is neater, cleaner, more obedient and charming than the Japa- nese. There is no concrete or real objection to these children at all. The whole movement is based upon a theoretical race hatred, and utterly unworthy of any Board of Education." — The California Chris- tian Advocate. "If the Japanese should continue to come in as they are coming now, there is unfortunately no doubt whatever of ultimate race war- fare, which might become bloody, and which all the powers of the United States could not prevent." — San Francisco Chronicle. "In many States the white and colored races are taught in sepa- rate schools. If the Southern States can segregate the races in its schools, why may not the Californians do so?" — ^TheArgonaut. """~" In the next chapter, reference will be made to several attacks and assaults upon Japanese which have no other explanation. They were attacked because they were Japanese, and an agitation had been started against them. CHAPTER VI. The Activity of tiie Japanese°Corean Exclusion League and of Organized Labor The campaign against the Japanese really began with a series of sensational articles published in The San Francisco Chronicle, Feb- ruary 23, 190S, and continued for about a month without intermission. From time to time, articles of a similar sensational nature have appeared since, especially in connection with the famous action of the School Board in segregating Japanese children, and in relation to the broader question of immigration. A few days after the first article was published, namely, March 4, a report appeared in the papers of a meeting of the Building Trades Council, which passed a resolution Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 69 presented by the Secretary, O. A. Tveitmoe. This protested against ""the national policy, laws, and treaties which allow Japanese to enter our ports, to the great detriment of our citizenship, our standard of living, and the progress of American civilization.'' The First Anti- Japanese Convention. Sunday, May 7, 1905, in Lyric Hall, San Francisco, the first Anti- Japanese Convention was held. The Chronicle of that morning said: "The meeting of the Anti-Japanese Convention at Lyric Hall this afternoon will mark an important epoch in the history of San Fran- cisco, of California, and, in fact, of the whole country. No movement of recent years has been more important to the vital interests of the ■country than the agitation against the unrestricted immigration of a ■non-assimilative horde of Asiatics. While the labor unions, the wage- ■earners of California, have taken the initiative in the movement, the ■question is one which affects every American, irrespective of occupa- tion or affiliation." The following day The Chronicle said editorially: "The Anti- Japanese Convention, which met in this city on Sunday, although mainly composed of delegates from organized bodies of , manual workers, desires to be considered, and is entitled to be considered, as a representative body of American citizens, and not the representa- tives of any particular class." However, those who have kept track of the agitation, during these two years, have had no difficulty in observing that it has been a movement pure and simple of organized labor. The speakers at this first meeting were Messrs. O. A. Tveitmoe, Walter McArthur, Andrew Furuseth, W. J. French, E. L Wolf, and Mayor E. E. Schmitz. Principal Agents in the Agitation. A paragraph concerning these speakers, who have been the prin- cipal agitators during these two years, may be of interest. Mr. Tveitmoe is the Secretary of the Building Trades Council, the Presi- dent of the Exclusion League, and has recently been appointed one of the Supervisors of San Francisco by Mayor Schmitz. This latter appointment is understood to be a reward for his work in the Labor Party, which elected Mayor Schmitz, and also a recognition of his work in connection with the Exclusion League. In The Call of February 10, 1907, it is stated that while Mayor Schmitz and party were in Wash- ington attempting to settle the Japanese question, and while the State Legislature was expected to be silent upon the question, Mr. Tveitmoe planned a trip to Socramento, the State Capital, to resurrect the proposed laws which had been pigeon-holed for the time being. The Sacramento correspondent of The Call said concerning the proposed visit: "The arrival home of Senator Lukens from the Orient, and the coming here early in the week of O. A. Tveitmoe are expected to lend new incidents to the Japanese question in the Legislature. Tveitmoe, coming to the Capitol in his capacity as President of the 70 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Japanese and Corean Exclusion League, is not expected to experience great difficulty in bringing from the committee some of the anti- Japanese measures now in hibernation." This will give a clear idea of the zeal and methods of Mr. Tveitmoe, as well as his lack of tact, which was referred to at the close of Chapter I. Mr. .Tveitmoe has. been specially active in this campaign from the beginning. Other Active Workers. Walter McArthur, prominently connected with the Coast Sea- man's Union, is another prominent Union Labor man. As noted above, he was one of the speakers at the National Immigration Con- gress; and at the State Federation of Labor Convention at Stockton, -in January, 1907, he was chosen as representative to the American Federation of Labor. It is significant that, in reporting the Conven- tion, the statement was made that San Francisco had about two-thirds of the votes of the Convention. Andrew Furuseth is also connected with the Coast Seaman's Union, and was the principal factor in the strike on the Coast steamers which was so embarrassing, immediately following the fire. Mr. E. I. Wolfe is a State Senator from San Francisco. He is a Hebrew, and is the one who caused such a sensation in requesting the Chaplain of the Senate to omit the reference to Jesus Christ in his prayers. Mayor Schmitz has been so much in the public eye of late that reference to him seems unnecessary. A Former Meeting. At the meeting of the first Anti-Japanese Convention, referred to above, Mr. Tveitmoe, on taking the chair, said that five years before a meeting was held in the Metropolitan Temple, at which an address upon the subject of Japanese Exclusion was delivered by Dr. Ross. Organized Labor, the organ of organized labor, said that this was "printed in the columns of Organized Labor and has since been reprinted by nearly every labor paper, magazine, and periodical of any standing published in the English language." Concerning this former meeting, Secretary Tveitmoe, in an inter- view published in The Chronicle, said: "This question was taken up four years ago by organized labor, the- Building Trades Council of San Francisco, and the San Francisco Labor Council. We recognized at that time the imminent danger to our State and country from Japanese immigration, and the agitation resulted in a mass meeting, which was held in the Metropolitan Temple, where Dr. E. A. Ross and others made strong addresses showing how the Japanese immigration tended to deteriorate and injure the State of California, both from a political and sociological standpoint." American Federation of Labor. The American Federation of Labor which met in San Francisco Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 71 3n 1904, after a long preamble, adopted the following: "Resolved, that the terms of the Chinese Exclusion Act should be enlarged and -extended so as to permanently exclude from the United States and its insular territory all classes of Japanese and Coreans other than those ■exempted by. the present terms of that act; further, that these resolu- tions be submitted, through proper avenues, to the Congress of the United States, with a request for favorable consideration and action 3)y that body." The Federation sent a commissioner to Japan to study the labor 3)roblem, and his report was ready when the above named articles S>egan to appear in The Chronicle. •ORGANIZATION OF THE EXCLUSION LEAGUE. The Japanese and Corean Exclusion League was then organized an San Francisco, which can be said to be Organized Labor directing -itself toward the restriction of Japanese and Corean immigration. One •of the early reports of the League, published in The Chronicle, August 14, 190S, outlined the activity of the League and indicated the personal interest of President Gompers in the movement. It said: "Your committee has been and is now furnishing the American Federation of Labor with plenty of statistical matter and data regard- ing the Asiatics in our vicinity. The result of this work brought many expressions from the press of the interior on the subject. Presi- -dent Gompers of the American Federation of Labor has personally taken up the question, and no doubt will accomplish a great deal of .good work among our Eastern friends, whererit is most needed." The same paper speaks of the organization of branches of the Exclusion League all over the Pacific Coast States. Later reports ■refer to its growth and influence in various parts of the country, ■especially in the labor organizations. The articles in The Chronicle were reprinted in pamphlet form and sent broadcast throughout the -country. It is significant that, this year, the State Federation of Labor and the Exclusion League both met at Stockton, where they were in close touch with each other. Tactics of the League. President Tveitmoe, of the Japanese Exclusion League, made public through The Call of January 28, 1907, the plans of the League. "These are of great interest in. showing how public sentiment is created .and as giving basis for the statement so oft repeated that the Pacific Coast is a unit on the question. The article says: "It is through the Legislature that the League hopes to acquire efficiency, and numerous bills will be presented to the lawmakers at the present session. To secure the co-operation of the people of the Coast and Western States, a bill will be introduced at Sacramento requesting the formation of a committee of the Legislature ■which ■shall confer with the Legislatures or committees of the Legislatures of Oregon, Washington, Nevada, Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, and the .people of California. The need, of the exclusion movement in this part of the country is deemed obvious by the League officials, but to insure against any misunderstanding, additional pamphlets will be 72 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. issued. More than 20,000 copies have already been distributed ors the Coast." The League and Congressmen. At an Executive Board meeting of the Corean Exclusion League, reported in The Chronicle, September 30. 1906, Secretary Yoell stated that, "in compliance with instructions from the board, he was com- piling a record of the attitude of all representatives in Congress on the exclusion question, which, when completed, would be sent to all central labor 'organizations through the United States, for the guid- ance of voters at the coming election." Citizens' M^ss Meeting. As another illustration of the method of manufacturing public sentiment and creating the impression that the Pacific Coast is united on this question, reference to the preparations for a Citizens' Mass Meeting, held in San Francisco, will be of interest. The Chronicle of December 8, 1906, says: "The San Francisco Labor Council, at the meeting held last evening, accepted the invitation from the Japanese and Corean League to participate in the mass meeting of citizens =0 be held under the auspices of the League next Monday evning, in the Dreamland Pavilion, to protest against that part of President Roosevelt's Message referring to the Japanese in California." This is the famous meeting at which Mayor Schmitz spoke, to which refer- ence was made in a previous chapter. State Organizer of Labor Takes a Hand. In further illustration of the relation of organized labor to this movement, I note that one of the daily papers in reporting the orga- nization of the Japanese and Corean Exclusion League in Alameda County, California, states: "George K. Smith, State Organizer of the Federation of Labor, took a prominent part in the proceedings, and assisted greatly in the work of organization." This is the meeting that passed resolutions condemning Seeretary Taft for his utterances concerning the "unjust prejudice" of the people of the West to Chi- nese, another illustration of the statement previously made that no one can lift his head publicly in defense of the Oriental without attack by some of these leaders or bodies. Punishment of Opposers. It is well known in San Francisco that members of the various Labor Unions are expected to discriminate against the Asiatics. In The Chronicle of December i, 1906, there is a report of a meeting of the San Francisco Labor Council in which Supervisor Lonergan was accused of "violating one of the fundamental principles of the Trades Union movement in harboring Mongolians, to the exclusion of Cau- casians," the offense being that he rented houses which were occupied by Chinese. Secretary Metcalf's report refers to the boycott of Japa- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 73 nese restaurants, and a few days since a member of a Trade Union who lost his purse in a restaurant was told that he deserved the punishment because he patronized Orientals. In the first chapter, it was pointed out that the persons and papers agitating against the Japanese_ are very bitter toward the defenders of the Japanese, and of the Federal policy, several illus- trations being given. THE AGITATION AND VIOLENCE. It would be miraculous for an agitation of this kind to be kept up for several months, not to speak of years, without violence result- ing. That more has been noticeable since the fire than before is due to the longer period covered by the agitation, and to the unsettled conditions after the fire. Two days after the fire was extinguished, a meeting of the Exclu- sion League was held, and the report published in The Chronicle, April 23; said: "It would take more than a fire or shake to put the Japanese-Corean League out of business.'" About a month later plans were made and published for a meeting of the League and its sympathizers, on the first Sunday in June, and it is significant that this meeting was held and reports of it published only a few days before the unfortunate attack upon the noted Japa- nese scientists. Professors Omori and Nakamura. Attack on Noted Scientists. Professor George Davidson of the University of California is the author of the following letter, which was published in several of the city papers: "Your attention is respectfully directed to a condition of affairs which, I feel certain, will call forth not only your earnest protest, but that of every fair minded citizen who loves the good name of his city. I refer to the repeated insults which have been heaped upon the party of Japanese scientists, at present visiting this city, by boys and hood- lum gangs in the streets. Dr. F. Omori of the Imperial University of Tokio, and one of the greatest living authorities in Seismography, was especially sent here by the Japanese Government to make a study of the recent disaster. He is accompanied by Dr. T. Nakamura, Pro- fessor of Architecture in the same institution; and the two are assisted byTVlr. R. Sano and Mr. M. Noguchi. These gentlemen, in the pursuit of their investigations, have had occasion to visit all quarters of the city to make numerous notes and photographs. "It has been while so engaged that the annoyances to which your "attention is drawn, have taken place. On Saturday afternoon last. Dr. Omori, while taking certain photographs on Mission Street, near the Post Office, was attacked by a gang of boys and young men, some of them wearing the livery of the Postal Service, and his hat was crushed in by a stone as large as an egg. On Tuesday last, Dr. Naka- mura was assaulted in a similar manner while making an examination in the ruined district, and sand and dust were thrown over him and his assistants. Insults of a similar kind, but varying in degree, have been suffered by these gentlemen not less than a dozen times since they began their work in this city. , ,. . "They are naturally surprised that such treatment should be extended to friendly strangers, more especially in view of the extreme 74 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. courtesy and kindness with which they have been received by the official scientists and representative men of this community. While I recognize the fact that acts of this Icind are not countenanced by the better element of the people, and that it is extremely difficult to control the acts of irresponsible hoodlums, I believe that something may and should be done to create a public sentiment which will frown ■down the rougher element which, in this vicious way, brings disgrace upon the comrnunity." Vicious Report in The Call. Under the heading, "Tells How Omori's Dignity and Hat Were -Jarred," and under the picture of the guilty lad, The San Francisco Call published the following report: "Bouncing a tomato can off the head of science with sufficient force to stir nations, and even receiving more or less questionable •notice from no less a personage than the President of these United States, has left a far less lasting and gratifying impression upon Sydney Marks, late special delivery messenger, than has the manner in which he escaped the ignominy of the label of falsehood disgracing the metaphorical can his esqapade attached to himself. "Marks is the lad who mussed Professor Omori's silk hat and dignity by shying a tomato can at the distinguished Japanese seismolo- gist gathering photographic data on the effect of the earthquake behind the Post Office last summer. The professor's complaints were so vigorous that they reached the ear of President Roosevelt, and to show the Japanese Government our national regret over a most unfortunate occurrence, Sydney was separated from the Government Service." The report continues, in the language of young Marks: "Well, it was this way. There was a bunch of us out behind the Post Office, when one of the gang yells, 'Pipe the Skipple under the dicer. JLet's soak 'im.' The Jap was squinting through his photograph machine when we let loose for fair; me to be the lucky boy. I bounced a can off his sky-piece. He was sure sore. But we sent him down the alley after the naughty boy who did him wrong." The report continues for several inches in similar style and lan- guage and, indeed, is a disgrace to journalism. The facts are that it was a stone and not a tomato can; a derby and not a silk hat; and Professor Omori made no complaint whatever. On the other hand, he greatly regretted the incident, and desired that no notice be taken of it. But an incident which called forth an apology from the Mayor and Governor naturally reached the President through Secretary Met- calf. It was quite unlikely that the boys knew who they were throwing at. Dr. Omori was attacked because he was a Japanese, and not because he was a prominent man. It is ^ illustration of what was' taking place almost daily among the humbler Japanese of the city, and rllustrates the harmful influence of a hostile press. Second Attack Due to Strike. That the second attack upon Professor Omori, while he was visiting the city of Eureka, was due to the strike on the Coast Steam- ship lines, is clear from the letter addressed to Dr. Omori by Mayor Torrey, a part of which is as follows: "As the representative of the Executive Authorities of the City' of Discrimination Against Japanese in California. ; Eureka, and with full confidence that he is representing the undivide and unanimous sentiment of the citizens of the city, the undersigne begs to deplore the ruffianly and inexcusable assault committed upc your person last evening in this city. "That this assault was the result of unfortunate tnistake, due ( the labor troubles now prevailing on this Coast, does not in any wi: excuse its heinousness and brutality." The Daily Humboldt Times, Eureka, in reporting the unfortuna occurrence, under the heading, "Unfortunately Taken for a Strik Breaker and Assaulted on the Street," said, in part: "The accoster thereupon struck the Doctor upon the jaw, knocl ing him down, and planting a No. lo on the seat of his trousers, ( the astonishment of the seismic specialist, who immediately sougl the hotel and postponed any further sight-seeing. When he arrive at the hotel and a Times man explained the circumstances at tl present time, and what prompted the attack, he took the affair qui good-naturedly, and considered that the joke was on him, although h face was swollen and gave him much pain." Though there may be no connection between the two, the leadi of this strike, who is reported to have been before the Courts for con plicity in it, was Mr. Furuseth, one of the prime movers in the organ zation of the Japanese-Corean Exclusion League. The Japanese hai too much sense to engage as strike-breakrs, and it is strange that D Omori was taken for one. Being a Japanese, it is not strange that 1 was severely dealt with. Other Assaults. It is not my purpose to burden this pamphlet with reports i assaults upon Japanese. Secretary Metcalf's Report contained mar which he deemed of sufficient importance to report to the Presiden Two will be noticed here, and they will be referred to in the languag of the press dispatches: "A small riot, insignificant in itself, but which may be the first of series of events to strain the relations between Japan and America 1 the breaking point, occurred late this afternoon in the Japanese quart( on Geary street. A young man, Ed Mell, employed in a stable at 15: Geary street, precipitated the disturbance with a vicious swing whic landed on the jaw of Tokuchika, a Japanese delivery driver. In a instant a hundred angry Japanese and a score of young Americans hs collected. There was a general move of the Orientals toward Me 'Come on, all of you,' he cried. 'I'll lick every d d Jap in tl crowd.' " — Special to The Oregonian, December 13, 1906. Prompt action on the part of the police prevented further troubl the aggressor being arrested. "Clark, who was attacked by the Japanese, is not seriously hui He was somewhat bruised and received a bad cut on his head. Tl trouble had its origin in the strong feeling growing out of the Se Francisco school trouble and the Anti-Japanese sentiment in the coti munity."— Portersville special dispatch to The San Francisco Chro; icle, January 4, iQoy. These attacks and many others are clearly due to the agitati( against the Japanese on the Coast. 76 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. CHAPTER VII. Solution of the Problem It is most natural that in a problem so many-sided as the present 'one there should be a diversity of views as to the best means of solu- tion. In the present chapter, the demands of the Exclusion League, ■as endorsed by The Chronicle, will be given, together with my own views and the views of others, including certain prominent Japanese. At the close of the chapter the question of Naturalization will be (considered, particularly in relation to its effect upon the cessation of this agitation. DEMANDS OF THE EXCLUSION LEAGUE. The Japanese and Corean Exclusion League has from the begin- ning demanded an exclusion law. At a meeting of the League, as reported in The Call of November 27, 1905, the following proposed bill to be passed upon by Congress was unanimously adopted, and the League has done its utmost to have this bill, at least in substance,- passed through the Congress of the United States: "A bill to prohibit the coming into', and to regulate the residence within, the United States, its Territories and all territory under its jurisdiction, and the District of Columbia, of Japanese persons and persons of Japanese descent, and Corean persons and persons of Corean descent: "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that all laws now in force prohibiting and regulating the coming of Chinese persons and persons of Chinese descent into the territory of the United States or the territory under the judisdiction of the United States, and the resi- dence of such persons therein, be, and the same are hereby, made to apply to Japanese persons and persons of Japanese descent and Corean persons and persons of Corean descent, with the same force and effect as to Chinese persons and persons of Chinese descent; and that wherever in such laws mention is made of the officers, territory or Government of China, or the officers of the United States in China, such mention shall be deemed, in the case of Japanese persons and persons of Japanese descent, to be mention of the officers, territory, or Government of Japan, or officers of the United States in Japan, and in the case of Corean persons and persons of Corean descent, to be mention of the officers, territory, or Government of Corea, or of offi- cers of the United States in Corea." The bill further prov'des that, as to all of the continental territory of the United States, Hawaii included, there shall be in the case of Japanese or Corean laborers a like registration and certification as in the case of Chinese laborers to take effect six months after the passage of the act. And a further provision is made that, as in all of the insular territory of the United States, Hawaii excepted, there shall be a like registration and certification as in the case of Chinese laborers, to take effect nine months after the passage of the act. It will thus be seen that the proposition is to restrict Japanese immigration by act of Congress; and to apply the same law to the Japanese and Coreans which has been so offensive to the Chinese, a Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 77 law which excludes all except classes specially exempt. Endorsed by The Chronicle. The San Francisco Chronicle has, from the first, taken the position that the United States has the right, without the revision of the present treaty, to exclude Japanese laborers who desire to enter the United States and its possessions. Its position is clearly shown in an editorial of February 13, 1907, a portion of which reads as follows: "What we want is the exclusion of Japanese manual workers, and that not by 'treaty,' which may imply that Japan has a voice in the matter, but by national statute. Nevertheless, this should be with all due courtesy and in pursuance of a diplomatic understanding, possibly reduced to writing, in which each nation recognizes the complete sovereignty of the other over its own territory." Opposed by The Call. The San Francisco Call said editorially during the early stages of the discussion, in commenting on the language of the treaty: "When it was conceived that Chinese immigration was harmful to us, we made several ineffective attempts at exclusion, which were voided by the Courts. Finally, the Supreme Court of the United States, in an opinion written by Mr. Justice Field, pointed out that exclusion legislation must be based upon an amendment to the treaty. We sent a special embassy to China and secured the desired amend- ment, and exclusion legislation followed. If we want to exclude the Japanese, we must take the same course. The Japanese Government has already let it be known that it will not assent to any treatment of its subjects different from that given to the people of any other nation. In other words, it adheres to the equality of treatrnent secured in the treaty above quoted. To advise that we proceed against Japan, with that treaty in existence, is to advise mischief." RECOMMENDATIONS IN MY FORMER PAMPHLET. In a brief discussion of this question in a pamphlet entitled "Restriction of Japanese Immigration," published in 1905, the present author expressed his views as follows: "The position of The Chronicle and the action of Labor Organizations contemplates exclusion laws. The joint resolu- tion of the State Legislature, on the other hand, requests action by the President and the State Department rather than by Congress. By entering into any such treaty the Japanese Government would declare before the world the inferiority of her people to the masses of immigrants who are coming from Europe by the hundreds of thousands. It is only recently that Japan, after an awful struggle, succeeded in getting relief from a treaty which discriminated against her. I refer to that which limited the amount of import duty which she could collect, and exempted foreigners residing in Japan from the action of the laws of that country. Then the exemption existed both in China and Japan, and it still exists in the former. Japan is today a member of the sisterhood of civilized nations, and an ally of Great Britain. Those who suppose that she is going to forget the awful struggle and step from this pedestal and take her place along, with 78 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. China, as China was twenty years ago, or even as she is today, have not yet awakened to the situation. And in writing thus I do not refer to Japan's great military and naval strength and to her power to enforce her rights. Some there are who fear, and who have given expression to their fears, but there is no 'yellow peril' of this kind so long as we hold steadily to our best American traditions." This position, taken two years ago, the author finds no reason for changing today. That certain adjustments are necessary, all who have studied the question will admit. It must also be admitted that the United States has rights which Japan, like all other nations, is bound to respect. Still, Japan has rights under the treaty which we are bound to respect. And the adjustment, however important and urgent in the opinion of some, must be made to the satisfaction of all parties concerned. What is needed to day is a plan that will restrict undesirable immigration from- whatever country, and that will apply to European nations as well as to Japan. VIEWS OF OTHERS. In view of their wide acquaintance with matters in the East, as well as in this country, and of the high standing and great influence of each, I present the views of President Jordan of Stanford Uni- versity, Mr. George Kennen, the noted correspondent, and Hon. John Barrett, so well known in American diplomacy. President Jordan. The views of this prominent educator and writer are given in the article previously quoted. I am permitted to present an extract from- a letter by Dr. Jordan to a prominent citizen of Los Angeles, which tersely expresses his opinion on the question. He says: "In igoo, the Government of Japan prohibited the direct emigra- tion of this class (laborers) to- the United States. "This was in the belief that they made a bad impression on Americans, and that the higher interests of the Empire might be imperiled by their presence in America. I do not know who took the initiative in this suggestion. I was in Japan at the time. I was freely told that Japan wanted the good will of America, that she would do whatever America might wish in emigration matters, but that in whatever action might seem best she must take the leading part. She had then just escaped, through the good offices of America, from the national humiliation of the outside consular jurisdiction in her treaty ports (Nagasaki, Kobe, Yokohama, and Hakodate). Such humiliation she would not again endure, and her dependence was on America, a nation which had always been her friend, and from which her people as well as her national aspirations had always received justice. "As Japan has checked direct immigration to the United States, so will she check indirect immigration through Hawaii, Canada, or Mexico, if we politely and diplomatically ask her to do so. This request cannot come from exclusion leagues, newspapers, State legis- latures, nor yet from Congress. It can be received only through the President of the United, and the Department of State." Mr. George Kennan. Mr. George Kennan, the distinguished war correspondent and Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 79 author, spent several weeks in personal study of this Japanese question in preparation for a series of articles which will appear shortly in certain of our leading magazines. Because of this investigation, as well as his thorough acquaintance with things Japanese growing out of his relation to the Japanese Government during tte late war, he 15 particularly qualified to speak wisely upon this most difficult sub- ject. In an interview published in The Call of December 6, 1906, Mr. Kennen said: "I am here as a student of the situation, and am not ready to express myself in this regard (possible clash at arms). But if the Pacific Coast, and California especially, desire to escape being overrun by Japanese, the only proper court to pursue would be to request the Government at Washington to open negotiations with Japan looking toward restrictions being placed by Japan herself upon the class and quantity of emigrants leaving that country for these shores. That would be the wiser course, instead of putting up the bars against them on this side." Hon. John Barrett. At a dinner given in his honor at Portland, under the auspices of the Commercial Club, Hon. John Barrett delivered a remarkable address touching our relations to the East and to South America, as reported in The Oregonian of December 18, 1906. He is United States Minister to Colombia, and spent several years as a represen- tative of our country in the East during a very critical time. He said in part: ^'The. present situation in California is indeed serious and unfor- tunate, aiid the problem is no easy one to solve, but the solution will be reached. It will be reached with honor and satisfaction to all, provided one thing is borne in mind: that it is studied patiently and impartially, with a view to the interests of all concerned. "The greatest desideratum to California seem^ to be the restric- tion <3f the entry of Japanese coolie labor. This can be brought about in only two friendly ways: either by treaty stipulations or by statutory enactment acceptable to both nations. There must be harmony of action We cannot force Japan to sign a treaty that is not approved by the Japanese Government and), people, and we cannot pass a law prohibiting Japanese coolie immigration without either revising the present treaty or, in order to avoid offending against the law of nations and precedents of international comity to the extent of precipitating a grave situation, depending upon Japan itself to restrict by law or order such emigration to the United States. "Now it stands to reason that whatever Japan does she will be persuaded to do through our respectful consideration of her rights and honorable diplomatic treatment. Without for a moment discussing the pros and cons of the particular school issue in San J.rancisco, let us hope that there will be temperate judgment, patient discussion an avoidance of rioting, rough treatment and untoward mcidents pending ^hesfncere efforts of the President, who, despite some pubhc^ criti- cism Ts deeply concerned in the progress and prosperity of the Pacific St to conduct negotiations with Japan that will solve the problem hi a way pleasing to all, satisfy alike the '=>?'"^f,f pCahfo™a and^he -D restive of Japan, protect our commerce with the tar bast, f}? away with all talk of w'ar, and make the United States and Japan^alheS for- Tver in maintaining pacific conditions on the Pacific Ocean. 8o Discrimination Against Japanese in California. JAPANESE VIEWS: Professor Mitsukuri. The Chronicle of January 20, 1907, printed a remarkable letter from Professor Kakichi Mitsukuri, Dean of the College of Science of the Imperial University of Tokyo, to President David Starr Jordan, ■ written in September, 1900. At that time there was a demand for a law prohibiting the landing of Japanese in America, which inspired the letter, a portion of which follows. Dr. Mitsukuri reviewed the history of the international relations between the United States and Japan, mentioned several reasons why the Japanese are gratful to Amrica, and said that, take it all in all, there is no country which is regarded by the largest mass of the Japanese in so friendly and cordial a manner as America. Touching the methods of restricting Japanese immigra- tion into America, he said: "It is, therefore, with a sort of incredulity that we receive the news that some sections of the American people a're clamoring to have a law passed prohibiting the landing of Japanese in America. It is easily conceivable to the intelligent Japanese that there may be some undesirable elements among the low class Japanese who emigrate to the Paciiic Coast, and if such proves to be the case, after a due investi- gation by the proper authorities, the remedy might be sought, it appears to us, by coming to a diplomatic understanding on the matter and by eliminating the objectionable feature. The Japanese Govern- ment would, without doubt, be open to reason. But to pass a law condemning the Japanese wholesale for no other reason than that they are Japanese, would be striking a blow at Japan in her most sensi- tive point. The unfriendly act will be felt more keenly than almost anything conceivable. An open declaration of war will not be resented as much. "The reason is not far to seek. Japan has had a long struggle in recovering those rights of an independent state which she was forced to surrender to foreign nations at the beginning of the intercourse with them and in obtaining a standing in the civilized world. And if, now that the goal is within the measurable distance, her old friend, who may be said in some sense to be almost responsible for having star;ted her in this career, should turn her back on her and say she will no longer associate with her on equal terms, the resentment must necessarily be very bitter." SOLUTION IN NATURALIZATION. With the vision of a statesman. President Roosevelt, in his Mes- sage to Congress, introduced one sentence which has been the occa- sion of world-wide comment. The historic statement is: "I recom- mend to the Congress that an act be passed specifically providing for the naturalization of Japanese who come here intending to become American citizens." As is most natural, there is great diversity of opinion as to the wisdom of the proposed legislation. Reasons for Naturalization. Naturalization is a recognition of equality, and the extension of this privilege to the Japanese would result in a 'cessation of the agitation against them on the basis of race prejudice growing out of fancied inequality. The politicians look very differently upon immi- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 8i grants who have not the rights of franchise from what they do upon those whose votes they think they can use. It is a sad fact that one great difficulty in securing the passage of a law restricting immigration from Europe is in the effect that such restriction would have upon the voting power of certain classes of naturalized citizens. On the other hand, talk as we may about equality, the Japanese are shrewd enough to see that they are not recognized as equal so long as they are not permitted to enjoy the privilege conferred upon certain classes of immigrants. The Japanese people 'who have been recognized as the equal of various civilized neoples, by treaties of equality with the most advanced nations, and by a special treaty with Great Britain, naturally resent any discrimination against them in the different treatment of their children in the schools and in proposed exclusion laws. Neither the people of Japan nor the people of America can truly recognize an equality so long as there is different treatment. The Japanese are in every way worthy of such full recognition. This has been seen in the discussion of the question of assimilation. To offset the charge made in the French papers that Japan is still barbarian. Professor Miwa, of the University of Kioto, has recently contributed an article in La Revue of Paris to show that the Japanese savants are contributing largely to the scientific knowledge of the world. These, he says, are only a few of the things which Japanese scientists have done of late years for the benefit of their country and the world at large. He tells "of the vfork on the multiplication of the elliptical functions by Professor- Fuji, in the mathematical line, of Professor Nagaoka's study of the relation between magnetism and torsion; of Professor Sakiya's instrument to give ocular demonstra- tions of siesmic disturbances, in physical science; of Professor Yo- shida's varnish to keep the bottoms of vessels from fouling; of Professor Muabara's tubular boilers, now used exclusively in the Japanese Navy; of Professor Shimpse's high explosive, which exerts more power than lyddite; of Professor Shimoyama's successful experi- ments in the treatment of camphor, which have made the export of that gum possible from Formosa; and of the work of Professor Nagai, which enables Japan to export indigo." The Japanese are generally recognized as among the most advanced in medical science. These only illustrate that there is an equality which the American people have not recognized. Conservative as the Japanese nation has been compelled to be, she has opened her doors of crtizenship to the peoples of other countries. The late Dr. Verbeck, whose distinguished services to Japan are a matter of common knowledge, after years of residence in Japan, found himsfilf without a country, having left his home in Holland for America before he became of age, and having left this country for Japan without being naturalized. Before naturalization laws in Japan made possible any such recognition, the Japanese Government mag- nanipiously extended special privileges to Dr. Verbeck, practically 82 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. recognizing him as a citizen. Still later, Mr. Hearne, the distinguished writer, became a Japanese subject, and others followed his example. Japanese Expatriation. A recent Washington dispatch reports Senator Perkins as having said: "The inherent Japanese traits of patriotic impulses will make them a foreign element in any country to which they may migrate. The Japanese, wherever distributed, will remain a considerable unit in the aspirations of the Japanese race; and, however distant their residence from the throne of the Mikado, will still constitute an element of strength in the unity of the Empire. Naturalization in any country to which they might migrate will not eliminate this racial •instinct." Concerning this. The Pacific, in its issue of February 7, 1907, says: "The treatment of the Japanese by our nation has not been such as to encourage expatriation on their part. The few -that have sought naturalization have been refused. Senator Perkins ought to be willing to give them an opportunity to expatriate themselves and to show, as other nationalities have had opportunity to show, that they can be as loyal to their adopted as to their native country. Cfertainly, so long as that has not been done, there is no justification for any dogmatic assertion that expatriation is a thing impossible to a Japanese. There was a time when it was claimed that the Germans, who came here in great numbers after the revolution of 1848, would subvert the principles of American Government. . And in the earlier years of our national history there were ever those who were fearful that many of those whom we received to citizenship would in a crisis prefer their native to their adopted country. Time has shown all these things to have been bugbears." Should Open the Way for Further Legislation. Not only will the granting of naturalization privileges to Japa- nese, who come here intending to become American citizens, aid in the settlement of these vexed questions which seem of special importance to the Pacific Coast, but it will further aid in the correction of abuses in European immigration and in the settlement of the broader question of elevating the standard of American citizenship. Rev. Dr. Doremus Scudder, who has had many years of experience -in Hawaii, writes to The Pacific: "President Roosevelt is right. He has proved himself a seer in suggesting naturalization for Japanese. The next step will be to grant this to all men upon precisely equal terms. This does not mean that we should not safeguard our citizenship. Japan will have done us an incalculable benefit if as an outcome of this controversy our Government be led to require that no alien shall be naturalized before passing an English examination in American civics under the auspices of a board constituted somewhat after the manner of our Board of Civil Service Commissioners. With such a safeguard we can afford to admit men of any race to our citizenship." In refutation of the oft-repeated assertion that Hawaii is today a Japanese colony, Dr. Scudder says: "No possible statement could be further from the truth. Numer- ically, the people of this race predominate, but the one noticeable feature of the life of these islands is the victory of American ideals over those of Asia here. Instead of Hawaii being Japanese in civili- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 83 zation, it is more truly American than San Francisco has been since the era of pure government immediately succeeding the rise of the vigUantes and preceding the days of fierce anti-Chinese agitation, ilie test of a civilization is not found in the clothes worn or in skin color but in the spirit which moves forward toward the realization of higher ideals. Governor Carter of Hawaii is doubtless in accord with these views, for he advocates the admission of Japanese children to the public schools, as noted in Chapter III., and, as reported in a Hono- lulu telegram, December 8, 1906, he expresses his approval of the naturalization of Japanese as advocated by President Roosevelt in his Message to Congress. It will require keen insight on the part of our statesmen, arid sufficient courage as well, to overcome the opposition of Organized Labor in bringing about the passage of a naturalization law as recom- mended by the President. But the frank recognition of perfect equality, including our belief in the genuine patriotism of the Japanese people, not to speak of the. benefit that will accrue to us as a nation, should lead to the passage of the proposed law. COMPROMISE DANGEROUS. It is important that the questions at issue should be settled in a way which will commend itself to all parties concerned. An adjust- ment secured in haste and without that sense of justice which has been characteristic of our Republic from the beginning would prove a great calamity. The love of fair play is both an American -and a Japanese trait. In discussing the moral reasons whicfi should draw the United States and Japan closer and closer together. Ambassador Aoki, in an address, a part of which has already been quoted, said: "It should be observed that, while the political institutions of the two countries widely differ in form, yet that high sense of liberty, equality and justice which' forms the ideal of the American national life is also the guiding principle of Japan's political life. The love of fair play, which is often referred to as a peculiarly Anglo-Saxon characteristic, I am proud to say, is also found in the blood of the Japanese people. It is, therefore, safe to say that, so long as the two peoples do not change, the commercial activities of the two peo- ples will be characterized by that sense of fairness which is after all the best guarantee of peace in the intercourse of nations, no less than in, the intercourse of individuals." Temporary Settlement. Just as this pamphlet is being handed to the printer, the telegrams from Washington indicate that a temporary settlement has been arranged. A statement isused by Mayor Schmitz, which' is reported to have the endorsement of the President, is, in part, as follows: "We have every reason to believe that the adrninistration now shares, and that it will share, our way of looking at the problem, and that the result We desire — the cessation of the immigration of Japanese laborers, skilled and unskilled, to this country, will speedily be achieved. A striking proof of the administration's attitude is shown by the passage of the immigration bill which will bar out Japanese coming hither by way of Hawaii, Mexico, Canada and the canal zone 84 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. by enforcing limitations which Japan voluntarily puts into the pass- ports issued by her Government. "In view of our numerous interviews with the President and our understanding thereof, we feel that the question whether the right at issue was or was not given by treaty has been passed and has been absolutely eliminated from this controversy, and the proposition involved is one of comity and public policy. Such being the case, we are fully in accord with the view of the administration to the effect that, the attainment of the exclusion of all Japanese laborers, skilled or unskilled, should not be complicated with or endangered by the exercise of right of segregation by the School Board, authorized by Section 1662 of the Political Code of the State of California. "As a condition to the modification of the resolution we respect- fully insist that the legal proceedings heretofore instituted be dis- missed forthwith, and that it is expressly understood that we have not conceded, and do not concede, or intend to concede, that our action was in violation of any of the stipulations of the treaty between the United States and Japan, but on the contrary, we do clairn and assert that if any stipulation contained in said treaty is inconsistent or conflicts with the power and authority given by Section 1662 of the political Code of the State of California, then so far as said treaty attempts to circumscribe or prevent the Board of Education from regulating its own school affairs, as an exercise of local police power, such provisions in said treaty are nugatory and void." It is impossible to believe in a satisfactory settlement on the basis indicated. Th,e great questions at issue between Japan and the United States and between the United States and the State of California would seem to be st'll open and liable to cause even greater trouble in the future than in the past. The Japanese were excluded from the schools of California on the ground that they are Mongolians, and the editor of The Chronicle, the City Attorney of San Francisco and the Senate of the State of California have acknowledged that the Board had no ground to stand on. It is not surprising then, that the telegrams from Japan indicate dissatisfaction with the settlement. Their children' of proper school age, under certain conditions, are to return to the San Francisco public schools, and in return their labor- ers, skilled and unskilled, are not permitted to pass from Hawaii to the mainland. This seems to be a settlement that will be cause for endless friction and even more serious international complications. Proposed Settlement of School Question. The statement of Mayor Schmitz, above referred to, contains the following substitute for the order segregating the Japanese children from the public schools" of San Francisco: "It is therefore proposed by the Board of Education of San Fran- cisco to modify the order segregating the Japanese public school children of San Francisco heretofore made by amending the resolution to read as follows: "Section i. Children of alien races who speak the English lan- guage, in order to determine the proper grade in which they may be enrolled, must first be examined as to their educational qualifications by the principal of the school where their application for enrollment shall have been made. "Section 2. That no child of alien birth over the ages of 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, IS, or 16 years shall be enrolled in any of the first, second Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 85 third fourth, fifth sixth, seventh or eighth grades, respectively ,i,T. . 2; " ®j"^ alien children shall be found deficient in their ability to speak, or deficient in the elements of the English language, or unable to attend the grades mentioned in Section 2 by reason of the restrictions mentioned therein, such children shall be enrolled in special schools or m special classes established exclusively for such children as and in the manner the Board of Education shall deem proper and most expedient." The Chronicle of February 20, 1907, in an editorial entitled "The Compromise," says, in part: "We have caused the acceptance of the principle that Oriental manual workers are to be kept out of the United States. That has been virtually accepted by the United States Government, and is said to have been conceded by the Japanese. Another thing has happened, and that is that we have agreed to recognize the authority of a foriegn sovereign to prohibit his subjects from entering our territory or to permit them to do so. If a Japanese immigrant is stopped under the law, it is because his sovereign has not given him permission to come here. If his passport shows that he has received permission to enter, we are powerless. That may do as a temporary modus vivendi, but for nothing more. It is not satisfactory. "Finally, as a result of the school trouble, the cause of exclusion has been put forward to a point which its most ardent advocates could not have dreamed of reaching in so short a time. The active discus- sion has been going on for but two years, and exclusion is in sight." The Broader Adjustment. This adjustment would have been impossible but for the fact that there was pending in conference committee of the Senate and House of Representatives a general immigration bill, which was held up by the members of the upper house, who insisted on an educational test, to which the lower house would not assent. The Senators finally yielded to the House committee in the matter of excluding illiterates, a new clause being inserted empow- ering the President to deny admission to aliens without proper pass- ports. No nationality is directly mentioned, but the new law is under- stood to apply specially to the Japanese, as that government does not allow laborers to leave Japan without passports, and not directly for the United States. It is hoped in this way to restrict migration of Japanese from Hawaii to the mainland, to adjust the general immi- gration question thus tied up in the committee, and to solve the San Francisco school problem. Difficulties of Further Negotiations. The present settlement is understood to be temporary, and con- templates further negotiations with the Japanese Government. It crtainly would have been easier to conduct these and reach a satis- factory conclusion had it not been for this agitation covering two full years, for the unjust and untirhely order of segregation, and for this recognized compromise in the settlement. The President has won, but a large element in California and in Japan will regard themselves as losers. The Californians lost in the school decision and have not secured what they, deem important in the matter of restricting immi- gration. The Japanese lost in the segregation of pupils over sixteen years of age, which they deem entirely proper, but especially in the recent act of Congress, unless it was taken at the request of the Japa- 86 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. nese Government. If we now turn back Japanese arriving in this country without passports issued for coast ports by their Govern- ment, while admitting immigrants from various European countries, we are discriminating against them, and it will be so interpreted. If the Japanese Government has requested such policing of its subjects, all is well, and there is no fear of complications so far as they are concerned. The Agitation Will Continue. A bad feature, at present, is the dissatisfaction of the people in California. A certain element in San Francisco expresses its willingness to trust neither the Emperor of Japan nor the President, but clamors for absolute restriction by law and treaty. This view is voiced in a special dispatch from San Francisco to The Berkeley Independent, February 20, 1907, as follows: ' "About the only thing discussed in the city now is the news from Washington, and it is very safe to say that the result of the confer- ence between the Mayor and the President is going to have a very decided effect upon politics hereabout. That people here will not be satisfied with the simple amendment to the treaty allowing the Presi- dent to enforce exclusion or not, as he chooses, goes without saying. "At best it means that the agitation will be prolonged indefinitely, and that the ultimate result will be much ill feeling and possibly riots and trouble of a very serious character before it is over. Possibly, if absolute exclusion were granted, the school question could be easily settled, but no one believes that absolute exclusion for Japanese coolies has been secured, and the President has shown such a decided leaning towards the Japanese that there is a lack of confidence in the method that he will enforce the law. Most people seem to think that it means a club placed in his hands to coerce Californians to do as he wants, that hurts the President's prestige here, instead of strengthening it." It seems clear, then, that the agitation will continue in California until the promoters of this agitation secure something that fully satisfies them. Absolute exclusion by act of Congress, or even by treaty, is a long way off. The Exclusion League on Further Agitation. The Japanese-Korean Exclusion League, at a convention held Monday, March 10, as reported in the Chronicle the following day, decided unanimously to continue the agitation in the following resolution, — "Resolved — That in view of the unsatisfactory condition of the immigration law recently enacted by Congress with reference to the exclusion of Japanese and Koreans, this League hereby asserts its determination to continue the agitation for the enactment of an act by Congress for the complete exclusion of Japanese and Koreans." According to the report, opinions in the convention were very much divided as to whether the Mayor and School Board merited praise or censure, but there was but one opinion as to the amended immigration law which gives option to the President to exclude i^iscnmination Against Japanese in California. 87 Japanese coming to the coast from Hawaii and other insular pos- sessions. Nothmg short of an absolute exclusion law will satisfy the Exclusion League. Mr. MacArthur Again. As a side light concerning the safety of Mr. MacArthur as a leader m the agitation against the Japanese, it is well to note that he was a prominent speaker at the Defense League's First Assmbly, Sunday, March 3, 1907, as reported in The Chronicle the following day. The headlines are significant: "Hiss Old Glory at Mass Meeting —Unseemly Demonstration at the Defense League's First Assembly —Capitalists Threatened— Union Labor Leaders Intimate that Force May Be Used." The article began thus: "The hissing of the flag of the United States, and the lowering ■ of the national emblem m response to demands of frenzied partisans, the singing of the 'Marseillaise' by a great crowd in the street outside the place of assembly, and the impassioned declarations of labor lead- ers, that force should be resorted to, if necessary, to free Charles H. Moyer, William D. Haywood and George A. Pettibone, were incidents of the first mass meeting of the Miners' Defense League, held at Walton's Pavilion yesterday afternoon, and attended by over 4000 union labor men." The first speaker was Mr. George Tracy, president of the State Federation of Labor. He was followed by Mr. Walter MacArthur, who announced that he represented the San Francisco Labor Council, and the American Federation of Labor. The correspondent of The Chronicle says that MacArthur, after speaking most highly of the three men, and stating that Former Gov- ernor Steunenberg of Idaho deserved all the contempt that union labor bestowed upon him, and after reciting the incident of the kidnaping of the union leaders, severely criticised the decision of the United States Supreme Court in upholding the action of the Idaho authorities.- The resolution as adopted, as printed in The Chronicle, contains these sentences: "At last comes the decision of the United States Supreme Court (the supreme guessing machine), handing down the decision that it makes no difference how our brothers were taken to jail, they are there to remain. Thus, in the language of Justice McKenna, 'kid- naping is legalized.' . . . Further, we demand an immediate trial before a jury of their peers. And in asking for a jury trial we would also remind the Mine Owners' Association and the capitalist class in general, 'If you pack the jury and attpmpt to judicially murder our brothers, we will help pack full of you.' " In nothing that appears in this chapter or elsewhere in this pam- phlet is there any intention of striking at Organized Labor. The author recognizes that Trades Unions have a legitimate field, and that in the present state of society combination seems to be necessary for self-protection. The utmost wisdom is essential, however, in the 88 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. management of these unions, especially as they increase in number and power. What is capable of being a great blessing may, under the dictation of unwise leaders, become the opposite. The object in the present publication is to give the facts. The readers must draw their own conclusions as -to whether the various labor organizations in San Francisco are an unmixed blessing. LATER DEVELOPEMENTS. Measures Before the Legislature. In view of the activity of the Exclusion League at the State Cap- ital and the evident desire of many members of both Houses of the State Legislature to pass something during the closing days of the session that would satisfy the agitators, the printer's forms were held open for a few days in order to give the readers the very latest information. Several measures were pending, viz: Senate Joint Resolution No. i (Sanford) against extending the elective franchise to aliens, in opposition to the recommendation of President Roosevelt; Senate Joint Resolution No. li (Black), a most radical measure to which reference is made elsewhere, favoring a national exclusion treaty against Japanese; Senate Bill 80s (Caminetti) in- tended as a rebuke to Mayor Schmitz and the School Board for their surrender in Washington, and providing that the Japanese are among those for whom separate schools are provided and that the abolition of said schools be left to the people in the districts in which they may be located; Senate Amendment (Wolfe) provid- ing for an age limit for adm'ission into the regular schools, giving school officials discretion in the matter of the age of pupils in the primary grade, and providing for the education of other Japanese in separate schools; Senate Bill 930 (Keane) asking for the sub- mission of the Asiatic question to a vote of the people of California in 1908; Assembly Bills 404 and 527 (Drew) providing that no alien shall hold property for more than five years without becoming natur- alized which is not allowed in the case of Japanese, and further providing that leases be limited to one year; and one or two other measures. While some of these do not mention the Japanese, it is understood that they are all anti-Japanese. Vigorous Action of the President. Realizing the danger of any action whatever on the Japanese question on the part of the State Legislature, and of further delay on the part of the school board in keeping its pledge to rescind the famous resolution of October 11, 1906, President Roosevelt sent a telegram to Governor Gillett making known his views. His special Message contains the latter's telegram of inquiry and the reply of the President in full. It is as follows: "To the Assembly of the State of California: I have the honor to advise your honorable .body that yesterday I forwarded to the Pres'dent of the United States a telegram of which the following is a copy: Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 8g "'SACRAMENTO (-Cal.) March ii, 1907— Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, Washington, D. C: A "bill is now pending in our Legislature to submit to the voters two years from now the question as to whether or not Japanese labor shall be excluded from this country. Will the passage of this^ bill interfere with any of your plans or make it more difficult for you to accomplish what you have undertaken to do in the way of Japanese exclusion?' Please answer at once, as our Legislature is ■desirous of knowing concerning it. (Signed) "JAMES N. GILLETT, "Governor of California." "In reply to this telegram I received from the President the following message: "'Hon. James N. Gillett, Governor of California: I thank you for your kind and prompt attention to my request. Passage of a hill for submission to voters of California whether Japanese laborers shall be excluded will interfere with my plans and make it more ■difficult for me to accojnplish through the national government ■what I am trying to do in the matter of Japanese labor exclusion. " 'The assumption of power by the voters of California to settle this question, if assented by the national government, would immed- iately end all my negotiations with Japan for friendly adjustment, because to negotiate a settlement we must have power to settle, while on the other hand California cannot negotiate a treaty under the constitution. " 'It is, however, perfectly clear that under the Constitution only the national government can settle the question of exclusion, and such a vote of California as is proposed would have to be treated as entirely nugatory, while it would probably be regarded by those opposed to exclusion as a threat to ignore the constitutional power of the United States and exclude Japanese in defiance of their treaty rights to come in. " 'I earnestly deprecate the passage of any legislation affecting the Japanese. The National Government now has the matter in hand, and can in all human probability secure the results that California desires, while at the same time preserving unbroken and friendly relations between the United States and Japan. " 'I have the interest 'of California most deeply at heart. I shall strive to accomplish for California, as for other State or sections of this country, everything that can conserve its honor and its interest. Any such action as- that you mention would merely hamper the National Government in the effort to secure for California what only the National Government can secure. (.Signed) "'THEODORE ROOSEVELT." "I understand it is not, the intention of the Legislature to pass at this session any measure whatever affecting the Japanese. I helieve this to be excellent judgment on the part of the Legislature, ■because to do so, as suggested by the President, might interfere with and hamper the national government in making proper treaties with Japan and bringing about the result which California desires, to wit: Japanese exclusion. "I forward this message of the President to you because I desire that you shall know before adjourning, the views entertained Tdv him at this time upon this all-important question. (Signed) "J. N. GILLETT," Governor of California. Revised Action of the Board of Education. It was the evident desire of the School Board to have the case in the courts dropped before taking any action, but the Presi- go Discrimination Against Japanese in California. dent would not have it so. The Mayor then sent the following tel- egram to the President: "At a regular meeting of the Board of Education tomorrow, reso- lutions agreed upon will be adopted. Would suggest notice of dis- missal of suit by you same day. Will live up to the spirit and letter of the agreement. E. E. SCHMITZ, Mayor." The President replied congratulating the people of the United States, and especially the people of California, on the outcome and stated that he had directed the dismissal of the suit to take place immediately upon the adoption of the resolution by the Board of Education. The following day, March 13; the Board rescinded its resolution of October 11, 1906, ' and adopted an alternative reso- lution as agreed upon. United States District Attorney Devlin thereupon dismissed the case of the Japanese boy, Aoki, in the United States Circuit Court and the Supreme Court of California. The action of the Board is as follows: "Resolved and ordered. That the following resolution, adopted by the Board of Education October 11, 1906, be and the same is - hereby repealed, excepting insofar as it applies to Chinese and Kor- ean children; "Resolved, That in accordance with article X, section 1662, of the school law of California principals are hereby directed to send all Chinese, Japanese, and Korean children to the Oriental Public School, situated on the south side of Clay street, between Powell and Mason, on and after Monday, Oct. 15, 1906. "Resolved, Section i. Children of all alien races who speak the English language, in order to determine the proper grade to which they may be entitled to be enrolled, must first be examined as to their educational qualifications by the principal of the school where the application for enrollment shall have been made. "Section 2. That no child of alien birth over the ages of 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, IS and 16 years shall be enrolled ill any of the first, sec- ond, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh or eighth grades, • respec- tively Section 3. If said alien children shall be found deficent in their ability to speak, or deficient in the elements of the English language, or unable to attend the grades mentioned in section 2 by reason of the restrictions mentioned therein, such children shall be enrolled in special ■ schools or in special classes established exclus- ively for such children as in the manner the Board of Education shall deem proper and most expedient." Executive Order Concerning Exclusion of Japanese, An order which is destined to be even more historic than that of the School Board recently rescinded is thus referred to in a spec- ial dispatch to the San Francisco Chronicle. It is the first real step toward the exclusion of Japanese from this country. The question of discrimination depends solely upon the understanding with Japan and upon what it is proposed to do concerning the hordes that are pouring in from Europe at the rate of 20,000 per week. The dis- patch, including the order, is as follows: WASHINGTON, March 14.— President Roosevelt today issued an executive order directing that Japanese or Korean laborers, skilled and unskilled, who have received passports to go to Mexico or Canada or Hawaii, and come from there, be refused to enter Discrimination Against Japanese in California. gi the continental territory. Authority to refuse permission to the classes of persons cited by the President to enter the continental territory of the United States is contained in the immigration bill approved February 2Sth. It was incorporated in that measure at the request of the President and m fulfillment of a promise he made to Mayor Schmitz and- the School Board of San Francisco during their negotiations at the White House if the San Francisco authorities would rescind their action on the school question. The President's order follows: "Whereas, By the act entitled 'An act to regulate the immigra- tion of aliens into the United States,' approved February 25, 1907, whenever the President' is satisfied that passports issued by any foreign government to its citizens to go to any other country than the United States, or any insular possession of the United States, or to the canals being used tor the purpose of enabling the immi- grants coming to the United' States, it is reccommended that such persons be refused citizenship to the United States or such insular possessions or the canal zone. "And whereas, upon sufficient evidence, produced before me by the Department of Commerce and Labor, I am satisfied that pass- ports issued by the Government of Japan to citizens of that country or Korea, and who are laborers, skilled or unskilled, to go to Mexico, Canada and to Hawaii, are being used for the purpose of enabling the holders thereof to come to the continental territory of the United States to the detriment of labor therein, "I hereby order that such citizens of Japan or Korea, to wit, Japanese or Korean laborers, skilled and unskilled, who have re- ceived passports to go to Mexico, Canada or Hawaii and com'e therefrom, be refused admission to the continental territory of the United States. "It is further ordered that the Secretary of Commerce and Labor and he is hereby directed to take through the bureau of immigra- tion and naturalization such measures and to make and enforce such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry this order into eflfect. "THEODORE ROOSEVELT." Coincident with this order, the President has directed dismissal of the two suits filed in San Francisco, at the direction of the Department of Justice, which had in view the testing of the ques- tion of treaty rights of Japanese children to enter the white schools. This step the President had promised to take when the School Board rescinded its original action barring Japanese children from the white schools. Concluding Words. The object in putting out this pamphlet, as stated at the outset, has been to give the gist of the question in all its bearings, in as little space as possible; to embalm current literature upon the subject; to furnish proof of the real nature of the campaign, laying stress upon the fact that a large and influential class in California have no sym- pathy with the movement against the Japanese; and to point out the only satisfactory solution to the problems. The school question has been settled for th-e present, and let us hope for all time. It would be a great pity to have it break out again in San Francisco or in some of the other cities of the State, as a result 92 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. of further agitation and in consequence of the cases being withdrawn) from the courts. The permanent, settlement of the greater question — that of immi- gration — will depend upon careful restriction arranged and enforced by tl>e Japanese Government, and upon the door being opened by the- United States, under proper restrictions, for the naturalization of Japa- nese who come here intending to become American citizens. APPENDIX--A Extract from President Roosevelt's Message to Congress Concerning the Japanese Question It is a mistake, and it betrays a spirit of foolish cynicism, to main- tain that all international governmental action is, and must ever be,, based upon mere selfishness, and that to advance- ethical reasons for such action is always a sign of hypocrisy. This is no more necessarily- true of the action of governments than of the action of individuals. It is a sure sign of a base nature always to ascribe base motives for the- actions of others. Unquestionably no nation can afford to disregard' proper considerations of self-interest, any more than a private indi- vidual can do so. But it is equally true that the average private indi- vidual in any really decent community does many actions with refer- ence to other men in which he is guided, not by self interest, but by public spirit, by regard for the rights of others, by' a disinterested purpose to do good to others, and to raise the tone of the community as a whole. Similarly, a really great nation must often act, and as a matter of fact, does act, toward other nations in a spirit not in the- least of mere self-interest, but paying heed chiefly to ethical reasons; and as the centuries go by this disinterestedness in international action,, this tendency of the individuals comprising a nation to require that nation to act with justice toward its neighbors, steadily grows and' strengthens. It is neither wise nor right for a nation to disregard its own needs, and it is foolish — and may be wicked — to think that other nations will disregard theirs. But it is wicked for a nation only to- regard its own interest, and foolish to believe that such is the sole motive that actuates any other nation. It should be our steady aim to- raise the ethical standard of natural action, just as we strive to raise the ethical standard of individual action. Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat with- justice and good will all immigrants who come here under the law. ■Whether they are Catholic or Protestant, Jew or gentile; whether they crime from England or Germany, Russia, Japan or Italy, matters noth- ing. All we have a right to question is the man's conduct. If he is honest and upright in his dealings with his neighbors and with the- State, then he is entitled to respect and good treatment. Especially do- ~ we need to remember our duty to the stranger within our gates. It is the sure mark of a low civilization, a low morality, to abuse or dis- criminate against or in any way humiliate such stranger who has come here lawfully and who is conducting himself properly. To remember this is incument on every American citizen, and it is, of course, peculiarly incumbent on every Government official, whether of the- Nation or of the several States. I am prompted to say this by the attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the Japanese in this country. This hostility is- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 93 sporadic, and is limited to a very few places. Nevertheless, it is most discreditable to us as a people^ and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences to the nation. The friendship between the United States and Japan has been continuous since the time, over half a century ago when Commodore Perry, by his expedition to Japan, first opened the islands to Western civilization. Since then the growth of Japan has been literally astounding. There is not only nothing to parallel it but nothing to approach it m the history of civilized mankind. Japan has a glorious and ancient past. Her civilization is older than that of the nations of Northern Europe— the nations from whom the people of the United States have chiefly sprung. But fifty years ago Japan's development was still that of the middle ages. During that fifty years the progress of ithe country in every walk in life has been a marvel to-mankind, and she now stands as one of the greatest of civilized nations; great in the arts of war and in the arts of peace; great in military, in industrial, in artistic develop- rnent and achievement. Japanese soldiers and sailors have shown themselves equal in combat to any of whom history makes note. She has produced great generals and mighty admirals; her fighting men, afloat and ashore, show all the heroic courage, the unquestioning, unfaltering loyalty, the splendid indifference to hardship and death, which marked the loyal Ronins; and they show also that they possess the highest ideal of patriotism. Japanese artists of every kind see their products eagerly sought for in all lands. The industrial and com- mercial development of Japan has been prenomenal — greater than that of any other country during the same period. At the same time, the advance in science and philosophy is no less marked. The admirable management of the Japanese Red Cross during the late war, the effi- ciency and humanity of the Japanese officials, nurses and doctors, won the respectful admiration of all acquainted with the facts. Through the Red Cross the Japanese people sent over $100,000 to the sufferers of San Francisco, and the gift was accepted with grati- tude by our people. The courtesy of the Japanese, nationally and indi- vidually, has become proverbial. To no other country has there been such an increasing number of visitors from the land as to Japan. In return, Japanese have come here in great numbers. They are welcome, socially and intellectually, in all our colleges and institutions of higher learning, in all our professional and social bodies. The Japanese have won in a single generation the right to stand abreast of the foremost and most enlightened peoples of Europe and America; they have won on their own merits and by their own exertions the right to treatment on a basis of full and frank equality. The overwhelming mass of our people cherish a lively regard and respect for the people of Japan, and in almost every quarter of the Union the stranger from Japan is treated as he deserves — that is, he is treated as the stranger from any part of civilized Europe is and deserves to be treated. But here and there a most_ unworthy feeling has manifested itself toward the Japanese — the feeling that has been shown in shutting them out from the common schools in San Fran- cisco, and in mutterings against them in one or two other places because of their efficiency as workers. To shut them out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there are no first-class colleges in the land, including the univer- sities and colleges of California, which do not gladly welcome Japa- nese students and on which Japanese students do not reflect credit. We have as much to learn from Japan as Japan has to learn from us, and no nation is fit to teach unless it is also willing to learn. Through- out Japan Americans are well treated, and any failure on the part of Americans at home to treat the Japanese with a like courtesy and 94 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. consideration is by just so much a confession of inferiority in our own civilization. Our nation fronts on the Pacific, just as it fronts on the Atlantic. We hope to play a constantly growing part in the great oceon of the Orient. We w^sh, as we ought to wish, for a great commercial devel- opment in our dealings with Asia, and it is out of the question that we should permanently have such development unless ,we freely and gladly extend to other nations the same measure of justice and good treatment, that we expect to receive in return. It is only a very small body of our citizens that act badly. Where the Federal Govern- ment has power it will deal summarily with any such. Where the several States have power, I earnestly ask that they also deal wisely and promptly with such conduct, or else this small body of wrong- doers may bring shame upon the great mass of their innocent and right-thinking fellows— that is, upon our nation as a whole. Good manners should be an international no less than an individual attri- bute. I ask fair treatment for the Japanese as I would ask fair treat- ment for Germans or Englishmen, Frenchmen, Russians or Italians. I ask it OS due to humanity and civilization. I ask it as due to our- selves because we must act uprightly toward all men. I recommend to the Confiress that an act be passed specifically providing for the naturalization of Japanese who come here intending to become American citizens. One of the great embarrassments attending the performance of our national obligations is the fact that the statutes of the United States are entirely inadequate. They fail to give to the National Government ample power, through United States Courts and by the use of the army and navy, to protect aliens in the rights secured to them under solemn treaties which are the law of the land. I therefore earnestly recommend that the criminal and civil statutes of the United States be so amended and added to as to enable the President, acting for the United States Government, which is responsible in our international relations, to enforce the rights of aliens under treaties. Even as the law now is, something can be done by the Federal Government toward this end, and in the matter now before me affecting the Japanese, everything that it is in my power to do will be done, and all of the forces, military and civil, of the United States, which I may lawfully employ will be so employed. There should, however, be no particle of doubt as to the power of the National Government completely to perform and enforce its own obligations to other nations. The mob of a single city may at any time perform acts of lawless violence against some class of foreigners which would plunge us into war. That city by itself would be power- less to make defense against the foreign power thus assaulted, and if independent of this Government it would never venture the perform- ance of the acts complained of. The entire power and the whole duty to protect the offending city or the offending community lies in the hands of the United States Government. It is unthinkable that we should continuea policy under which a given locality may be allowed to commit a crime against a friendly nation, and the United States Government be limited, not to preventing the commission of the crime, but, in the last resort, to defending the people who have com- mitted it against the consequences of their own wrongdoing. B.