Strata, Sitm fork BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE FISKE ENDOWMENT FUND THE BEQUEST OF WILLARD FISKE LIBRARIAN OF THE UNIVERSITY 1868-1883 1905 Cornell University Library F 314 S55 + Historv of Hernando de Soto and Florida; 3 1924 028 793 127 olin Overs Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028793127 265 Florida, History of Hern andoDe Soto' and Florida ; or, Record of the Events of Fifty- six Tears, from 15j2 to 1568, by Barnard Shipp, mapSf thick roy. 8vo, pp. 701, cloth, as nei«, 2.50, " Phila. 1881 '• These two expeditions, Narvaez'a and De Soto's, were the first' that gave to Europe a knowledge of the interior of Florida. The expedition of De Soto into " Florida " was, in fact, the beginning of the history of this country. It is to make more particularly known the first great expedition that revealed to the ^orld the interior of oi^r country ; to trace the route by which Be Soto travelled; and to tell the names and indicate the localities of the Indian towns and tribes of " Florida," first mentioned in history, that has led me to pi^jblish this book."— J¥^ace. - ^ THE HISTORY HERNANDO DE SOTO AND FLORIDA OR, RECORD OF THE EYENTS OF FIFTY-SIX YEARS, 1512 ™ 1568. BY BARNARD SHIPP. PHILADELPHIA: COLLINS, PRINTER,'^' 705 JAYNE STREET. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1881, by BARNARD SHIPP, in the OflSce of the Librarian of Congress. All rights reserved. PKEFACE. The Peninsula of Florida was discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon on Pascua Florida, Palm Sunday, in the year 1512 ; and because of the day in which he discovered it, he gave it the name of Florida. It was at that time the only part of North America known, from the Gulf of Honduras to the Island of Newfoundland. But the name of Florida was not confined to the country to which Ponce de Leon had given it, as appears from the following : Bernal Diaz states that Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, about the year 1518 petitioned the empe- ror "that the discovery of all countries which might lie to the north of the river St. Peter and St. Paul might be granted to him ;" " and obtained the appointment of adelantado and gov ernor of all the provinces bordering on the river St. Peter and St. Paul, and of all the provinces he should discover." As this river was south of that of Tuspan, this grant would have em- braced the country on both sides of the river Panuco. Cortes, in 1524, wrote to the emperor Charles V. : " Nothing seems to remain but to explore the coast lying between the river Panuco and Florida, the latter being the country discovered by the adelantado Juan Ponce de Leon, and then the northern coast of Florida as far as the Bacallaos" (Newfoundland). Alvaro Nunez Cabega de Vaca Says : Pamfilo de Narvaez, in 1527, was ap- pointed adelantado and governor of Florida, with " full power to conquer all the country from the river of Palms (Santander) to the cape of Florida." And Narvaez's proclamation is : " To the inhabitants of the countries and provinces from the Eio.de Palmas to the cape of Florida." It thus appears that in 1527 the ocean boundary of Florida extended from the river of Palms (San- tander) to Bacallaos (Newfoundland). It is the accounts of the events which occurred in this vast country, from the. year 1512 IV PREFACE. to the year 1568, that have been so arranged in the following pages as to form a continuous history of Florida during that period of fifty-six years. And as some of the most important events of Mexico, or New Spain, and Florida were closely con- nected, an account has been given of the expeditions that led to the discovery and conquest of Mexico, and of the principal events at that time that connected the history of Mexico with that of Florida and the other Spanish provinces of America ; and thus have been presented some of the most prominent men of that period, and a general view of the relation of affairs in the Indies or Spanish possessions in America. ' - ' The interior of Florida remained^ unexplored and unknown till the expedition of Pamfilo de Narvaez, in the year 1527, Tfrhen Alvaro Nunez Cabega de Vaca, wandering from 1528 to 1536, crossed the continent to the Pacific Ocean, and finally reached the city of Mexico. The expedition of Narvaez was succeeded by that of Hernando' De Soto, who landed at Tampa Bay, in Florida, on the 30th of May, 1539, and marched thence to the Arkansas River, where, just below its mouth, on the west bank of the Mississippi Elver, he died, the 21st of May, 1542. But after the death of De Soto, his soldiers marched one hun- dred and fifty Spanish leagues west of the Mississippi to the Daycao (probably the Trinity River of Texas), whence they re- turned to the mouth of the Arkansas. These two expeditions, Narvaez's and De Soto's, were the first that gave to Europe a knowledge of the interior of Florida. It is from them that was acquired the first information in regard to some of the principal rivers, the towns, and the population of the country ; the names and location of the Indian tribes they met with ; the manners and customs of the Indians, and their progress towards a state of civilization. The information derived from the accounts of De Soto's ex- pedition was for many years the only guide to map-niakers in delineating the interior of Florida, which they did at random, without regard to the proper location of Indian tribes and towns, and the rivers ; so that these maps are of no considera- tion except to show the state of the art at that period, and their utter ignorance of the interior of Florida. It was not until the expedition of Robert Cavelier Sieur de La Salle, in 1678, to the mouth of the Mississippi River, the voyage of Pierre le Moyne PREFACE. V d'Iberville in the year 1698-1699, and the expeditions of Bien- ville, La Harpe, St. Denis, and De Sauvol, made known the lower part of the Mississippi Eiver, and the countries bordering on it; that a correct map was made of that portion of Florida through which the expedition of De Soto travelled. But of the peninsula of Florida,' and the sea-coast of Georgia and South Carolina, which Eibault and Laudonniere visited in the years 1562t-1564, Jacob le Moyne de Morgues, who accompanied Lau- donniere to Florida in 1564, made a map which shows the rivers they discovered, the locations of the Indian towns and tribes they became acquainted with, and a general view of the whole peninsula of Florida, with the ■ sea-coast of Georgia and South Carolina. This map, which has been inserted in this book, is quite interesting and useful in explaining the voyages of Ei- bault, Laudonniere, and Menendez, and the expeditions they made ; and also in illustrating the account of Florida and its ancient Indian tribes by Hernando D'Escalante Fontanedo. The map of a part of Louisiana, from the map of North Ame- rica, by Dr. Mitchelle, corrected in 1776 by Brigadier Hawkins, which is . also inserted in this work, shows the country, on the west of the Mississippi Eiver, through which De Soto and his followers travelled ; the location of some of the Indian towns and tribes they visited, and the most westerly points they reached. Several of these places were afterwards visited by La Salle, Tonti, La Harpe, and St. Denis, and their locations thus identified. But the location of Coligoa, on this map, is incor- rect, as is also the note to it — that it was the limit of De Soto's journey — as will plainly appear by a reference to the account of his expedition. But this map will be useful not only in showing the location of several Indian towns and tribes visited by Det Soto and his followers, and thus indicating their route, but also in showing the' route of St. Denis to Mexico, and the locations of some early Spanish settlements in Texas ; and in explaining several of the notes to this work. As a knowledge of the sources whence has been derived the •information is essential to a due appreciation of a work of this kind, it becomes necessary to state that nearly everything re- lated in the following pages has been taken from the accounts of th.Qse who were participators in the events they describe. Cortes himself gives the history of the, province of Panuco. VI PEEPACE. Bernal Diaz was a follower of Cordova, Grijalva, and Cortes. Verazzani wrote the account of his own voyage. Alvaro Nunez Oabe§a de Vaca, who accompanied Narvaez to Florida, tells the story of his expedition, and of his own wanderings. Biedma, and the " Portuguese gentleman of Elvas," accompanied the expedition of De Soto to its end. Garcilasso Inca 'de la Vega was contemporary with the veterans of De Soto, and associated with them in Peru and in Spain. Eibault, Laudonniere, and Gourgue relate the stories of their expeditions to Florida. Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales, who accompanied Menen- dez, tells the story of his expedition to Florida ; and Fontanedo relates what he saw and learned during the seventeen years of his captivity among the Indians of Florida. To that pre- cious treasure of the early history of our country, the " His- torical Collections of Louisiana and Florida," by B. F. French, member of the principal Historical Societies of the United States, I am especially indebted for much of the most interest- ing and most important portions of this work. Such are some of the sources of information ; the others are the best authors who have written on the subjects treated of. Thus have I endeav- ored to give from original sources and the best authorities a full and correct account of Hernando de Soto, and of the events which occurred in Florida from the year 1512 to the year 1568. As this work has been compiled from different authors, the orthography of some of the proper names is not uniform throughout it; yet the differences in these names are not so great but that the same persons and places may be recognized in the different forms. The work of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega, entitled " Conquest of Florida," is here given complete, with numerous notes to illustrate and confirm what he relates in re- gard to " Florida." This work of Garcilasso is given in the same plain, unostentatious style and form in which it is found in the French translation of Pierre Eichelet, who appears to have aimed to give it in all its original simplicity. There is probably no Spanish hero of America whose fame is more widespread throughout the United States than that of Hernando de Soto, and yet, at the same time, of whom so little is known. The expedition of De Soto into "Florida" was, in fact, the beginning of the history of this country, whose vast ""PREFACE. VU domain is now the unrivalled region lying between the oceans, the Mexican gulf, and the great lakes. It is to make more par- ticularly known the first great expedition that revealed to the world the interior of our country ; to trace the route by which De Soto travelled ; and to tell the names and indicate, the loca- tions of the Indian towns and tribes of " Florida," first men- tioned in history, that has led me to compile and publish this book ; where can be acquired a knowledge of nearly all the particulars of one of the most daring expeditions ever under- taken by the bravest of the early Spanish adventures in Ame- rica, and which has but a single parallel in the annals of the new world. BARNARD SHIPP. Philadelphia, Septetn'ber 5, 1881. GOETENTS. VOLUME I. HEKJSTANDO DE SOTO AND- FLORIDA. CHAPTER I. PASS Introduction 3 I. The Voyage of Francisco Hernandez db Cordova to Yu- catan — 1617 6 II. The YoYAGE or Juan deGrijalva TO Mexico— 1518 '. . 10 III. The Voyage OF Hernando Cortes TO Mexico — 1519 . . 13 CHAPTER II. The Expedition of Pamfilo de Narvaez to Mexico — 1520 . 21 CHAPTER III. The Expeditions of Francisco de Garay to Panuco— 1519-1523 47 CHAPTER IV. Juan Ponce de Leon — Discovery of Florida— 1509-1521 . . 71 CHAPTER V. The Voyage of Juan Vbrazzani along the Atlantic Coast of North America — 1524 81 CHAPTER VI. The Expedition of Pamfilo db Narvaez to Florida, and the Wanderings of Alvaro Nunez Cabeza de Vaca — 1527-1536 93 CHAPTER VII. I. Expedition of Francisco Vasquez Coronado to Cibola and Tiguex— 1539-1543 .121 II. Pueblos of New Mexico . 132 III. The Gila and the Casas Grandes of the Gila, and the Casas Grandes of San Miguel 136 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. PASS Hernando de Soto in Nicaragua— 1523-1526 . . . .152 CHAPTER IX. Hernando Coktes in Honduras — 1524-1526 163 CHAPTER X. Hernando de Soto in Peru— 1532-1636 182 VOLUME II. HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OP FLORIDA. Garcilasso Inca de la Vega 221 Special Contents 231 PART FIRST. BOOK FIRST. Design of the Authqr ; Boundaries or Florida ; by whom it WAS Discovered; Customs of its Inhabitants; Prepaea- TioNS OP Hernando de Soto to Conquer it ... . 237 BOOK SECOND. What Happened in the Discovery of the First Eight Pro- 257 BOOK THIRD. What Happened between the Spaniards and the Indians in the Province of Apalache 303 BOOK FOURTH. Adventures of the Spaniards in Divers Provinces . . . 340 PART SECOND, BOOK FIRST. The Reception of the Spaniards in Divers Provinces and the Battles which were Fought THERE 370 CONTENTS. XI BOOK SECOND. FASE The Attack on Fokt Alibamo ; the Death of many Spania-kds ; THE Akkivai. of the Troops AT Chisca ; Peocession in which THEY Adore the Cross; the War between two Caciques; an Invention to make Salt ; the Inhabitants op Tula ; and the Troops Wintering in Utiangub 401 BOOK THIRD. The Discovery of many Provinces, with the Adventures of the Spaniards in these Countries, and thek Preparations FOE Mexico 427 BOOK FOURTH. Captains op the Caravels; Rafts of the Indians; their Fight upon th^ Water ; Death op several Spaniards ; their Arrival at the Sea. ; their Adventures as far as Panuco, and the Reception which was given them in the City op Mexico 463 VOLUME III. HERNANDO DE SOTO AND ELOBIDA. CHAPTER I. Events from the Termination op the Expedition op de Soto TO the Settlement of the French in Florida — 1543-1562 . 491 CHAPTER II. The First Voyage of Jean RiBAULT to Florida — 1562 . . 495 CHAPTER III. The. Voyage op Rene Laudonnibee to Florida — 1564 . . 510 CHAPTER IV. The Voyage of Pedro Menkndbz deAviles — 1565 • . . . . 544 CHAPTER V. The Expedition op Dominique de Gourgue to Florida — 1567 . 562 CHAPTER Vr. The Country and Ancjent Indian Tribes op Florida, by Her- nando d'Escalante Fontankdo — 1551-1568 , . . . ■ 584 Cii CONTENTS. APPENDIX NOTB PASS 1. The Spanish Government in America 593 2. Indian Bows . . . 596 8. Indian Language of Signs 598 4. The Deserts of Sonora 699 5. Olancho Antiquo ^ . • • ■ 600 6. Tierra-Firme and the Town of Panama 601 7. The Desert of Motupe 603 8. Viracocha and Huana Capac , . . . 604 9. Prescott's Opinion of Garcilasso 606 10. Enormous Canes 609 11. Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon 610 12. North American Indians— from the Earliest and most Authentic Accounts of Virginia 611 15. The Elvas Account of De Soto from the beginning of his Enterprise to his Arrival and Encampment in Florida . . . . . 614 14. The Inhabitants of Florida, their Towns and Houses . . . 621 15.i Buffaloes . . . . ' 624 16. The Disposal of the Indian Dead 624 17. Indian Temples and Funerals 626 18. Ancient Artificial Mounds, etc 634 19.^earls 638 20. The Indian Custom of Presenting Women to their Guests . . 638 21. An Account of the Muscogulge Indians 639 22. The Painted Vulture and Muscogulge Standard .... 651 23. Indian Forts 652 24. Alabama Indians 653 25. An Omission in Garcilasso's " Conquest of Florid.i" . . . 654 26. The Death and Burial of De Soto 660 27. The Route of Moscoso 660 Tonti's Route to the Naouadiches 668 St. Denis's Route to Mexico 672 28. Mississippi River 674 29. The Route of De Soto in Florida 676 A List of Indian Names first mentioned in the History of Florida . 681 30. The First Attempt of Protestants to form a Religious Settlement in America ' . . 685 HEMANDO DE SOTO AND FLORIPA. YOLUME I, HERMKDO DE SOTO AND FLORIDA. CHAPTEE I. INTRODUCTION. When Columbus, in 1498, had shown the way to the American continent, daring adventurers, following in his track, soon pene- trated to the farthest limit of the west ; each succeeding navigator extending the discoveries of the preceding, until finally the Isthmus of Darien or Panama was reached. Columbus, on the 30th of July, 1502, discovered the Island of Guanaja at the entrance to the Bay of Honduras. Thence he sailed along the coast of Central -America to the Isthmus of Panama. Thus was the continental coast of the Caribbean Sea, from the mouths of the Orinoco to the Bay of Honduras, explored within the four years and three months that elapsed from the 31st of July, 1498, when Columbus discovered the Island of Trinidad, to the 2d of Novem- ber, 1502, when he anchored in the harbor of Puerto Bello. The extravagant reports of the wealth of the countries thus discovered induced enterprising Spanish adventurers to solicit the colonization of the regions remarkable for their reputed wealth. For this purpose a vast extent of territory extending from Cape Vela to Gracias a Dios was formed into two provinces. That extending from Cape Vela to the Gulf of Darien was named New Andalusia, the other Veragua. In 1510, Martin Fernandez Enciso founded, near the head of the Gulf of Darien, on the west side,' a town which he named Santa Maria de la Antigua del Darien. This town was the first of any 4 INTRODUCTION. duration that was ever established by Europeans on the American continent; all other attempts to found settlements had proven abortive, but Santa Maria remained the capital of that province till 1519. Vasco Nunez de Balboa by his superior abilities became the chief of tlie colony, and on the 29th of September, 1513, discovered the South Sea or Pacific Ocean, and thus was. a new maritime world opened to the enterprise of Spain. In 1514, Ferdinand appointed Pedro Arias de Avila — same as Pedrarias Davila — governor of Darien. He gave to him the com- mand of fifteen vessels with twelve hundred soldiers, the greatest armament that to that time had been sent to America. Pedrarias sailed from St. Lucar on the 12th of April, 1514, taking with him his wife, Donna Isabella de, Bobadilla, and, without any remarkable accident, arrived in the Gulf of Darien in the month of Juue. At the time of Pedrarias' appointment to the government of Darien, Santa Maria de la Antigua was, by royal ordinance, elevated into the metropolitan city of Castilla del Oro, or Golden Castile, as the country was then called, and a Franciscan friar, named Juan de Quevedo, was appointed as bishop, with powers to decide all cases of conscience. Santa Maria de la Antigua remained the metropolitan city of the colony until the yeaj- 1519, when the seat of government was removed to the Pacific coast, and the town of Panama built where a settlement had been previously made by Pedrarias, and thus Panama was the first town ever built by Europeans on the Pacific coast of the American continent. During this period, from 1498 to 1519, within which occurred the preceding events, St. Domingo, a town on the southern coast of the Island of Hayti, was the capital of the Indies, as this portion of the continent was then called. Here Christopher Columbus resided from September, 1498, to August, 1500. Here Nicholas de Ovando resided from 1501 to 1509. It was during his admin- istration that Sebastian de Ocampo circumnavigated the Island of Cuba, and thus demonstrated that it was an island, of which previously there were doubts. And here, in 1509, Diego Columbus, the son of the Admiral, arrived, as governor, and remained until 1515, and from 1520 to 1523 ; during whose administration settle- INTEODUCTION. 