Illllllllll I I Pllll i!i " I !i'il||frji lilll'li P' ■!ii :!!•:! . 'lillliilil Hi ' ; ilili >,'■:''. iifi! Ill;: i mill P lit ■ I'm]! I mi :'! \ i J 111 I ! H ill i Hi l! Ill' Lil: ill i I ! I. ■ I ' ■.:.:: ■■'■ ■ B : t :| -P.: ii!!;i ; i- ■::-::ii 1 i!.Ml | :- ! ilil!!.' j I l! !!:!•! Ij.ff Ffi Hull IINHP|H|I||| '" Ii!,,, Illllllllll 11 1 II ill! ill e Kings Book ikon Basilike III I .i.\;;'.\i ? ;■; ;.:'■'■; ! j ; ;\- . I II i: :i ii; m:i ' r < : ,-.,. ■-....; -,■■■,,•: The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924032320198 A Bibliography of The King's Book or Eikon Basilike %5 ^& ^0 ^b ^& Si Si St St Si St St St St St St St St St St ^m ^& Si \^ Jri Jri ,^ ^3 ,^3 ^ ^3 ,^ ^3 ^j ,5^ ^3 ,5^ «3} %5} \5} ^Z «^} s^} «^5 »^} v^ Only one hundred and fitfy copies of this Large Taper Edition have been printed, of which this is'0{o.^Q.. 'Publishers. C£» C£* C£» ,^> ^» C^> C£> C£> ^» vr> ^> C£V"C£» C£» VV^" 4 C£* C£* ^* C£» C£* ^* C£* ^9 cs ^9 ^9 5? ^9 s9 C9 ' "59 ^9 ^9 ^9 ^9 ^9 ^9 ^9 ^9 ^9 Gj ^9 ^9 ^9 ^9 3 tefcittfe *0i* S55or8 to mj> 0faunc#eft tt\xt\t, friend. (ft generous friend f0tp no cofo medium flno5Se, (fume JBtffl one foBe, ®tf0 one refenfmenf gfoifo. 6. &. A Bibliography of The King's Book or Eikon Basilike BY EDWARD ALMACK (MEMBER OF THE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.) LONDON BLADES, EAST & BLADES S3, ABCHURCH LANE, E.C 1896 "Blades, East &■ 'Blades, Trinters, 23, tAhchurcb Lane, London, E.C. CONTENTS. PAGE I" HlSTORIGAL SKETCH - • " : Fac-similes- of Initial Letters used in the "Waistcoat Fogke't " Editions of " Eikon Basilike " - - 45 Early References ."■.-. - - - 53 Contents of "Eikon Basilike" - -56 Contents of "Reliqule Sacr*- Carolina" - - - 57 Reproductions of Water-marks - 68. List Of Works upon "Eikon Basilike"/ - - - 72 Evidences for the Royal Authorship of "Eikon Basilike" - 88 "Evidences for Dr. Gauden ... 96 Descriptions of the various Editions (1-76) - - following 143 Addenda • - - - - i Index - - - - - - " . v List of Subscribers ... - xv PLATES. .-*: Fac-simile of Prayer in The King's Handwriting - - faring p. 48 Faosimile of Book-plate ". facing description of Eikon No. 7 Binding Illustration No. 1 • . - „ » Eikon- No. 16 „ . . "„ No. a - " - „ » Eikon No. 32 ••• ,, ,» No -;3 "• -v. » » ' ^'^nNo. 4.1 - No.' 4 - ■ -.- „. ... Eikon No. S3 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; OR, EIKON BASILIKE. »N writing a bibliography of the Eikon Basilike I have aimed at giving full information in a simple form, avoid- ing pedantry and academic expressions, considering that a bibliography is not for the use of bibliographers only. Having regard also to Dr. Copinger's reminder to the Bibliographical Society, that there is no reason why a bibliography should not be made of some general interest, I have deliberately endeavoured to relieve the dull landscape with lights and shadows, at the risk of being reproved for not keeping to the driest facts of bibliography only. The Bibliographer (No. 15, February, 1883) contains an article of three pages on the Eikon Basilike, 1648, by Mr. Edward Solly, F.R.S., who evidently purposed making some sort of a bibliography of the subject ; but he died, and most of his own Eikons are now the property of Mr. Falconer Madan, of Bodley's, from whom I have received much friendly encourage- ment in this undertaking. Mr. E. Solly was a collector of Civil War Tracts, and used to relate that the most valuable collection of scarce works that he ever bought, was obtained in the following manner: — "He was standing at the door of Mr. Salkeld's picturesque old book store, when 2 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; a small cart load of waste paper hove in sight. He forthwith hailed the driver, asked Mr. Salkeld to accompany him, with the cart, to the nearest butcher's shop, to have the paper weighed, and had very soon completed his bargain, without giving good Mr. Salkeld — from 'canny Newcastle' — any chance of overhauling the spoil." In treating this subject, it seems desirable to give as fully as practicable — An account of the various editions of the Eikon (see from p. 143 to the end of the book) ; A list of writings upon the Eikon (see pp. 72-87) ; * A few of the evidences in support of the royal authorship (see pp. 88-96) ; A few of the evidences (so-called) in favour of Gauden's authorship (see pp. 96-117). The key to the description of each edition of the Eikon is as follows : — 1 st. Title page. 2nd. Binding measurement. (A somewhat variable figure.) Text measurement, exclusive of pagination, signatures, run- ning title, and catch-word. (Even this is not quite a fixed quantity.) 3rd. Signatures. (Nos. 16, 17, 18, 36, and 40, are really 241110s, each signature comprising only a half-sheet, but No. 41 is a i2mo. Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. 12, 13, 14, 25, 31, 32, 33> 35. 37. 38, 39, 4i, 5 1 . 5 2 > 53» and 59, are i2mos.) 4th. Pagination. Of course neither 3 nor 4 will usually include every leaf in the volume, but the 5 th part will describe the edition from cover to cover. I claim as a unique distinction that, together with my own written descriptions, I have handed the compositor a copy of each edition, and * No attempt has been made to enumerate all the various references to the Eikon that have from time to time been made, such as in the Gentleman's Magazine, Notes and Queries, or in the writings of historians. I do not mean that I have neglected to read these. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 3 he has, with extreme care, imitated everything exactly as found in the copy before him. Occasionally it has been necessary to cut types for the purpose. To have used the word "sic" wherever a mistake has to be printed would have been nauseous both to writer and reader. At the end of this book will be found " guards " for additional leaves to contain information which it is hoped that those who take any interest in the subject will kindly send to me, through the publishers, Messrs. Blades, East & Blades. When this book has been out about a year, I shall sift and arrange for press whatever may have come to light, and the publishers have kindly undertaken to send these leaves to all sub- scribers who give their addresses. The present work aims essentially at describing the editions of Eikon Basilike; but to have written it without frequently introducing the vexed question of authorship would have been difficult. It is to be regretted that so many of the public of to-day do not read books, but only skip through extracts from notices of reviews of reviews of books. Whilst engaged on this bibliography, I have been applied to several times for the loan of an Eikon. It has been read through, with the result that in each case the borrower has been touched with a spontaneous feeling of deep sympathy for Charles the First. The fate of Charles the First has aroused deep emotions in the minds of Britons for close on two hundred and fifty years. A few hours after the King's execution, his book was in the hands of the people, and so marvellous was its effect, that contemporary authorities declare that nothing but the Government's ingenious and persistent con- demnations of the work prevented an immediate restoration of the monarchy. Those engaged in the publication were hunted down and imprisoned ; but, in spite of every obstacle, the anxiety of the Cavaliers to possess copies of this touching memorial was so great, and the perse- verance of the printers so determined, that the work was newly put in type over and over again, and published with a rapidity that has never to this day been equalled. Fresh editions appeared almost daily at first, and afterwards every week. A considerable number of editions have b 2 4 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; appeared in this century, including one published in 1879 by Parkers, with a long introduction by Miss Phillimore ; the latest being Mr. Edward J. L. Scott's, issued in the following year. {See pp. 123-42.) Dr. Christopher Wordsworth, Master of Trinity, writing in 1824, and Mr. Edward J. L. Scott, Keeper of the Department of MSS. at the British Museum, writing in 1880, expressed the great desirability of gathering together all the various issues, describing and classifying them, and thereby opening the way to the elucidation of the authorship. It may be asked why the title page speaks of "The King's Book." The answer is that, at the time of its first appearance, and subsequently, the Eikon was constantly thus spoken of, and written about. The natural assumption is that the King wrote it. It remains for someone to prove that he did not write it. It will generally be found that the person who readily declares an opinion adverse to the King, and in favour of Gauden, has not read the Eikon. A touching pathos and simple dignity pervade every chapter. In reading these meditations, the King's subjects instantly recognised the stamp of the King's own character in every page. Running through every chapter there is a vein of calmness and patience, pre-eminently characteristic of Charles the First. Some scores of copies which I have, bear evidences of having been read and read again from Alpha to Omega.* Mr. Walter Hamilton, of the Record Office, daily and hourly steeped to the lips in the true history of the period, venerated much the King's character. He regretted his fatal tendency to "state-craft;" but writing — mark you — before the immortal William learnt "lightning somersaults," he did not think that we of to-day could safely take to stone-throwing. There is one sure sign whereby an attack, old or new, on the King's authorship may be known. All with one accord make a whining apology for bringing the indictment, and irresistibly call up to mind Sir Richard Grenville's explosion in Westward Ho! where he tells some canting knave that "he never heard a man begin to prate of his honour, and his conscience, but he knew that he was about to tell a bigger lie than he was wont." * The text of some editions is headed "A" and ends " Q." OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 5 Although Cromwell, Milton, and their friends had absolute control of the press during the period, the books concocted to condemn the Eikon and the royal author were hardly ever reprinted. There was evidently no sale for them. A most striking point in proof of the disregard shown to these pretended efforts to deny the King's right to the book is, that whereas a 1648-9 Eikon may be bought any day, a copy of a contemporary work against the Eikon is about as rare as an egg of the great auk. As regards Gauden's claim — why did he pretend that he had written it ? He has himself given the answer. He made the claim in order to obtain preferment; and he was successful in his object. Whereas the early evidences in support of the King are numerous and varied, those in support of the pretender resolve themselves solely into the interested claims of Gauden himself, supported, as Eliot Warburton remarks, by his garrulous wife. Mrs. Gauden, with a woman's shrewdness, helped, perhaps instigated, her husband's claim; but after the pretence had served its purpose, and the two bishoprics had been enjoyed to the full, she counselled timely repentance, and confession of the imposture, so that Gauden, having enjoyed the patronage of the powers of this world, might not fail of the favour of the Ruler of the world to come. No one has attempted to show that the general style and tone of the Eikon differ from the King's known writings and line of thought. Nobody has ever pretended that Gauden — a cowering, craving, conceited, mean-spirited creature — wrote anything before, or after, approaching to the Eikon in dignity and beauty. These uncomplimentary epithets are introduced deliberately, because, after reading the Eikon and reading Gauden's known writings, it seems impossible to imagine such a man writing the former work. At last a genuine, original, sworn testimony, by the printer of the original Eikon, has come to light, and, most unkindly! the word "Gauden" is nowhere inscribed on it! It is as follows: — Wm. DuGard printed 1. The King's incomparable ~SXn.hv /Sa* Gull- V*Winr- 8 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; In the index to the State Papers he is not distinguished from his cousin, Sir James Harrington, son of his father's elder brother Sir Edward Harrington, who was on the commission for trying the King ; was afterwards a member of the Council of State, and at the Restoration was excepted from Acts of Pardon. Warrants were out for his arrest at the same time as for his cousin of the same name. He felt a strong personal attachment to Charles the First, and was said to have been over- whelmed with grief at his death. At page 14 of The Oceana and other Works of James Harrington, with an Account of his Life (By John Toland. London : Printed for T. Beckett and T. Cadell, in the Strand; and T. Evans, in King Street, Covent Garden, mdcclxxi.), will be found: — 9. He had the good luck to grow very acceptable to the King, who much convers'd with him about books and foren countrys. In his sister's papers I find it exprest, that at the King's command he translated into English Dr. Sanderson's Book concerning the obligation of oaths ; but Anthony Wood says it was the King's own doing, and that he shew'd it at different times to Harrington, Herbert, Dr. Juxon, Dr. Hammond, and Dr. Sheldon, for their approbation. However that be, 'tis certain he served his master with untainted fidelity, without doing anything inconsistent with the liberty of his country; and that he made use of his interest with his friends in Parliament to have matters accomodated for the satisfaction of all partys. During the treaty in the Isle of Wight, he frequently warn'd the divines of his acquaintance to take heed how far they prest the King to insist upon any thing which, however it concern'd their dignity, was no essential point of religion ; and that such matters driven too far wou'd infallibly ruin all the indeavours us'd for a peace ; which prophecy was prov'd too true by the event. " His majesty lov'd his company, says Anthony Wood, and, finding him to be an ingenious man, chose rather to converse with him than with others of his chamber; they had often discourses con- cerning government ; but when they happen'd to talk of a commonwealth, the King seem'd not to indure it." Here I know not which most to commend, the King for trusting a man of republican principles, or Harrington for owning his principles while he serv'd a king. 10. After the King was remov'd out of the Isle of Wight to Hurstcastle in Hamp- shire, Harrington was forcibly turn'd out of service, because he vindicated som of his majesty's arguments against the parlament commissioners at Newport, and thought his concessions not so unsatisfactory as did som others. As they were taking the King to Windsor, he beg'd admittance to the boot of the coach, that he might bid his master farewel ; which being granted, and he preparing to kneel, the King took him by the hand, and pull'd him into him. He was for three or four days permitted to stay ; but because he would not take an oath against assisting or concealing the King's escape, he was not only discharged from his office, but also for som time detain'd in custody, till Major-general OR, EIKON BASILTKE. 9 Ireton obtain'd his liberty. He afterwards found means to see the King at St. James's, and accompany'd him on the scaffold, where, or a little before, he receiv'd a token of his majesty's affection. The Harrington mentioned by DuGard and Short was the Oceana Harrington. DuGard's mention of his being included in the Act of Indemnity ear-marks this point. William DuGard must have been a very remarkable man, as is proved by the following particulars, taken from Dr. Westly Gibson's account of him in the Dictionary of National Biography : — William Dugard, 1606-62, son of the Revd.. Henry Dugard, was born at the Hodges, Bromsgrove Lickey, Worcestershire, 9 January, 1605-6. He became B.A. in 1626, and M.A. in 1630. In 1626 he was an usher at Oundle, and in 1630 was made Master of Stamford School. In 1635 he sued the Corporate authorities for misappropriation of School lands and other abuses. In 1637 he was appointed Master of Colchester Grammar School. He increased the number of scholars from nine to sixty-nine, and repaired the school at his own expense, but gave offence to the townsmen, and was compelled to resign in January, 1642-3. In May, 1644, he was chosen Head-Master of Merchant Taylors' School in London. In 1648 the Court of Aldermen elected him Examiner of their Schools in the country. He printed at his private press Salmasius Defensio Regia in 1649-50. The Council of State committed him to Newgate, ordered the destruction of his presses and implements, and directed the Merchant Taylors' Company to dismiss him from their school. His wife and family were turned out of doors, and his printing effects, worth ;£i,ooo, seized. After a month's imprisonment, however, his release was effected by his friend Milton, and his peace made with Parliament. It is said by Dr. Gill, on the strength of Dugard's assertion upon his death-bed, that Milton found Dugard printing an edition of the Eikon Bastlike about the time of his arrest, and compelled the insertion of the prayer from Sidney's Arcadia, which he afterwards ridiculed in the Eikonoklastes. Milton's answer to Salmasiu.s was printed at Dugard^ press. On Dugard's release from Newgate, he opened a private school on St. Peter's Hill. Bradshaw, however, a few months afterwards, ordered the Merchant Taylors' Company to replace him for his special services to the public as schoolmaster, and as printer to the Council of State. After a third peremptory letter, Dugard was reinstated on September 25, 1650. In 1651-2, some of his books were publicly burnt by order of the House of Commons, such as The Racorian Catechism; yet in the same year he printed a French translation of Milton's Eikonoklastes. In June, 1661, after public warning by the School authorities for various breaches of order, chiefly in taking an excessive number of scholars, he was dismissed. A month after, he opened a private school in White's Alley, Coleman Street, and soon had 193 pupils. He died 3 December, 1662. He lived at Newington IO A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; Butts in 1660, when he concealed in his house James Harrington, author of Oceana, and gave a bond for him of ^S,ooo. This was in gratitude to Harrington, who had saved him formerly from being tried for his life. Three points at once come to mind on reading DuGard's and Short s affidavits:— ( 1 ). That probably Harrington had seen the King writing the book. (2). That neither DuGard nor Harrington would have taken these strong measures in the matter of a book about, and not by, the King. (3). That were the Eikon an imposture, here was DuGard's splendid opportunity to make sure of his own safety by saying, instead of what he wrote, something like this : " The book was not King Charles's, as I can prove; but only let me go in peace, and I will keep the secret." The four following numbers of the Academy— May 12, May 26, June 9, and June 30, 1883, contain articles by Mr. Charles E. Doble, on the authorship of the Eikon. The writer has spared no pains in studying the subject from his own point of view. It is only to be regretted that he should find it necessary, in advocating the claims of Gauden, to start by resolving to ignore all external evidences. The impression conveyed by reading his analysis of the work is that of a man examining a picture with his face almost touching the canvas. In the first article, Mr. Doble deals especially with resemblances between expressions used in the Eikon and used elsev/here by Gauden ; in the second, he refers much to the Rev. E. Symmons' Vindication of King Charles, printed in 1648; in the third, he writes of the course of events as alluded to in the Eikon; and in the last, he remarks on editions and printers. Mr. Doble's articles detailed some very interesting particulars respect- ing the Eikon. I have only just recently seen them, and am glad to find that, working separately, we have both identified DuGard as printer of Eikon No. 1. (I had also noted Grismond as probably printing some edi- tions for Royston.) Mr. Doble put this point very strongly, and showed how DuGard was undoubtedly most closely associated with the Eikon. Now, I have found DuGard's own solemn assertion that he printed it, distinctly naming it as the King's. Thus are Mr. Doble's arguments for Gauden's authorship turned against himself. Mr. Doble also pointed out, in a very interesting manner, that emblems printed in Gauden's books were afterwards OR, EIKON BASILIKE. u adapted to editions of the Eikon and Reliquice Sacra. Of course they were, seeing that DuGard had printed for Gauden. In short, to use a colloquial phrase, Mr. Doble's points went to prove that the " get up " of the Eikon was DuGard's work ; but as DuGard also put together Gauden's publications for the press, what wonder that there should be a resemblance in arrangement ? As an instance of this editing of DuGard's, notice the expressions "incomparable Eikon Basilike" and " High Court of Injustice," used by DuGard in his affidavit, and in early editions of the Reliquice Sacra. Mr. Doble laid stress upon the Reliquice Sacrce, published after the Restoration, having some stage properties which had, in a different form, been used in one of Gauden's books. Here, again, we are to suppose that in the edition de luxe of the Reliquice Sacrce Carolines including the Eikon, produced, with care and leisure, specially to honour the late King, the editors would be guilty of the mad folly of inserting landmarks to guide the enemy to declare Gauden as the composer. Was not Field the real author of the Eikon, as the engraving by Hollar, which is the first leaf of the first folio Reliquice, had been used in Field's Bible? Mr. Doble described the original Eikon frontispiece as a crude performance, and argued therefrom that the King had not drawn it. Behold another step on the right ladder, for it seems hardly necessary to add that this is in favour of the picture being by an amateur such as the King, and not by a hand accustomed to the rules of Art, and the exigencies of drawing for repro- duction. Again, Mr. Doble called particular attention to proofs of the Rev. E. Symmons' connection with the Eikon, and now we have DuGard's avowal that he received the King's Book from Symmons. Mr. Doble noticed resemblances between the Eikon and the Vindication of the King, written by the Rev. Edward Symmons. The Eikon and Symmons' Vindication, which preceded it, were both written to defend the King, and would therefore have some likeness to each other. Mr. Doble reasoned that Gauden must have made use of the Vindication to help him to write the Eikon. It does not seem to have occurred to him that it was notorious that the King perused Symmons' Vindication with deep interest, and, in gratitude to the author, afterwards, when the Eikon was finished, handed it to him to have it printed. Accordingly nothing could be more natural c 2 12 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; than that the King's composition should bear traces of what he had just read upon the same story as he was himself telling. I know not how sufficiently to thank Mr. Doble for his many justifications of the title of Charles the First to the authorship of Eikon Basilike. Mr. Doble elicited from Dr. Gardiner the opinion that whoever wrote the Eikon, Charles the First did not write it. Now, if Dr. Gardiner were to read the Eikon through, and study the matter, his judgment would be most valuable. In the meantime, such an expression as the above is akin to that of the magistrate who refused to convict because some witnesses swore that they had not seen the prisoner throw the stones, and the other case where a witness accurately defined the measure of the stone thrown as "about the size of a lump of chalk." That even a man so skilled, and so familiar with all the Civil War authorities, as Dr. Gardiner may easily fail in identifying a well-known author, the following extracts from two letters will illustrate: — London, E.C., 16th May, 1893. The MS. relating chiefly to Scottish affairs during the Civil Wars, which you left with Mr the other day, seems of great historical interest I have reason to believe, however, that the Scottish Historical Society would undertake its publication if the Council's opinion of the MS. should prove as favourable as that already expressed by Prof. Gardiner and other experts here. Edinburgh, 31st May, 1893. I regret to say that Bishop on examining your manuscript discovered it to be the Memoirs of Bishop H. Guthry, printed in London in 1702, and in Glasgow in 1747. The text of your MS. is said to be superior to that of the printed copies, in which are some verbal alterations and omissions. The owner of the MS. volume was treated with the utmost possible con- sideration throughout the little correspondence. Mr. Doble, following other writers on the subject, thinks that the Eikon is too ecclesiastical in style for a king. On the other hand, Dr. Gardiner, in his Life of Charles the First for the Dictionary of National Biography, has affirmed that the King was very much at home in using the weapons of religious arguments. This was always stated by the King's contemporaries; but it is worth while to note Dr. Gardiner's confirmation. Mr. Doble has quoted separate words, and occasionally several together, used by Gauden, and compared them with the King's writings. Dr. Christopher Wordsworth OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 13 took, bodily, entire paragraphs by the two writers, as witness on p. 312 of Who Wrote Eikon Basilike ? where, after alluding to the King's wish that his death should not be revenged, he goes on: — Let us pause for a moment at this word Remember,* to cast our eyes towards Dr. Gauden. Gauden published a Book called 2rparo/Xi7-Ewi).'oj, A just invective against those of the Army and their abettors who murdered King Charles I. This Book, he tells us, he wrote on the tenth of February, immediately after the murder of the King; that is, probably not more than a month or two after he must have composed the closing chapters of the Ic6n. [In DuGard's affidavit we now have the date of Gauden's work confirmed. (See pp. 6 and 7.)] Let us take a passage or two from this wretched Piece, to compare with what we have now learned of the temper of the King; that temper so emphatically expressed by the word Remember. He is speaking to the Army. " Go on, you Apollyons, you Abaddons, in the spirit of Antichrist to fill up the measure of your abominations, till you are drunk with blood, and stumble and fall together. O you locusts, the blackest smoke, and noisomest vapour that ever the breath of the bottomless Pit exhaled, or sent forth into the Christian World .... " We assure you that you are now looked upon by all sober and honest minds, as the heaviest and filthiest Incubuses that ever oppressed Church or State ; as the Legions of unclean Spirits, which by diabolical arts and magic of hypocrisy, have got possession of this Church and Kingdom, till Christ by his power cast you out, and suffer you like the Demoniack Swine, through the just judgment of God, to be hurried headlong by your own terrors, and despairs, into the Lake that burns with fire and brimstone. "You are like cursed Chams, not mockers only, but murtherers, of the Father of your country; impudent ravishers both of Church and State, to satisfy your most abominable lusts of tyranny, covetousness, and all licentious prophaneness. " Monsters of men, putid Apostates, execrable Saints, shameless Sinners, traitorous Tyrants, what have you to plead for, or palliate with your late horrid outrages, and unparalleled villainies ? " Nor do we doubt but all the curses written in the book of God (which like that of Meroz', have been causelessly, factiously and falsely, by some of your double-faced Januses " (he here refers to his friend and neighbour, Stephen Marshall) "formerly imprecated upon the King, and his loyalest subjects, will certainly overtake, and fall upon both you, and your viperous Generation .... " We tell you, we are so far from counting you Saints and Saviours, that we look upon you as the Tophet which God hath indeed prepared for the King, and these kingdoms, to try and correct them awhile. But, we doubt not, God will at last cast you, who are our Sin, our Death, and our Hell, into the Lake that burns with fire and brimstone for ever. " Lastly : " How can such Zimris, who have so traitorously slain such a King, their Lord and Master, ever hope to have peace, or impunity in this, or the other world ? . . . . Nor will, we hope, our Solomon " (Charles II. ) " by God's blessing, and his subjects' assistance, suffer the hairy scalps of those who were the chief Counsellors and Actors, in destroying his dear Father, and our dread Sovereign, to go down to the grave in peace, or to die a dry death, who have shed the blood of war, in a time when all differences were by a treaty drawn to a peace and union." Let us now produce a passage or two from the Icdn. _ " If Thou wilt bring me again with peace, safety, and honor, to my chiefest City, and my Parliament: " If Thou wilt again put the sword of Justice into my hand to punish and protect : * The King's dying injunction to Bishop Juxon, that only his actual murderers should ever be punished. i 4 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; " Then will I make all the world to see, and my very enemies to enjoy, the benefit of this Vow and Resolution of Christian Charity which I now make unto Thee, O Lord. " As I do freely pardon, for Christ's sake, those that have offended me in any kind ; so my hand shall never be against any man, to revenge what is past, in regard of any particular injury done to me. " We have been mutually punished in our unnatural divisions. For Thy sake, Lord, and for the love of my Redeemer, have I purposed this in my heart, that I will use all means in the way of amnesty and indemnity, which may most fully remove all fears, and bury all jealousies in forgetfulness. " Let Thy Mercies be towards Me and Mine, as my resolutions of truth and peace are toward my people. " Hear my prayer, O Lord, which goeth not out of feigned lips." (Chap, xxv.) Again : In the Chapter entitled, To the Prince of Wales. " But as soon as the forked arrow of factious emulations is drawn out, use all princely arts and clemency, to heal the wounds; that the smart of the cure, may not equal the anguish of the hurt. " I have offered Acts of Indemnity and Oblivion to so great a latitude, as may include all that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Laws : and which might serve to exclude all future jealousies and insecurities. " I would have you always propense to the same way. Whenever it shall be desired and expected, let it be granted ; not only as an act of State-Policy, but of Christian charity and choice. " It is all I have now left, a power to forgive those that have deprived me of all. And I thank God that I have a heart to do it: and joy as much in this grace which God hath given me, as in all my former enjoyments. For this is a greater argument of God's love to me than any prosperity can be." Lastly : near the end of the Book. " O Lord, Thou knowest I have found their mercies to me, as very false, so very cruel; who pretending to preserve me, have meditated nothing but my ruin. " O deal not with them as blood-thirsty and deceitful men : but overcome their cruelty with Thy compassion and my charity. "And when Thou makest inquisition for my blood, O sprinkle their polluted, yet penitent souls, with the blood of Thy Son ; that Thy destroying Angel may pass over them. " Though they think my kingdoms on earth too little to entertain at once both them and me; yet let the capacious kingdom of Thy infinite Mercy at last receive both Me and my Enemies. "When being reconciled to Thee in the blood of the same Redeemer, we shall live far above these ambitious desires, which beget such mortal enmities." Now, my Lord, is it possible that these sentiments of sublime and Christian Piety and Charity should flow from the same breast and within a few days, with that execrable trash, which I cited before from the Invective f Mr. Doble has mentioned one or two phrases as too poor language for the King to have used. Would he then place Charles the First as a greater writer than Milton, who wrote the following, and many pages more of a like character? Masson, in his Life of Milton (Vol. IV., p. 141), quoting from Milton's Eikonoklastes, asks: — Whose innocent blood he hath shed, what widow's or orphan's tears can witness against him ? After the suspected poisoning of his father, not inquired into, but smothered up, and him protected and advanced to the very half of his kingdom, who was accused in Parliament to be the author of the fact ! After so many years of cruel war on his people in three kingdoms ! Whence the author of TRUTHS MANIFEST, a Scotchman not unacquainted with affairs, positively affirms "That there hath been more Christian OR, BIKON BASILIKE. 