— THE PRESIDENT'S SECOND MESSAGE AND SECRETARY METCALF'S REPORT. (Reprinted from The Oakland Tribune, December i8, 1907.) WASHINGTON, Dec. 18. — President Roosevelt's special message Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 95 on the Japanese situation in San Francisco, accompanying Secretary Metcalfs report, was sent to Congress today. The message and report follow: To the Senate and House of Representatives: I mclose herewith for your information the final report made to me personally by Secretary Metcalf on the situation affecting the Japanese m San Francisco. The report deals with three matters of controversy— first, the exclusion of the Japanese children from the ban f'rancisco schools; second, the boycotting of Japanese restaurants, and, third, acts of violence committed against the Japanese. As to the first matter, I call your especial attention to the very small number of Japanese children who attend school, to the testi- mony as to the brightness, cleanliness and good behavior of these Japanese cliildren in the schools, and to the fact that, owing to their being scattered throughout the city, the requirement for them all to go to one special school is impossible of fulfillment and means that they cannot have school facilities. Let me point out further that there would be no objection whatever to excluding from the schools any Japanese on the score of age. It is obviously not desirable that yoiing rnen should go to school with children. The only point is the exclu- sion of the children themselves. The number of Japanese children attending the public schools in San Francisco is .very small. The Government has already directed that suit be brought to test the constitutionality of the act in question; but my very earnest hope is that such suit will not be necessary, and that as a matter of comity the citizens of San Francisco will refuse to deprive these young Japa- nese children of education and will permit them to go to the schools. The question as to the violence against the Japanese is most admirably put by Secretary Metcalf, and. I have nothing to add to his statement. I am entirely confident that, as Secretary Metcalf says, the overwhelming sentiment of the State of California is for law and order and for the protection of the Japanese in their persons and property. Both the Chief of Police and the acting Mayor of San Francisco assured Secretary Metcalf that everything possible would be done to protec the Japanese in the city. I authorized and directed Secretary Metcalf to state that if there was failure to protect persons and property, then the entire power of the Federal GoVrnmnt within the limits of the constitution would be used promptly and vigorously to enforce the observance of our treaty, the supreme law of the land, which treaty guaranteed to Japanese residents everywhere in the Union full and perfect protection for their persons and property; and to this end everything in my power would be doiie, and all the forces of the United States, both civil and military, which I could lawfully employ, would be employed. I call special attention to the concluding sentence of Secretary Metcalfs report of November 26, 1906. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. The White House, December 18, 1906. SECRETARY METCALF'S REPORT IN FULL. The President: I have the honor to submit the following: In my previous report I said nothing as to the causes leading up to the action of the School Board in passing the resolution of October II, and the effect of such action upon Japanese children, residents of the City of San Francisco, desiring to attend the public schools of that city. A report on this matter will now be made, therefore; and after describing the local public sentiment concerning the recent dis- turbances with regard to the Japanese, an account will be given, first. gS Discrimination Against Japanese in California. of the boycott maintained by the Cooks and Waiters Union of San Francisco against Japanese restaurants doing business in that city, and, second, of the several cases of assault or infury inflicted upon the persons or property of Japanese residents. It seems that for several years the Board of Education of San Francisco has been considering the advisability of establishing sepa- rate schools for Chinese, Japanese and Corean children,-and on May 6, 190S, passed the following resolution: Resolution of Board. "Resolved, That the Board of Education is determined in its efforts to effect the establishment of separate schools fox Chinese and Japanese pupils, not only for the purpose of relieving the congestion at present prevailing in our schools, but also for the higher end that our children should not be placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be ailected by association with pupils of the Mongo- lian race." And on October 11 the Board passed the following resolution: "Resolved, That in accordance with Article X, Section 1662, of the School Law of California, principals are hereby directed to send all Chinese, Japanese or Corean children to the Oriental public school, situated on the south side of Clay street, between Powell and Mason streets, on and after Monday, October 15, 1906." The action of. the Board in the passage of the resolutions of May 6, 190S, and October 11, 1906, was undoubtedly largely influenced by the activity of the Japanese and Corean Exclusion League, an organi- zation formed for the purpose of securing the enactment by the Con- gress of the United States of a law extending the provisions of the existing Chinese exclusion act so as to exclude Japanese and Coreans. The League claims a membership in the State of California of 78,500, three-fourths of which membership is said to be in the City of San Francisco. The membership is composed almost entirely of members of labor organizations. Section 2, Article 2, of the consitt.ution of the league is as follows: "The league as such shall not adopt any measures or discrimina- tion against any Chinese, Japanese or Coreans now or hereafter law- fully resident in the United States." Yet, on October 22, 1905, at a meeting of the league held in San Francisco, as reported in The San Francisco Chronicle of October 23, 190S, a resolution was adopted by the league instructing its execu- tive committee to appear before the Board of Education and petition for separate schools for the' Mongolian children of San Francisco. Prior to the action of the league, the Board of Education, as I am inforrned, received many protests from citizens of San Francisco, whose children were attending the public schools, against Japanese being permitted to attend those schools. These protests were mainly against Japanese boys and men ranging from 16 to 22, 23 and 24 years of age attending the primary grades and sitting beside little girls and boys of seven and eight years of age. When these complaints became known to Japanese residents, I am informed that some of the older pupils left the primary grades. Number of Japanese Pupils. On the day when the order of October 11 vvent into effect, viz., October 15, there were attending the public schools of the City of San Francisco ninety-three Japanese pupils. These pupils were distriljuted among twenty-three schools of the primary grades. There are eight grades in the public schools of San Francisco, the first grade being the lowest and the eighth the highest — graduates of the eighth grade going into the High Schqol. Of this total of ninety-three pupils, sixty-eight were born in Japan and twenty-five in the United States. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 97 Those born in the United States would, of course, under Section i Article XIV of the Constitution of the United States, be citTzens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside, and as such stitject to the laws of the Nation as well as of the State. ..,y.J^,l ^^^A °^ the pupils attending the public schools on the day when the order went into effect ranged from seven to 'twenty years A list of pupils attending the schools, which hst gives the name of each pupil, name of school, age of pupil, grade, place of birth, and sex. is hereto attached and marked "Exhibit A." It will be observed that those born in the United States occupy about the same position in the different grades as American children of the same age, while those born m Japan are very much older. It will be noted that the Japanese students were distributed among the grades as follows: Japan born Native born Grade. No. Age. No. Age. Grade. Eighth I 20 I 14 Seventh Sixth Fifth I I 2 S 3 3 I 2 3 2 I I I 4 2 2 I 2 I I 2 Age. 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 17 16 15 30 18 19 17 16 IS 14 18 17 14 13 12 Japan born Native born No. Age. No. Age. 13 Fourth 2 I I I 3 2 I Third I I 2 2 I . I I Second II 19 18 17 IS 13 12 II 10 16 IS 12 8 I 10 9 cirst I I 13 II 10 9 i» 8. 7 10 9 8 7 8 7 6 The number of schools in San Francisco prior to April 18 was 76. Of this number 28 primary or grammar schools and two high schools were destroyed by fire, and one high school was destroyed by earth- quake, leaving 45 schools. Since April- 18 twenty-seven temporary structures have been erected, making the total number of school buildings at the present time 72. A map showing the location of the public schools in San Francisco attended by Japanese pupils up to the time the order of the board went into effect as herewith submitted, and raarked "Exhibit B." The portion of the map marked off with red ink indicates the burned section of San Francisco. Oriental School. The Oriental School, the school set apart for the Chinese, Japa- nese and Corean children, is in the burned section. There is only one • Japanese student attending this school at the present time, and there are no Japanese children attending any of the other public Schools. I visited the Oriental School in company with the Japanese Consul,, and found it to compare favorably with many of the new temporary structures erected in the city. The course of instruction is exactly the same as at the other public schools, and competent teachers are assigned for duty in this school. Nearly all of the pupils attending this school have to be taught the English language. 98 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Children Cannot Attend. An examination of tlie map attached hereto will at once clearly show that it will be absolutely impossible for children residing in the remote sections of the city to attend the Oriental School. The conditions in San Francisco are such, owing to the g:reat conflagra- tion, that it would not be possible even for grown children living at remote distances to attend this school. If the action of the Board stands, then, and if no schools are provided in addition to the one mentioned, it seems that a number of Japanese children will be pre- vented from attending the public schools and will have to resort to private instruction. I found the sentiment of the State very strong against Japanese young men attending the primary grades. Many of the people were outspoken in their condemnation of this course, saying that they would take exactly the same stand against American young men of similar ages attending the primary grades. I am frank to say this objection seems to me a most reasonable one. All of the political parties in the State have inserted in their platforms, planks in favor of Japanese and Corean exclusion, and on March 7, 1905, the State I/egislature passed a joint resolution urging that action be taken by treaty or otherwise to limit and diminish the further immigration of Japanese laborers into the United States. Press Is Hostile. The press of San Francisco pretty generally upholds the action of the Board of Education. Of the attitude of the more violent and radical newspapers it is unnecessary to speak further than to say that their tone is the usual tone of hostility to "Mongol hordes," and the burden of their claim is that Japanese are not better than Chinese, and that the same reasons which dictated the exclusion of the Chinese call for the excktsion of the Japanese as well. The temper and tone of the more conservative newspapers may better be illustrated by an epitome of their argument upon the public school question. That argument practically is is follows: The public schools of California are a State and not a Federal institution. The State has the power to abolish these schools eptirely, and the Federal Government would have no right to lift its voice in protest. Upon the other hand, the State may extend the privileges of its schools to aliens upon such terms as it, the State, may elect, and the Federal Government has no right to question its action in this regard. Primarily and essentially the public schools are designed for the education of its own citizens alone. It wiuld not for a moment main- tain this expensive institution to educate foreigners and aliens who would carry to their countries the fruits of such education. There- fore, if it would be held that there was a discrimination operating in violation of the treaty with Japan in the State's treatment of Japanese children, or even if a new treaty with Japan should be framed, which would contain on behalf of Japanese subjects the "'most favored nation" clause, this could and would be met by the State, which would then exclude from the use of its public schools all alien children of every nation, and limit the rights of free education to children of its own citizens, for whom the system is primarly designed and main- tained, and if the State should do this the Federal Government could not complain, since no treaty right could be violated when the children of Japanese were treated precisely as the children of all foreign nations. The feeling in the State is further intensified, especially in labor circles, by the report on the conditions in the Hawaiian Islands as contained in Bulletin 66 of the Bureau of Labor, Department of Com- merce and Labor. The claim is made that white labor has been Discrimination Against Japanese in California. gg almost entirely driven from the Hawaiian Islands, and that the Japa- nese are gradually forcing even the small white traders out of business. Prominent Educators. Many of the foremost educators in the State,' on the other hand, are strongly opposed to the action of the San Francisco Board of Education. Japanese are admitted to the University of California, an institution maintained and supported by the State. They are also ' admitted to, and gladly welcomed at, Stanford University. San Francisco, so far as known, is the only city which has discriminated against Japanese children. I talked with a number of prominent labor men, and they all said that they had no objection to Japanese children attending the primary grades; that they wanted Japanese children now in the United States to have the same school privileges as children of other nations, but that they were unalterably opposed to Japanese young men attending the primary grades. The objection to Japanese men attending the primary grades could very readily be met by a simple rule limiting the ages of all children attending those grades. All of the teachers with whom I talked while in San Francisco spoke in the highest terms of the Japa- nese children, saying that they were among the very best of their pupils, cleanly in their persons, well behaved, studious, and remark- ably bright. The Board of Education of San Francisco declined to rescind its resolution of October ii, claiming that, having established a separate school for Chinese, Japanese, and Corean children, the provisions of Section 1662 of the Political Code became mandatory. Boycott Maintained. A boycott was maintained in San Francisco from October 3 to October 24 by members of the Cooks and Waiters' Union against Japanese restaurants doing business in that city. Nearly all of the leaders of labor organizations in San Francisco, interviewed on this subject, disclaimed any knowledge of any formal action being taken for the boycotting of these restaurants. They admitted, however, that there was a decided sentiment in the unions against patronizing Japanese restaurants, and that that sentiment was created and fos- tered by speeches in union meetings and by personal action of the different members, with the object of not only preventing union labor men, but the public as well, from patronizing these restaurants. The secretary, as also the business agent, of the Waiters' Union, Local No 30, headquarters at 119S Scott street, San Francisco, said that no resolution against Japanese restaurants had been passed by their union, but that it was prged in their meetings and by different members of the union to themselves refrain, and to keep the public as well from patronizing such restaurants; that for three weeks in the early part of October men were employed by the Cooks and Waiters' Union to stand in front of Japanese restauraiits on Third street and distribute match boxes on which was pasted a label, as follows- "White men and women, patronize your own race ; that this was not, strictly speaking, a boycott, as a boycott must be instituted through the Labor Council. Perhaps a better idea of the feeling in labor organizations against "the Japanese restaurants, and the methods that were resorted to for the purpose of preventing white people from patronizing those restaSrants, can be gained by reading'.the following^extract from the minutes of the meeting of the Executive Board of the Japanese and Corean Exclusion Lea|ue, as reported in The San Francisco Chron- icle of June 2S, 1906: 100 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. To Send Protest to Union Labor. "The Executive Board of the Japanese and Corean Ex;:Iusior League at the meeting held Saturday evening listened to complaints that many ■wags earners, laborers and mechanics patronize Japanese restaurants, while eating houses conducted by white persons are as easy of access and more inviting than those of the Mongolians Secretary Yoell was instructed to communicate with all central laboi bodies in this city, informing them of the fact that among the patrons of Japanese restaurants are supposed to be men who hold member- ship in unions affiliated with central councils. "The league requests the councils to urge upon all affiliated unions to enforce the penalties imposed by their laws for patronizing Japanese or Chinese. The league also offers to supply proof of the fiagrant violations complained of, and proposes to have the offenders photographed in order to submit copies of the photographs to the central councils, and through them to their affiliated unions. In this way the league hopes to accomplishe a double purpose — to deter union men from patronizing Asiatics, or establish the fact that the offenders are not union men, and thus refute what is said to be a persistent slander against union men. "The attention of councils and unions is also to be directed to the fact that many berries sold in San Francisco are grown and shipped to market by Japanese and Chinese, and wage-earners are to be cautioned against the danger to their health and that of-tTieir health a jid— that of their families in eating berries picked and packed by unclean and unhealthy Asiatics. "The plans for holding a series of mass meetings in coast and interior towns in California were discussed at length, but final arrange- ments were deferred until the project shall be approved by the league, which will hold its next convention on Sunday, July i." Boycott of Japanese Restaurants, and Results. As a matter of fact, a most effective boycott was maintained against nearly all of the Japanese restaurants located in San Francisco for a period of at least three weeks. Pickets were stationed in front of these restaurants, and every effort was made to prevent people from patronizing thm. At times stones were thrown and windows broken, and in one or two instances the proprietors of the restaurants were struck by these stones. I personally interviewed the restaurant-keepers and took down their statements. George Sugihara, a restaurant keeper at 177 Third street, stated that the boycott commenced on October 3 and continued until October 24; that on the first day the boycotters distributed match boxes on which was written: "White men and women, pat- ronize your own race"; that at about noon of the second day a large number of men came to his place of business and asked the people who were about to enter his restaurant not to patronize the Japanese restaurants; that customers attempting to enter his place of business were sometimes restrained by force, and that blows were also struck; that on or about the loth or 15th of the month the boycotters came three times a day — morning, noon and evening; that sometimes' they threw bricks and stones into his place; that one of the waiters asked them the reason why they did these things and they replied, "Ask the policeman"; that it was very seldom that a policeman was seen on the scene; that he complained to the policeman on the beat; that' sometimes the policeman spoke to the boycotters and appeared to be friendly with them; that whenever a policeman appeared who was unfriendly to the boycotters, the boycotters left; that on one occasion when he asked the boycotters how long they intended to keep up the boycott, they replied: "UntiJ the end — until the Japanese give up Discrimination Against Japanese in California. loi heir business, pack up their goods, and return to the place Whence hey came." Agreement to Pay Boycotters. Mr. Sugihara -also said that there was an agreement to pay the )oycotters for the purpose of declaring the boycott off; that all the ■acts were known to Mr. S. Imura, president of the Japanese Union, md that the proposition to pay cash to the Cooks and Waiters' Union ffzs made by Mr. Imura, repreienting the Japanese Union, and that ;he amount to be paid was $350; that he, Sugihara, did not know the lame of the person to whom the money was to be paid; that he was present on October 25 or 24 when $100 of the $350 was paid; that he saw the money paid; that'll was paid by Imura, as president of the fapanese Union; that he did not know the name of the man to whom :he money was paid, but would recognize him if he saw him again. The windows of the Golden Gate Restaurant, H. Sugiyama pro- prietor, 256 Third street, were broken on October 17 or 18. Mr. Sugiyama stated that whenever any customers left his place the joycotters threw stones at them, and struck them as well; that his ;ustomers were all white people; that it was impossible for him to stand at the cash register near his window, as they broke his windows; :hat one of the stones struck him on the side; that on the first day Df the boycott he went to the Japanese Consul and applied for assist- ince, and that the Consul said he would write a letter to the Chief jf Police; that on the second day he went to police headquarters, at ;he corner of Pine and Larkin streets; that he did not remember ;he name of the officer whim he saw, but that he was directed by that jfficer to go to the Southern station; that three or four days after his /isit to the police station a special policeman and the regular police- nan on the beat came, to his place at the noon hour and remained :rom 12 to I and watched the place; that there was no violence after :he policemen came, but that the men with the match boxes were ilways there; that when the policemen came there were five or six jf the boycotters present at the noon hour. fapanese Restaurant Keepers Corroporate Each Other. S. Imura, proprietor of the White Star Restaurant, corroborated ;he statements made .by George Sugihara and H. Sugiyama as to the Dreaking of windows and assaulting of customers. Y. Kobayashi, restaurant keeper at 20 Ellis street, stated that his restaurant was joycotted for three days only. I. Kawai, restaurant keeper at 1213 Folsom street, stated that his restaurant was boycotted for twenty- jne days. M. Shigeawa, of 336 Third street, stated that his restau- -ant was boycotted for three weeks. Y. Noda, of 1905 Geary street, stated that his restaurant was boycotted for about a month. G. Nishi, Df 1625 O'Farrell street, stated that his restaurant was boycotted for ■our days. R. Tamura, of 705 Larkin street, stated that his restaurant Aras boycotted for two days, and O. Matsumodo, of 1469 Ellis street, stated that his restaurant was boycotted for two days. These restaurant keepers were all examined by me at the Japa- lese Consulate in San Francisco. They all said that they were not issaulted by the boycotters, but that the efforts of the boycotters were nainly directed toward preventing customers from entering their jlaces of business. The restaurant keeper who was, struck with the stone said that he did not think the stone was thrown at him, but :hat it was thrown for the purpose of smashing the windows and rightening his customers. They Have a Union. i o rf ■ It appears that the Japanese restaurant keepers of San I'rancisco lave a union of their own, of which S. Imura is president .They nade application, so they say, to the Cooks and Waiters Umon of 102 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. San Francisco for admission to membership in that union, but their application was denied. After the boycott had been maintained for a few days the Japanese restaurant keepers held a meeting for the purpose of discussing the boycott and of devising some way of stopping it. They discussed first the obtaining of an injunction, and appointed a committee. This committee visited the Japanese- American Association located in San Francisco and asked the associa- tion to consult a lawyer. They were informed that a test case would cost $500, and that if the test case failed it would cost each restaurant keeper $200 for each case tried. A second meeting of the Japanese restaurant keepers was then held, at which the matter was again discussed. The impression seemed to prevail that even if an injunction was obtained it would take too long, cost too much money and be ineffective. They then determined to pay money to the boycotters, and appointed a com- . mittee for that purpose. The committee consisted of S. Imura, G. Sugihara, Y. Kobayashi, and Mr. Nakashima. The sum of $3So was collected by this committee from the restaurant keepers, in amounts ranging form $17.50 to $25. An arrangement was entered into with the leaders of the boycotters, whose name was only known to S. Imura, for the payment of the sum of $350 for the purpose of declaring the boycott off. Imura declined to give the name of the man to whom the money was paid, claiming that he had promised not to do so, but if necessary he would furnish the name to the Japanese Consul. Before leaving San Francisco the Consul informed me that W. S. Stevenson was the man to whom the money was paid. One hundred dollars was paid by check at the Japanese-American Bank on Sutter street in San Francisco, the check being made payable to the order of W. S. Stevenson. There were present at the time this check was paid, S. Imura, G. Sugihara, and some members, so Imura said, of the bank, probably clerks. The balance of $250 agreed upon was to have been paid on Monday, October 29, but the man Stevenson did not call for the money, and I was informed that it had not been paid up to the time of my departure from San Francisco. The boycott stopped with the payment of the money. Business Fell Off. All of the restaurant keepers united in stating that their business had falleji off at least two-thirds during the period of the boycott. The correspondence between the Japanese Consul and the Chief of Police is here to attached and marked "Exhibit D." There have been a number of boycotts of white restaurants in San Francisco, Oakland and other cities in California in the past five or six years, growing out of labor disputes. These boycotts have been maintained for weeks at a time, and during their maintenance threats have been made an dacts of violence have been committed. Pickets have been stationed in front of the restaurants, and the names even of customers entering the restaurants have been taken down and reported. I saw the Chief of Police, as also H. H. Colby, Captain of Police in charge of the district in which most of the Japanese restaurants are located, and was informed by both of these officers that as soon as their attention was called to the disturbances on Third street, officers were detailed at each of the Japanese restaurants at each meal hour, and that the officers were instructed to arrest if any violation of the law was committed, and that after the officers were so stationed there were no disturbances or violations of the law. The Chief of Police assured me that every effort would be made by him to protect the Japanese restaurants in San Francisco, and that Discrimination Against Japanese in California., 103 violators of the law would be promptly arrested and punished, e acting Mayor of San Francisco also assured me that he would operate with the police department of the city and would see that irything possible was done to protect Japanese subjects and prevent lations of law. I am satisfied, from inquiries made by me and from statements de to me by the Japanese restaurant keepers, that the throwing of nes and breaking of windows was not done by the men picketing restaurants, but by boys who had gathered in front of the restau- its as soon as the boycott was instituted. latlese Are Often Assaulted. Assaults have from time to time been made upon Japanese sub- ts resident in the city of San Francisco. I was informed by the ief of Police that upon receipt of a communication from the Japa- le Consul he at once instructed Captains of PoPce to make every art to stop these assaults, and, if necessary, to assign men in zens' clothes to accomplish the purpose. The correspondence ween the Japanese Consul and the Chief of Police and the acting .yor of the city is hereto attached and niarked "Exhibit E." I deemed it best, in order to get at the exact facts, to take the tements of the Japanese who claimed to have been assaulted, ese statements were taken at the Japanese consulate in San Fran- :o, by Mr. J. S. McD. Gardner, interpreter in the immigration vice at San Francisco, and Mr. K. Kawasaki, a Japarlese student the senior class of the University of California. Since these state- nts are in the words of the victims themselves, and shaw as nothing e could, such grounds as there are upon which to found a complaint violence, they are here given in full: / idence Given in Full. S. Inatsu, 121 Haight street. I am a student and a member of the )anese Y. M. C. A. On October 28, at 7:15 p. m., I was attacked the corner of Laguna and Haight streets by eight young men, from to 20 years of age; they rushed up behind me and struck me in ; face, and then ran away. I looked around for a policeman, but ild not find one^ I went to the Y. M. C. A. and was treated by : doctor there. I made complaint about the matter to the Japanese sociation, but not to the police department. T. Kadono, 121 Haight street. I am a member of the Japanese M. C. A. On the fifth day of August, 1906, on Laguna street, ween Haight and Page streets, at 10:40 a. m., on my way to church, vas attacked by about thirty people, men ranging from fifteen to ;nty-five years of age. They followed me down the street and beat over the head and face with their fists. I tried to resist them, ; they were too strong for me. They made my nose bleed. I nt to St. Thomas Hospital for medical treatment. I complained to ; superintendent of the Japanese Presbyterian Mission, and was ased by him not to make any complaint to the police. I was laid for a week on account of this attack. I have the blood-stained rt, which I can produce if necessary. C. Obata, 1823 Sutter Street. I am an artist. On September 20, 16, at about i :4s p. m., on Sutter street, between Pierce and Steiner, front of the skating rink, as I was making my way home, I was icked by about twelve young men, ranging from 16 to 20 years of ;. They beat me and threw bricks and stones at me. I picked up tick and started to go for them, and then they ran away, three of y falling dovirn as they ran. A special policeman came along at ; time, and the people told him that I knocked three people over; he took me to the Police Court, where I was dismissed. This 104 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. finished the case. I was released on bail, as I had been arrested for disturbing the peace. I. Ikeda, 1608 Geary street. I have a fruit store. About a month ago — October s, 1906 — some bad boys came to my stor.e and stole fruit and threw stones into the store. On September 2, 1906, down in the wholesale district (I do not know the name of the street), as I was driving my wagon, some men started to throw fruit at me, then pieces of brick, hitting my back. The reins of my rig got loose, and I was obliged to stop and get down to fix them. I had no sooner gotten down than somebody came up and hit me in the face, and gave me a black eye. I made complaint about this to the Japanese Association. I could identify the man who hit me. K. Kai, 181S Sutter street. I have a provision store, Masu & Co. On September 6, 1906, about twenty young men, from 18 to 21 years of age, came to my store and stole a bunch of bananas. My clerk, S. Ichishita, ran after them and asked them what they were doing. Wheret^on some of them turned on him and beat him so badly that he was laid up in bed for two days. On the 8th of September, 1906, as a white person was buying fruit in my store, someone threw a stone into the store, which hit my wife on the leg and hurt her quite badly. I made complaint about this to the Japanese Association. S. Ikusa, 578 Cedar avenue. I am a restaurant keeper. On August 29, 1906, about 8 p. m., some children, about sixteen of them, stood in fi'oHt of my restaurant and broke the windows; they then pulled down my sign and ran away with it. I made complaint about this to the Japanese Association. Y. Sasaki, 121 Haight street. I am a member of the Japanese Y. M. C. A. and a student. On August 8 or 9, at 4 p. m., at the corner of Steiner and Sutter streets, I was attacked by about ten young men, ranging from 16 to 20 years of age, who were playing baseball. They called me bad names, and when I paid no attention to them they threw the baseball at me, but missed me. They then ran after me and beat me over the head and on the face, causing my nose to bleed and stunning me. Then they ran away. I looked for a policeman, but could not find any, so returned home. I made no official complaint of this to anyone. Y. Fuiita, 121 Haight street. I am a student and a member of the Japanese Y. M. C. A. On August 18, 1906, at about 11:30 a. m., on the corner of Haight and Lyon streets, about eight young men, ranging from 18 to 22 years of age, threw stones at me, but missed me. They then ran after me and beat me on the head, knocking me down. Some people on the street saw this and offered to help me. When the young fllows saw this they ran away. I met a policeman and com- plained to him. I do not remember the policeman's number, but he told me that he would help me, and took my name and address; but as the young man had run away he let the matter drop. K. Kimura, 121 Haight street. I am a student and a member of the Japanese Y. M. C. A. On September 6, 1906, at 11:30 a. m., on Webster street, between Haight and Walla streets, as I was walking along, five young men, about 18 years of age, stuck a big stick, about six or seven feet long, between my legs and lifted me up, throwing me on my face and cutting my mouth badly. After I had fallen they ran away. I made no official complaint of this to anyone. R. Koba, 1274 O'Farrell street. I am secretary of the Japanese Association of San Francisco. On August i6, 1906, at 9 p. m., as I was walking up Post street and had turned into Laguna street, three unknown men jumped out of the darkness of Cedar avenue and hit me on the neck from behind two or three times. I stopped, and started to fight them back. One of them tried to hit me in the face. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 105 missed; then one of them drew a revolver and threatened me, it at this time some friends of mine came along, and the three n ran away. I reported this attack to the Chief of Police next rnmg, and he told ipe thfit hewas very sorry, and would try hi's- t hereafter to protect the Japanese. X- Shihohara, corner Eleventh avenue and Fulton street. I work i saloon. On September 15, 1906, at 10 p. m., on Sutter street, near ibster, three men, ranging from 26 to 30 years of age, grabbed me 1 knocked me down, and then ran away. I was not badly hurt, so nt home and went to bed. I did not make any complaint about this tter to anyone. N. Akagi, 115 Church street. I have a furniture store. On. tober 20, 1906, at 7 o'clock p. m., on Page street, between Steiner 1 Pierce streets, as I was delivering goods to my customers, twO' ing men, about 17 or 18 years of age, knocked the merchandise out my hands and slapped my face. I took no action, and did not ort this case to the police. On October 20 I applied to Weidenthal & Goslinger, electrical rkers, 151 Church street, to make electrical connections at my re. On Novembe'r 3 the manager of the establishment flatly used, saying that he was a member of the Japanese and .Corean elusion League and could not work in a Japanese establishment; lerwise he said he would be fined $50 by the league. On this ount my store is still without electrical connections. I. Takayama, 1401 Scott street. I am a laundryman. On Sep- iber 12, igo6, as I was on my route delivering, at the corner of guna and Eddy streets, about 11 a. m., four men, aged from 27 to years, with gaspipes about four feet long, accosted me, and struck wagon with sucli force that two holes, about three by four inches, re made in my wagon. They threatened me with bodily violence 1 I hurried away. About a month ago, as I was delivering laundry work on Scott eet, seventy or eighty school children threw stones at my wagon, ; stones of rain, and several holes were made. So continuous was 3 act on the part of the school children that I desisted from calling that section of the city, thereby losing seven or eight customers. September 9, on O'Farrell street, near Laguna, several hoodlums icked my person, as well as Mr. Kawasaki, of the Japanese Asso- tion. This was about 2:30 p. m. The matter was reported to the ice department. For the last three or four weeks they have loyed me continuously at my place of residence. During the after- m or in the middle of the night, rotten fruit, stones, etc., have been own into my shop. The night watch has not been very effective, id not report this case to the police. G. N. Tsukamoto, 3500 Twenty-third street. I am proprietor of Sunset City Laundry. Soon after the earthquake the persecutions ame intolerable. My drivers were constantly attacked on the hway, my place of business defiled by rotten eggs 'and fruit; win- vs were smashed several tiines. I was forced to hire, on September ;wo special policemen at, great expense, and for fully two weeks i obliged to maintain the service. The miscreants are generally ing men, 17 or 18 years old. Whenever newspapers attack the anese these roughs renew their misdeeds with redoubled energy. S. Takata, 1158 Haight street. I am a lodging house keeper. On Tust 28, 1906, about 9 p. m., my window was smashed by a person- persons unknown. Again, on August 30, about 11 p. m., someone ke my large front window. I reported these incidents to the anese Association, but not to the police. T. Tamura, 1612 Lagun^ street. I have an employment office in io6 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 'San Francisco. On August S, about 7 p. m., a large numbers of .youngsters passed through the streets with drums and trumpets, ■denouncing Japanese. One hour later a gang of rough looking laborers, thirty or forty strong, came to my place and smashed my windows. I telephoned to the police department several times, but to no avail. On the afternoon of the succeeding day a policeman called ■and inquired what was the matter. That same night all the remaining windows were completely broken by persons unknown to me. M. Sugawa, 1172a Devisadero street. I am a shoemaker. On August 17, 1906, at 8:40 p. m., as I was passing on Sutter street, near Scott, three boys, 21 or 22 years of age, attacked my person. I nearly fainted. Upon rising to my feet, they again assaulted me. This time ■they smashed my nose. I grabbed the coat of one of the trio, and after having my nose dressed at one of the nearby hospitals, I went home. The next day a policeman came, requesting me to give up the coat. I at first refused, but finally, upon his assuring me that it would be deposited at the police station, I gave it up. I reported the matter to the police. When the case came up for trial the youngster was dismissed on the plea of insufficiency of evidence. Dr. S. Hashimoto, 1615 Gough street. I am a physician. Toward the end of August, as I was on my way to visit a patient, in a great hurry, I was surrounded on Castro street, near Market, by a group of boys, ranging in years from 15 to 25. The number was soon increased to fifty. Seeing the situation was hopeless, I ran with all my might. I was struck on the leg by a flying missile and my valise was. injured. I did not report the case to the police. I. Ikuda, 1608 Geary street. I am a clerk in a Japanese store. On November 2, 1906, as I was driving my wagon on Davis street, between Vallejo and Broadway, five or six laborers, apparently over 28 years old, appeared from the baggage cars and threw potatoes and egg plants at me and my horse. Soon they began throwing pieces of brick, and I was forced to turn back a block or so. Since September 8 such incidents occurred five times. None of these events were reported to the police, because it would be of no avail. No Police in Neighborhood. These attacks, so I am informed, with but one exception were made when no policeman was in the immediate neighborhood. Most of them were made by boys and_ young men; many of them were vicious in character, and only one appears to have been made with a view of robbing the person attacked. All these assaults appear to have been made subsequent to the fire and earthquake in San Fran- cisco, and my attention was not called to any assaults made prior to the i8th day of April, 1906. Dr. F. Omori, of the Imperial University of Tokyo, one of the world's most distinguished scientists, and, as stated by Prof. George Davidson, of the University of California, one of the greatest living authorities in seismography, sent to San Francisco by the Japanese Government to study the causes and effects of the earthquake, was stoned by hoodlums in the streets of San Francisco. Prof. N. Naka- mura, professor of architecture in the Imperial University of Tokyo, was also stoned in the streets of San Francisco by young toughs and hoodlums. Doctor Omori was also assaulted when visiting Eureka, Cal. Neither of these eminent gentlemen made formal complaint of these assaults, and wished that no official recognition be taken of them. I attach hereto copy of letter of Professor Davidson, calling the attention of the press of San Francisco to these assaults, as also copies of letters of the Postmaster of San Francisco, the Mayor of San Francisco, the Governor of the State, and the Mayor of Eureka, expressing their great regret for these assaults, and apologizing that Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 107 hey should have been made. See Exhibit F. Assaults on Japs Condemned. I know that these assaults upon the Japanese are universally ;ondemned by all good citizens of California. For months the citizens )f San Francisco and Oakland have been terrorized by numerous nurders, assaults, and robberies, both by day and night. The police lave been powerless. The assaults upon the Japanese, however, were lot made, in my judgment, with a view of robbery, but rather from a 'eeling of racial hostility, stirred up possibly by newspaper accounts- jf meetings that have been held' at different times relative to the ;xclusion of Japanese from the United States. The police records of San Francisco show that between May 6, [906, and November s, 1906, 290 cases of assault, ranging from simple issaults to assaults with deadly weapons and assaults with murderous ntent, were reported to the police of San Francisco. Of the number io reported, seven were for assaults committed by Japanese, and two :omplaints were made against Japanese for disturbing the peace. The Japanese population in San Francisco is about 6000. The total popu- lation of San Francisco today is estimated to be between 325,000 and 350,000. While the sentiments of the State of California, as manifested by the public utterances of the Japanese and Corean Exclusion League, by articles in many of the leading newspapers of the State, by decla- rations of the political parties in their platforms, and by the passage of a joint resolution by the State Legislature on March 7, 1905, is in favor of the exclusion of Japanese coolies, yet the overwhelming sentiment in the State is for law and order apd for the protection of Japanese in their persons and their property. Will Get Protection. The Chief of Police of the City of San Francisco, as also the acting Mayor of the city, assured me that everything possible would be done to protect the Japanese subjects in San Francisco, and they urgently requested that all cases of assault and all violations of law affecting the Japanese be at once reported to the Chief of Police. I impressed very strongly upon the acting Mayor of the city, as also upon the Chief of Police, the gravity of the situation, and told them that, as officers charged with the enforcement of the law and the protection of property and person, you looked to them to see that all Japanese subjects resident in San Francisco were afforded the full protection guaranteed to them by our treaty with Japan. I also informed them that if the local authorities were not able to cope with the situation, or if they were negligent or derelict in the per- formance of their duty, then the entire power of the Federal Govern- ment within the limits of the Constitution would be used, arid used promptly and vigorously, to enforce observance of treaties, which, under the Constitution, are the supreme law of the land, and to secure fit and proper treatment for the people of a great and friendly power while within the territory of the United States. Police Power Not Sufficient. ^ o t? . « ■ .. If therefore, the police power of San Francisco is not sufficient to meet the situation and guard and protect Japanese residents in San Francisco, to whom under our treaty with Japan we guarantee "full and perfect protection for their persons and property," then, it seems to me, it is clearly the duty of the Federal Government to afford such protection. All considerations which may move a nation, every consideration of duty in the preservation of our treaty obliga- tions every consideration prompted by fifty years or more of close friendship with the Empire of Japan, would unite in demanding, it seems to me of the United States Government and all its people, the io8 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. fullest protection and the highest consideration for the subjects of Japan. Respectfully submitted, V. H. METCALF. EXHIBIT A. Name of pupil. Name of school. . Age. Joe Tsukamoto Agassiz primary 9 Minie Tsukamoto It 8 'George Tsukamoto ii 13 Hideo Okamoto Columbia grammar 12 •G. Mitani Clement grammar 9 K. Furukawa ii 17 •C. Yamakawa . it 17 Y. Niita Crocker grammar 20 3. Takenaka tt IS H. Sekawa Denman grammar IS T. Takahashi tt II U. Takashi ti 13 F. Fusaye tt i6 O. Okawara Dudley Stone prmy 10 M. Okawara It 7 H. Amemiya It i6 T- Ishimaga \ " ' 19 i. Matsuda 13 i8 J. Kimishima tt ■ 15 M. Hayashi Emerson primary 10 H. Hayashi " 7 N. Izaki Fre'mont grammar i6 K. Izeri tt i6 F. Sadakuru It 17 H. Ota Grant primary i6 C. Ogawa Hamilton grammar IS K. Hayashi It 12 J. Nakagaki ^' 17 M. Makai " 17 F. Kowamura " i6 N. Togasaki Hearst grammar 17 H. Shimozumi )» 14 K. Togasaki " II K. Fujii " 17 k. Togaskai " 8 G. Fugimeaga Henry Durant prmy 17 K. Tsukamoto Horace Mann grmr 13 C. Tanaka James Lick grmr 14 W. Washizu J) IS U. Yoshioka John Swett grmr IS T. Tanaka II 14 K. Orisaka Eaguna Honda prmy 12 Y. Managa II 19 T. Tanaka Noe Valley primary II I. Arimura Pacific Heights gmr IS H. Sato It i8 1. Enomoto II 17 S. Inoeyc It i6 S. Sigeuchi 1* i6 H. Tayama )) IS 1 Yasuhara )j i8 n. Kitahara 11 12 M. Arimura jj 12 N. Gozawa " 17 Grade. Birthplace. Sex. 2 United States Boy 2 United States Girl 4 Japan Boy 4 Japan Boy 2 Japan Boy 8 Japan Boy 8 Japan Boy 6 Japan Boy 6 Japan Boy 8 Japan Girl 5 Japan Girl 5 Japan Girl 6 Japan Girl 3 United States Girl 1 United States Girl 3 Japan Boy 4 Japan Boy 4 Japan Bay 4 Japan Boy 4 United States Boy 2 United States Boy 8 Japan Boy "2 Japan Boy 2 Japan Boy 2 Japan Girl 8 Japan Boy 6 United States Boy 5 Japan Boy 6 Japan Boy 7 Japan Boy 7 Japan Boy 6 Japan Girl 5 United States Boy 8 Japan Girl 3 United States Girl 6 Japan Boy 6 United States Boy 8 United States Girl 3 Japan Boy 6 Japan Boy S Japan Boy 4 Japan Boy 4 Japan Boy 4 United States Girl 7 Japan ■ Girl 5 Japan Boy 4 Japan Boy 8 Japan Boy 8 Japan Boy 8 Japan Boy 8 Japan Boy 3 Japan Girl 3 Japan Boy 6 Japan Boy Discrimination Against Japanese in California. log Name of school. Redding primary- Name of pupil. C. Tonai T. Itow Y. Ochi T. Kimura S. One K. Kojimoto W. Watanabe H. Tanaka R. Homma T. Tanaka T. Takada M. Tagaki F. China K. Muneyo B. Nakada J. Nakada T. Yamabata H. Nakana S. Otani H. Suzuki S. Takahashi H. Otani K. Takada I. Nikuni W. Suzuki M. Yoshimura K. Matsuda S. Yoshimura. M. Aoki K. Aoki T. Takada T. Yadabe J. Yano F. Ogawa I. Agi E. 'iachimi S. 'iachimi S. Tachimi T. Tatabe Marshall primary Resume of Japanese Children Attending The Public Schools of San Francisco. Spring Valley grmr Sturo grammar Winfield Scott prmy Age. Grade. Birthplace. 17 6 Japan 16 6 Japan 18 6 Japan 18 S Japan 18 8 Japan 20 8 Japan 18 8 Japan 17 8 Japan IS 7 Japan 12 5 Japan 13 5 Japan 7 3 Japan 8 3 Japan 8 3 Japan 7 3 United States 9 4 United States 13 4 Japan 10 2 Japan 10 2 United States 12 2 United States 8 2 United States 8 2 United States 12 5 Japan 8 I Japan • 11 I Japan 6 I United States 8 I United States 6 I United States 13 4 Japan , 10 4 Japan 10 4 Japan 11 4 Japan 19 6 Japan 14 8 Japan 17 8 Japan 13 4 United States 10 3 United States 7 I United States 8 2 United States Number of pupils 23 Number of pupils at 6 years old 7 years 8 years 9 years 10 years 11 years 12 years 13 years 14 years old. old. old. old. old. old. old. old. 15 years old , 10 16 years old 17 years old 18 years old 19 years old 20 years old 9 12 6 4 2 Number of schools attended. Number of pupils at — First grade Second grade Third grade Fourth grade Fifth grade Sixth grade Seventh grade Eighth grade Number of pupils born in — Japan ' United States Number of — Girls Boys Sex. Boy Boy Boy Boy Boy Boy Boy Boy Boy Girl Boy Girl Girl Boy Boy Boy Boy Girl Girl Girl Girl Girl Boy Girl Girl Girl Girl Girl Boy Girl Boy Boy Boy Boy Boy Boy Bay Boy Boy 23 7 10 12 16 II 13 7 17 68 25 28 65 no Discrimination Against Japanese in California. EXHIBIT C. (Translation from The Japanese American of October 31, igo6.) Honorable Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor is to arrive here early this morning, and we choose this occasion as the best opportunity to express our hearty welcome and satisfaction. It is indeed to be regretted that the historic relation of the two nations, sealed and stamped with such untarnished friendship and brotherhood, amounting, as we may safely assume, to virtual alliance, is now imperiled by the short-sighted actions of the political dema- gogues whose eyes can never see anything but the attainment of the selfish ambition through the whims of ignorant laborers. Among countless measures of injustice and prejudice, the question of separate schools is of supreme importance. The injurious effects of this dis- crimination are very wide and far-reaching. ,' Firstly, the measure is a virtual exclusion of Japanese from the only wholesome means of assimilating themselves to American life. Japanese in this country want to adopt American life in its best and most real spirit, and no better means can be had to this end then the association of children in schools. The exclusion of Japanese children from the public schools, and their banishment from the society of American children, is decidedly against the welfare of this country, just as much as it is against the interest of the Japanese colony itself. Secondly, the separation of the schools is in fact a measure to prohibit th.e education of Japanese children. To walk over miles of desolation through the burned district every day, among every possible form of danger, is indeed an impossible task even for the strongest adult. But suppose they do it, what benefit can they attain by attend- ing a school such as now actually provided by the Board of Education? We do not enter into a detailed description, as the facts talk louder than the voice. Thirdly, the measure constitutes a gross violation of the treaty rights. It is discrimination and injustice ,indignity and disgrace in every sense and spirit. The movement is, however, local. It is an intrigue of the corrupt politicians, who have stirred up the innocent ignorant masses to senti- mental agitation for the simple purpose of using them as political tools. We know well that such is not the general sentiment of the American people. We still trust the United States as our most confi- dential ally. And this, our belief, has been simply proved by the steps and measures taken by the President, to whom our respect and reverence can never be sufficiently expressed. The Secretary, in his personality, is the type of the true Califor- nian and of the true American. His knowledge of the real conditions of the State can never be disputed. Now he comes here with the heavy task of investigating the real grounds of the present contro- versy. We trust him to find a successful solution of the impending difficulties. The Japanese colony here, under the prejudice of the public authorities, is utterly powerless to redress its own grievances. We rely on the sense of justice and reasons inspired by the highest sense of humanity. Our hope of salvation and for the destiny bf the entire Japanese colony^ here in California hinges upon the way in which this controversy is settled. (From the Soko ShimbunO LET THE WORLD KNOW In order to have a fair judgment concerning the segregation of the Japanese children from the public schools in San Francisco, it is Discrimination Against Japanese in California. iii better to let all the nations know the situation of the Japanese on the Pacific Coast. We know there are people who believe that we are not entitled to enjoy equal rights on accounts of being Japanese. But we feel assured that the majority of people whose minds are contami- nated with trickery and falsehood would decline to listen to such selfish confidence in a superior which results to their own advantage. We protest against the line of argument used and denunciations made by labor orators, who endeavor to draw a clear-cut distinction imply- ing that the Japanese physically and mentally are inferior to white people. The people of Japan, living under their gentle government, can not allow the people of San Francisco to discriminiate against inno- cent school children on the pretext of racial difference. It is the foundation of our civilization and of our ideals to enjoy the best liberty of eciual rights. We can not keep the mass of the people of Japan in dense ignrance of the prevailing situation, nor oppress the little innocent creatures with such unbearable burdens. The telegrams from our foreign office ai'e significant, in that the nation, as a whole, is deeply interested in the matter of the treatment received at the hands of the educational authorities in San Francisco. Although the hearts and wishes of our people rest with the people of America in the hope of fair adjustment of the present complication, yet the people of Japan are at the climax of indignation. We believe it is not time for us to take any revenging measures, but we must defend ourselves against the insolence of excluding our children from the public schools in San Francisco. The question may be well settled by referring the matter of pertinent opinions of the leading publicists of the world. (From the Japanese American, Oct. 25, 1906.) Our National Dignity Besmeared. To be candid in the matter, we confidently expected that in reply to the protest of our Imperial Majesty's consul in re seperate school, the San Francisco Board of Education would render a solution that is, in the main, satisfactory to us. Granting that the members of the board have neither the intellectual nor moral capacity to grasp the straight-formed wherefores of the Consul's protest, we, nevertheless, though it was not unreasonable in us to hope that in view of the overwhelming public opinion in Japan, in view of the inalienable friendship and comity existing between the two nations, in view of the undisputed status of our empire in the family of the great powers of all of which the board is supposed to have some knowledge — the board would favor us at least with a formality of reconsideration. And what manner of answer did we receive? Not only did they fail to give us a shadow of satisfaction, but, relying upOn the ambiguous provision of the. political code, they most insolently ignored the legitimate- protestations of our imperial consul. And from the broadsides of the local yellow journalism it would seem that our national prestige is daily dwindling away. The calamity of the poor little creatures may be borne; the dis- grace of Japanese residents in America may be endured; but— but let none on earth or in heaven trifle with the honor of our beloved Empire; let none with impunity treat slightingly our national digmty the indispensable foundation of our national existence. The school question of San Francisco may seem to some a matter of insignificance; but, viewed in the light of a nation's dignity, it is 1 12 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. a question of most far-reaching consequences. Upon it depends our country's status in the estimation of the world; upon it depends the very existence of our Empire. i Patriotism demands the maintenance of our dignity pure and una'ssailed. And every loyal Japanese must aver himself presently with the weapon of righteousness in order to repel the assaults of the 'defamers. The question is no longer confined to a handful of school children; it has assumed into national proportions. We doubt not for a moment that every resident Japanese, backed by the sympathetic outburst at home, will participate in the struggle with that vigor and tenacity which have won for us the heights of Nanshan and the impregnable redoubts of 208-Meter Hill. (From the New World, Oct. 25, 1906.) Resolution of Mass Meeting. What manner of meeting is this, that is held in the midst of mountainous ashes, fanned by the vernal breezes that threaten to devour the wasted lands of the Golden Gate? It is the ebullition of 70,000 dauntless heroes that hail from the blessed land of Yamato burning' with the fire of indignation and clamoring for instant retaliation. What, then, is the cause of all this turmoil that sways the ranks of the Japanese? The story is long, but the time is short. Their property has been plundered; their lives and limbs imperiled; their national flag daubed with mire! By inmates of insane asylums that had escaped the notice of the guards? No! No! By organized mobs and officials of an organized community! Personal indignities may be overlooked; property right may be invaded with impunity; but when national dignity is called to question, the sword of Masamune is unsheathed for action! Dulce est pro patria mort! (From the Soko Shimbun, October 25, igo6.) Retaliation. The separate school and restaurant questions are certainly exam- ples of flagrant violation of the treaty of 1894. The State authorities having taken no adequate measures to suppress such wrongdoing, they must certainly bear the responsibility, and may, so far as we are concerned, be deemed as wrongdoers themselves. What are we to do ilndr the circumstances? One of the home newspapers is reported to advopate immediate retaliation against America and American goods. Would such proce- dure be a wise one? It is true that our military and naval forces are able to cope with any adversary on the Pacific today. But we must ever keep in mind that our martial prowess is not an instrument for destroying international friendships of long standing. Fifty-four years ago, when our country entered the family of nations, America acted as our godfather, and for the last half century the growing intimacy was never for a moment questioned. Let us not, then, act rashly in any attempt to sever the ties of this deep-rooted amity. Let us confide in the justice of the American Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 113 Government. When such amicable settlement is unattainable, then, and then only, should we talk of retaliation. (From the Soko Shimbun, Oct. 23, 1906.) Manifesto of Mass Meeting. Any important question which concerns our welfare should be settled by public opinion. The opinion of an individual or small minority should have no weight in settling serious affairs. The school question and the boycott of Japanese restaurants in San Francisco would seem to a casual observer to be of a trivial nature, affecting only a small portion of our people in San Francisco; but one will soon realize that the questions at issue are great prob- lems of national importance, when he considers its causes, the rnotives, and the effects- upon our future development at home and abroad. Any unnecessary delay would inevitably tend to aggravate the sit- uation. It is needless to repeat here how long we have been suffering under such_ unjust treatment and unfair discrimination at the hands of public oificials as well as of private individuals in San Francisco. Our occupations are hampered, our residences are assailed, our lives and property unprotected, the dignity of our Empire impaired, international comity toward our Empire ignored. Can we, under such conditions, claim that we are the subjects of Japan, with which the United States is 'on the most cordial terms? We have suffered much hitherto without murmuring, but inces- sant persecutions, after the terrible experiences . of the earthquake, have placed us in the last extremities of endurance. If ever there was a time when patience ceased to be a virtue, this certainly is that time. Under such circumstances we should not depend on our Consul or on the Japanese Association of America alone, but we, Japanese residents of California, should stand together and take concerted action against the most unjustifiable treatment at the hands of the unscrupulous elements in California. As a first step, let us have a general mass meeting of our'colony, in order to shape public opinion among us. Then let us proceed to inform our Governnient, as well as the people at home, of the exact situation. At the same time let us appeal to the sober-minded citizens of the United States, and, first of all, to the Chief Executive of the United States, the undaunted friend of the oppressed and suffering. The proposed mass meeting should be as representative in character as possible, and every corner of California should be equal to the occasion. Let every delegate pour out his hart's contents without shirk or reservation. (From the Japanese American, Oct. 31, 1906.) GREETINGS TO SECRETARY METCALF. The Honorable Secretary Metcalf, of the Department of Com- merce and Labor, will arrive here tomorrow. We greet him with great honor. We consider his coming to San Francisco as a favor extended to us by the Government of the United States. We hope that the opportunity will soon be afforded to us to express our great gratitude for the Secretary's personal effort for the impartial investi- 114 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. gation of the present deplorable conditions in this city and the atti- tude of the latter' toward our people, especially toward our children, who have recently been expelled from the public schools. Finally, we desire to express our solicitude for his health during his long journey. The friendly relations which existed between the United States and Japan ever since Commodore Perry's first visit to our native country are so brotherly and sincere that they are generally accepted by the whole world as an unwritten alliance between the two nations. We are always proud of this fact, but to our great regret the local authorities of the city of San Francisco, in order to court favor with the Union Labor party, has taken hasty action against a people of a friendly nation. We believe that there are many reasons which support the objec- tion of having separate schools for our children. Among them the following are the most important which will attract -serious consid- eration: First. The separate school will greatly deter the Americanization of our children. Americans, as a nation, are a people composed of all the nationalities of the world, and the Japanese, too, since they have come to live on the American soil, will be and should be Ameri- canized under the influence of American civilization. Furthermore, the Japanese children who are involved in the present question are mostly American natives, and therefore are destined to be first-class citizens of the United, States at maturity. Should the authorities refuse to educate these children under the principle of Americani- zation, it will surely bring deplorable results to the very foundation of the nation. Second. The action taken by the Board of Education is a hostile one against Japanese, and hence the separate school is, in fact, by no means as adequately provided as other schools. Even if this were true, it would be impossible for every Japanese child in the city to go to one special school from every direction and from great distances. In other words, it seems a complete refusal of education to the Japa- nese children. Third. The action taken by the Board of E^ducation is the refusal to recognize a right already conceded under the existing treaty between the United States and Japan. Under this treaty we, the Japanese in the United States, are entitled to receive similar treatment with the subjects of Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, yet the city authorities have taken an action to discriminate against children, and at the same time receiving the children of the subjects of other treaty nations. It is morally a disgrace to our nation. We must stand for the right and dignity of our country. We are of the opinion, however, that the public sentiment of the United States is not in sympathy with the action taken by the San Francisco Board of Education. The historical friendship existing between the United States and Japan is not so easily to be forgotten. No one on earth has greater confidence in the sincerity and upright- ness of the President of the United States than the Japanese. Secre- tary Metcalf is the man who knows the people of this Coast better than any other man. Here rests our confidence in his coming to this Coast to investigate all conditions and affairs. We have withdrawn a law suit against the Board of Education from the Circuit Court, in order to express our confidence in the coming of the Secretary and his Government's action. We greet the honorable Secretary with great hope and the confidence of a child in his parent. Discriminatioo Against Japanese in California. i (From the Japanese Daily New World, Oct. 31, 1906.) Investigation by Secretary Metcalf. Secretary Metcalf, of the Department of Commerce and hahc has already left Washington for San Francisco. The main purpo of his present trip is said to be an investigation into the true conditii of affairs in regard to the segregation of Japanese school children. The Japanese on the Pacific Coast have on innumerable occasio been subjected to most intolerable indignities and persecutions, b never before did the incidents receive any dirct invstigation at t hands of the Federal Government. President Roosevelt is a man of good wisdom and unquestionat rectitude. In the bright pages that adorn the history of the nation : has ever worked for the interests of the republic and the cause humanity — ever in the path of righteousness. Never in his brillia career has he been moved by personal bias or racial prejudice, and is not difficult to surmise that the present mission of Secretary Metcc was prompted by the same love of justice that has won for him tl admiration of the world. And the Chief Executive did not err in h choice of his personal representative, for the holder of the portfol of Commerce and Labor is said to be one of the ablest and greate men that California ever produced. With a thorough investigation by such a fearless man as Seer tary Metcalf, the unpardonable . misrepresentations concerning tl Japanese will undoubtedly^ receive full ventilation, and it is our par mount duty to furnish him with true accounts of the existing co ditions. (From the Japanese American, Oct. 27, 1906.) Attitude of Our People. i The segregation of the Japanese school children from the publ schools in San Francisco is a menace to the prestige of our.Empi: and a great insult to Japanese. Even if we should admit that tl segregation does not affect the dignity of the nation, yet there ai other grave reasons to which we must give serious attention, becau: it concerns the intellectual and moral development of future gener; tions, to whose enlightenment all humanity, without distinction c race or color, must contribute its best. Education is the foundation of national existence. The education system of a nation is an index of the degree of the civilization of thi nation. We can easily gauge the progress of a people by the rat: of its school attendance. Considered from every point of view, we must try our best 1 secure a favorable consummation. (From- the Japanese American, Oct. 27, 1906. Comment on Mass Meeting. A mass meeting of the Japanese residents of San Francisco, hel in the Jefferson Square Hall on the evening before last, was an unpr( cedented success as a meeting of its kind. Not only did it attain i1 aim, but every member present gave serious consideration to th matter, prserving calmness and sobriety, notwithstanding the suffc eating heat, due to the too closely crowded hall. ii6 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. The general feature of the meeting justifies us in commending it most highly as worthy of the subjects of the Empire of the "Rismg Sun." ' -^ We are quite satisfied with the attitude of our colony as regards this matter, and we believe there will be an immediate solution satis- factory, to us. We earnestly hope that every one of our number will exert his best ability and all stand together in the spirit of the meeting for the consummation of our purpose. (From the Japanese American, October 26, 1906.) The grand mass meeting which was held last night by the local Japanese calany aroused such intense concern throughout the State that numerous telegrams conveying the sentiments of Japanese resi- dents have been received at headquarters.. The following are a few of them: I. "Congratulate you on today's mass meeting. Hope it will be a fight to the end. M. Tan, Santa Rosa." 2. "For the protection of our general interests, fight to the bitter end against the unwarranted discrimination of the San Francisco officials. Will give all possible support. Japanese Association, L,os Angeles." 3. "For the cause of Yamoto people, fight to the utmost. D. Nishikata, Los Angeles." • 4. "Compliments to the mass meeting of the Japanese colony. Earnestly pray for its merited success. F. Yamasaki, secretary Branch Japanese Association." 5. "Fight to the bitterest end for the sake of our compatriots. G. Yuasa, Los Angeles Branch Japanese Association." 6. "From the depth of our hearts we approve the general meet- ing of the Japanese colony, and hope for its triumph. Japanese Asso- cition, Watsonville." 7. "We pray for the success of the mass meeting. Japanese Association, San Jose." Letter from Los Angeles Branch of New World. "Representing the readers of The New World in Southern Cali- fornia, let me approve the noble purposes of the general mass meeting in regard to separate schools and the persecution of Japanese resi- dents. At the same time allow me to tender a vote of thanks for the untiring efforts of the members of the committee. Last Night's Mass Meeting. "In order to institute a systematic fight against Japanese "exclu- sion, a grand mass meeting of the Japanese colony was held last even- ing at the Jefiferson Square Hall. As the question at issue was a most pressing one, added to the fact that upon its proper solution depended our national honor and prestige, the air was filled with the irresistible odor of indignation. So great, indeed, was the resentment of the people, that long before the appointed hour there was not standing room in the spacious hall. Excluding the late arrivals who jammed the corridors, the force was over 1200 strong. "Mr. K. Abiko, the president of the Japanese Association, pre- sided at the meeting. After a brief opening address,, he introduced Mr. G. Ikeda, the secretary of the Association, who read the following: Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 117 'The resolution of the San Francisco Board of- Education segre- gating the school children of Japanese parentage is emphatically an act_ which besmears the dignity and honor of the Japanese Empire. It is a most cruel sword tht cuts ofif the parts of the moral and intel- lectual development of these tender, innocent creatures. " 'Can we, remaining lukewarm, suffer the national honor to be trainpled upon — the honor that has cost us the noblest blood of half a million brothers? Can we without a murmur assent to an act which virtually demolishes the fountain-head of our future prosperity? This is no time for idle speech. The hour of action has come. _ " 'Fully cognizant of the situation, it is the purpose of this Associa- tion, supported by every manly member of the community, and aided by the diplomatic negotiations of the Imperial Government, to devise an adequate mode of procedure in order to raze to the ground the false breastwork of the enemy, thus forever securing to ou rchildren the blessings of education. " 'Let every man in whose veins runs a single microbe of patri- otism, whose love for his compatriots, whose affection for the tender children has not deserted him, let him by every means at his command contribute his share to a speedy and fair solution of this most stupen- dous question.' " October 25, 1906. Japanese Association of America. The above declaration was received with thunderous applause. Then followed powerful speeches, by U. Suzuki, M. Tsukamoto, D. Aoki, S. Imura, Rev. K. Ki, Rev. N. Okubo, J. Kato, B. Yamagata, K. Kiyose, F. Tanigachi, Dr. K. Kurosawa, A. Matsugaki, K. Tukawa, Rev. Z. Hirota, and others. When the speeches were concluded Mr. Kiba, secretary of the Association, read the opinion of Mr. T. Hozumi. Finally, Mr. Toga- zaki introduced the following resolution: Resolution of Mass Meeting of Japanese Colony. "Resolved, That we most emphatically oppose the establishment of separate schools for Japanese children. (2) We delegate and charge and charge the Japanese Association of America with the task of opposing, any such attemtpts and to give alL possible assistance for the speedy realization of our purpose. (3) We appropriate funds for all necessary expenditures incident to the -proper solution of this question." The resolution was adopted in the midst of deafening applause, and after three cheers for the Japanese' residents, and also for the Empire, the meeting closed at 10:13 p. m. Legal Protests and Diplomatic Conference. It is not true Americans, but the immigrants from Italy and other small countries of Europe who are desirous of excluding Japanese from California and other States on the Pacific Coast. The anti- foreign feeling in America originated some hundred years ago, when the English colonists endeavored to push the French and German invaders out of the land, and the French tried to kick out the Irish immigrants coming after them. Irish and Italians, thus pushed • toward the western part of the United States, have organized a formidable body, with the aid of the Spanish and Portuguese, and followed the example of their prede- cessors in excluding Oriental races. They succeeded m checking the entrance of the Chinese by means of legislation. As for the Japanese, they thought it too difficult to treat them like Chinese, the former ii8 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. having become an important element of the international communitjr, bound by treaty with the United States on equal terms. Hence the idea was given up to exclude Japanese by means of legislation, and measures were taken to humiliate and persecute them at the hands of the authorities. The Board of Education, at the request of these people, too advan- tage of the letter of the law of the State of California and excluded the Japanese children from schools where white children are in attend- ance, upon the assumption that Japanese are of the Mongolian race. The conduct of the authorities is on one hand a malicious abuse of the friendly nation in the Orient, and on the other hand it is a mani- fest violation of the treaty made under the highest authority of the United States, to which the authorities of the State of California and San Francisco are subject. As for this malicious and violent conduct of the ajathorities, we must induce our own authorities to take every means to secure from the former a proper remedy for what has been done. (From the Japanese Daily New World, Oct. 22, igo6.) The Japanese Mass Meeting. The mass meeting of Japanese residents was nothing but a con- gealed expression of wrath against the ultrachauvinism of the authori- ties of San Francisco. Since the earthquake and fire the Japanese and Corean Exclusion League has been taking every opportunity of persecuting our people. For the past few months the league did its utmost to stir up the ignorant classes and young boys against the Japanese. When night comes these boys have been accustomed to make their appearance in great numbers and in many places in the Japanese quarter or adjacent to it, and attack Japanese stores or known down the Japanese on the streets who were passing by. They were so bold as to break into Japanese stores, even in daylight, and rob merchandise stored these. But the city authorities never gave ear to complaints of Japanese, who were therefore forced to subject their fate to the will of God. This anti-foreign feeling of the people of California has led the authorities at last to take measures for humiliating a nation friendly to America. Japan is a country with which the United States of America made a treaty embodying' the terms of the most favored nation clause. But this stipulation of the treaty has been utterly violated by the hostile and unlawful conduct of the Board of Educa- tion. Further, the majority of the people of California seem to consider this conduct justifiable. The Call and The Chronicle, the influential papers of this city, are endeavoring to stir up *hs people by their vicious statements. What measure shall we take on this occasion, when everything is very unfavorable to Japan and Japanese? The mass meeting is the best way to decide what measure we Japanese residents shall take against the very barbarous conduct of the authorities. We are very glad to hear that the influential Japanese here are now under ^^ay to arirange the meeting for us. — From the Japanese Daily New World (From the Japanese Daily New World, October 20, 1906.) We are sorry to know that the Japanese children are suddenly excluded from the public schools because of race prejudice and forget- Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 119 fulness of true Americanism. It is far better to let race problems be decided by emment ethnologists rather than by municipal authority and politicians. If the Board of Education be controlled by the agitation of ignorant laborers rather than by true Americanism, then when the Japanese Exclusion League asgs them to exclude Japanese children permanently from the public schools, they will do it. From the Japanese American, Oct. 13, 1906.) THE IMPORTANT TREND OF AFFAIRS. All the political parties in California have resolved that the Japa- nese should be excluded, and that the candidates for the coming elec- tion show strenuous efforts in favor of exclusion of Japanese. It would seem that popular opinion among the people of California was in favor of exclusion of Japanese. But it is not so in its true sense. On August 8, Representative Hayes consulted the members of the Fruitgrowers' Association, inducing them to hire white laborers for picking fruit, instead of the Japanese. He said white laborers would gladly accept the positions of the Japanese. But the members discredited the suggestion, stating that the exclusion of the Japanese meant the failure of the fruit industry. It was further said that there are great difficulties in employing white laborers, for they are all under the influence of unionism, which is detrimental to the develop- ment of the agricultural and fruit industry. The fact is, the term "Japanese exclusion" has become a tool in the hands of unscrupulous politicians. (The San Francisco Call, November 13, 1906.) The Japanese Diplomatic Game. The tone of the person in authority lecturing an unruly child as to what is good for it, characterizes the pronouncements of the East- ern press in relation to the treatment of the Japanese by San Fran- cisco. Some of them, like The New York Evening Post, get real mad over the matter. The Post, in the extremity of its indignation, says that it is all due to the fact that General de Young wants to run for United States Senator. To the local mind, the connection is not clear, but perhaps in New York they have superior means of information concerning the aspirations of California statesmen, especially as to the way in which these aspirations shake whole continents to their center and threaten to involve all America in floods of gore. We are not greatly alarmed at the outlook, notwithstanding the inky disturbance of the Eastern mind. There is about as much chance of war with Japan as there is of General de Young's going to the Senate. The pending protest is nothing more than a pawn in the diplomatic game. It is so'mething like the time-honored dispute over fisheries on the Atlantic Coast. In the solemn game of diplomacy it is the ancient policy to cultivate and even cherish open sores. 