5 ments were attempted iu New Andalusia and Veragua, Santa Mai'ia de la Antigua founded, Jamaica settled, the pearl fisheries estab- lished at the Island of Cubagua, and Cuba conquered and settled. In Iftlt, the Cardinal Xiraenes, regent of Castile, without regard to the rights claimed by Diego Columbus and to the regulations of the late king (Ferdinand), determined to send to America three superintendeirts of all the colonies. For this purpose he chose three monks of the order of St. Jerome. He associated, with them Zuazo, a laywer of distinguished probity, to whom he gave full power to regulate justice in the colonies. FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA. I. THE VOYAGE OF FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA TO YUCATAN. 1517. On the 30tli of June, 1514, Pedrarias landed at Darien, with the largest body of men that till then had been sent to America, The provisions brought by the fleet having been damaged, and a scarcity of food occurring in the colony, sickness soon began among the new-comers. From the effects of these two causes, famine and sick- ness, soon half of the men of Pedrarias miserably perished. Of the remainder, some removed to less unhealthy localities, and some obtained permission to go to Cuba, which Diego Velasquez had re- cently conquered. Those who went to Cuba, besides improving their condition, expected to receive fortunes there. But after re- maining a couple of years without realizing their expectations, some of the more energetic of them united with some of the wealthy and enterprising inhabitants of the island, to form an expedition to dis- cover new lands. The peninsula of Florida had been discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512, yet it was still considered as an island, and as the new adventurers of the proposed expedition had lately come from the continent, it is probable that theii- views were turned westward as the direction in which they could hope to reach some portion of it, where they would have a more extensive field for their enterprise than the narrow limits of an island. Or, it may have been that they had heard some vague rumor of a wealthy empire to the west. For it is probable that there had been at times an intercourse be- tween the island of Cuba and the continental province, Yucatan, to the west.* The expedition consisted of three vessels and somewhat more than one hundred and ten men, commanded by Francisco de Cordova. It sailed from the harbor of Ajaruco, or Jaruco, on the northern coast of the island of Cuba, in the early part of the year 151'7. About the first of Mai'ch they came in sight of land. From their ships they could perceive a considerable-sized town, * The Spaniards found on the island of Cozvimel, a few hours' sail from Yu- catan, an Indian woman wlio, in a canoe, had been carried there by the cur- rents from the island of Jamaica. — Diaz. FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA. 7 larger than any town in Cuba, which lay about six miles from the seashore. On the 5th of March, in the morning, five large canoes came alongside the ships, and more than thirty of the Indians climbed on board the principal ship. After satisfying their curi- osity, they left. Yery early the next morning the cazique called again. He made known to Cordova, by signs, that he might come to his town ; say- ing in his language. Con escotoch, con escotoch, which means, Come . with me to my house yonder. The Spaniards, therefore, called this spot Punta de Cotoche. Continuing their course more westwardly along the coast, they discovered many promontories, bays, reefs, and shallows. They all considered this country an island, because their pilot, Anton de Alaminos, persisted in it. After sailing for fourteen daj's tliey dis- covered another town of considerable size. Here was a bay with an inner harbor. It happened to be Sunday Lazari when they landed, and they, therefore, named this place in honor of that day, though they were well aware that the Indians called it the land of Campefichy. After they had taken in water they re-embarked, and continued their course for six days and six nights without interrup- tion, the weather being very fine. They finally espied a village from their ships, and about three miles further on was a kind of inner harbor, at the head of which it appeared there* might be some river or brook ; they, therefore, resolved to land here. The water being uncommonly shallow along this coast, they were com- pelled to anchor their two lai-ge vessels at about three miles' dis- tance from the shore. They then proceeded with their Smallest vessel and all the boats in order to land at the inner harbor. It was about midday when they landed. The distance from here to the village, which was called Potonchan, might be three miles. Here they found some wells, cornfields, and stone buildings. The water casks were soon filled; but they could not succeed to get them in the boats, on account of an attack made upon them by great numbers of tlie inhabitants, in which attack Cordova received arrow wounds in no le^s than twelve different places. Diaz received three, one of which was very dangerous, the arrow having pierced to the very bone. Others of the Spaniards were wounded, and two were carried oflf alive. After they had gained their vessels, they found that fifty-seven of their men were missing, besides the two whom the Indians had carried off" alive, and five whom they had thrown overboard, who had died of their wounds and extreme thirst. The battle lasted a little more than half an hour. The spot where it took place was certainly called Potonchan. The seamen, 8 FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA. however, gave it the name of Bahea de mala Pelea (the bay of bad battle). None of the Spaniards had escaped without two, three, or four wounds. They, therefore, determined to return to Cuba, but, as most of the sailors were wounded, they had not sufiBcient hands to work the sails ; they were, therefore, forced to set fire to their smallest vessel, and leave it to the mercy of the waves, after distri- buting the sailors who were not wounded equally among the two other vessels. They had, however, to struggle with another far greater evil. This was the great want of fresh water. They now kept as close in to shore as possible, to look out for some stream or creek where they might take in fresh water. After thus continuing their course for three days, they espied an inlet, or the mouth of some river as they thought, and sent a few hands on shore, in the hopes of meeting with fresh water. But the water in the inlet was salt, and wherever they dug wells it was equally bad. They, nevertheless, filled their casks with it, but it was so bitter and salty as to be unfit for use. The water hei-e swarmed with lizards ; they, therefore, gave this place the name of Lizard's Bay (now the Bay of Terminos). They then weighed anchor, and steered in the direction of Cuba. In a consultation of the pilots it was decided that the best way to go there was to get in the latitude of Florida, that by so doing they would have a better and speedier sail to Havana. It turned out exactly as they had said. As soon as they arrived off the coast of Florida, it was deter- mined that twenty of the men who had almost recovered from their wounds should go ashore to procure water. Of that number were Diaz and the pilot Alaminos. They landed in a creek, and the pilot again recognized this coast, which he had visited ten or twelve years previously, with Juan Ponce de Leon when he discovered these countries. They had here fought a battle with the natives, and lost many of their men. The Spaniards therefore took every precaution lest the natives should also fall upon them unawares. They posted two sentinels at a spot where the stream had a considerable breadth. They then dug deep wells where they thought fresh water was likely to be found. The sea was just ebbing, and they were so fortunate as to find fresh water there. They then washed the bandages of the wounded men. A good hour's time was spent in this, and as they were on the point of re-embarking with the casks of water, one of the men whom they had placed sentinel on the coast, came running towards them in all haste, ci'ying aloud : " To arms ! to arms ! num- bers of Indians are approaching, both by land and sea." The Indians came upon them almost at the same time with the sentinel. FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA. 9 The Indians had immense-sized bows, with sharp arrows, lances, and spears — among these were some shaped like swords — while their large powerful bodies were covered with sliins of wild beasts. They made straightway for the Spaniards and let fly their arrows, and wounded six of the men at the first onset. Diaz was also slightly wounded in the right arm. The Indians, however, were received with such well-directed blows that they quitted those who had been digging the wells, and turned towards the creek to assist their companions, who, in their canoes, were attacking those left behind in the boat The latter had been forced to fight man to man, and had already lost the boat, which the Indians were towing off behind their canoes. Four of the sailors had been wounded, and the pilot Alaminos himself severely in the throat. The Span- iards, however, courageously faced the enemy and went up to their waists in the water, and soon compelled them by dint of their swords to jump out of the boat. Twenty-two Indians lay dead on the shore ; three others who were slightly wounded were taken on board the vessel, but they died soon after. Having taken the water on board the vessels, they hoisted sail and stood direct for the Havana. The day and following night the weather was most beautiful as they passed the Martyr Islands and sand banks of the same name.