15 blood shed by the commission, approbation, and connivance of King Charles and his father James, in the latter end of their reign, than in the Ten Roman Persecutions." Not to speak of those many whippings, pillories, and other corporal inflictions wherewith his reign also before the war was not unbloody, some have died in prison under cruel restraint, others in banishment, whose lives were shortened through the rigour of the persecution wherewith so many years he infested the true Church. And those six members all men judged to have escaped no less than capital danger ; whom he so greedily pursuing into the House of Commons had not there the forbearance to conceal how much it humbled him that " the birds were flown." The foregoing is not from the mouth of a Hyde Park ranter on a Saturday afternoon, but from the pen of John Milton ! To write of Dr. Garnett, is to think of the British Museum — a place of pleasant surprises, for it is a Government institution without red tape, and a place where it is positively delightful to find yourself in a difficulty, owing to the cheerful kindly aid at hand on all sides. Time would fail me to tell of Graves, of Fletcher, of Barwick, of Pollard, and many more whose names are written in pleasant memories. Dr. Garnett, who has written, in that interesting vein so peculiar to himself, two books on Milton, has very naturally expressed regret that no contemporary document assert- ing the royal authorship of the Eikon was known to exist. It is very pleasing to be able now to give a satisfactory reply to this — (1) by the document just produced ; (2) by Mr. E. J. L. Scott's reference, in his preface (see p. 128), to the document at Lambeth: — One of the most valuable testimonies to the existence of a " Naseby Copy " {i.e., a copy of the first seven chapters of the Eikon, which is said to have been taken by the Parliamentary forces, along with the Royal papers, after the battle of Naseby), has lately turned up in the library at Lambeth Palace, where is preserved the copy of this work, formerly in the possession of Archbishop Tenison. On the last page, in the Autograph of the owner, is the following memorandum : — D[octor] Mew, L[ord] B[ishop] of Winchester, had often told me (& he repeated it again before y e B[ishop] of Peterburgh in y e B[isho]ps Cha[m]ber on Jan. 30th, 169I, bef[ore] we went to Westminster] Abbey, that at Naseby-fight he saw y e K[ing]s Closet Keeper before y e fight began carry out the Kings papers to y e Camp; & y* aft[e]r y" 5 Fight he saw divers of them torn, and amo[n]gst these fragm[en]ts took up some pieces of e'iK\o>v] (ia, 87 „ 112 » "4 .. 131 „ 142 „ 186 .1 2°5 .. 233 " O make me" . . . "of joy" " attended me" . . . " in any man "... "Honour" . . . . "for my sins "... " to Sea by a storme " . "obtrusions" . , . "perpetrations". . . " for as his death " . . "wot the bill" . . . "knew" "power, so" . . . . " for thy 2. the " . . "populacy" .... " crofse not their " . . " no men " .... " be expected "... "every/ill" .... " Saviours " . . . . "leBon" No. 3.— "Thomas." „ 4.— "Duncan." „ 4-— "Gill." is is not not is not net is not ■wrongly is is not is is "crofse not the' is is is is is No. 5. "Edward Solly." IS is not is is is is is is is is is is ts is is is is * Lord Aldenham has a copy of No. 5, bound in contemporary dark brown morocco, gilt, with " C. R." surmounted by three crowns on each cover. It contains the armorial book-plate of "H.R.H. the Duke of Albany, K.G.," and at the other end the fine book-plate of its present owner. 34 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; I have secured, at the last moment, a copy which is no doubt unique. Every word used in describing No. i applies to it, and it has the following words printed above the date line on the Title page : — "LONDON. \ Printed for R. Royjion in Ivie-lane." This probably was a proof of the intended Title page, these imprint words being, from fear of the enemy, taken out at the last minute. At top of Title page, written in pencil, in a hand perhaps fifty years later than the Eikon, is the name of "Guil. Armstrong," doubtless a descendant of John Armstrong. (See p. 22.) This Table shows Errors in Pagination of Earliest Editions in eights. No. 1.- » 1- » 1- " BOTELER." "Elmes." ■"Abdy." No. 2. "E. 1096." No. 4- .. 4- -"Duncan." -"Gill." No. 5. " Edward Solly." No. 6. "2S. &/." 9' for 81 — 12 for 22 ( 64 , ( 62 \6J for \6 S — 94 „ 84 — 00 „ 100 IS ». 13s — 95 „ 8s — {148 \H7 if 64 " \ 16S 163 „ rS3 — 98 » 88 — \IS2 \J53 \i68 » \ 169 ( 148 1 164 \i 49 " \i6s — 99 „ 89 — 'S6 .. 172 } IJ2 1 168 \iS3 " \'(>9 — 102 » 92 — n » 174 156 .. '72 — *°3 » 93 — I"J2 >> 17b '7 » '74 — 109 » 96 — — 172 „ 176 — 801 » 108 801 for 108 801 for 108 861 „ 198 801 for 108 444 » 244 — — — 444 » s 44 The price charged for copies was sometimes 2s. 6d., sometimes 2s. 8d. This would represent a present value of half-a-guinea. The very earliest editions in eights seem to have been printed at the same Press as Milton's "Pro Populo, etc., Londini, Typis Du Gardianis. Anno Domini 165 1." " The Papers which passed at Newcastle, etc., etc., London, printed for R. Royston at the Angel in I vie Lane 1649," is in the same type as the earliest octavo Eikons. In all probability No. 1 in my descriptions was the very first edition of the Eikon, but this is not likely to be ever conclusively proved. In Wagstaffe's list, the 187 pages edition with Contents at the end (No. 7), is put as the first edition. Copies of it are at all events very rare, and the British Museum has none. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 35 This Table gives the results of an examination of the "Mixed" Early Editions IN twelves to ascertain the presence or absence of any of the same ERRATA, AS PER LIST, IN EARLIEST EIGHTS. •11 to -s Errata. No. 10. "Walters." No. 12. " Bradford." No. 13. "2." No. 13. "0." No. 14. "Simmons." B . p, 12 1. II " make me" , is is is is is „ 12 „ II "*/joy" . . . i*J is J "J i*J **J H r 4 !> 9 " attended me" . is M is M is M is M is M „ 21 „ 16 " in any man " is is is is is C . „ 28 „ 10 "Honour" is is is is is I! 33 .1 13 "for my sins " not not is is is j) 34 is 4 " to Sea by a storme " . not not is is is » 37 » 20 " obtrusions " is is is is is D. ,. 5i 11 21 "perpetrations " . is is not not not 11 52 ,1 1 " for as his death " is is is is is ,1 58 „ 27 " was the Bill " . is is is is not 11 61 11 24 "knew'' is is is is is ,, 68 „ 17 "power, so'' is is is is is E. 11 87 „ 19 " for tky 2. the " . is is is is is F . 11 112 „ S " populacy " is is is is is 11 114 11 24 " crosse not their " is is is is is G. i! 131 11 18 " no men " . is is is is is 1, 142 „ 18 " be expected " . is is is is is I . „ 186 „ 19 "ever will " . is is is is ( is, but | "will ever." K. ,1 205 .. 27 "Saviours". is is is not is L. 1, 233 „ 27 "leBon" , is is is is is The next set of editions to be noticed consists apparently of three in twelves — one "Printed Anno Domini 1648," the next two "Reprinted in R. M. Anno Domini 1648." In the first the "Contents" are at the end, and in the others at the beginning (Nos. 7, 8, and 9). I have placed them before others that follow, because Wagstaffe, in the list of editions which he appen- ded to his Vindication, placed the first of these as absolutely the first edition of the Eikon {see ante). Wagstaffe alludes to his list thus : — I have here subjoined a Catalogue of the several editions of it both without and with the Prayers, collected with great care and Industry, by Mr. Keble at the Turk's Head in Fleet Street and printed on a sheet of large paper, to bind with the King's Works, and preventing any mistake, he hath with great exactness given the size of each volume, the time of printing, the number of Pages that the contents consist of, and the number of the pages of the Book itself, when there were any such : And in which it is observable, that there are no less than 29 editions without the Prayers, and 17 of them printed 1648. [For this list, see pp. 117-8.] f 2 36 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; The next set of editions that I propose to mention (Nos. 10, n, 12, 13, and 14) offers food for thought. They are all in twelves, paged 1-269 (the same number of pages as the editions in eights, already mentioned), and have evidently been set up from one of the very earliest in eights. The " faults " in this set of editions, more especially in pagination, beggar description. Bearing in mind the great demand at that time for copies of the King's Book, it is not improbable that the printing of these editions was being done by several printers at one time, and with great secrecy. These different printings being sent to the same binder's, pro- bably became mixed in the process of collation, with the inevitable result that sheets of one edition got stitched to those of another. I have closely examined and compared each sheet of these various editions, and the similarities and differences are recorded in the following table. This Table refers to the Editions spoken of as "Mixed." ("^"indicates a "Difference"; "s" indicates "Same.") No . IC . No . 12 No ■ 13 No. 13. No . 14. a Walters." " Bradford.' <( 2." "O." "Reed." ri ri ri VI s = Q - ; ri = a a ri £ „ a a t a. .. 5 ai a) I tO N O a ci O H ■S a Q O H w •1 M H a a « n « a < as Pi to £ « 1 to < K f « •1 to < a. n f A to < as ? f A . . d d d d A. . d d d d A. . d s d s A. . d J d s A. . d s s d B . . s S d s B. . s d s s B. . s d s s B. . d d d d B. . s s d s C . . s d d d C. . d d s d C. . d d d s C. . d d d d C. . d s d d D. . s d d d D. . d d s d D. . d s d d D. . d s d d D. . d d d d E . . s d d s E. . d d s d E. . d s d d E. . d s d d E. . d d d s F . . d s d s F. . s d d s F. . s d s s F. . d d d d F. . s s d s G . . s d d d G. . d d s d G. . d s d s G. . d s d d G. . d s d d H. . s s s s H. . d d s s H. . d s s d H. . d s s d H. . s d d s I . . s d s d I . . d d s d I . . d s d d I . . d s s d I . . d d d d K. . s d d d K. . d d s d K. . d d d d K. . d d d d K. . d d d d L.. d d d d L. . d d d d L. . d d d s L. . d d d d L. . d s d d M. . d s s d M.. s d d s M.. s s s s M.. d s s d M.. s s d d N. . d d d d N. . d d d d N. . d s d s N. . 4 s d s N. . d s s d (In addition to the above, there are two other variations of this series — one, "Juxon," in which the first folding (Signature A) differs from all ; another, " Malachi," differs from all the others in the four last sheets, viz.: K, L, M, and N.) OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 37 A distinguished second-hand bookseller has offered me from the country, through a London firm, a "1603" edition, and neither seller nor agent see anything to laugh at in the matter. If the seller has, without knowing it, an early edition of Basilicon Doron, he owns a work as valuable as a good Eikon. A careful and experienced dealer in seventeenth century literature said to me : " I have an Eikon, and it is the first edition, though I cannot exactly explain why I am certain of it." Neither could I, because I had bought at second-hand from him a different edition, which he had just as positively described as a first edition. We must remember that not only was all London in turmoil through the loving eagerness of loyal hearts to possess and treasure copies of the King's Book — and the rage of the Commonwealth men at this spontaneous outburst of feeling — but Royston, DuGard, and Juxon were actually im- prisoned, and thus withdrawn at a critical time from all supervision of the work. The almost superhuman pluck and indomitable perseverance which Royston and his printers showed throughout, and the pride which Royston took in having his royal master's legacy to his people printed to the best advantage, is very noticeable. This extract from Vol. VI. of the Historical MSS. Reports will show how little the Commons could hope from imprisoning Richard Royston again for a short period : — 1645. August 15. Petition of Richard Royston, now a prisoner in the Fleet. Acknowledges the justice of his sentence, and will be very careful not to offend in like kind again. Has no one to follow his trade and support his children but himself, and praise their Lordships in their clemency to discharge him of his imprisonment, etc., etc. He was careful afterwards, but only of his royal master's honour ! It will help our prosaic selves to-day to bring to mind the time just after the King's death, if we think of that pure knight of chivalry, the Lord Capel. When on the scaffold, awaiting the axe's fall, which was to cast him into eternity, of what did he speak? About himself, of course? No. Scarce a word! His chief discourse was a manly call to his hearers to stand loyally by their King. With the same lofty spirit 38 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; fell Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle (Eliot Warburton's Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers, Vol. III., pp. 405-6) : — At seven o'clock they were hurried out to a green spot beneath the castle walls ; three files of musketeers, with Ireton, Rainsborough, and Whalley, received them there. Sir George Lisle was removed out of sight of his comrade's execution, but the volley that announced his death rang upon his ear. The gallant Lucas had died as he had lived, with the unostentatious courage of a gentleman. He knelt down upon the greensward, and prayed fervently for a little while ; then rising, he stood erect, with a cheerful countenance, before his executioners. He opened his doublet, and bared his manly bosom to their fire. " See, I'm ready ! Rebels, do your worst ! " were the last words he uttered. Before he ceased to speak, the Roundheads fired, and he fell lifeless ; four bullets had pierced his heart. Sir George Lisle was now brought forward : he knelt down and kissed the dead face of his friend, with lips that were in a few moments to be as cold. Then rising, and looking upon the firing party, he told them that they stood too far. One of them replied, " Never fear, sir ; I'll warrant we'll hit you ! " The Cavalier smiled as he said, " I have been nearer you when you have missed me." Then, after a short prayer, he too gave the order to fire, and nearly in the same words his dying friend had used — " I'm ready ! Traitors, do your worst ! " That moment he fell dead. Time would fail me to tell of Montrose! of Derby! and amidst a distant rumbling I hear a harsh voice saying, " But where's the King's Book?" It would be impossible to say with certainty who printed each edition, just at this time following the King's execution, nor would any great result follow if we knew. By reason of Presses being broken up, and sometimes, too, secretly removed from one place to another; and also to some men being imprisoned, and others hunted out of the land, the evidences which under ordinary circumstances substantiate certain points would in this case not prove anything. Masson's Life of Milton, Vol. IV., p. 36: — But O what a reception it had ! Copies of it ran about instantaneously, and were read with sobs and tears. It was in vain that Parliament, March 16, gave orders for seizing the book. It was reprinted at once in various forms, to supply the constant demand, which was not satisfied, it is said, with less than fifty editions within a single year. It became a very Bible in English Royalist households. Thus has a cruel fate made Professor Masson (the delightful historian of Milton, but the disparager of Eikon royal authorship) go even beyond OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 39 all tradition, though with an unaccountable carelessness, he has not said whether these athletic copies raced on two legs or on four, to meet the eager buyers. I am sorry, but I cannot keep my wicked, wayward fancy from picturing King Charles giving vent to his opinion of Professor Masson as a writer of the English tongue. The next edition I will mention stands alone. It is in eights, and paged 1-302. It has, at the end, the prayers, etc., not paged. It was evidently printed by DuGard, and has a frontispiece — always an early impression — by William Marshall. I particularly mention this as fairly indicating when this version of the frontispiece was ready. (No. 15.) In most other cases the presence or absence of a frontispiece or other portrait of the King indicates little or nothing. Undoubtedly when the illustrations were ready, especially the design known to have been drawn for the purpose by the King's own hand, they would be sold separately, and added to various editions. Only very rarely have I found any folding plate in a quite early edition, and then it has happened to be a very worn impression, added after the book was issued. It is well to mention this, because thirty years ago some learned correspondent of Notes and Queries was quite indignant at the suggestion that the very earliest editions had no plates, and this mistaken idea has been repeated in recent years. Even such a conscientious writer as Professor Masson, at p, 33 of Vol. IV. of his Life of Milton, writes: — "No printer's or publisher's name appeared in the first copies; but there was a prefixed allegorical design by the engraver Wm. Marshall." Many readers who have been accustomed to think of the picture of the King kneeling will be surprised to hear that there are at least seventeen varieties of this subject— twelve show the King's face in profile, and five are three-quarters-face. (Since preparing this, one of the Latin editions has been found, with a version of the frontispiece signed " W. Hollar Bohem. fecit") Portraits of the King have appeared in the editions men- tioned in the following tables, but the plates found therein must not be taken as any indication that they belonged essentially to those editions. 4 o A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; Emblematical Frontispiece Portraits of the King kneeling. The Profile. $ Copy. Size of Plate. Description. 55 " Bf : 4 : n : 1 " . Inches. 7fby5S Right This is an emblematical picture, with the King kneeling; face profile. The same symbols are used, but differently placed ; and instead of two weights suspended from a tree, there are two figures of soldiers, each holding on to a branch of the tree. At foot of the plate is engraved "A Roven Chez lean Berthelin Dans La Cour Du Palais, fecit." On the opposite leaf is " Explication de l'Emblgme." 28 " At a Surgeon's Shop "... 6 by 31 Left The King is in profile, kneeling on both knees, with a crown of thorns in his right hand. At foot of the plate is an inscription, beginning " Christie iubes pereat gemmis onerata corona." 5 1 3 1 2 48 " West Horsley " "Elmes" . . . " Bro. Thomas " . "Abdy". . . . " Orleans " . . "5" (Royal Arms) 6iby6 Right " Guil. Marshall, Sculpsit." 43 " Hobbarte " . . 5iby S i Right " Guil. Marshall, Sculpsit." The Explanation is engraved, and signed " G. D." 46 >9 21 "A" "Oglander". . "Davies" . . . 6|by6 Right " Guil. Marshall, Sculpsit." The Explanation is the same plate, but much of it re-engraved. 6 "F. Madan(3)". 6Jbysf Right " Guil. Marshall, Sculpsit." The Explanation is printed. Emblematical Frontispiece Portraits of the King kneeling. Small Profile. 35 " H. COURTENAY " 4iby4i Right Signed "$." The Explanation is on a separate leaf. 3* " Ann Beesley " . 5fby4l Right The Explanation is on a separate leaf. 16 " No Pagination" 4fby4i Right Signed " J)." The Explanation (in English only) is on a folding leaf. 18 "Ridgways". . 54 by 44 Right 8 " Maisterman " . 5* Kg*, •width torn Right 26 " Rev. F. Rouch " 3f h *g h , width torn Right OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 4i John Raphael Smith, the famous engraver of the last century, has executed two mezzotint plates of this subject. One measures 6f 6 by \5/% inches, and the other 13 by 9% inches. At the foot of the smaller engraving is " Charles the i i& , &c. \ of whom the World was not Worthy. Heb. 11. 38." The same inscription is on the larger version, but in Greek characters. Emblematical Frontispiece Portraits of the King kneeling. Three-quarters-face. £ Copy. Size of Plate. Description. 17 "F. Madan (27)" Inches. 31 by 3i Right Underneath is engraved " King CHARLES y e I at his Meditations." "R. P." 39 "KlNNAIRD" and "J. B. Marsh". 3iby3i Right The Explanation is on opposite leaf, with "G. D." at the foot of it. 42 42 43 44 " SOUTHBY " . . " Ellis," &c. . . " Hampson " . . "Methwold". . 6§by S f Right " Guil. Marshall, delinea: et smlpsit." The Explanation is engraved, and signed "G. D." IS IS IS 22 44 " H. B." ... 1 " HUTTON," &C. " DURAND " . . ■ " copbland " . "G.Hand". .- 6£by5£ Right " Guil. Marshall, Sculpsit." The Explanation is printed, and signed " G. D." 62 "i68i8vo." . . 6| by 4 Right "R. White, sculp." A different plate. Versions of this allegorical portrait are found in a few churches — some- times a stained glass window, and, in other cases, an oil painting. Of the latter kind is the picture in the old parish church of Rotherhithe. The rector, the Rev. E. J. Beck, writes to me: "It has been here since the Restoration." There is, too, a painting of the subject in St. Michael's Church, Cambridge. Until the restoration of the church of St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, an oil painting of this subject used to hang therein, concern- ing which Mrs. Hilda Gamlin has very kindly sent me the following particulars : — 42 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; Samuel Pepys, in his faithful record of daily life, tells that, "on October 2, 1664, Lord's Day, he walked with his boy through the City of London, putting in at several churches, among others at Bishopsgate, and there saw the picture usually put before the King's Book put up in the church, but very ill painted, though it were a pretty piece to set up in a church." This entry refers to a life-sized picture of King Charles the First; the church in question being that dedicated to St. Botolph. In A New View of London, 1708, Vol. I., p. 169, the picture is mentioned as hanging in the same edifice. In 1732 the picture is again described in New Remarks of London; or, a Survey of the City of London and Westminster, collected by the Company of Parish Clerks, London, and it is alluded to as " an original or a remarkable imitation." At this date of 1732, the painting had been transferred to the new church, and hung on the wall of the stairs leading to the north gallery. Though the church escaped the furious element which consumed so many sacred places of worship during the Great Fire of London, it was rebuilt in 1725. Later still, we find that the Rev. Joseph Nightingale, in his London and Middlesex, 1815, Vol. III., p. 153, alludes to the painting as "a fine picture of Charles the First, emblematically describing his sufferings." A few months ago it became known that the picture was no longer in the church, and query elicited a statement that during the recent re-decorating of the building an expert was called in to report upon the picture. He decided that it was of no merit, artistic or otherwise, and as it would probably cost some ^"70 or ^"80 to renovate and repair, it was removed and destroyed. It is certainly reprehensible that a historical, symbolical picture (church property) should have been ruthlessly made away with, without an appeal for funds to those who (putting aside party consideration, which time has softened) would have willingly con- tributed towards necessary repairs to perpetuate so interesting a memorial. The verdict of the expert cannot be regarded as absolute grounds for its destruction, for we have the reports of other equally competent judges who approved its presence ; and the total destruction of church-entrusted property was no more permissible than would be the demolition of statues in our great cathedrals and minsters when time or accident has destroyed a prominent feature. There are also seven varieties of the vignette portrait of Charles II. as Prince of Wales which frequently faces the opening of chapter 27, and whoever engraved them possessed one good quality — just wit enough to be ashamed to sign his work. These vignettes are found in the editions mentioned in the following table. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. Vignettes of Charles II. as Prince of Wales. 43 s Copy. Size of Plate. Description. 5 5 6 21 27 46 " E. Solly " . . "WestHorsley" "F. Madan(3)". "H. Davies". . "A. Devon" . . "A." Inches. 3ibyzJ Right " Natus May 2g An' 1630, ACtatis Sua i 9 ." A curtain as a background. Close to the figure is a crown of thorns, enclosing a rose, sham- rock, and thistle. 3S 48 49 " H. Courtenay " " Royal Arms " . " Bateman " . . 3iby2j Left (nff) A separate engraving, and signed "J>." In the background are outlines of some build- ings. 25 44 "Saul". . . . " Methwold " . 3tty2i Right [nf.fi) Quite a different ver- sion; but has the crown of thorns, &c. 45 "B.M.807 A. 43". 4» by Apparently a retouch of the preceding. There are horizontal lines across the sash. 32 " Ann Beesley " . 3iby2i Left {nff.) Engraved again. The Prince is represented in armour. There is the outline of a building, and a label near bears the inscription " Richmond." Below the portrait, but on the plate, is " Carolus Princeps Wattia Dux Cornubia, &c. (ALtatis sua zg). n 17 "Madan(27)" . 2ibyi| Left (nff.) 39 "KlNHAIRD" . . Right (nff.) Four heads in a square rule, measuring 3i by 3 \. They are : Charles I, Henrietta Maria, Charles II, and James II. A version of the well-known emblematical portrait (signed "R. White, sculp.") is found in a folio volume entitled " The Memoires of the Lives and Actions of James and William, Dukes of Hamilton and Castleherald, &c. .... By Gilbert Burnet 1677." The portrait is introduced as part of the text, and will beTound at p. 380. On the next three pages is the poem, "Majesty in Misery" (here reprinted in full on pp. 12 1-3). One of the ovals of Charles II. as Prince of Wales is in "Instructions and Directions G 2 44 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; for Forren Travell . . . By James Howell . . . 1650." Facing the portrait are verses headed "To the growing Glory of Great Britaine, Prince Charles. A Parallell 'twixt His Highnesse and the Black Prince." An oval of Charles II. "yEtatis suae 19," with "iersey" engraved on plate, precedes the frontispiece and title of the British Museum copy of Christopher Wase's Electro, of Sophocles. There is a 1648 edition in twelves (see No. 25), paged 1-225, the prayers, etc., 1-6, and evidently printed by Bentley. It is not included in Wagstaffe's list. I have a copy of it which belonged to the family of Saul, a family distinguished amongst the descendants of royalty recorded by Burke. Later, this book came into the possession of Dr. Bliss, and has his book-plate and autograph memoranda. Bound up with it, in old black morocco, black edges, stamped, is a late Charles I. Prayer- Book, wanting Title page. The Prayer-Book was printed by Bentley, and there is no copy of it in the British Museum. No doubt when these two cherished works were bound together they required to be carried with care, and shown with caution. To come now to sets of editions dated 1649 (some of them probably issued subsequently to the 25th of March following the execution of the King), what Wagstaffe in his list called the best edition was a full- sized octavo.* There are three variations of this (see Nos. 42-44). The Eikon is paged 1-256, and the prayers, etc., are paged to 263. The type is large, and paper thick, but there are many faults. Some copies contain a folding -plate, and some the vignette oval head of the King, attributed to Hollar. A few have an oval of Charles II. as Prince of Wales. Copies of these editions were sold for five shillings, equivalent in value to a guinea of the present day. I will next mention a very curious and interesting set of editions (see Nos. 37-40). It would be quite true, though seemingly absurd, to describe these as "just alike, but quite different." They followed one after the other, and no doubt very rapidly. They are in twelves, but very * Lord Aldenham has a copy, in very fine binding. It is in dark green morocco, with a beautiful gilt border of flowers. The binding is not old, but the edges are gilt, stamped, probably contemporary with the work. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 45 small, the binding measurement being less than 4 by 2 inches. The size is in fact convenient for a small waistcoat pocket. I have the actual copy referred to by Dr. Philip Bliss in the following terms : — Among the various editions of the Eikon Basilike, the most curious, I say nothing of authenticity or intrinsic merit, is one printed for Royston, 1649, 241110. The Title-page is printed in the form of a pillar, supported by the rose and thistle, and the initial letters are wood-cuts, rudely executed, representing the King addressing his parliament, conversing with his son, etc. It possesses also a head of Charles II., when a boy of nineteen, which has generally been cut out from the volume. An edition of Reliquice Sacrce Carolina, of the exact size, printed " Hagve, 1657," forms a valuable companion to the former ; indeed the two volumes are of very rare occurrence. ^Sj- 11M$jS1 INITIAL LETTERS USED IN THE " WAISTCOAT-POCKET " EDITIONS ISSUED BY JOHN WILLIAMS. The top right hand block (No. 3) represents the King and Alexander Henderson settling the religions of the universe. Block No. 5 of the above series of initials (Charles I. and Henrietta Maria, with the rose of England between them) is also used at the beginning of the " Dedication to the Lady Cordell," in "sEternalia By Francis Craven, M.A., and minister of the Gospel, at Acton, in Suffolk 1677." 46 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; As will be noticed, Dr. Bliss and the editor of Notes and Queries, who quoted him, knew of only one of these charming little editions. Up to the present time, I believe that no really large collection of editions has ever been brought together, and carefully examined from cover to cover. More than this, there are some points which I have only elucidated by comparing many copies of the same edition. In a few cases, it seems that Royston adopted the following plan : — Having formed a scheme, probably of his own designing, he entrusted it to several printers to execute, the following printers working in some sort of connection with each other — DuGard, Bentley, Williams, Shears, and Eglesfield. DuGard bought Young's Press {see Stationers' Company's Extracts, p. 18), but, as would be not unnatural, the name "Young" appeared in the imprint on the Title pages for some time afterwards, and several Civil War Tracts bore the imprint "London, Printed by R. Young, His Majesty's Printer, to the Prince His Highness MDCXL." This mode of printing and publishing the Eikon reminds one of the system adopted in the manufacture of cheap clothing — work that is "put out." There are, say, fifty suits to be cut out, sewn, and finished off, the work being "given out" to several families, each of whom undertake a few suits, purchasing their buttons, thread, etc., at different shops. Hence the variations in the Eikon. A large number of editions are so alike in their general appearance, it is only by closely examining them word by word, and leaf by leaf, that variations can be detected. I have long felt that seventeenth century printing, publishing, and bookselling offer an interesting field for investigation. At present the land lies fallow, and ready for the Bibliographical Society to till it. At the period referred to good printing was hardly to be found, but the study of fine typography, though extremely interesting, is not the essential work of a Bibliographical Society. I have not yet mentioned the editions printed at the Hague, because I thought it better to refer to them apart from the 1648 and 1649 editions printed in England. It used to be the practice to suggest that some of those editions with the Hague imprint were printed in London, and that some OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 47 with a London imprint were really printed at the Hague. Those who adop- ted the first idea probably did not know that Samuel Browne, instead of being, as then likely enough supposed, a spurious name, was the name of a sturdy Scot established as a British bookseller at the Hague. The following letter is by Capt. (afterwards Bishop) Peter Mews, and is dated " Hage, Iun 4 th , Friday, 1655 ": — One of y" Pamphlets speakes as though y" Portugal and y e Rebells would breake, and I heard the greate Jew of Amsterdam -yesterday at Browns shop proffer mony vppon the affirmatiue side. (Page 328, Vol. V., Camden New Series — Nicholas Papers.) From the history of the period it is probable that the demand for Eikons was as brisk at the Hague as round about St. Paul's. {See Stationers' Company's Minutes, pp. 20 and 23; also, under Eikon No. 30, the States- General's License.) Still, it is often a very difficult point to decide "who printed." For instance, Samuel Browne seems to have taken with him to the Hague, a printing press, etc., from London; again, much of the type then used in England was cast in Holland ; and, lastly, very many books published in England were printed on paper made in Holland. I feel very diffident about the "who" and "where." Indeed, I expect to be annihilated by some one writing, perhaps from what "our own correspondent" would call the "classic shades of Cam or Isis," to prove that, with the exception of a few printed in Kentucky, the editions came from the private press of the Sultan of Morocco. The prayers included in the later editions, and about which so much has been written, were no doubt obtained from Juxon. The following occurs in a letter, dated March 1, 1694, written by Dr. Thomas Gibb to the Honourable Charles Hatton : — Pamela's Prayer was transferred out of Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia into Eikon Basilihe by a contrivance of Bradshaw's and Milton's. Sir, I make no secret of it, and I frankly tell you my author, who was Mr. Henry Hills, Oliver's printer ; and the occasion, as he many years ago told me, was this : " Mr. Dugard, who was Milton's intimate friend, happened to be taken printing an edition of the King's Book. Milton used his interest to bring him off, which he effected by the means of Bradshaw, but upon this condition that Dugard should add Pamela's Prayer to the aforesaid book he was printing, as an atonement for his fault, and designing thereby to bring a scandal upon the book, and blast the reputa- tion of its Author ; pursuant to which Design they industriously took care afterwards, as soon as published, to have it taken notice of." (See p. 17.) 4 8 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; I do not think much of this point. Certainly, when prayers are composed, the writer usually goes to the various sources which he thinks best, and the last thing he aims at is originality. This Table gives the Number, Names, and Order of the Prayers. s Copy. These Columns indicate THE PARTICULAR PRAYERS. is "Hutton" . . " 43 " Hampson ". . 6 S "F.Madan(3>" "E.Solly". . • In time of Cap- tivity. Another Prayer. In time of Af- fliction. In time of Immi- nent Danger. 45 4 8 49 47 "6" . . ; . "5 "(Royal Arms and Bateman) "4" (1) Most Glori- ous Lord God. (2) Uxbridge. (3) Newport. do. This, but called "4. A Prayer for Pardon of Sins." (5) do. (6) do. " Diverse of His Majes- ty's Prayers, whereof the 3 last were" etc. '9 IS "Oglander," &c. " Tregaskis " . . In time of Capti- vity, and then a heading "Addi- tional Prayers" (1) O most (Ex- eter) (2) Uxbridge. (3) Newport. This as (Sth), but called "A Pray- er for Pardon of Sin." (6) do. (7) do. 22 "W.I.COPELAND" In time of Cap- tivity. Another Prayer. do. do. 45 "Price" . . . Additional. (1) most. (2) Uxbridge. (3) Newport. This, but called "A Prayer for Pardon." (5) do. (6) do. 40 " Hatley " • • ) In time of Cap- do. do. 39 "Kinnaird". . 