'The contending dialectians trade one wrangle against another. The New- foundland fisheries quarrel, for instance, is equal to one Alaska boun- daries dispute. Such is the arithmetic of diplomacy. Great Britain and the United States have arrived at the conclusion that this kind of diplomacy is rather silly, and they are closing the old disputes wher- ever possible. But Japan wants an ofifset to our claim that American trade is 120 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. not being fairly treated in Manchuria. Further, the Japanese do not want extreme measures taken against their seal poachers in the Aleutian Archipelago. In default of a better argument they have picked up this absurd and technical plea that Japanese "children' meet with discrimination in the public schools of San Francisco. There is no discrimination. The segregation of Japanese students in one school is a police regulation, due to the fact that they are not children in the true sense. As a rule, they range in years from ig to 25. It is not fit that they should be permitted to associate with children of average school age, and it will not be iiermitted. — San Francisco Chronicle, November 11, 1906. The San Francisco Chronicle, November 11, 1906.) ASIATIC CIVILIZATION DOMINATES HAWAII. Out of 154,001 inhabitants found in the Hawaiian Islands in 1900, but 28,819 were Caucasians. There were 86,728 Asiatics, of whom 61,111 were Japanese. The remainder were of the perishing island races. Of the male population over 18 years of age, 63,444 were Asi- atics, out of a total of 85,186, and of these 43,753 were Japanese. From 1900 to 1905 the arrivals af aliens in the islands were 48,086 Asiatics and 1726 of all other nationalities. Of the Asiatics, 38,029 were Japanese. The departures of Asiatics, however, during that period exceeded the arrivals by 4248. Of the 42,313 Japanese who left Hawaii between June 30, 1900, and December 31, 1905, an unknown- number — larger than 20,641 — came to the Pacific Coast. This was in opposition to the efforts of the Japanese Consul, acting under orders from the Japanese Government. The Japanese^ are getting to be regardless even of their own Governmnt, and with incraesing vigor express their determination to go where they please. As matters now stand, the Chinese population is increasing, the Coreans are increasing, and the Japanese probably about hold their own, their tendency being to make Hawaii a halfway house to his Coast, rigorous and systematic recruiting being evidently in progress. The total result of the Oriental movement has been to produce a great dearth of labor on the sugar plantations, with a corresponding decrease of profit in their operation. Not only are higher wages paid than formerly, and better living and quarters furnished, but there are at times serious losses from lack of ability to get labor at any price. This shortage of agricultural labor is not so much due to the departure of Orientals as to their engagement in occupations other than those for which they were imported. Of those engaged in domestic service, laundrifes, restaurants, barber shops and similar occupations, 50.97 per cent were Asiatic; of those engaged in trade and transportation, 48.68 per cent were Asiatics, and of those in mechanical pursuits, 49.17 per cent. Of the total engaged in gainful occupations, 75.63 per cent were Asiaics, the Japanese greatly preponderating. According to a report of the United States Commissioner of Labor, published in the September bulletin of the bureau, the Ori- entals, especially the Japanese, are now almost in complete control of the clothing trades, toots and shoes, food products, and of the production of coffee and rice. They are rapidly getting control of a;ll the building trades and tin work. White mechanics are leaving the islands. In twenty-six occupations for which the territory requires licenses there were 2529 Chinese and Japanese license holders to 1629 of all other nationalities. As long ago as 1899 there were 753 Asiatic holders of merchants' licenses to 360 of all other nationalities. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 121 There is now no merchandising license required, so that exact figures cannot be given, but the report states that the Asiatics are rapidly acquiring a monopoly of the smaller retail trade. They have not yet done much in the finer retail trade requiring large capital, or in the wholesale trade, but that is coming. Japanese Have Capital. The Japanese have capital, and Japanese capitalists realize that there is a jobbing trade all ready for them to take over. That the commerce of Hawaii will soon be as completely in the hands of the Chinese and Japanese as that of the Straits Settlements now is inevi- table. The agricultural industries, except sugar, are now substan- tially in the hands of the Orientals, either as tenants or owners. They are already beginning in the sugar industry, not as yet as owners or lessees, but as contractors for the production of cane. As the Japa- nese, whenever they are ready, can command both the capital and technical skill, it seems inevitable that the entire sugar industry will in time pass into their hands — at first as contractors, next as lessees, and finally, very likely, as owners. It seems inevitable, because a race which will work long hours and have a low standard of life can, and therefore will, economically exterminate any race which has a high standard of life and insists on working short hours. The mass of the Hawaiian population is non-Caucasian. Of the non-Caucasians the Japanese is the dominant race. No human power can long prevent the assimilation of the civilization of the country to that of the mass of its inhabitants. What we are fighting for on this Coast is that California and Oregon and Washington shall not become what the territory of Hawaii now is. If the Japanese are permitted to come here freely, nothing can pi-event that except revolution and massacre, which would he certain. No words can describe the intensity of the hatred with which the white mechanics and small merchants of Hawaii regard the Japanese, who have taken their work from them by doing it for prices for which they cannot do it except by accepting the Japanese standard of life. Our workingmen hate the Japanese because they fear they will supplant them. The Hawaiian workingmen hate them because they have already been supplanted. Being but a small minority of the population, the whites of -Hawaii cannot help them- selves. The white men of the Pacific Coast are determined that the Orientals shall never be enabled to do her that which they have already accomplished in Hawaii. It will be prevented by whatever measures are found necessary. Keep Races Apart. What we are now endeavoring to do is to prevent it by such wise action on the part of our own and the Japanese Government as shall keep the races apart. Just now our race feeling has shown itself in the provision that the children of the races shall be kept separate in the schools. It is said that the Japanese will contest it in the •courts, and if defeated there will make it an "international question." We trust they will not do so. It would be found that there is no power on earth which could compel the people of this State to tax themselves against their will to educate aliens whom we do not want here at all. To attempt to enforce the co-education of the races in the face of the determined opposition of those who pay the will would be inhuman, for it would result in scenes which, we trust we may never witness. The example of Hawaii should be sufficient to assure the «arly passage of an exclusion act. 122 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. (San Francisco Chronicle, November 6, igo6.) OBJECTIONS TO THE JAPANESE. The most prominent objection to the presence of the Japanese in our public schools is the habit of sending young men to the primary- grades, where they sit side by side with very young children, because in those grades only are the beginnings of English taught. That creates situations which often become painfully embarrassing. They are, in fact, unendurable. There is also the objection to taking the time of the teachers to teach the English language to pupils, old or young, who do not understand it. It is a reasonable requirement that all pupils entering the schools shall be familiar with the language in which instruction is conducted. We deny either the legal or moral obligation to teach any foreigner to read or speak the English language. And if we choose to do that for one nationality, as a matter of grace, and not to do the same for another nationality, that is our privilege. We do not know that the Japanese children are personally objec- tionable in grades composed of pupils of their own age. We do not know whether they are or not. There is, however, a deep and settled conviction among our people that the only hope of maintaining peace between Japan and the United States is to keep the two races apart. Whatever the status of the Japanese children while still young and uncontaminated, as they grow elder they acquire the distinctive character habits, and moral standards of their race, which are abhor- rent to our people. We object to them in the familiar intercourse of common school life as we would object to any other moral poison. Deny Obligation. While we deny any moral or legal obligation to give, at public expense, any education whatever to any alien, and consequently if we choose to give it as a matter of grace to one and deny it to another, we have also as a matter of grace provded separate schools for the Japanese. In the Southern States separate schools are provided for white and colored children. To say that we may exclude our own colored citizens from the schools attended by white children, but shall not exclude the children of alient from our schools, is not only absurd but monstrous. We deny that the Federal Government has any control whatever over the schools of this State, or any authority whatever to officially deal with them. The tenth amendment to the Constitution declares that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Consti- tution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectfully, or to the people." If the control of public education is not one of the powers by that clause expressly withheld from the Federal jurisdiction, then there is no such power thus withheld, and there is nothing in which the jurisdiction of Congress is not supreme. Secretary Metcalf, now here, is not, as a United States official, entitled to any information whatever in regard to our schools. What is given is given him as a matter of courtesy. Section 2 of Article VI of the Constitution of the United States, says: "This Constitution, and the laws of the United States made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land." Obviously no treaty can be made by the United States except under its "authority." Any treaty made in excess of that authority is void in that particular. If the United States has no "authority" over the schools of California, it can not be clothed with Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 123 such authority by any contract of its own with a foreign nation. To suppose otherwise would be to suppose that the President and the benate alone could, under guise of a treaty with a foreign power, usurp every power now held by any State government, and even abolish those governments. If the power of the President and Senate to enact by treaty that which Congress and the President can not enact by law exists, it has no limit. It does not exist. Therefore whatever engagements the Federal Government may have made with Japan with respect or our schools — if it has made any — are utterly void. (San Francisco Argonaut, November 10, 1906.) The Japanese in our Schools. After the fire of April 18 the San Francisco School Department temporarily housed Japanese and other Asiatic children in the school- houses with the white children. As soon as it was possible, however, the school board provided a separate building for these Asiatic chil- dren in compliance with the school law of California. This led to a formal remonstrance from Tokoyo through the Japanese Ambassador at Washington. It was followed by a protest from the Japanese Con- sul at San Francisco, and the institution of proceedings in the Federal Court to compel the San Francisco School Board to admit a Japanese pupil to be seated side by side with the white pupils in the San Francisco schools. These forrnal court proceedings were presumably with the approval of the Japanese Consul, as a Japanese attorney assisted his white brother at the bar. President Roosevelt at once directed a dispatch to be sent by Secretary Root to the Japanese Imperial Government, apologizing for the action of the San Francisco school authorities, and explaining that the local extingencies due to the recent calamity, and the present labor disturbances had probably led to this action. The implication in this dispatch was that the Federal Government would at once take steps to remove the causes complained of by the Japanese Govern- ment, and the corollary was that the Federal Government would thus right a wrong. Pending action by the Federal Government toward removing the wrongs alleged to be due to the action of the school officials of California, the Japanese Government has refrained from further action. In accordance with same course, and probably at the direction of the Japanese Imperial Government, the suit brought in the Federal Court under the direction of the Japanese Consul against the San Francisco School Board has been dismissed. Sent Post Haste. In the meantime Secretary Metcalf, head of the Department of Commerce and Labor, has been sent post haste to San Francisco by President Roosevelt to investigate the matter. Secretary Metcalf has held conferences with the Japanese Consul, the United States District Attorney, Federal Judges Henshaw, Gilbert, and Ross, and the San Francisco school board. He has expressed no opinion, and has given out nothing for publication. As the Secretary is a discreet man, and particularly on these vexatious Asiatic topics, we are con- vinced that he will keep his own counsel until he reports to the Presi- dent. The only significant utterance made by the Secretary was when he asked President Altmann how California defined the word "Mon- golian" in that clause of her statute which it provides that separate schools shall be provided for "Indian children" and for "children of 124 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. Mongolian or Chinese descent." From this it is evident that the administration will probably hold that the Japanese are not Mon- golians. It seems to us that President Roosevelt need not look out of the windows to note that we need no more race troubles. If he goes along Pennsylvania avenue from the White House to the Capitol he will see more negroes in a mile than he can of Japanese in San Fran- cisco in ten. Yet already ominous troubles are beginning here over a few score thousand Japanese. In fifteen years from now, if the administration assumes this welcoming attitude toward the East Coast of Asia, we shall have millions of Asiatics on the West Coast of Americans. Are not the thousands of idle and lazy negroes, whom President Roosevelt may see any day in Washington, an object lesson of the undesirability of further race problems in the United States. Yet the Washington negroes are far superior to the negroes of the black belt. We have had the negroes with us for a couple of centu- ries, and our troubles with them seem to have but begun. We have had the Japanese with us for less than half a century, and we are ■having more trouble with them already on the Pacific Coast than with any other race, not excluding the Chinese. When the Negroes were Given Civil Rights. It was on December i8, i86s, that the Thirteenth Amendment to- the Constitution went into effect,^ abolishing slavery. It was in July, 1868, that the Fourteenth Amendment went into effect, making the negroes citizens, giving them civil rights, and enumerating certain of those civil rights. This amendment also cut down the representation in Congress of such States as denied to negroes the right to vote. But no Southern State as a result of this penalizing, ever franchised' the negro. It was on February 26, 1869, that the Fifteenth Amend- ment was proposed to Congress. It declared that" the right of citi- zens of the United States shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." It went into effect March 30, 1870, ratified by- thirty States. It was rejected by California, Oregon, New York and seven other States. It is thirty-six years since the Fifteenth Amendment gave to-, negroes the right to vote. Does President Roosevelt think that negroes freely exercise the right to vote in the Southern States? We do_not think so. It is thirty-eight years since the Fourteenth Amend- me'nt gave to negroes civil rights. Does President Roosevelt think negroes are granted equal rights in theaters, hotels, railway trains, or street cars in all the States, Southern or Northern? We do not think so. It may be said that the Federal Courts can coerce the States into giving "equal rights" tp the negroes. We do not think so. But if there may be those who doubt the soundness of our judgment, we may add that the United States Supreme Court in the celebrated "Slaughterhouse cases" decided that the Fourteenth Amendment does not deprive the States of police powers; that court upheld the right of States to regulate domestic affairs; it decided that there is a citi- zenship of the States as well^ as of the United States; it decided that the States could vest certain privileges and immunities upon their citizens. Decision Opposed. This decision was opposed by many extremists, as the war feeling still ran high. Congress thereupon passed a measure known as the "civil rights bill," which was intended to extort from the white citi- zens of the Southern States the recognition of the riegroes "equal Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 125 rights. This law, when brought up before the Supreme Court, was declared to be unconstitutional. In the light of these facts we do not believe that the Federal Government can coerce the State of Cali- tornia m the matter of its school laws. Since the fire we have not had at hand a copy of the treaty with Japan. It is true treaties are a part of the supreme law of the land, but we do not believe that even the Constitution could empower the l^ederal Government to force Chinese or Japanese or other Asiatic children into the California public schools. We believe that the conduct of the public schools is purely a domestic matter with which the Federal Government has nothing to do. That Government is a government of delegated rights, and the States never delegated to it the right to control their pubHc schools. But, even if this reasoning is wrong, we assure President Roose- velt, Secretary Root and Secretary Metcalf that it is immaterial to the people of California what construction may be put on treaties and laws so far as they affect the right to enter the public schools of the State. The people of California will never permit children of Asiatic descent to sit at the same desks and occupy the same rooms with their white children. The Government of the United States is powerful, but it is not powerful enough for that. If it should attempt to force into, the public schools of California the children of alien, semi-servile and pagan races, it may perhaps do so under the Federal law, for the citizens of this State are law-abiding. But the attempt will only result in the schoolhouses of this State being turned over to the Chinese, Japanese, Ce'ylonese, Filipino and Lascar proteges of the Federal Government; and the white men and white women of California will educate their children in schools of their own. EXHIBIT D. Letter From Consul. Consulate of Japan, 1274 O'Farrfill St., San Francisco, Cal., October 16, 1906. To the Chief of Police, City and County of San Francisco. Dear Sir: Your attention is respectfully directed to the fact that the Cooks and Waiters' Union of this city, assisted and encouraged zy the members of the carpenters', masons', and cabmen's unions, are endeavoring to enforce a boycott against Japanese restau- rants. Your attention is particularly called to the following: White Star Restaurant, at the corner of Third and Brannan . streets. Grand Restaurant, 403 Third street. Port Arthur Restaurant, on Third street. Anglosia Restaurant, on Third street. Horse Shoe Restaurant, Folsom near Eighth. Since the 2nd of the present month these restaurants, which are conducted by Japanese, have been subjected to almost constant annoyance from the sources mentioned. The boycotters linger about the restaurants and accost all customers who approach, giving them small match boxes bearing the words, "White men and women, patronize your own race." When this is not effective they frequently stand right in the doors of the restaurants and try to prevent cus- tomers from going in. On a number of occasions the windows of the restaurants have been stoned, or groups have gathered about the entrances in .a threatening manner for the purpose of frightening customers away. As a result of these offensive methods the business of the Japa- nese establishments has greatly dropped, and it is feared that they will be unable to stand such intolerable harrassing unless your depart- 126 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. ment will find a means to protect them. I respectfully direct your attention to the matter, and venture the hope that you may find it possible to control the disorderly ele- ments that are causing this trouble, that the 'persons and property of Japanese business men in this city may be made secure. Trusting that some prompt action may be taker), I beg to remain, Yours respectfully, K. tJYENO, Consul of Japan. Second Letter. Consulate of Japan, I274 O'Farrell St., San Francisco, Cal., October 18, 1906. To the Chief of Police, City and County of San Francisco, Cal. Dear Sir: Referring to my communication to you of the i6th instant, relative to the action of the Cooks and Waiters' Union in boycotting certain Japanese restaurants in this city, I beg to now report that I was called upon today at i :30 p. m. by H. Sugiyama, proprietor of the Golden Bay Restaurant, at 256 Third street. Sugiyama stated that between the hours of 12 and i o'clock his place has been besieged by a mob of boycotters, who assaulted people entering and coming from his restaurant. He states that several customers were knocked down, and that the window glass of his place was broken by stones. Twice he ran out and blew a police whistle, but no officer came to his assistance. In fear of his life he left the place and came to report the facts to me. I urgently ask that the matter have your prompt attention, and that steps be taken which will prevent the repetition of similar outrages. So violent and numerous have become the annoyances to which the Japanese restaurant, keepers of this city have been subjected that they have not only fear that their business will be ruined, but that their lives are in peril. Trusting that your department will take vigorous action in the matter, I remain. Yours respectfully, K. UYENO, Consul of Japan. Office Chief of Police, San Francisco, Cal., October 16, 1906. To Company Commanders: Complaint is made by the Japanese Consul that his people are being continually annoyed by white persons, and in some instances assaulted and their property dam- aged. This last applies particularly to parties boycotting Japanese restaurants. Instruct the officers under your several commands to see that no further cause for complaint on these grounds be afforded the Consul J. F. DINAN, Chief of Police. San Francisco, October '29, 1906. To Company Commanders: The above order is published for your information, with instructions to see that its mandates are complied with. J. F. DINAN, Chief of Police. Reply of Chief of Police. Office of Chief of Police, San Francisco, October 18, 1906. Hon. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 127 K. Uyeno Consul of Japan, No. 1274 O'Farrell Street, City. Dear bir: Replying to your communication of the i6th instant relative to the action of certain unions in the boycotting of Japanese restau- rants, would respectfully reply that the same experience has been had by restaurant keepers of other nationalities, including our own, and the only manner in which the unions can be stopped from boy- cotting IS by injunction proceedings in the Superior Court, restraining them from mteirfering with the business of the restaurant proprietors However, your communication has been referred to the Captain of the district where the boycotting is reported as being carried on, wit hinstructions to see that no disturbance be allowed or assaults committed, and that the law governing the same be enforced Respectfully submitted, J. F. Dinan, Chief of Police. Reply of Captain. Captain's Office, Police District No. 2, San Francisco, October 22, 1906. J. F. Dinan, Chief of Police. Sir: Replying to the attached communication of the Hon. K. Uyeno, Consul of Japan, of the i8th instant, relative to the boycotting of certain Japanese restaurants and the breaking of the windows at 256 Third street, will state: .. .. On the day the windows weer broken the officer had to attend Police Court, and expected to be at his place of detail before the noon hour, but was delayed and did not get back until after the damage was done. I have detailed an officer at each of the Japanese restaurants at each meal hour, and have had no trouble, with the exception of this one instance. Officers have been instructed to arrest if any violation of the law is committed. Respectfully, H. H. COLBY, Captain of Police. Office of Chief of Police, San Francisco, October 25, 1906. Hon. K. Uyeno, Consul of Japan, No. 1274 O'Farrell Street, City. Dear Sir: Upon investigation of the subject contained in your communi- cation of the i8th instant, we have found that all Japanese restaurant keepers in business in that part of the city covered by the recent fire have been assigned a detail of officers to remain in the immediate vicinity of their place of business during meal hours, and that the one, Mr. H. Sugiyama, located at No. 256 Third street, was assaulted while the Officer was attending court. In the future, where an officer is assigned to such a detail and has cases in court, another will be sent to relieve him, so that an occurrence of this kind will be prevented in the future. Respectfully submitted, J. F. DINAN, Chief of Police. He Was Gratified. Consulate of Japan, San Francisco, Cal., October 26, 1906. Hon. J. F. Dinan, Chief of Police of the City and County of San Francisco, Cal. Dear Sir: I beg to acknowledge receipt of your communication of the 25th instant, informing me of the measures adopted by your department for the protection of the Japanese restaurants, at present being boycotted by the unions of this city. I am much gratified at the assurance given me that adequate protection will be given in the future, and sincerely hope that the 128 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. abuses to which my countrymen have been subjected during the last few weeks may not be repeated. Yours respectfully, K. UYENO, Consul of Japan. EXHIBIT E. Consulate of Japan, San Francisco, Cal., August 17, 1906. The Chief of Police, City and County of San Francisco. Dear Sir: I beg to introduce to you the bearer of this letter, Mr. R. Koba,,who is the Secretary of the Japanese Association of America, with head- quarters in this city. I respectfully ask that you will listen to the statement which he desires to make concerning an assault upon him last evening by boys on Laguna street. In this connection I would state that one of the secretaries of Consulate was also menaced by young roughs in the same vicinity about the same time. ■ As unprovoked assaults of this kind upon my countrymen have been quite frequent of late, I have to earnestly ask that steps be taken by your honorable department to aflford them the protection to which they are entitled. Trusting that you will find it possible to do this, I beg to remain. Yours respectfully, K. UYENO, Consul of Japan. Office of Chief of Police, San Francisco, Cal., August 17, 1906. Hon. K. Uyeno, Consul of Japan, No. 1274 O'Farrell Street, City. Dear Sir: Your communication of even date, introducing Mr. R. Koba, was presented tnis afternoon, and his statement as to the assault on him last evening by boys in the neighborhood of Laguna street listened to, and he was instructed as to what steps would be taken by this department, in relation thereto, as well as advice given him as to the best methods to pursue to the final punishment of the guilty parties, not only in his own case, but any other of his coun- trymen who might be annoyed. For your information I take the liberty of stating what was told to Mr. Koba: "That the company commanders of this department, throughout the city, will be instructed immediately to have all officers on street duty in their several districts pay particular attention to your people, and to see that none are molested by our people, young or old, and, if necessary, to detail officers in citizens' clothes throughout that part of the city where such annoyances are most frequent; that Mr. Koba call at the office of the bond and warrant clerk, in the O'Farrell Street Police Station, on O'Farrell street, west of Devisadero, where he can have what is known as John Doe warrants sworn out and regis- tered at that station, after which he could have any of the guilty parties arrested by simply pointing them out to the first ofificer he saw." Of course you can readily understand the difficulties at present surrounding us: First, the reduction of our force by nearly one-fifth; then the strikes, involving this unfortunate city, which, of course, calls for a large detail of officers, and last, but not least, the peculiar provision of our laws bearing on misdenijeanor offenses, which requires that an officer must be an eyewitness, or else clothed with a warrant, before he can make an arrest of parties guilty of these classes of crime. Hoping that you will advise any others of your people thus assaulted as to the steps necessary in such cases, and, better still, Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 129 that no more occasion may arise for such complaints, I beg to remain. Yours respectfully, J. F. DINAN, Chief of Police. Office Chief of Police, San Francisco Cal„ August 22, 1906 John Mooney, Esq., Captain of Police, Commanding Company E, City. Sir: Complaint is made by the Jfipanese Consul that his people are being annoyed, and in some instances assaulted, by white men 9n the streets in your district, particularly in the neighborhood of Gough, Fillmore, O'Farrell,, and California streets. You will therefore instruct the officers under your command to see that this is stopped ,and if it can not be done by men in uniform, assign men in citizens' clothes to accomplish the purpose. J. F. DINAN, Chief of Police. October 29, 1906. Captain Mooney: The above order is repub- lished for your information and attention. J. F. DINAN, Chief of Police. Letter to Mayor. San Francisco, October 27, 1906. Hon. James L. Gallagher, Acting Mayor of the City- of San Francisco. Dear Sir: Your atten- tion is directly directed to the fact that during the past few months Japanese residents of this city have been subjected to repeated and unprovoked assaults at the hands of hoodlums and rough characters on the streets. I have had occasion to call the attention of the police authorities on many occasions to these abuses. Their occurrence is most frequent during the- evening hours, and to such an extent have the abuses been carried that many of my people are intimidated and afraid to pursue their usual occupations. Even the members of my consular staff have been insulted and threatened upon the streets, and the Consul himself has no guaranty that he would be free from annoyance and molestation when he moves about the city. In the early part of this month I submitted to the police depart- ment a detailed list /covering seventeen assaults of this character which had taken place between the dates of August S and Sep- tember 6. Not being able to secure through the regular police channels the protection demanded, the Japanese Association of America, having headquarters in this city, has incurred the expense of employing several special officers to patrol the quarters most affected, and those officers are still retained. Notyvithstanding these precautions, the complaints which reach this Consulate show that the abuses still continue, and that unprovoked assaults of a more or less violent character are of almost daily occurrence. In this connection I would further invite your attention to the boycott at present being carried on by the Cooks and Waiters' Union of this city against the keepers of Japanese restaurants, during the course of which many acts of violence have been committed and the property interests and personal safety of the Japanese proprietors placed in jeopardy. I feel quite confident that your honor will agree with me that these acts of injustice call for the vigorous exercise of every power of the city government for their suppression; and my purpose of addressing you at the present time is to ask that such measures be taken as will at once secure to my people in this city every right and 130 Discrimination Against Japanese in Calif brnia. r privilege to which they are entitled by treaty stipulation. Trusting that your honor will be pleased to give this matter your earnest consideration, and that early means may be found for the removal of all cause for complaint on the part of the Japanese residents, I remain, Yours, very respectfully, K. UYENO, Consul for Japan. Mayor's Office, City and County of San Francisco, Executive Department, October 27, 1906. Hon. J. F. DinaH, Chief of Police. Dear Sir: Inclosed please find a copy of letter received at this office. Will you kindly call the attention of the officers to the matter contained therein, and, I trust, remedy the evil. Yours truly, JOHN J. DOYLE, Mayor's Secretary. (The foregoing is a copy of a letter referred to this department by Acting Mayor Gallagher.) Second Letter. Office of the Chief of Police, San Francisco, Cal., October 29, 1906. Hon. James L. Gallagher, Acting Mayor of the City and County of San Francisco. Dear Sir: I am just in receipt of your communication of the 27th instant, with copy of the letter from the Japanese Consul, relative to the alleged assaults on his countrymen and the annoyances reported to him by restaurant keepers through the acts of boycotters. In reply, beg to say that numerous complaints have been received from Mr. Uyeno during the past three months on these same subjects, all of which were given prompt attention, as per reports of the officers, copies of which are enclosed herewith for your information. So that you may be fully advised on this question, so far as the police department has been involved, I take the liberty of handing you herewith copies of all correspondence had with the Japanese Consul relative thereto. In conclusion will state that, so far as the assaults are concerned, instructions were issued to. company commanders to have patrolmen give protection to the Japanese on their respective beats. As to the restaurant keepers, an officer was assigned a teach of the Japanese i-est'aurants located in the burned district of the city, where, it was claimed, the annoyance was being carried, on with instructions to be at such places 'during meal times, and to see that no violation of the law in any particular was committed. Owing to the unsettled conditions that have existed since the fire, it has been a very hard matter to afford particular attention to any one nationality, as you, as well as Mr. Uyeno, must certainly know that no ^race has been exempt from annoyances, as well as assaults, such as he complains of. Hoping that I have made myself understood in this matter, and assuring you that Mr. Uyeno's people, as well as all others, will be furnished with all the protection it is possible for this department to afford, I remain. Your obedient servant, J. F. DINAN, Chief of Police. Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 131 EXHIBIT F. Professor Davidson. (Copy of letter of Professor George Davidson, of the University of California, to The San Francisco Examiner and other papers.) San Francisco, June. 11, 1906. Gentlemen: Your attention is respectfully directed to a condition of affairs which, I feel certain, will call forth not only your earnest protest but that of every fair- minded citizen who loves the good name of his city. I refer to the repeated insults which have beep heaped upon the party of Japanese scientists at present visiting this city, by boys and hoodlum gangs in the streets. Dr. F. Omori, of the Imperial University of Tokyo, and one of the "greatest living authorities in seismography, was especially sent hare by the Japanese Government to make a study of the recent disaster. He is accompanied by Dr. T. Nakamura, professor of archi- tecture in the same institution, ^nd the two are assisted by Mr. R. Sano and Mr. M. Noguchi. These gentlemen, in the pursuit of their investigations, have had occasion to visit all quarters of the city to make numerous notes and paragraphs. It has been while so engaged that the annoyances to which your attention is drawn, have taken place. On Saturday forenoon last Dr. Omori, while taking certain photographs on Mission street, near the Postoffice, was attacked by a gang of boys and young men, some of them wearing the livery of the Dostal service, and his hat was crushed in by a stone as large as an egg. On Tuesday last Doctor Nakamura was assaulted in a similar manner while making an examination in the ruined district, and sand and dust were thrown over him and his assistants. Insults of a similar kind, but varying in degree, have been suffered by these gentlemen not less than a dozen times' since they began their work in tliis city. They are naturally surprised that such treatment should be extended to friendly strangers, more especially in view of the extreme courtesy arid" kindness with which they have been received by the official scientists and representative men of this community. While I recognize the fact that acts of this kind are not counte- nanced by the better element of the people, and that it is extremely difficult to control the acts of irresponsible hoodlums, I believe that something may and should be done to create a public sentiment which will frown down the rougher element which in this vicious way brings disgrace upon the community. GEORGE DAVIDSON, Professor of the University of California. From the Postmaster. (Copy of letter to the Postmaster of San Francisco to Dr. F. Omori.) Sir- I am informed by Mr. Giichi Adki, in a communication under date of June 9, that you were subjected to certain indignities on the public streets of this city at the hands of boys employed in the San Francisco Postoffice. Immediately upon the receipt of this information I instructed mv personal representative to call at the headquarters of the Japanese Association of America and express to you my deep regret that any employes of the postal service should have conducted themselves 132 Discrimination Against Japanese in California. toward a visiting foreigner in a manner unbecoming Americans, and particularly servants of this Government. I further regret that my representative was unable to see you personally and offer to you directly my apologies for the misconduct on the part of the employes of my office. The matter is receiving careful investigation at my hands, and I assure you that when the names of the boys guilty of this outrage are definitely ascertained, they will be immediately dismissed from the public service. Again regretting the necessity of this communication, I beg to remain, Very respectfully yours, , Postmaster. (Sent in care of Japanese Association of America.) (Copy of a letter of Mayor E. E. Schmitz of San Francisco to Dr. F. Omori and Dr. T. Nakamura.) San Francisco, Cal., June 21, 1906. Gentlemen: I have learned through the daily press that you were stoned by some hoodlums while in pursuance of your investigations relative to the destruction of public buildings by the earthquake. I am very sorry, indeed, that you should' have received such treatment at the hands of any of our people here in San Francisco, and assure you that every effort will be made in order that no recurrence of the act may take place. I know, as reasonable men, that you appreciate the fact that it is impossible for the authorities to absolutely prevent anything of this kind happening. It might have happened to you in any other country, and it might happen to me, but I wish here to officially express my regret for the occurrence of the outrage, and assure you that I will do everything in my power to have whatever amends you desire. Very truly yours, E. E. SCHMITZ, Mayor. (Sent in care of Pacific Japanese Mission.) Governor Pardee. Executive Department, State of California, Sacramento, June 21, 1906. Rev. Dr. ' Herbert B. Johnson, 2428 Milvia Street, Berkeley, Cal. Dear Sir: I received your letter of June i8th, and have written to both Dr. ,F. Omori and Dr. T. Nakamura, and have expressed to those eminent gentlemen my sincere regrets for the recent unfortu- nate occurrences. Very truly yours, GEORGE C. PARDEE, Governor. Jixecutive Department, State of California, Sacramento, June 21, 1906. Dr. F. Omori (care of Herbert B. Johnson, D. D.), 2428 Milvia Street, Berkeley, Cal. Dear Sir: Although I have no official knowl- edge of the matter, I am unofficially informed that certain indignities of a personal nature were offered to you in the City of San Francisco. Our laws do n6t permit the Governor of the State to take official action in sucli cases, which are directly under the authorities of the cities or counties in which they occur. Personally and officially, I desire to assure you that the assaults upon you meet with reprobation of all good citizens of this State; and I sincerely hope that the wanton act of young hoodlums will not be taken by yourself or your Government as reflecting the dispo- sition and sentiments of even the smallest minority of the people Discrimination Against Japanese in California. 133 of my State, in whose name I apologize to you for the unfortunate occurrence. Hoping that you will not judge San Francisco (for whose sorely stricken citizens your Government and people so promptly extended such great sympathy and material aid) by the utterly inexcusable actions of the persons who so wantonly assaulted you, I am. With great respect, very truly yours, GEORGE C. PARDEE, Governor of California. Mayor Torrey. Eureka, July 7, 1906. Dr. F. Omori, Professor of Seismology," Imperial University of Tokyo, Japan. Sir: As the representative of the executive authorities of the. City of Eureka, and with full confi- dence that he is representing the undivided and unanimous sentiment of the citizens of this city, the, undersigned begs to deplore the ruf- fianly and inexcusable assault committed upon your person last evening in this city. That this assault was the result of an unfortunate mistake, due to the labor troubles now prevailing on this Coast, does not in any wise excuse its heinousness and brutality; and the writer, in offering you on behalf of this community a full apology for the regrettable occurrence, wishes to express his sincere desire to make to you any possible amends, and to assure you that the people of this community do not uphold nor countenance such outrages and unlawful acts, but on the conti-ary deeply deplore the unfortunate occurrence. Trusting that your further stay in this community will be free from disagreeable incidents, and will result in your securing valuable information on the subject now interesting you, I beg to express to you my distinguished consideration and to subscribe myself, Yours most respectfully, A. W. TORREY, Mayor of the City of Eureka. WfelfKf S3 .A ^2^ ■© B 'O -V ] dp mac ^' IDH ^^ FRBSIDIO MiLITARr /^estmvATiOf/ ^SSBg^OD. \/ ^nc^c '.]" ngCD'^ .QSSM^nRgSaQSD a Dp Laac UUUQUULILIUUIJU QDDDDDDDDDDOu fflODDOODDQQOr nnnnnnnnnripip . rn m □ □ □ □ y W* ^ b=i pt^ Ljj«s| prj 3C3dau v^> □□r Sc5><^ g^ r/ fO mm ^r. ^ ^<^ o velocity of two miles a second, that he may never return to the earth. See the flag of Panarya, the flag of the united white race, the flag of civilization! See the colors of beauty, white, pink, blue and gold! It is your flag, ladies, the flag of your kingdom, the emblem of your sovereignty. You remember Rider Haggard's story of "She," describing a nation supremely happy and united IS under the absolute rule'of a woman of supernatural beauty and wisdom — "sanctum aliquid et providum." Her ministers never refer to her otherwise than as "She, whose commands must be obeyed." Manifestly this is nothing else than the ideal toward which the white race is tending and which it has in large measure already attained. A hundred times a year you may hear men say: "The ladies want it, therefore it must be done." Ladies, if you wish the white race to become united, to the end that your rule may remain unbroken, if you do not wish your daughters and granddaughters to fall under the sway of a race who look on you as inferior creatures, all you have to do is to command your fathers, brothers, sons, husbands and lovers to unite; they will obey you. After this all-embracing discourse, it is hardly necessary to appeal to any other interests; yet I think, ladies, you will not suspect me of doubting the completeness of your authority if I present to your happy subjects certain additional motives for obeying your command. My next appeal, then, is to the working people, especially the trades unions. Fellow-citizens! You have hitherto been the leaders in this struggle; do not fail now to concentrate your entire force on the one measure which is to assure your victory forever. You stand for a high life standard, for shorter hours of labor, for higher education, for a fair balance between capital and labor. You represent the vast storehouse on which the nation has to rely for its future supply of brains. Look through the pages of a biographical dictionary, what do you find? Nearly every scientist, statesman, orator, poet, captain of industry, governor, military commander was leither the son or the grand- son of a workingman. Most of the time the biography begins with the words : "Born on a farm." You represent the foresight, the power to look into the future, which distinguishes the grown man from the child, the civilized man from the savage. Most of you have insured your lives, that the future of your children may be reasonably secure. Gentlemen, the best insurance that you can give your children and grandchildren is the assurance of work, for work is Ufe. Not one of you has an income large enough to pay the premium on a policy which would enable your children to live without work. It is your duty, therefore, to make sure, while it is yet possible, that no one shall take from your children the-chance to work, lock the stable now ; don't wait till the horse is stolen. That which you can now do without effort or expense, may cost your children untold milUons, and even then the effort may be in vain. If India is lost to Britain and eight hundred milUon people are united into a compact mass 16 our navy will soon face fourfold odds and will have to go into hiding. To prevent a hostile landing, we should have to spread our military force along the entire coast of North and South America, which is evidently impossible. In brief, we could not resist invasion, and whether we yielded at once or only after a defeat, the result would be the same; we should have to admit the Asiatics without restriction. Then you would be entirely at the mercy of the capitalist. Your splendid unions, the fruit of a century of earnest thought and high-minded effort, would then be as useless as a wooden palisade against artillery. During the past winter you have had some experience of what it means to be out of employment. If we are forced, some fifteen or twenty years hence, to admit the millions of cooUes that are waiting on the other side of the Pacific, your children will be thrown out of employment as fast as the yellow men arrive. Some persons are brazen enough to insult your intelligence by pointing out that the employrnent of yellow laborers means additional employment for white men, as foremen and skilled mechanics. They imagine that you are thick-headed enough not to perceive that the employ- ment of one hundred coohes means at most the emplojrment of half a dozen white superintendents, while some forty or fifty white men, who could have done the work of the one himdred copUes, have to go idle. Most of the labor that has to be done in the world, the labor that is the source of life to him who per- forms it, is unskilled or at least low-skilled labor, such as any savage can perform if he tries. In the ranks of the white workmen there are thousands who would be able to perform high-skilled labor if there were enough such labor to go around, and if they had the chance to acquire that skill. As it is, most of them have to be content with what labor they can get. Is it not evident, then, that if all the unskilled and partly skilled labor gradually passes into the hands of aliens, who are content with almost any wage that is offered, the white laborers will be thrown out of employment at a constantly increasing rate, till they constitute hardly one-tenth of the total? You will hear some employers say: But here are natural resources that have to lie idle unless we get labor. If white men will not do the labor, we must take those that we can find. Gentlemen, the most important natural resource that we have to develop is humanity. To this, all other development is merely subsidiary. We wish to develop a higher, nobler, more intelligent race, that may be better able to solve the problems of life than we are. This can not be done unless we select the best human material that is now available. Working- men of America and Europe! Your are that material. You represent the rich lode of human ore, the bonanza, in which nature h^s for ages concentrated the most precious human quaUties. The mining engineer that wishes to extract the valuable metals begins with the richest ore, and so long as that holds out, he never touches the poorer ore. Is the very richest human ore, then, to be unutilized and to be thrown on the great dump of the dead? 17 Many of you are familiar with the teachings of socialism. The fatal mistake usually made by European socialists, who never coine in contact with other races, is, that they deliberately shut their eyes to the immense differences existing among men, espe- cially between the different races. You have heard the story of Procrustes, the famous robber in Greek mythology, who made all travelers that fell into his hands lie down on the same iron bed and insisted that each one should just fill the bed. So, if their legs were too long, he cut them off; if they were too short, he stretched them. To assert that the theory of socialism would necessarily lead to such a practice would of course be a confession of ignorance ; but it can not be denied that the utterances of many individual sociaUsts have this tendency. The trouble is, that most people's legs are not elastic; if you were to stretch them, they would come off. If men were perfect, no other system than one of equal distribution, equal assurance of the requirements of life, would be just. But humanity is as yet far from perfect, and therefore far from happy. If we aim to make the humanity of the future more perfect and therefore happier, there is only one means; the best human elements of the present must be given the best chance to survive, that is to say, the best chance to work. Unto him that hath shall be given. In opposing a solid front against the admission of lower elements of labor, therefore, you and your brothers of Australia follow the dictates of the highest philosophy. The development of natural resources is desirable only if it leads to the improvement of humanity, that is to say, if it promotes the spread of the best elements. If it should lead to the spread of inferior elements, these natural resources had better remain undeveloped and be kept as a heritage for our children, to afford to them that chance to" labor which means the chance to live. One great contribution the socialists have made to the store of ethical terms has been the coining of the word solidarity. If socialism is but a passing phase in the history of human develop- ment, as is sometimes asserted, it will be 'gratefully remembered at any rate for the service it has rendered in weaning the working class from the ancient brutal maxim : Am I my brother's keeper? Workingmen ! If, in the presence of the great problems common to the race, the distinctions of nationality prove an obstacle to cooperation, they must be ignored. You are all Europeans; you are one great army, with the center in Burope, one wing in Australia, the other in America. What sort of general would he be who would devote his attention exclusively to his left wing and let his center and right wing shift for themselves ! It is childish, it is blindness, it is a piece of brutality to say that Europe's danger, Europe's union, are Europe's concern. If Europe is defeated and our own ruin is thereby accomplished, what good will it do us to blame Europeans for not attending to their duty? Nay, 18 more, Europeans might well retort that oilr duty was more imperative. It is difficult for two contestants to come to terms without the intervention of a common friend. As has been pointed out, the masses in Europe, as in America, are almost wholly absorbed in the task of making a living, and, unless their attention be aroused by some startling event, they will give scant heed to public questions nor cast aside the ancient habits of animosity that divide them. Because the task of making a living is to us somewhat less absorbing ; because the competition of Asiatics, never yet felt in Europe, has been brought forcibly home to us; and because we Europeans of America, mmgUng freely with each other, making friends without regard to the nationality to which our fathers belonged in Europe, are enabled to look on European quarrels with judicial impartiality; therefore is the duty incumbent on us to take such steps as may make it easier for our kinsmen in Europe to unite. And until that union is accomplished, it will be well for us, so far as possible, to lay aside all other stmggles, that might distract the attention of our own people and of our European kinsmen from the Paramount Issue. I trust that I shall not be misunder- stood if I entreat you to call a truce in the war which the Govern- ment at your demand is now waging against the trusts. That quarrel will keep ; the supremacy of the white race is one of those perishable goods that will not keep unless preservatives are ap- plied at once. That the government must eventually exercise supervision over the trusts, even at the risk of being called social- istic, is a foregone conclusion; the only problem is to know the degree of control that will be useful, not harmful. That the trusts will resist control as much as possible is natural ; it is simply the assertion of the imiversal craving for liberty. Let each one ask himself: Would I not be able and willing to do more for the public good if I were freed from this or that restriction? That is what every corporation thinks. You are aware, of course, that the leaders of these corporations have all risen from your ranks. It is absurd to think that so long as a man is poor, he is the model of all the virtues, and as soon as he gets rich he becomes the model of all the vices. It is said that some of you are displeased with Mr. Bonaparte because he does not prosecute the corporations fast enough. Please remember that Mr. Bonaparte is a builder, not a smasher. In common with every level-headed nian in the country, in common with your own wise leader, Mr. Gompers, he recognizes that the destruction -of the trusts would be a fatal retrogrtfde step. He does not care to inflict punishment that will merely cause a few individuals to make sour faces; his aim is to build up institutions which will guard the public against the evils that may flow from the abuse of corporate power without impairing the unquestionable efficiency and economy of the public service performed by the corporations. This is a work requiring the utmost skill and care and which is almost certain to fajl unless it 19 be allowed to develop as every useful thing in nature has developed : by gradual growth. The great- problem will be how to avoid setting little men to control big men. If you call a truce now, in order to. enable the people in this country and in Europe to give their undivided attention to the paramount problem of the union of the white race, not only will your battle against the abuses of the trusts not be lost, but you may be saved from the necessity of undoing much that ought never to have been done. You can resume the fight later on, if need be; the probability is that the question meantime will largely solve itself. We must practise what we preach. If we wish to preach conciliation, we must give an example of conciliation. Our plea for peace will be most elo- quent if we are at peace among ourselves. Look at this emblem! (Seal of the American Federation of Labor) . See the hands clasped across the ocean ! It means that your interests and those of your European kinsmen are identical. Look at the motto: Labor omnia vincit (Labor conquers all things)! Workingmen of America! Labor is the soiurce of life. Think of all the political issues now being discussed. How trif- ling, how insgnificant they are compared to the question' whether your children shall or shall not have the chance to labor and there- fore the chance to live. You now have the opportunity to make sure of that chance. Do not let that opportunity pass. You are aware that a part of the capitalist press, caring for nothing but private gain, is already clamoring for the unrestricted admission of Asiatics. When the Pacific is covered with Mongolian fleets superior to ours, and when the friends and kinsmen on whom we might have called for aid have been conquered, your children will not be able to resist that clamor. Lock the stable now ; don't wait till the horse is stolen. Rally solidly around the standard which means the union of white labor. Make the two hands clasp across the ocean. From the workingmen it is natural to turn to their employers. Captains of. Industry! No intelUgent, fair-minded man doubts your patriotism nor the immense services which you render to the jpublic. The problem of making the infinitely varied activities of industrial Ufe fit into each other so as to ensure throughout the country that balance of forces which may at any moment supply to each one what he needs, is one of enormous magnitude and one with which none but master minds can successfully grapple. The cartoonists deliglit in picturing you with enormous fat bodies and diminutive conical heads. Of course, anybody that has met you face to face knows that your heads are the most remarkable thing about you — regular in outline, capacious, symmetric, with noble, high foreheads, with no malar bones to speak of, with every feature expressive of mingled strength and refinement; and that, while your stomachs do not exactly exhibit the signs of starvation, they 20 do not betray any unusual digestive capacity. If physical beauty is the index of mental superiority, your mental gifts must be of a high order, for, as Lorabroso has pointed out, there is not a class in which physical beauty is so prevalent and so conspicuous as among the millionaires. * I should like to go on singing your praises, but after all, what can I say? It is impossible to praise you or anybody else except by pointing out that you or somebody else is useful to the public . If you are not useful, you are useless — isn't that clear? Now try for once to gain a clear idea of what it means to be use- ful to the public. You are not in the habit of pondering deeply on such subjects. Philosophizing is not in your line. The phil- osopher must know how to doubt, for only a doubter can change his opinion, and intellectual progress consists largely in successive changes of opinion. You can not afford to doubt ; instant decision is to you the sine qua non of success. I will not invite you to doubt your present opinions; I will merely ask you to form an opinion on a point which most of you have never considered. What, then, does it mean to be useful to the public? Useful means conducive to happiness. Now everyone knows that happi- ness and misery depend mainly on the constitution of men them- themselves. Hence that is most useful which will make men most apt to enjoy happiness themselves and most apt to confer it on others. And as men's constitutions are. mainly determined by heredity, it is evident that that line of action is most useful which causes the human beings thus constituted to become more and more numerous and the others less and less numerous. In brief, the ultimate test of all actions or policies is, whether they tend to favor the spread of the superior types of humanity. That question, in nature's civil service examination, counts ninety-nine per cent, and if you make zero on that, all your efforts to make a good record on other questions will be in vain. And as men can neither live nor spread except through labor, the criterion by which the usefulness or harmfulness of your social function must finally be judged is, whether it tends to promote the employment of the best human elements in that labor which is the source of life. You yourselves do not attempt to defend your titles to your property on any other ground than that of your usefulness. When- ever there is talk of confiscation, you do not waste your time in trying to prove that confiscation is inherently unjust ; you simply point out that it would render the gifts of nature less productive. You point out very justly that all experiments at community of property have ended in lamentable failure. In cfther words, you admit that you are simply the administrators of public property. You know that no other plea will satisfy the 'people's instinctive sense of right and wrong. If it should ever be proved that your administration of your property is more detrimental to the public welfare than public ownership would be, no amount of arguing about inherent rights would prevent the people from relieving you of that administration. 21 In point of fact the majority of you have splendidly justified the social wisdom which has entrusted you with that administration. No radical so wild but will admit that the consolidation of an infinity of small enterprises into a few large organizations has been an enormous benefit to society, setting free a vast amount of energy previously frittered away in duplication of work and in preparing for work. Pittsburg has become the marvel of the world. The sensible men among the people are not shocked on being told that the vast industrial interests of the country are practically controlled by a iejy dozen men. What are these few dozen men but the executive committee appointed by society through the most efficient process of election, the test of actual performance? Knowing that many cooks spoil the broth, the logical man is rather glad to learn that the number of cooks is diminishing. So long, therefore, as you prove your usefulness, the basis of your titles will remain unimpaired, and the sound sense of our people is guarantee that they will leave your appointment as their executive committee undisturbed. But what is usefulness ? The supreme test of usefulness of any action — it can not be too often repeated — lies in the question: Does it favor the spread of the best human types? Whatever fulfils this supreme require- ment is useful, even though in minor matters it may cause incon- venience or even suffering ; whatever is contrary to that supreme requirement is harmful, even though in minor matters it may afford some conveniences. What, then, are we to think of the claim, occasionally heard from your ranks, that the natural resources that have come into your possession must be made to yield a profit at all hazards, and that, if you cannot find sufficient white labor to develop them, you have a right to choose any labor that you can find? Do you not see that, by advancing that claim, you attack the very basis of your titles? If you introduce inferior labor and give it a footing from which it may spread and crowd out superior labor, not only from the. employments which now go begging but from practically all employments, your activity will result in a surplus of harm and therefore destroy the. only motive that prompts society to entrust to you the administration of what you call your property. The very fact that sufficient labor can not be found at home to develop certain resources is proof that their development is not yet needed. The fact is, your class suffers in its reputation from the sins of a minority. While most of you are sincerely trying to serve the public to the best of your ability, there are a few among you who have no other aim than personal profit, and who, in order ,to fry their eggs, are ever ready to set their neighbors' ^houses on fire. It was this type that introduced slavery and tried to justify it by philosophy and religion ; it is this type that is now engaged in agitating for the readmission of Asiatic labor, using all manner of specious arguments drawn from philosophy and rehgion, just 22 as the slave traders did. Their motto is: After us the deluge! It is your duty, men of finance, as patriots, as friends of orderly human progress, as lovers of your own children, to repudiate and shame into silence these fishers in troubled waters, whose success could only mean disorder, wreck, destruction of values. You are the generals of the white army of labor. Do not betray your own army, from whose ranks you have risen, your own people, your own flesh and blood. Even now the antagonism that has sprung up between you and the laboring class consumes an enormous amount of energy that^ ought to be devoted to pro- gressive work. If in this matter of Asiatic immigration you place yourselves resolutely and frankly on the side of the workingmen, you will do the very best thing to allay this antagonism. I have appealed to the workingmen to call a truce in the fight against you, to the end that public attention may be concentrated on the paramount issue of the union of the civilized nations, and that our plea for conciliation among our European kinsmen may be borne out by our example. I now appeal to you to do your part to make a truce, perhaps a lasting peace, possible. If you refuse, if you encourage those who agitate for the admission of Asiatic labor, you will exasperate the laboring class still more and may drive them to adopt dangerous measures. You will simply hasten the confiscation against which you are struggling. If at this critical moment you hold aloof from the common cause of your nation, of your race, and thus contribute to consign your own flesh and blood to starvation through loss of labor, you will vainly plead your acts of munificence as proofs of your usefulness. The man who is going to be hanged is not grateful to the hangman for giving him a meal an hour before the execution. You know that Mr. Bonaparte is your friend no less than the workingmen's. What- ever is subversive of the social order is repugnant to him. No dangerous experiments would have any chance under his admin- istration; he would promptly veto them. His one aim, as he constantly insists, is to make the reign of law supreme both over the mighty and the lowly. The union of the civilized nations, which he of all living men is best fitted to bring about, would mean universal peace, the security of investments all over the globe, the accelerated opening of the wild regions and therefore doubled, tenfold opportunities for safe and highly profitable investment. Even the Asiatic trade, which is used as an argu- ment in favor of the admission of coolie labor, would grow twice as fast if the fear of conflict were removed, through the union of the leading nations. Many of you are known for your munifi- cence to the working people. Do your best now to bestow on them and their children the most munificent gift of all : the assur- ance of labor, which means the assurance of life. Do your best to bestow on the world the priceless gift of universal peace. 23 My next appeal is to the German- Americans. Fellow-citizens' Your ancestors, among all the branches of the Aryan family, had the good luck to receive from Tacitus that imperishable badge of nobility, higher than any in the world: "Inesse quin etiam sanctum aliquid et providum putant" (They even believe that there is in woman something sacred and prophetic). Your country was the home of chivalry; your poetry began with the Minnesanger, the bards of love. You are destined, therefore, by nature, to be the leaders in the movement toward the union of the white nations which is absolutely necessary in order to safeguard and perpetuate the supremacy of the race to whom the worship of woman constitutes the consummation of life. The duty of this leadership is doubly yours, because the first step toward that union must be the reconciliation of France and Germany. With- out that reconciliation, no union is possible ; with it, the union is as good as accomplished. Your example would exert a potent influence on your brothers in the old home and in all probability supply to them the long-desired pretext. If your press and your vote are solid for the man who is best fitted to bring about the union of the white race and universal peace, the man whose name is identified with the greatest glory of France, the grandnephew of him whom recently a prince of your Imperial House, standing tearfully at his tomb, called the greatest general in history, the masses of your kindred in Germany will be startled into attention as they never were before, and the Government, whose earnest wish to come to terms with France is well known, might then deem it safe to make overtures of compromise. It may be doubted whether any power would profit as much as Germany by the establishment of the United States of Europe. To the other powers it would merely mean the security of what they have ; to Germany it would very likely mean the acquisition of new colonies. This is at present wholly impossible. Though in her own home Germany need not be afraid of the challenge of united Europe, yet every effort that she makes to extend her power abroad is paralyzed by the opposition of her rivals. In this opposition, France naturally takes part; to do otherwise would not be human. Were France allied with Germany, she would favor the latter's expansion, and we should soon witness the birth of a New Germany beyond the seas, destined to offer a home to millions of emigrants, to feed the commerce of the home- land and to strengthen her hold on her present colonies. German - Americans! You are second to none in your love for the land of your adoption, yet nobody blames you for the regrets occasion- ally expressed, that your emigration was wholly a loss to your old fatherland, instead of being a gain, as is the emigration of English- iilen to English colonies. Not only the people of the United States but not a few enlightened Enghshmen are sorry to see that the country which leads the world in education, and whose population increases at the rate of nearly a miUion a year, has no 24 lands of its own to which it can send this surplus, instead of sending it to foreign lands to strengthen them in the competition with the home land. The union of the three leading European nations, prompted by the very necessity of assuring to the white race the right to "colonize the globe, would quickly lead to the recog- nition of the self-evident conclusion that- the nation which has the largest surplus of high-grade colonists must be given the best chance to colonize. In other words, fellow-citizens of German descent, you have it in your power to aid your fatherland in acquiring a domain sufficient for thirty or forty million colonists, in a comer of the globe where they and their descendants may remain Germans for all time to come. Permit me to suggest an additional motive. No German-Amer- ican has ever been President. At present no German- American has any chance to get the nomination, although, in view of your numbers, such an innovation would by no means be premature. If, however, Mr. Bonaparte is elected largely through your aid, his friends will be under obligation to make returns. The nomination and election of a German- American will then become a decided probability in the near future. It is hardly necessary to urge our fellow -citizens of French descent to vote for the bearer of the name which is identified with the greatest glory of France. With a Bonaparte at the head of the United States, the friendship which links the two republics together would become stronger than ever, especially if an Anglo- Franco-German alliance were to remove all fear of jealousy on the part of France's neighbors and consequently also on the part of Americans of German or British descent. A widespread revolt in North Africa and the Sudan, or an attack on her Indo-Chinese possessions would tax the military power of France to a dangerous degree, so long as she is compelled to keep most of her force at home for fear of her neighbors. If she were allied with her neigh- bors, if she did not have to fear them any more than Pennsylvania has to fear Ohio, she could garrison her colonies with sufficient forces to secure herself in their possession, which would, moreover, be guaranteed by the united power of the Triple Alliance. To our fellow-citizens of Italian descent it may be sufficient to point out, first, that Italy has never ceased to claim the Buona- partes as her own ; second, that the union of Europe would enable Italy not only to recover her lost ground in Africa but to add to it. The prestige gained for the Latin race by a man of Latin de- scent and bearing a Latin name would be shared by the other Latin nations, Spain, Portugal, Roumania and Latin America. Portu- gal, possessed of a vast African domain, where rebellion is chronic, would naturally welcome a European union which would secure 25 her in the possession of that domain both against aggression and against revolt. In Latin America, whose industrial and com- mercial development offers the finest opportunities to our own people, the name Bonaparte, the most famous in the Latin world, would exert the happiest effect, contributing to dispel the dis- trust with which a large part of the people regard us, as a Protestant and "Anglo-Saxon" power. The Belgians would find in the Triple Alliance the best defense of their Congo colony. To the Scandinavians it would offer a far better guarantee of independence than a paper neutraUty. One of the first tasks of the Triple Alliance would be the reorganization of Turkey. The Armenian, Greek and Syrian Christians now groaning under the Mohammedan yoke would then at last enjoy security of life, honor and property. All those who feel the unspeakable dis- grace of seeing Christendom stand by idle while a Christian nation is being butchered by Mussulmans, should exert their power to the utmost to bring about the indispensable condition for effectual interference in behalf of Armenia : the union of the three great enlightened and humane nations of western Europe. There is not a nation on earth that has a more glorious history than Holland. With a territory not larger than Maryland, and with a population that only recently passed the four million mark, that astounding little nation was at one time the greatest sea power in the world, owning part of the West Indies, all Brazil, the present states of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Dela- ware, South Africa, Ceylon and the Malay archipelago. Brave and energetic as ever, but overmatched in numbers, that nation is now confronted with the certainty of losing the remainder of its colonial domain in the East Indies, if it has to defend it single- handed. Nothing can save it but the guarantee of united Europe. The Dutch element forms one of the most valuable constituents of our population, having given to our annals some of their most honored names. I am sure no American bearing a Dutch name will fail to lend his vote and his influence to the cause of European union, which alone can save the Dutch- East Indies. In appealing to our fellow-citizens of Slavic descent^ — Bohe- mians, Moravians, Slovaks, Poles, Russians — I feel that I shall find attentive listeners. You know what Mongol invasions mean ; you never think of the 250 years of the " Yoke " without a shudder. You have had a recent suggestion of new invasions. There is not a branch of the Aryan family to whom the need of European imion is so urgent. Siberia is the land of promise to your people, their magnificent patrimony. In it there is room for ten white nations of the size of France. If European union is not accomplished in time, it is not merely probable but absolutely certain that you will lose this heritage bequeathed to you by your fathers. Against 26 a united power of eight hundred miUions, even the most desperate defense could not avail . Instead of being one of the leading powers of the world for all time to come, Russia, and with it the Slavic race, would enter on. a new period of subjection, with no hope of redemption. Siberia, even eastern Russia, would be flooded with yellow colonists; the Russian language, which now has every prospect of becoming one of the leading languages of civilization, would be drowned in the yellow flood, as was the Greek language in Asia Minor by the Turkish invasion. Your statesmen, your journalists are loud in their reproaches to Europe for its failure to support you in the struggle in which, as everybody admits, you are acting as the bulwark, the vanguard of Europe. Permit me to point out two things. First, western Europe can not support Russia until western Europe is united. Second, the nations of western Europe are between the devil and the deep sea. If they support Russia in a new war and thus enable her to win the victory, all Asia may be absorbed by her into one immense power, and thus the yellow menace will simply become more imminent than ever. If they fail to support Russia, and the latter is beaten, Siberia will be lost to the white race and the yellow menace will become equally imminent. Thus Russia's duty to herself and to her sister nations is clear. To seek predominance over Europe is suicidal for her. In menacing India, she places a dagger to her own heart. She must favor the union of the western nations by every means in her power, and she must allay their fear of Russian predominance by reaffirming the declaration made by Nicholas I ; that Russia has enough land and has no ambition to acquire more, but only to keep and develop what she has. She must assure the other powers that, if through their support she is vic- torious in a contest with the yellow race, she will not claim any land as the fruit of her victory but leave any teiritorial spoils to her allies, especially Germany, which has practically no coloniz- able lands. The test of her sincerity will be found in her attitude on Turkish affairs. If she frankly tells the other powers to settle that problem to their convenience, it will be proof that her word can be trusted; if she continues to talk about her interests in Turkey, it will be proof that her dreams of aggrandizement and predominance are only postponed, not relinquished. By grabbing at an inch in Turkey, she would run the risk of losing half a conti- nent in Siberia. It ig incumbent on you, fellow-citizens of Slavic descent, to impress this lesson on your kindred at home, and this you can not do more effectually than by supporting a movement whose essen- tial aim is the union of the white race. Were Britain, France and Germany aUied, they would inevitably guarantee not only their own possessions but also those of Russia, because they would rec- ognize that the losSfOf the latter would also imperil their own. Instead of wasting its resources on the plaything of a new navy, the Russian government could then devote all its spare funds to 27 the most urgent task: to cover Siberia with a network of railways as dense 'as that of America, so that in the 'event of hostihties not a hundred thousand but a miUion troops, not -only Russian but German, French and ItaUan, could be transported in a few weeks. For this purpose, abundant funds could be obtained, for with the specter of Russian predominance dispelled and the future of Siberia assured, jBuropean and American capital, instead of being diverted to the lands of the yellow race and strengthening their military resources, would pour into Siberia in a vast stream, attracted by the prospect of ample returns in a practically virgin land, and would soon convert it into a second America, inhabited by millions of white colonists, most of them Slavs. You may be reluctant to heap coals on the heads of those who are trying, in Prussian Poland, to dispossess your kindred of the lands which their fathers have held from time immemorial. Do not cut off your noses to spite your faces. To put a stop to that expropriation, there is no better means, perhaps no other means, than to open to Germany the prospect of colonial expansion over- sea. It is precisely because Germany, with a population of sixty- one millions, has so little land at home and so little colonizable land abroad, that she feels compelled to husband every inch of what she has. Had she a great colonial domain to which she could send her surplus population, and where she could invest her capital with the assurance of hundredfold return in wealth and in increased national strength, she would not dream of spending a single mark on the profitless task of winning a few acres from your kindred in Posen. A society has just been organized in Poland called Eleusis (lyiberation), whose members pledge themselves to fourfold abstinence : from liquor, from tobacco, from gambling and from unchastity, in order to be able to employ their time, their money and their physical and mental vigor, unimpaired, in the service of their nation. With such a spirit animating her sons, Poland has every reason to look forward with confidence to the day when she will be a nation once more. But in order to succeed, you will have to add a fifth abstinence, an abstinence which is incumbent on all Europeans as the essential requisite to union: abstinence from the luxury, the mania, of dominating, of denationalizing other Europeans. You must be content with the lands where the majority of the population is Polish and not claim lands where the majority is German, Ruthenian or I^ithuanian. You, as well as the other downtrodden nationalities, should recognize that the best means to recover that separate and equal station which belongs to them by right will be to labor for the union of Europe. In the United States of Europe the political boundaries must of necessity coincide with the language boundaries. Anything else would be insanity. 