* They had only four fathoms where the water was deepest; their principal vessel consequently struck against rocks and became very leaky, so that all hands were engaged at the pumps without their being able to get the water under, while they every minute feared the vessel would go down. They had alternately to work the sails and pumps until they entered the port of C arena where nort^ the town of Havana stands, the latter being previously called Puerto de Carenas, and not Havana.f Tlie commander, Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, journeyed overland to San Espiritu, where he had an Indian commandery ; he, however, died of his wounds ten days after his arrival there. The rest of the men became dispersed over the island, and three died of their wounds at the Havana. The vessels were taken to Santiago de Cuba, where the governor resided. When they brought forth the treasures and curiosities they had * The islands of Cape Florida were at that time called Martyr Islands, or rather by the Spanish word that so signifies, on account of the vessels that were shipwrecked on them, and thereby the loss of so many lives. t So called because Sebastian de Ocampo here careened his vessels when he was making a circumnavigation of the island of Cuba, in the year 1507, to de- termine whether it was an island or not. 10 VOYAGE Of JUAN DE GRIJALVA TO MEXICO. collected on their voyage and related what they had discovered, these became the topics of common conversation throughout the islands of St. Domingo and Cuba; indeed, the fame thereof even reached Spain. There it was said that none of the countries which had hitherto been discovered were as rich as this, and in none had there been found houses built of stone. The earthen gods which they brought from these countries, it was said, were the remains of the ancient heathen times; others again went so far as to aflflrm that the inhabitants of tjiese countries were descendants of the Jews, whom Titus and Vespasian had driven from Jerusalem, who had been shipwrecked off this coast. Peru was then unknown and not discovered until the year 1527, and in so far the countries dis- covered were justly considered of the greatest importance.* II. THE VOYAGE OP JUAN DE GRIJALVA TO MEXICO. 1518. Captain Diego Velasquez was then governing the island of Cuba. He had gone there as the lieutenant of Diego Columbus, second admiral of the Indies, the conquest of this island was regarded as the work of his valor, and the colonies that were established there as the effect of his cares. This island being the most western of all those that had been discovered, and the nearest to the conti- nent of America, the lands of this continent were better known there ; nevertheless they still doubted whether it was an island or a continent ; Ijnt they spoke of its riches with as much certainty as if they had been assured of them by ocular witnesses. Tiie knowledge and fame of tliis country were much increased at this time by the reports of the soldiers who had accompanied Cordova in the discovery of Yucatan. Velasquez, seeing the minds of the people prepossessed with the idea of the great advantages that the conquest of Yucatan promised to him who should accom- plish it, formed the design of raising himself to the rank of gover- nor in chief; for although his dependence on the admiral Diego Columbus rested upon nothing more than a mere title, of which the * Bernal Diaz del Castillo's Discovery and Conquest of Mexico. VOYAGE OF JUAN DE GRIJALVA TO MEXICO. 11 admiral made not any use, nevertheless Velasquez found himself incommoded even by that, because a subaltern rank did not suffi- ciently sustain, in his opinion, the high hopes which lie had con- ceived, and rendered his happiness imperfect. With this view he resolved to prosecute the conquest of Yucatan.* For this purpose he selected four vessels, two of which had accompanied Cordova on his recent voyage to Yucatan. Velasquez gave the chief command to Juan de Grijalva. There were two liun- dred men, and the same three pilots that had accompanied the former voyage, and a fourth. Each pilot had charge of one of the vessels; but the first in command as chief pilot was Anton de Alaminos. The instructions which the commanders received from Velasquez were, that they should barter for as much gold and silver as they could get, and if they deemed it advisable, settle a colony, but left this entirely to their judgment. The place of rendezvous was the harbor of Matanzasf on the north coast of Cuba, not far from the old Havana; the present town of this name at that time was not built. Here the vessels were provided with provisions. On the 5th of April, 1518, the squadron left the harbor and, after passing Cape Guaniguanieo or San Anton, the western extremity of Cuba, they continued on their vo_vage until they came in sight of the island of Cozumel. The currents this time had carried the vessels further south than in the preceding voyage of Cordova. The consequence was that they now landed on the south coast of the island, where they found a good anchorage perfectly free from all rocks. They found that the inhabitants of the island spoke the same language as those of Yucatan, from which country it was distant only four hours' sail. From the island of Cozumel,'Grijalva continued his voyage the same route that Cordova had taken, and after eight days' sail arrived off the coast of Champoton. The next place he came to was the Boca de Terminos, the western limit of Cordoba's voyage. Sailing along the coast by day and lying to by niglit, on account of the shallows and rocks, and occasionally landing, Grijalva arrived at an island aljput two miles from the continent, where they found * History of the Conquest of Mexico, by Anton de Solis. t A vessel bound from the island of St. Domingo to the Luocas (Bahamas) was, during a storm, wrecked near this river and harbor. There were thirty Spaniards and two Spanish ladies. The Indians, in carrying them across the river, treacherously upset their canoes and drowned them all except three men and one woman ; hence the name Matahzas (Massacie). , 12 VOYAGE OF JTJAN DE GRIJALVA TO MEXICO. a temple* on which stopd the great and abominable-looking god Tetzcatlipuca, surrounded by four Indian pi'iests dressed in wide black cloaks, and with flying hair, who had that very day sacrificed •two boys whose bleeding hearts they had offered to the horrible idol. Upon inquiry they learned that this sacrifice liad been ordered by the people of Culua, but as it was difficult for the Indian interpreter to pronounce this word he kept constantly saying " Olua, 01ua."'f' From the fact of the commander's Christian name being Juan, and it happening to be the feast of San Juan (St. Johh), they gave this small island the name of San Juan de Ulua.f Grijalva had disembarked on the continent near this island, and had constructed huts there, from which point he had visited this island. As they had now been so long at sea, and had convinced them- selves that the country they had discovered was not an island but a continent, and as their provisions were scant and damaged, and moreover their numbers too small to make a settlement here, they determined to forward to Velasquez an account of tlie state of their affairs, and desire him to send them succors. Pedro de Alvarado was selected to go on this mission with the ship San Sebastian that had become very leaky; this vessel could be refitted there and return with succor and provisions. He also took with him all the gold they had bartered for,'the cotton stuffs presented to them by the Indians, and their sick. After Alvarado had set sail for Cuba, Grijalva and his oflScers held a consultation with his pilots, when it was determined that they should continue their voyage along the coast and push their discoveries as far as possible. They therefore weighed anchor and continued their course along the coast until they arrived at a wide projecting cape, which, on account of the strong currents, they found so difficult to double that they considered their further course now impeded. The chief pilot, AJaminos, here told the com- mander that it was no longer advisable to sail on at a venture. This matter being duly considered in council, it was unanimously agreed that they should return to Cuba, where they arrived at the port of St. lago de Cuba, the 15th of September, 1518. Velasquez was highly delighted with the additional gold that Gri- * What Diaz here calls a temple was a truncated pyramidal strncture, called by the Mexicans, Teocalli, which word means house of God : Teo, God ; calll, house. t Culua^Culuans, subjects of Monteczuma. t It still retains the name and forms the harbor of Vera Cruz, Mexico. VOYAGE OF HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. 