1 tivity. do. do. 37 " Needlework" J do. do. 38 " Hunter, Jun." ) "8" . . . .1 do. do. do. 36 do. do. do. 17 "MADAN(27)". 1 "7" 1 do. Another Prayer. do. do. / 46 do. do. do. ^ J~> : ■ not worthy to stand before Thee, or to speak with my unclean lips to Thee, ■ most holy and eternal God ; for as in sin I was con- ceived and born, so likewise I have broken all Thy commandments by my sinful motions, unclean thoughts, evil words, and wicked works ; omitting many duties I ought to do, and committing many vices which Thou hast forbidden under pain of Thy heavy displeasure. As for my sins, O Lord, they are innumerable ; where- fore I stand here liable to all the miseries in this life, and everlasting torments in that to come, if Thou shouldst deal with me according to my deserts. I confess, O Lord, that it is Thy mercy (which endureth for ever) and Thy compassion (which never fails), which is the cause that I have not been long ago con- sumed: but with Thee there is mercy and plenteous redemption ; in the multitude therefore of Thy mercies, and by the merits of Jesus Christ, I entreat Thy Divine Majesty that Thou wouldst not enter into judgment with Thy servant, nor be extreme to mark what is done amiss ; but be Thou merciful unto me, and wash away all my sins with that precious Blood that my Saviour shed for me. And I beseech Thee, O Lord, not only to wash away all my sins, but also to purge my heart by Thy Holy Spirit from the dross of my natural cor- ruption; and as Thou dost add days to my life, so, good Lord, I beseech Thee to add repentance to my days, that when I have past this mortal life I may be partaker of Thy everlasting kingdom, through the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. In reference to this document, Mr. Bruce, in his Preface to the Calendar, wrote thus : — One of the most valuable papers in the volume, in reference to the King, and which reflects his personal character and opinions in a way which will be particularly interesting to many people, is a form of daily, morning, and evening prayer, which is wholly in the King's handwriting. I have not been able to discover its origin as a separate composition, nor to find any evidence of its authorship. It does not contain any petition for guidance in the exercise of kingly duties, nor anything else which may be regarded as specially applicable to the King's royal condition. It, therefore, looks to me like a fair copy of a prayer intended for general use made by the King; but it is observable that, if that be the case, His Majesty in writing it adopted his own peculiar spelling — a spelling founded on the Scottish pronunciation, which adhered to him throughout his life. The prayer seems to have been written on the blank half of a sheet of paper on which was originally inscribed a list of the Lent preachers in 1631-2. It is plain, therefore, that Mr. Bruce had not the least idea that this prayer was one of those attached to an edition of the Eikon published in 1648, and in every subsequent edition ; and how it has escaped identification until the present time is a matter of consider- able surprise. Mr. Bruce points out, in consecutive sentences, his gravest doubt about the OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 51 originality of the document, and the strongest proof— in the Scotch spelling— that it was the work of the King. In the study of the Eikon this prayer should be read first, as, in point of composition, it is undoubtedly the oldest portion of the work, and it will be found to bear an undoubted resemblance to expressions in the devotional portions of the book ; it is also entirely free from the fault found with the Eikon by Guizot and others. It is right here to remark that it was not until Mr. Scott, of the British Museum, had corroborated the identity of the two prayers that the fact was announced. Mr. Stock's edition of the Eikon possesses the merit of one exceptionally valuable proof as to the royal authorship. This is the apophthegmata written by the King in Bacon's Advancement of Learning [which is exhibited in the King's Library, British Museum], and which correspond with those in the Eikon. No such correspondence of thought has ever been found in Dr. Gauden's writings. And it is a pleasant coincidence that in the same edition of the Eikon the announcement is first made of the undoubted authorship of the second prayer, which furnishes a key to the whole of the sacred meditations. JoHN R Marsh P.S. — One correspondent, in writing upon this matter, says : — " One day, at the time when Dr. Wordsworth was engaged upon his wonderful letters upon the subject, he found on his desk the following pasquinade : — " Who wrote the ' Who wrote The Icon Basilike ? ' ' I,' said the Master of Trinity, ' With my little ability, I wrote the ' Who wrote the Icon Basilike?' " The following letter from Mr. Edward J. L. Scott also appeared in the same number of the Antiquary :— THE EIKON BASILIKE. British Museum, April 2, 1880. Mr. John B. Marsh has forwarded to me a prayer (which he copied some seven or eight years ago from the original in the Record Office, said to be in the handwriting of Charles I) with the request that I would compare it with the Eikon Basilike, in order to discover, if possible, similarities of expression and modes of thought. It struck me instantly that it might be one of the prayers appended to some early copies of the Eikon, which are headed "Prayers used by His Majesty in the time of his sufferings. Delivered to Dr. Juxon, Bishop of London, immediately before his death." The first of those prayers needed no comparison, being the " infamous plagiarism," as Milton styles it, from Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia. But on reading the first few lines of the second prayer, I saw at a glance that Mr. Marsh had discovered the actual original, with but a few trifling variations, of that prayer, a discovery which gives indubitable authenticity to what has always, from Milton down to Mr. Pattison, been looked upon as part and parcel of the Eikon itself. On com- municating my identification of the two prayers to Mr. Marsh, he very courteously brought H 2 52 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; me himself a tracing of the beginning of the prayer in the Record Office, and showed me the reference to the volume of Domestic Papers calendared by Mr. John Bruce under the date of February, 1632. In the preface to this volume Mr. John Bruce has, at pp. xvi and xvii, printed the prayer at full length, with a few remarks which I venture to reproduce as giving the opinion of one of the greatest writers on the period in question : — " Of King Charles the information scattered throughout the volume is especially illustrative of the temper with which he carried on the government and the extent to which he personally interfered in the management of public affairs. One of the most valuable papers in the volume in reference to the King, and one which reflects his personal character and opinions in a way which will be particularly interesting to many people, is a form of daily morning or evening prayer, which is wholly in the King's handwriting. I have not been able to discover its origin as a separate composition, nor to find any evidence of its authorship. It does not contain any petition for guidance in the exercise of kingly duties, nor anything else which may be regarded as specially applicable to the King's royal condition. It there- fore looks to me like a fair copy of a prayer intended for general use made by the King ; but it is observable that, if that be the case, His Majesty in writing it adopted his own peculiar spelling — a spelling founded on the Scottish pronunciation, which adhered to him through- out his life. The prayer seems to have been written on the blank half of a sheet of paper, on which was originally inscribed a list of the Lent preachers in 1631-2." I am glad to say that Mr. Marsh intends publishing the prayer in its two forms in parallel columns, with a discussion of its probable bearing on the question of the authorship of the Eikon, in the columns of the May number of the Antiquary. By the kindness of the Vicar of Hillingdon, near Uxbridge, I have been favoured with an inspection of a copy of the Eikon belonging to Hillingdon Church Library, which differs from any copy I have seen. On the reverse of the first leaf are the following verses, headed The Minde of the Frontispiece. Before three Kingdoms-Monarch three Crowns lie ; Of Gold; of Thorn; of Glory; bright, but vain; Sharp, yet but light ; eternal to remain : O'th World; of Christ; of Heaven: At 's Foot, Hand, Eye, He spurns, accepts, expects. Kneels, yet doth reign. A Sun, a Rock, a Palm-tree : (Emblems fit) The Sun in Clouds : the Rock in waves o'th Sea : The Palm-trees boughs depress'd with weights : Yet see, The Sun shines out more bright, the Rock's unsplitt: Unmov'd: the Palm-tree flourishes. So HEE. Then follows the usual engraving by Marshall ; but on the following leaf the title-page is printed alternately in red and black type, and between the usual motto, " Bona Agere," and the date is a large space, where are printed the initials " C. R.," for Carolus Rex, surmounted by a crown, and underneath a human skull. At the foot is the date in red, m.dc.xlviii. Judging from the above facts, I suppose it to be one of the earliest copies in existence, and probably printed by Royston, certainly not by Dugard. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 53 In reading over lately the correspondence of Archbishop Sancroft, in the collection of Harley MSS., I came across a letter, dated January 15th, 1662-3, to Sancroft from George Davenport, chaplain and librarian to Bishop Cosin, which contains the following curious passage, possibly relating to the Eikon Basilike :— "As for Mr. Gauden, I never heard from him or of him, since mine in December to you ; nor can I tell what to say. Res suas agat." Bishop Gauden died on the 20th September, 1662, just four months before Davenport's epistle. Edward Scott. The following early references to the Eikon Basilike are of interest. In writing these, I have made much use of Dr. Christopher Wordsworth's books. Someone will say that I ought to distinguish him from his son, the late Bishop of Lincoln. I had the honour of knowing that great man — who so united in himself Christian simplicity and knightly chivalry. His father has, by his manly way of stating so fairly his opponent's case, shown that he had some of the sterling virtues of his famous son. No one should attempt to judge the authorship crux without reading every word written thereon by the old Master of Trinity. 1649. Compleat History of Independency. By Clement Walker, Esq. : — About this time rose a phoenix out of his Majesty's ashes, that most excellent issue of his brain entitled The Portraiture of his Sacred Majesty in his Solitudes, &c, a book full fraught with wisdom, divine and human. Herod and his Jews never persecuted Christ in his swaddling clothes with more industrious malice than the anti-monarchial Independent Faction did this book in the presses and shops that should bring it forth into the world, knowing that, as the remembrance of heaven strikes a horror into us of hell, so the con- templation of his virtues will teach us to abhor their vices. [Part II., p. 138, edit. 1661. See also pp. 157 and 188.] 1657. Life of Archbishop Williams. By Bishop Hacket : — Indeed his Majesty, in his Icon Basilike, doth seem to represent it as if he did not approve what he received from the four Bishops at that consultation. And I will leave such good men to his censure, rather than contradict anything in that most pious, most ravishing book, which deserves as much as Tully said of Crassus in his Brutus, Ipsum melius potuisse scribere, alium ut arbitror, neminem. Perhaps the King could have wrote better, but I think no man else in the three kingdoms. What a venemous spirit is in that serpent Milton, that black-mouthed Zoilus, that blows his vipers breath upon those immortal Devotions from the beginning to the end That Book, the Picture of King Charles's innocent soul, which he hath blemished with vile reproaches, will be the Vade Mecum of godly persons, and always about them, like a Guardian Angel. [Part II., p. 162.J 54 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; 1658. Compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charles. By W. Sanderson, Esq. : — But although the English Lords and Scotish were earnest for a Parliament to drive on their design, which afterwards appeared, yet the King was much inclining also to call one, which his candid and ingenious consideration of necessity grounded upon such reasons, as himself expresseth in his most admired Treatise, his excellent Book Icon Basilike, (which we hereafter shall see occasion in some particulars to mention), it being the Portraiture of his Sacred Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings, with his Spiritual Meditations upon each Chapter and Occasion ; written no doubt, from the truth of a troubled soul, and indisputable to be of his own compiling. And although an industrious malignant Pen (Milton) hath laboured to wrest that honor from his sacred memory, he cannot fix it in likelihood upon any other person in the world ; the majesty and manner of the stile only is his, and unimitable by any other. None but the same sad sorrowful Soul could be able to compose so much upon several occasions so evenly concurring, but himself the true sufferer. Besides, if you please to observe, it is not unlike the gravity of Master Hooker's style in his Ecclesiastical Polity, which the King often perused, and was a sufficient master of defence thereby; and which book, in his last words to his children, he recommends to them to read. Nay more; observe his Public declarations and Answers following, when other helps (very often) failed him : compare their stiles ; and see how they agree in the dialect. This Book, whilst in loose papers, (ere it was complete), and secured into his cabinet, and that being lost, was seized by the enemy at Naseby fight: but these papers hapily rescued, and so came to his Majesty's hands again, who in the end, commended them to his faithful servant, that Minister of God's word, Master Sym'rhoris, with command to see them imprinted. And his study being searched, they were by good providence secured about him in his bosom. And though the industry of the adversary had been to prevent it, the book came forth some time after the King's death, with so incredible "an esteem^ as that it hath since been translated into all modern tongues, but Spanish, (the Jesuits malice and envy suppressing it there) and into all manner of folios' for bigness. And a learned traveller (Macedonian by birth) being here, read it over, and translated it into Greek, and carried it over beyond seas, where it was so imprinted from his copy. [Page 324. See also p. 11 39, etc.] 1658. A Short View of the Life and Reign of King Charles, from his Birth to his Burial. By Dr. Peter Heylin : — During the time of these restraints, he betook himself to meditation, and then com- posed that most excellent book, entitled Icon Basilike, or the Portraiture, &c. The honor of his work some mercenary sticklers for the two houses of Parliament have laboured to deprive him of, and to transfer to some other, though they know not whom. [Page 138.] OR, EIKON BASIL/KB, 55 But though he dies thus in the strength of his years, he still lives in the memories of all good men : and by that most excellent portraiture, which he hath made of himself will be preserved alive amongst all nations. The Portraiture of King Charles in his Solitudes and Sufferings, will be a character in his parts and piety beyond all expressions but his own ; a Monument of richer metal than all the tombs of brass or marble, erected to the honor of his predecessors which no inscrip- tion whatever, though in letters of gold, and engraven with a pen of diamonds, can be able to parallel. [Page 162.] When the volume, travelling to him as rapidly as was possible at the time, reached Sir Edward Nicholas, at his place of exile, how do we find him speaking, in a letter to the illustrious Marquess of Ormonde, then in Ireland ? : — I have delivered to your Noble Lady, for your Excellency, His Late Majesty's Portraiture, being the most exquisite pious and Princely piece that I ever read. Lord Clarendon, then Sir Edward Hyde, wrote of it as "The immortal Monument he hath left behind him." To come to recent times, Dr. Wordsworth writes : — But further. It is well known that the effects produced on the minds of the People of England, I might indeed say, of Europe, by the publication of the Icon Basilike were very extraordinary. I now ask therefore, was there anything of a different character discernible in the results consequent upon the personal presence and conversations of the King, in his seasons of affliction and during the professed periods of the composing of that volume, but while little or nothing could yet be known publicly of its existence ? Quite otherwise. The two sets of phenomena are in perfect correspondence and harmony with each other. Wherever he came, with whomsoever he had discoursed, faction and rebellion vanished, or were silent, and, in multitudes of cases, all the unfriendly passions were speedily transformed into the deepest sympathy, and soon into an ardent veneration and loyalty. Hence the frequent changes, by authority of Parliament, of the King's attendants and ser- vants, because they could not trust them. "I employed Huntingdon," says Cromwell, " 'as the man about the King : ' but he is so bewitched with him, that I am afraid of him." And thus emotions were produced by the living language of the King's demeanour and conduct, his virtues and sufferings, in every way accordant with those mixed feelings of grief, admiration, and self-reproaches, which the Book, The King's Portraiture, his written language, shortly afterwards excited to a degree, perhaps, unequalled by any Work that the world ever saw. E. War burton's Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers notes : — It is assumed as an ascertained fact by popular writers, that Dr. Gauden wrote -this admirable work ; the "same party motive prejudices now against its authenticity that 56 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; prevailed in the seventeenth century. However, Milton believed it was written by Charles, as is evident from his Iconoclastes ; and all internal evidence is strongly in its favour. The principal objections to its genuineness are the claim to have written it by a scheming, disreputable Dr. Gauden and his talkative wife, and the flippant rejection of it as a paternal authority by one of the most worthless men that ever lived — the King's own son. It is confessed, at all events, by the impugners of its truth, as having been accepted by Charles the First as his own composition ; he accepted all the sentiments that were attributed to him therein ; a forger of such a work must have been a most daring subject, a most consummate judge of the human heart, and a most admirable writer who could have so arranged such sentiments for such a king ; Gauden was none of those, he was made Bishop of Exeter for his imposture ; it was easier for the easy Charles II to make him so, than to disprove his pertinacious assertions. To most enquirers Dr. Wordsworth's dissertation will prove convincing on this matter. [Vol. II., p. 38.] I will now give, in extenso, a copy of the "Contents" of the Eikon Basilike. This has been set up from No. 1. THE CONTENTS. i.T T Pon His Majesties calling this last Parliament. - - - p. 1 2. LJ Vpon the Earle of Strafford's death. .... 6 3. Vpon His Majesties going to the House of Commons. - - - 12 4. Vpon the Jnsolency of the Tumults. - - - - 17 5. Vpon His Majesties passing the Bill for the Trienniall Parliaments: And after setling this, during the pleasure of the two Houses. - - 26 6. Vpon His Majesties retirement from Westminster. - - - 34 7. Vpon the Queens departure, and absence out of 'England. - - 41 8. Vpon His Majesties repulse at Hull, and the fates of the Hothams. 47 9. Vpon the Listing, and raising Armies aginst the King. - - 54 0. Vpon their seizing the Kings Magazines, Forts, Navy, and Militia. - 66 1. Vpon the 19. Propositions first sent to the King; and more afterwards. - 75 2. Vpon the Rebellion, and troubles in Ireland. - - - - . 89 3. Vpon the Calling in of the Scots, and their Comming. - - - 100 4. Vpon the Covenant. - - - - - . no 5. Vpon the many Jealousies raised; and Scandals cast upon the King, to stirre up the People against Him. - - - - 122 6. Vpon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer-Booke. -. - 138 7. Of the differences between the King, and the 2 Houses, in point of Church- government. - - - - - -147 8. Vpon Vxbridge- Treaty, and other Offers made by the King. - - p. 166 9. Vpon the various events of the War; Victories, and Defeats. - - i'jz 20. Vpon the Reformations of the Times. - - ' - - 1 8 1 OR, EIKON BASILIKE. S7 21. Vpon His Majesties Letters, taken, and divulged. - - - 189 22. Vpon His Majesties leaving Oxford, and going to the Scots. - - 197 23. Vpon the Scots delivering the King to the English/ and His Captivity at Holmeby. --.... 201 24. Vpon their denying His Majesty the Attendance of His Chaplaines. - 206 25. Penitentiall Meditations and Vbwes in the King's solitude at Holmeby. - 218 26. Vpon the Armies Surprisall of the King at Holmeby, and the ensuing distractions in the two Houses, the Army, and the City. - 223 27. To the Prince of Wales. ..... 232 Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Addresses, and His Majesties closer imprisonment in Carisbrooke-Castle. - - - p. 252 The following is a copy of the Contents of the Reliquice Sacres Carolines, taken from the "Wm. Copeland" copy (No. 22): — The Contents. THE FIRST PART, Concerning Matters CIVIL. 1. T T Is Majesties Speeches, - - - - - p. 1 2. J- J- His Majesties Messages for peace, - - - - p. 54 With some Declarations written by his Majesty Himself, - p. 145 3 His Majesties Letters, - - - - - -p. 154 To which are adjoyn'd, Memorials for Secretary Nicholas concerning the Treaty at Vxbridge, - - - - - - P- 255 Directions for the Vxbridge Commissioners, - - - - p. 256 Instructions for Col. Cockram, - - - - - P- 2 58 His Majesties Answer to a Pamphlet, intituled, A Declaration of the Commons of England, &c. expressing their reasons for no further Address, &c. - p. 264 THE SECOND PART, Concerning Matters SAC RED. 1 EIKJ1N BASIAIKH, or his Majesties Med. - - - - p. 1 2 The Papers about Church-govenment, which passed, 1 Between his Majesty and Mr. Henderson at Newcastle, 1646. - - - - p. 149 2 Between his Majesty and Mr. Marshall^ Mr. Vines, Mr. Caril, and Mr. Seaman, at the Treaty at Newport, 1648. - - - p. 191 3 His Majesties Prayers, to which are added diverse things relating to his Majesties Death. ...... p. 287 The particulars appear in the ensuing Table. THE CONTENTS. The first Part containing. 1 His Majesties Speeches, 2 His Majesties Messages for Peace, with some Declarations written by his Majesty himself. 58 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; 3 His Majesties Letters. To which are adjoyn'd, Memorials for Secretary Nicholas concerning the Treaty at Vxhridge. Directions for the Vxbridge Commissioners. Instructions for Col. Cockram. His Majesties Answer to a Pamphlet, entituled, A Declaration of the Commons of England, &c, expressing their Reasons for no further Address, &c. I. Several Speeches delivered by His Majesty to the two Houses at Westminster, and at other places since the beginning of this Parliament. 1 To both Houses at their first meeting, Nov. 3, 1640. - - p. 1 2 To the House of Lords, Nov. 5, 1640. - - - - p. 3 3 To both Houses at the Banquetting- House in White-Hall, Jan. 25, 1640. - p. 4 4 To both Houses, in answer to a Remonstrance, about Papists, &c, Feb. 3. 1640. - - - - p. 7 5 At the passing of the Bill for a Trienniall Parliament, Feb. 15, 1640. - p. 8 6 To both Houses in the Banquetting House, about disbanding the Armies in Ireland and. England, &c. April 28. 1 641. - - p. 8 7 To the Lords, before the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford, May 1, 1641. - - - - p. 10 8 To both Houses, at the passing of the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, June 22. 1641. - - - - p. 12 9 To both Houses, at the passing of the Bils for taking away the Star- cham- ber, &c. July 5. 1641. - - - p. 13 10 To the Scotch Parliament, at Edenbrough, Aug. 19, 1641. - - p. 15 11 To both Houses, after His return from Scotland, Dec. 2. 1641. - - p. 16 12 To both Houses about Ireland, and the Bill for pressing of Souldiers, Dec. 14. 1641. - - - - - p. 17 13 In the House of Commons about the five Members, Ian. 4. 1641. - p. 19 14 At Guild-Hail about the five Members, Ian. 5. 1641. - - - p. 20 15 At Theobalds, at the delivery of the Petition for the Militia, March I. 1641 ibid. 16 At Newmarket, to the Earls of Holland, Pembroke, & the rest of the Com- mittee, &c. March 9, 1641, - - - p. 21 With some Passages that hapned between his Majesty and the said Committee ... - - p. 23 17 To the Sheriff, Ministers, Gentry, &c. of Yorkshire, when they presented, &c. April 5. 1642 - - - - - - p. 24 18 To the Gentry of Yorkeshire, attending his Majesty at York, May 12, 1642 p. 26 19 To the Knights Gentlemen, and Freeholders of the County of Notting. at Newark, luly 4. 1642. - - - - p. 28 20 To the Knights, Gentlemen, and Freeholders of the County of Lincoln, &c. Iuly 15. 1642. - - - - - - p. 29 OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 59 21 To the Gentlemen and inhabitants of Leicester, at Leicester, Iuly 20. 1642. p. 31 22 To the Gentlemen of Yorkeshire, Aug. 4. 1642, - - - P- 33 23 His Majesties Speech & Protestation in the head of bis Army, between Stafford and Wellington, after the reading of his Orders, Sept. 19. 1642. p. 36 24 To the Inhabitants of Denby and Flint, at Wrexham, Sept. 27. 1642. 25 To the Gentlemen, Freeholders, and Inhabitants of Salop, at Shrewsbury, Sept. 28. 1642. - - - - p. 41 26 To the Clergy, Gentlemen, Freeholders, and Inhabitants of the County of Oxon, at Oxford, Nov. 2. 1642. - - - - p. 43 27 To the Members of both Houses assembled at Oxford, Jan. 22. 1643. - p. 44 28 His Majesties Speech and Protestation before he received the holy Eucharist at Christ-church in Oxford. 1643. - - - - p. 46 29 To the Members of both Houses at Oxford, Feb. 7. 1643. - p. 47 30 To the Lords and Commons assembled at Oxf. at their Recesse, April 26. 2644. - - - - - - p. 48 31 At the delivery of the Votes for a personall Treaty at Carisbrook-Czsile, Aug. 7. 1648. - - - - p. 50 32 To the Commissioners at the close of the Treaty at Newport, Nov. 4. 1648. p. 52 33 His Majesties farewel Speech to the Commissioners at Newport, Nov. 1648. p. 53 His Majesties last Speech at his Martyrdom, is at the end of the book, among other things relating to his death, - - - p. 340 II. His Majesties Messages for Peace sent to the two Houses, before and since the breaking out of this war, whereof only 21 were formerly printed together, to which all the rest are now added: With two Declarations written by His Majesty during his Imprison- ment at the Isle of Wight. 1 His Majesties Message of Jan. 20. 1641. for composing of all differences, - p. 55 2 The Message of March 15. 1641. from Huntington, upon his removall to York, in pursuance of the former, - - - - p. 56 3 The Message from Nottingham when he set up his Standard, Aug. 25. 1642. p. 58 4 The Message of Sept. 5. 1642. in pursuance of the former, - - p. 60 5 The Message & Reply to the Answer of both Houses, Sept. 11. 1642. - p. 61 6 The Message of Nov. 12. 1642. from Brainsford, after the defeat of the Parliaments forces at Edge-Hill, and at Brainsford, - - p. 63 7 The Message of Nov. 18. 1642. containing his Reply to the Answer of both Houses, - - - - - - - p. 64 8 The Message of March 3. 1643. for a Treaty, from Oxford, - - p. 67 9 The Message of April 12. 1643. from Oxf. after the end of the Treaty, for disbanding all forces, and his return to the Parliament, - - p. 68 1 2 60 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; 10 the Message of May 19. 1643. in pursuance of the former, Oxford, - p. 7 1 11 The Message of Iuly 4. 1644. from Evesham, after the defeat of Waller at Cropredy-Bridge, - - - - - " P-7 2 12 The Message of Sept. 8. 1644. from Tavestock, after the defeat of the E. of Essex at Lestithiel, - - - - - P- 74 13 The Message of Dec. 5. 1645. for a safe conduct for some persons of honour, &c. from Oxf. - - P- 75 14 The Message of Dec. 15. 1645. in pursuance of the former, Oxf. - - P- 7^ 15 The Mess, of Dec. 26. 1645. for a Treaty, Oxf. - - - P- 77 16 The Message of Decemb. 29. 1645. in pursuance of the former, - - p. 80 17 The Mess, of Ian. 15. 1645. in pursuance, &c. containing his Majesties con- cessions and offers, - - - - -p. 81 18 The Message of Jan. 17. 1645. for an answer to his former Messages, Oxf. p. 83 19 The Message of Ian. 24. 1645. for answer to his last, and concerning their reasons against a personall Treaty, Oxf. - - - - P- 85 20 The Message of Ian. 29. 1645. about Ireland, and His Majesties further Concessions and desire of a personal Treaty, Oxf. - - p. 88 21 The Message of Feb. 26. 1645. for an answer to the last, Oxf. - - P- 93 22 The Message of March 23. 1645. for his Majesties comming up to London, &c. Oxf. - - - - - p. 94 23 The Message of May 18. 1646. from Southwel, containing his Majesties fur- ther Concess &c. - - - - - P- 95 24 The Message of lune 10. 1646. from Newcastle, for Propositions of peace, &c. a Letter to the Governours of his Garrisons, - - - P- 97 25 The Message of Aug. 1. 1646. from Newcastle, for a personall Treaty at or near London, &c. - - - - - -p. 100 26 The Message of Aug. 10. 1646. with a gen. answer to the Prop, and his desire to treat, &c. - - - - - p. 102 * This Message is the same with the former, which by a mistake of the date in some printed copies, was taken for a different Message. 27 The Message of Dec. 20. 1646. from Newcastle, for a treaty, &c. upon the faith of the two Houses, - - - - - p. 104 28 The Message of Feb. 17. 1646. from Holmby, concerning his Chaplains, - p. 106 29 The Message of March 6, 1646, from Holmby, in pursuance of the former, - p. 107 30 The Message of May 12. 1647. from Holmby, with his answer in particular to the Propositions - - - - - -p. 109 31 The Message of Sept. 9. 1647. from Hamp. Court, with his answer to the Propositions presented to him there, - - - - P- 1 1 5 32 The Message of Nov emb. 11. 1647. left on his Majesties Table at Hampton Court, - - - - - - -p. 117 OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 61 33 The Message of Nov. 17. 1647. for a personal Tr. with his particular Con- cessions, &c. - - - - - . P-H9 34 The Mess, of Dec. 6. 1647. from Carisbrook Castle, for an answer to his last, p. 125 35 The Mess, and answer to the 4 Bils, and Proposit. presented at Carisbrook Castle, before the Votes of No address, Dec. 28. 1647. - - p. 127 36 The Mess, of Aug. 10. 1648. with his Majesties ans. to the Votes for a Treaty at the Isle of Wight, from Carisbrook Castle, - - - p. 130 37 The Message of Aug. 28. 1648. for some of his Councel and others to attend his Majesty, &c. - - - - p. 133 38 The Message of Sept. 7. 1648. concern, the Treaty, and for two Doctors of the Civil Law to attend at the Treaty, Carisbrook Castle, - - p. 134 39 The Message of Nov. 2. 1648. for 4 Bishops and 2 Doctors of Divinity more, &c. from Newport, - - - - - -p. 136 40 The Mess, of Sept. 29. 1648. containing his Majesties Concessions, from Newport, ------- ibid. 1 His Majesties Declar. to all his people, Tan. 18. 1647. from Carisbrook after the Votes of No addresse, - - - - - p. 147 2 His Majesties Declar. concerning the Treaty, and dislike of the Armies proceedings, delivered by his Majesty to one of his Servants at his departure from the Isle of Wight, &c. anno 1648. - - - p. 150 III. Letters written by His Majesty to several persons since the beginning of this Pari, herto- fore published at sever all times, and now collected into one Body. Together with those intercepted Letters published by the Pari. &c. 1 To the House of Peers, about the Reprieve of the E. of Strafford, sent by the Prince, May 11. 1641. from White-hall, - - - p. 154 2 To the Lord Keeper, about Mr. Attourney General, March 4. 1641. from Royston, -------p. 155 3 To the Lord Keeper, about the L. Admiral, March 21. 1642. from Yorke, - p. 156 4 To the Mayor of Hull, April 25. 1642. from Yorke, - - - p. 157 5 To the High Sheriff of Yorkeshire, May 5. 1642. from York - - p. 160 6 To the Gentry of Yorkeshire, May 16. 1642. from Yorke, - - p. 162 7 To the Privy Councel of Scotland, May 20. 1642. from York, - - p. 164 8 To the Lord Willoughby of Par ham, June 4. 1642. from York, - p. 166 9 To the Commissioners of Array in Leicester shire, Tune 12. 1642. from York, p. 167 10 To the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs of London, Iune 14. 1642. from Yorke, p. 170 11 To the Judges to be published in their Circuits, Iuly 4. 1642. from York, - p. 172 12 To the Vice-Chancellour of Oxford. Iuly 18. 1642. from Beverley, - p. 175 13 To the Mayor of Oxford, Iuly 22. 1642. from Nottingham, -" - p. 176 62 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; 14 To the Sheriffe of London, Ian. 17. 1642. from Oxford, - -p. 177 15 To the Sheriffe and Iudges of Glocestershire, Feb. 12. 1642. from Oxford, - p. 182 16 To the Privy Councell of Scotland, Dec. 6. 1642. from Oxford - - P- 186 17 To the Privy Councell of Scotland, Sept. 18. 1642. from Stratford, - p. 190 18 To the Privy Councell of Scotland, Octo. 13. 1642. from Bridgenorth, - p. 192 19 To the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Common-Councell of Bristoll, about Mr. Yeomans, &c. May 29. 1643. from Oxf - - P- J 93 20 To the Citie of Glocester, a Summons, with the Answer, Aug. 10. 1643. p. 194 21 To the inhabitants of Cornwal, a letter of thanks, Sept. 10. 1643. from Sudely Castle. - - - P- 19S 22 To the Earl of Essex, at Lestithiel, with another Letter to him from the Officers of the Kings Army, August 6. 