28 In pleading for the support of our fellow-citizens of British birth, I feel that no great eloquence is needed. Though now domiciled under the Stars and Stripes, there is not one of you but is proud of the land of his birth and follows her fortunes with loving anxiety, and no wonder, for a grander record than that of the Brit- ish nation, a grander structure than the British empire never existed. However, those of you who are faipiliar with the situa- tion of the various British colonies are well aware of the precarious tenure by which the empire is held. "When that day comes," says Captain H. A. Wilson of the British army {Nineteenth Cen- tury, September, 1907), "the whites in Africa will be at death grips with one of the most formidable movements of all times — a wave of Moslem fanaticism rolling in countless numbers across the African continent. Gathering momentum at every step, there will spring into being one of the most irresistable forces the world has yet seen. In a day there will have arisen a situation compared to which the Indian mutiny and the Sudan campaigns would be the smallest of incidents. This will probably be consid- ered an absiirdly exaggerated view. Let me once again reiterate my firm conviction that the next twenty years will see Europe struggling in the throes of an African war against forces so great that at the end it is unlikely that a single white man will remain in Africa. Nor am I alone in this belief. I have already quoted Dr. Carl Peters to this effect, and I could quote in support the opinion of many others." Fellow-citizens of British birth ! A stitch ia time saves nine . An African revolt is sure to be followed by an Indian revolt, and vice versa. And remember in India and Africa there are several hundred thousand white women, mostly English, Scotch and Irish. If the Triple Alliance existed, if Britain had no more to fear from her neighbors than Pennsylvania has to fear from Ohio, this danger would at once disappear. Britain could then garrison her colonies with white troops in sufficient numbers to nip any revolt in the bud. The entire military force of Europe would stand ready, like the fire department of a great city, to put out the flames at once, before they had any chance to spread. Lock the stable now; don't wait till the horse is stolen. To the Irish- Americans it is not necessary to address an elaborate plea, for I feel that you are with us as a matter of course. The sole fact that this is a fight for woman's kingdom will suffice to turn every Irishman into a recruit for our army. The sole fact that the object at stake is the supremacy of the white race will make you stand by us to a man, for your race pride is proverbial. I need not remind you that the civilization which we are trying to safeguard owes to you some of its most delicate flowers. Irish poetry, Irish music, Irish oratory are among the most precious treasures of the white man's heritage. I need not remind you that 29 Mr. Bonaparte's grandmother was an Irishwoman; that he is a Catholic, as most of you are. There is only one point on which I wish to insist : Ireland will never get independence or even such home rule as would satisfy her, until she is received as a sister nation into the great family of the United States of Europe. Occasionally, indeed, some messenger of darkness whispers in your ear: Wait till Britain is engaged in a death struggle with some great power, then stab her in the side and recover your freedom. I am sure no thoughtful, well-meaning Irishman would for a moment entertain that suggestion. A stab in the side of the foremost white nation, the nation to whom civilization owes so much, the nation that has perhaps produced more high-souled, generous men and women than any other. Would be treason to the white race. It would be treason to the Celtic race, for it would sever you from your Celtic kindred in Wales and Scotland. On the other hand, an Anglo-Franco-German alUance would mean first of all the political union of all the Celtic-speaking districts in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Man and Brittany; second, the union of practically all the lands whose population is Celtic in blood, for not only is Britain half Celtic, but the dominant element in the population of France is Celtic, and the Celtic blood probably predominates in western and southern Germany; and third, it would mean home rule for Ireland. When Britain has no more to fear from her neighbors than Pennsylvania has to fear from Ohio, the main objection to Irish home rule will cease to exist. Britain could then afford to give freedom to her sister isle, without having to fear any loss of power or setting up a new enemy, for that the Irish would desert the alliance embracing all their Celtic kindred is inconceivable. Irish- Americans ! After centuries of struggle, practical independence is at last within your reach, and with it, permanent peace and the assured opportunity to go forth and possess the earth. I am sure you will not spurn this incom- parable opporttmity. See the flag of Panarya, the flag of the union of the white race, the flag of civilization, the flag of Celtic union, the flag of home rule. See the ten branches of the Aryan race: the Celtic, Ger- manic, Latin, Albanian, Hellenic, Armenian, Baltic, Slavic, Persian and Hindu. Why are the Celtic and Germanic made most prominent? Because they constitute in practically equal parts the population of the states which to-day hold aloft the banner of civilization; the United Kingdom, France, Germany and their joint offspring, the United States; and because their union would practically mean the union of the entire white race. Celto-Germania means Panarya, and Panarya means the security of civilization, permanent peace. Irish- Americans ! The issue is largely in your hands! You have the reputation of being warm-hearted, accessible to noble ideas, beyond other races. Spurn the petty claims of ephemeral interests with the generous, whole-souled enthusiasm so often evinced by your fathers. I/Ct 30 not an Irishman fail to vote for the cause of civiHzation, of per- manent peace, of Irish home rule. From the Irish- American it is natural to turn to the CathoKcs. Fellow-citizens! Your church has been in the past the most potent bond of union in Europe. Now is the time for her to resume that function. During the wars between England and France in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, whenever a battle seemed imminent, the Pope's legates invariably appeared in both camps and entreated the contending princes : "Mighty sover- eigns, you commit a grievous sin in wastingthe blood and treasure of your subjects in 'mutual destruction while the infidel is thundering at the door of Christendom. Unite your forces and march to the aid of our brothers in the East, who are daily praying for help:" The appeal was in vain; Constantinople was taken by the Turks ip 1453, at the very moment when the war between England and France terminated by leaving both in the position which they had occupied one hundred and twenty years before. Catholic fellow- citizens ! The opportunity which then was lost has now returned. If you drop all petty quarrels, all cries of party and class, if for once you make the cause of your religion supreme, uniting solidly in support of the candidate who stands for the union of Christen- dom against heathendom, you will secure for your country and for your church the grandest triumph ever achieved. Since 1789, when Washington entered on his first term as President of the United States, one hundred and nineteen years have elapsed, and during that time the country has had twenty- four Presidents. Not one of them was a Catholic. And yet the Constitution expressly guarantees that the rights of no citizen shall be abridged because of his religion. You number about fourteen millions or exactly one-sixth of the population. At that rate you would have been entitled to four Presidents. Evidently your complete exclusion from the highest office in the land is an injustice which can not continue forever. You now have an opportunity to put an end to it, and if you neglect this opportunity it may be long before another Catholic becomes sufficiently prominent to be mentioned as a candidate. No sane man could suppose that Mr. Bonaparte, as President, would attempt to procure undue advantages for his church, any more than he does now as Attorney-General. Not a whisper of disapproval was heard when he was called to the Cabinet ; why should you suppose that your fellow-citizens would disapprove of his nomination to the Presidency? The dominant trait of our countrymen is the love of fair play and equal justice to all. When the attention of your Protestant fellow-citizens is drawn to the injustice under which you have labored for one hundred and nineteen years, in being excluded from the highest office of the land, they will vote for your candidate precisely for the reason that they wish to make 31 amends for this injustice. They would reahze that, if we wish to preach conciliation to Europe, we must practise conciliation at home. If our European kinsmen are to become united, they will first have to learn to acknowledge one another's just claims. Before we can exhort them to do so, we must first show that we know how to do justice ourselves. Let me here add a brief appeal to those Christians, Catholics and Protestants, who are working for the reunion of all the Christian denominations. The best preparation for such reunion is evidently equal justice to all. So long as popular prejudice and blind obedience to an established habit exclude one great Christian denomination from an office to which they are as well entitled as any other citizens, so long will there be irritation and resentment, and so long will a mutual approach tending toward reunion be impossible. Were a Catholic elected President, for the first time in the country's history, the sense of satisfied justice and equality would go far to smooth the way to Christian reunion . A word here to our friends the Japanese. It is vain to expect that the United States, a Christian nation, will ever sell the PhiUp- pines, with their seven millions of Christian inhabitants, to a heathen nation. We are told that it is fashionable among you to emphasize the strain of white blood in your veins, and indeed, unless the portraits of your leading men and their families have been very much doctored, it seems evident that your ruling class is at least half of white origin. You can give no more striking proof of the sincerity of your desire to cooperate with the western nations in the work of civilization and to disprove the sinister designs sometimes attributed to you, than by adopting the faith of the Filipinos. It would be rash to say that our people would then be willing to sell the islands to you ; but at any rate the most formidable objection that our people as well as all Europe would raise against the transfer would be removed. In turning now to our Jewish fellow-citizens, I feel that I am addressing a class whose most vital interests are bound up with the success of our cause. You, like the Cathohcs, have suffered from religious prejudice. It is impossible to imagine a more effective means to banish that prejudice than the election of a Catholic to the Presidency. By helping to remove the in- justice done to others, you will best draw attention to the injustice done to you. Every consideration of race pride should lead you to cooperate in maintaining the supremacy of the white race to which you belong. The civiHzation whose interests are at stake is largely your work. After becoming acquainted with 32 you, and being startled by the almost uncanny nimbleness of your minds, your lightning-like quickness of perception, one ceases to wonder why civilization was bom in a region of rtiingled Aryan and Semitic population. The two branches, of the same race, after long separation, during which each went through a different training, accumulated different sets of experiences, were prepared, on meeting, to exchange these experiences to mutual advantage. The acid and alkaU, combining, made the salt of the earth. The Aryan steel against the Semitic flint elicited the spark. In fact, at one time civilization was mainly Semitic. Babylon, Niniveh, Semitic cities, were in their day what Rome was later on; Sidon, Tyre and Carthage, Phcenician cities, whose commerce embraced the larger part of the Old World, spoke a language almost identical with Hebrew. The founder of the Christian religion, which has practically conquered the globe, was a Jew, the greatest of your race. Your ancient literature forms the sacred book of Christendom ; the entire white race is saturated with the words, the ideas of your poets, historians and sages. This civili- zation, so largely your work, and in which you now bear so large a share, it is your duty to defend. You have among you a larger proportion of effective speakers and writers than almost any other race. Let them employ their tongues and pens in behalf of their own flesh and blood, in behalf of the highest interests of humanity. Most of you come from Russia and know what low wages are. The great mass of j^our people are wage earners. None are more ambitious, none aspire more keenly to higher wages, a higher life standard. Will you allow the door of hope to be shut on you by consenting to the admission of coolies who will work for wages even lower than those of Russia? Your love for your children is proverbial; no race looks out so carefully for its children's future, or is willing to make such sacrifices for that purpose. Do your best, then, to give them the best life insurance, the oppor- tunity to work ; make sure, so far as you can, that the opportunities which this country affords shall not be taken from them. All your petitions, your innumerable meetings, your tons of circulars, have failed to bring protection to your oppressed kin- dred in the Old World. The union of western Europe would be a silent but effective notice to yourenemifes in Russia and Roumania that Jew-baiting is a pastime whose time is past. Lastly, those among you who dream of a return to the land of your fathers, to form a nation once more, will readily perceive that this would be almost a necessary consequence of an Ajiglo-Franco- German alliance. One of the earliest tasks of that alliance would be the reorganization of Turkey, and in that event, as Sir H. H. Johnston has pointed out, Britain would be compelled to insist on the establishment of a strong Jewish state in Syria and Pales- tine, as a bulwark for Egypt. 33 In appealing to the South, I feel that I have no opposition to overcome. Mr. Bonaparte, though not from the heart of the South, is still a southern man, and his election would constitute the first break in that unhappy tradition by which the South has so long been excluded from the Presidency. It would constitute a strong additional bond to reunite those who were estranged for a while by a great national blunder. This consideration alone ought to suffice to win the support not only of every southern man but of every patriot. The South is too familiar with one race problem to run the risk of being burdened with another. Her people are too chivalrous to refuse their cooperation in a Work whose essential aim is to perpetuate the supremacy of the civilization which places the highest ideal of happiness in the worship of woman. Here let me add a word to the colored voters. You would be the first to suffer by coolie immigration. Most of the work by which you make a living is unskilled work. That would be the first to be monopolized by the coolies. Next to the Pa!cific coast , the South would be most attractive to them, because it offers at present the best opportunities for development. If you wish to preserve for your children the means of living, cast your vote in favor of the cause which means the assurance of American labor, both white and colored. That the people of the Pacific Slope will support this movement to a man may be deemed a foregone conclusion. They feel uncomfortable even now to think that our navy is inadequate to patrol both coasts; and they do not care to look forward to a day when their children, beaten in the race of ship-building, shall see their men-of-war skulk in their harbors while Mongolian fleets sweep the Pacific triumphant. We want a strong navy, but we do not want to spend half our revenue, or even a quarter of our revenue, for that purpose. To that we shall be driven, if on the other side of the Pacific a power is developed exceeding our own ten-fold in population, with superior natural resources, with vast deposits of coal and iron almost untouched, and with labor five times, ten times cheaper than ours. A battleship which costs us seven millions would cost them only two millions, perhaps less. The race for naval superiority would be ruinous to us, while to them it would mean merely a normal expense. Australia has just adopted universal military service. They do not like it any better than we do and they groan to think of the expense ; but they feel compelled to do it, because the Mongolian menace is imminent to them. When it becomes imminent to us, our country, too, will be turned into a vast camp, our cities into fortresses. If we make the navies of Europe our navies, there will 34 be no race for the supremacy of the Pacific; the combined re- sources of Europe, Africa, America, AustraUa and the greater part of Asia will so enormously exceed those of the Chinese that the idea of rivalling us at sea will never occur to them. That is the way to bring about a limitation of armaments : not by simply stopping the construction of battleships for fear of giving a bad example — the Asiatics would laugh at such simplicity — but by virtually annexing Europe and all its possessions and making their resources contribute to our defense. If America takes the lead toward the unification of Europe, it will mean the American- ization of the globe. When the leading powers form practically one power, disarmament will come as a matter of course. People of the Pacific Coast! Lock the stable now; don't wait till the horse is stolen. The last remarks introduce my next appeal : to the peace socie- ties. Rational peace work, like rational medicine, seeks after the cause of the complaint ; when that is removed, the complaint vanishes as a matter of course. The cause of war is the absence of an international police force; the cause of all the peace that prevails or that ever prevailed is and was the presence of a police force. During the Middle Ages, when the right of private warfare prevailed, Europe was one vast battlefield. Did this, condition cease through the spread of the conviction that war was an evil? Not at all. It ceased because kings, in order to maintain and increase their power, found themselves compelled to organize standing armies to enable them to impose "the king's peace" on their nobles, and to cut off the heads of those that broke the peace . If, then, the task of organizing an international police force were confided to you, what powers would you select? You would not dream of entrusting the supreme control of the destinies of human- ity, the defense of civilization, to any but the most enlightened and humane nations, those least apt to abuse the power conferred by union: Britain, France and Germany, with the tacit support of the United States. You now have an opportunity to do so. Common sense dictates that the first step toward "the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World," be made as simple as possible. If you can not get all the nations to federate at once, get as many as are sufficient for the purpose in view. A simpler beginning, a smaller combination can not be imagined than the union of two nations: France and Germany. When a nucleus has been created, it will grow of itself. Begin by appealing to those countries in which the public are most enlightened and therefore most accessible to an appeal. No appeal could be more effective than a declaration by the people of the United States of America that they would consider the establishment of the United States of Europe as conducive to their interests and would be ready to cooperate with them in maintaining the world's 35 peace. You tell us that peace is the most important issue now before the world, and assuredly it is far more important than the current poUtical issues. If it is supreme, it must necessarily determine your political attitude, provided you wish to be con- sistent. Some of you are reported to be displeased with Mr. Bonaparte because he is laiown to be in favor of a strong navy. Gentlemen, if you deplore the growth of our navy, remove the need for it. The present combined naval force of Britain, France, Germany and the United States would amply suffice to police the globe, and in the face of such a power, the other nations would soon find it useless to build battleships. Then the growth of our navy would be arrested at once. Reverse the case; suppose we let things drift. First there would be a great rebellion in India, the direct consequence of this policy of drift. You are aware of the saying already current in the East about Asia shaking off the yoke of Europe. The moment Asia shakes off the yoke, she will put it on Europe. We should have a series of wars surpassing in magnitude the wildest horrors of the past, till our European kindred, overmatched and exhausted, fell beneath the heel of the Mongolian, who would then dominate the world, including America. Then we might have permanent peace, but it would be peace enforced by the predominance of sheer numbers over intellect ; not by the supremacy of the most gifted, enlightened and humane types of humanity, but the re- verse. We know what our supremacy means to the other races: relief from famine, war and pestilence, a more regular chance to labor and therefore a better chance to live. We not only share our education with them but actually force it on them. What Mongolian supremacy would mean we are absolutely unable to conjecture, except by recollecting what it meant 600 years ago : massacre, slavery, tribute to harems. You remember the Roman ambassador before the senate of Carthage raising the hem of his toga and saying: "Within this fold I hold peace or War. Choose." Ladies and gentlemen of the peace societies ! You are confronted with the same alternative. Australia has just adopted universal military service, because in the present disunion of the white race, she can not rely on her sister nations. So it will soon be with South America and finally with us. Disunion means constantly increasing armaments; union would at once mean disarmament. Surely you will not commit the absurdity of saying: "Let us not elect the man who is fitted to unite the civilized nations, for fear they might become strong enough to impose peace on the world." My last appeal is to the men of science. Anthropologists, biologists, physicists, astronomers, geologists, linguists, histo- rians, sociologists, political economists ! In the paths of philoso- phic reasoning, you are not mere casual wanderers but daily passengers. You are familiar with the laws of life, with the story 86 of man's slow ascent from savagery, with nature's unvarying law of differentiation, with the forces that make for progress and those that make for disintegration. You know that such a thing as equality does not exist in nature . You are aware of the methods by which nature develops the qualities of organic beings. To a slight degree they may be developed in the individual by training ; in the main they are developed in the race by heredity. If the human race is to improve, it means that each succeeding genera- tion must spring mainly from the best elements of the preceding generation. In brief, the entire hierarchy of sciences is subsidiary to the science of eugenics, whose object is the study of the problem : How to promote the multiplication of the superior and restrain the multiplication of the inferior human elements. Men of science! You are familiar with the frequent lament that, while every ignorant, unprincipled demagogue tries his best to control the masses, you, who have the firmest grasp on the truth, the broadest views of the problems of life, keep aloof from public affairs. The reproach is undeserved, for it is simply im- possible for any man to do effective work unless he concentrates his attention on one specialty. But here is a question with which you are familiar, while other people are not. This time you can not hold aloof without being unfaithful to your duty as the world's instructors. Make sure that no voter shall have reason to com- plain this time that the verdict of science had not come to his knowledge. I have emphasized the need of gaining the attention of the masses. The masses, however, are mainly influenced by leaders, and hence it is that even in republics, the attitude of one man is sometimes sufficient to determine the course of public policy. Two such men are now prominently before the public, and it is not too much to say that each is a hosfin himself. No leader at this moment has such a sway over the hearts of the masses, both in our own country and throughout the world, as you, Mr. Roosevelt. By supporting the candidacy of Mr. Bon- aparte, you can share in the^ greatest triumph that was ever offered to our nation or to any nation : the leadership toward the union of the civilized nations and perpetual peace. You are the very embodiment of patriotism. You are the constant exhorter to- ward union. Try to conceive, if you can, whether at this moment anything could more powerfully contribute to national union than a Presidential election which would mean the wiping out both of sectional and of religious antagonism. You are the tireless pleader for justice. It is impossible to doubt that you are pained by the injustice to which the South is subjected in being excluded from the Presidency, and still more by the injustice which the Catholics 37 have suffered for 119 years in being deprived, through popular prejudice, of a privilege secured to them by the Constitution. By inviting a Catholic and a Jew to your Cabinet, vou have already done most valuable service in lessening this injustice and in ad- ministering a reproof to religious prejudice. Complete your work. The grand example of your nation in thus laying aside religious prejudice for the sake of a great object would powerfully urge our European kinsmen to make the mutual concessions requisite for union. You, of all men in the country, are the one that looks not only to the needs of the present but also to those of the future, as instanced by your call for a conference for the preservation of natural resources for the benefit of our descendants. Lend your aid to secure for our descendants the prime resource: existence. You are the indefatigable preacher against race suicide. Lend your aid to preserve the white race, your own race, from the most horrible suicide through disunion. " You are the workingman's friend. Lend your aid to secure for our workingmen the best life insurance, to-wit, the certainty that labor, the source of life, shall not be taken from them and their children by cheap Asiatic com- petitors. You are the foremost advocate of "peace with right- eousness," yet you are credited by many with a secret delight in war. Dispel that impression ; lend your aid to secure to the world permanent peace with the greatest righteousness of all : the 'su- premacy of the most enKghtened and humane types of mankind. You wish your nation to be strong, in order that her voice may have weight when she speaks in behalf of righteousness. Remem- ber that we are but one of seven sticks; that not one nation is strong enough alone to have the assurance of being able to resist any force that may be brought against it. Sixteen months ago you wrote : ' ' Nothing would more promote iniquity, nothing would further defer the reign upon earth of peace and righteousness, than for the free and enlightened peoples, which, though with much stumbling and . many shortcomings, nevertheless strive toward justice, deliberately to render themselves powerless while leaving every despotism and barbarism armed and able to work theif wicked will. The chance for the settlement of disputes peacefully, by arbitration, now depends mainly upon the possession by the nations that mean to do right, of sufficient armed strength to make their purpose effective." To one that has has meditated on the subject as deeply as you have, it is hardly necessary to point out that the surest way for ' 'the free and enlightened peoples," "those that mean to do right," "deliberately to render themselves power- less," is disunion, while the strongest possible armament for them would be union. No name is so potent with the masses in Europe as your name. By declaring yourself in favor of a movement to bring about the United States of Europe, you can start such an avalanche of popular sentiment as will sweep away every resist- ance offered by inertia, habit and national prejudice. You bear a 38 Dutch name ; do your best to save the land of your ancestors from the humiliation of losing her colonial domain. All through your administration you have shown that you know how to seize oppor- timities ; that you do not put off till to-morrow what may be done to-day. You now have the opportunity to close your adminis- tration with the greatest triumph of all; you will not neglect it. You have annexed Australia; proceed now to annex the rest of the world. In appealing to you, Mr. Taft, even more than in appealing to the President himself, I feel that I am addressing one who has the destinies of his country, the destinies of humanity in his hands. All your speeches prove you to be a patriot to the bone. As a patriot you desire your country to be the most honored among the nations. A nation, of course, can gain honor only through the deeds done by its citizens. You have now an opportunity to do a deed which will confer on yourself and your nation a greater honor than any other deed that you could possibly perform. If you win the Presidency, that will be a great honor conferred on you by the nation ; whether you will have an opportunity, as Pres- ident, to confer on the nation any distinguished honor in return, can not be foreseen. Profit by the opportimity now presented. By declaring that you would prefer the election of Mr. Bonaparte to your own, by throwing your influence into the scale in favor of the man whom Providence seems to have sent at this moment to secure for our nation the leadership toward the highest triumph of humanity, and by thus rendering his nomination and election practically certain, you can first of all gain for yourself the credit for a magnanimous deed far exceeding the honor of the Presidency ; you can give to the world an impressive example of disinterested- ness sorely needed at all times ; you can confer on your nation an honor far outshining that which she received from any of her Presidents in the past ; you can most effectively contribute to the attainment of the very object in view, namely, to arouse the atten- tion of the masses in Europe and impress on them the necessity of union ; and you will lose nothing, for your renunciation at this moment, and for such a purpose, would make your nomination and election doubly sure four years hence, under circumstances which would make it an incomparably greater triumph, place you in a position of far greater power in the hearts of your people, and thus enable you to render them tenfold service. The honor of the Presidency, great as it is, has come to twenty-four men before, some of whom are hardly remembered for what they did. The honor of a voluntary renunciation would be unprecedented, and would at once make you immortal. The fate of the world rests in your hands. By eleven words : " I would prefer the election of Mr. Bonaparte to my own," you can determine the future course 39 of history ; you can secure the safety of the highest interests of mankind for all time to come ; you can win for yourself an immortal crown as the greatest hero in history. Endless applause through- out the world would greet you, for the world is perpetually hungry after noble deeds. I am sure you would not care to. have a future historian say of you: "He had the noblest deed before him, and he failed to do it." Aprii,4, 1908. The Exempt Classes Chinese in the United States Ng Poon Chew, Editor of Chung Sai YatPo A STATEMENT FROM rte CHINESE in AMERICA San :: Francisco, :: California. Janualy, ;: 1906 THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES OF CHINESE □ IN THE UNITED STATES □ A STATEMENT FROM the CHINESE IN AMERICA S«/ Np POON CHEW, Editor of CHUNG SAI YAT PO SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA. JANUARY, 1908 The Treatment of the Exempt Classes of Chinese in the United States. A STATEMENT FROM THE CHINESE IN AMERICA. After a quarter of a century of Chinese Exclusion, many people take it for granted that Exclusion has become a fixed policy ol the Government of the United States, and that the vexed Chinese question is finally and permanently settled, as far as this country is concerned. The exclusion of Chinese laborers may have become a fixed policy with the United States, but the treatment of the exempt classes is not settled and will not be r.ntil it is settled aright with justice to all. The Chinese Exclusion Law, as now enacted and enforced, is in violation of the letter and spirit of the treaty between this country and China, and also in opposition to the original inten- tion of Congress on the subject. As long as this law remains on the statute books in its present ' shape, and is carried out by methods such as are now in vogue, the Chinese c[uestion will continue to be a vexatious one in the United States, as well as a fruitful source of irritation between America and China; and it will continue to hinder the upbuilding of commercial interests between the two great countries. During twenty-five years the Chinese exclusion policy has steadily increased in stringency; as Senator Hoar said on the floor of Congress, the United States enforced the exclusion laws first with water, then with vinegar, and then with red pepper. 4 THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES and at last with vitriol. The Exclusion Law has been carried out with such vigor that it has almost become an extermination law. The Chinese population in the United States has been reduced fro;n 150,000 in 1880 to 65,000 at the present time. During these twenty-five years much injustice and wrong have been heaped' upon the Chinese people by the United States in the execution of its exclusion policy, and now it is time that this great nation should calmly review the whole question thoroughly and revise the law, so that it may come within the spirit of the treaty, and at the same time fulfill the original intention of Congress, namely : the exclusion of Chinese laborers, and the admission of all other classes. President Roosevelt, in his annual Message to Congress in 1905, said: In the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese laborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been done by this nation to the people of China, and therefore ultimately to this nation itself. And he urged that the laws should be so framed as to per- mit those who are not laborers to come and go at will, enjoying the same privileges and immunities as are enjoyed by the same classes of other nationalities. The Secretary of Commerce and Labor, Oscar S. Straus, in his annual report to the President in 1907, said : It has never been the purpose of the Government; as would ap- pear from its laws and treaties, to exclude persons of the Chinese race merely because they are Chinese, regardless of the class to which they belong, and without reference to their age, sex, culture or occu- pation, or to the object of their coming or their length of stay. The real purpose of -the Government's policy is to exclude a particular and well defined class, leaving other classes of Chinese, except as they, together with all other foreigners, may be included within the prohibitions of the general immigration laws, as fi-\:c to come and go as tlie citizens or subjects of any other nation. As the laws are framed, THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES 5 however, it would appear that the purpose was rigidly to exclude persons of the Chinese race in general, and to admit only such per- sons of the race as fall within certain expressly stated exemptions — as if, in other words, exclusion was the rule and admission the ex- ception. I regard this feature of the present laws as unnecessary and fraught with irritating consequences. In the administration of laws so framed, notwithstanding the care taken to treat persons of the Chinese race lawfully entitled to admission with th« same courtesy and con- sideration shown to other foreigners, it is impossible that persons who have to endure requirements "and formalities peculiar to themselves should fail to take offense, and to resent as a humiliation the manner in which by law they are distinguished from natives of other countries. Laws so framed, which can only be regarded as Involving a discrimina- tion on account of race, color, previous condition or religion, are alike opposed to the principles of the Republic and to the spirit of its institutions. It is not surprising, therefore, that both the Chinese Government and the Chinese people should feel aggrieved, and should in various ways manifest their resentment and displeasure. It is plain, therefore, that the Chinese Exclusion Law is in need of reframing, and should be so reframed without delay. A summary review of the provisions of the treaty and the law, and the regulations for its enforcement, as far as they apply to the. exempt classes, will serve to show where the injustice and wrong lie. In the year 1880 China and the United States signed a treaty by which China agreed to the suspension or limitation for a reasonable period of the emigration to this country of Chinese laborers, both skilled and unskilled ; and the United States agreed that all other classes of Chinese should come and go as freely as the ■ subjects of the most favored nation. Article I of the treaty reads as follows : Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the United States the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the interests of that country, or 6 THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES to endanger the good order of the said country or of any locality within the territory thereof, the Government of China agrees that the Government of the United States may regulate, limit or suspend such coming or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it. The limitation or suspension shall be reasonable, and shall apply only to Chinese who may go to the United States as laborers, other classes not being included in the limitation. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce the regulation, limitation or suspension of immigration, and immigrants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or abuse. And Article II reads as follows : Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as teachers, students, merchants or from curiosity, together with their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who are now in the United States, shall be allowed to go and come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded all the rights and privileges, immunities and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the' most favored nation. This treaty is still in force, and yet only a very limited num- ber of Chinese other than laborers are now admitted, and by no means as freely as even the laborers of other nationalities. The unwarranted limitation of the exempt classes of the Chinese — who have a right to come under both treaties and laws — to a few persons of a very few occupations, has come about chiefly through political agitation to secure the votes of workingmen, and by the strong anti-Chinese prejudice of immi- gration officers, who were themselves often representatives of labor organizations. All Chinese, except laborers, had a right to come and go freely under the treaty and even under the first restriction law " of 1882, and this was acknowledged by both nations for eighteen years, although immigration officials, in some instances, enlarged the definition of laborers so as to in- clude persons not technically of that class. THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES But in 1898 the Attorney General of the United States de- cided that the true theory of the law was not that all Chinese who were not laborers could come in, but that only those could come who were expressly named in the law. If this were cor- rect, the law itself was a violation of the treaty; but, in fact, this ruling violated the clear and originally accepted meaning- of the treaty and of the laws passed in execution of it. The Amer- ican immigration officials, however, made it a pretext for exclud- ing all the Chinese they could, even of the five classes named in the treaty. It appeared to be their ambition to deny all Chinese ad- . mission, and any one admitted was regarded as a lost case. The phrase "officials, teachers, students, merchants and travelers for curiosity or pleasure," was used in the treaty merely by way. of illustration and before 1898 had been generally so interpreted, but the Attorney General's decision gave opportunity for limiting even these classes still further. From this time on tlie exempt classes of Chinese were lirhited by enlarging the definition of laborers to include many who were not laborers, and by narrowing the definitions of teacher, student and merchant so as to exclude many who were certainly of these classes. For instance, it was declared that a teacher was one who teaches the higher branches in a recog- nized institution of learning; a student was one who pursues the higher branches in a recognized institution of learning, facilities for which are wanting in his own country or in the country from which he came; a merchant was one who carried on business in a fixed place, in buying and selling, in his own name. If a merchant, who does a million dollars worth of busi- ness a year, invests one dollar in a hotel or restaurant business or in a manufacturing concern, in a mining venture or railroad enterprise, his status as a merchant is at once vitiated, and he is denied admission, or deported, if already admitted. As a result 8 TFIE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES Chinese traders, salesmen, clerks, buyers, bookkeepers, bankers, accountants, managers, storekeepers, agents, cashiers, inter- preters, physicians, proprietors of restaurants and laundries, em- ployers, actors, newspaper editors, and even preachers and mis- sionaries of Christianity, are excluded from the shores of the United States. A Chinese by the name of Wah Sang was ad- mitted to this country as a student in theology, and as long as he was a student he was allowed to remain in the country; but when he completed his course in theological training, and entered into active service in preaching the Gospel to his countrymen under the auspices of the Methodist Church, he was arrested in Texas as a laborer, was tried and ordered deported in February, 1905, the court sustaining the contention of the immigration offi- cials that a preacher is a laborer, and therefore subject to the operation of the Exclusion Law. This exclusion by regulation, not justified by treaties or laws, has been carried much further so as to harass and incon- venience Chinese merchants, students and others in many ways. The United States demands a certificate of admission, with many personal details, signed by officials of the Chinese Government and of the United States; but when the certificate has been se- cured in proper form and every requirement has been met, the holder is not sure of being able to enter the United States; for the immigration • officials re-examine him and often detain and sometimes deport him on petty ■ technicalities. For the practice with the immigration officials is to regard every Chinese applicant for admission as a cheat, a liar, a rogue and .a criminal, and they proceed to examine him with the aim in mind of seeing how he may be excluded, rather than of finding out whether he is legally entitled to land. For many years the certificate has been no guar- antee that its holder could be admitted, though he might be a THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES great merchant or a. student coming to study at an American university. In 1904 there arrived at the port of San Francisco a Chinese gentleman from the Straits Settlement, writh the intention of taking up a post-graduate course at Columbia University, he be- ing a graduate of one of. the great American universities in the Eastern States, and having taught English in colleges in Shang- hai and Singapore for several years ; yet, on account of trifling technical defects in his papers, he was detained for a long time at the detention shed on the Mail docks in San Francisco, and finally deported. Among the passengers on board the steamer Ivernia which arrived at Boston on June 1st, 1905, from Liverpool, were four Chinese students, the three King brothers and their sister, Miss T. King, who had completed a three years' CQurse in the University of London. These four students were of high official family in Shanghai, and they' were on their way home, intending simply to land at Boston and cross to Can- ada to take the Canadian train for Vancouver. They were armed with passports signed by the American Ambassador, the Honorable Mr. Choate, who was their personal friend, certify- ing as to their status and intention, yet they were held on board while the very lowest and ignorant classes from southern Europe, that came in the steerage, were freely permitted to land. They would liave been shipped back to England had not some local American merchants interested themselves in the case. After they were photographed and bond of five hundred dollars each given, they were permitted to land and cross to Canada. All these inconveniences and humiliation were accorded them, simply because the immigration officials at that port contended that they found some technical defect in their papers. 10 THE TREATMENT OF THE EXE:MPT CLASSES Furthermore, Chinese residents of the exempt classes are Hmited and harassed by official regulations in going to and from China, in bringing in their wives and children, and in many ways are treated as the subjects of other nations are never treated by the United States. Ladies of highly respectable families have been asked all sorts of questions in the examinations by the immi- gration officials which they would not dare to mention in the hearing of Amei'ican ladies. A boy of ten years of age, whose father was a prominent merchant, arrived in San Francisco with his parents. After a/long investigation the parents were' admitted and the boy ordered deported on the ground that he had tracho- ma, although the American officers at the port of departure had given them a health certificate, and although Americans on board the vessel testified that the ship's doctor had examined the eyes of all the second cabin passengers without disinfecting his hands. The Secretary of Commerce and Labor refused to reverse the . decision of deportation. There have been a number of instances where Chinese merchants returning from a trip to China with their wives and families have been allowed to land but have had their wives and children deported. For years the Bertillon System, used for the identification of crimTnaisi-n-irhE-United -States, has also been used to identify departing Chinese of all classes who wished to return. The system has only been abandoned during the last few months be- cause the Department at Washington failed to supply the differ- ent Bureaus with sufficient men to operate it. Although the Geary Law of 1893, which required resident Chinese laborers to obtain a certificate of residence and to be photographed, did not require the exempt classes nor their wives and children to obtain a certificate, the regulations of the immi- gration bureau require officials to arrest every Chinese found THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES 11 without a certificate. Consequently any Chinese merchant, stu- dent or physician who was in this country at the time of regis- tration and did not get a certificate is now liable to arrest and imprisonment. Under these regulations many of the exempt classes have been held up in various ways, at many places and times, by the immigration officials in their zeal to enforce the Chinese Ex- clusion Laws. The exempt classes, thus arrested, are put to great expense and inconvenience before they are released by United States Commissioners. Once an attache of the Chinese Legation at Washington was held up while traveling through 'Arizona on official business, and put to much inconvenience and indignity be- fore he was released by order of- the Department at Washington. In order to find some who might be without certificates, the whole Chinese quarter in Denver and in Boston was surrounded, and all Chinese found without certificates, whether merchants or no, were arrested and herded in close confinement, urttil their status was decided by the court. In 1904 the United States sent a special ininister to China to invite the Provinces to make exhibits at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, and promised their representatives a most cordial wel- come. The Viceroys of the Provinces issued proclamations and many exhibits were prepared, but when the merchants and their employes arrived they were treated by the immigration officials as if they were laborers attempting to enter the country unlaw- fully. Some of them were so much offended that they returned at once to China ; others decided not to set out from China ; and those who reached St. Louis were treated throughout the Exposi- tion like suspected criminals. In that year there arrived at the port of San Francisco four Chinese gentlemen from Shanghai, three of whom were exhibitors 12 THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES at the St. Louis Fair, and the other a delegate from the Synod of China to attend the Presbyterian General Assembly at Buffalo, N. Y. Their papers were submitted to the American Consul in Shanghai, who passed upon them as being properly made out, and the gentlemen were assured that they would meet with no diffi- culties when they arrived in San Francisco. But they were de- nied landing by the immigration officials on the ground that their papers did not state the length of time the applicants had held their respective professions before they started for America. They were held at the detention shed, while strenuous efforts were made by their friends, both white and Chinese, who appealed to the De- partment at Washington and to the Chinese Legation; orders were finally received by the immigration officials in San Francisco to land these men on bonds. After incurring an ex- pense of more than one hundred and fifty dollars in perfecting their bonds, they were permitted to leave the shed and go on their way "rejoicing" and breathing the "sweet air of liberty." This was the treatment they received when they accepted America's invitation to participate in the World's Fair, Merchants of high standing and large business interests in the United States, returning from China on a steamer bearing a valuable invoice of goods consigned to their firms, are met by a Board of Inquiry, composed of physicians from the United States Marine Hospital Service, and are rigidly examined as to whether or not they have trachoma. If this Board finds even a slight red- ness or granulation of the eyelids, it certifies that the applicants have "trachoma, a dangerous, infectious disease," and they are ordered deported to China. From this order there is no appeal, and yet prior to their departure from the United States, these merchants complied with all the rules and regulations of the Immigration Service, and when they sailed from -China on their return trip they were given a clean bill of health by the United THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES 13 States Marine Hospital Surgeons at their port of depairture in China, It is well known that the discourteous treatment of mer- chants and students by immigration officials was , the principal cause of the boycott of American products in China in 1905'. Al- though this boycott was shortly suppressed by the Chinese Gov- ernment, it was an expression of the bad feeling which had arisen between the two countries because of violation of the treaty and accumulated sense of injustice. Thirty years ago there were nearly 200 Chinese students in the United States pursuing their education ; when they returned to China they became leaders of the people and reported that the Americans we're a friendly and honorable nation. But since the passage of the Geary Law. especially, students of all grades except post-graduate have been excluded. They go to other countries, and when they return to China do not speak favorably of the United States ; and those who have received indignities in America have also returned, home full of resentment, andXirge their countrymen to resist the violation of the treaty. The ill-treatment of those who were entitled to come in as freely as other nationalities has been unhappy not only in pro- ducing irritation and unfriendly feeling where formerly there was friendly feeling, but it has been disastrous also to commercial interests. Because of injustice all the great Chinese merchants who formerly paid one-third of the customs duties at the port of San Francisco, have gone back to China or do business in other countries. Although there are now few merchants of first rank in San Francisco, the Chinese importers still pay a large proportion of the customs duties. If all classes of merchants', traders and business men had been encouraged to come and go freely it is probable that the trade between China and America would have increased rapidly and would now be much greater than it is. At 14 THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES the present time American exports to China are decreasing ; the volume of exports to China during the year 1907 decreased fifty per cent from that of the year 1906. Chinese laborers of all classes have been excluded from the United States by mutual agreement, and the Chinese themselves are not now asking, for any change in this arrangement; but they do ask for as fair treatment as other nationalities receive in relation to the exempt classes. Since the first restriction law was passed the United States has received as immigrants more than two millions Austro-Hungarians, two million Italians and a million and a half Russians and Finns. Each of these totals is from five to seven times the whole amount of Chinese immigra- tion of all classes during thirty years of free immigration, seventy times the amount of immigration of the Chinese who were not laborers. Even if the number of the exempts under a just inter- pretation of the treaty should rise to 10,000 in one year, it would still be less than one one-hundredth of the total immigration to the United States in one year. During the fiscal year 1907 there came to the United States from Europe 1,280,000 immigrants; whereas, during the thirty years of free Chinese immigration, the largest number of Chinese found at any one time in the United States was one hundred and fifty thousand. The question is not now of the admission of laborers, but wliether other Chinese who are entitled to come under both law and treaty shall receive the same courtesies as people of other nations, and shall be relieved from many harassing regulations. They must no longer be detained, photographed and examined as if they were suspected of crime. Aipericans desire to build up a large trade with the Orient, but they can scarcely expect to succeed if the United States Government continues to sanction the illegal and unfriendly treatment of Chinese subjects. Presi- dent Roosevelt has said that if the United States expects justice THE TREATMENT OF THE EXEMPT CLASSES 15 it must do justice to the Chinese, and certainly the Americans cannot expect to obtain the trade of the Orient by treating the Chinese with discourtesy. The Honorable \\'illiam H. Taft, Secretary of War, not long ago in a public address, sairl : Is it just that 'for the purpose of excluding or preventing per- haps 100 Chinese coolies from slipping into this country against_the law, \vc should subject an equal number of Chinese merchants and students of high character to an examination of such an inquisitorial, humiliating, insulting and physically uncomfortable character as to discourage altogether the coming of merchants and students? One of the great commercial prizes of the world is the trade with the four hundred million Chinese. Ought we to throw away the advantage which we have by reason of Chinese natural friendship for us, and continue to enforce an tmjustly severe law and thus create in the Chinese mind a disposition to boycott American trade and drive our merchants from the Chinese shores simply because we are afraid that we may for the time lose the approval of certain unreasonable and extremely popular leaders of California and other Coast States? Docs the question not answer itself? Is it not the duty of members of Congress and of the Executive to disregard the unreason- able demand of a portion of the community, deeply prejudiced upon this subject, in the Far West, and insist on extending justice and courtesy to a people from whom we are deriving and are likely to derive such immense benefit in the way of international trade? FOKEIGN IMMIGRATION •BURDENS, EVILS, AND THE URGENT NEED OF IMMEDIATE RESTRICTION SPEECH HON. LEE S. OVERMA]!^ OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES JULY 8, 1909 ■WASHiisrG^roj^" 1909 1269 -f 498 SPEECH OP HON. LEE S.OVEEMAN. The Senate having under consideration the bill (H. E. 1438) to provide revenue, equalize duties, and encourage the industries of the United States, and for other purposes — Mr. OVERMAN said : Mr. President: I desire to submit an amendment — to add a new section, to be numbered lOJ — page 386. Tbe Secretary. On page 386 add a new section, to be num- bered section 10}, as follows : That there shall be levied, collected, and paid a tax of $10 for every alien entering the United States, in the manner and under the rules and regulations provided in section 1 of the act of February 20, 1907, en- titled "An act to regulate the immigration of aliens into the United States." Mr. OVERMAN. Jlr. President, I shall not inflict any ex- tended remarks upon the Senate, as I have heretofore discussed this amendment at some length. On the 26th of April I pointed out that this increase is needed to defray the expense of the Immigration Bureau in a more liberal treatment of detained immigrants at our ports, a more thorough inspection of the enormous incoming tide, and the needed deportation of ad- mittedly undesirable aliens who gain entrance. I also urged It because it would not fall upon the immigrant but upon the untaxed foreign steamships, and because even a still greater increase was desirable to increase and equalize steerage rates so that we would not continue to be the cheapest country to reach — although in many cases the more distant — and hence, in truth, the world's immigration dumping ground. I have pub- lished in the Record its indorsement by the Farmers' Educa- tional and Cooperative Union of America, the National Farmers' Congress, the National Grange, the Cotton Manufacturing Association of America, the American Federation of Labor, and the Knights of Labor. Nearly every patriotic society and chari- table organization in this country, of which there are many, have indorsed this movement for the restriction of immigration, less lax enforcement of the law, and the more efficient handling, inspection, and examination of Immigrants at our ports of entry. I desire to read a short paragraph prepared from the annual report of the commissioner-general, which shows how the most objectionable aliens gain admission without the least apparent difiiculty : The report of the commissioner-general shows that a foreign-born population (which in 1900 constituted 13.6 per cent of the total population) furnished in 1908 134,094 persons, or 21.9 per cent of those in all the penal, reformatory, insane, and charitable institutions 1269—8498 3 4 of the United States, or 15.6 per cent of the criminals, 20.8 per cent of the paupers, and 29.5 per cent of the insane. (The proportion of the foreign born to the total population has remained practically con- stant for seyeral decades.) It further appears that of the 15,323 alien criminals, 8,197, or 53.5 per cent, had committed serious crimes as distinguished from minor offenses. The total number of aliens in 1904 in these institutions was 44,985 as against 60,501 in 1908, an increase of 15,516, or about 34 per cent. The alien criminals increased from 9,825 to 15,323 ; the insane, from 19,764 to 25,606; the paupers, from 15,396 to 19,572. The criminals increased from 4,124 to 8,197 in grave offenses, and only from 5,701 to 7,126 in minor offenses. I quote one short paragraph from Theodore Bingham's re- port in the city of New York:. I believe he was until very re- cently police commissioner of New York City, through which comes the bulk of our present enormous foreign Immigration of from one to one and one-half million aliens annually : We are trying to handle mediaeval criminals, men In whose Wood runs the spirit of the vendetta, by modern Anglo-Saxon procedure. It Is wrong to allow these people to slip into this country. But besides allowing this, we give them, once in, every chance to work their black- mail without getting caught. Against this sort of crime our laws are weak. Either they must be kept out or else a system of procedure. must be devised which is potent and immediate enough to tumdle that sort of crime. I read from a letter written by the United States ambassador to Germany, Andrew D. White, who wrote Josiah Flynt for publication in Mr. Flynt's new book. Tramping with Tramps : Embassy oi' the United States op America, Berlin,, April 19, 1905. Dear Mk. Fltnt : As you know, I consider the problems furnished by crime in the United States as of the most pressing importance. We are allowing a great and powerful criminal class to be developed, and while crime is held carefully la check in most European countries, and in them is steadily decreasing, with us it is more and more flour- ishing. It increases from year to year and in various ways asserts Its power in society. So well is this coming to be known by criminal classes of Europe, that It is perfectly well understood here that they look upon the United States as a " happy hunting ground," and more and more seek it, to the detriment of our country and all that we hold most dear in it. Tours, faithfully, Andrew D. White. Mr. Josiah Flynt. According to current newspaper reports, the superintendent of prisons of New York State has just made a census of state penitentiaries which reveals that there are 990 alien felons confined therein, of which number 349, or over one-third, were convicted of felonies before they had been in this country three years. Nothing is said of the number of aliens convicted of minor offenses, but those convicted of felony alone have, are, or will cost New York about §5,000,000, and still there Is no law under which they can be deported. I also desire, with his permission, to put In the Recokd a letter sent to me by the senior Senator from New York [Mr. Depew]. The letter referred to is as follows: 14t0 EiPTH Avenue, _ New Yorh, June 28, ISOS. Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, Senate, Washington, D. G. Dbak Sin : Senator Lee S. Ovekman, of North Carolina, introduced an amendment to the tariff bill increasing the head tax on immigrants 1269—8498 from $4 to .flO, and upon a thorough investigation of this matter I have discovered, by personally questioning some of those recently landed, that the immigrants are entirely ignorant of the fact that any tax is placed upon them when entering this country ; and upon looking into the matter further I find that in the event of an immigrant con- tinuing his or her travels to either Mexico or Canada a rebate of the amount paid for the head tax is given ; not to the immigrant but to the steamship company on whose vessel he has traveled to this country and, therefore, the tax is practically levied upon the steamship com- panies. " According to official records for 1908 the expenditures of the immi- grant fund exceeded the receipts from payment of head taxes etc bv the enormous sum of $2,000,000 ; and Inasmuch as the steamship com- panies are directly benefited by the bringing of immigrants I see no just reason why this tax should not be increased. They are certainly making a handsome profit out of the business else they would not be continually adding so many new vessels to their already large fleets. On Sunday there came to New York the new North German Lloyd steamship George Washington, with a carrying capacity of 3,303 persons. This Is her maiden trip, and according to the newspapers she is the " newest and largest German ship afloat " On June 4 there came to New York the new Italian liner America with a steerage capacity of 2,404 ; on June 5 there came the Cincinnati, of the Hamburg American Line, on her first and maiden trip, with 2 064 steerage passengers. ' The North German Lloyd- has 332 vessels afioat, traveling chiefly be- tween the old and this country, three-fourths of which come to us from countries bordering chiefly on the Mediterranean, as a result of their shifting the source of our foreign immigration there in pursuit of the most profltable trafiic. The International Mercantile Marine has in the neighborhood of 150 boats afloat, and they also run chiefly between the Mediterranean coun- tries and the United States, or engage in bringing that class of people via northern European ports. It must be clearly evident to you that this business must be paying a handsome profit, notwithstanding the reports given out about divi- dends, etc. It seems to me that these foreign corporations and their owners would not be so foolish as to invest their money in losing enter- prises. Therefore it is reasonable, in view of the deflcit in last year's immigrant fund, to have them contribute to our Federal Treasury at least enough to support and defray the reasonable expenses of the immigration service. Why is it that the construction of needed, much needed, hospitals, detention rooms, and other accommodations at Ellis Island had to be postponed and curtailed? The Ellis Island station is the only one owned by the Government ; those at Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Orleans, and Boston are rented, and, pardon me, are a disgrace to the United States. The money that was appropriated by Congrtss for the building of stations at Phila- delphia, Boston, and New Orleans was not even sufBcient to buy desir- able sites. The increase in head tax is needed for providing decent accommoda- tions at our ports of entry. But the foreign steamship companies, un- taxed and bound not to be taxed, have their powerful lobby at work. * * * Mi «« * The head tax really ought to be $25. Why not protect us (by com- pelling them to defray the expenses of an immigration bureau) from the Black Handers and others who slip right through at present, chiefly because even if we had the law, we have not the funds owing to deflcits, etc., to enforce the laws and provide suitable stations at our ports of entry, where immigrants would be examined and the steamship com- panies taught not to bring undesirables here by compelling them to take them back. Please give this your earnest consideration, look into the facts clearly, go or send to Ellis Island and look at the rooms which should be used for observing insane and feeble-minded suspects being used for sleeping quarters, and note for yourself the necessary requirements which it will be impossible to have unless we increase the revenue of the immigrant fund. Yours, respectfully, Wu. B. GiiirFiTH. Mr. OVERMAN. I also desire to put in the Kecobd an edi- torial and article from the Farmers' Union News on this sub- 1269—8498 ject just handed me for insertion by the junior Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Smith] : An article and editorial from the Farmers' Union News, June 30, 1909, published at Union City, Ga., and representing the attitude of over 3,000,000 organized farmers and planters of the South and West : THBEE HUNDHED MILLION MOKE. Here Is the charming doctrine of put-your-hired-man-Iu-the-parlor- and-sit-on-the-stoop-yourseif finely stated by our contemporary, the New Yorlt Times : There are some 90,000,000 people In the United States. If 400,- 000,000 were developing its resources, the country would support them more comfortably, more prosperously than it can support the 90,000,000. Labor in this land grows by what it feeds on — more men. More men, and more men, and more men. Never mind the quality of the men — all we want is quantity. More men to Ijeep up the pro- cessions of the unemployed. More men for the bread lines. More women and children for tlie sweatshops. More thousands to populate " lung blocks." More darlt-visaged gentlemen of the Mafia, the Camorra, and the Black Hand. More prosperity for the stiletto trade. More and more Ignorance of and want of sympathy with original American Ideas of the sacredness of individual right and initiative, and more and more encouragement for the intrusive police methods of Europe. We need men in this country, oh yes ; but not so much great num- bers of any kind of men as a fair chance for the right sort of men. We are not particularly anxious to have a worse attack of ethnological Indigestion than the one we are suffering from at present. Let us give a fair chance to the 100,000,000 to become full-sized, full-brained, sound-hearted Americans before we bring In 300,000,000 more. In protesting against the proposed turning of the government depart- ments at Washington into official employment agencies, chiefly for the benefit of new European Immigrants, the officials of the American Fed- eration of Labor have done exactly right. Immigration should be restricted, not magnified. (The Evening (N. T.) Mail, June 3, 1909.) The above, coming as it does, from the center of the immigration district, shows that the New England press is awaltening to the hor- ribleness of an unrestricted Immigration. New England Is being crowded to death, and she must do one of two things : Have her immi- grants distributed through the United States, or have the law strength- ened and enforced, thus stopping the present Influx of immigration. Either one of these, or else New England must suffer as no section of this country has ever sutEered from an overflow of undesirable citizens. FALLACY OS' AGE-HERALD'S POSITION ON IMMIGRATION EXPOSED. (We publish below an editorial from the Birmingham Age-Herald and, a reply to it by J. H. Patten, secretary of the Immigration Restriction League. This editorial of the Herald proves what little knowledge some of our big papers have in regard to the actual situation on immigration. It also shows how irresponsible they are when it comes to giving edito- rial comment on great national questions. Mr. Patten's reply was not published until after a threat had been made to have the reply published In the Farmers' Union News and Farmers' Union Guide ; then It came forth. — Editor.) TO KEEP OUT IMMIGRANTS, The congested districts of New England and the States that lie about New York City are endeavoring to restrict immigration, simply because they have enough workers at present. They do not consider the needs of the far West or of the South. They regard themselves alone and from their selfishness and localism has arisen a bill to raise the head tax on immigrants to $10. It now stands at $2. This means that the poor immigrant would be shut out. We have in the past Invited the poor and oppressed of all nations to come here but under the bill now before the Senate Finance Committee this invitation would be restricted to those who can pay a $10 head tax. This would cut out the poor, at any rate, and we would hereafter invite the op- pressed that nave $10 a head. The bill before the Senate Finance Committee should be voted down by all who believe America should continue to be the asylum of all who desire to find new homes. The bill discriminates between men, all of whom are needed to develop our resources .ind to add to the natural wealth. The man or woman who can pay but a small head tax would prove perhaps as valuable an addition and asset as the man who could 1269—8408 pay a $10 head tax. The discrimination lacks business sense Is un- Amercan, and Is wholly uncalled for by the general situation °t fii^rrnl^lT^ *™^ *?^ i'"™-^ ^'-^'^ <>* ^"""e HlNRYCABoi LODGE in the crowded New England environment. (Birmingham Age-Herald.) A.ge-Berald, BirmingJiam, Ala. " T^il^^"^'^?^-^ ' ^ ^^'^? A"®* ®^®° ''''"'■ editorial of May 24, instant, -\r'„„„ "^5 7 ~r~.* — ™»"i3 ..vu uxu\.u, vv i Lii your ieauers aisu. lour nrst statement that the Northeast congested districts are en- mti™^'"^ *°j restrict Immigration is only a part of the whole truth. J-ney demand it, or the distribution of their present surplus congested loreigu ijopulations and the diversion of the present enormous influx or Brownish peoples, akin to the Negroid races, to sections of the coun- try in favor of this new immigration and opposed to restriction. „ ^^'J'l? P' *.