13 jalva brought. Altogether it was ■njell worth 4000 pesos (dollars); so that, with the 16,000 brought by Alvarado, the wliole amounted to 20,000 pesos. Some make the sum greater, others less. III. THE VOYAGE OP HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. 1519. After the arrival of Alvarado with the gold which had been re- ceived in the newly discovered country, Velasquez began to fear some one at court, who might have received private information of all this, would anticipate him in forwarding to the emperor (Charles V.) the first news of this important discovery, and so rob him of the reward. He, therefore, dispatched one of his cliaplains, named Benito Martinez, to Spain, with letters and a few valuable presents to Don Juan Rodriguez FonsSca. He wrote at the same time to the licentiate Louis Zapata, and the secretary Lope Conchillos, who at that time had the control of all Indian affairs under Fonseea. Velasquez was quite devoted to these persons, and had presented them with considerable Indian villages in Cuba, with the inhabi- tants of which they worked their gold minesv But he took particu- lar care to provide for the archbishop (Fonseea), troubling- himself very little about the emperor, who was at that time in Flanders. He moreover sent his patrons a great portion of the gold trinkets which Alvarado had brought with him, for everything that was"de- termined in the imperial council of India depended upon these men. Velasquez, therefore, sought by means of his chaplain to obtain un- limited permission to fit out armaments at any time he might think proper, to make voyages of discovery, and to found colonies in the new countries, as well as in those that might hereafter be discov- ered. In the accounts he transmitted to Spain, he spoke of the many thousands of gold pesos he had already spent in like under- takings ; thereby giving «uch a favorable direction to the negotia- tions of his chaplain, Benito Martinez, that his expectations were more than fulfilled, for his chaplain even obtained for him the addi- tional title of Adelantado of Cuba. • This latter appointment, how- ever, did not arrive until the new expedition under Cortes had left. The knowledge which Velasquez had now acquired of the vast 14 VOYAGE OP HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. extent and great wealth of the newly discovered country, deter- mined him to fit out a powerful armament for its conquest and col- onization. He lost not a moment in search of the means to achieve this conquest, to which the name of New Spain gave a high reputa- tion. He communicated his design to the monks of St. Jerome, at St. Domingo, in a manner which seemed to seek their approbation. Yelasquez had already purchased some vessels and planned the preparative of a new fleet, when Grijalva had anchored in the port of San lago de Cuba. He caused to be promptly refitted the ves- sels which had been used in the voyage of Grijalva, which, with those which he had purcliased, comprised a fleet of ten vessels of eighty to a hundred tons. He Used the same diligence in arming and equipping them ; but he hesitated in the choice of the person whom he should appoint to command them. He was some days in deciding. The public sentiment was in favor of Grijalva, whose competitors were Anton and Bernardino Velasquez, near relatives of the governor, Baltazar Bermudez, and Yasco Poreallo,* a cap- tain of great renown and related to the Earl of Feria. This man, however, did not suit Velasquez. He feared his daring spirit, and was apprehensive that, once in command of the armament, he would declare himself independent of him. Velasquez knew not upon which to decide. He esteemed their merit, but he feared that such an office would beget in them ideas of independence. In this uncertainty he consulted his two confidants, Andres de Duero, secretary of the governor, and Almador de Lares, the royal treasurer. These two men, who had the entife con- fidence of the governor, and who knew him thoroughly, proposed to him Hernando Cortes, who was their intimate friend. They spoke of him in terms very reserved, in order that their counsel might not appear interested, and to make the governor believe that their friendship had not the least part in it. The pi-oposition was well received, and they contented themselves for the present with this favorable inclination of Velasquez, leaving time and reflection to do the rest, hoping with this assistance to entirely convince him in another conversation. When they returned to Velasquez, armed with new reasons to convince him, they found him wholly declared in favor of their friend, and so strongly prepossessed that Cortes was the only one * These names De Solis gives. Diaz gives Vasoo Poreallo, Augustin Bermudez, Antouio Velasquez Borrego, and Bernardino Velasquez. The three last, he says, were relatives of the governor. Vasco Poreallo accompanied De Soto to Florida, but very soon returned to Cuba, not having gone beyond Tampa Bay. VOYAGE OF HEENANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. 15 to ■whom he could confide the care of this expedition, that they dis- covered they had nothing more to do than applaud his choice. They agreed with him that it was important to declare promptly this choice, in order to free himself from the importunities of the aspirants to this oflBce; and Duero, on whom devolved the duty, in all haste drew up the commission. It was conceived in these terms : That Diego Velasquez, as governor of the Island of Cuba, and pro- moter of the discoveries of Yucatan and New Spain, appoints Her- nando Cortes captain-general of the fleet, and of the countries discovered, or which shall be discovered in the future. The friend- ship of Duero for Cortes obliged him to add to It all the most hon- orable and favorable clauses that he could imagine, in order to extend his powers under pretext of conforming to the ordinary for- malities in such instruments. This news was very soon published, and received with as much joy by those who wished to see this irresolution ended as it caused morti- fication to others who were intriguing for this oflice. Tiie two re- lations of Velasquez were the boldest in declaring their discontent. They made great efforts to create suspicion in the mind of the gov- ernor. They said to him that it was very hazardous to .grant so much confidence to a man whom he had so little obliged ; that if he would examine the conduct of Cortes he would find in it but little security, because his promises rarely conformed with the results ; that his agreeable and fiattering manners, and his liberality, were but artifices which ought to make him suspected by those who did not allow themselves to be won by only the appearances of virtue ; that he showed too much eagerness to win the affections of the sol- diers, and that friends of this sort, wlien they are numerous, they easily make partisans of; that he remembered the mortification which his imprisonment had caused him;* that they could never make real confidants of persons to whom he had given such sub- jects of complaint, because the wounds of the mind, as those of the body, left impressions which awakened the remembrance of the oflfence when the injured saw themselves in power to avenge them- selves for it. They added other reasons, more specious than sub- stantial, to the prejudice of good faith, because tiiey disguised under a show of zeal what was but pure jealousy. Nevertheless Velasquez sustained with vigor the honor of his judgment in the choice which he had made, and Cortes thought only of hastening his departure. He hoisted his standard, which * Velasquez had on one occasion imprisoned Cortes. 16 VOYAGE OF HERNANDO COETES TO MEXICO. bore the figure of the cross, with these words : " Let us follow the Cross; we shall Conquer in virtue of this sign." Tlie reputation of this enterprise and that of the general made such a noise that in a few days there were enrolled three hundred soldiers, among which were Diego de Ordaz, chief confidant of the governor, Bernal Diaz, who wrote a history of the conquest of Mexico, and others. The time of departure having arrived, orders were given to as- semble the soldiers, who embarked at noon. At night, Cortes, ac- companied by his friends, went to take leave of the governor, who embraced him and gave him many other caresses. The morning having arrived, Velasquez conducted him to the port and saw him on board his vessel. The fleet left the port of Santiago de Cuba the 18th of Novem- ber, 151^, and coasting westwardly the island of Cuba, arrived in a few days at the town of Trinidad, where Cortes had some friends, who here joined him. About this time there also arrived in the port of Trinidad a vessel, belonging to a certain Juan Sedeno, of the Havana, laded with cassava bread and^ salt meat, which were destined for the mines of Santiago. Cortes purchased the provi- sions and vessel, so that now there were eleven vessels in all. The fleet had scarcely left the port of San lago de Cuba, when those who were envious of Cortes made new eflbrts to awaken the suspieiohs of Velasquez, who finally took the resolution to break with Cortes, in taking from him the command of the fleet. He im- mediately dispatched two couriers to the town of Trinidad, with letters for all his confidants, and an express order to Francisco Verdugo, his cousin and judge royal of that city, to judicially dis- possess