1644. from Liskard in Cornwall, p. 197 23 To Prince Rupert after the losse of Bristoll, Aug. 3. 1645. from Cardijfe, - p. 200 24 To the M. of Ormond, Iune 11. 1646. from Newcastle, - - - p. 202 25 To the Governours of his Majesties Garrisons, Iune 10. 1646. from Newcastle. p. 203 26 To the D. of York, Iuly 4. 1647. Cawsham, - - p. 203 27 To the M. of Ormond, Apr. 3. 1646. Oxf. - - - p. 204 * This Letter and the next, should have come in after the 23. as appears by their dates. 28 To the P. of Wales, Iune 2. 1646 Newcastle, - - - - p. 206 29 To Col. Whaley, Novem. 11. 1647. from Hampton Court, - - ibid. 30 To the L. Mountague, Nov. 11. 1647. from Hampton Court, with a Letter from E. R. to his Majesty, Nov. 9. 1647. - - - - p. 207 31 To S. T. Fairfax, Nov. 26. 1647. from Carisbrook Castle, - - p. 208 32 To Sr. T. Fairfax, Nov. 27. 1647. from Carisbrook Castle. - p. 209 33 To the Lords, Gentlemen, and Committee of the Scotch Parliament, together with the Officers of the Army, Iuly 3. 1648. from Carisbrook Castle, - p. 210 His Majesties private Letters to the Queen, and others, with the Queens Letters to his Majesty, intercepted and published by the Parliament, With his Majesties Letter to Seer. Nicholas, concerning the Publishing of them : and part of one of his Majesties Declarations concerning the same His Majestie Letter to Seeretary Nicholas concerning the Parliaments intercepting and publishing of his Letters, - - - - - p. 211 Part of his Majesties Declaration of June 3. 1643. concerning some of the said Letters, intercepted and published, 1643. - - p. 213 1 Too the Queen, Ian. 23. 1642. Oxf. .... P- 215 2 To the Queen, March 2. 1642. Oxf. - - - p. 216 3 To the Queen, Feb. 13. 1643. - - - - - P-2I7 4 To the Queen, Ian. 1. 1644. Oxf - - - - - P- 2I 9 5 To the Queen, Ian. 9. 1644. Oxf. ----- ibid. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 63 6 To the Queen, Ian. 14. 1644. Oxf. ----- 7 To the Queen, Ian. 22. 1644. Oxf. ----- 8 To the Queen, Ian. 30. 1644. Oxf. - 9 To the Queen, March 13. 1644. 0#/. - 10 To the Queen, March 27. 1645. Oxf. - 11 To the Queen, March 30. 1645. Oa/. - 12 To the Queen, April 9. 1645. C7*/". ----- 13 To the Queen, May 4. 1645. Oxf. ----- 14 To the Queen, May 14. 1645. Droitwitch - 15 To the Queen, lune 9. 1645. Oxf. - 16 To the Queen, Dec. 1645 Oxf. ----- 17 To the Queen, Ian. 2. 1645. Oxf - - ' - 18 To the Queen, Feb. 19. 1645. Oxf. - ... 19 To the Queen, Feb. 25. 1645. Oxf. ----- 20 To the Queen, March 9. 1645. Oxf. - 21 To the Queen, March 20. 1645. - 22 To the M. of Ormond, Dec. 15. 1644. 0#/\ - - - - 23 To the M. of Ormond, Ian. 7. 1644. Oxf. - - - . 24 To the M. of Ormond, Feb. 16. 1644. Oxf. - - - . 25 To the M. of Ormond, Feb. 27. 1647 - 26 To the D. of R. 27 To the L. Iermin, April 24. 1645. O*/". .... 28 The Q: to the King, .Mzr. 30. 1643. York. - - - - 29 The Q: to the K: lun. 27. 1643. ^Newark, - - - . 30 The Q: to the King, April 3. 1644. .... 31 The Q: to the King, April 21. 1644. i?#A4. - - - . 32 The Q: to the King, Dec. 6. 1644. Paris, - 33 The Q: to the King, Ian. 27. 1644. Fan's, ... 34 The Q: to the King, Mar. 13. 1644. Paris, - 35 Memorials for Secretary Nicholas concerning the Treaty at Vxbridge. 36 Directions for my Uxbridge Commis. - 37 Instructions for Col. Cockram, to be pursued in his negotiations, &c. His Majesties own Answer to a Pamphlet, intituled, A Declaration of the Commons of Engl. &c. expressing their Reasons for no further address, &c. The Second part of his Majesties Works concerning Matters Sacred. EIKQN BASIAIKH, Or his Majesties Meditations: 1 Vpon his Majesties calling this Pari. ... 2 Vpon the E. of Straffords death, ----- 3 Vpon his Maj. going to the House of Com. - P' . 229 P' . 222 P' 223 p- 224 p- 226 p- 227 p- 229 p- 23O p- 23I p- 232 p- 233 p- 235 p- 236 p- 237 p- 238 p. 24O p- 24I p- 242 p- 244 i •bid. p- 245 p- 246 p- 248 p- 249 p- 250 p- 251 p- 252 p- 253 p- 2 54 p- 255 p- 256 p- 258 p. 264 p. I P-S p. II 64 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; 4 Vpon the insolency of the Tumults, - - - - P- J 5 5 Vpon his Majesties passing the Bill for the triennial Pari. And after setling this, during &c. ------ 6 Vpon his Maj. retirement from Westm. - 7 Vpon the Q: depart. & abs. out of England, - - - - 8 Vpon his Majesties repulse at Hull, and the fates of the Hothams, 9 Vpon the listing and raising Armies, &c. - io Vpon their seizing the Kings Magazines, &c. - ii Vpon the 19 Prop, first sent to the King, &c. - 12 Vpon the Rebel, and troubles in Ireland, &c. - 13 Vpon the calling in of the Scots, &c. - 14 Vpon the Covenant, - - 15 Vpon the many jealousies raised, &c. - 16 Vpon the Ord. against the Com. Pr. Book, - - 17 Of the diff. betw. the K. & the 2 Houses, &c. 18 Vpon the Vxbridge Treaty, and their offers made to the King, - 19 Vpon the various events of this War, Victories and Defeats, 20 Vpon the Reformation of the times, - 21 Vpon his Majesties Lett, taken & divulged. - - - - 22 Vpon his Majesties leaving Oxford, and going to the Scots, 23 Vpon the Scots delivering the King to the English, and his captivity at Holmby, ------- 24 Vpon their denying his Majesty the attendance of his Chaplains - 25 Penitentiall Meditations and Vows in the Kings Solitude at Holmby, 26 Vpon the Armies surprizall of the King at Holmby, and the ensuing distrac- tions in the two Houses, &c. - 27 To the Prince of Wales ------ 28 Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Addresse, and his Majesties closer imprisonment, &c. - - - - p. 232 II. His Majesties Papers about Church-Government. 1 Those that passed between his Majesty & Mr. Henderson, at Newcastle, His Majesties first paper, May 29. 1646. - p. 149 Henderson s first paper, Iune 3. 1646. - - - - p. 151 His Majesties second paper, Iune 6. 1646. - - - - p. 159 Hendersons second paper, Iune 17. 1646. - - - - p. 163 His Majesties third paper, Iune 22. 1646. - p. 174 Hendersons third paper, luly 2. 1646. .... p. 181 His Majesties fourth paper, luly 3. 1646. - - - p. 186 His Majesties fifth paper, luly 16. 1646. - - - - p. 188 p • 23 p ■ 30 p .37 p .42 p .48 p •59 p .67 p . 81 p .90 p ■99 p. 100 p- 124 p- 133 p- ISO p- 155 p- 164 p- 172 p- 178 p- 183 p- 187 p- 199 p- 204 p- 213 OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 65 2 The Papers which passed between His Majesty and the Ministers at Newport in the Isle of Wight 1648. His Majesties first paper concerning Episc. - p. 191 The Ministers Answer, - - - . . -p. 192 His Majesties second paper, ----- p. 202 The Ministers second paper, - - - - . p. 215 His Majesties finall Answer, - - - -p. 251 A Qucere about Easter, propounded by His Majesty to the Parliaments Com- missioners at Holmby, April 23. 1647. - - - - p. 286 III. His Majesties Prayers, with other things relating to His Majesties Death. 1 A Prayer used by his Majesty, at his entrance in state into the Cathedral Church of Exeter, &c. - p. 287 2 A Prayer drawn by his Majesties special direction and dictates for a blessing upon the Treaty at Vxbridge, ----- md. 3 A Prayer drawn by his Majesties special directions for a blessing upon the Treaty at Newport, &c. - - - - - p. 288 4 A Prayer for pardon of sin - - - - - p. 289 5 A Prayer and Confession in and for the times of Affliction, - - p. 290 6 A Prayer in the times of imminent danger - - - - P- 291 Several things relating to his Majesties Death. 1 Four Quceres propounded by his Majesty, when the Armies Remonstrance was read unto him at Newport, concerning their intended trial of his Majesty, p. 292 2 His Majesties reasons against the pretended jurisdiction of the High Court of Injustice, &c. ------ p. 293 3 The names of those persons, who by a pretended Commission from a few Mem- bers of the late House of Commons (acted by the Councel of War) &c. - p. 296 4 The names of those persons, who at severall times appeared and sate actually as Judges upon the King, whereof about 73 did passe sentence of death upon him. With the names of the Councel and Officers that attended them, ... - . . p_ 299 5 A true Relation of the Kings Speech to the Lady Elizabeth and the Duke of Gloucester, the day before his Death, - - - - p. 300 6 Another Relation from the Lady Elizabeths owne hand, - p. 301 7 Another Relation from the Lady Eliz. - - - p. 302 8 A Copy of a Letter sent from the Prince, to the K. dated from the Hague, Ian. 23. 1648. ------ p. 303 9 His Majesties last Speech on the Scaffold at his Martyrdom, Ian. 30. 1648. p. 304 66 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; 10 The Names of the Mayor and Aldermen of London, that proclamed the Act against Monarchy. - - - - P- 3°9 11 A Speech made in Latine, by Dr. Lotius to King CHARLS the Second, in the name of the Consistory of Hague, and in the presence of the rest of the Ministers of that Church, upon the death of King CHARLS the First, 7 Calend. Martii, 1649. - - - - " P- 3°9 12 The same in English, - - - - - P- 3 12 Sever all Verses made by diverse persons upon His Majesties death. 1 An Epitaph upon K. CHARLS by 7. H. - - - - P- 3*4 2 Another, - - P- 3 J 5 3 Another by A. B. - - - - i bid - 4 Upon the Picture of his Majesty, sitting in his Chair before the High Court of Injustice - - - - - - P-3 l6 5 Upon the Picture of his Majesty in His Blew Wastcoat, ibid. 6 An Elegy by the M. of Montrosse, .... ibib. 7 A Deep Groan at the Funerall of that Incomparable and Glorious Monarch CHARLS the First, by D. H K. - - - p. 3*7 It is intended in the present volume that, by the aid of bibliography, the way may be cleared for finding out more than is already known of the birth and life of the work in question, and particulars calculated to aid this object have, therefore, been added. No enumeration of faults has been attempted, and where, for instance, the expression "paged — to — " is used, it is not intended to imply that there are no errors in the pagination. Blank leaves at beginning and end are mentioned just as found in the actual copies collated, but their presence or absence must not be taken to indicate a different edition. In many cases it is not difficult to see with what blank leaves an edition has been issued, but the above plan has been preferred to the adoption of assumptions. In each case the description of the edition has been composed from the first copy mentioned. Often other copies named have not the same frontispiece or blank end leaves. In comparing any Eikon with the descriptions given, for the purpose of identifying the edition, it will be sufficient to find that what is stated as present is in the book under comparison, rather than to be led by finding certain additional peculiarities not noted, to arrive at the somewhat negative conclusion that the two are different. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 67 It cannot be too clearly pointed out that the presence or absence of an illustration, except when actually printed as part of the text, does not vary the edition. Bindings (except of editions published since 1800) have, of course, nothing to do with the edition. Bindings and ownership notes are alluded to at the foot of the descriptions, so that if the severe bibliographer will keep his nose slightly raised in gentle scorn, he can avoid seeing these baubles. In every case where the copy described does not belong to me, it is clearly so stated. Mr. Davenport is disposed to credit me with discovering a new artist in the production of beautiful bindings. It would appear as if Samuel Browne probably bound the Da Costa copy of the Imago Regis (see binding illustrations) and a copy of the "Electro, of Sophocles: Presen- ted to Her Highnesse the Lady Elizabeth .... By C. W. [Christopher Wase] at the Hague, for Sam. Brown, mdcxlix." These two books are as beautiful specimens of binding as could be desired. They were no doubt bound at the Hague, the former for Charles II., the latter for his sister, the Princess Elizabeth. In all the seventy miles of book-shelves at the British Museum there is no book bound like unto these two little old relics of the most pathetic page in Britain's history. I have been most careful to describe specially bound copies, since these are much to the point as illustrating the intense interest which the Eikon evoked. It has been handed down by tradition to this day, that copies with the royal crown and " C. R." on the covers were royal presenta- tion eopies to devoted cavaliers. A very interesting feature in many of the bindings is that these books are to this moment wearing mourning for Charles the First, in a still more literal sense than General Wolfe's old regiment, with their black facings, continued year after year to mourn the fall of their beloved commander, on the heights of Abraham. Hardly any two of these bindings are alike. In John Inglesant, Vol. I., chap. 15, it is written, "Thousands of copies of the King's Book, edged with black, were sold in London within a few days following his death." An early Eikon has recently come into my possession, which is bound in very k 2 68 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; old and worn black velvet, with the crown and " C. R." on the covers. Nothing would be more natural than that someone should obtain a scrap of the material used at the execution or funeral, and cover an Eikon with it. (A small piece of the black velvet pall was, we know, cut off, before the rest of it was placed in the coffin.) Not even to limit the study to a question of printing, some water- marks have been traced and reproduced. The number under each marks OmZDSED the edition of the Eikon from which they were taken. Nos. 43 and 44 are from old end -leaves in copies of those editions; the "cardinal's hat" being also found in the three-quarters-face " Guil: Marshall delinea: et sculpsit" frontispiece with explanation at foot, which is in many copies of this set of editions. It is also in the oval portrait of Charles the First in the " Marmaduke Cooke" copy, No. 43. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 69 ( TmVDTO REPRODUCTIONS OF WATER-MARKS. 7 o A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; Eikon No. 7 has a water-mark which is nearly, if not quite, the same as Nos. 43 and 44. In the Archceologia (Vol. XII) will be found " Obser- vations on Paper-Marks : By the Rev. Samuel Denne, F.A.S., in a Letter to Mr. Gough." Under the date 1649, Mr. Denne has given the "cardinal's hat" water-mark. The literature of this subject is very slight, and I have learned nothing to our purpose from Briguet; but Miss E. E. Thoyts has written interesting articles on " Water-Marks," in The Antiquary of November and December, 1895, with the promise of more to follow. w. KDER) 43- 44. Granted a desire to own a copy of a certain edition, the first object is that the book be "perfect;" the second, that it be in contemporary binding. Not only has the original binding often been interesting in itself, but its removal almost invariably indicates the destruction of the personal history of the copy. Even should there have been no names, dates, prices, or remarks, the book will probably have been cut down and end-leaves removed. OR, ETKON BASILIKE. 7l At Windsor Castle are some precious Eikons (see Nos. 15, 42, and 44), affectionately guarded by our reigning Queen, the descendant of Charles the First. Victoria, our Queen, is a Stuart. I have not followed an interesting writer, and discussed the smell of books. To me, all Eikons are as fragrant as the breath of the sweet mimosa growing upon the hills of Trinidad. The result of examining many Eikons, including one hundred and twenty of my own, is to prove that the reputed number of editions appearing within a few months of the King's death was by no means an exaggeration. Not unnaturally has it been conjectured that many different editions — making up the traditional fifty editions — were only separated by a very slight alteration, not showing any appreciable thought or labour involved in the production ; but the result of com- parisons is to put aside this idea. Also, in the matter of how quickly the early editions came out, the result of examination is to show that even some, which were dated 1649, really appeared several weeks before March 25th following the King's execution. At that period the year was by some held to begin on March 25th, and by others on January 1st. The story that the King's Book was in the hands of the people immediately the fatal axe had fallen is strongly confirmed. The copy which I dis- covered as distinctly preceding the "February 9th" copy (see description of Eikon No. 2) was not an isolated instance, various other copies agreeing with it having since come to light. I think about fifty editions came forth in the first six months. In October, Royston was bound over in ^500 not to offend further. How he must have laughed in his sleeve ! The stable door was indeed shut too late. I own that I am not ready to write a definition of an edition, but I count that at least twenty-four editions were printed before March 25th, 1649,* and another twenty before the end of the year, all these forty-four editions being in English. In 1649 there were also three in Latin, four in French, one in German, and two in Dutch. This makes fifty-four editions in the first year. It was again printed at least eight times before 1800, and no less than six times in the present century. These figures added together * See Addenda for a note about another edition. 72 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; make sixty-eight editions, and they are described in this work in the order of the dates they bear, and translations are put after English editions of the same date. A few editions have turned up which were not mentioned by Wagstaffe, and on the other hand, some mentioned by him have not yet come to light. Some people cannot read a book in which what cousin Jonathan calls the "almighty dollar" is not so much as named. I must, then, tell the man who thinks to buy and sell old volumes, as he would deal in sausages, that copies of the Eikon have been bought for fifteen pence, and copies have been bought for fifteen pounds. Further, I have known, in the course of a year or so, one and the same ordinary copy to be bought from a bookseller for ten shillings, sold to another bookseller for five pounds, picked up again from a third bookseller by the first buyer for again the same sum, ten shillings, and then a second time sold by him for five pounds. The number of books distinctly upon the Eikon that have been counted, including different editions, amounts to forty-five, and a list of such works, in the order of the year of publication, is here appended, together with fac-simile Title pages of a few of them. It will be observed that some of these works are more elaborately described than others, the reason for this being that in such cases I was able to lend the printer a copy for reference. " 77 Davide Perseguitato | DAVID | Persecuted. | Written in Italian | By | The Marquesse Virgilio \ Malvezzi: | And done into English | by | ROBERT ASHLEY \ Gent. | LONDON. | Printed for Humphrey Mosely, at | the signe of the Princes Armes | in St. Pauls Church-Yard. | 1647." 163 pp. This and one or two others have only a slight connection with the subject. " HIS I MAJESTIES | DECLARATION | To all His Loving subjects in His | Kingdome of England and | Dominion of Wales. | Published with the advice of his | Privie Councell. | Dated in Castle-Elizabeth in the Isle of | Jersey, the 31. day of October 1649. 1 I Hage, I Printed by Samuel Broun English | Bookseller, Dwelling in the Achter-Om | at the Signe of the English Printing house, | anno M.DC.XLIX." 7 pp. The first edition of Milton's Eikonoklastes. Preface, 5 leaves, unpaged. Text, 242 pp. (See fac-simile Title page No. 1, reproduced from a copy kindly lent me by Messrs. Pickering and Chatto, Haymarket.) The first, fifth, tenth, seventeenth, and twenty-third lines of the Title page are printed in red. London, 1649. P.M. 6.578. (5.) 1. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 73 EIKONOKAASTHS>ii 9 . l !JSmr ' ToaBookJmitVd fr EiK^N basiaikh; T H E Portr ature of his Sacred M A ; E S T Y in his Solitudes and Sufferings,^ The Author J. M^t, s ■ ■■« ■■■ ■ ■ — ^mw^ — —WW — — w^—i ■—■—*■+ Prov. 28. 15, I<5, 17. 1 5 . v/f 4 roaring Lyon, and a ranging "Beartj foua wicks d Ru- ler ever the poor people. 16. The Prince that wanteth underftanding , it a/fa a great cp- prefor; bnt he that hateth covet ottfne (fe JbaU prolong his day es. 17. A man that doth violence to the blood of any per/on t Jball fly to the pity let no man ft ay him* Saluft. Conjurau Catilin, Regium impenum, quod initio, confervandc libeitatis,atque augends rei- pub. catisa fuerat, in fuperbiam, dominationemque fe convemc Begibusboni,cjuammali,ru^)eftiores funt;(emperque hisaliena varus for- midolofaeft. QukSlibetimpuneikere, hoc idlicct regiam eft. fnblifbedby Authority. London, Printed by Matthew Simmons, next dore CO the gilded Lyon in AMerfgate flreec. 1 64 ?. . 74 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; " THE PRINCELY PELICAN. | royall resolves | Presented in sundry | choice observa- tions | Extracted from His Majesty's | Divine Meditations. | With Satisfactory Reasons to the whole King- | dom, that his Sacred Person was the | only Author of them. | Epictet. in Enchirid. | Subditis regere, Regibus subjici ! Quid iniquius ? | Printed Anno Dom. 1649." 52 pp. B. M. 599. c. 21. " KING CHARLES HIS FAREWELL, left as a legacy to his deare children ; written a little before his death. (Being the King's address to his son, chapter 27 of the Eikon Basilike) With his prayers in the time of his troubles. (Also a copie of a letter from the prince, &c.)" 2 parts. London, 1649. i2mo. B. M. E. 1410. (2.) (Another edition.)—" THE KINGLY MYRROUR, or King Charles his last legacy to the Prince his son: written a little before his death, &c." London, 1649. i2mo. B.M. E. 1317. (5.) (Another edition.)— " KING CHARLES TO THE PRINCE OF WALES. Contained in Vol. 3 of Illustrations of the Liturgy, &c." By the Rev. J. Brogden, Vicar of Deddington. 1842. i2mo. B.M. 1219. g. 6. " E"IK12N A'AH'eiNH. | THE | POVRTRAITVRE | of | Truths most sacred Majesty truly I suffering, though not solely 1649." In fours. Text pp. 1-103. {See fac-simile Title page No. 2.) " EIKliN H niSTH. I or, I The faithfull Pourtraicture of a Loyall | Subject, in Vindication | of I EIKO'N BASIAIKH M.DC.XLIX." In fours. Text pp. 1-96. (See fac-simile Title page No. 3.) [This and the foregoing work are bound together in one volume.] " 'EIK0N0KAA2THS. | in | answer | to a Book Intitl'd | EIKQ'N BASIAIKH', | the | Por- trature of his sacred Majesty | in his Solitudes and Sufferings. | The Author J. M. | Publish'd now the second time, and much enlarg'd. | London, Printed by T. N., and are to be sold by Tho. Brewster | and G. Moule at the three Bibles in Pauls Church-Yard I near the West-end, 1650." Text 230 pp. B.M. 599 e. 18. (1.) On August 13th, 1660, a proclamation went forth, "For calling in and suppressing of two books written by John Milton : the one entituled Johannis Miltoni Angli pro Popttlo Anglicano Defensio, contra Claudii Anonymi, alias Salmasii, Defensionem Regiam; and the other in answer to a book entituled the Portraiture of his Sacred Majesty in his Solitude and Sufferings. " " EIKQN AKAASTOS | the | image | vnbroaken. | A Perspective of the Impudence, Falshood, Va- 1 nitie, and Prophannes, Published | in a Libell entitled | EIKONOKAASTHS against EIKON BASIAIKH | or the Pourtraicture of his sacred | majestie | in his solitudes and Sufferings. I Printed Anno Dom. 1651." By Joseph Jane. 267 pp. B.M. 599. e. (2.) Dr. Wordsworth, after mentioning that Long attributed this tract to Dr. Earle, adds that it was vigorously suppressed, and at the Restoration put into circulation with a Dedication to Charles II., and the following new Title: — " Salmasius's Dissection and Confutation of the Diabolical Rebel Milton, in his impious Doctrines, &c, &fc, against his Gracious Sovereign Charles I. made legible for the satisfaction of all loyal and obedient subjects: but by reason of the rigid inquisition after persons and presses, by the late merciless tyrant Oliver Cromwell, durst not be sold publicly in this Kingdom, under pain of imprisonment and other intolerable damages. 1660." Wordsworth adds: — " Still, I do not think that the work was Salmasius's." 2. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 75 n E'lKoN A'AHfelNH. THE POVRTRAITVRE O F Truths mod facred Majefty truly fuffering^hough notfolely. Wherein the falfe colours arc waffled off, where- with the Pd inter- fteiner had bedawbed Truth, the late King:uidiheParliament,in his Counterfeit Piece emituled Eixw 9>cvn\w, *Publifhed to undeceive the World. *^%?h* s >V i* 01 ***°* W* A»jv* o 7Tw Awi/i Homer. 5^^'gTepov/terx«9« oipfwi «Mo' ^«eforo Jp Iliad* ^//f«w ifoermfi perfido prxftat fides^Scn. Animadvert o turn etiam Dtos if fox, nut tarn occur at U ado- rantium precibus, tfuam inno/entia &fa»tlitate htari : gratioremq; exiftimari, quidelnbris eornm pftram, ca- fitmqi mtnttmflum qui mtditatHmearmenintnleriu Plinii Panegyric Prov. 12. 9. The lip tf truth frail be eftablifbedfor evev\but a lying Utigut ubutfiramm'tnt. London printed by Thomas Paine, and are to be fold by George whittington at the blew Anchor inCorn-hiH. 164?, L 2 76 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; "•EIKONOKAA'STHS, | ou | Reponse au Livre intitule | 'EIKfl'N BA2IAIKH 1 : | ou | Le Pourtrait de sa Sacree Majeste | durant sa Solitude & ses | Souffrances. | Par le S r Jean Milton. | Traduite de l'Anglois sur la seconde | & plus ample Edition ; & revue | par le Auteur. | A laquelle sont ajoutees diverses Pieces, | mentionnees en ladite Reponse, | pour la plus grande com- | modite du Lecteur. | A LONDRES | Par Guilt. Du-Gard, Imprimeur du | Conseil d'Estat, l'an 1652. Et se vend | par Nicolas Bourne, a la porte Me- | ridionale de la vieille Bourse." 45 1 pp. " CAROLUS I a securi et calamo Miltonii [in his Iconoclastes] vindicatus [by C. B. Morisot]." 1652. i6mo. B. M. G. 1767. " De Juramento. | seven | LECTURES | concerning the | OBLIGATION | Of | Promissory | OATHES. I Read publickly in the Divi- | nity School at OXFORD. | By Robert Sanderson D.D. | His MAJESTIES Publick Professor there. | Translated into English by His late | MAJESTIES speciall Command, | and afterwards Revised and approved un- I der His MAJESTIES own hand. | London, Printed by E. C. for Humphrey Moseley, \ Octavian Fulleyn, and Andrew Crook and are | to be sold at their shops in St. Pauls- I Church-yard, 1655." 272 pp. " BIBLIOTHECA REGIA, \ or, the | ROYAL LIBRARY, | containing | A Collec- tion of such of the | PAPERS of His Late | MAIESTY | King Charts, | The second MONARCH of I GREAT BRITAIN, | As have escaped the wrack and | ruines of these times. | Not extent in the Reliquiae Carolina?, or the | Exact Collection of Edward Husbands. | in two books. | The first relating to the concernments of the Church, \ The second, unto those of the Civil State. \ with \ Some Occasional Observations for the better understanding | and coherence of some parts thereof. | LONDON, Printed for Henry Selle, at the Black Boy in | Fleet-street, over against St. Dunstans Church, 1659." " SALMASIUS. His Dissection and Confutation of the Diabolical rebel Milton's book Eikonoklastes." A translation published by Garfield. 4X0. London, 1660. Kindly communicated by Lord Aldenham. "AUREA DICTA: or the gracious words of Charles I.," (4to. Oxford, 1682.) contains extracts from the Eikon. Kindly communicated by Mr. Falconer Madan. " RESTITUTION | to the | Royal Authour | or a | vindication | of | King Charls the Martyr's | most Excellent book ; Intituled | 'EIKflN BA2IAIKH' | From the false, Scandalous, and Malicious Reflections lately | Published against it. | licensed, | May 10. 1 691 : Z. Isham. | London; Printed for Samuel Keble, at the Great Turks-Head in Fleet-street, I over against Fetter-lane-end. 1691." 8 pp. Folio. B.M. T. 1107. (9.) OR, EIKON BASILIKE. l7 3. EIKON H niSTH, OR, The faithfull Pourtraidure of a Loyall Subjeft, in Vindication o F E I K PJ N B A S I A I K H. Otherwife Intituled, THE POURTRAICTURE Of His Sacked MAJESTIE, I N H I S SOLITUDES & SUFFERINGS. In Anfiver to an infolent Book, Intituled eikhn AAH0INH: whereby occafion is taken, to handle all the contro- verted points relating to tbefe times. TaBuntur in ahum ; Vt lapfu graiiore rmnt. Ecdel. 4.1.2. So I confidcred all the off regions that are done under the Sun, and behold tbe tears pffucb at were ofpreffed, and tbey bad no conform .- and on tbe fide. of their oppreffews there was power : but tbe) bad no comforter. Wmefotx I paifed tbe dead troicb are ahead) dead, more then tbe living which are jet alive. Ecclcf. 5.8. If 'thou feel? tbe opprefjion of the poor, and violent perverting of judgement and jufiice in a Province, marvel! not at tbe matter : for be hat it-higher then tbe aigbeft, regardeth, and there be higher then they. Printed in the Year, M.DC XLIX. 78 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; " A | LETTER | from | General Ludlow | to | Dr. Hollingworth, | Amsterdam, Printed Anno Dom. 1691." 72 pp. " Dr. HOLLINGWORTH'S | Defence | of | K. Charles the First's Holy and | Divine Book, called I EIKQN BA2IAIKH ; | Against the Rude and Undutiful Assaults of | the late Dr. Walker, of Essex. | proving | By Living and Unquestionable | Evidences, the aforesaid Book to be that | Royal Martyr's, and not Dr. Gauden's. | London . . . 1692." 27 pp. B.M. E. 1970. (10.) " Dr. WALKER'S True account of the Authour of a Book, entituled, Ek&iv BamXutfi, or the Portraiture of his Sacred Majesty in his solitudes and sufferings, proved to be written by Dr. Gauden, late Bishop of Worcester." 1692. 4to. " A TRUE I ACCOUNT | of the | Author of a Book entituled | Eikon Basilike | or with I An Answer to all Objections made by Dr. Hollingworth | and others, | London, | 1692." 37 pp., in fours. B.M. E. 1971. (1.) " VINDICIAZ CAROLINA: | or, a | DEFENCE | of | 'EIKSiN B A2I AIKH\ | the | Portraic- ture of his Sacred Majesty | in his Solitudes and Sufferings. | in | REPLY | To a BOOK Intituled | 'EIKONOKAASTH'2, | Written by Mr. Milton, and lately | Reprinted at Amster- dam. I Vere magnum habere fragilitatem homi- \ nis, securitatem Dei. Seneca. | London, Printed by y. L. for Sufee JWmfcirl), | at the Angel, in Amen-Corner, mdcxcii." (By J. Wilson, author of a Treatise of Monarchy.) 144 pp., in eights. B.M. 599. c. 25. "the I CHARACTER | of | King Charles I. | From the IBwlararion of | M R - Alexander Henderson, | (Principal Minister of the Word of God at Edenburgh, and | Chief Com- missioner from the Kirk of Scotland, to the | Parliament and Synod of England) | Upon his DEATH-BED: | with | A Further Defence of the | KING'S Holy Book. | To which is Annex'd | Some Short Remarks upon a Vile Book, call'd, | Sutllofo no Egat : | With a Defence of the KING from the | Irish Rebellion. | By Rich. Hollingworth, D.D. | London Printed, and are to be Sold by R. Tayler by Amen-Corner, 1692." 28 pp., in fours. Dedication ("To the Right Honourable | the | Marchioness of Carmarthen") 5 leaves, not paged. " HuDlofo no ffijjat, | Or a Detection of | Dr. Hollingworth's Disingenuity | in his | Second DEFENCE I of | King Charles 1. 1 and | A further Vindication of the Parlia- 1 ment of the 3d of Novemb. 1640. | With Exact Copies of the Pope's Letter to K. Charles | the First, and of his Answer to the Pope. | In a Letter from General Ludlow, to Dr. Hollingworth. \ together | With a Reply to the false and malicious Asserti- | ons in the Doctor's lewd Pamphlet, Entituled, His \ Defence of the King's Holy and Divine BOOK, against \ the rude and undutiful Assaults of the late Dr. Walker of Essex. | AMSTERDAM, Printed 1692." 63 pp. (really two pages less, as the numbering jumps from p. 52 to p. 55), in fours. Dedication (" To Mr. Luke Milbourn Minister of Great- Yarmouth, \ and Assistant to Dr. Hollingworth in his migh- | ty Under-takings.") pp. iii-xx. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 79 E I K. n' n Basiaikh' A E i* T E P A. THE POURTRAICTURE OF HI 5 SACRED MAJESTY Found in the Strong Box. With his Reafons for turning Ro- man Catholick 5 publifhwl by K. James, 1 K Printed in the Year MDCXCIV* So A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK. "a I DEFENCE | of | King Charles I. | Occasion'd by the | LYES and SCANDALS | of | Many Bad Men of this Age. | By RICHARD HOLLING WORTH, D.D. | Their Majesties Chaplain, at St. Botolph Aldgate, London. | imprimatur. | Z. Isham, R.P.D. Hen. | Episc. Lond. a Sacris. | December 16. | 1691. | London: Printed for Samuel @ttootott, under the | Piazza of the Royal Exchange in Cornhill, 1692." 36 pp., in fours. " a second I DEFENCE | of | King Charles I. | by | Way of Reply to an Infamous Libel, \ called, I LudlowV LETTER I to Dr. Hollingworth. | Let the lying lips be pit to silence, which cruelly, disdainfully, \ and despitefully speak against the righteous. Psal. 31. | As free, and not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, | 1 Pet. 2. | LONDON: \ Printed for S. Eddowes, under the Piazza's of the | Royal Exchange ; and are to be Sold by Randal \ Taylor, near Stationers- Hall. 1692." 53 pp., in fours. Dedication, 3 leaves, not paged. " THE PLAIN DEALER. An Essay on Mr. Long and on Dr. Hollingworth's Defence of the King's Holy Book." 4*0. London, 1692. Kindly communicated by Lord Aldenham. " Dr. Walker's | True, Modest, and Faithful | ACCOUNT | of the | Author of 'EIKSiN BASIAIKH, I Strictly Examined, and Demonstrated | to be | jFalge, ImpuDent, anl) Ueceitful. | In Two Parts, | The first disproving it to be Dr. Gauden's. The second | proving it to be King CHARLES the First's. | By THOMAS LONG, B.D. | and Prebendary of St. PETER's EXON. \ His Majesty's Meditation on his Letters taken and divulged after Nase- \ by Fight : The taking away of my Credit is but a necessary Preparation to \ the taking away my Life and my Kingdoms; first I must seem neither fit | to live, nor worthy to reign: By exquisite Methods of Cunning and Cruel- | ty I must be compelled first to follow the Funerals of my Honour, and then \ be destroyed. \ Matth. 18. 16. Take with thee one or two witnesses more, that in the mouth of two or \ three every word may be established. | Imprimatur, | Sept. 22, 1692. |GW7. Lancaster, R.P.D. Henrico E-\pisc. Lon. a Sacris Domesticis. \ London : Printed and are to be sold by R. Talor, near Stationers- Hall, 1693." 