^® action of your and most of the state legislatures of I- £ otates in abolishing bureaus of immigration, refusing to estab- lish such, or in resolving in favor of immediate restriction, the passage ot stringent restriction resolutions by farmers' unions, labor unions, patriotic societies, charity organizations, and the universal formation ot restriction leagues, and the general interest in, and widespread de- mand for such, as well as the fall in wages and the large number of unemployed, at least in the North, I would challenge your statement and inference about the any-kind-of-immlgration needs of the South and West. These facts are all ably and comprehensively dealt with by benator Lee S. Otehman, who introduced the amendment increasing the present head tax of $4 (not $2, as you state) to $10, in a speech m the Senate, April 26, ultimo. I would also question your statement about this country having " in the past invited the poor and oppressed " of any laiid, let alone " all nations," as you put it, for in 1808 we prohibited the slave trade, which meant African exclusion, and which, in the light of subsequent history and current events, was no mistake, and. in 1882 the Chinese were also as a race excluded. In fact, this country was really estab- lished by the somewhat exclusive Puritan and Cavalier who immedi- ately proceeded to make It unbearably uncomfortable for any and every one disagreeing with their ideas of religion, politics, and economics ; and rightly, too, in my humble opinion, for, if you will pardon the racial conceit, I think we have here, as a result, the finest and best civilization that ever shone, bedimmed only by the presence of alien races enthusiastically brought here for the blood money there was and is in the trafSc. Your opinion that the proposed increase of $6 in the duty on aliens is a tax on " deserving poverty " and " misery," seems to be the only plausible objection raised, if one can judge from the press and public. I think you are quite wrong there, just as you are in regard to the proposal having come " from the narrow brain of some Henry Cadot Lodge in the crowded New JSnglahd environment." That's calling Sen- ator Lee S. Overman, of North Carolinia, a pretty hard name, don't you think? And don't you think you ought to right the wrong you have done one of the most broad-minded, patriotic Southern men in the Senate? I know you will if you will hut look over his able speech which I take great pleasure in sending you under separate cover. In that speech Senator Overman points out four possible, to my mind conclusive, reasons, grounded in official statistics and record testimony, why the present head tax should be increased from $4 to at least $10. They are as follows ; First. Last year the expenditures out of the " Immigrant Fund " exceeded its receipts by 100 per cent, and as a result therefrom the building of needed hospitals, detention rooms, and contagious wards at Ellis Island, New York City, and the establishment of needed govern- ment-owned accommodations at other ports of entry, had to be curtailed and postponed. This new immigration from southeast Europe and western Asia contains many having dangerous, contagious dis- eases — with such dreadful oriental afflictions as trachoma, favus and the like — who often have to be detained for weeks and months before a cure can be effected and the alien admitted. Second. The tax is not levied upon or collected from the immigrant, but is paid by the steamship companies. The immigrant knows nothing about it. The foreign-owned and operated steamship companies are in a combine or trust for charging the immigrant all the traffic will bear. Their officials so testified before the United States Industrial Coramis- Bion (Vol. XV, pp. 103, 117, etc.), and were forced to admit that as a 1269—8498 8 result ol the camttmation tSey JmS more than dtouhlea steerage rateff to tills country, and still It is the cheapest country to come to by from S-IO ta $65. Since monopoly conaitiojia esiat ancl the trafce ,» bemg chaiEed all it will bear, the present tax oi $4 is not shifted iipora the immi^nt, but comes out of the excessive profits of the for^gn steam- BhiD lines On July 1, 1907, the head tax was doubled— atat i», in- creased from $2 to $4 in eider to get needed additional revenue to B^niviae better aoid needed accommodations at New York and Boston, and to estaWlsh stations in the South, Bnt steerage rates, remamed- the same throughout that yeax, and are the same to-day, and in the oninloHs of students of the situation, wouM contmue tfce same if the tar were increased to $10 or even $20. An increase m rates; m an effort to shift the tax would result in a falling off in traffic and a cod- seouent creater diminution of the net profits than would the paymen* of the tox According to your statement of the facts, the average immigrant is poverty stricken, and eonsequently any iKerease in tbe n-cscnt steerage rate of ^37.50 (the rate varies a dollar or two with the port size anS speed of vessel) would mean a great decline In the number 'of passengers carried, and therefore a greaiter loss to the Testimony before the Industrial Commission revealed it cost them onlv $1 70 to feed and room am immigrant passenger on the entire trio over and not over $7, all told, to bring an alien bere in the steer- asS Why should not these foreign corporations, which a-t present contribute not one red cent to the flmancial support at the Federal Gor- emment beyond the present $4 head tax. Inadequate even to meet the reasonable expenditures of the ImmigpatloB SerricE, pay even a twenty or thirty dollar tax, since they are makimg anmially millions of dol- lars out of the traflSc, as is attested by the small cost of the servlcei rendered and their continually building larger and faster ocean flyers J Third. As has been said, the United States is by from $10 to $65 cheaper to get to from European and Western. Asiatic ports thart Canada, South America, South Africa, and Anstralla ; and consequently no other country has any considerable net foreign immigration — we are in truth, the world's dumping ground. The foreign steamship lines as shown by Senator Ovebman, have made secret contracts witii foreign governments lite Austria-Hungary, to cart off so many thousand a year to America. An increased head tax upon them of thirty or forty dollars would equalise steei'aee rates, and shove off or back some al the social refuse and scum populations that are unquestionably being- dtemped upon the New England States. New York State pays annnally orer ten millions of dollars for the support of the foreign-born deficients and dependents in her public institutions. Boston has just learnea what it is to have the franchise in the han^- of the brownish Negroid races, anid the Massaehasetts legislature has, as a result, jast pas9eto the committee. Tlie FICE-PRESIDENT. Tbe Senator from Nortt Oareltoa moves to refer tlie amendment to the Committee on Immigra- tion. The question is on agreeing to flie motion. The moticn was agreed to. Mr. OVERMAN. I have recently received many letters, reso- lutions, and indorsements, some of which I desire to Insert in the KEDOiaj — ^the imdorsemetrt of the Locomotive Enginemen, the Brotheitiood of Locomotive Firemen, the Brotherhood of Kail- road Trainmen, the Knights of Labor, and divers patriotic societies, leagues^ and otter organizations — ^which shovf the universal interest in the question and an enlightened public demand for congressioiaal legislation : WashingtoSj T). C, JnVy r, nm. Hon. li. S. Othema'n, TJmlteS, States Senat-Br, "Washington, D. <7. Dbai! SsNiTOE : The ocganlzations I rfipresent liave repeatedly gtvea expression favoraWe to the enactment of legislation restricting lorelgn Immigration ; anfl as an increase In the head tax on aliens would furnish to the Government the funds necessary to a more thorough inspection of immigrants, and thereby Iretter enable It to sift out the undesirable and restricted classes, we therdore lavor the aiaenidmeot offered by f on increasing tbe head tax on aliens from $4 to $10, aai hope it will be adopted. very truly, yours, H. R. FniXEB, National Legislative BeprBsentatlve Brotherhood of LooomoMve I'iremen and JSnginemen, Brotherhood of Railroad Traiamert. Office of Ges^kai Master Wobkman, Oboeb of Knights of Laboh, Washington, B. O. July 6, 1909. Deab Senator: The Knights of Labor at Its general assembly last November passed a strong resolution In favor of the further restriction of foreign ImmSigration by means of an Increased head tax, the illiteracy test, etc., and In favor of the better enfoixement of the law. We are, of course, deeply interested in the adoption of the proposed Increase In the head tax on aliens, whi LABOB PBINT. The Mongolian Problem IN America A DISCUSSION OF THE POSSIBILITIES OF THE YELLOW PERIL, WITH NOTES UPON AMERICAN DIPLOMACY IN ITS RELATION TO THE BOYCOTT BY W. K. Roberts , FROM APRIL, 1889, TO DECEMBER, I9O5, AN EMPLOYEE OF THE CHINESE MARITIME CUSTOMS SERVICE. SAN FRANCISCO 1906 |.T>f^ t vt^.mti«T^^S|to^u.>t ATinu PRINT. Copyright BY W. K.- Roberts- Author of " Divinity and Man" " An African Canaan for the American Negro," Etc. The Theoretical Principles in Brief. I. ' The immigration .of any race or class of people whose members or ^their descendants do not rise to the high standard of civilized life main- tamed by the at present predominant white population of America will tend to lower the moral tone of the nation, endanger its political institu- tions, and weaken its prestige as a world power. The best interests of the world at large demand that the superior man shall prevail wherever possible, and that the baser types shall be eliminated or restricted to those regions where the higher race does not thrive. The climatic conditions of North America are favorable for the highest type of Caucasian man- hood, and with immigration laws protective of this race the noblest civiliza- tion the world has known can be permanently established there. II. History discloses no instance wherein a people coming of the admixture of two or more of the racially diverse branches of humanity have achieved greatness, or even maintained stable and liberal self government. If an admixture of the races found favor with the laws of nature Constantinople would be to-day the intellectual and moral center of the civilized world. Wherefore, the more important feature of immigration is racial type and not the worthiness of individuals, in disregard of race (there being moral and depraved elements in all races), for ethnic history proves that national characteristics result not from educative or other influences of human in- vention, but by the blood inheritance fixed by the unalterable laws of nature. III. Restrictive immigration laws, to be the least objectionable to all con- cerned, should discriminate against races rather than nationalities. The best alternative to this procedure, that would effectively exclude unassimil- able aliens, would be an enactment against all Asiatics, Africans, etc., but which would still admit Europeans so long as any foreign . immigrants are desired. Many Chinese have made the assertion that they could find no fault with an immigration law excluding all Asiatics, but that thg ancient pride oi their people, which for thousands of years has held China to be the superior nation of the Orient, is grievously offended through their being specially singled out for this purpose. 4 IV. Japanese and Korean immigrants are likely to prove even more ob- jectionable than the Chinese, for the reason that while they are equally clannish, and spend no more of their earnings in the country than the latter, they are more turbulent and aggressive, when their numbers are sufficiently augmented to embolden and bring out these inherent qualities. V. The low intellectual status of the Mongolian masses, and their fitness to survive under the most squalid and precarious conditions of life, make them formidable competitors with Caucasians — ^who demand something better than mere animal existence — and the latter can easily be outclassed by them in every field of industry. China, Japan and Korea can send forth from two to three millions of emigrants every year, and there is no part of the earth so attractive to them as North America. VI. By reason of their extensive contiguous land borders, the United States, Canada, and Mexico should have similar immigration laws, more especially with regard to Asiatics. VII. While there is a possibility of conditions in China so improving that foreigners in the country may entrust their interests to the care of her government, the time for this appears, as yet, a long way off; meanwhile the "gunboat policy" will remain a necessity with nations desirous of safe guarding their citizens domiciled there. America should accept the situa- tion thus presented, and not incur the odious charge of trying to secure advantages through sentimental cajoleries while the European nations are doing the police work of the country. That she has "lost face" with China through this — from an Asiatic point of view — ^weak policy, is proved by an inner study of the audacious boycott against her goods, and she is not likely to regain prestige without either countering the boycott with a hostile tariff against Chinese goods or proving an ability to defend the interests of her people by force of arms. VIII. America should ofEer no more advantages to Mongolians than they themselves offer to Americans. No American, or other foreigner, can buy land pr engage in business in competition with the natives in China outside the treaty ports, while in Japan, although a pretense is made to tolerate foreign enterprises, whenever such are fairly started a systematic boycott, or some sort of vexatious litigation, will ensue which eventually makes the foreigner glad to sell out. It is practically impossible for a foreigner to win a case at law against a Japanese in his own country; for although he may obtain judgment in his favor, the right of a native to appeal from one court to another has virtually no end. This, taken together with innumer- able cunning devices which invariably crop up to defeat him, serve to deter any foreigner from undertaking a second lawsuit in that country. In sooth, the Mongolians in their own domains are, under almost every circumstance and condition, intensely loyal to the interests of their own people and opposed to foreigners, whereas in America they are allowed free industrial competition and are more likely to be favored in the law courts than an American opponent. The emigration to China or Japan of only a few hundred Americans, as competitors with any class of their people, would be quickly followed by sanguinary riots or boycotts which would prevent their remaining. On the other hand Americans might go to any country of Western 'Europe and be readily adopted on terms of equality with the natives. This merely goes to show that the Europeans and Americans are of a single racial stock, and will therefore readily assimilate, while the Mongolians being of a radically different . race, are at heart always an- tagonistic to the white man. W. K. R., December 2, 1905. Shanghai, China. The Mongolian Problem in America. I. MONGOLIAN MIGRATIONS AND CONQUESTS. HISTORIC MIGRATIONS AND INVASIONS. As to where the present Mongolians of the Far East originally came from is still a matter of conjecture. Certain ethnologists claim to have found a connecting link between the Chinese and the ancient Babylonians, but as ytt the evidence is rather vague in this direction. There are still the remnants of an aboriginal race in China, known as the Miaotzu tribes, while in the north of Japan we find the Ainos, who presumably are the aborigines of that country. Both the Miaotzu and Ainos are Mongoloid in type, though it is supposable that, whatever their original racial features, during the thousands of years in which they have been in contact with their conquerers the blood of the latter would predominate. It is sufficient to say that as far back as human history goes the Chino-Mongol race has been in undisputed possession of the coast regions and adjacent islands of eastern Asia. The Chinese have historic traditions dating back 6000 years or more, but with no logical suggestions as to where the pioneers of theit race came from. From the present focus of the yellow race there have in times past proceeded westward mighty hordes which overwhelmed the weaker peoples found in their path. The Japanese have traditions of contact with America in ancient times, showing that their junks visited the Pacific Coast and traded with- the natives. Whether these visits had any- thing to do with the origin of the American Indians of not, the features of the latter show them Jo be of the same racial stock as the Mongolians, though more nearly allied to the horthern Tartars and Malays than to the Chinese or Japanese. As a hypothesis it seems about as probable that the Mongolians of the Far East had their origin on the American continent as that the progenitors of the Indians came from Asia. It agrees somewhat better with theology to assume that the Indians came from Asia and are a branch of the great Turanian-Mongol race. Had the modern Chinese or Japanese made a conquest of the American continent before the arrival of the white man, they would have freely intermarried with and assimilated their Indian kinsmen and tlier'e would have been no such conflicts and hatred as have occurred between the whites and the natives, who were racially widely divergent from each other. In dealing with the historically authenticated invasions by Mongol- 8 Tartars we find that of South Russia by the so-called Golden Horde, im- pelled forth by the Grand Khans of Tartary. The myrmidons of Ghengis Khan and Timur, after conquering the Slavs, founded a despotism which exacted tribute from them for more than two centuries. But the Golden Horde failed to improve their opportunities as conquerors and white Russia threw off the yoke that, had galled the necks of her people so long. But the Tartars left the curse of their base blood in southern and eastern Russia, and that antagonistic and unreasonable blood has supplied the Cossacks, whose ready and cruel treatment even of their own kith and kin has sus- tained an oppressive autocracy, and whose treacherous and traitorous nature? have brought recent humiliation and shame upon their country. Had all the Russians been pure Tartars the Japanese would never have won so many victories over them; had they been of pure Caucasian stock their political revolution at home would have taken place many years ago and in a peaceful manner. The scenes of barbarity recently enacted in Russia have occurred mainly where the people are of a mixed Mongol Caucasian type, as at Odessa, where the Tartar blood exceeds that of the white race. No atrocities of consequence or wanton destruction of property have taken place in northern or western Russia, where the population is true Caucasian, except those perpetrated by the Mongol-Cossack troops. Another successful invasion by Mongol-Tartars was that of the HJuns under Attila, whose minions overran and devastated a large portion of southeastern Europe. Their progress in Europe was eventually checked by the Germans, and they finally became domiciled in what is now Hungary. Those of the Huns who remained in Europe, after the manner of the Tartar conquerers of Russia, intermingled their blood with that of the Europeans and produced the present mixed race of Austro-Hungary. This infusion of Caucasian blood weakened the virile and loyal energy of the Huns and unfitted them for further conquests. Still another historic invasion by the yellow race was that of the Ottoman Turks, who swept down upon and conquered the major portion of Asia Minor and the Balkan States, thus bringing under their sway the fairest regions of Europe and the flower of the Caucasion race. The Turk followed the example of the Huns and Russian Tartars by intermingling their blood with the European and Semitic populations they conquered and thereby neutralized the warlike prowess of the race. The modern Turk, although possessed of a con- siderable Caucasian strain, is still as ferocious and unconscionable as his Mongolian ancestors, but lacks their cohesive and aggressive energy. Had either of the three great Mongol invasions of Europe been sus- tained by continued immigration from the Far Eastern stronghold of the race, the whole of Europe would, no doubt, have come under their sway. Then in time a mixed race would have resulted, and finally this would have been absorbed and the whi^p blood overwhelmed and eliminated. The Mongol migration which now threatens North Atnerica, if permitted to attain proportions sufficient to strongly influence political affairs in their favor, will have permanent support from Japan and CJiina, and therein lies the serious danger to the white race. A mixed race might or might not be formed, but the final result would be the same. The ancient Aryan invaders of India lost their high standard of intelligence and moral discipline through admixture with the inferior aborigines of that country. In this case white men conquered the black natives of Hindostan and through ad- mixture with them produced the modern Hindoos — a people incapable of maintaining orderly government without British aid. The Mongolians naturally prefer their own women for wives, and it was the difficulty of getting them from their distant homeland that led the Huns, Turks and other Tartars to intermarry with Europeans. That these two widely divergent branches of the human family are extremely slow to intermingle their blood is apparent in the fact that even at the present day in portions of Hungary, the Balkans and Russia there are millions of Tartars of the pure original stock, and who still maintain the customs and traditions of the Far East from which their ancestors migrated many centuries ago. PRESENT AMBITIONS FOR MIGRATION AND CONQUEST. The desire irl both China and Japan to emigrate to distant countries has in modern times been of slow growth, apparently owing to a strong attachment for their native land and dislike of contact with foreigners. A migratory impulse, however, has been awakened in recent years by reason of numerous returning emigrants with much wealth from America, Aus- tralia and other places. This incoming wealth has inspired many families in China and Japan with a desire to send abroad one or more of their members. The patriarchial system which obtains in these countries leads each successful member of a family to in a measure share his resources with his brethren. He does not actually divide his wealth with those outside of his own household, but endeavors to give opportunities to even distant relatives. Such being the case, a family clan will club together and raise means to send a strong youth to some foreign land in the hope that he will return wealthy and relieve the hard life of his people. This wide- spread desire would under favorable conditions cause an annual emigra- tion from China of more than two million souls, and their going would 10 have no other effect upon the country than to- relieve the densely con- gested population and improve. its healthful energy. It would give better oppor-tunities to those at home, and -the robbers and beggars now so numer- ous in- the land would-be diminished ;-f or- these vagabonds, in the mainj have ta:ken to evil ways' through finding themselves outclassed -in the hard struggle for existence. Wher fore, the annual emigration . from China of a couple of millions of people would be a vast relief to the fierde labor com- petition, to. say nothing of the wealth they would return to the country. This: fact is now fully understood by all intelligent Chinamen, .hence the eagerness of the- Imperial Government to keep open as many avenues as possible for the outflow of its teeming millions. The closing of. the gates against them in the United States, Canada and Australia has pro/ed a most galling check upon the ambitions of the Chinese, and they naturally feel themselves unjustly discriminated against. A similar desire to emigrate is now prevalent in Japan, where young men, in almost every station of life, are simply frenzied with an eagerness to get abroad. Stories written home by friends in America of the wealth that awaits them there lead to most extraordinary efforts to reach the land of promise. Missionaries -are beset by young fellows who profess the most sincere desire to have the gospel taught them; but it is soon discovered that they are extremely attentive to the English language and their ques- tions easily turn toward the conditions of life in America-, and the best means of getting there. The more patient ones usually succeed in gaining all the information they desire and probably a recommendation to kind persons across the sea who will lend them a helping hand when they arrive there. A check is imposed upon the outgoing of these emigrants by the Japanese Government, which fears the passing of an exclusion act similar to that against the Chinese. Each emigrant must obtain a government passport before leaving Japan, and these are not issued to the lower element of the coolie class. The Japanese Government will, no doubt, make "an effort to induce as many as possible of the surplus population to emigrate to and found colonies in Corea and Manchuria; and this may be expected to, in a measure, check the tide turning toward America. It is fairly safe to say that Japan can send forth at least half a million emigrants a year and not feel the loss. That the Japanese, at least, are fired with the ardor of world conquest is evidenced in their dauntless courage in battle with the Russians, in their well mapped out plans for securing themselves in Corea and Manchuria, and also in the riots in Japan after the terms of peace were made known. The aggressive element wanted an indemnity with which to be prepared 11 for another war, and without which meant that their warlike spirit would, for financial reasons, be held down for many, years to come. The present ambition of the Chinese in this direction is to regain the lost possessions upon their borders and likewise the prestige they once held in the Far East. To this end many students and agitators are at work striving to evolve a. spirit of patriotism and to discover the best methods of achieving the goal. Blind and irrational as are many of the suggestions for the elevation of China to a first-class power, they are, nevertheless, far above the Boxer programme of six years ago, and viewed in this progressive light the ag- gressive spirit now rife in the country is not to be ignored. Six years ago the Boxer proclamation that multitudes of angels would aid them in battle with the foreigners, if not wholly believed in by the literati, were atten- tively listened to and encouraged; but to-daiy fev^ educated Chinese can be found who believe that anything short of hard fighting on scientific mod- ern lines will bring them success, and their defensive and aggressive policy is be'ng shaped accordingly. METHODS OF MONGOLIAN CONQUEST. The Chinese and Japanese, at the present time, form the strongest and most enlightened branches of the Mongolian family. Being racially pure they are inspired with a common loyal sentiment for the preservation of their own type and social institutions, and antagonism toward all that is in conflict therewith. Although the Chinese have not, as yet, shown the intelligent national unity required for success in armed contest, their fra- ternal sentiments and attachment to the traditions of the land hav.e been sufficiently demonstrated in the present boycott and other events to dispel all doubt as to their possibilities in this respect. Their conquests in the past have been practically confined to the field of peaceful industry, and through survival of the fittest therein their numbers have increased from a tribe of a few hundred to hundreds of millions whose legions are spread over an area larger than the United States. It would appear a character- istic of the Mongolian to strive long and industriously toward a desired goal, and when it is reached to relapse into a process of deterioration. Their conquests in the past invariably show this trait; whether Hun, Turk or toiling Chinese, all have displayed most strenuous fighting or corr- petitive qualities until having attained the desired ascendancy, when retro- grade to a certain normal plane of semi-barbarism would ensue. Whether the Japanese will follow in the same train remains to be, seen. Certain features of their trade would seem to indicate that they are not different 12 from others of their race in this respect. In competition for the trade of China they have manufactured certain classes of goods equal in quality with those of any foreign country, but whenever the foreign competition, was overcome their goods became continuously poorer in quality. Chinese students in foreign schools usually study so diligently as to distance their white classmates, but when finished with school their studies invariably cease altogether and they relapse into a slovenly mental condition. The inference to be drawn is that the Mongolian as a competitor, whether under arms or in the field of industry, is almost invincible, but he is unable of his own initiative to maintain a high standard of excellence. Under the dominating influence of the higher Caucasian nations he may rise greatly above his normal level, as in the case of the Japanese under Anglo- Saxon influence, but take away that influence or let them feel that they can ignore it, and they will probably fall back to the plane the race has occupied throughout recorded history. The Chinese have continuously encroached upon the nations of their border lands and absorbed and eliminated them by the slow but sure process of industrial competition. Their cousins, the Tartar tribes of Manchuria and Mongolia, for many centuries, by force of arms, held back the industrious Chinese, but their territories have in recent times been gradually colonized by the latter until these one time fierce nomads are now practically helpless. The Tartars wanted the fertile plains of thef north for their flocks and herds, and by their predatory raiHs discouraged' the Chinese farmers, who were making constant efforts to settle there; while the Chinese on their part built the historic wall as a protection against the Tartar invasions, The Chinese, although conquered some* three centuries ago and since held in quasi subjection by the Manchu Tar- tars, have slowly but surely encroached upon the patrimony of their rulers until the latter are now at their mercy. Should the outside world not interfere with this progress of the Chinese, ere many years have passed an uprising will occur in which the whole Manchu population will be en- slaved or exterminated. When Nanking was taken by the Taiping rebels, some fifty years ago, the Manchu inhabitants, numbering many thousands, were slaughtered without mercy. Natives of that city at the present day recount the persistent efforts of the Taipings to prevent a single Manchu escaping. The latter were often hard to distinguish from the Chinese, so the head of every doubtful individual was carefully examined and if any of the characteristics of the Tartar skull were shown the unfortunate possessor was put to death. It is pretty certain that if the Taipings had made a conquest of north China, the whole of the Manchu race would 13 have been massacred. On the south and southwest borders of China a: peaceful conquest is slowly going on, where the weak Cochin China na- tives are melting away before the patient toilers of the Middle Kingdom, and the formerly dense and pestilent jungles of the Shan States are being turned into gardens and rice fields. The natives on these southern frontiers are not turbulent, so the Chinese find only natural barriers to their progress, such as pestilent swamps, jungles and wild animals. The apparently slow progress of Chinese colonization may be in a degree accounted for by great internal calamities caused by civil war, famine and pestilence, which have in some instances destroyed from ten to thirty millions of people in the course of a few years' time. Chinese traditions show that many of the provinces have been time and again devastated, then in the course of a few decades repeopled from the ad- joining regions. Notwithstanding these -numerous calamaties the yellow hosts have slowly gone on enlarging the spheres of their activity, never forming independent states, but, until checked by the Europeans, always adding to the expansive greatness of their loosely constructed nation. The French possessions of Indo China and British Burmah at the present time form political barriers against their territorial acquisition on the south, but they nevertheless encourage the multiplying of the Chinese people in those regions — giving them, in fact, better protection from civil war pes- tilence and predatory natives than their own government could do. While the Laos tribes of Indo China are a weak and peaceable race and easy vic- tims for the Chinese, the Malays of Burma and Siam are, like the north- ern Tartars, a fierce and assertive people from whom the Chinese, without the protection of the European governments concerned, would suffer many disadvantages. As it is, a constant immigration from China is pouring i into these regions, and it is evidently only a matter of time when all the Laos and Malay inhabitants will be eliminated and a pure Chinese popu- lation established there. The same fate will happen to the Filipinos if Chinese are allowed to enter the islands and come into industrial com- petition with them. It may be questioned if even the Japanese can with- stand competition with Chinese colonists, for although they are far more industrious and economical than any other people save the Chinese, be- cause of their larger proclivities for pleasure they would ultimately lose ini a purely economic contest. With the qualities of patient industry and fortitude under adversity in their favor, the Chinese have been constant gainers over the populations on the borders of the empire, even though' at times conquered, and frequently suffering terrible losses at their hands — losses that need not to have been sustained had they been endowed with' more bravery of the honesty to maintain a disciplined army. It is entirely owing to the lack of a strong and progressive home government that the Chinese have never, of their own initiative, migrated from the shores of the China Sea or founded colonial dependencies in distant lands. Unless they acquire military prowess their colonial conquests, away from their' own borders, must always depend upon the good will of foreign nations. But, whether military achievements are possible to them or not, they are learning to play a diplomatic game, using commercial favors as a fulcrum, in which they may succeed in getting their surplus millions planted on' foreign soil to repeat the history of the Far East. Their legions, being dependent upon foreign good will, would in such colonial contest proceed slowly, but none the less surely than have the hosts of the mother country ; for no people on earth can permanently hold out against the patient industry and unerring connivance of the Chinese. THE VITAL TENACITY OF THE RACE. Although the Mongolian is the least robust in physique of any of the numerically great races, his vital endurance under adverse conditions is unsurpassable. Indeed, it is easily proved that his power to endure cli- matic severities and unhealthful conditions generally greatly exceeds that of any other people on earth. He thrives equally well in the tropics or in the far north. His near relatives, the Lapps of Europe, the Esquimauji of America and the Tunguses of Asia, live in cheerfulness amid the icy blasts of the Arctic Circle, while the Laos and Malays of Indo China and the Indian seas, who also are his near kinsmen, thrive in malarial marsh and jungle under the burning equatorial sun. A Chinese or Jap- anese dressed in the costume peculiar to any of these distantly separated! localities would be scarcely distinguishable from the natives, and he would easily become acclimated in either extreme of northern or southern tem- perature. Although they pay slight attention to health and ignore sanitary measures, they are subject to fewer epidemics in proportion to numbers, and are troubled less with colds, fevers and other ailmen,ts than the white race with all its scientific precautions. This vital tenacity is shown in infants, who are cared for in a manner that few white children would survive under. A babe will be seen sleeping peacefully slung on the back of a young child at play, its head dangling about in a way that seems al- most to wrench its neck out of joint. Then when the awful foot binding operation begins with a Chinese girl two or three years of age the torture is so terrible that it is reasonable to believe but few children of any othei' race could live through. The breaking of the toes and doubling them' under the ball of the foot, followed by bandages that are continually drawn 15 tighter until a size sufficiently small is attained, causes the child to cry piteously night and day during the first couple of months following the operation. The author has been kept awake many nights in the cities of central China by the moaning of these child victims of a horrible custom; and yet, while a few of them die from lockjaw and mortification of the feet, the death rate from this cause is nothing like as great as one would expect. The ability of the Chinese to use opium without disastrous physi- cal effects is another evidence of their remarkable vitality. Near eight million pounds of Indian opium per year is consumed in China, and al- though there are no statistics to show the full amount of the native drug used, it is probable that the quantity is sufficient to swell the total opium consumption to somewhere between fifteen and twenty million pounds. Morphia is also extensively imported, and its use is spreading rapidly. While the per capita amount of opium and morphia used in the country may not seem great, it must be borne in mind that at least two-thirds of the population are too poor to indulge at all in the luxury. It is Incom- prehensible to one bred in western lands how a Mongolian laborer can perform exacting toils upon his meagre diet of rice and vegetables. If no other factor than the mere ability to survive and perform the necessary labors of life cheaply be taken into consideration, the Mongolian is abso- lutely certain to win over all men in an economic contest. Although white laborers might train themselves to live on a much cheaper diet than is usually the case, their whole organic being would necessarily have to be changed to enable them to subsist in competition with the Mongolian. In short, their minds would have to be dwarfed and their nerves reduced in' ' energy to the Mongolian level to fit therri for a life and death contest with that race, with its inferior order of intelligence and aspiration. That the Mongolian is possessed of the most enduring qualities as a soldier is proved by a study of the Tartar invasions of Europe and of the recent Japanese exploits. The latter at the battle of Miukden fought ori for many hours without food or rest, numbers of them falling by the way- side from sheer exhaustion, but wholly undaunted in spirit. The only Mongolian people who have signally failed in heroic bravery are the' Chinese, which failure, however, should not be regarded too lightly by their critics. Their failure in war can be partially explained by the as ypt unrealized necessity for united action against a foreign enemy. The offi- cials and not the rank and file are chiefly to blame in this connection, since their neglect of duty and penchant for robbing the common soldier operate to discourage and demoralize him. Let the Chinese once become infused with the right sentiment, their troops drilled and armed to an equality" 16 with those of other nations, and, as many eminent foreigners have prophe- sied, the world may have to change its opinion both in regard to their* possibilities of patriotic union and efficiency in" arms. II. THE POLITICAL AWAKENING OF CHINA. INFLUENCE OF WESTERN EDUCATION. A widespread belief obtains among foreigners, including some of those fairly well informed upon the internal affairs of China, that the old empire is on the verge of a political upheaval which may mean the adop- tion of Western methods and the inauguration of an era of better govern- ment and greater prosperity for its people. That there is ground for such belief it is noteworthy that greater leniency is shown toward known or suspected enemies of the dynasty, increased interest in foreign educative methods, and official toleration of what may be termed progressive litera- ture. A constitution for the country has been talked of, and though there seems to be as yet no definite idea as to what form it should take, no one can gainsay that this product of Western education may not in due course bear good fruit. Many missionaries report that of late more students apply to them than they are able to handle, whereas only a few years ago they could scarcely be obtained for any consideration. The desire for Western knowledge owes much to the disastrous failure of the Boxer propaganda, which advocated expulsion of everything foreign and a re- turn to the conditions in vogue prior to the advent of the foreigner. It has been further strengthened by the results of the Russo-Japanese war, in which the successes of the latter were clearly due to their adoption at least of the Western science of warfare. The influence of Western edu- cation per se is not as yet much in evidence outside the treaty ports, there being apparently not the slightest intention of modernizing the cities of China proper by improving sanitation, adopting street cars or other public utilities. However, such improvements have .been discussed in certain quarters, and it would not be altogether out of the question to suppose that efforts in this direction may be atempted in the near future. People at home are often misled, through hearing of street cars being proposed at Shanghai or some other large treaty port, into the supposition that the Chinese are adopting Western methods, when as a matter of fact thesei are enterprises of foreigners and intended to be establishd on concessions' wholly under foreign control. The Chinese have actually built tele- graph lines, arsenals, mints and iron works, also several cotton factories, and the opportunities for money making by the officials in connection with 17 these government aided enterprises affords an incentive to the undertaking even of railway building. Perhaps one of the most encouraging signs of an awakened spirit in China is the recent opening of schools for girls in several different cities by the Chinese themselves. So far Western ed^icative influence has not perceptibly influenced the Chinese character as regards honest and conscientious rtiethods. The offi- cial in charge of a mint makes his squeeze by adding more than the pre- scribed amount of coppei" alloy to the silver coins produced, or by flooding 'his district w^ith copper cash or paper notes. Military officers are con- stantly in trouble with their men because of arrears of pay, while the purchaser of military supplies buys cheap arid inferior materials and loses no opportunity to put money in his own pocket. To all appearances they would still repeat their methods pursued during the Chino- Japanese war, when several high mandarins became millionaires through the purchase at a heavy discount of out-of-date European firearms, although no suitable cartridges could be obtained for them. They were sent to the army just the same, with misfit cartridges, with fhe resijlt that when attacked by the Japs the soldiers, unable to fire the guns, promptly threw them away and took to their heels. It is not too much, however, to suppose that the Chinese may, in time, evolve safeguards against the official corruption which at the present time seems so impenetrable a barrier to their national development. Foreign education does not seem to have had much effect in softening the anti-foreign sentiment of the Chinese. They give some evidence of the dawn of a true patriotism, and, were a majority of their countrymen similarly educated, the early attainment of better international terms for China would soon be possible. But with thousands of minds steeped in ignorance to one thus qualified only serves to make that one a dangerous agi- tator instead of the beneficent teacher he ought, to be. The enlightened Mongol does not compare favorably with the average Caucasian similarly advanced above his fellow men; it is pretty safe to assert that of the numerous foreign educated students who have returned to China not one has pursued, a course of self sacrifice for the well being of his countrymen. No Chinaman expects to find a self-sacrificing patriot ; every, one is ex- pected to feather his own nest while serving his country. The growth of anti-foreign sentiment through close contact with foreigners may, after all, be perfectly natural, since the same thing occurs in the most enlight- ened Christian lands. In California, British Columbia and Australia, where the Mongolians have become numerous, is found the greatest preju- dice, while in England, eastern Canada and the eastern States, where 18 they are seldom seen, there exists no such antipathy. The province of Kwangtung, from which the Chinese in the United States emigrated, is the most bitterly anti-foreign and has taken the most active part in the boycott agitation of any part of China. Instead of the returning emi^ grants spreading a leaven of enlightenment and' a favorable influencei toward foreigners, as has often been predicted would be the case, just the reverse has happened. Thus, while Western education certainly en- lightens and improves the individual Chinese, at 'the same time it makes; him more aggressive, and he is wont to become a schemer and plotter!" either against his own government, against foreigners or against some class or clan of his fellow citizens. Such were the men who inaugurated the Taiping rebellion in central China, and the American boycott. Some of them are to-day scheming for the overthrow of the present dynasty in China; others, especially of the Japan educated class, are dreaming of military achievements for the undoing of the white man, while others of lesser enthusiasm confine their brain energies to their personal interests.' A search to find one with any substantial and disinterested plan for the bptterment of his country would be all but fruitless, though all of them can talk eloquently enough upon what ought to be done and what they would do if given the power. JAPAN EDUCATED STUDENTS. At the present time there are Chinese students in Japan to the num- ber of about five thousand, the expenses of some two thousand of whom are paid by the Peking government. These students fraternize with their Japanese cousins in the same manner as do English or German' students with young Americans under like circumstances. They are quickly made to feel the ties of racial kinship with the Japanese, and together they soon come to unburden their souls in the discussion of political questions in a way that never occurs between themselves and members of the white race. The result is that the Chinese student in Japan becomes inspired of an ambitious patriotism which would seem for centuries to have lain dor- mant in the people of the Middle Kingdom. These students on their return from Japan are thus imbued with a new patriotic fervor, but, as far as outward appearances go, it partakes largely of the kind which looks to turbulent demonstrations for reforming the home government, and to the methods of war for a better adjustment of Chiina's foreign relations. They and their Japanese associates seem to' have gotten at second hand certain socialistic theories originating in the 19 military burdened countries of Europe which they believe may be applied to the oppressed millions of the Orient. The writings of European theorists upon social problems have been more or less badly translated and printed in Japan and thence circulated in China — often with the- connivance of the returning students — and their influence upon a few half enlightened and many densely ignorant minds is arousing a spirit of serious discontent. An unruly political element in Japan is thus spreading an agitation in both Corea and China which, helped on by the student class, is preparing the' way, mayhap for peaceful progression, but more likely for discord" and civil strife. So far the sentiments thus propagated have shown no decisively anti-foreign spirit, though they could readily be turned in that direc- tion. The Japanese aggressives berate the Chinese students upon their nation's tame submission to many indignities ' at the hands of foreigners; within its own borders and abroad. They urge that China should become a military power under the tutelage of Japan, all of which fires the spirit of many students, who, in turn, excite the ardor of their brethren at home: The Chinese officials have In former years made vigorous efEorts to restrain all such reform enthusiasts, but since Japan's victories over the Russians they are inclined to accept almost anything coming from that country as unanswei;able logic. In fact, not a few officials now look upon the leader- ship of Japan as the one great hope of China; but they ordinarily fail to discriminate between the good and the bad which comes from their island neighbors. All classes of Chinese mistrust white men, believing them to be unconscienable oppressors, and there is no attempt to discriminate be- tween nationalities of that race. Hence, when the Japanese aggressives point to the successes of their country through military effort, a hopeful inspiration dawns upon the Celestial mind, and he reasons that what Japan has done China, with her greater numbers and resources can surely accom- plish. Many Japanese make the boast that the grand Khans of Tartary were Japanese, and this argument is used to help instil the belief that the island empire is destined to lead the Mongolian hosts to even greater glories- than of old. It was the chagrin of this ambitious element in Japan which caused the riots in that country when the terms of peace with Russia were made known. An indemnity from Russia would have left Japan in a position to go to war again on short notice, whereas under present circum- stances her ambitions for further conquests will be checked for many years by financial conditions. Judging from outward appearances, but few of the substantial ideals and methods of the Japanese have seriously impressed the Chinese students,' since they have little to siy of the large factories at Osaki, the ship yards 20 at Nagasaki, or the vast mercharit marine which Japan has acquired. Thejr recount China's wrongs from foreigners and the feebleness of her govern- ment, but fight shy of a solution which suggests many years of industrial and educational development and the gradual elevation thereby of their people to political equality in the fraternity of nations. .Their jeers at the students educated in America and Europe, as being semi-foreign, and con- servative on the question of political reform, are eagerly joined in by all the turbulent youth of the country. Whether the better elements of the Japanese; who are now emigrating in large numbers to almost every part of China, and the more conservative faction- of the native reformers, aided by Chinese officialdom, will be able to hold in bounds the impending revo-' lution remains to be seen. That a storm is brewing few who look beneath the surface of affairs in China will deny; the form it will take depends in a large measure upon the attitude maintained by foreign governments. If the great powers, while still maintaining a discreet military pressure, use their influence to encourage China to follow in the footsteps of Japan in her civic development, all may go well, but if grasping commercial avarice adds further grievances to the already long list — such, for instance, as the extension of foreign shipping, mining and other concessions throughout the interior in competition with tlie natives, it is probable that the violent factions will gain control, with results disastrous to the empire and, through the demoralization of commerce, great injury to the whole civilized world. REVOT.UTIONARY POSSIBILITIES. That there is a growing restlessness among the younger and more vigorous elements of China, a dissatisfaction with the prevailing order of things, no one can gainsay. There are at present several factions of pro- gressives and malcontents at work, some of which have fairly clear and practical theories upon the path China should follow, and yet others whose propositions are so radical and illusionary as to alarm, not only the native supporters of the old regime, but also foreigners interested in the country who can see naught but bloodshed and anarchy to come out of their pro- ceedings. That serious alarm is felt in high quarters is shown by an im- perial decree, issued last month (November, 1905), concerning the revolu- tionary agitation. This decree, after asserting the present Manchu dynasty to have been the most merciful and lenient in its treatment of the people of China, in comparison with all preceding dynasties, and that the Emperor had lately encouraged every kind of reform in the government on modern lirles, utters a solemn warning to malcontents, and instructs Tartar Gen- erals, Viceroys and Provincial Governors to diligently put a stop to the 21 agitation and to offer rewards for the arrest and punishment as rebels of all who persist in spreading about reports harmful to the peace of the land. An underlying principle upon which all the disaffected elements of China agree is that of hatred of the present dominating influence of the foreign powers and the desire to in some manner overcome it. The recent success of Japan and the eagerness with which foreign nations are court- ing her friendship have aroused in the Chinese an ambition for like dis- tinctions for their own country. They feel keenly the odious position of China, with her treaty ports under foreign control, her officials treated as barbarians in not being allowed to try foreigners, or foreign naturalized Chinese, in their courts, no matter how serious their offense; the presence in her inland waters of foreign ships competing on equal terms with native craft, and even foreign postoffices in competition with their own upon theii' own soil. The anti-foreign agitator finds no end of material upon which to base his arguments against the evils of foreign domination, and the more violent his suggestions of a remedy the more is he listened to by the ignorant rabble. And yet, while the milder propositions of the conservative reformer find few supporters among the masses, since the failure of the wild scheme of the Boxers in 1900 it is interesting to note the influence with the government of those peacefully disposed toward foreigners over the advo- cates of forceful effort. Chang Chih-tung, one of the Viceroys of the Yangtze Valley who saved that region from devastation by the Boxers, has been exalted to the highest rank of any purely Chinese official in the empire, while Tuan Fong, who was Governor of Shensi province when the order was sent forth from Peking to exterminate the foreigners and who concealed the order and thereby saved the lives of nearly one hundred missionaries, has also been the recipient of high honors and is one of the five high commissioners elected to be sent abroad to study foreign govern- ments. These encouraging features of the Chinese Government give evi- dence of healthful development that may be destined to lead the country out of its difficulties, but the impartial onlooker can hardly conclude other- wise than that the violent and irresponsible elements of the country at large would prevail at the present time should anything occur to arouse great popular excitement. The time honored mandarin system, wherein high offices are prac- tically purchased from the Government, and the official allowed to repay himself through extortionate taxation of the people under his charge, is a serious stumbling block in the way of Chinese progress. To collect and honestly -hand over the revenues of the country, and to be content with 22 fixed and moderate salaries, is rather too much to expect of the Chinese ofBcials after the schooling ninety-nine out of every hundred of them has received. Without radical reforni of official procedure in this direction it is difficult for the Westerner to see just how any substantial progress can be made in the government of the country. Bribery and corruption, in every conceivable form, is as rampant in the empire now as ever before, and this is the last topic the literati wish to discuss, for the reason that they are all hoping to get office for themselves or their sons and they want the good old get-rich-quick system maintained. If bribery and corruption were done away with and only fixed fees and revenues collected, no office would be worth striving for, the chief incentive to studious preparation for the provincial examinations would be lost, and the hordes of official under- lings would have to find other occupations. Then, supposing an entirely new system of government were formed, where are the conscientious and capable officials to come from? Most foreigners would naturally suggest the foreign educated students and missionary proteges, which is in fact the only logical proposition, since all others are practically untouched by any other view of the subject than that of their forefathers. But, even if the better part of the foreign trained men in the country were called upon for this purpose there would not be enough of them to fill one-tenth of the offices in China, and the other nine-tenths would be able easily to overrule and neutralize their influence. Were a revolution started in China tomorrow, there is everything to indicate that there would be lacking any strong guiding mind to outline and direct its proceedings. Furthermore, there is no intelligent and influen- tial substratum from which to draw secondary leaders and advisers. Fin- ally, confidence and faith in their leaders, having in view any worthy national aim, would be utterly lacking in the rank and file of the army necessary to overcome the Manchu rulers of the country. Consequently, any army the revolutionaries might at the present time get together could only be ex- pected to become what every Chinese army — ^whether as imperialists or rebels — ^has proved itself, a ruthless and unruly mob of vampires leaving devastation and ruin in their path. Wherefore, every sign pointing toward an armed revolution, under present conditions, should be taken as a danger sign, portentous of horrors of every description for the Chinese people, with no possible good to come out of it; while on the other hand the best hope of a prosperous future for the nation lies in peaceful industry and educational development on modern lines. 23 THE AMERICAN BOYCOTT. In the month of July (1905) the boycott in China was begun against American goods, and this effort to strike a deadly blow at America's trade m the Far East has been in more or less active force up to the present date. Indeed, for a few weeks following its commencement it looked as if Ameri- cans themselves in certain parts of China would be so completely tabooed as to compel their migration elsewhere. Inquiries were made as to who were Americans, and their names and places of residence and business connections listed. Hotels and other public places managed by Americans were deserted by all Chinese patrons, and their native servants intimidated and warned to leave. The wildest rumors were set afloat among the ignorant natives concerning atrocities perpetrated upon their defenseless countrymen in America. At one time a report was circulated that all the Chinese in America had: been massacred ; another stated that the Chinese had rebelled and slaughtered all the Americans! Coolies talked glibly of the terrible vengeance China would visit upon the American barbarians and predicted that it would not be long before the whole of the United States would be in the hands of the Chinese. The more intelligent classes had somewhat milder versions of the state of affairs between the two countries. They solemnly discussed news obtained from somewhere of the appalling condition of trade in America owing to the boycott, making it appear that without the patronage of China about half the population of that country would face starvation. American officials were represented as piteously supplicating the Chinese Government to use its influence to call oS the boycott. Certain English newspapers published in China sub- stantially encouraged the boycott by printing accounts of boycott meetings and complaints from Chinese and foreigners against the workings of the Exclusion Act in America, assuming that such restriction and hardships upon an industrious people was altogether wrong and that the Chinese were right in. this effort to obtain justice. On the 11th of October an article appeared in the Shanghai "North China Daily News," over the signature "Sinensis," giving what purported to be an extract from a letter written at Toronto by a "British" missionary. The letter, after berating what she termed the medical examination farce at Hongkong, relates the experience of a Chinese boy, who, because he was suffering from an affection of the eyes, was not allowed to land at Sari Francisco. After recounting the frantic efforts of the father, a merchant in San Francisco, to prevent the boy being-sent back to China, she ends it with: "It m^kes my blood boil to see the way the Chinese are treated and talked of in San Francisco." 24 The editor apologetically remarks in a footnote: "We insert this letter merely as an account of abuses, which the American Government has prac- tically decided must be abolished with all speed." This article was trans- lated by the vernacular press, with the addition of a few harrowing details, and sent broadcast throughout the countrj^ helping, to influence the people against Americans. In the same paper there appeared on September 12th a purported interview with Secretary of War Taft, taken from the "Nan fang pao." published in Shanghai.. In this interview Mr. Taft is made to .say: "There can be no doubt that the- protest you did raise (through the boycott) called the attention of the whole American people to the grave injustice and abuse of the laws of immigration by some of our immigration officers." After stating that it was his purpose to conclude a treaty * * * "that will preclude and eliminate all possibilities of such abuses in the future, so that the exempt classes will, in the future, land on our shores with as much freedom and facility, and be subject to as few formalities as the higher classes from other countries," he goes on to say, in reply to the question as to ''whether the stringency against coolie immigration will be released at all," "that at present it was impossible owing to the strong sentiment against it. But," he continued, "in a few years, the very States that oppose it so strongly now, would beg the Chinese laborers to immi- grate." As construed and presented to the people by the native press the American Government through its high officials acknowledged itself in the wrong, but was trying to shirk the blame on to certain over-zealous immi- gration officers, and if the Chinese but kept up their protest long enough America would be only too glad to open the gates to their immigrants. In its issue of December 1st, the above mentioned English paper printed an article under the title "At a boycott meeting," evidently written by a correspondent at Hankow. In this the writer relates that he was a passen- ger some years ago on an Empress steamer with eight hundred coolies bound for Vancouver, where, on account of a supposed case of smallpox on board, the vessel was put in quarantine for a fortnight on arrival at Victoria. He then describes how some iorty beach combers came on board armed with Winchesters and clubs and had the Chinese stripped and given a bath of dis- infectants, while their clothing and effects were baked till ruined, etc., etc. The chief point of interest in this part of the story is that it implied Vic- toria to be an American port, the intention evidently being that when the article should be translated and copied into the Chinese papers it would be set forth as further evidence of the barbarous methods of American officials. That the Japanese have played an important though well concealed part in the boycott is evidenced by the great activity shown by Chinese students 25 in Japan and the mass of literature on the subject sent from that country into China. The Chinese students there have made continuous and fralitic appeals to their people' at home to keep up, the boycott until the Exclusion Act is repealed. The pamphlets thus sent for circulation in China are filled with harrowing stories of ill treatment of their people by America and remarks upon the insult the whole nation suffers thereby.' The adroit pky upon the historic pride of the Chinese bears a distinctively Japanese color, and the native press iri China have copied and made much of this view of the Exclusion Law. The issue of the "Nan fang pao" of November 14th states one of the demands of the boycott propaganda as follows : * * "that Chinese shall not be singled out for exclusion. It is an insult to our whole country. Either America must exclude all Asiatic labor or admit Chinese who qualify under the general immigration law." Certain telegrams and messages on the subject of the boycott, pur- porting to come from high quarters in America, implied that the Govern- ment there admitted all the charges of gross injustice, and was willing and eager to make amends by at once repealing the Exclusion Law were it not for the opposition of the working men. This led to many fantastic stories from the agitators, who depicted the American laborer as lazy and dissolute in the extreme. They solemnly stated how one Chinese could do the work of three or four Americans, and that after California had been developed by their industry the perfidious white men were trying to rob them of their just rewards. Many Chinese officials took a hand in en- couraging the agitation, and it required all the moral pressure the American Consuls could bring to bear to induce them to in any way ir^terfere with its progress. One official with the rank of a Taotai boasted that he had spent 20,000 taels in telegrams in helping it on. The Chinese clerks in the Custom House at Shanghai and at other ports organized boycott com- mittees and issued circulars, to which even their names and service rank were attached, and distributed them broadcast. These Customs committees laid systematic plans for aiding the boycott, levied contributions on high and low of the native staff and, no doubt, would soon have made their in- fluence felt in the handling of American cargoes if a restraining order from the Inspector General had not checked their progress. - That the Chinese merchants, at least in north China, have little sym- pathy with the moveniefnt is found by the fact that they have continued all along to demand American goods, but, for their own protection, usually requesting importers to represent them as of European origin. The gener- ally speaking superior quality of American manufactures accounts for this preference, and, unless Europeans closely imitate these goods, the demand. 26 for them will continue regardless of the boycott. Although the energy which marked the prosecution of the boycott during the first two months of its inception has waned to a considerable extent in the treaty ports, the propaganda is still being pushed farther and farther inland by paid agitators. Boycott placards have continued to the present date to adorn the walls in many streets in Shanghai, and numerous shops contain notices that American goods are not dealt in. The Cantonese, who have throughout been the most vigorous in its prosecution, have almost invariably the following notice conspicously displayed in their places of business: "This firm neither buys nor sells American goods." While Shanghai gets the credit for having started the boycott — ^because of the active zeal of certain so-called students from this quarter who were refused a landing in America — its chief sup- ixirt has been from the Cantonese, who are practically the only people of China directly concerned with the American immigration laws. The massacre in October of five American missionaries at Lien Chou in Kwang- tung province, gives evidence of the fierce character of this agitation among the Cantonese as compared with the lukewarm spirit shown by the northern Chinese. While all Chinamen are experienced hands at boycotting, it was no easy task, in north China at least, to keep the masses enthused on the subject after the excitement of the first few weeks was over. No China- man is willing to make long continued personal sacrifices in any cause, and he is easily led to suspect his leaders of playing a game in the interest of their own pockets. He may be readily incited to join in a riot or any scheme to injure others if he himself is likely to gain anything thereby, but he is too lethargic for long sustained hatred of or connivance against an enemy. The author has had experience with many boycotts in China, ranging in importance from the petty spite of servants against obnoxious masters to the stoppage of a ship from working cargo because of the behavior of a mate, and in one instance where a whole line of steamers were threatened with boycott unless a captain who had shot a piratical native was discharged. D'uring the summer of 1894 a great strike and boycott occurred at Hbngkong because the authorities there took heroic measures to stamp out the black plague. The employes of shipping and other firms- quit work, and for weeks trade at Hongkong was about paralyzed. Servants deserted their masters and coolies emigrated in thousands, and during the more acute period British marines had to be called upon to coal merchant Vessels leaving the port. Finally rumors were circulated that the British had decided that if the boycott continued much longer the Chinese would be banished from Hongkong and a Japanese 27 colony established. This caused a panic among the boycott leaders, the strike was called off, and normal ' conditions were soon restored. A CONVERSATION WITH AN ANTI-AMERICAN CHINESE. In ' the following narative are presented the salient features of a conversation held with an exceptionally well informed and outspoken Chinese upon American policy in China and the incentives to the boycott: "After the many kind actions of America toward China do you think it right for her people to carry on the present boycott?" "What kind actions do you refer to?" "You know that in 1868 Mr. Burlingame, American Minister to China, helped her in the making of treaties with the leading European powers." "But America was then in need of Chinese labor in the West and so did us the favors mentioned in consideration of getting coolie immigrants." "In the American statutes is there not a clause which prohibits our people from dealing in opium in China?" "There is, though it accomplishes nothing but to embarrass American shipping firms and frequently Chinese shippers also." "Then in the China- Japan war did not the American Ministers in Peking and Tokio act as intermediaries, and were not prominent Americans appointed to assist China in making a treaty of peace?" "Yes, America did that, but we naturally suppose she was thinking to gain some advantage for herself by it. However, we duly appreciate the act whatever the motive." "In the year 1900 did not the American admiral refuse to fire on the Taku forts when the warships of tother nations destroyed them ?" "Yes, if- you find any glory for your country in that you are welcome to it. Other foreigners say it was most cowardly of your admiral not to 'take part, seeing the Boxers were doing all in their power to annihilate the Americans." ' "During the occupation of Peking by the allied armies were not the American troops forbidden to go on punitive expeditions?" "They were, but other foreigners did, and so helped to bring the dis- orders to an end. If all had acted as the Americans the Boxer rebellion would have spread over the whole of China." ■ "Well, at the termination of hostilities did not America strive to reduce the indemnity, and has she not proposed to return her share for the education of the Chinese youth?" 28 "Tlhis was all for self glorification, as we believe. America has tried to pose before the world as being better than other nations, but we consider her to be actuated by a hope to secure China's everlasting gratitude, and the best share of her trade. We are told that America's plan is to creep in and gain superior advantages after other nations have done the fighting. The Chinese will hardly be bamboozled that way. They are not quite so stupid as the American assumption implies." "And so you think there is small appreciation of these , acts which America looks upon as benevolent, and that there is no likelihood of a revulsion of feeling?" "There is not much likelihood of remorse on the subject, at least while there is any discrimination against our people in America. Can you tell me why the Chinese are treated so differently from other foreigners there?" "There are several reasons which might be cited, the principal one being that the Chinese are of a different race from the Americans, with ideas, customs and religions at variance with those prevalent in the country. The European immigrants, on the other hand, are of the same racial stock, have similar aspirations and ideals, and so readily adopt the usages of the land as to become practically indistinguishable from our own people. These immigrants contribute proportionately as much to the wealth and glory of the civilization extant as born Americans, whereas the Chinese send their surplus wealth back to China, spending as little in the country where they make it as possible." ■ "We are told that the Chinese are treated so badly in America that we hardly deserve to be called men if we do not protest against it in every way possible." "But do your informants tell you of the indignity your people suffer in not being allowed to land in Australia or Canada without paying a heavy and discriminate poll tax; of South Africa where they are penned up like cattle at the mines, and of the Dutch possessions in Sumatra where they are taken from Swatow and Amoy under contract, held under armed guards and every one deported on expiration of their contract term? Why don't you boycott those countries where Chinamen are discriminated against much more than they are in America?" "Well, they are countries which have not committed themselves to any fixed policy of the peaceful solution of questions of this kind, and China does not feel strong enough just yet to try an armed contest with them. It would not be consistent with the teachings which America has so loudly proclaimed to us all these years for her to resort to forceful measures* because of a boycott managed in an orderly manner by private citizens. We 29 do not so much find fault with the treatment our people receive in America as with the trouble and humiliation of landing ,there. The detention sheds at San Francisco are said to be unfit for even the lowest coolie to live in, and yet Well to do merchants and travelers are sometimes kept there like criminals for weeks." "Such stories originate in the fact that according to present regulations the steamship companies are held responsible for the immigrants they bring, whatever their nationality, until it is decided whether they are eligible to land or not. If their papers are in order and they have no disease classified as infectious they are not detained or inconvenienced in any way. Even the Chinese prohibited from landing are not treated so differently from immi- grants of other nationalities. A number of Russians were recently detained at San Francisco, and some of them denied a landing because they had contracted a disease of the eyes while en route through Panama. It was really a pitiable case, the members of several families being thereby separ- ated from each other — the rejected ones being returned to Panama by the steamship company that brought them. There are many diseases in China which Americans naturally wish to keep out of their country. You know there are 60,000 lepers at Canton alone and a little slackness in the medical inspection of Chinese immigrants might permit of that terrible malady gaining a foothold in our country." "No restriction whatever is placed upon Americans landing in China. What would they say to being detained on a wharf, in a dismal shed, for a couple of weeks while their eligibility to land was being determined?" "Americans can land without hindrance and carry on business in the treaty ports of China, but to go further ir^land they must have special pass- ports, which may cost them as much trouble and loss of time to get as it does a Chinese, without the proper documents, to land in the United States. However, if an American, on arrival at any Chinese treaty port, is found to be suffering from an infectious disease, the Maritime Customs officials will place him in quarantine. So there is practically no difference on the subject of landing in either country except in the matter of laborers, and you know very well what a hubbub would be created in China if a few thousand' American laborers should land and undertake to compete with the natives. The Americans who come to China do not in any sense compete with the industrial life of the country. They are mainly travelers who spend some money in the country; a few merchants who deal almost exclu- sively in American goods in wholesale. qua,ntities, and missionaries who derive their support from home. Every thousand dollars profit made by Americans in China is offset by millions sent home by the Chinese in 30 America. Hence, when all the different phases of the interrelationships of the two countries are taken into consideration China, notwithstanding the grievances now complained of, certainly has the best of the bargain. Sup- pose America retaliates by a counter boycott or by tariff discrimination that would shut off your thriving trade with her ?" "In that case we would, of course, have to call off our boycott and make the best deal we could on the subject. But we have no fears on that point. We know the Americans too well to think they will do anything more than squabble among themselves over the question. We will look on and enjoy the fun of seeing Uncle Sam trying to squirm out of the same diplomatic hole he went in at. He cannot afford to fight after his frantic appeals to the whole world to settle disputes by arbitration. His mission- aries have been teaching us these many years that war is a relic of barbarism and that we must pursue the pathway of peace. If he goes to war over a purely commercial proposition he will be accounted by the whole world a mercenary hypocrite. We feel perfectly secure as far as any action against us by the United States is concerned, and all we fear is that our own people will not pull together long enough to gain for our cause all that we desire." III. CHINA'S GRIEVANCES AGAINST FOREIGNERS. FOREIGN ENCROACHMENTS AND AGGRESSIONS. As matters stand at the present time in China^ her grievances against foreign nations are numerous, and in may respects of a humiliating nature. Instead of having profited through contact and trade with the foreigner China may be said to have suffered enormous losses in almost every depart- ment of her national existence. Before the foreigner came she was a self- sufficient nation, possessed of every character of climate and soil and of industries that supplied all the demands of her people. Her trade was almost entirely of an interstate character, in the carriage of which millions of native craft swarmed upon her coasts and inland waters. The popula- tions surrounding her were her inferiors and vassals, who looked upon the Middle Kingdom as the greatest on earth. With the advent of the white man one train of evils followed quickly upon another, and her efforts to shake herself free from his influence might be compared to the wild floundering of a leviathan of the deep beset by some small but active and implacable foe. China's first serious difficulty with the foreigner was the opium war with England, in which her stupid though apparently well meant efforts to prevent the sale of the Indian drug to her people resulted most dis- 31 astrously to herseilf. As a 'consequence of this war she paid a heavy in- demnity for the opium hulks destroyed at Canton by the Mandarins, and was forced to relinquish the island of Hongkong. Later on treaty ports, concessions and exterritorial rights were demanded by the various foreign powers, through which China lost sovereignty over many strategic points on her coasts and a large nuniber of her own people as well. Recently the British have enlarged their possessions by acquiring a strip of territory at Kowloon on the mainland opposite Hongkong, and the leasing of Wei Hai Wei on the Gulf of Pechili. The French have encroached upon territory which China regarded as her own on the Cochin China frontier, and has acquired through diplomatic pressure numerous land and mining concessions. The Yu-Man-Tzu rebellion against the Catholic missions in western China in 1 898, in which the lives and property of some thousands of converts were destroyed, was made an occasion by the French Government to claim an indemnity of a couple of million taels, and certain land and mining privi- leges, although the only injury to the subjects of that country consisted in the holding captive for a few months of a French priest. The Germans made an occasion of the killing of two of their missionaries for the exacting of the lease of Kiaochow on the Shantung coast, and have come in for their share of railway and other concessions, while the Japanese, after taking from China the island of Formosa and her protectorate of Korea, had to be paid an indemnity of sixteen million pounds sterling to vacate the Liaotung peninsula. The Russian encroachments in north China and the Japanese acquisitions there are too recent and well known to need recounting here. All of these cessions and leases of territory, indemnities, etc., were obtained from China either through war or aggressive diplomacy. In some in- stances bribery of high officials played an important part, but it can truth- fully be said that China has looked with sorrow and chagrin upon the wresting from her of the natural bulwarks upon her coasts, and the privilege of governing all within her own boundaries. Her acme of sorrow and confusion was thought to have been reached when she was forced to agree to the Boxer indemnity of forty million pounds sterling) but the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese war promises yet more territorial losses and per- plexities for her government. Since the Boxer calamities, and until the late war upon her borders, she has made some commendable efforts toward finding a remedy for her international complications, but they seem to multiply so fast that while she is groping for light on evils that have grown upon her in the past, new ones are cropping up in all directions. The presence of foreign naval and military bases upon her coasts and land frontiers not only dims the hope of China's national independence, 32 but also promises more and more trouble for her through their being made the refuge of her worst criminal and political offenders. The native enemies of the government can go to Port Arthur, Kiaochovi?, Hongkong or Saigon, and plot as much mischief as they like, since their extradition is generally too tedious and expensive for the Mandarins to undertake. What Canada is to the United States in this respect, each one of the above places is to China — a retreat for her numerous malefactors, political plotters and smugglers. Near half a dozen foreign governments have established postal agen- cies in the treaty ports, some of wrhich have been extended far inland. It is partly owning to the competition of these agencies that the Imperial Postal service, which for some years has been in process of development through- out the country, does not pay exi)enses. The drain upon the Imperial revenues, through payment of the in- demnities has led to various economies in Peking, the which, although humiliating and vexatious to royalty and its vampire host of courtiers, are by no means an unmixed evil. Notable among these is the curtailment of certain former extravagances in royal birthday and other ceremonials, and the recent decision of the Empress Dowager to put the hundred or so of concubines in the Emperor's harem to light manufacturing work. TRADE AND TARIFF. Under present conditions in China the wholesale trade, both in im- ports and exports, is chiefly in the hands of foreign merchant firms. When Chinese capital is employed in wholesale transactions, it is generally under the name of foreign establishments. This condition, although a result of the impotency of the Chinese Government to prevent exactions and squeezes by local officials, who hover like birds of prey over native wealth and prosperity, is nevertheless, for various reasons, a grievance to be com- plained of. In the first place foreign firms pay no taxes to China, and, being located in the treaty ports, are not amenable to Chinese law. In order to bring them to book for infringements of treaty stipulations the native officials must resort to troublesome and sometimes difficult reference to their Consuls. They occasionally undertake to buy property and to build warehouses or wharves outside the treaty port limits and if the local Consul happens to be very zealous in helping his countrymen it may mean that the case has to be referred to the high authorities at Peking. A purely Chinese concern may use the name of an obliging foreigner to carry on an inland traffic, avoiding thereby certain Mandarin squeezes, which, 33 although mayhap, according to treaty, illegal, are nevertheless enforced upon native firms, thus placing them at a disadvantage with those under semi-foreign protection. It is an arrangement which profits the foreigner and restrains the native officials, and while not an altogether legitimate grievance, occasions an actual loss to the country and exasperates the ofHcial class. It is a grievance for which foreigners cannot be held responsible and which can only be eliminated through a more honorable system of dealing by the officials with their own people. Were it not advantageous to the Chinese at the treaty ports to employ foreign middle men whose names and consular protection afford a barrier to official greed, no foreign firm could exist in China today, for the native merchants have in other respects every capacity and facility to oust them through legitimate competition. A more real grievance is that of foreign vessels, and native vessels under foreign flags, which, while paying no taxes save port and tonnage dues, have the same privilege in the coasting trade and upon the inland waters as native craft. This foreign competition within her own domains has been forced upon China much against, her will by European govern- ments, the excuse being the failure of the natives to open up and develop the inland trade. Under its worliings native vessels, which formerly carr ried all the vast riverine commerce, are giving way to foreign managed, modern equipped steamers. It would seem that native vessels of the same class ought to be able to compete successfully with those owned by foreign- ers, but owing to the fact that many of the latter are subsidized by their home governments, and that the former are hampered by official taxation and squeezes the advantage is with the foreigner. All the Chinese coasting and large river steamers are officered by foreigners while the crews of both foreign and native vessels are Chinese; wherefore the cost of running them is in this respect practically the same. Only launches and very small steamers under the Chinese flag have up to the present date been officered exclusively by natives, and even these, judging by the number sailing under foreign flags, are outclassed by foreign competitors, or native competitors who obtain foreign registers for their vessels. Japanese coasting and river steamers have a more decided advantage over native vessels of the same class than other foreigners, in that, in addition to being subsidized, they are officered by Japanese whose salaries are far below those of the white officers of the China merchant steamers. U|ntil the Chinese ships are sub- sidized, and officered by their own men, they will continue to be at a disad- vantage in competition with the Japanese, and the latter show every prob- ability of being, able eventually to oust the ships of their white competitors. The tarifif grievance of China consists in the treaties with foreign 34 nations, to Which she has been an unwilling partner, which permit of but five per cent, advalorem duty being collected on goods imported from abroad. 