Hernando Cortes of the oflice of captain-general, since his appointment had been revoked and given to Vasco Porcallo. As soon as Cortes got information of this, he had a secret inter- view with Ordaz and all those officers and inhabitants of Trinidad who, he thought, might feel inclined to obey the orders of Velas- quez. To these he spoke so feelingly, and in such kind terms, ac- companied by such great promises, that they were all soon gained over to his side. Diego de Ordaz even undertook to advise Ver- dugo not to put his commands in immediate execution, and to keep them secret. He assured him that it would be impossible to de- prive Cortes of the command of the squadron, in which he had so many friends among the cavaliers, and Velasquez so many enemies. Besides, Cortes could rely upon most of the soldiers, and thus it would be useless to attempt anj-thing against him. By these argu- ments Ordaz prevented all violent measures. VOYAGE 01' HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. , lY Verdiigo, being sufficiently convinced that tliey did a wrong to Cortes, and feeling a great repugnance to become the instrument of such violence, ofl'ered not only to suspend the execution of the orders of Velasquez, but even to write to him in order to oblige him to change his resolution, which could not be executed without causing all the soldiers of the army to mutiny. Ordaz and the other officers of the array, confidants of Yelasquez, offered to do the same oflSces to Cortes, and wrote immediately Cortes also wrote, complaining of the distrust which Velasquez had manifested for him, and expressed his utter astonishment at the resolution he had taken, particularly as he had no other design than to serve God, the empero"r, and the governor. He earnestly advised him not to listen any further to his cousin Velasquez. Cortes at the same time wrote to his other friends, and in particular to his two confederates, the secretary and the royal treasurer. Cortes left it to the choice of his soldiers to proceed to Havana either by. sea or by land. Alvarado, with Diaz and fifty other soldiers and the horses, took the land route, on which they were to recruit their forces. He also sent a vessel, under Juan de Esca- lonte, in advance to the Havana. He then embarked, and pro- ceeded with the whole squadron to the same port. When the fleet arrived off the island of Pinos, the vessel of Cortes during the night ran aground, while the other vessels, being ignorant of it, proceeded on their course, and did not perceive that the com- mander's vessel was missing until the morning, when they had advanced so far that they continued on to the Havana, where they were well received by Pedro de Barba, governor under Velasquez. Five days passed away, and the vessel of Cortes did not appear ; 'they, therefore, determined to send out three small vessels in search of him ; but, two more days were spent in making this outfit, and Cor- tes still did not appear. All manner of artifices were now resorted to as to whom the command should be given until some certainty was gained in regard to the fate of Cortes, in which Diego de Or- daz, as steward over the house of Velasquez and secret observer of the movements of Cortes, was most active. The arrival of Cortes put an end to these contests. He had to discharge his vessel, in order to lighten it sufficiently to put it afloat, and then to replace a portion of the cargo ; this had been the cause of his delay. On his arrival at the Havana, the soldiers showed more true joy at the return of their general than has seldom ever been manifested for another. The number of the soldiers increased every day ; several of the inhabitants of the Havana enrolled, and among the gentlemen 2 18 VOYAGE OF HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. Francisco de Montejo, who was afterwards Adelantado of Yucatan and Honduras, and Diego de Soto, of Toro, afterward Cortes's steward in Mexico. In the mean time Cortes every day made his soldiers exercise, as well with the arqnebuse as with crossbow and pike ; be also made them practise all the different evolutions ; he instructed them him- self. He employed the same diligence in collecting provisions, and each one looked forward with pleasure to tlie time of their depart- ure, when Gaspar de Garnica, of the household of Velasquez, ar- rived with dispatches from the governor to Barba, imperatively commanding him to take from Cortes the command of the fleet, and to send him prisoner to Santiago, under a safeguard. The governor also commanded Ordaz and Juan Velasquez, of Leon, to assist Barba in executing what he had commanded. As soon as Garnica arrived, it was immediately guessed for what purpose he came. Cortes was even apprised of it by means of the very bearer himself; for one of the Brethren of Charity, who was much in company with Velasquez and greatly in favor with him, had forwarded by this same Garnica a letter to a brother of the same order, named Bartolome de Olmedo, who had joined the expe- dition. By means of this letter Cortes was apprised of the whole posture of affairs by those interested with him, Andres de Duero and Almador de Lares, tiie roj^al treasurer. A Ithotigh Cortes was a cavalier of invincible courage he did not fail to be moved by this new blow, so much the more felt as it was the least expected; for he was convinced that Velasqnez wonld have been satisfied with all that his friends had written to him in regard to the first order sent to the town of Trinidad. But on seeing arrive another armed with everything that could mark an extreme obstinacy in the mind of the governor, he began to con- sider with more attention and less sangfroid the resolution he should take. On the one side he saw himself exalted and praised by those who followed him ; and on the other pulled down and con- demned as a criminal. It was upon these reflections and in this conjuncture that the spirit of Cortes, justly irritated, took the first resolution to break with Velasquez. Seeing that it was no longer time to conceal the subjects of his complaint and that policy was no longer of any use, he resolved to make use of the forces he had at his command, according to the necessity of the conjuncture in which he might find himself. With this design he took measures to send away Ordaz before Barba should decide to publish the orders which he had received from Velasquez. Cortes was not ignorant of the efforts which Ordaz had made to have himself made VOYAGE OP HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. 19 commander in his absence, and that created in Cortes's mind a sus- picion of his fidelity. So he ordered Ordnz, wlio was the gov- ernor's steward, to embark to go and get previsions (which they had left) at Guaniguanico, a part the other side of Cape Anton, wliere Velasquez had an estate, and to await in that place the rest of the fleet. Then he went to see Velasquez de Leon, whom he easily drew into his interest. After having taken these precautions he showed himself to the soldiers, to whom he declared the new persecutions which threat- ened him. They all offered themselves to him, equally resolved to assist him ; but the soldiers appeared so exasperated that the emo- tion which showed itself in their discourse, and their acclamations gave uneasiness to Cortes, although they were made in his interest. Pedro de Barba, knojring that it would be too late to attempt to appease this spirit when it had reached its climax, sought Cortes, and, with him appearing in public, calmed everything in a moment by saying aloud that he had no intention of executing the orders of the governor, and that he should never participate in so great an injustice. Thus the menaces were turned into applause, and Barba wishing to show the sincerity of his intentions, publicly dispatched Garnica with a letter to the governor, in which he informed him that it was no time to think of arresting Cortes, followed b}- too great a number of soldiers who would not suffer any wrong to Cortes. He very adroitly exaggerated the commotion which his order had caused among the soldiers, and concluded by advising Velasquez to retain Cortes by placing confidence in him, and by adding new favors to those which he had already conferred on Mm, and that at all events it was better to hope from his gratitude what he could not obtain by persuasion nor force. Cortes, having made this dispatch, thought only of hastening his departure, which was nei/essary to appease the minds of the soldiers, who, not being entirely recovered from their irritation, showed new restlessness upon the report that was spread, that Velasquez was coming in person to insult their general. In fact, some authors say that he had taken this resolution. Cortes finally left the port of the Havana the 10th of February, 1519. When he arrived at Cozumel he reviewed his forces, and found that he had five hundred and eight soldiers, and sixteen horses, eleven vessels of different tonnage, one hundred and nine sailors, and some heavy guns and four falconets. The number of crossbow-men was about thirty-three, and of musketeers thirteen. There were also two chaplains, viz., Juan Diaz and Bartolomede Olm^do, who accom- panied the general to the end of the conquest of Mexico. 