57 pp., m fours. Dedication i-ii ; Preface i-iv. B. M. 701. h. 10. (6.) " TRUTH BROUGHT TO LIGHT : | or the | gross forgeries | Of Dr. Hollingworth, | In his Pamphlet Intituled, The Character of King \ Charles the First, from the Declaration | of Mr. Alexander Henderson, &c. | detected. | Being a vindication of Mr. Hen- I derson and Dr. Walker, from the Aldgate | Chaplain's vile Scandals. | To which is annex'd, A manifest Proof that Dr. Gauden | (not King Charles I.) was the author of Icon Basi- \ lice, by a late happy Discovery of his Original Pa- | pers upon that Occasion. | In a Letter from Lieut.-General Ludlow | to Dr. Hollingworth. | London, Printed in the Year 1693." 40 pp. B. M. 701. h. 10. (5.) TIKHM BASIAIEH: OR, THE PICTURE O F T H E Late King James I Drawn to the LIFE. In which is made manileft, That the whole Courfe of his Life hath to this day been a continued Confpiracy againft the Pro- teftant Religion, Laws and Liberties of the Three Kingdoms. 3fa a %tmt to i^imfelf And humbly Dedicated to the King's Moft Excellent Majeffo WlLLlA M the Third, Out Deliverer and Reftorer. By TITVS OATES, D. D. L P V N: Printed for Rkk'rd Bddmn, near the Oxford- Arias Inn. in M 82 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK. " THE | DEATH | of | KING CHARLES I. | Proved a Down-right | murder, | With the Aggravations of it. | in a | sermon | at | St. Botolph Aldgate, London, | January 30. 169°. I To which are Added, some just Reflections | upon some late Papers, con- cerning that I King's Book. | By Rich. Hollingworth, D.D. | London, | Printed by R. Norton for Walter Kettilby, at the | Bishop's Head in St. Paul's Church- Yard, 1693." 8 leaves of introductory matter, and text of sermon 24 pp. The text taken is Matthew xix, 18, "Jesus said, thou shalt do no murder." " EIKQ V N BASIAIKH' | AEYTEPA. | the | POURTRAICTURE | of his | SACRED MAJESTY I ittitg ©j&arlcs H M DC XCP7." 320 pp., in eights. (See fac- simile Title page No. 4.) " EIKS2N BASIAIKH : | or, the | PICTURE | of the I Late King James | Drawn to the LIFE MDCXCVL" 118 pp., in fours. Dedicatory Epistle to William III., 25 leaves, not paged. (See fac-simile Title page No. 5.) " EIKiiN BASIAIKH AEYTEPA : | or, the | PICTURE | of the | Late King James | Further drawn to the LIFE M.DC.XCVII." 147 pp., in fours. Dedication to William III., 1 page. (See fac-simile Title page No. 6.) This and the preceding part are bound in one volume, belonging to Mr. W. S. Lewendon. " a I VINDICATION I of | King Charles the Martyr, | Proving that | His MAJESTY | was the I AUTHOR | of | E*IK£1N BASIAIKH'. | Against a | MEMORANDVM, \ Said to be Written by ] The Earl of Anglesey : | and | Against the EXCEPTIONS of I Dr. Walker, and Others. | ©jje j&econfc ©tltttort, fottfj ^fctitttong. | Imprimatur. | Junii 8. 1693. I CHARLES HERON. | LONDON: | Printed for H. Hindmarsh, at the Golden- \ Ball over against the Royal Exchange. 1697." By Thomas Wagstaffe. B.M. 1101. c. "AMYNTOR: | or, a | DEFENCE | of | Milton's Life. | containing | I. A general Apology for all Writings of that kind. | II. A Catalogue of Books attributed in the Primitive [ Times to Jesus Christ, his Apostles and other | eminent Persons : With several important Remarks | and Observations relating to the Canon of Scripture. | III. A Complete History of the Book, Entitul'd, Icon \ Basilike, proving Dr. Gauden, and not King | Charles the First, to be the Author of it : With | an Answer to all the Facts alledg'd by Mr. Wag- | staf to the contrary ; and to the Exceptions | made against my Lord Anglesey's Memorandum, | Dr. Walker's Book, or Mrs. Gauden's Nar- I rative, which last Piece is now the first Time pub- | lish'd at large. | Di quibus imperium est animarum, umbrceque Silentes, | Et Chaos, &° Phlegethon, Loca Node tacentia late, \ Sit mihi fas audita loqui; Sit numine vesiro, \ Pandere res alta terra cV caligine mersas. Virg. JEn. 6. | London, Printed, and are to be Sold by the Book- [ sellers of London and Westminster. M. DC. XC. IX." By John Toland. HKQNBA2IAIKH AEYTEPA: OR, THE PICTURE O F T H E Late King James Further drawn to the L I F E. In which is made manifeft by feveral Articles, That the whole Courfe of his Life hath been a continued Confpiracy againft the Proteftant Religion, Laws and Liberties of the Three Kingdoms. 3Jn a %ttm to ^imfelf* PART H. By TITVS OATES, D. D. L JST D N r ~ Printed by % D. to be fold by Richard Baldwin, near the Oxford- Arms Inn in Warwick-Lane. M.DCXCVII. M 2 84 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; "A DEFENCE of the Vindication of K. Charles the Martyr; justifying his Majesty's title to Eikon Basilike; in answer to a late pamphlet (by J. Toland) intituled Amyntor. By the author of the Vindication (T. Wagstaffe)." London, 1699. 4to. 96 pp. B.M. E. 1976. (8.) "VINDICATION OF THE ROYAL MARTYR from Irish Massacre 1641. cast upon him in the life of Richard Baxter Letter to a member of House of Commons." 4to. London, 1702. Kindly communicated by Lord Aldenham. "the I Secret History | of the | @albe$s=!)eal> ©Ittb: | or, the | Republican Unmask'd. | with I A large Continuation, and an Appendix | to the History. | Wherein is fully shewn, The Religion of the Calves- \ Head Heroes, in their Anniversary Thanksgiving- | Songs on the xxxth of January, by them called | ANTHEMS, With Reflections thereupon. | The j&ebenti) lEDition, with large Improvements ; \ and a Description of the Calves-head Club, and the \ Effigies of Oliver Cromwel and his Cabinet Coun- | cil; curiously engratfd on Copper Plates. | To which is annex'd, a Vindication of the Royal | MARTYR, King CHARLES the First. Wherein are | laid open, the Republicans Mysteries of Rebellion. Written | in the Time of the Usurpation, by the Celebrated Mr. Butler, I Author of Hudibras. | With a Character of a Presbyterian, written by Sir John Denham, Knight ; And the Character of a | Modern Whig; or, The. Republican in Fashion. I LONDON Printed, and Sold by B. Bragge, at the Raven in | Pater-noster-Row. 1709." At the annual meetings of the Calves-head Club, on January 30th, it was usual to burn a copy, or copies, of the King's Book. The frontispiece to the above-mentioned book is called " A Description of the Calve's Head Club," and the Devil is the only individual who looks " quite at home.'' " A I VINDICATION I of I K. Charles the Martyr : | proving that | His Majesty was the Author I of |*EIKilN BASIAIKh'. | against a | MEMORANDUM, | Said to be written by the Earl of Anglesey. | and, | Against the Exceptions of Dr. Walker and others. | To which is added a Preface, | Wherein the Bold and Insolent Assertions published in | a Passage of Mr. Bayle's Dictionary, relating to the | present Contro- versy are Examined and Confuted. | The Third Edition, with large Additions ; together with some | Original Letters of King CHARLES the First under his own | Hand, never before Printed, and. faithfully copied from the | said Originals. \ That Pious King and Blessed Martyr was too often thus used, His | Declarations were denied to be his, tho' asserted, framed, penned by \ himself: His Book denied to be his, tho' none cou'd pen it but himself: \ He was deny'd to have declared what he did constantly profess, to have I written what he wrote, to have. spoken what he spake; and at last sure \ some will deny him to have suffered what he endured. Bishop Pearson in \ Answer to Dr. Burges. | LONDON: Printed for R. Wilkin at the King's-Head in St. Paul's \ Church Yard, 171 1." By Thomas Wagstaffe. 163 pp., in fours. Preface, iii-xl. B. M. 1093. c. 127. On the last leaf, in a list of " Books lately Printed for Richard Wilkin, at the King's- Head in St. Paul's Church- Yard" is "Several Evidences which have not yet appeared in the Controversy concerning the Author of EIKON BASILIKE; produced in a Letter to the Reverend Mr. Wagstaffe. By J. Y. of Plymouth." OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 85 " KING CHARLES I. vindicated from the charge of Plagiarism brought against him'by Milton, and Milton himself convicted of forgery, and a gross imposition on the public. To the whole is subjoined the judgement of several authors concerning Milton's political writings." (By W. Lander.) London, 1754. 8vo. 64 pp. B. M. 1093. e. 42. " 'EIKONOKAASTHS. | In Answer to a Book Intitled, | 'EIKON BASIAIKH, | By John Milton. | Now first published from the Author's Second Edition, Printed in 1650: I with many enlargements: By richard baron. | with | A Preface shewing the transcendent Excellency of Milton's Prose Works. | To which is added, | An Original Letter to Milton, never before published London | Printed for A. Millar, in the Strand. | MDCCLVI." 4to. 96 pp. B. M. 599. i. 14. Masson, IV., p. 247. Note. — " In nearly all editions of Milton's prose works to this day, the reprint of the Eikonoklastes is merely from the first, or 1649, edition. In 1756 Richard Baron published a reprint of the second, or 1650, edition. In Bohn's edition the enlarged version is given. (Milton's) " 'EIKONOKAASTHS. | in answer to a book intitled, | 'EIK12N BASIAIKH, | The Portraiture of his Sacred Majesty | in his Solitudes and Sufferings. | A NEW EDITION, I Corrected by the late Reverend Richard Baron. | Prov. xxviii. 15. As a roaring lion and a ranging bear, | so is a wicked ruler over the people. | 16. The prince that wanteth understanding, is also a | great oppressor; but he that hateth covetousness, shall | prolong his days. | 17. A man that doth violence to the blood of any person, | shall fly to the pit, let no man stay him. | LONDON : | Printed for G. Kearsly, at No. I. in Ludgate-street. | m.dcc.lxx." 294 pp., in eights. Editor's Preface, etc., S leaves, not paged. " ' WHO WROTE EIKQN BASIAIKH ? ' | considered and answered, | in two letters, | addressed to his grace I THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. | by the rev. I CHRISTOPHER WORDSWORTH, D.D. | master of trinity college, CAMBRIDGE, | AND RECTOR OF BUXTED WITH UCKFIELD, SUSSEX. | LONDON : | JOHN MURRAY, I albemarle street. | 1824." 413 pp., insights. B. M. 599. g. 27. I LETTER I to his grace the | ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, | concerning the authorship of | EIM2N BASIAIKH. | by | THE REV. HENRY JOHN TODD, M.A., F.S.A., &c. | chaplain in ordinary to his majesty, | and rector of settrington, county of york. | ' There has been a great deal of disputing about this Book : some are so | zealous in maintaining it to be the King's, that they think a man false to the | Church that doubts it to be his.' | Bishop Burnet, Hist, of his Own Time. | LONDON: | C. & J. RIVINGTON, | st. Paul's church-yard, and waterloo-place. | 1825." 1 68 pp., in eights. B. M. 599. e. (2.) This work contains the Gauden Letters, which had already been printed thrice: — First, in Dr. Maty's Review, September, 1782 (Vol. II., pp. 253-62); then in the Appendix to The Clarendon State Papers, 1786; and thirdly, in Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Bishop Walton, 1821, by the Rev. Henry John Todd (Vol. I., pp. 138-47). Mr. Todd had been Manuscript Librarian to the Archbishop of Canterbury. 86 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; " DOCUMENTARY SUPPLEMENT | to | ' WHO WROTE EIK12N BASIAIKH ? ' | INCLUDING | RECENTLY DISCOVERED LETTERS AND PAPERS | OF | LORD CHANCELLOR HYDE, I and of the | GAUDEN FAMILY. | by the rev. | CHRISTOPHER WORDSWORTH, D.D. | master of trinity college, Cambridge, and | rector of buxted with uckfield, sussex. I LONDON : | JOHN MURRAY, | albemarle street. I 1825." The "Quarterly Review" for October, 1825, contains an article (pp. 467-505) on Dr. Wordsworth's Who wrote EIK12N BASIAIKH? and The Supplement to "Who wrote EIKS1N BASIAIKH?" The "Edinburgh Review" for June, 1826 (pp. 1-47), contains an article upon the Eikon Basilike by Sir James Mackintosh, which was reprinted in his collected writings. "a I LETTER TO A FRIEND, | touching the question | 'WHO WAS THE AUTHOR I of I EIKiiN BASIAIKH?' | by | WILLIAM GRANT BROUGHTON, M.A. I CURATE OF HARTLEY WESPALL, HANTS. | LONDON : j PRINTED FOR C. & J. RIVINGTON, I st. Paul's church-yard; waterloo-place, pall-mall; | AND I48, STRAND. | AND ALSO FOR C. KNIGHT, PALL-MALL, EAST. | 1826." 92 pp., in eights. " KING CHARLES THE FIRST, | the author | of | %cbn ©agUtfee, | further proved, | in I A LETTER | to his grace | THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, | IN REPLY TO THE OBJECTIONS | of | Dr. LINGARD, Mr. TODD, | Mr. BROUGHTON, The EDINBURGH REVIEW, | and Mr. HALLAM. | by I CHRISTOPHER WORDSWORTH, D.D. [ master of trinity college, Cambridge ; |and rector of buxted with uckfield, Sussex. | CAMBRIDGE : | Printed by J. Smith, Printer to the University. | john Murray, albemarle street, London. | m.dcccxxviii." 256 pp., in fours. B. M. 599. e. 17. " ADDITIONAL REASONS in confirmation of the opinion that Dr. Gauden, and not King Charles, was the author of Eikon Basilike. By W. G. Broughton, Bishop of Sydney." 8vo. 1829. "BISHOP GAUDEN | the | author of Ic6n Basilike, | further shewn | in answer to the recent remarks | of the | Rev. Dr. wordsworth | upon a publication of the present writer addressed to the | late archbishop of canterbury concerning the I authorship of the ic6n. | by | the rev. henry john todd, m.a. &c. | chaplain in ordinary to his majesty, | and rector of settrington, county of york. | london: printed for c. j. g. & f. rivington, | 1829." 8vo. 72 pp. B. M. 599. e. (2.) OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 87 " CHIPS FROM THE ROYAL IMAGE, Being fragments of the Eikon Basilike arranged by A. E. M. Anderson Morshead. Edited by Charlotte M. Yonge. London, J. Masters & Co. 1887." Preface 9 leaves. Text 48 pp. B.M. 4400. ee. 16. In the last part of the Preface, Miss Yonge, after writing of King David, goes on: — " There is another exception, another king, who tried to do his best, erred, sorrowed, wavered here, stood fast there, struggled, sank, and suffered. His private record has been given to the world, bearing his dying sanction. The touching beauty of it, the depth of the reflections, the fervour of the ejaculations, have been scarcely noticed, because of the controversy on the authorship. With that we are not concerned. We do not want to marshal the evidence one way or the other, nor even to ask the readers to question the possibility of such aspirations being the work of a forger. All we do wish is to show many who may be the better for them, some gems of tender thought, and penitence, so beautiful and heart-searching in themselves, that we cannot but think they will be loved and prized." Mr. Falconer Madan's ingenious schedule for comparing spelling variations, etc., in editions of Eikon Basilike will be found as a folding plate in the first volume of the Transactions of the Bibliographical Society. I have avoided distracting attention from the twenty-eight chapters of the Eikon by refraining from discussing the origin of verses, mottoes, and other matter sometimes contained in the same volume. It would not have been difficult to fill twice the number of pages. Some of my sentences are probably too curt, but I have felt that a nineteenth century reader abhors long arguments, and that a bibliographer should be only the signpost pointing the way to smooth pastures and happy hunting grounds. Still, these labours bring their own reward. Lovers of old-world writings are a genial race, and I have never, except when shaving, met a con-trAry-minded bookworm. I now give some of the Evidences of the King's authorship of the Eikon, and then the main grounds of Gauden's claim. Gauden's curate (Walker) and a few more kindred spirits joined in advocating his cause, but contributed nothing which they might not easily have learnt from the claimant himself. Moreover, Walker blundered sadly, as he swore that two chapters were not written by Gauden, and the latter solemnly declared that he wrote every line of the book. Following these extracts are — Wagstaffe's List of Editions of the Eikon; the License granted to Richard Royston by Charles II. ; Royston's Dedication to Charles II. ; Richard Perrinchiefs "To the Reader"; the verses entitled "Majesty in Misery," ascribed to Charles I. ; and then, preceding my brief last words, Mr. Scott's valuable Preface to the latest edition of Eikon Basilike. 88 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; EVIDENCES FOR THE KING. The battle of Naseby was fought on June 14th, 1645, and that date may fairly be taken as a starting point for beginning the authentic history of the King's Book. In the Princely Pelican, published in 1649 (see list of works relating to the Eikon, p. 74), it was expressly affirmed that: — Upon the Discomfiture of his Majesty's Forces, amongst other rich Prizes this inestimable gem, the continuation of his Divine Meditations was seized by the Enemy, being inclosed in a Cabinet. That such was the Benignity of the Conqueror, or the Divine Providence rather, it was recovered and returned to His Majesty's hand, and which infinitely cheered him. The author writes of himself as "having been for many years a con- stant servant to his Majesty's sacred person; and to whom his Majesty was ofttimes pleased to communicate his private councils and addresses;" that "he remained constantly in his attendance on his Majesty, even to the last man, when they were all expressly enjoined to be removed from their gracious Master." In the same year (1649) the author of eikon h nisTH (see list of works relating to the Eikon on p. 74, and fac-simile Title page No. 3) wrote : — There are some in the Army that know it to be true enough, and some have been converted by it, before ever it was published, or the King had never had it again, after it was lost at the Battle of Naseby. Dr. George Bull, afterwards Bishop of St. David's (see p. 74 of Wordsworth's Who Wrote Eikon Basilike), says: — That about the year 1656, while he was Vicar of St. Georges near Bristol, he had frequent conversation with Dr. Gorge, who told him, that being chaplain to King Charles, and in his Army, at the fatal Battle of Naseby, he was employed after that defeat by His Majesty, to retrieve certain papers lost in his cabinet, in which some private thoughts, and Meditations of that good King were set down ; the loss of which troubled him more than all the other papers of his which fell into his enemies' hands, that day. It was with some difficulty, that they were obtained from the Conqueror, but, restored they were ; and Dr. Gorge said he found they were the same, as to the matters preceding that dismal day, with those printed in Eikon Basilike. In 1648, the great Clarendon himself wrote, in his Full answer to the Parliament's Declaration of No more addresses (p. 1 50) : — OR, EIKON BASILTKE. 89 After their opening his breast, and examining his most reserved thoughts, by searching his cabinets, perusing his letters, even those he had written in cypher, to his dearest consort, the Queen, and his private memorials, they have not been able to fix a crime or error upon him. William Sanderson, in his Life and Reign of King Charles (p. 524), printed in 1658, wrote: — This Book whilst in loose Papers, and secured in his Cabinet, was seized by the Enemy at Naseby Fight but these Papers happily rescued, and so came to his Majesty's hands again, who in the end commended them to his faithful servant Mr. Simmons, with command to see them printed. In October, 1645, a f ew months after the battle of Naseby, the King made a forced journey from Newark to Oxford. His guide in this journey was Dr. Rhodes, the Incumbent of Haughton and Thorpe, near Newark, a steady loyalist, and much confided in and beloved by the King. This Dr. Rhodes we are assured (both by Dr. Hollingworth and Mr. Wagstaffe) on the joint authority of his widow, and of his son, repeatedly declared, in their hearing, that having been with the King from the time of leaving Newark, to his going to the Isle of Wight, where likewise he attended him, he had, at several times and in several places, seen and read those parts of the King's book which he then drew up, written with the King's own hand. Heath's Chronicle, first published in 1663. The scene referred to is the seizure of the King by cornet Joyce at Holdenby: — His Majesty concluded. I have these questions to put to you, which if you grant I will go with you. First, That he might have no violence offered to his person. To which they altogether shouted and cried None ! None ! Secondly, He desired that his trunks and papers might not be rifled and tumbled. (Here were parcels of his Icon Basilike, and some other choice pieces, as was known since they promised to set a guard upon them, and that they should not be touched.) Thirdly, he required such servants to attend him against whom there were no just exceptions. The King reached Hampton Court on August 26th, and whilst there, according to an account given by Dr. Hollingworth, the King consulted Bishop Juxon about the arranging of the parts of his manuscript in a proper order, and, at Juxon's suggestion, Sir John Brattle and his son sate up several nights with the King to put the book in order. 90 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; On November nth, 1647, the King fled from Hampton Court. Colonel Hammond, in whose custody the King spent so many dreary months in Carisbrooke Castle, more than once declared his knowledge of the Eikon Basilike being the King's work (Wagstaffe's Vindication, p. 100), thus: — Nay, I must do him the right to say, that the book was undoubtedly his ; for, when I had the order for viewing and searching his papers, I found amongst them many sheets of the rough draught of that book in his own hand-writing, which I have at this time by me. And on another occasion, Hammond related : — Part of that book if not the whole, was writ when he was my prisoner in Carisbrook Castle, where I am sure he had nothing but a Bible, pen, ink and paper, and going to call him out of his closet to dinner which I always did, I found him still a-writing ; and staying behind to see what he writ, the paper being still wet with ink I read at several times most of that book. In Hollingworth's Defence of Eikon Basilike (p. 22), and Wagstaffe's Vindication (p. 98), are accounts of a Captain Wade, in the Parliament army, who, upon reading some of these meditations which he had seen the King writing, was so touched by the tenour of them that he gave up his commission, being resolved that he would no longer be such a Prince's gaoler. Another evidence is that of Mr. Reading, who attended the King by order of Parliament, in the place of some of his servants whom they had dismissed. He told Colonel Prodger and others, as quoted by Wagstaffe: — That he did admire the King for his wonderful parts, and that he had often seen him writing several parts of the Eikon Basilike, and when he was tired with writing, he would sit down, or walk about the room, and dictate to him whom he desired to write for him, and he added that such expressions fell from him, and with so much ease and readiness, that to use his own words, it made his hair stand on end, in admiration, to hear him. The following statements of Levet, the King's faithful Page of the Bedchamber, are very interesting. The first is taken from the original, then in the possession of his son, a Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford (Hollingworth, p. 8): — If any one has a desire to know the true author of a book, entitled Eikon Basilike, I, one of the servants of King Charles the First, in his bed chamber, do declare, when his OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 91 said Majesty was prisoner in the Isle of Wight, that I read over the above mentioned book, (which was long before the said book was printed) in his bed-chamber, writ with his Majesty's own hand, with several interlinings. I can testify also, that Royston the printer told me, that he was imprisoned by Oliver Cromwell, the Protector, because he would not declare that King Charles the First was not the author of the said Book. Signed and sealed October 16, 1690. William Levet. The foregoing seems to belong to the Carisbrooke Castle period, and the following, which was written to Seymour Bourman, Esq., Lincoln's Inn Fields, to the time of the Treaty at Newport : — Dear Brother, I waited on his Majesty, as page of the bedchamber in ordinary, during all the time of his solitudes, (except when I was forced from him). And specially being nominated by his Majesty to be one of his servants, among others, that should attend him during the treaty at Newport, in the Isle of Wight, I had the happiness to read the same oftentimes in manuscript, under His Majesty's own hand, being pleased to leave it in the window in his own Bed-chamber, where I was always obliged to attend his Majesty's coming thither. Levet then, describing the King's arrest, says, in reference to the Eikon: — During the time of His Majesty's making himself ready, he concerned himself only how to secure this book of his, and a small cabinet, wherein he secured his letters to his Queen, who was then beyond the sea. And his Majesty having procured a pass for me from the said Governor, that I should wait on him there, he gave me in charge this said Book, and small cabinet, which I faithfully presented to his Majesty's own hands that night in Hurst Castle. But the Governor, by what information is too tedious to insert here, at this time, and therefore I omit it, did on Saturday banish me out of the Castle. I should have sent you a relation, which I had of Royston the King's Printer, for the printing of the said book, by His Majesty's special command, brought to him by a Divine, but not to be printed till after the King's death, which he observed accordingly. For which Cromwell sent for him to Whitehall, not only promising rewards, but also threatening punishments, if he would not deny that he printed it by his Majesty's order. Which he refusing to do, did imprison him for about a fortnight ; but seeing he could not work upon him, released him. Which is all at present from Your affectionate brother to serve you, From Sevarnark Park, near Marlborough, William Levet. April 29th, 1691. n 2 92 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; To John Holme, an apothecary who attended Levet in an illness (Wagstaffe, p. 87): — This report is altogether base, false, and scandalous ; neither can I imagine how any foundation for this report can be made, even by the basest and wickedest of men ; for that I myself very often saw the King, write that which was printed in that book, and did daily read the manuscript of his own hand, in many sheets of paper : and seldom that I did read it, but tears came from me : and I do truly believe, that there is not a page in that book, but what I have read under the King's own hand, before it was printed. And this saying of Mr. Levet, I John Holme shall be ready to testify upon oath when there shall be occasion. John Holme. May 22, 1699. The following passage from Dr. Hollingworth relates to the printing of the book : — I went to Mr. Thomas Milbourn, printer, just by Jewen St. and enquiring of him what he knew of King Charles's book, he told me, That in the year 1648 he was apprentice to Mr. John Grisman, a printer, at which time Mr. Symmons, by Mr. Royston, sent the King's book to be printed, and that his master did print it, and that Mr. Symmons always had the name of sending it to the Press : and that it came to them, as from the King ; and they understood it no other ways : and that they had printed several other things with C. R. to them: and that it looked to them like the same hand, and the same sort of paper, with others that were so marked, and looked upon as the King's papers, for the King (as all Kings no doubt do) kept the originals by him : and Mr. Oudart the Secretary, transcribed them. Which after I writ down, I read to him, and he, before witness, declared to be true. But, withal he informed me, that there was one Mr. Clifford, belonging to the Church of St. Paul's, and Reader of Prayers at Serjeants' Inn in Fleet Street, that assisted him in composing and correcting the aforesaid book, who could give me a further account of the things. I, James Clifford, do, upon my knowledge, declare to Dr. Hollingworth, that I was an actuary in several things published by King Charles, particularly the letters between him and Mr. Alexander Henderson, who endeavoured to seduce the King to favour the Presby- terian Government. And, that there was a man of known fidelity, Mr. Symmons by name, chaplain to the then Prince of Wales, who was employed by the King to take care of his book, because he had writ the Vindication of the King so well. And that the King had entitled his book The Royal Plea : but Dr. Jeremiah Taylor coming accidentally into Mr. Royston's shop, he having a great and assured confidence in him, showed him the first proof from the Press ; which, when the Doctor viewed under that title, he told him the title would betray the book. Whereupon Dr. Taylor did undertake to write a letter to his Majesty, to let him know it would be in danger to be suppressed for the title's sake ; there being, as he understood, two crafty informers, by name Cheltenham and Jones, who would understand the book by the title. OR, EIKON BASILIKB. 93 And therefore he thought Eikon Basilike would be a better title, and the less taken notice of by the informers, being Greek ; and withal, it agreeing with the title of his father's book called Basilikon Doron upon which letter the King immediately consented to the alteration of the title, as Dr. Taylor proposed. And withal, I do declare, that the King, for fear the original should miscarry, ordered Mr. Oudart, Secretary to Sir Edward Nicholas, Principal Secretary of State, to transcribe it ; and lodged the original in the Lord Marquess of Hertford's own hands ; and by the copy of Mr. Oudart, Mr. Milbourn and myself (it being the way of livelihood I took to, being turned out of Magdalen College in Oxford, for my loyalty), did print the said book. After the printing of which, a great part was seized in Mr. Symmons lodgings ; and he though in a shepherds habit, was so far discovered, as that he was pursued into Great Carter Lane, by the rebels; where he took refuge, and the bloody villains fired two pistols at him, which frighted him upstairs ; and out of the garret window he made his escape over the houses. And I do further say, that I never heard, nay, that I am sure, that Dr. Gauden never was concerned in that book, by which Mr. Milbourn and myself printed it ; and that he had no part of the copy from Dr. Walker : for, it was that transcribed by the aforesaid Mr. Oudart, we printed it by. Teste Jac. Clifford. In the Presence of Luke Milbourn, Clerk. Margaret Hollingworth. That Mr. Oudart had transcribed the Eikon is confirmed by the following certificate of Sir Philip Warwick's amanuensis, afterwards school- master at Amesbury (p. 9 of Hollingworth's Hendersons Character of King Charles): — I Robert Hearne, formerly servant to Sir Philip Warwick, do attest that I have often heard my said Master, Sir Philip Warwick, as likewise Mr. Oudart, and Mr. Whitaker declare, that they had transcribed copies of the late King Charles lst's own copy of his book entitled Icon Basilike, written with his said Majesty's own hand in the presence of Robert Hearne. From the e'ik'qn *h nisTH' (see list of works relating to the Eikon, p. 74, and fac-simile Title page No. 3): — It is impossible but that the King was admirably good, if we read him in that book : therefore there is a necessity that the book should be none of his : and there is no talk where there is a necessity. Otherwise, the author might have informed himself of divers who have seen the original copy manuscribed by the King himself. He might have seen it himself, for asking. He might have heard thousands, who would have taken their oaths 94 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; upon it, and thousands who would have justified it with their lives. He might have observed as much as all the world observed, that it was the King's own, by the Sovereign stile, which was unimitable, which was as easy to be known from other stiles as was his face from other faces ; it being impossible that either face or stile should counterfeit the majesty of either. But, necessity must be obeyed. (Page 4.) Again, still more forcibly, referring jointly to the pretences of the adversary, and to the frontispiece, beforementioned : — I do not allow that a Doctor made the King's book : you are to prove it. Why did you not ? Why did not the hand that drew the curtain, lay hold on him ? I take it to be the King's book. I am sure of it. I knew his hand. I have seen the manuscript. I have heard him own it. The world believes it. What do you say ? There was a man within a mile of an oak, I name nobody, that made the book. Is this a sufficient ground for a living dog to trample upon a dead lion ? (Page 8.) Dr. Christopher Wordsworth gives good reasons for attributing the authorship of the foregoing work to Endymion Porter (see p. 65 of Who Wrote Eikon Basilike). Dr. Wordsworth, at p. 89 of Who Wrote Eikon Basilike, quotes from Hollingworth : — the testimony of the learned Dr. Robert Hall, son of the famous Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter, who was treasurer of the Church of St. Peter's, Exeter, to whom the Major was near related by his marriage, and with whom he sojourned sometime at Clist- hidon, the doctor's benefice. This Rev. Dr. Hall hath told me and others, that Major Huntington, waiting on his Majesty, at Holmby, assured him, that he had seen the King writing some of those papers, which the major had opportunity to read ; and knew, that such as he did then read, were the same as are now printed. To this of Dr. Hall, I add that of Richard Duke, Esq., and justice of the peace in Devonshire, who lately declared to me, and another judicious divine, that he heard the major affirm the same, almost in the same words : " And Sir William Courtney, a person of great honour, as I am credibly informed, when this relation was read or told to him, as Dr. Walker reported it, was pleased immediately to say, that he well knew the Major, and had heard him aver the like report, as Mr. Duke and others have declared.' Dr. Hollingworth relates (p. 21 of his Defence): — That a Non-conforming Minister told him, that Major Huntington told him with his own mouth that he procured some papers, that made up part of this royal book, from the hands of Fairfax, the Parliament General, which were taken after Naseby fight, and kept by the Lord Fairfax ; and that afterwards the said major presented them to the King with his own hand. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 95 Dr. Hollingworth adds: — I spare the man's name for particular reasons : but if I am called to it, I will depose to the truth of his saying so, upon oath. Mr. Long communicates the following testimony: — I do hereby certify, that I dining with Bishop Lamplugh, at his Palace in Exeter, some years since, there happening some discourse concerning King Charles the First's Icon Basilike, and some said there was a doubt made, Whether the said King were the author of the said book or no? I told the Company then at the table, that I had heard from several persons of good credit, many years ago, that one Major Huntington did affirm, that after Naseby fight he took that King's cabinet, wherein several Meditations of the said book were, written with his own hand ; and that he afterwards delivered them into the King's own hands, which he received with very much joy, and gave him many thanks for restoring them to him. And I do further certify, that one Richard Duke, of Otterton, in the County of Devon, Esq., being then at the Bishop's table, did positively affirm, that what I had reported con- cerning Major Huntington was true, he knowing well the said Major, and having heard him, with his own mouth, affirming to him, that what I have above set down was true. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand this 18th day of July 1692. William Read, Archdeacon of Sarum. This is confirmed by the Rev. Mr. Cave Beck, Ipswich, Suffolk (see p. 27, Dr. Hollingworth's Character of Charles I.), in these words: — That some years after the King's trial, Major Huntington, at Ipswich, assured me, that so much of his Majesty's book, as contained his Meditations before Naseby fight, was taken in the King's cabinet, and that Sir Thomas Fairfax delivered the said papers unto him, and ordered him to carry them to the King. And the major affirmed, that he read them over before he delivered them, and that they were the same for matter and form with those Meditations in the printed book ; and that he was much affected with them, and from that time became a proselyte to the royal cause. He also told me, that when he delivered them to the King, his Majesty appeared very joyful, and said, he esteemed them more than all the jewels he had lost in the cabinet. Dr. Walker's True Account, Strictly Examined. By Thomas Long, B.D., and Prebendary of St. Peter's, Exeter. 1693. 4to. Page 36. (See list of works relating to the Eikon, p. 80.) This part of the question has been considered at great length by Mr. Wagstaffe, in his Vindication of King Charles the First, and from him I derive the following additional testimonies: — The next I shall mention, is of Sir Paul Whichcott, who saith, that he hath often heard his father, Sir Jeremy Whichcott tell, that he had the Icon Basilike sometime in his hands, lent him by Major Huntington, and that he transcribed about seventeen chapters, as he would have done the whole, had not the major been in haste to restore it to the King. 96 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; This, Sir Paul attested to the Rev. Dr. Colbatch, Casuistical Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, August 13th, 1709 ; and the Rev. Mr. Echard the worthy and deservedly cele- brated author of the Ecclesiastical History, and several other excellent books, sometime after at London, shewed what Dr. Colbatch had written to Sir Paul Whichcott, and which he approved of without any alteration ; and I thankfully own the favor the said Mr. Echard did me in communicating the same to me. Sir Paul is now living, frequently in London, and when in the country his seat is at Qui, near Cambridge. And if any person applies himself to Sir Paul, he will be willing to give him satisfaction. This is, indeed, a very ample and home testimony, and irrefragably confirms Major Huntington's testimony ; and besides that, it is an undeniable proof of the authority and genuineness of the book itself; for Sir Jeremy had it in his custody, read it, and transcribed a great part of it. The same, also, Major Huntington, told to Mr. Rowney, of Oxford, the major's special friend and acquaintance, attested by Dr. Byrom Eaton D.D. and principal of Glocester Hall, in Oxford, and which I have now by me, under the hand of the said Dr. Eaton, and in the presence of Mr. Thomas Becousal B.D. of Brazenose College, Oxford, wherein the doctor testifies from his late friend Mr. Rowney, father to the present member of parliament of that name, what he had from the mouth of Major Huntington, that the King solicited him to obtain his papers, taken in his cabinet at Naseby, from General Fairfax ; that the major undertook it, went in person to the General, and obtained them : and in his return he had the curiosity to read a good part of them, and was highly pleased with them : that the King received them with infinite satisfaction and respect : and that upon the publishing the ICON, he declared, that he remembered several passages in the said papers, and did believe both to be the same, and the King's own book. This bears date at Oxford, May 12, 1699. P. 72. EVIDENCES FOR GAUDEN. The following extract is from a letter from Gauden to Clarendon (the whole letter will be found on p. 106), dated from Exeter, January 21, 1660 {i.e., 1660-1): — True, I once presumed your Lordship had fully known the Arcanum ; for so Dr. Morley told me, at the King's first coming, when he assured me the greatness of that service was such, that I might have any preferment I desired. This consciousness of your Lord- ship, (as I supposed), and Dr. Morley, made me confident my affairs would be carried on to some proportion of what I had done, and he thought, deserved. Hence my silence of it to your Lordship. As to the King and Duke of York, whom, before I came away, I acquainted with it, when I saw myself not so much considered, in my present disposure, as I did hope I should have been ; what sense their Royal goodness hath of it is best to be expressed by themselves ; nor do I doubt but I shall, by your Lordship's favor, find the fruits as to some- thing extraordinary, since the service was so. Not as to what was known to the world OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 97 under my name, in order to vindicate the Crown and Church, but what goes under the late blessed King's name, the Eikon Basilike or Portraiture of his Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings. This book and figure was wholly and only my invention, making, and design, in order to vindicate the King's wisdom, honor, and piety. My wife, indeed, was conscious of it, and had a hand in disguising the letters of that copy which I sent to the King in the Isle of Wight, by the favour of the late Marquis of Hertford, which was delivered to the King by the now Bishop of Winchester. His Majesty graciously accepted, owned, and adopted it as his sense and genius ; not only with great approbation, but admiration. He kept it with him ; and though his cruel murtherers went on to perfect his martyrdom, yet God preserved and prospered this book, to revive his honor, and redeem his Majesty's name from that grave of contempt and abhorrence, or infamy in which they aimed to bury him. Mrs. GAUDEN'S NARRATIVE. My husband understanding the great value and esteem the people had of Cromwell and of others in the Army, occasioned by the high opinion which they had of their parts and piety ; he being also well assured that one of the main designs of those wicked politi- cians was to eclipse his Majesty that then was, as much as might be, and to give a false misrepresentation of him to the world ; he, that he might do his Majesty right, did pen that book which goes by the name of the King's Book. The title which he gave it then was Suspiria Regalia; and the design was to have it put forth as by some person who had found the papers in his Majesty's chambers at Holmby, being by chance left or scattered there. And to this purpose he had prefixed an epistle, which might be supposed to be written by that person, who having found them by that accident thought it not fit to conceal them. His design also in the book was to give such a character of her Majesty to the world, as her great worth, extreme merits, and admirable endowments deserved. When my husband had writ it, he shewed it to my Lord Capel, who did very highly approve of it ; and though he thought it would do very well to have it printed, yet he said it was not fit to do so, without his Majesty's approbation. And to come to speak to his Majesty in private was then impossible, in regard to the strict guard which they kept about him. Immediately after this there was a treaty with his Majesty at the Isle of Wight, where- upon my husband went to my Lord Marquiss of Hertford that then was, and to him delivered the manuscript, and he delivered it to the King at the Isle of Wight, and also told him who the author was. When my Lord Marquiss returned, my husband went to him ; to whom my Lord said, that his Majesty having had some of the essays read to him by Bishop Duppa, did exceedingly approve of them, and asked whether they could not be put out in some other name. The Bishop replied, that the design was, that the world should take them to be his Majesty's. Whereupon, his Majesty desired time to consider of it; and "This" (says my Lord) " is all the account I can give of it." What is become of the manuscript I know not ; 98 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; and what will become of his Majesty God knows. Upon this my husband told my Lord Marquiss, that, in his opinion, there was no way so probable to save his Majesty's life, as by endeavouring to move the hearts and affections of the people, as much as might be towards him ; and that he also thought that that book would be very effectual for that purpose. Then my Lord bade my husband do what he would, in regard the case was desperate. Then immediately my husband resolved to print it with all speed that might be, he having a copy of that which he sent to the King ; and that he printed was just the same ; only he then added the essay upon their denying his Majesty the attendance of his chaplains, and the Meditation of Death, after the votes of the non-addresses, and his Majesty's close imprisonment at Carisbrook Castle. Now the instrument that my husband employed to get it printed, was one Mr. Symmonds, a divine, and a great sufferer for his Majesty ; and he got one Mr. Royston to print it ; which Royston never knew anything but that it was of his Majesty's own penning. My husband did then alter the title of it, and called it Icon Basilike. Now, when it was about half printed, they who were in power found the press where it was printing, and likewise a letter of my husband's, which he sent up to the press. Whereupon they destroyed all that they then found printed, but could not find out from whence the letter came, in regard it had no name to it. Notwithstanding all this, my husband attempted the printing of it again ; but could by no means get it finished, till some few days after his Majesty was destroyed. When it was come out, they who were then in power were not only extremely displeased at it, but also infinitely solicitous to find out the author of it, thinking it very improbable that his Majesty should write it, in regard of the great disturbances and troubles which for many years he had suffered ; or, at least, impossible that he should have writ it at all : for, after the attendance of his chaplains was denied him, and he a close prisoner, they well understood, that he could not write anything without their discovery. They also took that very manuscript which my husband had sent his Majesty, and saw that it was none of his Majesty's handwriting. Upon this they appointed a Committee to examine the business ; of which my husband having notice, he went privately in the night away from his own house, to Sir John Wentworths, who lived near Yarmouth, and him he acquainted with the business, and the great danger he was then in, when Sir John did not only promise to conceal him, but also to convey him out of England, it being in his power to give passes to go beyond sea. About this time Mr. Symmonds was taken in a disguise ; but God in his providence so ordered it that he sickened immediately, and died before he came to his examination, nor could the Committee find out anything, by any means whatever ; which altered my husband's resolution of going out of England. Now, besides these circum- stances, to assert the truth of what I say, I can produce some letters, which I am sure will put it out of all dispute. My husband continued at Bocking till the return of his Majesty, King Charles the Second, and, upon his restoration, knowing his princely disposition, did, not unjustly, expect a suitable reward for his endeavours to serve his Majesty's father, and himself, in that book. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 99 And meeting with Dr. Morley, he fell into discourse how sensible he was of the great service which he had done his present Majesty and the Royal family, in composing and setting forth that excellent piece, called the King's Book : and also assured him, that it had been very effectual, not only at home, but abroad, to move the hearts and affections of people towards his Majesty; instancing in several persons who were most exceedingly affected by it ; and so advantageous he said it had been to his Majesty, that, according to his great merit, he might have what preferment he desired. Dr. Morley also told him, that he had acquainted Sir Edward Hyde with the business, and that he did very much commend and admire it. But we have not, said he, acquainted his Majesty with it ; but did assure him, that his Majesty did set a high value upon the book, and had commanded Dr. Earle to trans- late it into Latin, some having taken the pains to put it into other languages before. My husband being encouraged by these discourses of Dr. Morley's, and shortly after meeting with Dr. Sheldon, (who he knew was not ignorant that he was the only author of the forementioned book,) he told Dr. Sheldon, that since he had been informed that his Majesty, out of his princely disposition, would, without doubt, when once acquainted with it, regard that service which he had endeavoured to do his father and himself; he thought it most convenient for himself, and that he might be serviceable to his Majesty to make him Bishop of that See. Dr. Sheldon was pleased, with a great deal of gravity to tell him, that was a great leap at first. Whereupon my husband desisted, and was resolved to leave his preferment to God's dispose. Soon after this, the King being still ignorant of what he had done, he was, by the mediation of a person perfectly ignorant of his merit as to this matter, made Bishop of Exeter ; all the considerable Bishopricks being otherwise disposed of. Not long after this, it pleased God to visit my husband with an infirmity, which he had great cause to fear would, as it did, prove mortal to him. This made him resolve to acquaint the King with the whole matter ; and the rather, because he saw some persons who were privy of it, desired nothing more than to have it concealed, and buried in oblivion. But my husband was not willing it should be so, in regard he had at that time four sons living ; and they, (he thought) if he should die, might be capable of his Majesty's favor. Besides, the Duke of Somerset was dead, and the Bishop of Winchester, the person who was best able to attest it, was very ill. These considerations made him go to his Majesty ; and having the opportunity of discoursing privately with him, he told him the whole matter, as I have related it ; and for the truth of it, appealed to Dr. Duppa, then Bishop of Winchester, and formerly his Majesty's tutor. The King then was pleased to entertain some discourse with my husband about it, and said that he did often wonder how his father should have gotten time and privacy enough in his troubles to compose so excellent a piece, and written with so much learning. Dr. Walkers True Account of the Author of a Book, entitled E'lKtoN basiaikh', etc. (see list of works relating to the Eikon, p. 78), states : — I know, and believe the book, whose author is enquired after, was written by Dr. Gauden, (except two chapters written by Bishop Duppa,) so far as the subjoined means may produce such knowledge, and the reasons may induce such belief. o 2 ioo A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; First, Dr. Gauden, some time before the whole was finished, was pleased to acquaint me with his design, and shewed me the heads of divers chapters, and some of the discourses, written of them ; and after some time spent in perusal, he vouchsafed to ask my opinion concerning it : and after some consideration, according to the freedom he gave me to speak my thoughts, I told him I supposed it would be much for the King's reputation, honor and safety : but I expressly added, I stuck at the lawfulness of it ; and modestly asked him, how he satisfied himself so to impose upon the world ? To which he so readily replied ; 'tis the Portraiture, &c. and no man draws his own picture ; which satisfied himself; and though we might argue it a little, did at present silence me, my heart being so inclinable to what was the scope of the whole. And I perfectly remember, that in the second chapter, which is of the death of the Earl of Strafford, there being these words, which now in the printed work, of the first edition, are page 8, line 18, 19, 20, He only hath been least vexed by them, who counselled me not to consent against the vote of my own conscience, he told me whom he meant by that passage, viz. — the then Bishop of London, Dr. Juxon, which, though most readers understand now, after it hath been so long spoken of, yet many then did not, of which number I was, my age rendering me less acquainted with the characters of great men. Secondly, some good time after what had passed, as is related in the preceding paragraph, we being both in London, and having dined together, Dr. Gauden, in the afternoon, desired me to walk with him to a friend. When we were gone part of the way, he told me he was going to the Bishop of Salisbury, Dr. Duppa, (whom he had acquainted with his design,) to fetch what he had left with his Lordship to be perused ; or to shew him what he had further written. And, as we drew near his house, he desired me after a little general conversation, I would withdraw and leave them two alone, which accordingly I did ; and when they had been some considerable time together, he came forth and we returned. As soon as we were in the street, he gave me this account of their conference. My Lord of Salisbury told me, there were two subjects more he wished I had thought on, and propounded them to me, viz. — the Ordinance against the Common Prayer Book ; and the Denying his Majesty the attendance of his Chaplains, (which are now the 16th and 24th chapters in the printed book,) and desired me to write two chapters upon them, which I promised I would. But, before we parted, he recalled that request, and said I pray go you on to finish what remains, and leave these two to me, and others whom he had made privy to the whole ; and never pretended to have written these, as he did all the rest. Thirdly, Dr. Gauden some time after the King was murdered, upon my asking him, whether he (the King) had ever seen the book, gave me this answer : I know it certainly no more than you, but I used my best endeavours that he might, for I delivered a copy of it to the Marquess of Hertford, when he went to the treaty at the Isle of Wight, and intreated his Lordship, if he could obtain any private opportunity, he would deliver it to his Majesty, OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 101 and humbly desire to know his Majesty's pleasure concerning it. But the violence which threatened the King hastening so fast, he ventured to print it, and never knew what was the issue of sending it. For, when the thing was done, he judged it not prudent to make further noise about it, but enquiry. Fourthly, I once asked him, (for we seldom were in private, but somewhat was discoursed of this book, even to the last time I saw him, after he was Lord Bishop of Worcester Elect,) whether that King Charles the Second knew that he wrote it ? he gave me this answer : I cannot positively and certainly say that he doth, because he was never pleased to take express notice of it to me. But I take it for granted he doth, for I am sure the Duke of York doth, for he hath spoken of it to me, and owned it as a seasonable and acceptable service ; and he knowing it, I question not but the King also doth. Fifthly, Mrs. Gauden, his wife, Mr. Gifford, (who transcribed a copy of it, if I be not much mistaken, and which copy I think was sent to the Isle of Wight, though in this I am not so positive,) and myself believed it as much as we could believe anything ; and when we spake of it in his presence, or in his absence, did it without the least doubt of his having written it ; being as much assured of it, as it was possible we could be of any matter of fact. And it was unaccountably strange, that all we, who had the best reason, and fairest oppor- tunities to know the truth, should all be deceived or imposed upon, which we were, to the highest degree imaginable, if Dr. Gauden wrote it not. Sixthly, Dr. Gauden delivered to me with his own hand what was last sent up, after part was printed, (or at least in Mr. Royston's hand, to be printed,) and after he had shewed it to me, and sealed it up, gave me strict caution with what wariness to carry and deliver it : and according to his direction, I delivered it, Saturday, December 23, 1648, in the evening, to one Peacock, (brother to Dr. Gauden's steward or baliff, some time before deceased), who was instructed by what hands he should transmit it to Mr. Royston ; and, in the same method, a few days after the impression was finished, I received six books, by the hand of Peacock, as an acknowledgment of that little I had contributed to that service, one of which I have still by me. Extract from STATE PAPERS Collected by EDWARD, EARL OF CLARENDON. VOLUME III.— APPENDIX. The Bishop of Exeter (Gauden) to the Lord Chancellor. My Lord, HAVING made a tedious and chargeable journey to Exceter, and having beene received with very great favour and respect from the gentry and people of all sorts ; yet to my infinite regret, I find my feares verified, that it is noe preferment, but a banishment of mee, not only from my country, freinds and acquaintance, but from all kind of happines, which I formerly enjoyed with great content in a most elegant competency, as to estate, dwelling and reputation. Now, to my horror, I find myself condemned to all 102 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; degrees of infelicity, by the distresses of that condition to which I am exposed. Here is noe house yet free to receive mee as Bishop ; yf it were free, yet it is soe horribly confused and unhandsome, that it seemes a prison, rather than a palace ; unless I will bee soe foolish, as to lay out a vast sum of money to make it fit for mee ; and when this is done (that I may with more splendor bee undone) there is not a revenew competent to keep house, with any honor and hospitality. I find it most certaine (which I at first told your Lordship) that the revenew is short of 600/. per ann. and this soe broken with the incum- berances of purchasers, that neyther rent nor fines are expectable for a long time, in any such proportion as can support mee. So that, in good earnest, (my Lord) unless I had the art of living like a camelion, by the ayre of good words, I conclude myself destroyed, with all mine, by this my most unhappy engagement to bee Bishop of Exeter ; which, if I had ambitiously sought, my ruine had been less to bee pittied by others, and more digestible by myselfe. But your Lordship knowes how much I deprecated this hard fate, which I feared and foresaw. I desired but a competency to serve God, the King, and the Church with cherefulnes. Here I find nothing but indigence, charg, distresse, distraction, and an expectation never to bee satisfied in others, as to my ample living ; not performed by mee without utter ruine of mee, and ruine of my little fortune and family. This is the burthen which I foresee and find (with other charges, to which I have beene and must bee still put, upon this unhappy account) will be intolerable for mee. I make this complaint to your Lordship, because you cheifely put mee upon this adventure. Your Lordship com- manded mee to trust in your favor for an honorable maintenance, and some such additional support as might supply the defects of the Bishoprick. Yf this may not bee had, I must not returne againe to Exeter, unlesse I will be in love with beggery and contempt. I have not soe litle sense of my relations as to sacrifice them with myselfe upon the high place of Episcopall honor. Nor am I soe unconscious to the service I have done to the Church, and hys Majesty's family, as to beare with patience such a ruine most undeservedly put upon mee. Are these the effects of his liberall expressions, who told mee I might have what I would desire ? I was too modest and ingenuous, therefore I must here perish among strangers. But I will rather renownce all this empty honor and cruell employ. Nor doe I despaire but hys Majesty will be soe gracious as to give mee leave to lead a private life, for in this publique conspicuity I cannot serve hym or the Church, unlesse I have what becomes my place and genius. All the favour I crave of the King and your Lordship is, that yf there be noe way for to set mee a floate and keep mee from coming a ground, and soe shipwrecking as Bishop of Exceter, yet I may at least bee restored to my parsonage at Bocking, there to end my dayes in privacy, yea obscurity ; which is a thousand times more tolerable than indigent honor. For my past credulity, folly, and expenses, I must beare them as well as I can. I shall ever be able so far to vindicate myselfe as to let the world see, that I deserved eyther not to have been made a Bishop against my will, or to be entertained in that office to my content. But I find noe regard is had of mee, which makes mee thus to represent to your Lordship the prospect of my unhappy affairs at present. Yf the King and your Lordship doe not think mee worthy of a OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 103 support befitting this station, I beseech you give mee leave to degrade myselfe, and resigne the honor, yea the burthen, which I cannot beare, nor can my nearest relation, whose happines is dearer to mee than my owne. I must not see her soule sink under the just apprehension shee hath of being miserable, because mine. Her pious, loyall, and generous spirit is too conscious to what I have done, both knowne and unknowne to the world (in order to buoy up the honor of the Royall Family, the Church and Episcopacy) to beare with any temper the streights to which she sees mee, herselfe and her children exposed. T will run upon any rock (short of sin) rather than see her perish, who hath deserved of mee beyond all the world. Yf your Lordship will not concerne yourselfe in my affaires (who can easily find wayes to ease them, and by your repeated expressions invited me to repose myselfe on your care of my content) I must make my last complaint to the King ; and yf his Majesty have noe regard for mee, but leaves me to deplore and perish, as neyther a considerable enemye nor friend, I will yet retire to God and my owne conscience, where I have the treasure of those thoughts, which I am sure every one cannot owne, who think themselfes soe much worthyer than myselfe, whom they joy to see thus driven upon a banished and beggerly condition, while themselfes swim with plenty. There needs some Commendam of 400/. per an. at least to be added to the revenew of Exceter ; nor will this make mee live soe well as I did before. I moved your Lordship once for the Savoy, which I presume the Bishop of London will not keep, nor would I desire yf I were so well provided for as hee is. Yf nothing bee done, I must bee undone, yf I live here ; from whence I hasten to retreate with extreame griefe and horror, as from a precipice. Let mee bee degraded from this unwelcome dignity, and restored as Dr. Gauden to my living of Bocking. I shall avoyd being extreamely miserable, though I recover not my former felicity, which is pulled up by the rootes, and hardly ever to bee replanted in this world to any floridnes, yf by being a Bishop I must bee a beggar. I presume thus farre to owne my just sense of things to your Lordship, because you have oft professed to bee my friend, and now may really shew it, at least by some compassion upon, My Lord, Exeter, St. Thomas's day, 1660. Your very humble Servant, F. G. The unhappy Bp. of Exon. The Bishop of Exeter to the Lord Chancellor. My Lord, I YESTERDAY kept the saddest Christmas day that ever I did in my life, among strangers, in a place where I have not an house to live in. In a condition that neyther admits an honorable retreate nor any happy advance. It is vaine to cry " mihi pr&tert'tos/" &c. O that I had continued in that sweet and competent privacy of Bocking, where I lived many yeares as happily as could bee in our publique Tragedies ! I confesse I am grieved to see myselfe cast out of that living before I had any other place fit to reside in. It had been noe great favour to let mee enjoy it in Commendam till I had taken root otherwhere ; or some other instead of it given to mee, to encourage and support mee in 104 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; this my tedious banishment from my native country, wonted friends, and many affaires. All which I am to neglecte and forsake, encombered with a title of ecclesiastick honor, and destitute not only of my former competency, but all other conveniencys of living. This is that I feared when I soe oft deprecated the terror of this undertaking, both to your Lordship and the now Bishops of London and Worcester. These oft sought to assure mee, that it was noe lesse than iooo or 1200/. per ann. Alas ! I infallibly find there is not above 500/. a yeare. Besides, the house ruined beyond repaire, the revenew encombred with sales, the tenants dubious what to do. Here I am come to an high rack and empty manger, which I formerly presaged to your Lordship, but was more than once commanded by you to leave my concernes to your care, and to trust your favour for my provision as well as employ. Now I am the only man of any name andjnerit for industry and loyalty, whose condition is not only discomposed, but put upon a very great detriment, under a great expectation of living hospitably as becoming my place, when there is noe place fit for mee to live in, nor meanes to support mee. Nor will the imagination of raysing fines salve my misery. Alas ! when purchasers are satisfied, and the estate cleared, I do not expect to receive soe much as will discharg my first fruits, which are at an high rate, and those other vast expenses which I have beene put upon, by being made a Bishop, and forced to remove soe tedious and costly a way. I am sorry to see myselfe reduced to this after-game. Dr. Morly once offred mee my option, upon the account of som service that hee thought I had done extraordinary for the Church and Royall Family, of which he told mee your Lordship was informed. This made mee modestly secure of your Lordship's favour ; though I found your Lordship would never owne your consciousnes to mee, as yf it would have given mee too much confidence of a proportionable expectation ; yet still I found your Lordship's expressions to mee free and friendly. I once desired I might have the Savoy, presuming the Bishop of London would not keep it with soe rich a Bishoprick. That would be some conveniency for my repose some time at London, in order to keep my friendships and affaires from too much lapsing and decay. Your Lordship did not then deny it, but seemed to alledg some necessaiy delayes; yet I heare nothing of that or ought else that might make some addition to my support. Noe man is more devoted to serve God, the Church and the King than I am. I only expect that yf I doe my work I may have honorable wages. I cannot live cherfully in a conspicuity of honor without a competency. Here I shall come aground, and soone bee undone both in my estate and content of life, yf I bee not enabled to doe my duty with my wonted cherfulnes. Sunck I am, and dayly shall more and more. Extreamely displeased to find myselfe despised, and dejected upon the account of a modesty, that was loth to owne myselfe soe farre as I might, because I knew your Lordship and others of great influence in disposing of preferments, knew my service and merit to be noe way inferiour to the best of your friends or enemyes, who must have what they desired, and I, what all refused. Yf your Lordship have noe consideration of mee, I hope God will, whose grace is sufficient for mee. I have not yet soe lost myselfe, as that I deserve to bee despised or destroyed. I cannot beare with patience the sad reflections of my neerest and most deserving relation, though I could my owne. Yf I must perish, poore, OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 105 banished, and forsaken, yet I know how to perish with honor. Nor doe I despaire eyther of the King's or your Lordship's favour so farre, but you will have some pitty for me when you can have no further service of mee, who have done that service which noe age will forget, or cease to admire, though my honor and fortunes be buried in banishment, poverty, obscurity. My Lord, yf you really have any kindnes for mee, I pray let mee see it, for in earnest I never more needed som friend of honor to buoy up my sunck soule. Nor will your Lordship grudg mee your pardon for this my other importune writing, when you remember how much I have obeyed your persuasions, and how much you have commanded mee to repose in your favour, who, next God, have the heart of the King in your hand, and will I hope by your faithfull counsell direct it to all things of justice, gratitude, and honor. I take my leave and rest, Your Lordship's humble servant, Morrow after Xtmas day, 1660. The sad Bp. of Exeter. The