'No nation trading with China, excepting Great Britain, charges less than an average of 25 per cent duty on Chinese goods. She is not allowed to maintain any system of difEeretjtial tariff to favor the nations charging the least duty on her goods, but under the favored nation clause of the treaties must tax all alike. Her hands being thus tied as regards taxation of foreign imports, in order to obtain a necessary revenue she is compelled to levy an export duty upon her own goods, thereby crippling them in their competition with others in the markets of the world. The drain upon China's resources through the present state of her foreign commerce may be further estimated by the following figures: Total foreign imports per annum, approximately, value $200,000,000. Exports to foreign countries value $150,000,000. Balance against China $50,000,000. Value of Indian opium imported $25,000,000 per annum. Of course from the latter item no good whatever can be taken into account. When to these figures are added interest on the indemnities- unpaid, and losses through competition of foreign shipping within her own waters, a fair idea is obtained of the disadvantages under which China is placed in the congress of nations. Taken together with official corruption, opium smoking, and the rebellions, which are an almost constant factor in some part of the empire, it is no wonder that although many millions of her peo- ple are toiling to their utmost capacity, poverty and misery are broadcast in the land. MISSIONARIES. If at the present time a consensus of the. true opinion of a majority of the Chinese people were taken to show which of China's sorrows through her international relationships has proved the most objectionable, it would certainly point to the missionary proganda. The real aim of the 5,000, more or less, of foreign missionaries in China is an enigma to the natives. They as a rule believe the inner motive is to form a clan or social organiza- tion friendly to foreigners, the which can be relied upon, when their num- bers are sufficiently strong, to aid foreign conquest of their country. Few Chinese will admit a belief that the converts are such for any other purpose than material advantages to be gained thereby. They one and all aver that the Christian plan of salvation does not appeal to the reasoning or any other faculties possessed by their race. Its propositions seem to them more mysterious and whimsical than even the traditional myths which the . 35 ignorant natives continue to propagate. Japanese invariably express the same view wrhen finding their questioners disinterested and unbiassed. Both Chinese and Japanese general opinion is that if foreign missions or their funds were withdrawn the Christianity of the coverts would vanish like chafE in a gale of wind. Unitarianism excites some real interest, with the Japanese at least, but the doctrine of the orthodox creeds, except when the occasion demands suavity and diplomacy, they express only contempt for. It seems therefore that the Mongolian faculties attempt no further spiritual insight than that obtained through matter of fact reasoning, and whatever does not appeal to reason is looked upon as appertaining to the fabulous and fit only to interest youthful and unschooled minds. Therefore, while it is easy enough to make ceremonial Christians of the Mongolians, to give them the spiritual principle of Christianity is a more difficult proposition, as is evidenced in the fact of their showing no emotional or conscientious awakening at the time of conversion or afterward. The Caucasian convert shows heartfelt emotion and conscientious repentance for sins of the past; but it appears that no such feeling can be aroused in any Mongolian, though he may simulate it if anything is to be gained thereby. The deeper thinking Chinese, therefore, have the gravest apprehensions as to what the native Christians will do if they should gain strength and power in the empire. They point to many wrong doings of the converts, and while admitting them to be no worse than are possible from other Chinese of the same class, this is claimed as proof that the new religion has not improved their moral status. The pro-Boxer edicts issued at Peking in 1900 cite the misdeeds of the converts and the enmity betweenthem and the other natives as an ■ intolerable grievance. It is feared, if the tirtie honored veneration for Confucianism be taken from the Chinese, and they become divided up among the various Christian sects, there will remain no common ties to hold them together and that civil strife and anarchy will prevail. The Taiping rebels are suggested as the kind of Christians the Chinese are likely to become. This rebellion was started some fifty years ago by Christian converts whose dream was to evangelize the empire by force of arms, and its propaganda was for several years attended by great successes. The Taipings captured Nanking, Soochow, Hangchow, and other large cities and held them, against the Imperial troops until a foreign drilled army under General Gordon finally vanquished them. Their methods did not improve with increase of power ; on the contrary their Christianity degenerated into the grossest paganism. They murdered in cold blood millions of the peaceable and helpless inhabi- 36 tants of the cities they captured, and throughout their conduct gave not the slightest hope that if they succeeded in conquering the empire a better government than the existing one would ensue. It has been computed that in this rebellion 30,000,000 lives w^ere Sacrificed, and an untold amount of wealth destroyed. The fanatical zeal of these so-called Christians led them to destroy the finest palaces and temples in central China, among them being the porcelain tower of Nanking, one of the "seven wonders of the world." Masses of ruins of once magnificent edifices are still a prominent feature in the cities they dominated, silent though terrible witnesses of the fanaticism possible to men of the intellectual status prevalent in those iigions, no matter what religious doctrine they may claim to serve. The Yu Man-tzu anti-Christian rebellion, which took place in Szech- wan province in 1898, is charged to the aggression of the Catholic propa- ganda and its converts who number many thousands in that region. These rebels, who at one time numbered some twenty thousand men, under their chief, Yu Man-tzu, devastated a region several hundred square miles in extent and sacrificed probably one hundred thousand lives. When the rebellion was crushed and the settlement came the French Government took up the cause of the church and exacted a large Indemnity, and a num- ber of land and mining concessions on the upper Yangtze river. Somewhat similar was the procedure of Germany who in reparation for the murder of two German missionaries demanded and obtained the port of Kiaochow, from which she has built a railway into Shantung province and otherwise advanced her political footing. In the year 1 899 the Chinese government, under pressure from France, _ gave political status as follows to the Roman Catholic Hierarchy: Bishops to be placed in rank and dignity the equals of, and entitled to demand to' interview, Viceroys and Governors; Vicars-General and Arch Deacons to be the equals of and entitled to see Provincial Treasurers, Judges and Taotais. Other priests to demand to see Prefects of the first and second class, Subprefects, etc., the native functionaries concerned to respond, according to their rank, with the same courtesies. No one unacquainted with the social system of China can fairly estimate the power and oppor- tunities for its abuse which this concession confers. While it may be sup- posed that few foreign missionaries would themselves abuse the official position thus held, it is absolutely certain that their native converts and helpers in general will find means of so doing. This phase of the question was carefully discussed at the time by the Protestant missionaries, and to their credit it was decided not to accept like powers for themselves, although 37 according to the favored nation clause of the international treaties they were entitled to do so. It IS evident that missionary influence among the natives has greatly mcreased since the defeat of the Boxers, and while this gives encouragement to those who hope for the ultimate Christianization of Chtna, the adherents of the old system apprehend therefrom much strife and bloodshed. That this apprehension is felt by missionaries also, a sentence from Broomhall's "Martyred Missionaries" (introductory page 10) may be worth taking note of. After quoting Christ's statement that he came not to send peace on the earth but a sword, the writer goes on to say: "That Christian missions have aroused this antagonism in China and that a stern conflict of life and death has begun there, the church of Christ must unreservedly acknowledge." There have recently been eflEorts made by certain missions to have their student graduates recognized as qualified for designate officials in the same manner as graduates in the regular Provincial examinations. This the Government proposes not to do, unless the graduates .declare their adherence to the principles of Confucianism. Open persecution of the so- termed renegade native converts, it is realized, might mean another armed conflict with foreign powers, but China seems determined to continue the effort to prevent Christianity from gaining a respectable footing in the country through preventing any one being appointed to high ofllce who is supposed to be attainted with its doctrines. REASONS FOR SOME OF THE GRIEVANCES. It may be said that the primal origin of every disadvantage which China now suffers in her international relationships is traceable to the blundering stupidity and dishonesty of her officials. Were she able to correct these faults in her officialdom, all her claims for better treatment from foreigners would be listened to and in due course adjusted. Her first war with England was in consequence of the arbitrary acts of her officials in burning the opium hulks at Canton, thus destroying millions of dollars worth of property for which she refused to pay. Of the British prisoners taken during that war some were carried about the country in cages and treated like wild animals on exhibition, while others were killed by slow torture. Owing to their having subjected foreign prisoners to torture in their courts, after the manner of native malefactors, and their total lack of justice in litigation cases, exterritorial rights were demanded by all Christian powers; wherefore matters at law, wherein foreigners are con- cerned, have since been dealt with by consuls of the different nations. 38 China's plea concerning this grievance is that she did not treat foreigners worse than her own subjects under similar circumstances. This may be true enough, but foreign nations refused to allow their citizens, who might be wholly innocent or their crimes not serious, to be put to physical torture which in some instances drove the victims to insanity. Mongolians, whose nerves are not de^yeloped to -the acuteness of the Caucasians, can stoically en- dure these tortures, and such barbarous methods may be necessary in dealing with the worst class of native criminals. The inborn dishonesty of the race makes each individual distrustful of his neighbor, and no man is expected to tell a truth that injures his case without being compelled to do so. China has throughout the past shown unwillingness or inability to protect foreigners in the country, whether as travelers, traders or mission- aries. Several distinguished travelers, and hundreds of missionaries and others have been set upon by vicious mobs, maltreated and murdered, and in no instance has redress been obtained without the pressure of foreign governments upon the high authorities. Even at the present day it is the belief throughout the world that no foreigner yi?ould be safe in any part of China if foreign navies were not hovering upon the coasts and inland waterways. It was owing to the maladministration of her custom houses on the coast that the foreign customs inspectorate was established, which insti- tution now employs some 1300 foreigners and more than three times that number of native helpers. Bribery and corruption prevailed in her customs department under native rule, and the cargo of no vessel received ready and systematic discharge without the paying of heavy squeezes, nor did any merchant know when he had finally settled his customs account. When the foreign inspectorate was tried at Shanghai and Canton forty-five years ago and the government found that not only were foreign traders satisfied, but that its own revenues were increased many fold, its workings' were extended to all the treaty ports ; and, while it was expected that the Chinese would themselves soon be able to run the service, fhe number of foreign employes has been constantly increased down to the present day. The customs service is not generally considered in the light of a grievance against the foreigner, but rather a necessary evil resultant of his presence. Al- though the high pay of this foreign staff is a matter to be complained of, the vast revenue collected and honestly accounted for serves to silence every proposition for change. The Chinese government knows very well that under native administration it could not expect half the revenue collected to be turned in; then, if the foreign commissioners of customs were dis- pensed with, it would lose the valuable advisory and diplomatic services 39 they^ render in dealing with aggressive foreign officials who are constantly making demands of one kind or another. China's grievance on the postal question can hardly be adjusted until the staff of the imperial postal service, which now employs about 3500 native clerks and agents, who are being trained on foreign lines under the Customs Inspectorate, shall have been brought to a state of reliable effi- ciency and distributed throughout the empire. At present the Imperial postoffice is competed with by dozens of native postal hongs, which do a thriving business on their own account. These private postoffices receive the support of nearly all the officials who in conjunction with the merchant guilds practically boycott the I. P. O. to a condition in which, even if foreign competition were withdrawn, it cannot pay expenses. While China is too weak, or indifferent upon the subject, to supplant the native postal firms by a single national system on modern lines, foreign governments are likely to continue their own agencies, in the treaty ports at least. The Chinese government, in its efforts to establish a national postal' system; affords to the onlooker a strange paradox, in that, while being accredited as cruelly despotic with its own subjects, it is too timid to do away with the private native competition. The cause is mainly in the still deeply in- grained hatred by the officials and literati in general of everything foreign ; though even with their support time will be required to train up the many thousands of native clerks necessary ' for the work. A considerable per- centage of the best qualified clerks, whenever placed in positions of trust, have proved dishonest, and these have to be weeded out and others put in training for their places. China's treatment of missionaries, to say the least, has been un- wise. While the officials cannot be expected in every instance to afford protection against mobs of enraged and fanatical natives, it has been found that in the majority of massacres certain responsible officers were either lax in vigilance or secretly encouraged the evil doers. Then, instead of getting together all of the facts concerning the actions of over zealous or otherwise obnoxious missionaries and their converts and publishing them to the world, thereby making their own troubles and views on the situation clear, they have invariably kept sullen silence. By reason of this silence the missionaries are enabled at all times to make out a good cause for themselves and a bad one for Chinese officials, and the civilized world passes judgment accordingly. The failure of China to grasp the situation resulting from her contact with nations more civilized than herself has brought forth the long list of evils of which she now complains. Had she profited by experience and 40 improved her opportunities as the Japanese have done, and applied modern methods to the opening up of her resources, she would have forestalled all foreign enterprises within her borders and retained their profits for her own people. The foreigner seeing vast undeveloped resources in the country naturally seeks in some way to profit by them. Mineral wealth lying idle, opportunities for transportation systems that would open up new regions to commercial enterprise, tempt the enlightened foreigner to try to impress their value upon the official mind of China, and failing in this, he turns to his own government for assistance. To sum up the situation, the officials, instead of being alert to their own and the nation's vital interests, have cultivated the seductions of their harems and the opium pipe until their opportunities have been well nigh exhausted. Now that their resources have dwindled down through the taking over of a large portion of the in- ternal customs collection by the Foreign Inspectorate, and through payment of indemnities, while the international complications are growing apace, •they are showing some signs of awaking from the dream of holding on to a civilization that belongs to a past age. It is a somewhat discouraging sign, however, that the first impulse of China's awakening is to turn upon the nation that, has done the least in the way of encroachment and most in benevolence toward her people. IV. AMERICAN POLICY IN CHINA. I ATTITUDE ASSUMED TOWARD CHINA. , In general terms the policy pursued by America in dealing with China has been that of a strong and self reliant world power, with a weak and incompetent people. And yet she has, in certain respects, gone further than any other nation toward recognition of the Chinese government as a civilized and responsible power; for instance, refusing, whenever possible, to resort to coercive measures when treaty violations have occurred. The treaties between the two countries evidence America as inspired by a sentimental desire to encourage and uplift the Chinese people, while China, on her part, displays no other motive than to make the best of a purely business trans- action. While at the time of making the first treaty there may have been a thought to gain some advantage with the Chinese through running counter to Great Britain, whose methods in the opium war and territorial en- croachments were strongly resented by China, humanitarian principles af- forded the more potential force in shaping the attitude which has since pre- vailed. The American attitude of disinterested benevolence has gone so far, in fact, as to seriously hamper and restrict the enterprise of its own citizens in China, as compared with the opportunities enjoyed by other nationalities. 41 Her laws, for instance, prohibit Americans from selling opium to the Chinese and American ships from carrying the drug to any Chinese port. This may, to people at home, seem a trivial sacrifice to American interests, but when trade conditions on the China coast are studied in detail it is found a con- siderable disadvantage, espfecially to shipping firm's, which sometimes lose opportunities to handle consignments of cargo because a chest of opium is mcluded.. A native merchant may have a shipmient of goods amounting to many tons which is to be sent say from Hongkong to Shanghai. An Amer- ican steamer is ready to sail, with plenty of space for the cargo, and her owners are eager to take it, but finding a package of opium in the lot are compelled to refuse that part of it. Whereupon the merchant, not wishing to separate his goods, looks about for a ship the nationality of which is not hampered by such restrictions. On some of the inland waterways native junks are chartered by foreign firms, and foreigners lend their names to Chinese firms in order to escape certain taxes and extortions by the native customs. In such enterprises Americans are always outclassed because their junks cannot transport native opium, which, especially on the upper Yangtze River, is an important article of commerce. These restrictions, taken together with the relatively high consular fees, the red tape connected with shipping — which other nations have simplified in the interest of their people — and the unwillingness of the American Government to take coercive action when occasion demands, it is no wonder that American firms are scarce in China. The parental policy of the American Government in restricting, and refusal to encourage, the enterprise of its citizens, as compared vvith other foreigners, however benevolent its intention, is little appreciated by the Chinese, but seems more offensive than otherwise, since it assumes to place them in the category of South Sea Islanders and American Indians, who require special laws to protect them from the vices and the avarice of the white man. INCONSISTENT TREATMENT OF THE CHINESE. The treatment accorded to the Chinese by America, when looked at from an unbiased standpoint, shows certain inconsistencies and a lack of well defined and diplomatic method. On the one hand she professes a benevolent interest in the Chinese people and solicitude for their destiny, and on the other makes an exceptional law to exclude them from her shores. While she pats the Chinaman on the back and claims to be his best friend, she singles him out from all the peoples of the earth for special legislation against. This is made the harder for the Chinese to grasp by the effusive 42 denial of any such thing as race prejudice influencing her procedure. If it is not my race and color, asks the Chinaman, then what is it about me that you object to? It is a -question difficult to answer without telling the truth, which is simply that in every section of the United States,, except certain Eastern States, it is the Chinaman's racial characteristics, if not his color, which count against him. Industrially he is the ackuowledged su- perior of all men. He will work longer hours for less pay, and give less trouble over it, than any other type of humanity on the American con- tinent. But few Americans will honestly tell the Chinese that being of a radically different race and regarded as intellectually and morally inferior to the white man, they are undesirable immigrants, and it is this disposition to prevaricate upon the subject of exclusion, while preaching the doctrine of the universal brotherhood of man, that brings them into disrepute. It is not to be wondered at that America should fail to realize expected benefits from her one-sided benevolence, and professed aversion to war, with a cunning and evasive people like the Chinese, especially with no trained diplomats to explain details, befuddle their minds and to watch and counter their schemes. Europeans may understand and appreciate the so-called straightforward, outspoken, policy of America, but such diplomacy does not work, well with Asiatics. There needs be much reserve and secrecy, holding back of a trump card, as it were, or a leverage of some kind where- with to badger and awe the natives when difficulties are threatened. In- stead of proclaiming outright that she does not want any Chinese territory and asserting her intentions to use her influence to check the ambitions of other powers in this direction, it would serve American interests better to say that while having no desire to grasp territory she might do so in certain emergencies. A position of this kind is maintained by the European powers, in consequence of vvhich the Chinese government is careful not to give them the excuse for the aggressions they are supposed to desire. This method China pursues with her own subjects, as shown by the words "tremble and obey" which terminate every imperial edict of importance, and all officials and their underlings are popularly understood to be eagerly awaiting any indiscretion that will give them an opportunity to blackmail and squeeze money out of the offender. Many American travelers and others with some little knowledge of China write to, -or get interviewed by honje newspapers, and give one-sided or useless information, or, as is sometimes the case, merely stories gotten up to suit private aims or opinions. False ideas in regard to China seem- to have taken precedence in America over correct ones, and these have had much to do with the causes and continuation of the present boycott. Much has been written concerning the favors which ought to be shown to Chinese students on arrival in America. According to some of these would-be in- structors of the people the student ought to be met at the steamier which lands him by a brass band and a deputation of the leading officials and citizens of the port, and so toadied to anil fawned upon as to completely turn his head and make him thereafter an advocate of everything American. Now the average Chinese student ought to-be accredited with enough man- liness to resent any special attentions, and to prefer being treated, not as 43 a gaudy savage, but as a full-blown man — just as a French or German student entering the country would be served. The fact is that Chinamen of the better class will appreciate being left severely alone, or treated in a common sense way, neither to be fawned upon or sneered at because of their race or nationality. It has also been loudly asserted that America's position in regard to the "Open Door" and the integrity of the empire would prove a guarantee of special favors in commerce. Seeing that this policy utterly failed to have any softening effect upon the boycott, is it not more reasonable to suppose that the best guarantee of satisfactory trade rela- tions lies in mutually advantageous business methods? China may at some future time be able successfully to resist such forceful pressure as can now be put upon her by any foreign power with a few war ships, but business relations that are profitable to her people will always be held in high esteem, and no fanatical passions can do permanent harm in this direction. Of course the boycott is dangled before American eyes as being the result of an offended public sentiment, and as such it seems to have so far had re- markable success; but the agitators have told the natives a different story to keep them in line. The game is worth playing for, they say. Every Chinaman it may get into the United States is good for ten thousand dollars in gold for the Flowery Kingdom, while the possibilities of the future are unbounded. The first great proclamation issued by the boycott propaganda expounds much more upon the disadvantages to China through the exclusion of her coolies than upon the offending of officials and students by the immi- gration authorities. Every excuse for the exclusion law to the Chinese seems weak and indefensible save that of race prejudice and desire for race preservation. This position they can readily comprehend, and, as far as their own domains are cohcerned, they intend to enforce this principle to the utmost of their ability. China for the "blackhaired brotherhood" is their slogan, and the idea of colonization anywhere near them by the "red-haired devils" is con- sidered the most calamitous possibility imaginable. But, they argue, America disclaims any thought of reserving North America for the white man, for she has put herself on record as favoring the principle that aU men should be on an equal footing there in the struggle of life. _ Most mission- aries and many American officials are enthusiastic in impressing this feature of American opinion upon the Chinese, which, being in contradiction to the spirit of the Exclusion law and the social reception of their bret^iren in the United States, makes the position of that country most inconsistent and confusing. To the Chinese the policy of exclusion presents a somewhat lesser force in America than the sentiment of benevolent regard for China, or the vanity to make such display, and in this they perceive a weakness wherein lies their opportunity. Neither Australian nor Canadian exclusion laws are complained of, evidently because the British government professes no special affection for the Chinese, but simply deals with them as seems expedient to the interest of its own people. America, to be consistent, must drop either her exclusion policy or throw off the mask and let the Chinese understand that she has no special regard for them, and in future wlV. merely look after her own material interests in the Far East. 44 THE AMERICAN CONSULAR SERVICE. For various reasons the members of the American consular department in China have not maintained an equal standard of power and influence with their colleagues representing other civilized nations. One of the factors which has told against them is their comparative newness to office and want of experience with the customs and traditions of the people; a still more important one is their inability to speak the Chinese language. The service, in general, having been recruited under the partisan spoils system, no consul has considered it worth while to enter upon the task of acquiring so difficult a language, not knowing how soon he might be ousted from office. Further- more, the service is, comparatively speaking, poorly paid, and this has led to unseerrily scandals by certain enterprising men of the service trying to make both ends meet. The other great powers have established consular services in China on strict civil service lines, entirely disconnected from home politics. Only young men are eligible to join, and they are required to study and pass yearly examinations in the Chinese language. They are promoted by degrees from assistants to consuls and consuls-general, which system insures their good conduct and gives them something to look forward to as an inducement to remain in the service. Hence, by the time they come to be placed in charge of a consulate they are familiar with the ideas and methods of the natives and sufficiently acquainted with the language to deal directly with the mandarins — either conversationally or in writing. This latter accomplishment, in Chinese official estimation, elevates the pos- sessor to the rank of a learned man and an equal with themselves; whereas the foreigner, whatever his rank, unable to speak or write Chinese is re- garded as an untutored barbarian. The interpreters employed by American consuls are usually a bad lot, capable of manipulating all sorts of schemes to profit themselves. When the native official speaks no foreign language, as is usually the case, these interpreters are able often to carry on enterprises under the very nose of, and even to place whatever blame is attached upon the consul himself. Hence it is that the Chinese officials look with a certain contempt upon American consuls, and sometimes consider them culpable of the sins which their native underlings have committed. Most of the American consuls appointed to China are old men, who have either failed in business at home, or who have sought the office merely for the distinction attached thereto or to see something of the outside world. In the latter case they have no intention of staying long and therefore feel but a small measure of interest in their charge. Young and vigorous men, like some of the vice-consuls now in the service, with the vague opportuni- ties they have of promotion, will only remain until something better turns up. In this practical age few men can be expected to sacrifice the best part of their lives for their country without being suitably paid for it. The American nation is as able to pay good salaries to its consuls as any country on earth, and it is time that its self respect urged the rele- gation to obscurity of the antiquated system which has dictated appointn^ents to this service. Only good pay will attract good men, and only young men, inspired with the prospect of promotion according to merits and willing to 45 make their career in China, will give all round satisfactory results. A young man with weak or vicious tendencies will be certain to give evidence of them and be eliminated from the service before he is in a position to dis- grace it, and thus its good repute will be maintained. Neither overzealous church men nor social reprobates, just from home and imbued with home in- fluences, can make satisfactory consuls. Preferably, let us have hard-headed, practical men who, from experience, will estimate the natives as they really are and not as they ought to or might be, and who also will not accept their generously proffered presents, the which are always given in the expectatioii of getting much more than their value in return. ' V. CONCLUSIONS. J«rEW CONDITIONS DEMAND CHANGE IN AMERICAN POLICY. The conditions which now obtain in China, as compared with the political status of the country when the first American treaty with her was made, indicate that several matters require a more thorough understanding and that certain changes in the terms of that instrument would be irutually advantageous. That China is fully awake to her unfavorable position, and eager to be recognized as a responsible, self-contained power, is verj^ ap- parent, though the methods by which an improvement is to be achieved are not by any means clear to her statesmen. The ugly mood she is nov\' show- ing through the boycott should be taken as indicative of her actual feelings toward all foreigners, though in outward manifestation it seems to reveal her proverbial disposition to mistreat friends and truckle to enemies, and unreasonably find more fault with the mild and persuasive course of America than with other powers who are straightforward in letting her know their arguments are backed by military force. To most Americans it probably looks like base ingratitude on the part of the Chinese to boycott and do all in their power to ruin American trade in seeming forgetfulness of the many favors they have received. But it must be taken into consideration that the Chinese are every inch Orientals, who make no claims to sentimental benevo- lence, nor do they promise any rewards for its practice toward themselves. They look upon international relationships from a strictly business stand- point, and presuppose America will steer a course profitable to her own interests. They do not pretend to understand disinterested affection, nor do they ask charitable concessions to which any obligations are attached. From the Chinese standpoint they owe America nothing whatever. They made the best treaty they were able to with the United States Government ; if further concessions could have been gained in the transaction they would not have been slow to take advantage of them. They would have been glad ^o have excluded American missionaries from the country, or at least to have confined their work to the treaty ports, and they see m their being allowed to preach in the interior a concession to America worth all the advantages obtained for themselves. What would America say to the Chinese demanding that Confucian missions be specially protected m that country that its missionaries be exempt from trial in American courts and 46 _ that their converts receive a semi-protection from the Chinese Government ? The humiliation which this feature of the international treaties places upon China, especially w^hen official status, as in the case of the Catholic mis- sionaries, is denqanded, and the trouble and expense of the officials through their litigation cases are considered, counterbalances, in the Chinese estima- tion, most if not all of the concessions and protective influence they receive from America or any other country. The harping by Americans upon the subject of gratitude for past favors only seems to irritate the Chinese and excite their contempt. They assume a bargain of the past is not a matter pf present concern ; the living question is to see which can get the better of the other in the new treaty. They are playing a deep game themselves, from which they hope to win something of permanent value; wherefore the agitators of the boycott are doing all in their power to keep alive the flagging interest in their cause until a new and, from their standpoint, a more satisfactory treaty is made. A thing is not highly estimated by an Oriental which is obtained with ease, or that is thrown at him as a gift. Hie can barter all day with a hard customer without losing his temper or feeling the least enmity, whatever the result. The opium clause in the American treaty appears to be disliked rather than appreciated by the Chinese, probably because it implies that they are weaklings^ incapable of taking care of themselves. If the opium traffic was in violation of Chinese law, this attitude would be unobjectionable, but being legalized, it seems meddlesome and out of place. Were England willing to sacrifice the opium trade between India and China, it would be possible for the latter to legislate against the growing of the native drug and so redeem the nation from this terrible curse. It is open to question whether China would undertake to do this or not, since a heavy loss of revenue would result therefrom, as well as numerous opportunities for profits to the offi- cials. At any rate, the American restriction upon its citizens concerning the opium traffic, under present conditions, or any conditions likely to ensue, serves no good purpose to the Chinese, but constitutes one of the disad- vantages to American interests in China. Among the disadvantages under which Americans in China are placed is the subsidizing by other foreign governments of the coast and river ship- ping of their nationals. They also acquire and develop land concessions, build jetties and other facilities at the treaty ports, and reduce all consular charges and formalities to a minimum. America does none of those things for her people, but holds on to methods that both handicap and discourage enterprise. As a rule the American consular fees are more than double those of other nationalities, while the red tape connected therewith is ofttimes most exasperating. Passports to go into the interior arc issued by consuls of other nations, without formality or delay, and at a cost of a couple of Mexican dollars. Passports for Americans issued in China have to be forwarded to Peking for the Minister's countersignature, which causes a delay of from one to three months, according to locality, and costing several times the above amount. The author some three years ago obtained a pas- port through the American Consul at Hankow. It required more than a 47 month to get the document back from Peking, and its cost was eight Mexi- can dollars. The benefits interchanged between America and China are in several respects incongruous and one-sided. While the Chinese in America, with their entire freedom of competition with its citizens, are sending home mil- lions of dollars of American gold every year, the Americans in China, not supported from home, with the many restrictions placed upon them, have hard work to make both ends meet. America is open from ocean to ocean for Chinese to engage in any enterprise they may choose. Americans in China can only undertake certain lines of business in the treaty ports, the rest of the country being closed against them. While China is demanding freer access to America for her people, she will not for a moment listen to any suggestion of greater freedom for American enterprise within ner ovn borders. In fact, in addition to the boycott, she has done all possible to prevent American capital being invested in the country for any purpose. She cancelled the American concession to build the Hankow-Canton Rail- way, and at once went to England and France to borrow the money to com- plete it. The policy of forceful pressure upon China will evidently be a neces- sity until the old system has entirely given way to something better, and the common people have become in a measure inspired with the spirit which prevails among the better class of fpreign educated students. How long this will take is a question no one at the present day is competent to answer. A glance at the status of intelligence prevalent with the native population outside the treaty ports shows little to inspire hope that the present genera- tion at least will witness much change. The only really hopeful feature , is found in the foreign educated students, and the ma'ority of these, when not under the direct influence of foreigners or the more conservative Jap- anese, are so violent or impractical in their ideas as to suggest more of fear than hope from them. However, that they have been able to exert a power- ful and salutary influence upon the general government of China is very evident. The starting of a commission abroad to investigate foreign methods is largely a result of the representations of the students. As to how much they vi^ill learn is a matter for conjecture, since of the five high commissioners detailed not one speaks any foreign language or can be said to have even a rudimentary knowledge of the Western sciences. At_ Hankow some three years ago the author was present when the Commissioner of Customs^ re- ceived a call from one of the most prominent members of this commission, when a few remarks in English were passed concerning the Venezuelan cfifficulty then in process. On the Mandarin enquiring what was the topic of our conversation, his interpreter undertook to explain it to him, mean- while using his best diplomacy to conceal his master's ignorance upon the situation.. As we understood the language they were speaking it was easy for us to see that the Mandarin had never heard of Venezuela before, and that it was a hard task for the interpreter to give him any idea as to its size and in what part of the world it was located. It is to be feared that the minds of the Commissioners have waited too long for impressions of the great outer world to receive much during their journeys that will be of use 48 in remodeling the Chinese Government. And yet, whether they achieve anything of purpose or, not, the fact of their going shows that even Chinese officialdom has partly gotten over the belief that the Middle Kingdom is the greatest nation on earth, and that the civilization of the "outer bar- barian" is not worth considering. While the policy of compulsion is still, and will probably continue to be for yet many years, a necessity with the Western governments in their dealings with China, there evidently ought to be more and more consider- ation shown for the slowly increasing enlightenment of the country. This should be, so tempered as to encourage Chinese progress upon conservative lines and to discourage the fanatical and violent elements that are ever ready to spring into being. It would seem that Japan ought to establish a censorship of the litera- ture which is now extensively printed in her domain and circulated in China, for much of this literature is of a vicious and revolutionary char- acter, calculated to do naught but harm in the present formative stage of China's awakening. The boycott,, and the violence and losses to native commerce attendant upon it, is considered by most foreigners in China as a legitimate outcome of a weak and undignified -policy wholly unsuited to Asiatics. It is gen- erally believed that China will have to be legislated for and treaties forced upon her until she learns international manners and is able to maintain order in her domain. She will for yet many years have to be regarded as an unwieldy mass of humanity unable to control her many millions ot ignorant and debased people, and which requires the military assistance of toreign powers to hold them in order. During the month of September last, when the rioters at Amoy were destroying the Custom House and proceeding to burn and loot other buildings, a British warship landed marines who charged and dispersed the mob and quickly restored order. The Chinese Government found no fault with this action, in fact was veiy thankful for it, since its cfwn slow and bungling officials would have done nothing until heavy losses had been sustained. The Chinese officials have not, as a rule, the power at hand to quell a mob, or if so they fear serious consequences from attacking rioters. Rebellions are easily started in China and soldiers sent to quell them are readily won over to the enemy, if seeing- better pay or chances for loot. The rebellion started several years ago in Kwangsi province is still pursuing its career of devastation and misery. The Mandarin in. many respects has his hands tied in matters requiring force with any strong clan or social organization, and until the Imperial Government gains- more strength and influence vvith the people, the help of foreign powers in controlling at least the coast and river population will be needed. That America has played a losing game in her complex and, to the Chinese, confusing methods, is evidenced in the small number of Americans doing business in the Far East, as compared with other foreigners, in her ridiculous share of barely one per cent of the shipping tonnage on the coast, and also in the boycott which would never have assumed any serious pro- portions had forceful pressure been invoked ' instead of parleying. The 49 Chinese were diplomats enough to realize that America was fatally handi- capped by her professions and policy in the past, the which assumed that a reasonable appeal to the Chinese government was sufficient to check all the wrong doings of the natives. Another nation, not handicapped by professed intentions of settling grievances by peaceful arbitration instead of by the sword, upon seeing the possibilities of the boycott, and that the Mandarins were encouraging it, would have simply sent a fleet to Shanghai or Canton held up the China merchant steamers and given the Peking government a week to end the agitation. It. would have ended promptly, and to the mutual benefit of all concerned. It is freely admitted by all well informed Chinese that so far they have been much heavier losers through the boycott than the Americans, and they also admit a foreboding of evil for the internal affairs of their country as a result of the officials allowing the passions of the ignorant people to be fanned aflame by lying agitators. For whatever sorrows may come upon China in consequence of this fanatical agitation, the United States government will be held blameworthy, even by the Chinese themselves, for not having -taken timely measures to stop it — not by con- ciliatory appeals, which only encourage their passions once they have entered upon a contest — but by determined display of naval force. Such a demon- stration would have been of invaluable service to the Chinese government — in quelling an agitation dangerous to its own interests — for it is as yet, and is likely to continue for many years to come, virtually incapable of governing its own subjects on civilized lines, without foreign aid. MONGOLIAN IDEAS OF DIPLOMACY. The Mongolian mind is as a sealed book to most Westerners, so careful are its inner workings guarded by the race. In every day life they train themselves to disguise the innermost feelings and to simulate whatever dis- position will best serve the purpose in view. In mercantile barter, or in the hiring of help or conveyances, the Mongolian always assumes an air of entire indifference as to whether he gets what he is bargaining for or not. He poses as if should he not get it remarkably cheap he can just as well do without it, all to the purpose of deceiving the other party as to his real motive. Thus they become experts at any kind of diplomatic bluff or deception and also quick to discern the disposition or designs of others. The naturally straightforward Caucasian is no match for them in this respect until he has had experience with their methods. In the boycott the Chinese diplomats have con'stantly presented to the Americans the spectacle of a grievously offended people trying to make known their feelings to a great and benevolent nation, and they have found hundreds of impulsive Americans to join in the chorus and proclaim the righteousness of their cause, that China has at last awakened to a sense of her national dignity, etc. While this play upon American sentiment has been going on, a very different phase of the drama has been enacted behind the scenes in China. The agitators paid by the funds of the coolie brokers and forced contribu- tions from merchants have preached the doctrine broadcast that an effective 50 boycott would compel America to repeal the Exclusion law and to admit Chinese the same as other imigrants. It is pointed out that if this happens millions of Chinese can go to America and get rich, just as a couple of hundred thousand have done in the past. The ignorant people are told that American prosperity depends on commerce, and that if this trade is suspended Long enough the Americans will be starving. Some of the agi- tators have gone so' far as to say that if a few hundred thousand Chinese can be settled in America, in time they will be able to control the politics of the country and eventually to overcome and exterminate the hated white men. Very little of the native exhortations upon this subject have been translated into English, but enough has come to light to show that the offended dignity of Chinese travelers, etc., landing in America has had little to do with the case, except to be made use of in the diplomatic cam- paign. The white man must be of an exceptionally skeptical and suspicious disposition not to be more or less misled by the plausibility of Chinese diplomacy. They are experts at any kind of deception, and the ease with which they impose upon missionaries and others, even after they have been many years in the- country, is remarkable. Many of the Chinese students and others of the race in America become good diplomatic agents for their country. They discover what the Americans desire them to be and for the time being act up to that standard, often encouraging in the good church peo- ple the fond hope that China will soon be Christianized. Ability to wield power, and especially the cunning to attain it, excites the highest admiration and respect in the Mongolian mind. Mongolians will respect a government, no matter how cruel or corrupt its methods, so long as it can enforce its de- crees ; but its influence with them wanes quickly through defeat, or even len- iency, which latter is always classed with weakness. After the display of power by foreigners in the conquest of the Boxers, the desire of the natives for Western knowledge rapidly increased, and foreigners even in the distant interior were 'treated with a degree of respect previously unknown. This does not necessarily imply any greater love for foreigners or even a desire to be on friendly terms with them, but should rather be taken as evidence of increased respect for their power and an awakened sense of the necessity for China to acquire this peculiar power for her own protection as a nation. Now, while the Chinese are not blind to their present deficiencies, a majority of them still assume that their country holds, or should hold, an arrogant position as the greatest among the nations, and the attitude of what is termed "Young China" tends to encourage this assumption. Wherefore, nations making treaties with China will do well to take this sentiment into consideration and carefully avoid whatsoever smacks of the parental and protective sympathy order, or in any way places her along with small countries or helpless savages. 51 CONCERNING MISSIONARIES. The position which America has assumed with regard to missionaries in China differs but little from that of the other Christian powers. From a Chinese point of view she has been comparatively liberal on the subject, especially as regards converts, and in demanding compensation for lives lost and property destroyed, and the only point of criticism they make concerns the general principle of missionary effort. American missionaries at the present tiine in China number about one thousand, and, estimating their salaries at one hundred dollars each per month, and their expenditures on schools, hospitals and churches at nearly as much they may be said to cost America annually more than two million dollars. This large number of intelligent Americans are spending the best part of their lives in China, struggling against many adverse conditions, and much American money as well, in trying to convert the Chinese to Christian ideals. This seems a clear sacrifice on the part of America, since China expends nothing in a benevolent way outside her own domains. From a Chinese standpoint, however, it is a large concession to America to allow her missionaries to propagate their doctrines in China at all. The good accomplished, they say, does not compensate the evils which the country suffers from their presence. These evils are chiefly due, they admit, to the converts, who are generally looked upon as such for the material advantages derived through connection with the missions. Without the inducement of material advantages, they argue, converts would be few indeed. Their arguments, however, can be said to be neutralized by the proposition that if the convert uses his con- nection with missionaries to protect himself from the rapacity of the Man- darins, or even to encroach upon his neighbors, he is nevertheless a Chinese subject and Chinese officialdom shows pitiable weakness in not being able to d?al with its own people, whatever their cult or creed, in a manner through which foreign governments could find no occasion for protest. It can be said that the converts, however despicable they may be as a class, are never so bad as to justify extermination or even the petty spite and annoyance to which they are frequently subjected. Since it has been proved almost impossible for a convert to obtain justice in a native court without missionary aid it has come about that every missionary in charge of a station is placed in the position of an attorney, and where converts are numerous the dealing with law cases occupies a large share of his time. This state ' of things had much to do with the demand of the Catholic priests to be empowered with the rank and dignity to compel the Mandarins to deal honorably with the converts. The statistics of the Protestant missions in China show about two hundred and fifty thousand converts and communicants. Some allowance for exaggeration of numbers, at least in the case of those termed "com- municants" will probably not be amiss. The following, which is the sub- stance of a story related to the author by a missionary friend, illustrates the opportunities and temptations to overstate the number of inquirers, or applicants, for church membership. The missionary in question visited a certain village in Southern China whose "head man," so-called, happened 52 to be a rather strong minded woman. To this personage the advantages of Christianity were so eloquently expounded that she asked to have the whole of the two hundred odd inhabitants of the village registered as Christians. To the suggestion that there should be due consideration of the subject by each individual concerned, she replied that it did not matter, that they would all do as she willed. When, however, in the course of a month or so the missionary called again, the village gates were closed against him. The head woman had changed her mind and there was not a Christian in the place. It is through the impractical and often whimsical methods and reports of the missionaries that they are brought into disparagement with other foreigners in China. They in many instances seem to have become so wrapped up in the interests of the class of natives with whom they work as to feel neither regard for the rest of the population of China nor for what is of vital importance to their own country. Most, of them would like, on returning to America, to bring a dozen or so of their converts along for the pleasure of pointing out to them the glories of American civilization, and so they find fault with the Exclusion law which interferes with this child- ish desire. It is natural, however, that in such surroundings as most of them are placed their minds should become warped and out of harmony with practical events. A missionary who undertakes to preach upon the great problems of the higher civilization, or even upon the essential spirit of religion, will find himself misunderstood by the primitive natives and will make few converts, while a small politician who concerns himself with trivial household affairs, and promises a measure of protection to their few belongings, will have many flocking to his standard. Among missionaries there are to be found a few astute and scheming minds who are generally regarded as more or less unscrupulous, especially in reports upon the pro- gress of their work, but who are at the same time the successful organizers and gainers of a native following; but the majority are so ultra religious as to make them appear the most impractical people on earth. With Mongolians, who give little or no evidence of the higher spiritual percep- tions, the former type of missionary will prevail, but with Caucasians only those of the latter disposition are successful in making converts. Thus, a thoroughly practical business minister usually shows woeful lack of spiritual enthusiasm, and his preaching is attended by meagre results. This may be said to be due to the fact that religion, in its highest sense. Ignores the baser world and concerns itself wholly with the supermundane and spiritual. How to harmonize a practical, enterprising life with the exalted principles of religion is one of the great problems. Christ advised a certain rich man who aspired to the higher spiritual life to sell all he had and give to the poor, thereby giving it as His opinion that material and spiritual prosperity are diametrically opposed to each other. What this has to do with America's official dealings with China is that the results of missionary work there, viewed from a disinterested standpoint, show a confused mixture of good and evil, with the latter, up to the present date, greatly in the ascendency, and that if missionary effort were not encouraged by foreign governments, or were confined to the treaty ports, many serious complications would be averted. It is the general verdict of foreign residents in China, not S3 connected with the missions, that foreign women and children at least should not be taken into the interior. Free and disinterested discussion of the missionary question with the Chinese literati invariably brings forth the a,dmission that while the missions do a great amount of benevolent work and seem to them inspired with every desire to benefit China, owing to their drawing hard and fast lines between their followers and other natives, very J serious consequences are likely to ensue. As a rule only such members of the literati as have no foreign education will give their views ireely upon this subject, it being useless to question those who speak English, since they are usually beneficiaries of the missions or of foreigners in some ca- pacity, and so realize it as bad grace to pass any adverse criticisms. There is but one course for the missionaries to pursue to avert disas- trous clashings with the natives and endangering the future peace of China, and that is to teach no creed doctrines whatever, but to confine their efforts to the regeneration of Confucianism with the ethics of Christian civilization. What is broadly termed Confucianism may be said to cover the Buddhist, Taoist, and other native religions, although the Chinese themselves make certain distinctions between them. From a strictly Chinese point of view only the literati, or at least such as are able to comprehend the ancient classics, are true Confucians. However, as practically all Chinese, unless the Mahommedans of the northwest be excepted, take part in the same ceremonials, it is proper enough for general purposes, for Confucianism to be termed the religion of China. Now in esoteric Confucianism there is nothing, immoral or in any sense repugnant to Christianity; the pagan ceremonials prevalent have little to. do with the classical teachings of Con- fucius or his disciples, neither are they advocated by Buddhism proper. Such Joss ceremonials (like thosei practised in the basic forms of Christianity) are simply an outgrowth of gross ignorance and superstition. Hence it would seem that if Confucianism proper be accepted as the fixed and permanent religion of China, and the work of Christian missionaries be confined to the infusion of new life into its time-worn doctrines, in connection with schools and other benevolent institutions, the good will of all classes of Chinese can be relied upon, and the dark suspicions of foreign designs in this connection will be allayed. For such work many of the missionaries at present in China are wholly unsuited, they being so hide bound in their respective creeds as to incapacitate them from, teaching Christian ethics upon ^ny broad or comprehensive basis. The numerous dissensions which occur between the. converts of different church denominations are pointed at by thoughtful Chinese as evidence of a dangerously antagonistic spirit. Catholic and Protestant converts occasionally have pitched battles with each other, and were their numbers sufficiently strong these collisions might develop into civil war. Such conflicts under present conditions are generally regarded in the nature, of clan fights, which are common occur- rences in China, and simply show that the converts regard themselves as clansmen for mutual benefits obtainable therefrom under the semi barbaric • social system of the country. As has already been suggested, the Mongolian is practically devoid of the faculty of intuitive spiritual enthusiasm, which is present either in a 54 dormant or more or less perfected state in the Caucasian mind. If this hypothesis is correct the Chinese can never become Christians as the term applies to conscientious Caucasians. It is possible they might eventually adopt Christianity as a creed, but whether it would elevate the national iCharacter in the least is open to grave doubt. They have degraded Budd- hism to a mere system of idol worship, while the philosophy of the Con- fucian classics is understood by but few and its principles are practised by none. REASONS FOR THE EXCLUSION OF MONGOLIANS. Since the enactment of the first effective Exclusion law in 1888, the Chinese population in the United States has been reduced from some 300,- 000 to 120,000. With the departure of so large a proportion of these people from the American shores the strong sentiment against their presence which formerly prevailed has been somewhat softened, and there is a disposition to relax the barriers, if not to the extent of their increase in the country, at least to permit the present number being maintained. Those who can see ariy profit to themselves in Chinese immigration are' eager to take advantage of this sentiment to make their influence felt in Washington. Missionary and other sentimentalists are also at work on the side of the Chinese in their effort to secure more favorable terms. Their loudest plea is that American commerce would be greatly benefited through the presence in America of more of the merchant and student classes of Chinese. As regards students coming to America to be educated little need be said, that is if they are genuine students with means to pay their own way. And yet it is a fact that a majority of these students, on returning to China, become the most pronounced enemies of America. As a youth in an American college, the recipient of special attentions from every one, the Chinese student is good natured and calculated to make a favorable impres- sion upon every one, but when afterward facing the stem realities of life in his own country, his disposition changes, and if finding himself more popular through denouncing foreigners, he is likely to exaggerate every ill feature of the land he can pretend to know all about. As for Chinese merchants, whose wealth and influence some people have proclaimed would so greatly benefit America, when viewed. in detail they are not what distant imagination pictures them to be. There are practically no Chinese mer- chants with capital of their own to invest who have any desire to come to America. The rate of interest on money in China is at least fifty per cent higher than in the United States and the opportunities for profitable invest- ments are also greater, so that in the nature of things at the present time the tendency is for capitalists to come to instead of to go from the Far East. There are, of course, millions of Chinese eage;>t6 go to the United States and there make the money to become merchrdiits. Every Chinaman ■ who has attained to the rank of a merchant in America would be glad to bring over as many of his relatives as possible to assist in the expansion of his business, and who would succeed himself when he retires to the Flowery Kingdom. The real Chinese merchant from China would be utterly help- 55 less in America without underlings as well as patrons of his own race, and this would necessitate letting in more coolies, or those slightly above the coolie class. There are already enough Chinese merchants in America to meet all the demands of the Mongolian population, and surely no one desires to see them taking the place of white merchants or manufacturers in the general trade of the country. There are many reasons why Mongolian competitors in the internal trade of America should be discouraged. For. instance, they will employ no white help if it can be avoided, their living expenses are not much above those of the coolies, and they would contribute nothing toward the upkeep of schools, churches and charitable institutions. Consequently they could easily undersell and drive Americans out of business. There is no merchant on earth more expert in thp adulteration of food than the Chinese. Every article of ifood in China capable of adulteration is so dealt with, and an entire lack of conscience marks the methods used. Thrusting sand down the throat of a fowl and filling its crop to add to its weight, and the skillful insertion of slices of an inferior quality of meat in a roast of , beef or mutton are common practices, while milk, which they absolutely refuse to sell pure, is diluted with whatever kind of pond or well water happens to be convenient. Vermicelli and. other cereal productions which will absorb a good deal of moisture without detection are spattered over with water from the merchant's mouth to give it extra weight when delivered to a customer. Do Americans want these merchants, who are schooled in every conceivable device for defrauding their fellow beings, as competitors with white men, the majority of whom are honest in their dealings, who have respectable families, and who in general help to keep up the present high civilization of the country? Why should the Chinese merchant be allowed free competition in America when the American merchant in China is under so many restrictions? There can be cited but few Americans who, even prior to the boycott, have prospered in the Chinese treaty ports, and these have been most lavish in their expenditures for local improvements and charities. They employ many Chinese assistants and go-betweens in their dealings, so that it can truthfully be said that the natives have in every case made ten times as much out of the business concerned as the American merchant. No American retail merchant can possibly exist in China proper in competition with the natives, and, even as wholesalers in the treaty ports, the best share of their profits goes to the latter. Since the American merchant in China has to get on with native help, it seems no more than fair that Chinese merchants in America be told to employ the white help of the country instead of sending to China for it. As a matter of fact all the mercantile transactions which now take place, or may hereafter develop between the two countries, can prosper with no more than a hundred or so either of American merchants being located in China or a like number of Chinese merchants in America. The sentiment prevailing in American policy since the Civil War, wffich proclaims the universal brotherhood of mankind and endeavors to eliminate racial distinctions, is mainly responsible for a peculiar leniency toward China, regardless of her shortcomings, which would hardly be 56 shown toward any Christian power. The reverse of this sentiment, fre- quently stigmatized as unreasoning race prejudice, which is manifest in the Southern States and in the West, and which is responsible for the laws against intermarriages between whites and negroes and whites and Mon- golians, separate traveling and hotel . accommodations, etc.