20 VOYAGE OF HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. On the 4th of March, 1519, the fleet left Cozurtiel, and on the 12th arrived at the mouth of the river Tabasco. On Holy Thurs- day of the year 1519 the whole fleet arrived in the harbor of San Juan de IJlua, where ended the voyage. On the 8th of November, 1519, Cortes for the first time entered the city of Mexico. Before Cortes set out from "Vera Cruz to march to the city of Mexico he had forwarded, July 16th, 1519, to the emperor Charles V. letters giving a complete account of everything that happened since his departure from Cuba, all the gold they had bartered for, and the presents received from Montezuma. The agents chosen to be dispatched with these to Spain were Alonzo Puerto- carrero and Francisco de Montejo. The best vessel of the squad- ron, manned with fifteen sailors, was selected to convey them. The charge of the vessel was given to two pilots, one of whom was Anton de Alaminos, from his being well acquainted with the passage through the Bahama Channel, and the first who had ventured that route. On the 16th of July, 1519,* they sailed from San Juan de Ulua, and arrived soon at the Havana. There Montejo, who had a settlement along the coast, persuaded Alaminos to sail close in shore, where he pretended he could take in a fresh supply of bread and bacon. This was done, and the night follow- ing a sailor secretly swam ashore and forwarded to Velasquez letters from his adherents, giving him an account of all that had passed. When Velasquez received these letters he immediately fitted out two small but very swift-sailing vessels well manned and armed, and gave the command of them to Gabriel de Kojas and Guzman, who were ordered to repair to the Havana, and to capture the vessels which conveyed the agents and the gold. Both vessels arrived, after two days' sail, in the Bahama roads, but upon inquiry learning tliat the wind had been constantly favorable and that the vessel must have passed, they cruised about, and discovering no trace of her, returned to Cuba. * Piaz says 26th, Cortes, 16th. EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 21 CHAPTER II. THE EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 1520. Velasquez, having now learned the substantial evidences of the wealth of the newly discovered country, the existence of the great city of Mexico, and the empire of Montezuma, regretted more than ever his failure to arrest Cortes, and was stimulated with renewed energy to put forth all his power to accomplish this purpose. With this view he gave orders to fit out ever3' ship in the island, and to enlist officers and men ; indeed, he spared no trouble ; he travelled himself from one settlement to another, and invited all his friends to join the armament. In this way he succeeded, after ten or twelve months, in collecting and equipping a powerful army and a great number of vessels. In the mean time he recefived letters from his chaplain, Benito Martinez, with the rank of adelantado in the name of the king, not only of the island of Cuba, but of all the lands discovered, or tiiat should be conquered, imder his directions. His chaplain also in- formed him of the zeal with which Fonseca defended and embraced his interest, and the incivility with wliich he received the envoys of Cortes ; but at the same time, he also told him of the favor which the emperor had shown these envoys in giving them an audience at Tordesillas, of the noise the wealth they had brought had made in Spain, and of the high opinion there conceived of the newly discov- ered country, which they valued far above all others.* The new dig- nity elevated the ideas of Yelasquez, and tlie favor which he had received from the president Fonseca augmented his presumption. The praises that had been given Cortes affected him, and although he was not sorry to see this conquest so far advanced, j'et lie could not endure that another should rob him of the credit of it, wliich he regarded as his own : putting so high a value upon the part tliat he had had in the projecting of this expedition, that he assumed the name of Conqueror without any other foundation, and believing * Peru was not then known, being discovered in 1527. The city of Mexico was taken August 13th, 1521, and the war ended. 22 EXPEDITION OF PAMEILO DE NAEVAEZ TO MEXICO. himself so absolutely master of this enterprise that he regarded all tlie exploits achieved to that time as if he had done them himself. The monks of St. Jerome,* who presided at the royal audiencia of St. Doraingo,(i) were informed of these movements and pre- parations of Velasquez by the licentiate Zuazo, their agent in Cuba. As they had supreme jurisdiction over the other islands, and as they wished to prevent the inconveniences which would re- sult from so dangerous a collision, they sent the licentiate Lucas Vasquez d'Aillon, judge of the royal audiencia, to endeavor to bring the governor to reasonable terms; and in case gentle means did not succeed, the licentiate was to show him the orders he bore, and to command him, under the heaviest penalties, to disarm tlie soldiers and the fleet, and not to bring trouble or embarrassment to the conquest in whicii Cortes was engaged, under color that it be- longed to him, or under any other pretext whatsoever. This minister, having arrived in Cuba, and found there the fleet ready to leave, and Velasquez very eager to embark the troops, endeavored to control liim in exposing to him as a friend all the rea- sons which presented tliemselves to his mind, in order to calm tliat of the governor, and to give him confidence. But as he saw that Velasquez was no longer capable of receiving good advice, because everything that did not tend to the ruin of Cortes appeared to him impracticable, he produced his orders, and had them read to him, by a clerk whom he had brought with him, which he accompanied with divers requests and protestations, but.all that could not cause Velasquez to change his resolution. Tlte title of adelantado sounded so grand in his imagination, that it appeared he would not recognize a superior in his government ; and his disobedience became a kind of ]-evolt. Aillon let pass some transports of Velasquez, without wounding his feelings, in order not to push him too far upon the precipice ; and when he saw him determined to hasten the embarka- tion, Aillon showed some desire to see a country so famous, and ofi"ered to make the voyage through pure curiosity. Velasquez gave him permission to do so, in order that they might not know too soon at St. Domingo the insolence, of his replies, and the licentiate embarked with the approbation of the whole army. Andres de Duero, who, as secretary of Velasquez, had rendered such kind service to Cortes, embarked in the same fleet. Some say that he undertook this voyage in order to take his share of the riches of his friend, in virtue of the services which he had rendered * Luis de Figueroa, Alonzo de Santo Domingo, and Benardino de Manca- iiedo. (i) For this series of references, see Appendix. EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 23 him. Others maintain that the design of the secretary was to render himself mediator between tlie two commanders, and to prevent as much as lie could the ruin of Cortes. The fleet consisted of nineteen sail, carrying fourteen hundred soldiers and sailors, eighty liorses, and forty pieces of artillery, with an abundance of provisions, arms, and munitions. There were twelwe large ships, and seven a little larger than brigantines. There were ninety crossbow-men and seventy musketeers.* Velasquez appointed to the command of this fleet a cavalier named Pamfilo de Narvaez,f a man of high stature and great bodily strength, with a voice amazingly powerful, and an imperious look in his countenance ; he was a native of Valladolid, a city of Spain ; a man of reputed ability, and of great wealth and distinction in Cuba. He was a man of merit, highlj' esteemed, but attached to his opinions, which he sustained with some asperitJ^ Velasquez gave him the rank of lieutenant-governor, reserving to himself that of governor, at least of New Spain. Narvaez also received secret instructions from the governor, who especially comnjanded him to seize Cortes and send him under a * Diaz gives in one place 18 sail, in another 19 ; he gives in one place 1300 soldiers and sailors, in another 1400 ; and he gives 40 pieces of artillery, hut also says that Narvaez had 18 pieces of artillery in front of his camp. To explain these apparent discrepancies, it must be considered that one ship was lost, on which there may have been one hundred soldiers and sailors, which would reduce the number of men (at first 1400) to 1300, and the number of vessels (at first 19) to 18. In regard to the artillery, there may have been, in addition to the 18 field pieces, 22 pieces on the vessels, including those in the vessel that was lost. Cortes says there were 10 or 12 pieces at Narvaez's quarters. Cortes's expedition consisted of 617 soldiers and sailors, 16 horses, and 11 vessels of different tonnage — from 80 to 100 tons. Diaz does not give the number of cannon. t In November, 1509, when Ojeda was about to leave the port of St. Domingo, to make a settlement on the Grulf of Uraba (Darien), he threatened Juan de Esquivel that, if ever he found him on the island of Jamaica, he would cut off his head. Notwithstanding this bravado, Esquivel proceeded to Jamaica and took possession of that island as governor for Diego Columbus, by whom he had been appointed. When Ojeda, returning from his settlement in 1510, was ship- wrecked off the coast of Cuba, Diego Ordaz, one of his companions in misfortune, went in a canoe from Cape de la Cruz, in Cuba, to the island of Jamaica, to inform the governor of that island of their misfortune. When Esquivel had heard his story, he immediately dispatched Captain Pamfilo de Narvaez with a vessel to bring the unfortunate men to Jamaica. Narvaez received Ojeda with all honor, and conducted him to Esquivel, who, notwithstanding Ojeda's former threat, received him kindly and furnished him with transportation to St. Domingo. This is the first mention I find made of Narvaez; who probably went from Jamaica to Cuba when Velasquez conquered this island in the year 1511. 