Bishop of Exeter to the Lord Chancellor. My Lord, GIVE mee leave once more, in my serenest temper, to expresse my sense of my affaires at Exeter, and my desire ; leaving to your Lordship to esteeme of mee as you shall see I may deserve : I am not dissatisfied soe much with the place, though I have noe convenient dwelling as yet, much lesse with the people: none can bee more ingenuous and obliging, yea liberally kind; my reall trouble is, that I cannot live here to such a conspicuity of hospitablenes and charity, yea of gratitude, as becomes the King's service, the Churche's honor, a Bishop's dignity, and my owne relations, ever wonted to amplenes and freedome of all things ; the revenew is noe more than 500/. per ann. and of this I see yet very little: the fines cannot bee any great matter, since there is yet noe estate cleare of former lifes in it. And by what time purchasers are satisfied, and my selfe repaired, as to charges, truly there can bee noe advantages to bee envied, or reckoned, as a fixed revenew ; that which I desire cherefully to spend is, at least 1000/. per ann. at lesse I cannot live here ; where all things are as deare as at London, for the maine, and some dearer : I beleive your Lordship did expect the revenew would answer your favour to mee ; who left that concerne wholly to your Lordship, as you commended mee, my undertaking was to doe my work, and to spend hansomly my wages ; and though I knew it one of the smallest preferments for profit, and very inconvenient for distance from my friends and affaires, yet I was over- ruled by your Lordship, because I seemed much desired by the country ; now, my Lord, is it an impossible thing for mee to bee supported, while I am here, soe as may content mee, and encourage mee in this great service ? from which to remove in discontent and dishonor will not become mee, lesse those that sent mee. All I desire is an augment of 500 £ per annum, yf it cannot bee at present had in a commendam ; yet possible the King's favour to me will not grudg mee this pension out of the first fruits and tenths of this Diocesse ; till I bee removed or otherwayes provided for : nor will your Lordship startle at this motion, or wave the presenting it to hys Majesty, yf you please to consider the pretentions I may have 106 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK: beyond any of my calling, not as to merit but duty performed to the Royall Family ; true I once presumed your Lordship had fully known that Arcanum, for soe Dr. Morley told mee, at the King's first coming, when he assured mee the greatnes of that service was such, that I might have any preferment I desired. This consciousnes of your Lordship, (as I supposed) and Dr. Morley, made mee confident my affaires would bee carried on to some proportion of what I had done, and he thought deserved. Hence my silence of it to your Lordship : as to the King and Duke of York, whom before I came away I acquainted with it, when I saw my selfe not soe much considered in my present disposure as I did hope I should have beene ; what sense their royall goodnes hath of it is best to be expressed by themselfes, nor doe I doubt but I shall by your Lordship's favour find the fruits as to somthing extraordinary, since the service was soe ; not as to what was known to the world under my name, in order to vindicate the Crowne and the Church, but what goes under the late blessed King's name, the ekwv or Portraiture of hys Majesty in hys solitudes and suffer- ings. This book and figure was wholy and only my invention, making and designe, in order to vindicate the King's wisdome, honor and piety. My Wife indeed was conscious to it, and had an hand in disguising the letters of that copy which I sent to the King in the He of Wight, by the favour of the late Marquise of Hartford, which was delivered to the King by the now Bishop of Winchester : hys Majesty graciously accepted, owned and adopted it as hys sense and genius : not only with great approbation, but admiration : hee kept it with hym, and though hys cruel Murtherers went on to perfect hys Martyrdome; yet God preserved and prospered this book to revive hys honor, and redeeme hys Majesty's name from that grave of contempt and abhorrence, or infamy, in which they aymed to bury hym. When it came out, just upon the King's death ; Good God ! what shame, rage and despite filled hys Murtherers! What comfort hys friends! How many enemyes did it convert! How many hearts did it mollify and melt ! What devotions it raysed to hys posterity, as children of such a father ! What preparations it made in all men's minds for this happy restauration, and which I hope shall not prove my affliction ! In a word, it was an army, and did vanquish more than any sword could. My Lord, every good subject conceived hopes of restauration ; meditated reveng, and reparation : your Lordship and all good subjects with hys Majesty enjoy the reall and now ripe fruites of that plant ; O let not mee wither ! who was the author, and ventured wife, children, estate, liberty, life and all, but my soule, in so great an atcheivement, which hath filled England, and all the world, with the glory of it. I did lately present my fayth in it to the Duke of York and by hym to the King ; both of them were pleased to give mee credit and owne it as a rare service in those horrors of times. True I played this best card in my hand somthing too late ; else I might have sped as well as Dr. Reynolds and some others ; but I did not lay it as a ground of ambition, nor use it as a ladder. Thinking myselfe secure in the just valew of Dr. Morley, who I was sure knew it, and told mee your Lordship did soe too ; who I beleive intended mee somthing at least competent, though lesse convenient in this preferment. All that I desire is, that your Lordship would make that good, which I think you designed; and which I am confident the King will not deny mee, agreable to hys royall munificence, which OR, EIKON BASILIKlt. 107 promiseth extraordinary rewards to extraordinary services : certainly this service is such for the matter, manner, timing and efficacy, as was never exceeded, nor will ever bee equalled, yf I may credit the judgment of the best and wisest men that have read it ; and I know your Lordship, who is soe great a master of wisdome and eloquence, cannot but esteeme the author of that peice ; and accordingly make mee to see those effects which may assure mee, that my loyalty, paines, care, hazard and silence, are accepted by the King and Royall Family, to which your Lordship's is now grafted, where I wish it may together with the other branches florish, that under that shadow I and mine may thrive, while they enjoy the honor and influence of that constellation of wisdom and piety and patience, which beares the glorious name of the great paterne of Kings, Christians, Men and Martyrs. I was well before I was removed and wanted nothing ; it is not covetousness now, as not ambition before, that moved in me. I only desire I may bee considered, as a person able and willing to serve the King ; of which that Book is testimony enough ; and shall I bee dejected or discouraged in soe great a diocese, and after soe great services, for want of revenew, sutable to my place and work ? God forbid ; the King is too generous and I hope your Lordship will be more a just favourer of your Honor's humble servant. Jan. 21. 1660. M Lord ^ e Bishop °f Exeter (Gauden) to the Lord Chancellor. THIS bearer, or Martin Chancellour of Exeter, can best give your Lordship an account of our Ecclesiastick affaires here ; in which as I am by place and duty bound to take care, soe there shall bee noe defect in me ; nor shall I want (I hope) those incouragements which may make mee cherfully beare the great burthen of busines here incumbent on mee. What inconveniences I contend with, he can witnesse ; not only as to my private affaires, but alsoe as to the publiq ; for want of ecclesiasticall authority and an uniforme way of Liturgy ; to which all sober people and Ministers are much devoted ; and many Presby- terians have expressed their readines to conforme. Yf I am thought worthy to do service to God, the King and the Church, I trust I shall be thought worthy of those incouragements and supports which are necessary for mee ; else I must sink under my burthen with shame and sorrow; which I hope the King will not suffer; since I am a person that have not deserved soe hard a fate, in the generall joy of the Church and Kingdome ; whereof yf I may not have my share, yet noe man can deprive mee of the honor to have contributed somthing to it, as by my last I acquainted your Lordship, of whose favour I cannot doubt, because I know your love to the King and Church, and soe to the servant of both, who is, Jan. 25, 1660. My Lord, Your's, &c. M r j The Bishop of Exeter (Gauden) to the Lord Chancellor. I KNOW it is a trespas against the publiq good, to trouble your Lordship with any private concernes, further than they relate to the publique: and such I think mine are now made, since I am thus sent into a great sea ; and soe cannot bee without such provision as is necessary for my condition ; both to entertaine fayre weather with p 2 io8 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; cherefulnes, and fowle with courage. It will bee much better for the publiq's service, and my private content, to give mee leave to retire to any obscure port of tranquility than to bee thus exposed to much business, to frequent visits, to meritorious civility's, and to the just expectations of all worthy persons, that I should live in such a conspicuity and ample- nes, as might expresse a generous, and gratefull mind to all men ; and yet not bee able to answer these obligations as become the great courtesy of the Gentry and other persons of good breeding, or of necessitous condition ; before whom I must shortly bee ridiculous yf I live long in soe narrow and obscure a way as hitherto I have beene forced to doe at Exeter ; and must alwayes doe soe unless there bee some advance made to my subsistance as Bishop in this great City and poore Bishoprick, which I daily find to bee soe incompetent, that I hope neyther the King will command me, nor your Lordship expect from me, such a residence here as must infallibly undoe mee. A Bishop had need have zooo£ at least 1 500^" a yeare to live here, as is fitting ; where, in earnest, there is not 500^ per annum in constant revenew ; nor are there any fines considerable ; there being not one manor free or in hand. I confesse I wonder to see my affaires brought to soe much trouble and difficulty, and noe remedy to bee had, nor scarce a word of comfort applied: I am in soe great streits that I know not what to resolve ; where I ought to reside I cannot without some augment ; where I did live many yeares very happily, there I may not : I am shortly to make the saddest journey that ever I did, which is to remove my goods from Bocking, and whither to carry them, myselfe and family, I know not ; nor where to settle them, soe much is my happiness clouded, eclipsed and quite banished. Noe man was more happy, none is more distressed, and none (I think I may say it without vanity) hath lesse deserved to bee thus reduced to the inconveniences of life, which compel mee to complaine, yea to crave and beg of others that I may not bee miserable ; since I never desired of the King or any man to bee thus preferred to honor and indigence. I must shortly come to a resolution : yf I bee not thought worthy to bee considered, there is but one counsel to be taken by mee, which may, though very much to my griefe and disorder, redeeme me from utter ruine, yet soe as not to neglect my duty to God, the King and the Church, soe farre as I shall bee able to attend it. I doe not desire to live long in this distracted and solicitous condition ; I had rather dy, or else bee buried in any obscurity while I live. Noe man hath more of diligence and industry than myselfe, and none I see is lesse incouraged ; mine are the paines others are the profits ; yet is my mind soe moderate, that I ayme not to enrich my posterity, but only to adorne the province in which I am set, and expend what I receive of Ecclesi- astical benefit. But I must not bee soe barbarous a parent, as not to make any provision for them, out of that estate, which I ow to noe man's favour nor yet to my owne industry, but to God's blessing and the favour of a person of incompatible virtue, as well as merit. I cannot but thus againe trouble your Lordship with my unhappy affaires, whose favour (as I beleived) had the greatest empire in commanding mee to bee thus miserable, beyond any ill merit, which noe man now knowes more fully than your Lordship. Certainly yf there were any valew of mee, or favour for mee, I should not be long left thus to bite or break my OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 109 chaines. Every worthy person here that truly understands the inconveniencies of my condition pittys me, others will in a short time despise mee ; having noe house fit for mee, nor any revenew fit for an ample house, nor any autority as a Bishop to defend, not myselfe soe much, as the Church, yea and the King's honor, which must all suffer with me. Certainly I am irreparably lost as to this world, yf neyther the King's favour, nor your Lordship's, can recover mee to such a condition as may make mee most capable to serve God, hys Majesty and the Church. But I will not despaire till I returne back to Exeter, after I have preached on Easter-day before the King, and have waited on your Lordship. But I wish never to returne againe to Exeter, yf it bee not more to my owne and my relations' content, than these last two months have beene; which have beene sweetned indeed with much love and outward civility, but inwardly bitter with the sense wee have of present and foresight of future difficultys attended with dishonor ; to which neyther of our tempers can comply soe willingly as with death ; for we hope wee are fit for death, but not to live soe much below ourselfes, both as to our former felicity and our present conspicuity. My Lord, this is still a further exercise of your patience and pardon, which is earnestly craved by, Tour's, &c. Exeter, Feb. 20. 1660. The Bishop of Exeter (Gauden) to the Lord Chancellor. My Lord, FINDING myselfe reduced to a coridition as destitute of counsel as full of difficultys, I once more presume to importune your Lordship's favour, that yf your Lordship have any valew of mee, you would a little support mee with your favour and counsel, that I may bee able to come to some resolution what to doe, and how to setle my most discomposed and almost despairing affaires. I find here soe great a tenuity of support and such an uncertainty of eyther revenew or other incomes, that I cannot with any prudence fix here to house-keeping, nor in order thereto remove my goods and servants. Deprived I am of my former house and living which was better than this Bishoprick, all things considered ; yf I am driven to take an house at London, where to setle my relations and affaires, it will not only bee a great trouble and charg to mee, but necessitate my non-residence here, where my work lyes, but my wages are wanting. Yf I were enabled any way to live here as becomes mee I would cherfully apply to setle ; but I easily see how impossible it is for mee soe to doe, without ruine and dishonor, unlesse I have some augmentation to beare the charges of soe deare a place ; where I am exposed to answer all men's civility and expecta- tions. Yf there bee noe help for mee, I beseech your Lordship tel mee soe, that soe I may from despaire take counsel and bury myselfe in some private obscurity by his Majesty's permission; there to pray for hys Majesty, and prepare to leave a most unpleasing world. Yf I have deserved ill of the Crowne and Church, it will be a just penance ; yf well, it is the least of favour can be shewed mee. I am shortly to come toward London, but with the greatest discountenance and distraction that ever I knew. When I have done my duty on no A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; Easter-day, I know not next what to doe, nor whether to goe with any content or comfort. Before I goe from Exeter I should bee glad to see what way to take, I know I grow tedious to your Lordship, but I owe my distresses more to the influence of your Lordship's suasions and commands, than any man's, nor can I think but it is in your Lordship's power and prudence to apply some meet remedy ; however, give mee leave to conclude with that, Oro miserere Laborum Tantorum, miserere animi non digna ferentis. So I take my leave, sad and solicitous, yet Y our Lordshifs humble Servant, John Exon. Exeter, March 6, 1660. The Bishop of Exeter to the Lord Chancellor. My truly honoured Lord, THE daily report of my friend, the Bishop of Winchester's decay as to [bodily strength] (whom God preserve and comfort) doth no doubt give the alarm or watchword to many Bishops, .... especially them of us who have high racks and deep mangers, as expecting by the vacancy of that great See some advantageous tide to our little frigates. For upon the teinter are we poor Bishops set all our lives, like Pharaoh's lean kine. We look meagrely and eagerly upon the opulency of others. For my own part, I might without vanity look towards that succession as well as others, being of what I have done with how much and success in the worst of times and things, for the inseparable interest of the Church and Crown ; nor have I forgot how to live hospitably and charitably. Yet I had rather see four or five small Bishoprics mended out of the obeseness and superfluity of Winch, than have it entire to myself, if it be, as is reported, worth 5 or 6000 1. per annum. My humble advice to the King, and so to your Lordship, is, that it might be reduced to the moiety, and the other half distributed to relieve the incomes of others. It were happy if no English Bishoprics were less than ioool. per annum, nor above 2000I. except the archbishoprics, for methinks it doth not look so to see so vast a disproportion in of estate among persons of equal age and honour like guests at love-feasts among the Corinthians, where was full by superfluities, others .... by nor d °th the grandeur of a few Bishops so much advance the honour of the function, as many small and indigent ones do abase it. For my own condition, I confess, I cannot judge of love or hatred by all that is before me. That I am made a Bishop seems to report some esteem of me : but that I am con- demned to a pittance, no way proportionable to the dignity or duty, looks like to the banishment of old to the breves Gyarce. What will be done for me as to the I not this J not to be wanting to my duty by God's help, though I be thought less worthy of reward, yet I will not be less diligent in my work. The King indeed hath graciously promised me some such instance of his favour as may be worthy of his father's glory and his own greatness.— Ahasuerus was restless till Mordecai, who had done service in order to save the King's life and honour, was eminently rewarded. All the English world knows how much I appeared in the most dark and dangerous times, how OR, EIKON BASILIKE. in much I stood in the gap, and something I did which the world [enjoyed"], but knew not of, which hath made some few, that are conscious with me, to wonder at the tenuity and obscurity of my condition, after the had [Sun had recovered its strength]. I am forced now not to be wanting to myself, not to rely too much on other men's justice and ingenuity. I insist much upon what Dr. Morley (now Bishop of Worcester) frankly told me, after the King's first coming to Whitehall, that I might have what preferment I desired ; such an esteem he then put on me, and the services he knew I had done. Nor do I doubt but that if your Lordship please to second me with your favour (without whose assistance no orb moves regularly) his Majesty will both perform his Royal promise to me, and satisfy my desire, though I should aspire so high as Winchester, the advantage of which I would study to use by God's grace not to my or profit, so much as to the [public] honour of Episcopacy, in ways of piety, hospitality and charity — the only arts to buoy up episc .... to stop the mouths of enemies, and to oblige all sorts of people. Tenuity of narrowness of mind, and obscurity of living, will undo us. Men are not that we retire and grow rich, but that we live in an honour- able perspicuity. Nor shall I think myself one jot advanced by being a Bishop, until I am enabled to live as becomes me, and as formerly I did, with the love and approbation of the country. Indigence looks like vice. A Bishop, though poor, will be covetous, yea sordid, if he does not live so, as he must undo himself and his relations. If his Majesty please to make good that maxim, he in the Duke of Somerset's case, that he did not grudge extraordinary rewards to extraordinary services of his subjects Nor will your Lordship, I hope, divert his Majesty's and favour from me, who have had such experiences to yourself. But I sin against the public in thus diverting your Lordship to my private concerns which yet are so far public, as I do not doubt, by God's help, if I was once settled to bring faction even to repentance or despair within my Diocese, and to bring that part of this Church to a fixed uniformity and peaceful fixation. As I am, I can do little, being in an Arabic or ambulatory way of living, without any convenient habitation, or competent maintenance. My worldly felicity consists in industry with competency and tranquillity. As I know it is in your Lordship's power to obstruct, so I beseech you let it be in your will to promote the happy quiescence of Dec. 28. 1661. Your Lordship's muck to be obliged Servant, Gresham Coll. Lond. JOHN EXON. Bp. The Bishop of Exeter to the Earl of Bristol. Most noble Lord, I WAS much surprised yesterday at the Prince's lodgings, both with the admiration of your knowledge of that great arcanum, and at the most generous expressions of your Lordship's esteem and favour for me : in both which I do the more rejoice, because they have given me an opportunity to be known, under a character not ordinary, to a person whom of all men living I have, at my distance, esteemed one of the most accomplished by ii2 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; nature, education, experience, and generous actions. Nor do I find him (as I have two other persons) looking with any oblique or envious eye, upon that which was the effect of a just and generous loyalty. I cannot imagine what key your Lordship has to the cabinet, unless the King or Royal Duke have lent you theirs ; nor am I curious to enquire, because I know it dwells with a very valiant and loyal breast, as well as with a most eloquent tongue, which only speaks of those things which are worthy of it. If I may have the favour at your best leisure to wait on your Lordship, I shall more amply tell you how much I have of gratitude and honour for you, whose eminent lustre hath condescended to own him, whom some men have banished to so great an obscurity, and is much relieved by this confidence you have given me to write myself, Mar 20 1661-2 My Lord, your most humble Servant, JOHN EXON. The Bishop of Exeter to the Earl of Bristol. My Lord, THE venerable Bishop of Winchester hath this morning (March 26) left all human affairs. How far your Nobleness shall see fit to make use of the occasion, I leave to your great wisdom. It seems a good omen of Providence that my concerns should be credited to so generous a breast, and so potent a speaker, who, knowing all the principles of ingenuity, gratitude, justice, and honour, are most able to give them their due weight and vigour, impatient of any degeneration from them. Besides this, your Lordship's so unwonted favour, expressed to me with most signal emphasis, gives me assurances, that, however the honour of my being known to your Lordship is new and recent, yet I may, without any immodesty, expect those mature fruits which usually grow from most noble minds and princely affections. I cannot but be confident that his Majesty will do that is most worthy of his father's glory and his own greatness. Nor could I wish a more effectual intercessor than your Lordship, in whom are all those completions which advance men to love and high esteem of the better in the world. I beg your Lordship's pardon for the freedom of these lines, and beseech you not to proportion your future favour to my defeats (if they must be so). This I am sure, whatever the reward be, no man can rob me of the honour of the work. Upon which account, I know your Lordship cannot but have a convenient regard for, Gresh. Coll. Mar. 26, 1662. Your Lordship's most humble Servant, JOHN EXON. Gauden, Bishop of Exeter to the Earl of Bristol. Right Hon. and most noble Lord, AS I am most confident of his Majesty's gracious favour, oft confirmed to me by his Royal word and promise, so I shall in all things endeavour to acquiesce in his good pleasure: nor shall I either despair or doubt, till contrary effects confute me to a most unwelcome dejection. I confess I thought myself somewhat redeemed beyond other men from Court solicitations, by his Majesty's and his Highness's being conscious to my most OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 113 signal service, which I well know is to be kept secret, as only fit for royal and noble breasts. Nor could I prudently expect upon that account any extraordinary instance of his Majesty's favour, without putting the world upon a dangerous curiosity, if in other respects I had been inconspicuous ; which I think was not but sufficiently known to all the English world by those many great and public works I had done in my sphere, to the hazard of my estate, liberty, and life, in order to preserve and restore the just interests of Church and Crown in the worst of times and things. One instance of which I herewith send your Lordship, which perhaps you have not seen, by which I did not only but openly affront the army in their greatest insolency. Both enemies and friends saw me always standing in the gap, with a bold and diligent loyalty, doing my duty by preaching, printing, and acting, to the great vexation and confusion of those great tyrants and usurpers. So that my confidence of his Majesty's special favour is not only built on that hidden foundation, but on many other open and ample superstructures ; such as my Hieraspites or Defence of the Clergy [4*0, London, 1653]; also my Iepa Acupva, the Tears of the Church of England [fol. Lond. 1659.J besides many other less tracts and parrhesiastic sermons before General Monk and the City, also before the Parliament restored to liberty, and these in the very paroxysms or critical points of English affairs ; sufficient I think too, if weighed impartially, to justify any degree of preferment, without the least amazing or offending the better world, whose wonder it hath been, as well as my trouble, to see myself hitherto exposed to so incompetent and inconvenient a condition, which looks so like a banishment more than preferment ; a great work with small reward, never sought by any indiscreet ambition of mine (no, I am not so meer a scholar) but imposed upon me by the importunities of those who urged me with the King's will and command ; thereby drawing me much against my genius from a very happy privacy, to a conspicuity attended with a tenuity, which are next neighbours to contempt. These considerations I am bold to offer to your Lordship, not out of any vapour or ostentation, but only to demonstrate, that both his Majesty's and your Lordship's extra- ordinary favour may, without any solecism of State, be grounded on the public service I have done, besides that private one which is consecrated to the highest merit, reputation and honour in the world, as the time of the Royal ashes, and the embalming of a martyred King. And since I have lived to see the happy influence and glorious effects of all my perils, prayers and labours, in the restauration of Church, King, and Kingdoms, I cannot believe that his Majesty will make my fortunes the only confutation and defeat of all I have done in those times, when there was no reward but the conscience of well-doing. I have been, on all hands, by his Majesty, the Duke of York, the Lord Chancellor, and the Bishop of London, assured of a remove to a more easy station upon the first oppor- tunity, such as this of Winchester now is, there being nothing more proportionable to his Majesty's greatness or his Father's glory. Nor can it be much too big for me, if it fits any other men, whom I cannot think giants, or myself a pygmy. This I am sure, whosoever hath the tulit alter honores, I may challenge, Has ego versiculos feci; and the world ii 4 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; thought them heroic, worthy of Augustus. However, no latency of my service should, in justice or ingenuity, be any prejudice against me among those few who are both conscious to the merit, and now enjoy the fruits of them. These men, I am sure, may well be without envy, and they will be without apology, if they sin against ingenuity and their own words. But, my Lord, I see that no desert is sufficient to redeem men from those difficulties which attend human affairs, especially when agitated in Princes' Courts. I am much more apt to serve others than to solicit for myself. Nor shall I be much guilty of that defect, if I may be happy in your Lordship's favour, as I have been, expressing to his Majesty, as occasion may offer itself, that regard you are pleased to have, beyond any desert of mine, for Your Lordship's most humble and thankful Servant, March 27. JOHN EXON. Gauden, Bishop of Exeter, to the Earl of Bristol. My most noble Lord, THE address of this is only to enquire of your Lordship's health, for which I am very solicitous, not more for my private, than the public concerns. I am happy in your particular favour, and all worthy persons in the nobleness of your example, which is adorned with all civil and generous accomplishments. When I have paid this respect to your Lordship's health, I am further a debtor to your Lordship for your last very noble and kind letter, expressing so great a zeal for my interests. Whatever the event of my affairs shall be, I shall always live, I hope, above envy, and be capable so to assert myself, that I shall appear a person not to be despised. Besides, I have now a new ambition to do all things worthy of the great favour and esteem your Lordship is pleased to put upon me. Certainly, my Lord, I have done work of some importance, which hath the proportions of a soul not petit and narrow. I shall not easily shrink to any thing that is mean and vulgar. If I have not the favour from those from whom I have merited, I shall of Him from whom no man can properly merit. I suppose these things are already concluded against me at Court. Possibly here will be such a preterition, as neither Winchester, nor Worcester, nor the Lord Almoner's place, will be bestowed upon me. Yet I shall ever remain Your Lordship's most humble and thankful Servant, April 1, 1662. JOHN EXETER. Gauden, Bishop of Exeter to the Earl of Bristol. My very noble Lord, THERE are no eyes I more justly dread than your's for the acuteness and perspicuity, yet none to which I more willingly present, or more ambitiously study to approve myself; and what I do, because, as I know your Lordship to be master of very rare accomplishments in point of judgment matured by learning and experience, so I find you OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 115 no less adorned with that candour and civility, which gives most pulitura to excellent endowments. Besides this, your Lordship commands me to believe that there is in your noble Genius something of a particular favour and inclination toward me, who have nothing so considerable in me as that great esteem, I may say, with truth, admiration of yourself, in whom I see such a confluence of excellency, advancing you nearest to those perfections which humanity is capable of in this world. My Lord, this I write not out of any meanness of spirit, which is beneath your Lord- ship and myself. I have no man living to fear or flatter below that justice and generosity of soul which becomes me. There is no design which I would advance by such engines. But I cannot forbear to assure your Lordship how high a Value, Honour (and if you will give leave) Love, I have for your Lordship. I never knew any person at distance, whose worth I have more esteemed, or whose acquaintance I have more coveted, not only as an high honour, but improvement. I would not willingly be at distance from you, nor can I chearfully differ from you in any thing, because I presume your Lordship takes nothing upon trust, but brings all to the test of reason and religion, justice and honour. Upon the occasion of this petty piece of charity to Quakers, I have declared my latitude and indulgence to all sober Dissenters from the settled Religion of the Nation. It is but a scheme rough drawn as yet : a better hand may so polish and complete it, as it will fit not only the public interest of peace, but the private of men's consciences and those different persuasions, which they desire to enjoy without trouble, while they give no offence or perturbation to the public. Certainly religion makes the best of men : and I shall ever think there is most divinity where there is most humanity ; which is, as the beams of the Sun in the Moon, a weaker reflection of Divine glory in human nature. There is nothing more excellent in God than his Philanthropy ; and no doubt in men, the more they are raised above the brutish fierceness and curstness which their passions prompt them to, the more they will discover of Men, of Angels, and of God in their censure and converse. Where men agree in the morals and main substances of true religion, they cannot be at any great, rude, or unkind distance, as to lesser opinions. My Lord, no man more passionately deplores the divisions of Christendom : none more studious of truths, which tend to peace and holiness. I suspect all things as impious which are pernicious; nor can I see any principle destructive in our Religion as Christian, but only to Sin and Sinners, whose impenitence deprives them of God's mercy, and their pragmatic humours expose them to man's justice. My Lord, since you profess to own some ground of your favour to me, which I never intended you should be conscious of, let me ever enjoy it till I forfeit it by unhandsome actions ; and then, however I may be less in their esteem whom I sought to oblige, yet I shall never think myself under-valued, since I enjoy a place of repute and honour in so noble a breast, so great an Arbitrator in what is generous and comely, whose chidings shall be more welcome, than other men's commendations to Your Lordship 's most humble Servant, May 1, 1662. JOHN EXON. Q2 n6 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; Gauden, Bishop of Worcester to the Earl of Bristol. Right Honourable my very good Lord, I CANNOT in a few words express the grateful sense I have of your Lordship's and your noble Lady's favours, so amply expressed to me in the late access I had to your Honour at Wimbleton. I shall then do your Lordship and myself most right, when I take most apt opportunities to express the great devotion I have to serve persons of so great accom- plishments. This occasion at present confines me to crave your Lordship's assistance to this worthy person Dr. Gatford, whose other great abilities are most set forth by his indefatigable Charity towards those poor, but worthy Cavaliers, whose distresses call for some relief from all able and honest men, especially in this interim, while they attend that Royal and public relief which is designed for them. Many of them are so aground, that they cannot move out of the City to seek their shares in that contribution. By his Majesty's princely favour, some advance may be made to facilitate their condition. When your Lordship more fully understands by him what his humble purpose is, I do not doubt but it will be so far acceptable to your Lordship, as may engage your potent intercession to his Majesty ; nor do I doubt but my commendation of Dr. Gatford and his Intents to your Lordship, may give him that interest in your favour, which is humbly begged by Your Lordship's most humble Servant, Gresham College, July 9, 1662. JOHN WORCESTER. Gauden, Bishop of Worcester to the Earl of Bristol. My Lord, THE last letter by Dr. Gatford was upon the account of Charity. This is to pay a particular respect to your Lordship, and to beseech you to give me leave to present my thoughts to you, by way of a most humble and affectionate reflecting upon that, which your Lordship vouchsafed to acquaint me with, as the principal motive and confirmation of that change, which was made, upon your choice, as to that Ecclesiastic Communion which your Lordship now professeth. I know it may seem a bolduess next to rudeness, for me, so much and so deservedly a stranger, and at a just distance from your Lordship's eminent quality, to make any scruple of that, which your Lordship's judgment is pleased to prefer in so great a concern as religion. Nor will I give your Lordship any trouble by my impertinence, unless I may have leave from your Lordship, who, having expressed so unwonted favour to me, have obliged me not only to be very faithful to you, but also so observant of that decorum which becomes me, that I cannot presume to serve you as I am most ambitious to do, and therein serve the Church, King, and Country, unless I may be assured of so candid an interpretation of my presumption, as your nobleness hath given me cause to hope for. Meantime, while I am devoting myself to express that duty and respect I have for your Lordship, I earnestly beg the further favour of that privacy, as may preserve my papers only in your own loyal and learned breast. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. n 7 I was, as your Lordship advised, to wait on his Majesty, and follow your Lordship's direction, with as much favour and acceptance as I could desire, from an excellent Prince, whose heart cannot be a stranger to any virtue, since his ear is so open to the humble remonstrance of the meanest of his Subjects, who had so fair access to his Majesty, even to his Closet for one quarter of an hour. My Lord, I am your Honour's most humbly devoted Servant, Gresham College, July 9, 1662. JO. WORCESTER. WAGSTAFFE'S LIST OF EDITIONS OF THE EIKON* An Account of the several Impressions, or Editions of King CHARLES the Martyr's most Excellent Book, Intituled e"iku>v BatnXiKri, that have been Printed both without and with the Prayers at the End. These 28 of the first Impressions or Editions of the King's Book, are Printed without the Prayers. THE First Impression in 12 . Printed Anno Dom. 1648. last Page 187. Contents one Leaf at the end. The 2d. Imp. in 8°. Prin. 1648. last pag. 269. Cont. 2 Leaves. The 3d. Imp. in 8°. Prin. 1648. last pag. 269. Cont. 3 Leaves. The 4th. Imp. in 12 - Prin. 1648. last p. 269. Cont. 3 Leaves. The 5th. Imp. in 12° Prin. 1648. last pag. 269. Cont. 1 Leaf. The 6th. Imp. in 8°. Prin. 1648. last pag. 268. Cont. 2 Leaves. The 7th. Imp. in 8°. Reprinted in R. M. 1648. last pag. 268. Contents two Leaves. The 8th. Imp. in 8°. Prin. 1648. last pag. 270. Cont. 3 Leaves. The 9th. Imp. in 8°. Prin. 1648. with only the Lady Elizabeth's Relation last pag. 302. The 10th. Imp. in 8°. Print. 1648. the last pag. 242. [Contents two Leaves. The nth. Imp. in 8°. Print. 1648. last p. 302. Cont. 2 Leaves. The 12th. Imp. in 8°. Reprinted for James Young 1648. last pag. 268. Contents two Leaves. The 13th. Imp. in 12 . Prin. 1648. last pag. 164. Cont. 1 Leaf. The 14th. Imp. in 12°. Prin. 1648. last p. 187. Cont. 1 Leaf. The 15th. Imp. in 12°. Print. 1648. last p. 225. Cont. 2 Leaves. The 1 6th. Imp. in 24 . Print. 1648. last p. 342. Cont. 2 Leaves. The 17th. Imp. in 24 . Print. 1648. no Figures, Cont. 2 Leaves. The 1 8th. Imp. in 8°. Print. 1649. last p. 204. Cont. 1 Leaf. The 19th. Imp. in 8°. Print, at Paris English 1649. last pag. 196. Cont. 1 Leaf. The 20th. Imp. in 12 . Print. 1649. last p. 264. with Epitaphs. The 21st. Imp. in 12 . Print. 1649. last p. 195. Cont. 1 Leaf. * Mr. Henry Gray, the friend of genealogists and topographers, has kindly given me a copy of a List of Editions, apparently taken from a number of some magazine for 1756. It was communicated by Joseph Ames, the antiquary, and contains a column alleging the number of copies printed of each edition. n8 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; The 22d. Imp. in 12°. Print. 1649. (in Latin) last p. 272 with Apothegms. The 23d. Imp. in 12°. Print at the Hague by Sam. Brown 1649. (in Latin) last pag. 272. Cont. 2 leaves. The 24th. Imp. in 12°. Print. 1649. at the Hague for Williams and Eglesfield (Latin) last p. 272. Cont. two Leaves. The 25th. Imp. in 12 . Print, (in Latin) 1649. last p. 258. The 26th. Imp. in 12 . Print, with the Works 1649. last p. 182. The 27th. Imp. in 24 . printed at the Hague by Sam. Brown, 1649. last p. 318. Cont. 4 Leaves. The 28th. Imp. in 8°. Print, for R. Royston 1681. last pag. 256 Cont. 1 Leaf. These 27 of the Second Impressions or Editions of the King's Book, Printed with the Prayers. THE First Impression in Octavo, Printed 1648. last Page 270. the Prayers added in 1649. The 2d. Imp. in 24 . Print. 1648. last p. 354. The 3d. Imp. in 24 . Print. 1649. last p. 436. Cont. 2 Leaves with the Additions of the Prayers. The 4th. Imp. in 8°. Print. 1649. last p. 258. The 5th. Imp. in 8°. very large, the best Printed 1649. the last p. 263. Cont. 2 Leaves. The 6th. Imp. in 8°. Prin. 1649. last p. 236. with Apothegms. The 7th. Imp. in 8°. Printed 1649. last p. 247. Prayers added. The 8th. Imp. in 8°. Print, 1649. last p. 269. Cont. 3 Leaves. The 9th. Impression in 12 . Print. 1649. with Apothegms. The 10th. Imp. in 12 . Print. 1649. in Dutch. The nth. Imp. in 12 . Printed 1649. in French, last p. 442. Contents one Leaf and half. The 1 2th. Imp. in 12 . Print. 1649. in French, last p. 269. Cont. 2 Leaves, with some of his Works. The 13th. Imp. in 12 . Print. 1649. last p. 230. Cont. 1 Leaf. The 14th. Imp. in 12 . Print. 1649. last p. 260. Cont. 1 Leaf. The 15th. Imp. in 24°. Print. 1649. last p. 226. The 16th. Imp. in 24 . Print. 1649. last p. 175. The 17th. Imp. in 24 . Printed in 1649. last p. 354. The 1 8th. Imp. in 8°. Print, at the Hague by Sam. Browne. Reliquiae Sacrce Carolina: the Works of King Charles the I. without date. Last pag. 119. The 19th. Imp. in 8°. Printed at the Hague by Sam. Browne 1651. last pag. 324. The 20th. Imp. in 8°. of the King's Works in 2 Vol. Prin. 1659. The 21st. Imp. in 24 . Print, at the Hague by Sam. Browne, in 1657. the King's Works. The 22d. Imp. in 24 . Print, in 1651. with the King's Works. The 23d. Imp. in 24 . Reprinted in 1649. Reg. M. last pag. 181. Contents two Leaves. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 119 The 24th. Imp. in 12°. of the King's Works Print, in 1650, at the Hague by Sam. Browne, with divers of His Majestys Prayers, whereof the three last used by him in the time of his Restraint, were delivered to the Bishop of London, at his death, from whom they were taken away by the Officers of the Army : And amongst these six Prayers that entitled to be said in Time of Captivity, and taken out of Sir Phillip Sidney's Arcadia is not one of them, however it came to be printed in some of them. The 25th. Impression in Folio being the whole Works of King Charles the I. and by Order of King Charles the II. Printed in 1662. for R. Royston. The 26th. Imp. in 8°. large Printed in 1685. last pag. 272. for R. Royston. The 27th. Imp. in Folio being the whole Works of King Charles the I. and by Order of King James the II. Printed in 1686. CHARLES II.'s LICENSE TO RICHARD ROYSTON TO PRINT Charles R. THE EIK0N BASILIKE, etc. CHARLES the Second, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all Our loving Subjects of what Degree, Condition or Quality soever within our Kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland, or any of Our Dominions, greeting. Whereas We have received sufficient Testimony of the Fidelity and Loyalty of Our Servant Richard Royston of Our City of London Book-seller, and of the great Losses and Troubles he hath sustained for his Faithfulness to Our Royal Father of blessed Memory, and Our Self, in the Printing and Publishing of many Messages and Papers of Our said Blessed Father, especially those most Excellent Discourses and Soliloquies by the name of ^Xk&iv Bao-iXi/d/. Know ye, That it is Our Royal Will and Pleasure, and We do by these presents Grant unto the said Richard Royston, his Executors, Administrators and Assigns, the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Messages, Papers and Discourses contained in the Book Intituled Reliquiae Sacra Carolines, and of all or any other the Works of Our said Royal Father, with other Papers and Declarations concerning Our said Royal Father, in any Volume or Volumes whatsoever. Of which Our Grant and Royal Pleasure We will and require all Our loving Subjects to take notice ; And that none of them presume to print, or cause to be printed, vended, or put to sale the said Book Intituled Reliquice Sacrce Carolines, or any part of the said Papers or Works of Our said Royal Father, within these Our Realms and Dominions, or any of them, whether Printed within these Our Dominions, or Imported from Forein Parts, contrary to Our express Pleasure herein declared, without the Licence and Consent of the said Richard Royston, his Executors, Administrators, or Assigns, under such Penalties as are by the Lawes and Statutes of this Our Realm imposed upon such Persons as Imprint, Import, Vend, or Put to sale unlicensed and prohibited Books ; Any Privilege, Custome or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding. In witness, &c. Given at Our Court at White-Hall the nine and twentieth day of November, in the twelfth year of Our Reign. 120 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK. ROYSTON'S DEDICATION TO CHARLES II. to the Kings most Excellent Majesty CHARLES II. By the Grace of God KING of Great Britain, France and Ireland, &c. May it please Your MAJESTY, SO Clear and Indisputable is Your Majesties Title to the following Papers, that to prefix any other name before them, were a boldness, next door to sacriledge. They had the honour, when first published, to attend the Works of Your Majesties Royal Father of blessed Memory ; the greatest part of which Impression (collected with great Cost and Care) having in the late Conflagration perished in the common flames ; I was ambitious by reviving this Piece, to do some honour to the Memory of so Great a Prince, and that the world might see how far Truth and Justice and a better Cause is able to hold out, under the most prosperous Triumphs of violence and oppression, and that when Villains may be suffered so far to prevail, as to despoil Majesty of all advan- tages of Power and Greatness, it can at the same time be secure in the comforts of its own innocence and vertue. That Heaven would bless Your Majesty with a long Life and a prosperous Reign, with all the blessings of this, and a better world, is the hearty and incessant prayer of Your Majesties most humbly devoted Subject and Servant, Richard Royston. The following will be found in some editions of the Reliquice Sacra Carolines, published after the Restoration: — TO THE READER. IN these Papers, READER, thou hast a short Account how this best of PRINCES Lived and Died; a Subject that was fit to be writ only with the point of a Scepter: none but a Royal Breast can have Sentiments equal to His Vertues, nor any but a Crowned Head can frame Expressions to represent His Worth. He that had nothing Common or Ordinary in His Life and Fortune, is almost profaned by a Vulgar Pen. The attempt, T confess, admits no Apologie but this, That it was fit that Posterity, when they read His Works (for they shall continue while these Islands are inhabited, to upbraid Time, and reproach Marble Monuments of weakness) should also be told that His Actions were as Heroick as His Writings, and His Life more Elegant than His Style. Which not being undertaken by some Noble hand, (that was happy in a near approach to Majesty, and so could have taken more exact measures of this Great Example for Mighty Kings, rendred it in more full proportions, and given it more lively Colours) I was by importunity prevailed upon to imitate those affectionate Slaves, who would gather up the scattered limbs of some great Person that had been their Lord, yet fell at the Pleasure of his Enemies, burn them on some Plebeian Pyle, and entertain their ashes in an homely Vrn, till future times could cover them with a OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 121 Pyramid, or inclose them in a Temple; by making a Collection from Writers and Persons worthy of Credit, of all the Remains and Memoires (I could get) of this incomparable Monarch: Whose Excellent Vertues though they often tempted the Compiler to the Liberty of a Panegyrick, yet they still perswaded him to as strict an observance of Truth as is due to an History: For he praises this King best who writes His Life most faithfully, which was the Care and Endiavour of Thine Rich. Perrinchief. This, too, is found in some editions of the Reliquice Sacra Carolines. MAJESTY in Misery: OR, An Imploration to the KING of Kings. Written by his late Majesty King CHARLES the First, during His Captivity at Carisbrooke Castle, Anno Dom. 1648. 1 f~^ RE A T Monarch of the World, from whose Power V_T The Potency and Power of Kings, [springs Record the Royal Woe, my Sufferings sings, 2 And teach my tongue, that ever did confine Its faculties, in Truth's Seraphick Line To tract the treasons of thy foes and mine. 3 Nature and Law, by thy Divine Decree (The only Root of Righteous Royaltie) With this dim Diadem invested me, 4 With it, the sacred Scepter, Purple Robe, The Holy Vnction, and the Royal Globe: Yet am I level' 'd with the life of Job. 5 The fiercest Furies, that do daily tread llpon my Grief, my Gray Dis-crowned head, Are those, that owe my Bounty for their Bread. 6 They raise a War, and Christen it, The Cause, Whitest sacrilegious hands have best applause, Plunder, and Murder, are the Kingdoms Laws; 7 Tyranny bears the Title of Taxation, Revenge and Robbery are Reformation, Oppression gains the name of Sequestration. 122 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; 8 My Loyal Subject who in this bad season Attend me (by the Law of God and Reason) They dare impeach, and punish for high Treason. 9 Next at the Clergy, do their Furies frown, Pious Episcopacy must go down, They will destroy the Crosier and the Crown. 10 Church-men are chained, and Schismaticks arefree'd, Mechanicks preach, and Holy Fathers bleed, The Crown is crucified with the Creed. ii The Church of England doth all Faction foster , The Pulpit is usurpt by each Impostor, Ex tempore, excludes the Pater Noster. 1 2 The Presbyter and Independant Seed Springs with broad-blades; to make Religion bleed, Herod, and Pontius Pilate are agreed. 13 The Corner-stone's misplac't by every Pavier ; With such a bloody method, and behaviour, Their Ancestors did crucifie our Saviour. 14 My Royal Consort, from whose fruitfull Womb So many Princes legally have come, Is fore 't in Pilgrimage to seek a Tomb. 1 5 Great Britains Heir is forced into France, Whitest on his Father's head, his foes advance, Poor Child! He weeps out his Inheritance. 1 6 With my own Power, my Majesty they wound, In the King's Name, the K. himself 's uncrown' d: So doth the dust, destroy the Diamond. 1 7 With Propositions daily they enchaunt My Peoples ears, such, as do Reason daunt, And the Almighty will not let me Grant. 1 8 They promise, to erect my Royal Stem, To make me Great, t' advance my Diadem, If I will first fall down, and worship them; 1 9 But for refusal they devour my Thrones, Distress my Children, and destroy my bones, Tfear they' I force me, to make bread of stones. 20 My Life they prize at such a slender rate, That in my absence, they draw bills of hate, To prove the King, a Traytor to the State. OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 123 21 Felons obtain more priviledge than I, They are allow 'd to answer, e're they dye, } Tis death for Me, to ask the reason, Why. 22 But Sacred Saviour, with thy words I woo Thee to forgive, and not be bitter to Such, as thou know'st do not know what they do. 23 For since they from their Lord are so disjointed, As to contemn those Edicts he appointed, How can they prize the Power of his Anointed? 24 Augment my Patience, nullifie my hate, Preserve my Issue, and inspire my Mate, Yet, though We perish, bless this Church and State. In introducing Mr. Scott's preface to the 1880 edition of the Eikon, it is only necessary to say that it contains much valuable matter, and should be read very carefully. Surely no one could stand in a better position for judging such a question than the head of the Manuscript Department of the British Museum. If I have done wrong in attempting this biblio- graphy, Mr. Scott must take a little of the blame, as, but for his constant and most kindly encouragement, I should never have taken the spring from the diving-board. Miss Phillimore's preface to the 1879 edition is of great interest, and would also have been reprinted, but I found that Messrs. Parker still have copies for sale. Mr. E. J. L. SCOTT'S PREFACE TO THE 1880 EDITION. The history of Eikon Basilike has been so often written, and the merits and capabilities of the two persons to whom the authorship has been attributed for producing such a work have been so fully tested and considered by their various supporters on either side, that it may seem unnecessary and almost impertinent to attempt to say anything on so threadbare a subject. But the latest writer who has given an opinion on the case carries such weight in his name, and is so likely to be accepted as an authority on this point, that it is all the more to be desired that his views, if incorrect, should be challenged, and where possible refuted. In a monograph on Milton, just issued, for the series of English Men of Letters, is a brief account in four pages of Eikon Basilike, wherein are reproduced all the' blunders and misstatements which it was the laborious task of Dr. Wordsworth, fifty years ago, to expose and confute. Indeed, his masterly letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury might R 2 i2 4 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; as well have never been written, and he might have spared himself the trouble of replying to Todd, Broughton, Lingard, Hallam, and the rest of his able and ingenious opponents. We are told once more in direct terms that the book was composed by Dr. Gauden. Of this, however, no proof is adduced, but the writer adds that it is possible that Gauden may have, had in his hands some written scraps of the King's meditations. This is rather in favour of the King, as it allows him some original meditations, a point generally contested by his enemies, and very damaging to Gauden, because the latter distinctly denies that he owed anything whatever to his rival ; the book and figure, he says, being wholly and only his own invention, making, and design. We are told on the next page that though a Royalist, Gauden sat in the Westminster Assembly. If this be so, how comes Professor Masson, in his exhaustive list of the men who composed that Assembly, to have omitted the name of so distinguished a Royalist (there were not many, it may be imagined, of that class in that august body) as Gauden ? And further, he took the Covenant, for which compliance he nearly lost the reward which after the Restoration became his due. If there is one point about Gauden which is doubtful, it is whether he ever took the Covenant; and he is believed to have denied that he did so. The readers of " Eikon Basilike " never doubted that the meditations were those of the royal martyr. What becomes then of the first contro- versy which raged so fiercely in 1649 as to the authorship of the book, and which produced so many pamphlets on both sides for and against the King, such as the Princely Pelican and many others ? Two pages further on we are told that the plagiarism of the prayer from Sidney's " Arcadia " ought to have opened Milton's eyes to the unauthentic character of the " Eikon." What had a subsequent appendix to the Eikon (the prayers being no part of the first edition, but added afterwards to later ones) to do with the authentic character of a work of which at the time of publication they formed no portion ? The secret of the authorship of the "Eikon" was well kept, being known only to a very few persons — the two royal brothers, Bishop Morley, the Earl of Bristol, and Clarendon. If we are to believe Gauden's own words, the only one of these persons who knew it was Bishop Morley, and he, as I shall shortly prove, never for one moment attributed the work to any but Charles I, from the date of its appearance in 1649 to his death in 1684. It is true that Gauden frequently appealed to Morley's knowledge of it, but there is not a word from Morley to prove that he knew it. Gauden plainly tells us that the two royal brothers first learnt the secret from himself in the end of 1660, and that he was not made a Bishop on that account, a fact which Mrs. Gauden is also equally positive about ; and yet we are now told he pleaded it successfully as a claim to preferment at the Restoration, and he received the bishopric of Exeter. Why, so far different is the truth, that he was actually nominated as a fit person to fill a see in 1658, two years before he ever made his claim at all. Clarendon and Bristol both, according to Gauden's own letters, are made acquainted with the secret after the Restoration, when he is already Bishop of Exeter. Such is the latest account of the Eikon Basilike, and of the circumstances attending its production ; but as all these points have long ago been satisfactorily cleared up and settled by Dr. Wordsworth, it is OR, EIKON BASILIKE. 125 only necessary now, in writing a Preface for a New Edition, to bring before the notice of the public any fresh evidence which may have turned up during the last fifty years. As Dr. Wordsworth confidently prophesied at the close of his labours that such evidence would come to light in the course of time, and that it would be wholly for the King and against Gauden, so his prophecy has been verified to a great extent, and will no doubt some day be completely fulfilled. There are two grounds on which this question has generally been disputed : 1st, the internal ; 2nd, the external evidence. On both these heads something new may be said ; and 1st, as to the internal. To begin with the title page. It has never been noticed that while the first edition has the date "MDCXLVIII." alone, all later editions before 25th March, 1649, have the words, "Reprinted in R[egis] M[emoriam] 1648." This is strong evidence in support of the statement that the Eikon was first printed (but not published) during the King's life. This is one point against Gauden, for his wife declares that he could not get it printed until some few days after the King's death. If Charles I. was dead at the time of the printing of the title page of the Eikon, that work could not have been entitled the Portraiture of his Majesty, but of his late Majesty. Next, as to the frontispiece. Here there are three or four new points to be noticed. The emblems in it are taken from different parts of the Etkon itself, such as the crowns of gold and" of lead, from the end of Chapter VI. ; the metaphor of the sea raging when stormy winds blow upon it, from Chapter IV. ; and many others. Next, the verses beneath the frontispiece, being the explanation of it, bear the signature G. D., which Todd explains to mean G[auden] D[esigned], or G[auden] D[ean of Bocking]. But Dr. Wordsworth, on the other hand, says these initials must stand for G[ulielmus] D[ugard], the printer of one edition of the Eikon; and that he is right in so saying is proved by the discovery of the diary (now in the British Museum, Add. MS. 23,146) of Dugard's brother Thomas, who throughout it uses that remarkable and striking capital D, which is also found in Dugard's earlier edition of the Eikon. This copy is now in the hands of the Rev. Thomas Ford Fenn, Head Master of Trent College, near Nottingham. In another early copy, of i648[q], from Dugard's press, in the possession of Mrs. Manson, of Muswell Hill, these explanatory verses are not printed, but engraved from the handwriting of their author, and bear no shadow of resemblance to Gauden's hand, but are written in the style of a schoolmaster's copies ; and William Dugard was High Master of St. Paul's Grammar School. Again, it has not been noticed that the Greek motto at the foot of the frontispiece, to x« ovSev -//SiKriae Tr\v iroKiv ovZi to xainra, which Gauden, in his sermon on the 30th January, i648[9], refers to Constantine, has really no reference whatever to that Emperor, but to Constantius, for Julian the Apostate, from whose Misopogon this line is quoted, is speaking of the time when he himself was made Caesar. This sermon directly attributes the Eikon to Charles I. ; and it is absolutely impossible that Gauden, the writer of it, should have misunderstood and misapplied the quotation which, as Gauden, the author of the Eikon, he had made use of only a year before. Another point on which great stress has been laid by both parties in their arguments is the fact that the first couplet of the explanation of the frontispiece 126 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK; presents the very words in English which in Latin close the Eikon, viz., " Vota dabunt quce bella negarunt," and that this Latin motto is found at the end of a poem called " Majesty in Misery," composed by Charles I. at Carisbrook. But no one has apparently noticed that all three come from one and the same place, viz., the concluding words of Chapter XVIII. of the Eikon itself, "What we could not get by our treaties we may gain by our prayers." Consequently as the verses appear first in Dugard's edition of the frontispiece, so does the motto at the close of his edition, being, no doubt, added by himself. The truth is that this comparison of the various editions of the work has never hitherto been attempted, and yet, if closely followed up, would inevitably lead to most important results as to the real authorship. Let all copies now known to exist be collected together, and collated carefully one with another, and who can say what further evidence would not instantly be elicited, which might set this unhappy question at rest for ever. The British Museum alone possesses twenty-five copies, the Lambeth Library four, and so on, many of which contain manuscript notes and memoranda hitherto unpublished. There is one piece of internal evi- dence in favour of Charles I. which has never yet been adduced, and that is a comparison of the apophthegmata in the Eikon with those composed by the King, and written with his own hand in his copy of Bacon's Advancement of Learning (interpreted by Gilbert Wats, Oxford, 1640), now in the British Museum. This book is exhibited under glass in a case in the King's Library, and yet has remained all these years unnoticed and unquoted. They are so very important that the whole of them are subjoined here in order that future readers of the Eikon may find out the parallel passages for themselves. They occur in Book VI., pp. 300-323, where examples of the Antitheta are given under various headings, pro et contra, such as Nobility, Beauty, Youth, &c. : — Health IV. Pro. None so truely knowes the value of Healthe as those who want it. Praise Reputation IX. Pro. Reward is nothing but reall Praise. Life XII. Pro. If long Lyfe were not a great Blessing, God had neuer offerd it as a reward to Mankynde. Superstition XIII. Pro. If a Man, by eschewing superstition, grow to be Profaine, what halh he gotten ? Pride XIV. Contra. Pride made Angels Deuils. Envy XVI. Contra. All Enuy proceeds from a knowen selfe unworthiness. Cruelty XVIII. Contra. None but Cowards are cruell. Vainglory XIX. Contra. Vaine glorious Persons are neuer satisfied, though they obtaine what they desyer, as thinking their Merit beyond theire owen imagination. Fortitude XXI. Pro. A feareful Man wants but occasion to be Vitius. OR, EIKON BASILTKE. 127 Temperance XXII. Pro. Temperance rewards a man when he least thinks of it. Constancy XXIII. Contra. Varietie is this World's delight. Magnanimity XXIV. Contra. How can that be a Virtue which is built upon Vyce ? Knowledge Contemplation XXV. Pro. Knowledge giues lyke Pleasure to the Mynde w ch Venus doth to the Body. Learning XXVI. Pro. Naturall Witt, destitute of Learning, is but lyke unpolished Marble. Loquacity XXXI. Contra. Few great Talkers are good Doers. BOLDNESSE XXXIII. Contra. None but Fooles or ill-bred Men are Impudent. Jeasts XXXV. Contra. Dull jesters are contemned, & those who are witty are more hated then praised. Love XXXVI. Pro. Love is the Mother of all noble Actions. Innovation XL. Pro. [He that will not apply new remedies] must neuer cure new Diseases. Contra. He that Innouats hath need to be verry Wyse, for he taxes all Men of Ignorance. Violent Consils XLIV. Contra. Nothing but a desperat Disease can tollerat a violent Remedy. Suspicion XLV. Contra. Suspition is incompatible with true frendship. Suspition allwais proceedeth eather from Feare or Gilt. All these apophthegms strike one on reading them at first as extremely similar in style and expression to those scattered throughout the pages of the Eikon; for instance, at the beginning of Chapter XVI. of that work occurs the following sentence : " So hardly can the pride of those that study novelties allow former times any share or degree of wisdom or godliness." Compare with this the entry by Charles with his own hand in Bacon's work under the" head of Innovation, " He that Innovats hath need to be verry Wise, for he taxes all Men of Ignorance." To sum up, therefore, the new evidence in favour of the King, and against Gauden, gathered from the internal proofs, we have : 1st, The inference (from the title page of the King not being styled his late Majesty, coupled with the simple date, "1648," in place of " Reprinted in Regis Memoriam. 1648;") that the book was printed during his lifetime, the Gauden story being that it was not printed until after his death. 2nd, The fact of the frontispiece being the representation of various metaphors in the pages of the work, a point to which Gauden never alludes in support of his claim to be the author of both book and figure. 3rd, The explanation of the letters G. D. at the foot of the verses to be Gulielmus Dugard, not Gauden Designed, or Gauden, Dean of Bocking. 4th, The 128 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE KING'S BOOK. true origin of the line, " If prayers can give me what the wars deny," or " Vota dabunt qum bella negarunt," to be found in Chapter XVIII. of the Eikon. 5th, The handwriting of the explanation of the emblem is not that of Gauden, but is in the style of a schoolmaster, which Dugard was. 6th, The blunder of Gauden himself about the Greek motto below the verses referring to Constantine instead of Constantius in his sermon on the 30th January, 1649/50, wherein he distinctly assigns the book to Charles I. 7th, The comparison of the sentences written by the King's own hand in his copy of Bacon's Advancement of Learning (a book which Gauden could never have seen until after Charles's death) with the style and method of composition of the Eikon itself. Now to turn to the external evidence that has come to light during the fifty years that have elapsed since Dr. Wordsworth gave to the world the result of his laborious research into this subject. One of the most valuable testimonies to the existence of a " Naseby Copy " (i.e., a copy of the first seven chapters of the Eikon, which is said to have been taken by the Parliamentary forces, along with the Royal papers after the battle of Naseby), has lately turned up in the library at Lambeth Palace, where is preserved the copy of this work, formerly in the possession of Archbishop Tenison. On the last page, in the autograph of the owner, is the following Memorandum : — D[octor] Mew, L[ord] B[ishop] of Winchester, had often told me (& he repeated it again before y e B[ishop] of Peterburgh in y e B[isho]ps Cha[m]ber on Jan. 30th, 169 J , bef[ore] we went to Westminster] Abbey, that at Naseby-fight he saw y e K[ing]s Closet Keeper before y e fight began carry out the Kings papers to y e Camp; & y' aft[e]r y e Fight he saw divers of them torn, and amo[n]gst these fragm[en]ts took up some pieces of e'iK[i,v] /3a