^ form the back- bone of the natural as well as philosophical opposition to colored immigra- tion, whatever the nationality concerned. It is oftimes asserted that the laboring men are the only opponents of the free admission of Mongolians to the country, and this has come to be a fixed belief in tlie minds of the Chinese. In contradiction of this it may be safely asserted that the money powers so interested could easily iirtak down the comparatively feeble barrier which laboring men can oppose were it not for the support of an aroused race prejudice in which is enlisted some of the deepest thinking minds of the country. This prejudice (race loyalty would be a better term) is as strongly marked in the disinterested and non-sentimental wealthy and middle classes, of the South and West at least, as among the laboring men, though the latter are forced to greater energy in all exclusion efforts by the dire necessity of their position. Competition with coolie labor in the West prognpsticates for the laborer all the evils of competition with negro labor in the South, while the social problem involved in having the country teeming with yellow men, brings forth the as yet less vigorous though equally earnest protest of all men capable of feeling any regard for the future of the nation. It thus appears that the sentiment which proposes to ignore racial distinctions and would give the same opportunities to Mon- golians as to white immigrants, comes from the Eastern States where there have never been sufficient numbers of any colored people to arouse race antipathy. Caucasians being naturally the most charitable and humane of all men, it requires such special conditions as prevail in the South and West ta arouse ir^ them the. baser prejudices which are found ever present in other races. , Should negroes or Mongolians invade the East in such pro- portionate numbers as obtain in the South and West, race prejudice, now latent there, would come to the fore and special legislation against them would become popular. Australia and British Columbia have had sufficient experience with the dark races to bring forth this latent antipathy, as shown by the former colony's rigid exclusion of East Indians, South Sea Islanders and Mongolians, and the latter's poll tax of five hundred dollars a head upon Chinese. The latter has also made several attempts to exclude Japanese immigrants, but so far has been frustrated by the Canadian Government. It is scarcely two years since Chinese coolies were admitted to South. Africa, but a cry has already been heard from that unfortunate land for their deportation. Commercial England will probably not heed the cry and the white race will have to face the alternative of emigrating or enter- ing upon another deadly conflict with the British Government. There is every reason to believe that Mongolian iiwmfgration is des- tined to he a permanent and serious question for the whole of North America. Whatever the present or any future American Congress may do to weaken the exclusion barriers will only serve to excite the Orientals to 57 stronger efforts for further victories in this direction. The Japanese Gov- ernment may for a time do something to divert its emigrants into Korea and Manchuria, in the hope of expanding its empire in that direction. But their success in this grand enterprise . would mean the. eventual ability to bring stronger power to bear upon America in forcing down all barriers to their free immigration with an infinitely larger population to draw upon. America's best hope for the maintenance of her present race and civilization against a possible future mighty Asia lies in the rapid increase of her white population in the West. That would stop the present cry for more laborers, and help also to dispel the. dream of the Mongolians of ultimate conquest of. the continent. . Diplomacy will necessarily have to be made a more careful study than hitherto by America, in order to combat the many schemes the Mongolians will try in the interest of their colonists. If military force be impracticable, then boycott will have to be met with counter boycott or tariff legislation that will bring equal harm upon the aggressor. When the Oriental finds that a boycott can be worked both ways, and that mutual trade relations are the more to be desired, he will drop that form of persuasion and accept the inevitable with good grace. The fertility and strong parental qualities of the Mongolians are important factors to be consiidered in' connection with their immigration. The average Mongolian woman will bring a child into the world every year and, according to their means, no people on earth show better care for their offspring. No babies are destroyed in China because of dislike of the burdens entailed in their bringing up; "the meanest coolie will rear all the children he can support. A woman defective in child-bearing is looked upon as accursed and only fit to be a servant; and should her husband be possessed of the means he will not hesitate to relegate her to that position and look for another wife. The author, during his stay in Swatow, became acquainted with a wealthy Chinese who had married his fourth wife durlng| a period of a dozen years and yet had no children. This misfortune was looked upon as due to some malignant influence, for the banishment of which many experiments, mainly of the Joss ceremonial order, were tried. He was the laughing stock of his native village, and his mental perturbation over the fact of his being childless was most pitiable. Aside from the priesthood there are practically neither eld bachelors nor old maids air ong Orientals, the religious obligation to beccme parents approaches a rrania with them all, and that they will outstrip the Caucasians of America in race propa- gation admits of no doubt should their colonies there oice obtain a firm footing. Owing to this peculiar mania, which with the Chinese is intensi- fied by the Confucian doctrine of the necessity for posterity to pray their souls out of purgatory, the better classes of Chinese are married when mere children. Parents are so eager to secure to themselves and- their offspring the spiritual blessings promised by their faith, as well as the peculiar honor which obtains in Chinese society through the birth of grandchildren, that they will seldom wait for their sons to complete their education, according to foreign standards, to have them married. These early marriages, taken -together with the ignoring of the law of natural or love selection, doubtless accounts for much of the stupidity and physical defectiveness of the Chinese, 58 in comparison with other branches of the Mongolian family. Thus, while the upper classes of white Americans, for reasons often not creditable to themselves, are poor in offspring, Mongolians, no matter how wealthy they may become, appear to lose none of the primitive desire for a great posterity. It may be said that the principle of the survival of the fittest, from an industrial apd physical endurance standpoint, would give the world to the Mongolians, but that for spiritually progressive and humanitarian reasons, it ought to continue to be dominated by the Caucasians. Survival of the latter, who, generally speaking, live for more than mere material aims, depends upon their protection from close competitive contact with the former, who practically live only for the baser functions of a semi-animal existence. Americans have been misled as to the capacities of the Mongolians as colonists because the Chinese immigrants have shown but small increase through birthrate. The causes of this poor showing are not far to seek. In the first place, the Chinese have been dissatisfied in the presence of superior numbers of white men, with whose laws and customs they have no sympathy, so that few entertained the intention of remaining in the country' longer than necessary to get what would be to them a fortune in China. They may be said thus far to have yielded to the general law that the dominating presence of any race, of mankind acts as a discouraging blight upon all others who by reason of their blood and civilized standard are unassimilative. A sufficient increase of the Mongolian element on the Pacific Coast would have a similarly discouraging effect upon the \yhite in- habitants. It would also turn back the tide of white immigration in like manner as the presence of the negro in the South repels white settlers in that region. The Mongolian, however, cannot be so completely discour- aged in immigration for the reason that his own country is overcrowded and the opportunity- to get rich in Anderica will serve to hold his racial an- 'fipathies in abeyance. The aversion of the Chinese immigrants to the white Americans would be endured in patience were they able to bring their wives and families into the country in sufficient numbers. Once get real colonies of them started, where they can build their villages and enjoy their customs in their own peculiar way, and the question of their colonizing power will no longer be a doubtful one. The Japanese are much less ex- clusive than the Chinese, their women are more intelligent and are allowed more liberties, and there is every evidence to show that they will colonize readily, even in the midst of the' white Americans. Their adaptability in this respect makes them possibly more to be feared than the Chinese, for while they are always loyal to their own people, they will intermingle freely with the whites until their numbers are sufficiently augmented for communities of their own. In this free intermingling they become alert to every advantage for themselves and every weakness of the white man, and efficient spies and helpers of the diplomats of their own country. So long as but few Mongolian women succeed in getting into America there is no practical danger of their forming separate colonies; t.ie natural prejudice between the races can be relied uoon under present conditions to prevent intermarriages on an extensive scale. 59 Had the white colonists to the United States been cut off from the European nations when they were only a million or so in numbers, they would in course of time have intermarried with the Indians and Negroes, and a mixed race would have resulted, as in the case of the Mongolian Huns, Turks and Russian Tartars. This intermixture of inferior blood would have lowered the skull development of the Anglo-Americans to the level of that of the modern Huns, Turks and Tartar-Slavs, and their civili- sation would never have risen above that of the Balkan States or of Central America. If Central and South America can get pure Caucasian immi- grants in numbers sufficient to overwhelm the Mongol and Negro'd elements now predominant there, their civilization will rise accordingly; without such immigration the intellectual and moral status of those regions will improve but little upon present conditions. America can not get too many immigrants from Great Britain, Germany and Scandinavia, where the Caucasian blood is comparatively pure, nor can she for her own good get too few from any part of Asia, Africa, or even from Southern Europe. In Southern Europe the Caucasian blood has been largely diluted with that of the Asiatic and the African ; and while such immigrants are far more desirable than pure Mongolians, the inferior and anarchistic strain in their blood speaks strongly against them. Those who seek to instil confusion into anti-Mongolian sentiment invariably ask the question, why exclude the industrious law-abiding Chinese or Japanese and allow the ferocious and anarchistic aliens from Southern Europe to come in? The answer is that the immigration of neither of these elements should be allowed, for the simple reason that one is pure Mongol and the other part Mongol. While the part Mongol is a fiercer and more dangerous man than the pure Mongol, it is really the better choice to take him, because of the white strain he possesses than to undertake to assimilate a straight-out alien. There may be enough pure Caucasian blood in America to assimilate and ennoble a few million mixed blood people from Southern Europe, but not enough to so deal with a like number of pure Mongolians. A mixed race, or ever growing Mongolian colonies in their midst, is what the Americans have to consider who care aught for posterity. Had our forefathers thought a little more upon this subject when they were importing negro slaves a different state of things would now be pre- sent in the South. No Civil War would have ever taken place, no billion dollar national debt, no hundred million dollars a year pension roll, while the South as well as the North, would h^ve remained a white man's country. But commercial considerations won the day and the cry that cheap labor was necessary to develop the resources of the South was the one which prevailed. And the resources were- developed, yes out of exist- ence, as may be seen in the deserted cabins and defunct cotton fields which abound in that section. As a result of this vigorous enterprise with slave labor, we find one-half of the population of the South of the intellectual and moral standard of Dahomey and the other half, although of Caucasian lineage, dispirited and enfeebled through the presence in their midst of an inferior and servile people. The plaintive cry of commercialism to-day is the same as that which went up a century ago for more slaves. Exploiters of 60 shipping, railway, mining and other interests see untold wealth (for them- selves) in freer Mongolian immigration, and those interests are able to "influence" Congress in their favor. It is for the labor organizations of the country and those patriots not so blinded by the craze for money making as to' forget the permanent well being of the land, to make the fight against the yellow hordes now eagerly seeking admission. In considering Mongolian immigration, the United States must naturally be concerned with' the contiguous territories of Canada and Mexico. If Mongolians are allowed free entrance to either of those countries, they cannot be permanently restrained from coming over the border lines. If only coming over at the rate of a dozen a week they may be gathered up and deported, but if it be at the rate of a hundred or more a day, it would soon bankrupt the government to undertake their arrest and deportation? The Anglo- Japanese alliance is already bearing fruit in Canada and Australia, where the British government is exerting itself to break down all impediments to free Japanese immigration. That alliance is ominous for the United States, not only in the matter of naval command of the Pacific Ocean, but also as likely to force unlimited Asiatic immigra- tion into British America. An East Indian influx into Canada has now set in, every steamer from Hongkong bringing a dozen or more of these aliens to Vancouver. The Mongoloid blood of Mexico exceeds the Caucasian strain, and there is consequently a stronger sympathy for Asiatics tlian for white men. The extensive colonization of Asiatics in that country will make Mexico a permanent enemy of the United States, that is if the latter remains a white man's country. The colonization of Mexico by pure Caucasians would tend to bring the two countries closer together and to insure lasting peace between them. What applies to Mexico applies in a measure to Cuba and other West India islands, and, in a lesser degree to the whole of Central America. TRUTH versus FIC TION JUSTICE versus PREJUDICE MEAT FOR ALL, NOT FOR A FEW A PLAIN AND UNVARNISHED STATEMENT WHY Exclusion Laws against the Chinese Should NOT be Re-enacted. RESPECT TREATIES, AND MAKE GENERAL, NOT SPECIAL, LAWS. INTRODUCTION. Inasmucli as the laws excluding Chinese emigration are not only to be re-enacted but made more drastic in their enforce- ment, it behooves thinking men and patriotic Americans to calmly review the history of this legislation, and the present condition, which, instead of calling for severer laws, should under all the circumstances^ demand less restrictive legislation and more humane interpretation by the executive branches of our Government. It is most unfortunate that questions of vital moment, such as call for the exercise of the highest statesmanship, are always discussed from the standpoint of party politics or local conditions, and that right of independent judgment is made subversive to catch the votes of the mob. The labor union organizations of the country, especially of the Pacific Coast, have formulated documents to prove that the Chinese emigration is a menace and danger to our institu- tions, undermining the fabric of our Government, and will destroy, if permitted, American labor. They have issued through their Washington branch a pamphlet that appeals to the prejudice and the baser passions of the American peo- ple, without one single thought of strengthening their position, and to bring home to the American people the facts that sur- round this Chinese exclusion legislation is the aim and object of this pamphlet. It is inspired by no thought to array class against class or to foment prejudice ; on the contrary, it is to allay differences, and to show, if possible, that it is unwise and unpatriotic to discriminate in legislation ; that whatever laws are to be enacted by Congress are to be uniform in their application and should not discriminate against any human being, no matter where he may have been born ; that if emi- gration should be restricted, it should apply to every emigrant, whether born in Europe or Asia, for through such legislation only can laws be respected and enforced. The -pamphlet of the labor union, among other things, says: On the 5th page, it is stated that there had arrived in Cali- fornia in 1868 about. 80,000 Chinese. This is wrong. According to the United States Censua there were in the whole United States, in 1860, 34,93S Chinese, and, in 18T0,' 63,249 Chinese. , The statement that the Chinese who came to California were slaves of the Six Companies, and practically chattels, is absolutely false. . The so-called Six. Companies arrf really benevolent associa- tions.- They give relief to the needy and take care of theni in trouble. They do not control the pei'sons or movements of theChinese in this country in any way. It is true that there are some Chinese - secret societies in San Francisco called "Tongs." These "Tongs" have aims something like thos0 of the labor unions, and have just as much control over their members as the labor unions have over their members. As to the Chinese in other parts of the country than the State of California, they have nothing to do with the Six Companies or Tongs. Page 7. It is true that there are a few highbinders in San Francisco. These are desperate characters who came to this country some years ago after committing serious offenses in Cliina. They are really fugitives from justice. It is learned that the Chinese Minister is willing to co-operate with the United States Government to have these men arrested and sent back to China for trial and punishment. Pages 8, 9, and 10. In regard to Chinese competition, it may be said that Chinese do. not work for less wages than other people. , According to the information furnished by an, employment bureau, a Chinese cook cannot be had for less than $40 or $50 a month. This does not look like cheap labor. Baron von Hubner, former Austrian Ambassador to France, •was only a traveller passing through the United States. He only gave his impressions in his discourse delivered at the Ori- ental Museum, in Yiehna. He cannot be cited as an authority. But what he says about the Chinese in Singapore and other British settlements in the Far East clearly shows that Chinese make desirable immigrants. The English are certainly good colonizers. They know the value of the Chinese in their Easterly Possessions, and give them every inducement to come and settle there. Singapore, Penang, and other English colo- nies in the East could not have attained their present prosper- ous ^condition without the Chinese. Page 12. It is stated that both Geri. Otis and Gen. Mc- Arthur were opposed to unrestricted Chinese immigration into the Philippines. In his report, Gen. McArthur takes the strange position of recommending the exclusion of Chi- nese from the Philippines on account of their virtues. This only serves to stir up race prejudice. The Filipinos are cer- tainly not so enterprising as the Chinese. No statesman would think of excluding them from the islands. All the reliable authorities agree that Chinese labor is indispensable to the development of the Philippines. So long have the Chinese been resorting to those islands for purposes of trade and residence that they have now a vested interest there. Free intercourse and commerce were guaranteed to the Chi- nese by a treaty between China and Spain. But as soon as these islands passed under the control of' the United States, Gen. Otis, in his capacity as military commander, issued an order excluding all Chinese from landing, in plain violation of law and international usage, without the knowledge and previous sanction of the President and the Secretary of War. Referring to the economic conditions of the Philippine Is- lands, United States Consul-General Wildman, of Hongkong, says in a report in 1898 : " Broadly speaking, there is not an industry in the Islands (Philippines) that will not be ruined, if Chinese labor is not allowed." Again, in the following year, speaking of the possibility of competing at Manila with the extensive manufactories at Hongkong, he says : "It would only be possible if Chinese labor were admitted freely." Page 14. In regard to the general sentiment said to be against the Chinese on the Pacific coast, it is not strictly true. Joaquin Miller, says in the North American Review iov December, 1901 : " I repeat that all the tax-paying and substantial citi zens of our cities and the real laborers of our Pacific Em- pire, from Alaska to San Diego, want and need these people (the Chinese) with us. * * * My work as a teacher, talker at teachers' institutes, colleges and so - on, has, in the last four years, taken me into nearly every county in Washington, Oregon, Calif ornia, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, and Louisiana, and I have nowhere heard one voice in favor of the Chinese Exclusion Act, but the contrary, at all times and places. The Chinese are par- ticularly wanted in the great Southwest." Page 15. The table purporting to give the class of labor, average wages, etc., of Chinese in California, compiled by John S. Enos, Commissioner of the Bureau of Labor Statis- tics of the State of California from 1883 to 1886, is not par- ticularly reliable. In any case he describes the condition of things of nearly twenty years ago. Tlie times have changed since then. It is a fact that Chinese appreciate the value of their labor now, and they will not work for less than white laborers. It is absurd to say that the Chinese in the United States obtain 75 per cent, of their food from China and send' 75 per cent, of their earnings to China. Chinese have acquired ex- travagant habits from contact with the American people. It is a well-known fact that thousands of Chinese in California, who have be n this country many years, have spent all that they have made, and saved nothing. Pages 18 and 19. It is stated that Chinese labor degrades labor as slave labor did. This is not so. It is a well-known fact that there is a scarcity of labor in the agricultural dis- tricts. Owing to the exclusion law, fields lie uncultivated for lack of labor. It is to the interest of farmers to be able to obtain any other kind of labor when white labor cannot be had. Senator Morton, when he was at the head of the Congres- sional Committee which investigated the Chinese question, said : " That they have injuriously interfered with the white people of California, or have done them a serious injury, may well be doubted. The great fact is there is to-day and has always been a scarcity of labor on the Pacific coast. There is work for all who are there, both white and Mongolian, and the State would undoubtedly develop much more rapidly were there more and cheaper labor. There was much intelligent testimony to the fact that tlie Chinese by their labor opened up large avenues and de- mand for white labor. The Chinese performed the lowest kind, while whites monopolized that of a superior char- acter." Pages 19-21. The old story about the Chinese, in their habits and customs, violating every principle and rule of hygiene is here repeated, but the Chinese in this regard, are no worse than the Italians or the Hungarians, in cities or places where there are no Chinese. Sanitary laws have to be enacted and enforced to meet such a situation. In every country there are some people who are filthy in their habits. Pages 22-28. It is not necessary to say much in reply to what is said there in regard to the moral standard of the Chi- nese. SuflSce it to say that any one who takes up a copy of the New York Journal can find a state of things equally bad among the people of other nationalities in New York. ■ Pages 28-29. Opium is imported into this country bj Americans. Chinese are prohibited from bringing opium into this country by treaty between China and the United States. If there are opium den's in San Francisco and other American cities, the Americans have only themselves to blame, for China has done her utmost to put a stop to that traffic. Page 29. It is stated that the Chinese buy very little from the United States, their entire trade amounting to but 77 cents per iiead, against $1.03 per head of the people of Australia. This shows only that, the trade between China and the United States is still in its infancy, and is capable of vast develop- ment. Now that the United States, by the acquisition of the Philippines, has practically become the next-door neighbor to China, the development of trade between the two countries is not a matter of small moment. It concerns the future growth and prosperity of the Pacific slope. It affects the demand for labor on the Pacific coast. The consequences are very far reaching. It is further stated that from 1880 to 1901 the trade of the United States with China amounted to $578,165,159, of which $429,081,555 was the value of imports, and but $149,083,604 the value of exports, leaving a balance of $279,997,951 in favor of China. This only shows that during the period of exclusion, partial and absolute, the Chinese bought their goods mostly from Europe, and bought from the United States only such things as they could not possibly obtain elsewhere. Though trade may not be a matter of sentiment, sentiment, after all, often determines where we go to buy. As to the complaint that Chinese send money out of the country, it is sufficient to say that they have a perfect right to do what they will with their own. Don't American million- aii-es spend millions of dollars in Europeafl travel every yeaf ? "What is the difference between the act of the millionaires and that of the Chinese in this respect ? In any case it is absurd 9 to think that every dollar sent out of the country is a dead loss to the country. In the.first place, money in the forna of silver and gold coins seldom goes out of the conntiy. Even small amounts are usually sent by draft, which is only an in- strument of credit, and bankers invariably make something in that operation. As a general thing, the money sent out of the country usually comes back in the shape of goods to sup- ply the wants of the country. Thus it is diflBcult to see where the loss comes in. What San Francisco has suffered from the exclusion of Chi- nese ! In this connection, it is worth while to see what Joaquin Miller, in the article above referi-ed to, says in this regard : " Do the real proprietors of the Pacific coast, the own- ers of property and the tax-payers, want the Chinese witli us ? They do, almost without exception, and it would be strange if they did not ; for, since the exclusion of the Chinese, property in our large cities has, in the main, been at a standstill. And behold, our chiefest city, San Francisco, has slid back from its proud place as the sev- enth city in the Union to, that of the ninth ! Of eoui-se, if we had excluded all other foreigners along with the Chinese we might have held our own, perhaps advanced as at the first ; but these remaining foreigners have kept up such a turmoil that capital, always very sensitive, has been afraid to come, and in many cases has moved o.ut, and moved out to stay." The days before the exclusion of Chinese were the hey- day of San Francisco's prosperity. During the seventies, when there was no exclusion, the value of exports from the port of San Francisco to the Chinese Empire rose to $9,617,- 766 in 1879, and from 1882 to 1901, when there was partial and absolute exclusion, the value of exports from San Fran- cisco to China fell to as low a point as $99,386. in 1886 and $99,950 in 1890. The above figures are taken from a table compiled by the United States Bureau of Statistics, and are, therefore, ofiicial. The fact is, that owing to the rigid enforcement of the exclu- 10 sion laws, Chinese merchants have found no end of trouble in coming to this country for the purpose of buying. How can, therefore, an increase of trade be effected, if every obstacle is thrown in the way of tliose who are concerned in that trade ? They have no choice but to go elsewhere. Page 33. Keply to Memorial to Congress. " When Chinese flocked in." The Chinese have contributed largely to the opening up and development of California and the Western States. They worked mines, they reclaimed waste lands, they constructed the transcontinental railroads connecting the Pacific coast with the Atlantic seaboard. " Effects of the Geary Act." Its effects are disastrous to California. According to the fifteenth report of the Commis- sioner of Labor, the average rate of wages in California fell to $1.73 per day in L893, the year when the Geary Act went into effect, while the average rate of wages in California was 12.00 per day before the exclusion of the Chinese. " Chinese are not assimilative." Americans do not give them a chance. They are not allowed by law to become citizens; it is hardly fair, to deny them the right to become naturalized and, in the same breath, find fault with them for not being assimilative. " Deter desirable immigration." It is stated here that " all Chinese immigration of the coolie class is both pauper and contract labor." There is an alien labor contract law and also a general immigration law excluding paupers on the statute books. These laws are sufficient to keep out the undesirable elements of the Chinese population without the enactment of a special law for the purpose. It is the unjust discrimination that is the most objectionable feature of the exclusion laws. " Protection for American labor." American labor needs no protection from Chinese labor, because Chinese labor does not come into competition with American labor. As Senator Morton says in his report above referred to, " The Chinese performed the lowest kind, while the whites monopolized that of a superior character." Joaquin Miller again says : " There 11 is work for all who want to work. There will be work for all who really want to worji until the Western States are entirely inhabited. It will be ages and ages before our last acre is plowed and planted ; let come to us all who care to come and labor and obey the laws. Now, do these real laborers, the men who work in content, want and need the Chinese with us ? They both want them and need them." " Exclusion an aid to industrial peace." From what has been said, it is not the real laborers who do not want the Chinese, but the walking delegates, and others of that class. They are the real disturbers of the industrial peace, not the Chinese.' "Answer to opponents of exclusion." Let Joaquin Miller answer this. He says : " The man with a home, whether he has a little shop or a little farm, does not want his wife and growing chil- dren to cook, wash, and do chamber work, when he can get a silent and submissive little Mongolian to do it for a song. For our ambitious and splendid white boy or girl cannot get on nearly so well at school if kept at home to do washing, do chamber work, and help mother to do what Senator Morton called ' the lowest work ' about the house." " Experience with slave labor." Chinese labor is voluntary, and not slave labor. " Our civilization is involved." The historical allusions are rather far-fetched. They have no bearing whatever on the question at hand. The Americans have often boasted of their fair dealing and consideration for the oppressed of mankind. The exclusion laws against the Chinese give a lie to their professions. They do not dare to' do the same thing to a stronger power. They simply take advantage of the weakness of China and do as they please about this matter. This is like kicking a man when he is down. Nothing is more cowardly than this. The Chinese do not come here to commit any criminal 12 offence. They come to trade and to work. But it is the practice for custom officers to look upgn their attempt to enter the country as criminal offences, and treat them worse than thieves or robbers. Is this fair ? Should it be done by a civilized people ? So much in answer to the pamphlet of the labor union- The religions press of the country is almost a unit against the rigid enactment and enforcement of Chinese exclusion. Thus the Church News Association of New York says: " The Christian Missions of San Francisco and Port- land, which represent almost all religious bodies, have appealed to Gen. O. O. Howard, and through him to the churches of the whole country, to do what he and they can to mitigate the rigors of the Chinese exclusion law. These missions, and especially such managers of them as are leading Chinese citizens of the coast, claim that in the execution of the exclusion law great injustice is done. Certain classes of Chinese are exempted by the original act as students, merchants, and travellers, but in different re-enactments, and especially in the rulings attending the execution of the law, various terms have been employed, and confusion' about terms is the outcome. Out of this confusion many persons get into prison, and are com- pelled to prove themselves entitled to their liberty, which is contrary to all Anglo-Saxon legal practice. In the judgment of Gen. Howard a large proportion of the people of the coast are not in favor of the exclusion act. The law expires next May, hence the present agitation on the part of coast missions interested in the Chinese to defeat its re-enactment." The Jewish Exponent, published in Philadelphia, after de- ploring the fact that President Eoosevelt recommended more stringent immigration laws, especially against .illiterate per- sons, at -the close of the article has the following : " "When legislation such as this is proposed against IJuropean immigrants it would, be idle to expect Con- gress to refuse to re-enact the law excluding Chinamen from this country. Consideration of justice and consistency 13 are not likely to enter into the matter. We say in effect to the Chinese, ' you must take our goods, the mission- aries and anything else we choose to send you, and yon must protect our interests on peril of your lives ; but yon must not show your faces within our borders, for you are too far benekth us to be fit company for us.' And we . expect the Chinamen to smile and . cheerfully acquiesce. He will nodoabt smile broadly at the proposal of one Senator to permit Chinamen who have ' embraced ' Chris- tianity to enter the country when the others are exclu- ded, for he knows that even a childlike and bland ' disci- ple ' of Confucius can ' embrace ' a religion one day, and let go of his fond embrace as soon as he is over the border." The American Israelite, /piihlished in Cincinnati, says, after quoting from President Roosevelt's message on emigration : " It is well to remember that pitiful cases arise in every port of the country owing to a harsh construction of the laws on immigration, and laws to be respected should be uniform and specific." General O. O. Howard, the Havelock of the American Army, and whose' reputation for sincerity, piety, and all that the word patriotic American embraces, is well known, writes from Burlington, Vermont, to a conirade in this city as follows : " In your letter received to-day yon ask me to give some reasons why I am opposed to the re-enactment of the old exclusion laws, that is, the original law and its amendments passed ostensibly for the benefit of the ,, Chinese. The original act of Congress was intended to apply to lajboi-ers, and there were exempted all other ,*. ..classes such as stiidents, merchants, travellers, etc. But the re-enactments and especially the rulings of the administrative department, which have been had fi-om ,, , time to time in tie execution of the law and in the carry- i ing out of the treaty of 1894, have brought additional hardship to faithful laborers, and quite as much to the .. persons who were intended to be exempted. It is com- 14 monlj known that multitudes of Chinese arrests have been made in San Francisco, and that the persons have been kept in confinement in a sort of a shed equivalent to a prison, sometimes for two or three months before their cases could be disposed of. In every case the person arrested was obliged to prove himself innocent of the charges made against him, and what was called ' white testimony,' as required by the law, must be had before a decision could be rendered by the customs bureau concerned. In Portland, Oregon, for safekeep- ing the victims were placed in jail, and they were there, as well as in San Francisco, obliged to prove themselves entitled to their freedom. Some of the Chinamen, lead- ing merchants, told me that they did not so much object to laws which excluded laborers from the United States as to the hardship and cruelty, nay, the inhumanity shown in the execution of those laws, and particularly in the effort made by hostile citizens to include everybody in the labor class. They further said, 'Why should the United States so discriminate against the Chinese,' and I say the same. If the time has come when we do not want any foreign working men, industrious and faithful in every respect in all their work, to participate with us in the use and development of the vast areas between the Missouri and the Pacific ocean, then, of course, let us properly restrict immigration, and let us do it with im- partiality. There is just as much danger of a flood of immigrants from Japan as from the one province of China from which they have come. " The desire for gold drew everybody to California years ago, but that special inducement no longer exists. The statement that there are dens of vice among the Chinamen in San Francisco into which Americans and other foreigners are drawn, may be true, but the answer is, there are dens of vice in New York and in every lai'ge city and nobody has any objection. — I mean nobody of character and standing — has any objection to their ex- clusion or suppression. "Again, the Chinese are excluded by the acts of Con- gress from citizenship. Why is this ? I do not believe that our people desire to perpetuate such a law. A fine merchant, who has carried on a large business in Portland and paid thousands of dollars of revenue into the Treasuiy 15 of the United States, and has a record as a merchant of integrity, said to me : ' General Howard, I have been thirty years in this country and have done my duty as a . merchant and as a member of society. Why cannot I become a citizen of the United States ? All my interests are here and I love the country as a place to live in, but do not like to be excluded from' the privileges that others enjoy under the flag.' I know of many Chinamen, for I have been among them for a good many years, who have our habiliments, who have good families, wives, and children. The children are going to school, and the young men, born of these good parents, are attending orir high schools, academies, colleges, and universities. It is a cruelty to put a special stigma upon the fact that a man or a woman is of Chinese origin. "May I say that hitherto I have had strong sympathies with laboring men. I have had to work hard myself, beginning with the farm, and passing through many vicissitudes, never escaping hard work and. never desiring to do so. If an organization of labor is essential as against organized capital to secure the rights of labor, all right. But no society, working for the laborer, can af- ford to despise and take hostile action against other la- borers. There is a vast multitude of laborers in our seventy-five millions of population that are not yet or- ganized ; that have no sympathy with inhumanity, cruelty and hatred. From them have cOme the loyal soldiers who fought in the Civil War and in other wars of our country, and they know that an unjust action or series of actions against any nation, against Russia, against Aus- tria, or Germany, or Italy, gr Japan, or China only smirches their own flag, because this nation is founded in righteousness and must sustain righteous laws, fair and •impartial toward ail the world. The reaction will surely come against us from any nation, especially from the powerful nations, if we begin and perpetuate hostile ac- tion. That hostile action may be covert as in the treaty formed with China in 1894, or as in the flrst exclusion act, but it appears more and more as the years go on and amendments are made to the original law. "As a rule, the Chinamen, as in our laundries, are clean, persevering, truthful and thoroughly honest in all their dealings. My family found them so in nine years' 16 residence on the Pacific Coastj when they undertook the work of servants in the household. None ever did it better. They underbid any other servants, and they de- mand a fair price for their work, but the work they do with diligence aud with wonderful completeness. I do .hope tiiat our countrymen will think of these things and not commence, or re-cgmmence, a series of nnjust and cruel acts against men and women and children simply because they are Chinese. "It is no answer to say that Boxers in China perpe- trated murders and cruelties witliout number. The most of us know that we have had innumerable cases of the driving out of Chinamen from villages and . cities all along our coast, and that, at places like Bock Springs, other foreigners, in the name of Americans, have mur- dered some and expelled others, and have never been punished for their cnmes. I know of no punishment ever awarded the rioters who performed these deeds of infamy, " With regard to being overrun by the heathen and the replacement of our civilization by that part of China, there is not the least danger of that result. If tliey have some principles far in advance of ours, it is time for us to adopt them. Chinese merchants the world over have the reputation of thorough honesty. Their word is said to be as good as their bond. I wish this were so with our merchants, so that wherever an American merchant was found the feeling would be a common one that he was a man of integrity. " In point of skill, energy, purity of character, and god- , liness, we know well that our sons and daughters can keep pace with any other sons and daughters on the globe ; but to be scared to death lest we be outstripped in the race for life by the members of any other nationality is, in my judgment, a figment of the imagination. " It seems to my view that we desire friendliness with Cljina, friendliness in trade. The conduct of our navy was such as to get and keep the respect of the Chinese. How foolish to disturb this desirable thing by hostile legislation ! "Again, every intelligent man I have, met returning from Manila says : ' The Chinese laborers in the Philip- pines are the most reliable working men in the islands.' 17 If so, is it not suicidal in the extreme to expel them oi- to exclude those who wish to come and participate in the upbuilding of the material interests there 'i "As a last thought I have this : tliat if we succeed in hostile legislation and in making hundreds of millions of people hostile to us, other nations will come in and take the trade and have the "privileges that we so foolishly forego." President Hayes, in his veto message of March 1, 1879, said as follows : After a very careful consideration of House Bill 2423, entitled "An Act to restrict the immigration of. Chinese to the United Statee," I herewith return it to the House of Representatives, in which it oi-igiuated, with my objections to its passage. The bill, as it was sent to the Senate from the House of Kepresentatives, was confined in its provisions to the object named in its title, which is that of "An Act to restrict the immigration of Chinese to the United States." The only means adopted to secure the proposed object was the limitation of the number of Chinese passengers which might be brought to this country by any one vessel to fifteen ; and as this num- ber was not fixed in any proportion to the size or tonnage of the vessel or by any consideration of the safety or accommo- dation of these passengers, the simple purpose and effect of the enactment were to repress this immigration to an extent falling but little short of its absolute exclusion. The bill as amended in the Senate and now presented to me, includes an independent and additional provision which aims at and in turn requires the abrogation by this Govern- ment of Articles Y and YI of the treaty with China commonly called the Burlingame treaty, through the action of the execu- tive enjoined. by this provision of the act. The Burlingame treaty, of which the ratifications were ex- changed at Peking, November 23, 1869, recites as the occa- sion and motive of its negotiation by the two governments that " since the conclusion of the treaty between the United 18 States of America and the Ta Tsing Empire (China) of the 18th of June, 1858, circumstances have arisen showing the necessity of additional articles thereto," proceeds to an agree- ment as to said additional articles. These negotiations, there fore, ending by the signature of the additional articles, July 28, 1868, had for their object the completion of our treaty rights and obligations toward the government of China by the incorporation of these new articles as thenceforth parts of the principal treaty to which they are made supplemental. Upon the settled rules of interpretation applicable to such supplemental negotiations the text of the principal treaty and of " these additional articles thereto " constitute one treaty from the conclusion of the new negotiations, in all parts of equal and concurrent force and obligation between the two governments, and to all intents apd purposes as if embraced in one instrument. The principal treaty, of which the ratifications were ex- changed August 16, 1859,. recites that "the United States of America and the Ta Tsing Empire, desiring to maintain firm, lasting, and sincere friendship, have resolved to renew, in a manner clear and positive, by means of a treaty or general convention of peace, amity, and commerce, the rules which shall in future be mutually observed in the intercourse of their respective countries," and proceeds in its thirty articles to lay out a careful and comprehensive system for the com- mercial relations of oui- people with China. The mai^sub- stance of all the provisions of this treaty is to define and secure the rights of our people in respect of access to, resi- dence and protection in, and trade with China. The actual provisions in our favor in these respects were framed to the interests of our commerce ; and by the concluding article we receive the important guaranty that — : " Should at any time the Ta Tsing Empire grant to any nation, or the merchants or citizens of any nation, any right, privilege or favor, connected either with naviga- tion, commerce, political or other intercourse, which is ^9 not conferred by this treaty, such right, privilege, and favor shall at once freely inure to the benefit of the United States, its public officers, merchants and citizens." Against this body of stipulations in our favor and this per- manent engagement of equality in respect of all future con- cessions to foreign nations, the general promise of permanent peace and good offices on our part seems to be the only equiv- alent. For this the first article undertakes as f ollovi^s : " There shall be, as there have always been, peace and friendship between the United States of America and the Ta Tsing Empire, and between their people respectively. They shall not insult or oppress each other for any tri- fling cause, so as to produce an estrangement between them; and if any other nation should act unjustly or op- pressively, the United States will exert their good offices, on being informed of the cause, to bring about an ami- cable arrangement of the question, thus showing their friendly feeling." At the date of the negotiation of this treaty our Pacific possessions had attracted a considerable Chinese immigration, and the advantages and inconveniences felt or feared there- from had become more' or less manifest; but they dictated no stipulations on the subject to be incorporated in the treaty. The year 1868 was marked by the striking eventof a spontane- ou» embassy from the Chinese Empire, headed by an Ameri- can citizen, Anson Burlingame, who had relinquished his dip- lomatic representation of his own country in China to assume that of the Chinese Empire to the United States and the Eu- ropean nations. By this time the facts of the Chiuese immi- gration and its nature and influences, present and prospective, had become more noticeable and were more observed by the population immediately affected, and by this Government. The pi'incipal feature of the Burlingame treaty was its atten- tion to and its treatment of the Chinese immigration, and the Chinese as forming, or as they should form, a part of our pop- ulation. Up to this time our uncovenanted hospitality to im- 20 migration, onr fearless liberality of citizenship, bur equal and comprehensive justice to all inhabitants, whether they abjured their foreign nationality or not, our civil freedom, and our religious toleration had made all comers welcome, and under these protections the Chinese in considerable numbers had made their lodgment upon our soil. The Burlingame treaty undertakes to deal with this situa- tion, and its fifth and sixth articles embrace its most important provisions in this regard, and the main stipulations in which the Chinese government has secured an obligatory protection of its subjects within our territory. They read as follows : • "Aet. V. The United States of America and the Emperor of phina cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegi- ance, and also the mutual advantage of the free' inigra- gration and emigration of their citizens and subjects, respectively, from the one country to the other, for the purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents. The high contracting parties therefore join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to the United States or to any other foreign country, or for a- Chinese subject or citizen of the United States to take citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign country, without their free and voluntary conse;ity respectively. "Aet. YI. Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China shall enjoy the same privileges, immu- nities, or exemptions, in respect to travel or residence, as may there be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation, and, reciprocally, CMnese subjects visiting or residing in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions, in respect to travel or residence, as may there be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. But nothing herein contained sliall be held to confer naturali- zation upon citizens of the United States in China, nor upon the subjects of China in the United States." 21 An examination of these "two articles in the light of the experience then influential in suggesting their " necessity " will show that the fifth article was framed in hostility to what seemed tlie principal condition to be guarded against, to wit, the introduction of Chinese laborers by methods which should have the character of a forced and servile importation, and not of a voluntary emigration of freemen seeking our shores upon motives and in a manner consonant with the system of our institutions, and approved by the experience of the nation. Unquestionably, the adhesion of the government of China to these liberal principles of freedom in emigration, with which we were so familiar, and with which we were so well satisfied, was a great advance towards opening that empire to our civilization and religion, and gave promise in the future of greater and greater practical results in the diffusion throughout that great, population of our arts and industries, our manufactures, our material improvements, and the senti- ments of government and religion which seem to us so im- portant to the welfare of mankind. The first clause of this article secures this acceptance by China of the American doctrine of free migration to and fro among the peoples and races of the earth. The second clause, however, in its reprobation of " any other than an entirely voluntary emigraition " by l)oth the high contracting parties, and in the reciprocal obligations whereby we secured the solemn and unqualified engagement on the part of the government of China " to pass laws making it a penal offense for a citizen of the United States or a Chi- nese subject to take Chinese subjects either to the United States or to any foreign country without their free and-volun- tary consent," constitutes the great force and value of this article. Its iinportance, both in principle and its practical ser- vice toward onr protection against servile importation in the 2uise of immigration, cannot be overestimated. It commits the Chinese government to active and efiicient measures to suppress this iniquitous system, where those measures are most 22 ■necessary and can be most effectual. It gives to this Govern- ment the footing of a treaty right to such measures and the means and opportunity of insisting upon their adoption and of complaint and resentment at their neglect. The fifth article^ therefore, if it fall short of what the pressure of the later ex- perience of our Paciiic States may urge upon the attention of this Government as essential to the public welfare, seems to- be in the right direction and to contain important advantages which once relinxjuished cannot be recovered. The second topic which interested the two governments,, under the actual condition of things which prompted tlie Burlingame treaty, was adequate protection, under the solenm and definite guaranties of a treaty, of the Chinese already in this country and those who should seek our shores. This wa& the objectj and forms the subject of the sixth article, by whos& reciprocal engagement the citizens and subjects of the two governments, respectively, visiting or residing in the country of the other are secured the same privileges, immunities, or exemptions there enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nations. The treaty of 1858, to which these articles are made supplemental, provides for a great amount of privilege and protection, both of person and property, to American citizens in China, but it is upon this sixth article that the main body of the treaty rights and securities of the Chinese already in this country depends. Its abrogation,, were the rest of the treaty left in force, would leave them to such treatment as we should voluntarily accord them by our laws and customs. Any treaty obligation would be wanting to restrain our liberty of action toward them, or to measure or to sustain the right of the Chinese government to complaint or redress in their behalf. The lapse of ten years .since the negotiation of the Bur- lingame treaty has exhibited to the notice of the Chinese gov- ernment, as well as to our own people, the working of this experiment of immigration in great numbers of Chinese labor- ers to this country, and their maintenance here of all tlie traces 23 of race, religion, manners, and customs, habitations, mode of life, segregation liere, and the keeping up of the ties of their original home, which stamp them as strangers and sojourners, and not as incorporated elements of our national life and growth. This experience may naturally suggest the recon- sideration of the subject as dealt. with by the Burlingame treaty, and may properly become the occasion of more direct and circumspect recognition, in renewed negotiations, of the difficulties surrounding this political and social problem. It may be well that, to the apprehension of the Chinese govern- ment no less than our own, the simple provisions of the Bur- lingame treaty may need to be replaced by more careful methods, securing the Chinese and ourselves against a larger and more rapid infusion of this foreign race than our system of industry and society can take up and assimilate with ease and safety. This ancient government, ruling a polite and sensitive people, distinguished by a high sense of national ■ pride, may properly desire an adjustment of their relations with us which would in. all things confirm and in no degree 'endanger the permanent peace and amity and the growing commerce and prosperity whjch it has been the object and the effect of our existing treaties to cherish and perpetuate. I regard the very grave discontents of the people of the Pacific States with the present working of the Chinese immi- gration, and their still graver apprehensions therefrom in the future, as deserving the most serious, attention of the people • of the whole country and a solicitous interest on the part of Congress and the Executive. If this were not my own judg- ment, the passage of this bill by both houses of Congress would impress upon me the seriousness of the situation, wlien a majority of the repre'sentatives of the people of the wliole country had thought fit to justify so serious a measure of relief. The authority of Congress to terminate a treaty with a for- eign power by expressing the will of the nation no longer to adhere to it is as free from controversy under our Constitu- 24 tion as is the further proposition' that the power of making new treaties or modifying existing treaties is pot lodged by the Constitution in Congress, but in the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, as shown by the concurrence of two-thirds of that body. A denunciation of a treaty by any government is confessedly justifiable only upon some reason both of the highest justice and of the highest necessity. The action of Congress in the matter of the French treaties in 1798, if it be regarded as an abrogation by this nation of a subsisting treaty, strongly illustrates the character and degree of jurisdiction which wa^ then thought suitable to such a proceeding. The preamble of the act re- cites that the — "Treaties concluded between the United States and France have been repeatedly violated on the part of the French government, and the just claims of the United States for reparation of the injuries so committed have been refused, and their attempts to negotiate an amica- ble adjustment of all complaints between the two nations have been repelled with indignity. • And thatr — " Under authority of the French government there is yet pursued against the United States a system of preda- tory violence, infracting the said treaties and hostile to the rights of a free and independent nation. The enactment, as a logical consequence of these recited facts, declares " That the United States are of right freed and exon- erated from the stipulations of the treaties and of the con- sular convention heretofore concluded between the United States and France, and that the same shall not henceforth be regarded as legally obligatory on the Government or citizens of the United States." The history of the Government shows no other instance of an abrogation of a treaty by Congress. 25 Instances have sometimes occurred where the ordinary legis- lation of Congress lias, by its conilict with some treaty ohliga- tion toward a foreign pow6r, taken effect a,s an infraction of the treaty, and been judicially declared to be operative to that result; but neither such legislation nor such judicial sanction ■of the same has been regarded as an abrogation, even for a moment, of the treaty. On the contrary, the treaty in such •case still subsists between the governments, and the casual in- fraction is repaired by appropriate satisfaction in maintenance of the treaty. The bill-before me does not enjoin upon the President the abrogation of the entire Burlingame treaty, much less of the principal treaty of which it is made the supplement. As the power of modifying an existing treaty, whether by modifying or striking out provisions, is a part of the treaty-making power under the Constitution, its exercise is not competent for Con- gress, nor would the assent of China to this partial abrogation of the treaty make the action of Congress in thus procuring an amendment of a treaty a competent exercise of authority under the Constitution. The importance, however, of this special consideration seems superseded by the principle that a denunciation of a part of a treaty not made by tjie terms of the treaty itself, separable- from the rest, is a denunciation of the whole treaty. I am convinced that, whatever urgency might in any quar- ter or by any interests be supposed to require an instant sup- pression of further immigration from China, no reasons can jequire the immediate withdrawal of our treaty protection of the Chinese already in this country, and no circumstances can tolerate an exposure' of our citizens in China, merchants or missionaries, to the consequences of so sudden an abrogation of their ti'eaty protection. Fortunately, however, the actual recession in the flow of the emigration from China to the Paci'fic coast, shown by trustworthy, statistics, relieves us from , any apprehension that the treatment of the subject in the proper course of diplomatic negotiations will introduce any new 26 feature of discontent or disturbance among the comnannities directly affected. Were snch delay fraught with more incon- veniences than have ever been suggested by the interests most earnest in promoting this legislation, I cannot but regard the summary disturbance of our existing treaties with Cliina as greatly more inconvenient to much wider and more permanent interests of the country. I have no occasion to insist upon the more general considerations of interest and duty which sacredly guard the faith of the nation, in whatever form of obligation it may have been given. These sentiments animate the deliberations of Congress and pervade the minds of our whole people. Our history gives little occasion for any re- proach in this regard ; and in asking the 'renewed attention, of Congress to this bill, I am persuaded that their action will maintain the public duty and public honor. E. B. HAYES. President Arthur, returning his veto message, said as fol- lows : ExEOPTivE Mansion, Washington, D. C, Ajyril 4, 1883. To the Sen'ate of the United States : After careful consideration of Senate Bill No. 71, entitled "An Act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to the Chinese," I herewith return it to the Senate, in which it orig- inated, -with my objections to its passage. A nation is justified in repudiating its treaty obligations only when they are in conflict with great paramount interests. Even then all possible reasonable means for modifying or changing those obligations by mutual a,greement should be exhausted before resorting to the supreme I'ight of refusal to. comply with them. These rules have governed the United States in their past intercourse with other powers as one of the family of nations. I am persuaded that if Congress can feel that this act violates 27 the faith of the nation as pledged to China, it will concur with me in rejecting this particular mode .of regulating' - Chinese immigration, and will endeavor to find anotlier which shall meet the expectations of the people of the United States. without coming in conflict with the rights of China. The present treaty relations between that power and the United States springs from an antagonism which arose be- tween our paramount domestic interests and our previous relations. The treaty commonly known as the Burlingame treaty con- ferred upon Chinese subjects the right of voluntary emigra- tion to the United States for the purpose of curiosity or trade or as permanent residents, and was in all I'espects reciprocal as to the citizens of the United States in China. It gave to the voluntary emigrant coming to the United States the right to travel there or to reside there, with all the privileges, im- munities, or exemptions enjoyed by the citizens of the most favored nation. Under the operation of this treaty it was found that the institutions of the United States and the character of its people and their means of obtaining their livelihood might be seriously affected by the unrestricted introduction of Chinese labor. Congress attempted to alleviate this condition by legislation,, but the act whicli it passed proved to be in violation of our treaty obligations, and, being returned by the President with Ms objections, failed to become a law. Diplomatic relief was then sought. A new treaty was con- cluded with China. Without abrogating the Burlingame treaty, it was agreed to modify it, so far that the Government of the United States might regulate, limit, or suspend the coming of the Chinese laborers to the United States or their residence therein, but that it should be reasonable and should apply only to Chinese who might go to the United States as laborers, other classes not being included in the limitations. This treaty is unilateral, not reciprocal. It is a concession from China to the United States in limitation of the rights 38 ■which she was enjoying under the Burlingame treaty. It leaves ns by our own act to determine when and how we will enforce these limitations. China may therefore fairly have a right to expect that in enforcing them we will take good care not to overstep the grant and take more than has been con- ceded to us. It is but a year since this new treaty, under the operation of the Constitution, became part of the supreme law of the land, and the present act is the first attempt to exercise the more enlarged powers which it relinquishes to the United States. In its first article the United States is empowered to decide , whether the coming of Chinese laborers to- the United States •or their residence therein afPects or threatens to affect our interests or to endanger good order, either within the whole country or in any part of it. The act recites that " in the opinion of the Government of the United States the coming of Chinese laborers to this country endangers the good order of certain localities thereof." But the act itself is much broader than the recital. It acts upon residents as well as iipon immigrants, and its provisions are effective throughout the United States. I tliink it may fairly be accepted as an ejfpression of the opinion of Congress that the coming of such laborers to the United States or their residence here affects our interests and endangers good order throughout the country. On this point I shall feel it my duty to accept the views of Congress. The first article further confers the power upon this Gov- ernment to regulate, limit or suspend, but not actually to pro- hibit, the coming of such laborers to or their residence in the Dnited States. The negotiators of the treaty have recorded with unusual fullness their understanding of the sense and meaning with which these words were used. As to the class of persens to be afl^ected by the treaty, the Americans" inserted in their draft a provision that the words ■"Chinese laborers " signify all other immigration than that 29 for "teaching, trade, travel, study, and curiosity." The Chinese objected to this that it operated to include artisans in the class laborers whose immigration might be forbidden. The Americans replied that they " could " not consent that artisans siiall be excluded fi-om the class of Chinese laborers, for it is this very competition of skilled labor in the cities where the Chinese immigration concentrates which has caused the em- barrassment and popular discontent. In the subsequent negoti- ations this definition dropped out, and does not appear in- the treaty. Article 11 of the treaty confers the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which are accorded to citizens and subjects of the most favored nation upon Chinese sub- jects proceeding to the United States as teachers, students, merchants, or from curiosity. The American Commissioners report that the Chinese government claimed that in this article they did, by exclusion, provide that nobody siipuld be entitled to claim the benefit of the general provisions of the Burlingamo treaty but those who might go to the United States in those capacities or for those purposes. I accept this. as the definition of the word " laborers," as used in this treaty. As to the power of legislation respecting this class of per- sons, the new treaty provides that we " may not absolutely prohibit " their coming or their residence. The Chinese Com- missioners gave notice in the outset that they would never agree to a prohibition of voluntary emigration. iNotwith- standing this the United States Commissioners submitted a draft, in which it was provided that the United Statiss might " regulate, limit, suspend, or prohibit " it. The Chinese re- fused to accept this. The Americans replied that they were willing to consult the wishes of the Chinese government in preserving the principles of free intercourse between the people .of the two countries, as established by existing treaties, pro- vided that the right of the United States to use. its discretion in guarding against any possible- evils of immigration of Chi- nese laborers if distinctly recognized. Therefore, if such con- cessions remove all difficulty on the part of the Chinese Com- 30 missioners (but only in that case) the United States Commis- sioners will agree to remove the word " prohibit " from tlieir article and to use the words " regulate, limit, or suspend." The Chinese reply to this can only be inferred from the fact that in the place of an agreement, as proposed by our Com- missioners, that we might prohibit the coming or residence of Chinese laborers, there was inserted in the treaty an agree- ment that we might not do it. The remaining words " regulate, limit, and suspend," first appear in the American draft. When it was submitted to the Chinese they said : " We infer that of the phrases regulate, limit, suspend, or prohibit, the first is a general expression referring to the others. We are entirely ready to negotiate with your Excellencies to the end that a limitation either in point of time or of numbers may. be fixed upon the emigration of Chinese laborers to the United States." At a subsequent interview they said that " by limitation in number they meant, for example, that the United States hav- ing, as they supposed, a record of the number of the emigrants in each year, as well as the total number of Chinese now there, that no more should be allowed to go in any one year in the future than either the greatest number which had gone in any year in the past, or that the total number should never be al- lowed to exceed the number now there. As to limitation of time they meant, for example, that Chinese. should be allowed to go in alternate years, or every third year, or, for example, that they should not be allowed to go for two, three, or five years." At a subsequent conference the Americans said : " The Chinese Commissioners have in their project ex- plicitly recognized the right of the United States- to use some discretion, and have proposed a limitation as to time and number. This is the right to regulate, limit, or suspend." 31 In one of the conferences the Chinese asked the Americans -whether they conld give them any idea of the laws which would be passed to carry the powers into execution. The Americans answered that this could hardly be done ; that the United States Government might never deem it necessary to exercise this power. It would depend upon circumstances. If Chinese immigration concentrated in cities where it threat- ened public order, or if it confined itself to localities where it was an injury to the interests of the American people, the ■Government of the United States would undoubtedly take steps to prevent such accumulation of Chinese. If, on the contrary, there was no large immigration, or if there were sections of the country where such immigration was clearly beneficial, then the legislation of the United States under this power would be adapted to such circumstances. For example, there might be a demand for Chinese labor in the South and a surplus of such labor in California, and Congress might leg- islate in accordance with these facts. In general, the legisla- tion would be in view of and depend upon the circumstances of the situation at the moment sucli legislation became neces- sary. The Chinese Commissioners said this explanation was satisfactory ; that they had not intended to ask for a draft of any special act, but for some general idea how the power would be exercised. What had just been said gave them the explanation that they wanted. With this entire accord as to the meaning of the words they were about to employ and the subject of the legislation- which might be had in consequence, the parties signed the treaty, in article one of which — " The government of China agrees that the Govern- ment of the United States may regulate, limit, or sus- pend such coming or residence, but may not absohitely prohibit it. The li.nitation or suspension shall be rea- sonable, and shall apply only to Chinese who may go to the United States as laborers, other classes not being in- cluded in the limitations. Legislation taken in regard to 32 Chinese laborers will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce the regulation, limitation, or sus- pension of immigration." The first section of the act provides that : " From and after the expiration of sixty days next after the passage of this act, and until after the expiration of twenty years next after the passage of this act, the- coming of Chinese laborers be, and the same is hereby, suspended ; and during such suspension it shall not be lawful for any Chinese laborer to come or, having so' come after the expiration of said sixty days, to remain within the United States." The examination which I have made of the treaty and of the declarations which its negotiators have left on record of the meaning of its language leaves no doubt in my mind that neither contracting party, in concluding the ti'eaty of 1880, con- templated the passage of an act prohibiting immigration for twenty years, which is nearly a generation, or thought that such a period would be a reasonable suspension or limitation,, or intended to change the provisions of the Burlingame treaty to that extent. I regard this provision of the act as a breach of our national faith, and being unable to bring myself in har- mony with the views of Congress on this vital point, the honor of the country constrains me to return the act with this objec- tion to its passage. " Deeply convinced of the necessity of some legislation on this subject, and concurring fully with Congress in many of the objects which are sought to be accomplished, I avail my- self of the opportunity to point out some other features of the present act, which, in my opinion, can be modified to advan- tage. The classes of Chinese who still enjoy the protection of the Burlingame treaty are entitled to the privileges, immunities^ and exemptions accorded to citizens and subjects of the most favored nation. We have treaties with many powers which permit their citizens and subjects to reside within the United 33 States and caiTy on business under the same laws and regula- tions which are enforced against citizens of the United States. I think it may be doubted whether provisions requiring per- sonal registration and the taking out of passports which are not imposed upon natives can be required of Chinese. With- out expressing an opinion on this point, I may invite the atten- tion of Congress to the fact that the system of personal regis- tration and passports is undemocratic and hostile to the spirit of our institutions. 1 doubt the wisdom of putting an enter- ing wedge of this kind into our laws. A nation like the United States, jealous of the liberties of its citizens, may well hesitate before it incorporates into its policy a system which is fast disappearing in Europe before the progress of liberal institutions. A wide experience has shown how futile such precautions are, and how easily passports may be borrowed, exchanged, or even forged by persons interested to do so. If it is, nevertheless, thought that a passport is the most convenient way of identifying the Chinese entitled to the pro- tection of the Burlingame treaty, it may still be doubted whether they ought to be required to register. It is certainly our duty, under the Burlingame treaty, to make their stay in the United States, in the operation of general laws upon them, as nearly like that of our own citizens as we can con- sistently with our right to shut out the laborers. No good purpose is served in requiring them to register. My attention has been called by the Chinese Minister to the fact that the bill as it stands makes no provision for the transit across the United States of Chinese subjects now residing in foreign countries. I think that this point may well claim the attention of Congress in legislating on this subject. I have said that good faith requires us to suspend the im- migration of Chinese laborers for a less period than twenty years ; I now add that good policy points in the same direction. Our intercourse with China is of recent date. Our first treaty with that power is not yetforty years old. It is only since we acquired California and established a great seat of 34: commerce on the Pacific that we may Ipe said to have broken down the barriers which fenced in that ancient monarchy. The Biirlingame treaty naturally followed. Under the spirit which inspired it many thousand Chinese laborers came to the United States. No one can say that the country haS not profited by their work. They were largely instrumental in constructing the railways which connect the Atlantic with the Pacific. The States of the Pacific slope are full of evidences of their industry. Enterprises profitable to the capitalist and to the laborer of Caucasian origin would have lain dormant but for them. A time has now come when it is supposed that they are not needed, and when it is thought by Congress and by those most acquainted with the subject that it is best to try to get along without them. There may, however, be other sections of the country where, this species of labor may be advantageously employed withont interference with the labor- ers of our own race. In making the proposed experiment it may be the part of wisdom, as well as of good faith, to fix the experimental period with reference to this fact. Experience has shown that the trade of the East is the key to national wealth and influence. The opening of China to the commerce of the whole world has benefited no section of it more than the States of our own Pacific Slope. The State of California, and its great maritime port especially, have reaped enormous advantages from this source. Blessed with an exceptional climate, enjoying an unrivalled harbor, with the i-iches of a great agricultural and mining state in its rear, and the wealtli of the wliole union pouring into it over its lines of railway, San Francisco has before it an incalculable future if its friendlj' and amicable relations with Asia remain undisturbed. It needs no argument to show that the policy which we now propose to adopt must have a direct tendency to repel oriental nations from us and to^drive their trade and commerce into more friendly hands. It may be that the great and paramount interest of protecting our labor from Asiatic eompetition may justify us in a permanent adoption of this 35 policy ; but it is wiser in the first place to make a shorter ex- periment, with a view hereafter of maintaining permanently •only such features as time and experience may commend. I transmit herewith copies of the papers relating to the present treaty with China, which accompanied the confiden- tial message of President Hayes to the Senate of the 10th of January, 1881, and also a copy of the memorandum respect- ing the act herewith returned, which was handed to tlie Sec- retary of State by the Chinese Minister in Washington. CHESTEK A. AETHUE. Max J. Kohler, late Assistant District Attorney for the city of New York, writes to the New York Times as follows : Next May the Geary Chinese Exclusion Act, which passed Congress in 1892, expires by its own limitations, and the question of the advisability of continuing or modifying our present system -of treating the Chinese is therefore now a particularly timely one. Our treaty with China of 1880 was the first national move in the direction of restricting Chinese immigration, but even this was in terms applicable only to Chinese laborers, and not to other vocations, and expressly provided only for regulation, and not for an absolute " pro- hibition " of Chinese labor immigration. The Federal act of 1882 was, as recited in its title even, intended merely to " execute " these treaty provisions, and was limited in duration by its own express language to ten years, though continued at the expiration of that period for' ten years more. It is thus apparent that our statutes hereto- fore have been only temporary and experimental, and that these tentative measures do not even purport to embody any definite, permanent policy of our Government. In the light of these facts, it is proposed to consider our lavjs on this sub- ject, in their practical working, to show how they have failed of their ostensible purpose and worked much unintended in- jury to our own interests, and that they have built up the most un-American, inhuman, barbarous, oppressive system of pro- cedure that can be encountered in any civilized land to-day for the treatment of fellow-men. It is only because the American people have not been truly familiar with the character of thia 36 system, because the Chinese control few, if any, votes, to make them a force to be reckoned with in politics, and because they are popularly regarded as so unlike us as to render their rights a matter not even believed to be calculated to interest our vast reading public, that this system could exist among us for a day. The writer hereof, during the past seven years, has been compelled by circumstances to make a close and continuous examination of the statutes, treaties, decisions, rulings, opinions,, and problems bearing upon Chinese exclusion. During about four years, from 1894 to 1898, he was charged, as Assistant United States District Attorney in New York city, with the duty of representing the Government in this class of cases in the courts for the district including New York city, and since then he has considered and argued many cases under these laws on behalf of Chinese applicants. INTENTION OF EXCLUSION ACTS. The Chinese Exclusion Acts proceed, first of all, on the the- ory that our country and its laborers should be protected against the cheap labor of China. In this aspect the question is in its nature one that arises, though perhaps in less marked degree, with respect to immigrants from many other countries. General legislation, not alone applicable to Chinese persons,, would be here more properly in order, and the result would be that we would not then run counter to such fundamental prin- ciples of democratic government as find expression in our Declaration of Independence in asserting the equality of all men, and in our existing statutes in proclaiming the inherent riglit of all men and races to come to reside here and become American citizens. (Sec. 1999 Eevised Statutes, United States.) Nor can any one explain why the black man should enjoy all the " rights of man," and the man whose skin is yel- low be treated by the law as an outcast because of such differ- ence of shade. Moreover, in their special application to Chinese persons,, the question arises whether we are not sacrificing trade inter- ests of enormous magnitude, involving millions of dollars per annum, in order to continue on our statute books ineffective prohibitions. In any event, it is apparent from an investiga- tion of the workings of our present law that its real aims and ostensible purposes are obscured through faultily drafted laws, 80 that non-laboring Chinese merchants are, in fact, in chief 37 measure excluded by laws aimed only at laborers. But, what- •ever views may be entertained as to the propriety of excluding Chinese laborers, or even all Chinese persons, no one familiar with the facts can justify our present disgraceful exclusion procedure and its workings. It is without parallel in its injus- tice, brutality, and inhumanity. Chinese persons, who have violated no law, municipal or moral, or, rather, persons appearing to be Chinese subjects — for they are as likely as not to be American citizens of Chinese extraction, and may not have left the country for years, "or «ver — are now constantly arrested and are treated, not merely as felons by our. laws, but every restraint upon executive action ■embodied in our Federal aud State Constitutions as Bills of Eights, for the defence even of felons, is here ignored and violated, notwithstanding the fact that we proudly point to these clauses, safeguarding individual liberty, as our dearest Anglo-Saxon heritage from the centuries past. A careful study of this procedure S3'stera convinces me that the system devised for the expulsion of the Moors from Spain and of the Jews from Russia in our day, which have aroused the indigna- tion of humanity, are gentle and humane compared with the barbarities of our existing "American " methods for the de- portation of alleged Chinese persons. That all this lias been •done by us in bold and unconcealed violation of our National faith, as expressed in solemn treaties, can scarcely palliate our actions. Of course the argument that because we once broke •our National agreement, we are justified in doing so againj is beneath notice. BtrSINESS INTEEESTS INVOLVED. Naturally, one of the most important questions underlying this problem is tliat of the utility and value of international trade of this character. If these statutes could be regarded as designed to prevent free commercial intercourse between the United States and China, they would, of course, run counter to the whole trend of civilization and trade of the past few decades. European States have been vying with «ach other to secure for themselves these golden opportunities of trade with China, and the United States has eagerly sought and successfully secured its. own standing in connection with the Chinese " open door " policy. But, although the United States Supreme Court did, as re- cently as February, 1900, say tliat the purpose of our laws, re- 38 quiring certificates of admission from Chinese non-laborers- " was not to prevent the persons named in the second article- of the treaty (of 1880) from coming into the country, but to prevent Chinese laborers from entering under the guise of being one of the classes permitted by the treaty. It was th& coming of Chinese laborers that the act is aimed against — "■ still there is, in its practical workings, only too much truth in the indictment of our policy, contained in a very able article by Ho Yow, Chinese Consul General at San Francisco, on this subiect in the North American Review (September,. 1901), in which he points out that we have built a Chinese wall around our territory, having none of the Justifications of China's act of centuries ago, and that at a time v/hen even China's ancient barrier is crumbling to ashes. He further remarks: "The gala days of San Francisco's- life and happiness were during the years tiiat preceded 1880. The passage of the exclusion laws operated as a cone over a lighted candle. Chinese residents in California withdrew from industry, reduced their properties to coin, and with it returned to China, scrambling out of a country which they deemed inhospitable and unsafe. Business dried up. Trade- with China, which had been advancing at the rate of a mil- lion a year, fell off $7,000,000 in two years. It never revived until Dewey's victory. During the interim .San Francisco- lost $200,000,000 of business in her trade with China alone, * * * Merchants of the Pacific Coast talk of the vast market of the Orient for their goods. That market is as truly closed to them as the life of a Shan-tung oyster. Prof. Davidson tells that 'in 1897 the trade of the Pacific amounted to over $2,000,000,000. Of this, 50 per cent, went to Eng- land. The share of the United States was less than 7 per cent., and that part which fell to San Francisco was too frac- tional to consider ; San Francisco could as easily have had the 50 per cent., but in order to get it she must have Chinese labor." CEETAIN LABOEEES EXCEPTED. The treaty of 1894 absolutely excludes Chinese laborers,, except that Chinese laborers registered in the United States are permitted to return to the United States when they have a certain amount of property or certain relatives here and have secured a specified certificate before leaving for China, evidenc- ing their right to return ; the limits upon tliis right, set fortk 39 in the treaty and the regulations of the Treasury Department thereunder, need not be further considered. Under the act of 1882, as anaended in 1884, 1888, 1892, and 1893, Chinese per- sons of the classes privileged to enter were permitted to come to the United States upon producing an appropriate certificate from their government, visaed by the United States consular or diplomatic officers at the port of departure for the United States ; this class expressly includes " officials, teachers, stu- dents, merchants, or travelers for curiosity, but not laborers." The wives and minor children of Chinese persons themselves authorized to enter or remain in the United States, and not themselves laborers, may enter without the certificate in ques- tion (United. States v. Mrs. Gue Lim, 176 United States, 459). Keturning merchants, instead of giving the certificate above mentioned, were required to furnish certain evidence as to their status by means of non-Ohinese witnesses by the later act of 1893. Qf course, citizens of the United States by birth, of Chinese extraction, are not excluded by these laws, which, under the Constitution, are inapplicable to them. (United States V. Wong Kim Ark, 169 United States, 649.) The registration provisions of the act of- 1892, amended in 1893, require no consideration here, as they merely obligated Chinese laborers to register, making it permissive for non- laborers to do so, the requirement being applicable only to Chinese laborers residing in the United States at those dates. This provision has become largely nugatory by mere lapse of time, and is seldom invoked to-day, because persons who were then laborers in the United States could, without much hard- ship, register within the six months provided to do so ; those who neglected to do so have pretty nearly all been deported by now, and the act is not mandatory upon non-laborers nor persons who were not laborers residing within the United States in 1892 or 1893. It is only in connection with the limitation to six months from November, 1893, within which to register, that this pro- vision has, in itself, apart from its harsh penalties and proce- dure, worked much hardship, foi* only registered laborers can secure laborers' return certificates, and the Treasury Depart- ment has ruled that persons who are laborers, on leaving for China, or when they seek to re-enter' the United States, are prohibited from entering, being without such certificates, al- though they were not required to register at the time of the passage of the acts. The result is that there is a class of per- 40 sons, authorized, to be and remain in tiie United States, who forfeit their right of entry if they leave the country, although other laborers of the same kind may obtain leave to return to this country upon producing their registration certificates. If the fact of being a Chinese laborer be regarded as the evil aimed at, these unfortunates did not do enough evil to be per- mitted to return, because if they had been laborers already in 1892 or 1893, instead of merchants, and had registered as such laborers, their right of re-entry would be clear. Surely such an absurdity should be eliminated by granting a new opportu- nity to persons to register who did not register from 1892 to 1894. TWO CLASSES OF APPLICA.NTS. Summarizing existing provisions of law, then, we notice, roughly speaking, that thei-e are two classes of persons with whose applications for admission into the United States the Government has to deal : (1) Those who are of the pi-ivileged non-laboring classes, seeking to enter for the first time, and (2) the class of Chinese persons returning to the United States. As to the former class, if it were clearly stated in our enactments that every member of the privileged classes must have a certificate fi-om the Chinese Government or consular ofScers in order to enter, that all non -laborers are entitled to such certificates, and that the United States officers should vis^ the certificates with reasonable liberality and fairness, and not withhold the same capriciously, unreasonably, or for mere technical defects, there would be little hardship in such pro- vision, apart from possible harshness in its administration. Moreover, such simplifications would do much to make our laws more effective. But, in fact, only a small fraction of Chinese persons ap- plying for admission during the past few years have applied under such certificates, partly because of the heavy obstacles put in the way of securing such certificates and their vis6 in China,, partly because substantial merchants have been fright- ened off by our anti-Chinese policy, and partly because the great majority of persons ha\e claimed to be Chinese persons returning to the United States, either (1) as returning mer- chants or non-laborers after temporary visits to China, or (2) as citizens of tlie United States by birth, whether laborers or non-laborers, and it has been obvious that the. large majority of these "American citizens " are in fact laborers. 41 Most of the difficulties attending the Government's enforce- ment of the law have arisen v?ith respect to these " citizen " cases, and the legal problems involved are snch, in their nature, as defy treatment along the theor}' of the exclusion laws, as purely political, non-criminal proceedings, valid only as to aliens, in which jury trial is denied, and the burden of proof is thrown on tiie defendants to rebut every conceivable claim that the Government may make thereafter, unlike our much vaunted principles of law as to the burden of proof ap- plicable even to civil cases. Immigration of Chinese to the United States was invited by our treaty of 1868 and not restricted, even as regards laborers, till 1882, and thousands came to the United States from 1868 on, including many women, as shown by oiir cen- sus. There are now very many Chinese persons who, as citi- zens, are theoretically as effectively beyond exclusion by Con- gressional action as any white persons born here can be, under the decision of the Supreme Court. There were 105,000 Chinese in the United States in 1880, according to the census .of that year, and 106,000 in 1890; while 48,000 more Chinese are supposed to. have left the United States during this inter- vening decade than are reported as having been admitted by Treasury officers, and many thousands were barred by the act of 1888, which by such ex post facto action invalidated labor- ers' certificates, valid when their holders left the United States in reliance upon them. To-day, probably, a very large per- centage of Chinese persons applying for entrance into the United States do so under the plea that they are citizens by birth ; a claim that is undoubtedly true as to many. CITIZENS OF CHINESE EXTRACTION. Some efforts in the direction of" limiting the entrance of American citizens of Chinese extraction were made recently in the shape of a bill which passed the House of Kepresenta- tives at the last Congress on February 1, 1901, before its character was known, but failed of passage in the Senate, and was obviously unconstitutional, as \vell as oppressive and un- wise. - The other class of returning Chinese persons is made up principally of merchants. They had commonly secured the certificates required of privileged persons on an original entry, until the Supreme Court came to their assistance by a liberal 42 construction of the statute in their favor, in 1892, by holding that the certiiicate provision was not applicable to Chinese merchants domiciled in the United States andreturninghere. To meet this, however, a new statutory provision was intro- duced into the McCreaiy law in 1 893, without consideration in Congress, making it incumbent on every person basing his claim for reentry upon the fact of being a returning mer- chant, to establish the fact as to his being such a merchant as defined by the act for at least one year before his departure from the United States by the testimony of at least two cred- ible witnesses, other than Chinese. The result of this provision has been, and still is, to make the difficulties in the way of a Chinese merchant's returning to the United States, after a trip for business or sentiment or other consideration to places outside of the United States, almost insurmountable, if he and his witnesses speak the truth. The first difficulty they encountered vvas that nearly all Chinese merchants do business under corporate "fancy" names, denoting good luck and the like, and are in the nature of corporations, in which there are a number of co-partners: Yet was this law not a bar to their return, since each in- dividual was bound to show that the business was " conducted in his name? " At first sight it seemed to be clear that this was the legislative intent ; the Attorney-General so ruled (21 Opinions Attys. Gen. 5) ; the Treasury Department (Syn. Dec. 14,877) excluded thousands ; the United States District Court in San Francisco so held {in re Quan Gin, 61 Fed. Rep. 395, 641.) But this was a matter of vital importance to the mer- cantile interests of the Pacific Coast ; race jealousies and busi- ness envy on the part of the " labor " vote could not resist their pressure, and accordingly the Circuit Court of Appeals in California " liberally " construed this statute, and eliminated this requirement by judicial construction (United States v. Lee Kan, 62 Fed. Eep. 914.) The United States Supremo Court declined to reverse this holding. But there are more serious, practical difficulties than this. It is obvious, from the very nature of things, that few Chinese merchants are so placed as to be able to secure the evidence of credible non-Chinese witnesses as to all the requisite facts, including their non-performance of manual labor for a year before departure from the United States. Few credible white 43 ■witnesses could so depose about their own brothers, for in- stance, if this provision be construed too literally. Yet it is always in the power of any Chinese inspector to make a prac- tically unreviewable decision on this question of fact, exclud- ing the merchant. Moreover, whole classes of persons, in- cluding " traders," are excluded under the restrictive definition of the Treasury Department and the California courts. Under these conditions it is obvious that Chinese merchants may well believe that something in the nature of "forty years' wandering in tlie desert " is before them, before they can re- enter this "promised land," and it is apparent that such con- ditions as these, ftdded to the possibility of their entry being constitutionally cut off absolutely during a brief visit to China^ by new ex post facto laws, such as Congress has in the past enacted, can scarcely serve to induce naturally clannish and conservative people like the Chinese to carry on extensive trade dealings with the United States. In fact, the difficulties of re-entry as merchants are so great that there is reason to believe that hona fide Chinese merchants do, on occasion, even make false claims to American citizenship by birth, in oi'der to secure re-entrance ! BAEBAEITIES OF DEPORTATION. As to tlie procedure to effect deportation now being pur- sued there is the greatest roona for improvement and modifi- cation. If we had a National law easily understood and sustained by public opinion we would have no more trouble in this class of cases than arises as to alien immigration in general. Scarcely any of these general alien cases get into the courts. The laws are based on rational principles, and though errors in administration doubtless occasionally bar out persons whom"the courts would admit, if the matter were open for consideration there, still paupers, prisoners, and contract laborers are dealt with definitely and finally upon arrival, without any need of subsequent deportation proceedings or of stirring up trouble as to alleged entries months or years after the person acted. Of course, if such principles of non-reviewability were ap- plied to Chinese exclusion, an efficient and reasonable as dis- tinguished from an arbitrary, narrow, and technical, adminis- tration of the law would be necessary to give satisfaction to both Chinese persons and our own people, and. the present ideas imbedded in our statutes under which Chinese persons 44 are treated as people unlike all pthers, having practicallj no rights that our petty or high officials or other citizens need respect, must be first completely gotten rid of. Our laws should no longer lend color to public judicial ut- terances that the Chinese are " pariahs, wholly without rights under our laws," as concerns anything touching on deporta- tion, and the present mockery of the language of our treaty with China giving thein "for the protection of their persons and property all rights that are given by the laws of the United States to citizens of the most favored nation," should be transformed into what it is ostensibly, an international obliga- tion, to which we have plighted our National troth, and not be contradicted by such deportation provisions, masquerading in the language of the treaty of 1894 as requirements enacted " with a view of affording Chinese laborers better protection !" When it will no longer be regarded as tantamount to a high crime or felony to be a Chinese alien such purely administra- tive treatment of the rights of Chinese aliens can be safely authorized. Then presumably marshals executing warrants of deportation will not dare openly to say that if one of their victims escaped they would lose no time in going to " China- town " and grabbing any other to substitute for him to cover up their neglect, and Chinamen who have taken appeals al- lowed them by law with specific judicial provisions suspend- ing execution of orders of deportation would not be spirited away, while the oflicers evade service and direct knowledge of the orders by keeping in hiding devising novel and mysterious methods of carrying off their " human prey" in evasion of writs of habeas corpus and notices of appeal with stays of execution. Wliile such methods as these are resorted to by our many Gov- ernment officials — and they are at present in numerous in- stances, to the personal knowledge of the writer — there is an atmosphere of oppression and prejudice and intolerance sur- rounding executive investigations which make them in fact " mockeries." THE CHINESE PBESEOUTED. No one appearing to be a Chinese person is safe from these prosecutions and hardships. Though he may have lived for years in the United States, or even never left the country and be of the classes not able or not required to register in 1892 to 1894, nevertheless he may be arrested and subjected to such treatment without even hearsay evidence against him. 4S Judge Coxe, in the Uuited States District Court for the Northern District of New York, in the case of the United States V. Wong Chung, 92 Federal Eeporter, 141, in discuss- ing one of these administrative determinations, well said : "He was turned back without even the pretence of a legal investigation. He was arrested, imprisoned, and ordered back to China without a single fact to warrant such a course appearing on the record. The action of the collector was based upon an irrelevant rumor. It would be a misnomer to call it hearsay evidence ; it was not evidence at all. In ffti ordinary conversation, Mr. Clemenshire told the collector not what he knew, but what he had been told by some unnamed person. It was conjecture only. It. Was the merest shadow, not the shadow of anything tangible, nebulous, and attenu- ated shade. It was 'such stuff as dreams are made of,' and the collector could have justified his course as well by assert- ing that it was dictated by a communication from the spirit world, or that it was supported by the revelations of the Koran. No man whose brain is in a normal condition would regulate the most trivial affairs of life upon such informa- tion." (Compare similar criticisms by Judge Lacombe, in re Chinese Eelators, 58 F. K. 554.) Nor are these isolated cases." Such an unjust result is almost a foregone conclusion when it is remembered that the Treasury Department keeps its investigations, evidence, and reports in these cases secret under general regulations, and treats all this as confidential information, thus making it not merely impossible for the applicant and his attorney to refute the Government's claims or suspicions against him, but even to ascertain what these are. Moreover, it is obvious that the opportunities for blackmail, extortion, and corruption under such conditions of terrorism are iniinite, and that these oppor- tunities are in fact availed of on occasion is evidenced by the fact that the Government itself has been compelled to insti- tute criminal prosecutions against such Government officers in at least three different. States during the last few years, each case involving independent facts. Nor can any real relief be afforded except in very unusual cases, by the appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury provided by law, because of the overwhelming numbers of the cases, their ex parte treat- ment, and the circumstance that questions of fact are con- stantly presented which are in their nature qlmost non-review- able. 46 Numerous suggestions and recommendations may, of course, be made as to the proper scope of proposed new legislation or treaty provisions regarding the Chinese. It should be noted that a strong reaction in favor of Chinese laborers and a recognition of their economic value to us seem to be marked througliout our country, not only in the East, but also in the South, and even somewhat along the Pacific Coast, where the trade interests at stake are now being recognized, and it is taking the shape in some portions of recommendations for a tatal repeal. Apart from considerations already noticed, it must be conceded that the Chinese laborers are honest, frugal, law-abiding, and amiable, and that often great intelligence is hidden under their docility. As Col. Ingersoll said of the deportation law : "This law makes industry a crime, and puts one who works for his bread on a level with thieves and the lowest criminals, treats him as a felon, and clothes him in the stripes of a convict." To these facts may be further added tlie circumstances that our present system is expensive and wasteful, and that its general effects upon our administrative and judicial officers and people generally, are deteriorating and demoralizing. In fact, in the northern part of our State, at Plattsburg, where upwards of a hundred claimants to American citizenship, the right to which was in some instances subsequently sustained in the courts, were confined for months in one jail ; several died this summer from a sickness which siezed upon nearly all of them, as a result of their confinement and terrible treatment, having no justification except a differentiation in the color of their skin or the shape of a feature. Perhaps the strongest indication of our demoralization is that the incident did not attract enough attention even to get into the newspapers. But the effects upon liberty and personal right and justice in general in our country are indeed serious, and bring them all into disrepute and disregard, when all the constitutional safeguards contained in our Bills of Rights, valued and praised by us so highly as tlie most cherished de- velopment of Anglo-Saxon liberty in effectually protecting in- dividual rights against executive assault, can be ignored, vio- lated, and scoffed at hy a wholly unprecedented Frankenstein system, violative of every one of them. The only reason that could be assigned for disregarding these safeguards, and permitting arrest upon warrants not un- der oath, unreasonable searches and seizures, an extraordinary 47 and oppressive reversal of burden of proof, denial of right to process for obtaining witnesses in one's own favor, denial of impartial and jury trial in the vicinage, opportunities to make one's defence where nearly all the witnesses for the prosecu- tion and the defence, as well as friends reside, imprisonment for indefinite periods, running at times into years, and being put upon a diet and other conditions unusual and injurious to health and even life, denial of provisions for reasonable bail, the only reason that could be assigned, and that was assigned, is, that these eases, though in fact criminal, should be labeled otherwise and given a new name devised for the occasion and the emergency ! It is not surprising that distinguished lawyers like Joseph H. Choate and James 0. Carter should have pronounced these laws unconstitutional, particularly in their bearings on aliens actually and peaceably living hei*e, and that Chief Justice Ful- ler, Justice Field, and Justice Brewer should have vigorously dissented from the view that they are constitutional, and that the whole Supreme Court bench should have expressly disa- vowed any expression of opinion as to " the wisdom, the pol- icy, or the justice of the measures enacted by Congress in the exercise of the powers confided to it by the Constitution over this subject" as regards aliens. (Fong Yue Ting v. U. S.. 149 U. S.) When our courts of justice find themselves bound to sustain laws notwithstanding their "injustice," conditions are indeed serious. PROPOSED KEMBDIBS. But the question of a total repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Acts, including the labor exclusion provisions, as distinguished from a removal of these unnecessarily gross abuses and brutal penalties, involved serious objections. Many persons to-day doubtless favor placing restraints upon " pauper labor " immi- gration by new enactments, not merely discriminating against Chinese persons. Some of our greatest statesmen and thinkers are divided on this question, and the only possible justification, however inadequate, of our Chinese exclusion laws, lies in this economic consideration of injury to be wrought by further inroads of Chinese laborers, lowering wages, and competition with non-Mongclians. Here, too, a medium course may be the wisest, and new tem- porary provisions, debarring Chinese laborers not provided with a certiticate to be prescribed by law, may be still expe- 48 dient. But in any event, there is no occasion for a continu- ance of our present unjust, oppressive, and demoralizing deportation system. Either by statute or by a new treaty, all existing provisions might be repealed, and a nev7 enactment substituted, providing that all non-laborers may enter upon production of a certificate of identity, to emanate, in the case of new arrivals, from the Chinese government and visaed by the United States Diplomatic or Consular cheers at the port of departure for the United States, while in the case of Chinese consular officers here might be authorized to issue the certificate, and the vis6 be by our own Treasury officei-s. All persons not laborers ought to be permitted to secure such cer- tificates. If the certificate be made mandatory, reasonable opportu- nities for residence in the United States under reasonable bail for a few months ought to be afforded, so as to enable lost or technically irregular certificates to be replaced, so thatsucii un- fortunate will no longer be deported because, for instance, the Cliinese government issues a certiticate to him in Chinese instead of English, or because our consular officers fixed a defective vise. While the statutory definition of "laborer" might be re- tained, if the strong arguments of the Chinese Consul Gen- eral as concerns certain pranclics of labor at least be not ac- cepted, and tlie provisions as to "siiilled" labor at least dropped, in analogy to our contract labor law provisions, the oppressive statutory definition of " merchants " and the unwise enumeration of certain classes of non-laborers should be dropped. Riglit to review in the courts adverse decision ex- cluding Chinese persons ouglit to bo afforded, for some time at least, and the situation in that respect brought back, to what it was before the act of 1894:, made the executive offi- cers' rulings non-reviewable. This wonld include the claims of Chinese persons, laborers or non-laborers, claiming Ameri- can citizenship, which get into the courts even now in spite of the exclusion laws, pursuant to the Constitution, and to-day constitute the bulk of cases arising. Chinese laborers who are residents of the United States, but not citizens, might be permitted to reenter upon produc- tion of a certificate similar to that now exacted, but for tlie sake of simplicity of administration with the easily evaded property or relationship provisions eliminated, such certificate to be based upon registration certificates already issued, or 49 hereafter to be issued, to Chinese laborers. To-day condi- tions are such that Chinese laborers have learned to value and cherish their registration certificates and realize their protec- tective character, and no serious antagonism would be aroused by a new law requiring registration de novo, much less by one authorizing Chinese residents not yet registered to register now. LET THE GEAEY LAW BE DEOPPED. The consular vise should be granted with reasonable liber- ality, and not be capriciously or for mere technical reasons witliheld ; it should be granted without expense so as to eliminate the danger of bribery in Oriental lands, and {he certificate thus visaed ought to be made conclusive evidence against as well as for the Government of right of entry, except, of course, in the case of forgery. If judicial deportation ' proceedings should be insisted on still for unlawful entry — though they really would under such conditions be no more necessary than they are now necessary or resorted to in cases of non-Chinese aliens in general — they should be based upon complaint on oath and subject to the procedure applicable in criminal cases, and the oppressive and anomalous provisions of the Greary law, first introduced by that act in 1892 upon the comparatively harmless Chinese deportation provisions previ- ously existing on our statute books, should be dropped. Above all, both in the interest of the applicants and the Government, these cases should be tried at the large cities where the defendants reside or were bound to, where the wit- nesses reside, where the friends of the prisoners are to be found, where bail is reasonably obtainable, where the judicial facilities are better, where a fair trial is most assured, and where the expenses of securing attendance of witnesses and proceeding in general are lowest, and thus the corrupting opportunities for " mileage " and " expenses," arrangements by which Government witnesses in these cases are now often suborned to testify falsely, will be minimized and perjury avoided. The Government itself at one time ^aw the advan- tage of this course, and by Treasiyy regulations directed it to be taken ; but in the search for more " efficient " administration of the law the rights of the accused were ignored, this direc- tion was rescinded, and the present system adopted. In fact, however, it is a remarkable fact that in the course of the treaty negotiations which culminated in the treaty of 50 1894 between our Secretary of State and the then Chinese Minister, China protested against the oppressive character of these judicial proceedings after entry, even in the mild form in vyhich they were established before the Geary law, and re- quired that judicial deportations should cease. Secretary Bayard acquiesced in the proposition, and Article III of the subsisting treaty was framed by changing a prior draft thereof and substituting the words " may produce a certificate " for " shall, in accordance with Section 6 of the law of July 5, 1884," and the words " as required in said section " were elim- inated, so that the old certificate of non-lahorers was replaced by a new one, the provisions were turned into a directory in- stead of a mandatory one, and the old-time penalty of the statute " for entering without the certificate in this act re- quired " fell because the old certificate was no longer required at all, and the new one was made directory merely, and no lawful deportation for entry without it has been provided for, . either in the treaty or by subsequent statutes. (See Foreign Eelations of the United States, 1888, Yol. I, pages 368, 370, v and 371-3.) MEANING OF TREATY IN DOOBT. The question whether the treaty has not eliminated this deportation provision and left the enforcement of the law to executive action by way of exclusion alone is now before the courts, but whatever may be decided on this question of law, it is clear that both China and our country desired to elimi- nate this procedure provision, and if the treaty does not, in fact, express such intent, it was because either one or both of the contracting parties failed clearly to express their avowed intention. Of course, provisions for counterfeiting certificates prescribed by law and for punishing, knowingly introducing, or aiding in introducing Chinese persons forbidden by law to enter, should be continued. Reasonable bail should be speci- fically authorized, and every other provision of the law and the treaties as to immigration, registration, and procedure should be specifically repealed._ This system would eliminate all complications from every source, except perhaps false claims of citizenship, but even these would drop, under a rational law, unoppressive in char- acter, and they would be easily refuted, since nearly every Chinaman in the country, including citizens of the United States by birth, of Chinese extraction, would be glad to regis- 51 ter in self-protection, and thus there would be convenient methodB at hand for rebutting such claims. These claims ■would further decrease if an additional step be taken to solve this Chinese problem, eradicate the evils supposed to be underlying it, and Chinese residents of the United States placed on an equality with negroes by giving them an oppor- tunity to become American citizens upon compliance with all the conditions applicable to all other races. « > Our civil war, it may reasonably be stated, went far to es- tablish the fact that statements in our Declaration of Inde- pendence regarding "all men being created free, and equal," were no mere glittering generalities, but an essential founda- tion stone of our democracy. It carried with it, as a result, thp Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which placed citizenship by birth upon a firm and unassailable basis, and compelled /k holding in the case of the United States v. "Wong Kim Ark, 169 U. S., that non-diplomatic Chinese per- sons born in the United States were " persons born within theXTnited States, subject to the jurisdiction thereof," and as such " citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." CHINAMAN AND NEGEO. Among their privileges and immunities as citizens by birth is, as we have seen, exemption from our Chinese Exclusion Acts. Unfortunately, in framing the revision of our natural- ization laws in 1870, by expressly conferring the right of naturalization upon negroes, the original statute was amended by adding to the clause making the naturalization clause ap- plicable to " white aliens being free white persons," merely the words " and to aliens of African nativity and to persons of African descent." It has commonly been assumed and decided, though without much consideration, that Chinese persons were never authorized by our general laws to become citizens, by naturalization (but see in re Rodriguez, 81 F. R. 337, 34:9), and a prohibition upon their naturalization was ex- pressly placed upon Qur statute books in 1882, and is recog- nized in our treaty with China of 1894. In fact, however, already in 1870, when blacks were granted the right of naturalization, Senator Sumner had urged the use •of terms that would have included all races, and it was partly because of prejudice against the Chinese and Japanese on the part of a few, then already making itself felt, and principally 52 because of general indifference, except as concerned negro- voters' rights, that the exchision of Mongolians from thfr privilege resulted. (Cong. Globe, 1869-1870, Ft. 6, p. 5121.) It is apparent, however, that the element of maintenance of national faith involved wholly escaped attention, and that all Chinese persons who came to this country from 1868 nntil 1882 came here not merely in reliance upon abstract Ameri- can pnnciples of eqnality of men and equal rights to citizen- ship, but under the pledge of the treaty of 1868, which in terms contained a recognition by both countries of "the inher- ent and inalienable right of man to change his home and alle-i giance, and also the mutual advantage of free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects, respectively, from one country to the other, for purpose of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents." If, in the past, naturalization of Chinese has not been authorized by our statutes as a matter of national good faith, it should have been certainly as regards people who came over from China between 1868 and 1882,. and there are still many of these in this country anxious to- become American citizens and to rebut the assumption that- they cannot be Americanized or assimilated. TEDE SOLUTION OF THE PKOBLEM. But this measure is urged, not simply upon considerations- of abstract justice and good faith, but as looking to the true solution of this Chinese immigration problem. These exclu- sion laws hjive, in the past," been justified on the score of eco- nomic necessity, in order to check lowering the rate of wages of labor in general, and because the Chinese are supposed to be -unwilling to assimilate with us. The latter proposition can be disposed of in a few words. Instead of welcoming them like other aliens, we have denied American citizenship to the Chinese, discriminated against them as against no other race, degraded, oppressed, and in- sulted them, and established this monstrous deportation and exclusion system against them, which is based upon the assump- tion that they have none of the "rights of man." How could we possibly expect them to be assimilated, as other people are ? Yet, in fact, in each of our large cities well-attended schools have been opened specially for their instruction, par- ticularly by different Christian missions, and especially their minor children are becoming masters of our language, our habits, our customs. Numbers of them have left their " China- 58 towns " and settled " up town " among us ; many have adoptea our costume, even cut ofi" their queues, and have become con- vei'ts to Occidental religious faiths. Their women, as far as we permit them to, are coming over in increasing numbers to settle here- permanently. Some of the ■men have entered our professions, are to be found at our col- leges, have chairs in Chinese opened for them at our universi- ties, even marry worthy American wives, whom they encoun- tered in Chinese Christian missions. The remarkable fact is, not that they are not willing to assimilate with us, but that they should have assimilated with us as much as they have. -And herein lies also the solution of the Chinese labor ques- tion. Even of their laborers, those that mingle with us " and be- come more or less fully Americanized, particularly those liv- ing outside the Chinese quarters, to which custom and assaults from without direct them, rapidly learn that they are econom- ically equal to other men of other races, and their ideas of -equality assert themselyes first of all in their charging as much as other men, as much as our general economic laws of supply and demand permit. Americanization and assimilation are the deadliest foes of " starvation wages." If it be deemed best to continue excluding laborers, while abolishing our present iniqui- tous procedure system, rapid assimilation and Americaniza- tion will go on. The more Americanized and intelligent ^mong them, whose lives are in fact, if not in name, linked to this country and not to China, and who are clamoring for an opportunity to become American citizens in name as well, would be most useful allies in such work of Americanization. And, needless to say, an enormous increase in our percentage of the Oriental trade would follow in the wake of a rational -and satisfactory solution of the immigration problem. THE NATURALIZATION QUESTION. The rights of Chinese merchants residing here, too, would be protected, if they were permitted to become naturalized American citizens, and thus taken outside of the operation of these laws, to the same extent that Chinese born here are now. Through some recent Congressional legislation, perhaps by mere inadvertence, all Chinese residents of Hawaii have be- come citizens of the United States (Synopsis Treasury Deci- sions, No. 22,913), though the wisdom of such a general and ndiscrimina,te naturalization is doubtful. Yet have we a right 54; to deny this privilege, while granting it unconditionally and without discrimination to all Chinese in Hawaii, to Chinese non-laborers who have resided here at least five years, who, even under existing laws, would be required to prove the facts under close scrutiny as to their residence in courts of law, in part at least by non-alien testimony, and place themselves on record, as wanting to adopt as their permanent home this land, which h^s welcomed with open arms all other aliens wishing to settle here and ostensibly still seeks to enjoy the reciprocal value of their residence and trade here, and our domiciles and trade in their fatherland ? That Chinese persons would welcome such an opportunity to become citizens is evidenced, not merely by their own wishes, freely expressed from time to time, but by their futile appli- cations in the past and by the few cherished naturalization certificates possessed by a handful of their number, void, per- haps, on their face, but issued here and there by order of some magistrate, who was ignorant of the fact that he was violating^ the law of the land in failing to discriminate against Chinese applicants for naturalization because of their " race, color, or previous condition of servitude " ! Of course, the naturaliza- tion certificates purposed to be issued to Chinese persons, like all other certificates herein referred to, may properly be re- quired to have attached to them a photograph of the Chinese applicant, such as is required under the registration certificate under the McCreery Act of 1893, in order to prevent fraud and false personation. Charles Sumner's words, spoken in the Senate in 1870, be- fore the exclusion acts were framed, are still pertinent, and in view of our labor exclusion laws to-day,'8till more unanswer- able: " Senators undertake to disturb us in our judgment by re- minding us of large numbers swarming from China, but the answer to all this is very obvious and very simple. If the Chinese come here, they will come for citizenship or merely for labor. If they come for citizenship, then in this desire do they give a pledge of loyalty to our institutions, and where is the peril in such vows ? They are peaceful and industrious. How can their citizenship be the occasion of solicitude ?" In such ways we could not merely give relief to the op- pressed Chinese residents, while restricting further Chinese labor emigration, and do away with a system of exclusion and deportation that is a blot and disgrace upon our national fame,. 65 but a simple, inexpensive, just, and unoppressive mode of treat- ment of Chinese aliens would be assured, and exclusion laws would be made more effective, and we would secure valued Chinese trade concessions and connections of incalculable value, and we would best serve the aims of our own American laborers by preventing " cheap Chinese labor " now in the country from injuring laborers of other races, by lowering or keeping low standards of wages ! And it would no longer be necessary for our Government to hide itself shame-f acedly behind other gov- ernments, while making requests for trade privileges and con- cessions and right of residence for American citizens in China, in order to avoid the inquiry as to whether American civiliza- tion has afforded similar rights in America to Chinese mer- chant princes ! His Excellency, the Chinese Minister, Wu Ting Fang, in his address at Ann Arbor, to the students of the University, spoke as follows : Confucius said : " When I walk along with two others, they will serve me as my teachers. I will select their good quali- ties and follow them ; as to their bad qualities, I will avoid them." This is the mental attitude of an observing student bent upon self -improvement. In thib study of your institutions, I have striven to hold myself always in readiness to learn, with a view to profitable comparison. I fully appreciate the excellence of your political, economical and educational systems. Too much praise cannot be accorded to the founders and states- men of this great Kepublic for their wisdom and foresight in providing for' the growth, development and government of the country. But it cannot be denied that, excellent as those systems are, they are not yet perfect, that is, suited to all re- quirements, at all times; for the work of man cannot be per- fect. All things in this world are in course of change, and we must change with them to keep up With the-times. Prog- ress is essential to life. China has been too much wedded to the past. The result is that she has to suffer for it. Her institutions, system of education, literature and government are all products of an age that is past. They were amply suflScient, indeed, to meet the demands of national develop- ment when the country was practically isolated from the rest of the world. But in these days of progress and interBational 56 intercourse, they are wofully inadequate to satisfy the present needs. So some defects have, no doubt, been fonnd in the past in the working of the American system of government, and it is not unlikely that other defects niay be discovered in the future. It is the part of wise statesmen to rectify them to suit-the circumstances and requirements of the times. I am sure you would show more respect to the man who as a sincere friend points ont the faults he has fonnd in you, than to the man who glosses over your shortchie;an , Trifli- ana, Kentucky, and Tennessee. IH"DEX. Acts of Congress relating to Chinese immigration— Page. May 6, 1882 4 July 5, 3884 4 5 May 5, 1892 _ _ 4 April 30, 1900 13 April 29, 1902 4 April 27, 1904 4 American citizens of Chinese race, exclusion laws do not apply to 12 Chinese citizens of Hawaii declared 13 Not required to have section 6 certificates 6 Applicant for section 6 certificate, information concerning 9 Rejection of, forwarding copies of precis to neighboring officials 9, 10 Certificates of residence, laborers required to secure 12 Certificates : Overtime ^ 13 Return 6,13 See also " Return certificates." Section 6 5, 6 See also " Section 6 certificates." Children, Chinese adopted by American citizens 6 Minor, of domiciled 6,11 Controversion of section 6 certificates 6 Definition of term — " Laborer " 14 " Merchant " 14 Diplomatic or consular officers, American, to vis§ section 6 certificates 5, 8 Chinese — Entry of 12 Exempt from exclusion laws 11 Not required to have section 6 certificates 6 Domiciled laborers 6 See also " Laborers." Merchants 6 See also " Merchants." Disability, extension of time limit on return certificate on account of 13 Diseased Chinese aliens requiring hospital treatment 11 Evidence required for admission of holder, section 6 certificate shall be sole 6 Return certificate shall be sole 13 Section 6 certificate shall be prima facie 6 Examination, Chinese aliens subject to, under immigration laws 15 Exclusion laws, do not apply to American citizens of Chinese race 12 To whom applied , 14 Exempt classes, description of ' 11 Only classes admissible 12 Residing in Hawaii 13,14 Residing in insular territory 14 .Exhibitor or workman in connection with fair or exhibition authorized by Congress 1^ Form of section 6 certificate 10,11 Hawaii, citizens of, declared American citizens August 12, 1898 13 Holders of return certificates exempt 11 Hucksters not "merchants" 5> 111 treatment, Chinese not subject to 3 Imm'gration laws, Chinese aliens subject to examination under 15 Information concerning exempt classes applying for section 6 certificates must be in writing 9 17 Page. Issuance of certificates of residence 12 Of return certificates 12,13 Of section 6 certificates 6,7,8,9,10 Insular possessions, Chinese resident in 13, 14 Laws apply to 4 Registration required in 12 Investigation, of status of domiciled merchant ad interim 13 Of truth of statements in section 6 certificates 8,9 Jurisdiction under Chinese-exclusion laws, in whom vested 15 Laborers — Character of legislation regarding 3 Definition of term 14 Domiciled 6 111 treatment of 3 Limitation of immigration of 3,4 Reentry in Insular territory 12,13 Resident in insular territory 14 Legislation In accordance with treaty 3,4 Hardship worked by, provisions against 4 Merchants — Ad interim investigation of status 13 Definition of term 5.14 Domiciled Immigration of, not restricted 6 Investigation of section 6 certificates of 9 Reentry of domiciled, Into United States 13 Section 6 certificate for 5 Wife and minor children of ^ 6. 11 Numbering section 6 certificates 11 OflBcers authorized to issue section 6 certificates, location and designa- tion of 6, 7, * In charge of districts, location, and designation of lo Origin of Chinese-exclusion laws 3 Overtime certificates, circumstances under which Issued 13 Peddlers not " merchants " 5, 9 Persons other than laborers may obtain certificates of residence 12 Must have section 6 certificate fi Photographs for section 6 certificates 11 Ports of entry for Chinese 12 Privileges of Chinese sub.ieets in United States 3 Record of section 6 certificates 11 Reentry — Of domiciled laborers 12. 13 Of domiciled merchants 13 Registration of laborers and persons other than laborers 12 Return certificate, extension of time limit of 13 Holder admitted only at port of departure 1?, Holder not required to obtain section 6 certificate 6 Holder permitted to land 11 Issuance of 13 Seamen, Chinese under bond 11 Seattle, section 6 certificates for • lo Section 6 certificates — Classes not required to obtain i5 Contents of 5, 6 For exempt classes in Hawaii 13,14" Form of lo| H For Seattle ' lo Investigation concerning S. 9 Issuance of 6.7.8,9,10 May be controverted 6 Numbering H Photographs aflSxed to ~ H Production of, when lawfully demanded 6 Record of 11 Translation of, into Chinese H Section 6 certificates— Continued. J'age. Vise of 5, 6, 8, 14 Wlien required for exempt classes in Insular territory 14 Servants, body and household 6,11,14 Statements in section 6 certificates, investigation of, by consular officers. 8, 9 May be disproved 6 Status of merchants, proof of I 13 Students, immigration of, not restricted 3,11 Investigation of section 6 certificate of 8, 9 Subjects of China, rights of, in United States 3 Teachers, immigration of, not restricted 3,11 Investigation of section 6 certificate of . 9 Transit, in insular possessions 4 Of Chinese bearing section 6 certificates l 5, 11 Of laborers 14 Time allov^ed for 14 Translation of section 6 certificates into Chinese : 11 Travelers for curiosity or pleasure 3, 11 Investigation of section 6 certificate of 9 Section 6 certificate for 5 Treaty of 1880 1 3, 4 Vis6 of section 6 certificates 5, 6, 8, 14 Wife of domiciled merchant, member of exempt classes 11 Not required to have section 6 certificate . 6 Workman or exhibitor in connection with fair or exhibition authorized by Congress 11 o ruDLHiHiiuHo ur inc imiiiimiiiAimH KtSlHlUllUH LEAGUE. NO. 41 THE RESTRICTION OF IMMIGRATE By ROBERT DeC.^J^ARD Reprinted from The North American Review. (Reprinted from The North American Review) Copyright, 1904, bj^ the North American Review Publishing Company All Rights Resented. THE RESTRICTION OF IMMIGRATION. BY EOBBET DE 0. WARD. In the April number of the Review, Mr. 0. P. Austin answers in the negative the question, " Is the New Immigration Dangerous to the Country?" and arrives at his conclusions by an analysis of numerous statistics, of which he is a well-knowa and acknowl- edged master. Mr. Austin says that it is hard "to apply the statistical measuring rod with an assurance of obtaining exact results in the way of conclusions." To this the present writer cordially agrees, for he is convinced that the immigration problem is so vast and so complex that present statistics cannot give any satisfactory solution of it. This problem, however difficult it may be for us to deal with here and now, is essentially a problem not of the present, as most writers assume, but of the future. And because the problem is of the future rather than of to-day, present statistics of immigration, of the character of our immi- grants, and of their relation to pauperism and crime, cannot furnish satisfactory answers to questions arising out of this prob- lem. Again, the assimilation of our immigrants cannot possibly be treated by means of statistics alone. Whether our recent immi- grants are or are not becoming satisfactorily assimilated can only be determined by those who have constant close personal relations with them. Thus we are ready to take up the first of the conclusions reached by Mr. Austin, "that the present immigration, large as it is, is not beyond our power of assimilation, and probably of healtM ul assimilation." The first comment which suggests itself in this connection concerns the numbers, not of last year's immi- gration, nor of this year's, but of the immigration of 1925, 1950, and of other years still farther off in the future. It is perfectly certain that emigration to this country will not decrease in the TBm KEBTRWTIOy OF lUMiaRATlON. future, except during occasional periods of financial depression,, but that it -will and must increase, unless the United States take some steps towards further restriction. No one who has watched the trend of passenger-steamship traffic between the United States and European ports within the past few years, and especially within the past year, can have failed to be impressed by the in- crease in the number of sailings in general, and especially by the marked increase in the number of sailings to and from Mediter- ranean ports. Within a few months the White Star Line has- inaugurated a new service between Mediterranean ports and the United States; the Cunard Line has entered into competition for the steerage traffic from southern Europe, northern Africa and Asia, and has closed a contract with the Austro-Hungarian Gov- ernment by which the Gunard ships are guaranteed 30,000 emi- grants from Austria-Hungary every year;* a new line of steamers has been established between Odessa and New York; the Austro- American. steamers which formerly plied as cargo-boats between Trieste and Gentral America have been transferred to run as pas- senger-ships between Trieste and New York; the number of' Mediterranean sailings of the Hamburg-American, North Ger- man Lloyd and other companies, has been largely increased. All this is evidence of a very large growth in the steerage-pas- senger traffic from southern and eastern Europe and from Asia. The building of new railroads in Asia ; the easier communication with the sea thus resulting; the increase in the number of steam- ship agents all over eastern Europe, northern Africa and Asia Minor — all this likewise means more immigrants.-j- Our fathers, who witnessed a total immigration of 128,393 in the decade 1820-1830, would probably have thought it beyond the range of human possibility to have 1,000,000 people brought across the ocean in a year. Yet, in view of the rapid increase in the size of ocean steamships, some of which now accommodate over 2,000 immigrants at once, may we not with reasonable cer- * That part of the contract which concernB the guarantee of 30,000 emigrants annually has since been modified, according to cabled re- ports from Europe. t The_ competition between the rival steamship lines has recently re- sulted in a rate-war, and in an accompanying reduction of the cost of a steerage passage from many Europeans ports to the United States to ten dollars, and even less. The natural consequences have been an in- crease in the number of immigrants, and a marked deterioration in their quality. THE WORTH AUEBWAIf BEVIETt. lainty expect an animal inmiigration of 2,000,000 within ten or fifteen years? Do any statistics as to numbers of foreign-bom now here help us to solve the immigration problem of the future, which is going to be so immeasurably more difficult? Further- more, the new immigration from Austria-Hungary, Italy, Eus- sia, Poland, Greece, the Balkan Peninsula, Syria, etc., which has only just begun, will continue to increase with increasing facility of transportation. If we have an Italian slvim problem, and a Jewish slum problem now, what shall we have when perhaps 3,000,000 Eussian Jews have come to us, and when 5,000,000 Italians are living here? Not only so, immigration from Asia has only just begun. Within a few years it may increase until we have more Asiatic immigrants in a year than we now have Italians. Is this not reasonably certain, and was not the late General Francis A. Walker right when he said that the tide of immigration will flow on as long " as there is any difference of economic level between our own population and that of the most degraded communities abroad " ? This, it seems to the writer, is the view of the future which ought to be taken by every one who thinks seriously of this vast problem of immigra- tion. James Bryee was not far wrong when he spoke of the more and more thorough " drainage " of the inland regions of Europe which is illustrated for us in the new immigration, and General Walker's apt phrase, " Pipe-Line Immigration," is as true as it is suggestive; for, although many tiiousands of immigrants still come here every year who may be ranked with the pioneers who came fifty years ago, when the journey was long, hard and expen- sive, a very large number now come because they are persuaded to come by some steamship agent; or because they find it easier to leave their home problems and take a fresh start, or indeed be- cause their own communities make it easy for them to leave for the good of ttose communities. It appears, then, that statistics of present immigration are of little help in a broad view of the immigration problem of the future. As to the assimilation of our alien population, that, likewise, cannot be expressed statistically. In this matter, there has been no more authoritative expression of opinion, by a large body of competent judges, than is contained in a series of resolutions sent to the last Congress from most of tiie Boards of Associated Chari- ties throughout the United States. These resolutions, which em- THE RESTRICTION OF IMMIGRATION. bodied the views of voluntary and paid cliarity workers who every day are brought into close contact with the immigrant, and who, if anything, are prejudiced in his favor, held that " it is impossible to make the conditions of the very poor substantially better when every arriving steamer brings more of the ignorant and unskilled to compete for the employments that are open only to the ignorant and unskilled"; and that "the difficulty of securing universali education is greatly increased when every year sees landed an army of one hundred thousand illiterates, whose children will start upon their career as American citizens from ignorant homes, under practically foreign surroimdings." It is significant to find in the last Annual Keport of the Associated Charities of Boston the following : " With an immigration, as unrestrained as at present, we can have little hope of permanent gain in the struggle for uplifting the poor of our cities, since newcomers are always at hand, ignorant of American standards." ' Agaiii, in the 37th Annual Eeport of the United Hebrew Chari- ties of New York, after statistics concerning pauperism, is the fol- lowing : "It is unnecessary to introduce . . . the causes that underlie these conditions. The horrible congestion in which so many of our coreligion- ists live, the squalor and fllth, the lack of air and sunlight. . . . Even more pronounced are the results accruing from these conditions: the vice and crime, the irreligiousness, lack of self-restraint, indifference to social conventions, indulgence of the most degraded and perverted appe- tites, which are daily growing more pronounced and more offensive." It is clear that we are not properly assimilating our foreign popu- lation when a judge in New York State rejects the naturalization papers of sixty persons, on the ground that "when a man has been in this country five years, and is unable to speak our lan- guage, ... he is not fitted to be admitted to citizenship;" or, when we find in the factories of the Empire State young men and women of seventeen to twenty who have lived here since they were four or five and who cannot yet understand or speak English. It must, furthermore, always be remembered that even if all the " unabsorbed " immigrants are brought to the poiut of demanding the same standards of living as those of the older part of the popu- lation, there is, as the late Professor Richmond Mayo-Smith so THE NORTH AMERICAy REVIEW. clearly pointed out, an inexhaustible supply behind, which in its turn must also be raised up. Thus, there are two sides to the question, Has the new inunigra- tion become assimilated ? Whatever may have been our success in assimilating those who have come in the past, it must be remem- bered that our work thus far is small compared with what is before us. No wonder that General Walker, who had intimate acquaintance with this problem through his work as Superin- tendent of the United States census, wrote : " That man must be a sentimentalist and an optimist beyond all bounds of reason who believes that we can take such a load upon the national stomach without a failure of assimilation, and without great danger to the life and health of the nation." In connection with assimilation, Mr. Austin makes use of the argument that, "while the immigration is larger now than ever before, it is no larger in proportion to the population than on many former occasions." The difficulty about this argument is that, whereas in the early days of the " new " immigration, twenty years or so ago, the " new " immigrants found themselves merged in a great mass of many millions, consisting almost wholly of Anglo-Saxons, it is becoming increasingly true that, our new ar- rivals from southern and eastern Europe and from Asia come less and less in contact with the older part of our population- What difference does it make to the 200,000 Italians, Hebrews and Poles who were last year destined to New York State, and mostly to New York City, that there is a total population in the country of 80,000,000 ? The path of an immigrant is very easy from his European village to a settlement of his own countrymen in some American city. He naturally goes where his relatives and friends have already settled; he may live for years in an American com- munity without coming very directly in contact with the older portion of the population, and sometimes even without finding- any necessity of learning the English language. Thus it appears that statistics of annual immigration, in its relation to the total population of the country, cannot give any idea of the capacity of our people for the assimilation of the million of immigrants who came last year, nor of the possible future assimilation of the millions who will later come to us. In regard to Mr. Austin's second conclusion, "that the so- THE BEBTRIGTION OP rMMIOBATION. called ' objectionable class ' is not the class which is filling the jails and almshouses," it should be noted that the census statistics of criminality are defective in that they do not make adequate dis- tinction between criminals of foreign birth and of foreign parent- age, and that crimes are not properly classified in respect of their being petty or serious. Secondly, it is yet too early to determine statistically what the relation of the new immigration to crime and pauperism will be, there being a good deal of evidence that the children of our recent immigrants are less law-abiding than tjieir foreign-bom parents. Thus, in the Final Eeport of the United States IndustriaLCommission, page 967, it is stated that "the second generation, i. e., the native children of foreign parents, furnish the largest proportion of coinmitments and prisoners of all race elements in the populatiort^ Thirdly, a good deal of evidence can be adduced to show thafthe new immi- gration is a good deal of a financial burden, after all. In New York City there is, of course, the greatest congestion of recent inmiigrants, and here the rest of the country may well learn a lesson as to the conditions which are pretty certain to prevail else- where, as our other cities become more and more filled with the " Pipe-Line " immigrants from the slums of Europe and of Asia. One of the managers of the "House of Eefuge" in New York City says: " I notice the large number of children that are placed in charitable institutions for no crime or misdemeanor, but to relieve their parents of their support. They are principally from southern and eastern Europe." There are estimated to be 40,000 cases of trachoma in New York City, imported almost entirely by aliens from southern and east- ern Europe, and this danger is so great that the Boards of Edu- cation and of Health have found it necessary to examine the pupils iu the public schools at frequent intervals, in order to check the spread of this disease among the children. Dr. H. J. Shively " Infection from trachoma and f avus is readily traced to immigrant sources; in tuberculosis the course of the disease is slow and insidious, and immediate sources of infection are less readily recognized. It is perhaps for this reason that the danger of the tuberculous immigrant to the health of the community has not been emphasized as it should be." THE NORTB AMERICAN REVIEW. When all has been said, pro and couj it still remains a fact that, ■whether the new immigration does or does not add unduly to the number of criminals and dependents, it certainly adds consider- ably to them, and finally, that the present gives but little idea of what the future will bring forth. The fact that our newer immi- grants have so far not furnished a disproportionately large num- ber of paupers is doubtless in part due to their lower standards of living. But, ^meanwhile, these same lower standards of living work detrimentally with regard to the community as a whole. Mr. Austin's third conclusion as to the " new " immigrants is " that, while they are somewhat deficient in the matter of educa- tion, that of their children is likely to compare favorably with that of our own population, and that they will thus contribute a safe and valuable element to the future population of the country." This opinion is based on the fact j;hat a larger percentage of the children of immigrants go to school during the years between five and fourteen than of the children of native whites, and that the percentage of illiterates among children bom in the United States of foreign parents is smaller than among the children of native whites. These facts are well known, and are among the most hopeful and most encouraging signs for the future. On the other hand, however, ought we to make our already heavy burden of native illiteracy any heavier by adding to it several hundred thousand foreign illiterates, for the reason, forsooth, that the children of these foreign illiterates will form " a safe and valu- able element " in the population ? We have the burden oJ,native illiteracy, adult and child ; we have the burden of negro eduH^ion. Our first duty is, obviously, to our own people. Shall we de- liberately add to these burdens the education of the illiterate millions who are coming and will continue to come from foreign lands ? Miss Adele Marie Shaw, who has recently made a thorough study of the New York City public schools, concludes that the only remedies for the conditions there existing are the restriction of foreign immigration and a vast increase in expenditure — " larger than any yet dreamed of." " With eighty-five per cent. of its population foreign or of foreign parentage, its salvation de- pendent upon the conversion of a daily arriving cityful of Eus- sians, Turks, Austro-Hungarians, Sicilians, Greeks, Arabs, into good Americans . - . the city has a problem of popular education that is staggering." Furthermore, it is to be remembered that TEE RESTRICTION OF IMMIGRATION. the very statistics which show the small illiteracy of the children of foreign-bom immigrants also show a high percentage of criminality of these same children when they grow up. Fourthly, regarding the relation of the newer immigrants of the " objectionable class " to politics, it is claimed by Mr. Austin " that they are not, as a class, as dangerous an element iu politics i as has been frequently asserted." To confirm this view, statistics I are given to show that the recent immigrants from southern and eastern Europe have not, as a whole, become naturalized to any great extent, and hence do not exert a bad political influence, be- cause they do not vote. This is a curious argument, from an American point of view: that there is no objection to having a large number of immigrants of certain races in our population as long as these people do not vote. Can that be a very desirable I class of immigrants which we are anxious to have remain outside | the body politic ? The fact that many electoral votes against free silver in 1896 came from States having a large number of foreign- bom voters is not an argument against the further restriction of the immigration of races least closely allied to us, for these foreign-bom voters were almost altogether from northern and western Europe, the others, as Mr. Austin himself points out, not generally being naturalized. Mr. Austin's last conclusion is "that they are an important factor ia the development and wealth-producing power of the country," and this conclusion he supports by means of statistics showing that in the States having a large proportion of foreigners there has been a very great production of wealth. No one can, or would, deny the fact that recent immigrants have contributed to the wealth of the country, but to argue from bare statistics that, because these States have witnessed a very large production of wealth, therefore the "new" immigration should be allowed to continue practically as at present, is rather illogical. Cheap labor is usually considered by the capitalist^ to Jie an advanjage, and large employers of labor have always used their influence in Con- gress to ward off impending immigration legislation. But, as Mr. Edward T. Devine, Secretary of the Charity Organization Society of New York, has recently well said : " While it is true that cheap labor may be profitable from the em- ployer's point of view, it does not follow that those who are considering the interests of the community as a whole can look with favor upon TBB NORTH AMERWAV REVIEW. it. . . . The effect of utilizing underpaid immigrant labor under condi- tions which, in order to afford a living at all, make excessive demands upon adult men, and lead irresistibly to the employment of women and children, is directly to increase the number who sooner or later require relief. . . . The plain tendency is to augment the number of those who break down prematurely; of those who in advanced years have made no provision for their own maintenance; of the children whose support must be supplied by others than their own parents, and of those who, meeting with unexpected misfortunes of any kind, have no resources except the generosity of strangers.'' In other words, labor ■vrhieh is economically "cheap" is not socially "cheap." Concerning the character of much of onr present immigration we have the testimony of the Commissioner of Immigration at New York, one of the most efiBcient, capable and honest officers who have ever been in th.e Government service, who holds that " capital cannot, and would not if it could, em- ploy much of the alien material that annually passes through Ellis Island." These people " are neither physically nor mentally fitted to go to the undeveloped parts of our country." "At least 200,000 (and probably more) aliens came in (last year) who, although they may be able to earn a living, yet are not wanted, will be of no benefit to the country, and will, on the contrary, be a detriment, because their presence will tend to lower our standards; and if these 200,000 persons could have been induced to stay at home, nobody, not even those clamoring for more labor, would have missed them. Their coming has been of benefit chiefly, if not only, to the trans- portation companies which brought them here." The writer is not a believer in the total prohibition of immigra- tion, nor even iu a large measure of restriction; he realizes that good immigration always has been and always will be an advan- tage to this country; he does not for a moment wish to appear as opposing Italian immigration, or Jewish immigration, or Hun- garian immigration as a whole; he has come into too close contact with many of our newer immigrants to have faUed to see the many excellent qxialities which distinguish large numbers of these people. He merely wishes to present, for the consideration of the readers of the Ebview, the other side of the conclusions which Mr. Austin has reached. He feels that any one who makes a thorough study of the whole immigration problem, — ^not of a few alien families in one city only — ^without the prejudice of mere sentiment or of selfish and pecuniary interests, and who looks to the future THE REBTRWTIOV OF lUMIOBATION. rather than at the present, must reach the conclusion that some reduction in the volume of immigration is necessary, if American standards of living, and American ideals generally, are to be main- tained for aU time. This reduction may be accomplished by means of a law limiting the number of immigrants from different countries who shall come here each year, as has been suggested by Congressman Eobert Adams, Jr., of Pennsylvania; or, less arbi- trarily, by means of the illiteracy test, which has the support of President Eoosevelt, of the Commissioner of Immigration, and of a large majority of those who have given the subject serious thought. This test is in line with our ideas of universal educa- tion; will enormously stimulate the demand for popular educa- tion in Europe ; will reduce the number of immigrants to a volume which there is some possibility of our being able to assimilate; will, with reasonable exceptions to prevent the separation of families, admit those only who, possessing the rudiments of an education, will certainly have a valuable asset in the struggle for existence. After all, the fundamental question which underlies everything else in this immigration problem has not even been alluded to in Mr. Austin's article. No statistical study of immigration can ever be complete because there is one element, more important than all the others, concerning which no statistics can ever be com- piled. That element is the number of American children who, be- cause of the pressure of foreign immigration, have never ieen horn. Back of all statistics of the criminality, pauperism, assimi- lation, illiteracy, naturalization and economic value of immi- grants, lies the great question of the effect of immigration upon our native, or older, stock. No discussion of this question can be at all complete which leaves this out of consideration. The immi- gration of the last fifty years has contributed millions to our popu- lation; has undoubtedly added enormously to the wealth of the country, but these things have been accomplished at the expense of the native stock. The decreasing birth-rate of our native popu- lation, "the complex resultant, without doubt, of many factors, has been very largely due to the effect of foreign immigration. The late General Walker first advanced this view; that, as newer and lower classes of immigrants came to this country, Americans shrank more and more from the industrial competition which was thus forced upon them; they became unwilling to subject their TH-E yORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. sons and daughters to this competition, and hence these sons and daughters were never horn. The stronger the competition, the greater the effort to maintain and raise the standard of living and the social position above that of the majority of recent immi- grants; and the greater this effort, the greater tiie voluntary check to population. This competition is most serious in its conse- quences when it is due to the immigration of races which are able and content to live under wholly inferior conditions, and when this immigration continually feeds the lower strata of the popula- tion, however rapidly the intermediate strata may be raised in their standards of living. The question is a race question, pure and simple. Many of our recent immigrants, not discouraged by the problem of maintaining high standards of living with their many children, are replacing native Americans. It is fundament- ally a question as to what kind of babies shall be bom; it is a ques- tion as to what races shall dominate in this country. The Amer- ican birth-rate is decreasing. Mr. E. E. Kuczynski, after a very careful study of the population statistics of Massachusetts, con- cludes that the native population is dying out. General Walker believed that foreign immigration into this country hasj from the time it assumed large proportions, not reinforced our population, but replaced it. The United States Industrial Commission, which made one of the most thorough studies of immigration ever under- taken, says in its Final Eeport that "it is a hasiy assumption which holds that immigration during the nineteenth century has increased the total population." In his new book, "The Slav Invasion and the Mine Workers," Dr. P. J. Wame says that the coming of the Slavs into the mining districts of Pennsylvania since 1880 has determined the number of births in the older, English-speaking portion of the population. More recently still, Mr. Henry Gannett, well known for his statistical work in con- nection with the Census, in a hitherto unpublished statement, says: " I do not think that our population has been materially, if at all, increased by immigration. On the contrary, I think that our population would be almost, if not quite, as numerous if the great flood of immigra- tion which began in 1847 had never reached our shores." Mr. Gannett believes that the mixture of our blood with that of Germany, Ireland and Scandinavia has been an advantage, but he TBE BE8TRI0TI0N OF lUMIQRATION. that a mixture with.- the blood of the " ; gration " can have only a bad effect." Finally, in a recent article, Mr. Robert Hunter, of the IFniversity Settlement in New York, pute the case very clearly as follows: "The fathers and mothers of the American children can be chosen, and it is in the power of Congress to decide upon what merits. . . . Ko nation has ever had a social responsibility of greater magnitude. The future of American society, industry, religious faith, political in- stitutions, may be decided in a way quite marvellous by the governing powers of this country. The worst aspect of the whole matter is that the selfish forces interested in promoting immigration in every con- ceivable way, are deciding all these questions for us. The ones who come and the numbers who come depend largely upon the steamship companies. Whether we have more Hungarians than Italians, or Syrians than Greeks, or Scandinavians than Slavs, depends to a very large ex- tent upon their ports, their passage rates and their success in adver- tising and soliciting. ... I believe that this country may be ruined by leaving the volume and quality of immigration almost entirely to the decision of the steamship companies. . . . The skill of their agents de- cides whether we shall have one race or another come in great masses to our shores. ... If we let the steamship companies and the railroads, wanting cheap labor, alone, we shall not decide what immigrants will be better for coming, and what ones the country needs. They will de-' cide it for us. . . . Our governing bodies ... in the past . . . have failed to consider the welfare of the people, either immigrants or Americans. The decision has been made as a result of pressure brbught to bear upon public officials by private and selfish interests. Our national char- acteristics may be changed; our love of freedom, our religion, our in- ventive faculties, our standard of life. All of the things,' in fact, for which America has been more or less distinctive among the nations, may be entirely altered. Our race may be supplanted by another, by an Asiatic one, for instance, and not because it is better so, nor because it is for the world's good. On the contrary, it is in order that individuals i interested in steamships may be benefited, and in order that employers may have cheaper labor. These selfish forces may be disguised, but they are there." EOBEET DeC. WaHD. THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW FRANKLIN SQUARE NEW YORK. $5.00 a. Year SO Cents a Copy