24 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. secure escort to him, in order that he might receive at his hands the punishment he deserved; that he should treat in the same manner the principal officers who served this rebel, unless they should abandon him; that he should take possession in his name of all that thej' had conquered, and annex it to his government. Narvaez sailed with a favorable gale in the month of April, 1520. When the flotilla arrived off the mountains of San Martin, a fiorth wind arose, which is always dangerous on these coasts. One of the vessels, commanded by a cavalier named Christobal de Morante, of Medina del Campo, was wrecked during night-time off the coast, and the greater part of the men perished.. The other vessels, how- evei-, arrived safe in the harbor of San Juan de TJlua. This armament was, first of all, seen by some soldiers whom Cortes had sent out in search of gold mines. Three of these — Cer- vantes, Escalona, and Carretero — deserted, and did not hesitate a moment to go on board the commander's ship, and are said, as soon as they stepped on board, to have praised the Almighty for having rescued them out of the hands of Cortes and the great city of Mexico, where death stood daily before their eyes. Narvaez ordered meat and drink to be set before them, and, as their glasses were abundantly filled, Cervantes, one of them, who was a low buffoon, addressed Narvaez, exclaiming, "O Narvaez! Narvaez! what a fortunate man you are, that you arrive just at the moment when the traitor Cortes has heaped together more than 700,000 pesos, and the whole of his men are so enraged at him for his having cheated them out of the greater part of the gold, that many even disdained to accept their share." They expatiated on the general disaffection of the soldiers under Cortes, misrepresented facts, and flattered the hopes of Narvaez, who believed every syllable ' of their false relation. They informed Narvaez that, thirty-two miles further on, he would come to a town called Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, built by the Spaniards, which had a garrison of sixty men, all invalids, under an officer named Sandoval. As it was not probable that Sandoval, the governor of the settle- ment, would attempt, in the present desperate situation of affairs, to oppose so powerful an armament, Narvaez sent one Guevara, a clergyman, to receive his submission. When the priest Guevara and his companions arrived in the town, they walked straightway into the church to pray, and then repaired to Sandoval's house. After the first greetings had passed between them, the priest began his discourse by stating to Sandoval what- large sums of money Velasquez had expended on the armament which went out EXPEDITION OF PAMriLO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 25 under the command of Cortes, -who, with the whole of the men, had turned traitors to the governor ; and concluded by saying that he had come to summon him, in the name of Narvaez, whom Velasquez had appointed captain-general, to deliver up the town to him. When 'Sandoval heard this, and the expression which reflected dishonor on Cortes, he could scarcely speak from downright vexa- tion ; at length he replied : " Venerable sir, you are wrong to term traitors men who have proven themselves better servants to our emperor than Velasquez has, or your commander; and that I do not this instant punish you for this affront, is merely owing to your being a priest. Go, therefore, in the name of God, to Mexico ; there you will find Cortes, who is captain-general and chief justice of New Spain. He will answer you himself; here you had better not lose another word." At this moment the priest, with much bravado, ordered the secre- tary, Vergara, to produce the appointment of Narvaez, and read it to Sandoval and the others present. Sandoval, however, desired the secretary to leave his papers quietly where they were, as it was impossible for him to say whether the appointment was a lawful one or not. But as the secretary still persisted in producing his papers, Sandoval cried out to him : " Mind what you are about, Vergara! I have\already told you to keep your papers in your pocket ; go with them to Mexico ! I promise you, the moment you proceed to read a single syllable from them, one hundred good lashes on the spot. How can I tell whether you are a royal secre- tary or not ? First show me your appointment, and if I iind you are, I will listen to your papers. But even then, who can prove to me whether your papers are true or false ?" The priest, who was a very haughty man, then cried out, " Why do you stand upon any ceremony with these traitors ? Pull out your papers and read their contents to them." To which Sandoval answered, " You lie, you infamous priest !" and ordered his men immediately to seize the priest and his party, and carry them off to Mexico. He had hardly spoken when they were seized by a number of Indians employed at the fortifications, bound hand and foot, and thrown upon the backs of porters.* In this way they were trans- ported to Mexico, where they arrived in the space of four days, the Indian porters being constantly relieved by others on the road. * This mast not be taken literally. They were placed in a kind of palan- quin, each borne on the shoulders of four Indians, who were relieved at regu- lar stages. 26 EXPEDITION or PAMPILO DE NARVABZ TO MEXICO. Sandoval sent, by an express courier, to Cortes a letter informing him of everything that was going on at the coast, and of the name of the captain who commanded the flotilla. This letter arrived in Mexico before the prisoners, so that Cortes was apprised of their approach when they were still at some distance from the town. He immediately dispatched some men with a quantity of the best pro- visions, with three horses for the most distinguislied of the prisoners, with orders that they should be immediately released from their fetters. The priest and his companions had not been more than a couple of days with Cortes before he succeeded so well in taming them by kind words, fair promises, jewels, and barsof gold, that they who had come like furious lions, now returned to Narvaez as harmless as lambs, and offered to render Cortes every assistance in their power. Cortes now dispatched by an Indian courier, to Narvaez, a letter written in the most affectionate tone, with offers of his service to him, informing him how both he and all his men were rejoiced at his arrival in'New Spain, and particularly himself, as they were old friends. To make a good finish to the letter he begged to saj' that Narvaez was at liberty to dispose of his person and his purse, and he would wait his commands. Cortes at the same time wrote to Andres de Duero and Vasquoz de Aillon, and accompanied these letters with some gold for them- selves and his other friends. Aillon, besides this, privately received some other gold bars and chains. He also dispatched Father Olmedo to Narvaez's head-quarters with a good stock of these persuasive articles, consisting of various trinkets of gold, and precious stones of great value. The first letter which Cortes sent by the Indian reached Nar- vaez's quarters before Guevara returned there. Tliis Narvaez read aloud to his officers, and kept the whole time making merry at the expense of Cortes and his men. One of his oflBcers, named Salva- tierra, even blamed him for reading the letter of such a traitor as Cortes was, and said that Narvaez should immediately march out against him and his men and put them all to death ; that the letter ought not to be answered. In the mean time the priest Guevara and his companions had returned, and the former gave Narvaez a circumstantial account of Cortes. He spoke about the great power of Montezuma, and saint approached the towns on the banks of the river so near as to be able to discern the peo- ple from the ships ; that thej- had no stone edifices, but all their houses were of thatch, excepting that the ground on which they were built was raised to a considerable height by the labor of the hand. All this I subsequently learned more full3'- from the great lord Xuteczuma, and from certain interpreters of that country that he had with him ; whom, together with an Indian brought in those ships from that river and taken prisoner by me, I sent with other messengers from Muteczuma, that they might induce the sovereign of the river which is called Panuco, to enter the service of your majesty. And he sent them back to me with a principal person, or, as they terra him, the lord of a town, who gave me on his'part, certain cloth, precious stones, and feather-work, and said that he and all his people were willing to be subjects of your majesty, and my allies. I made him presents of various articles from Spain, with which he was greatly pleased ; so much so, that when he saw other ships of the before-mentioned Francisco de Garaj', the said lord of Panuco sent to inform me that those ships were in another river (Palmas) five or six days' journey from thence :* at the same time he gave them to understand, that if the persons in the ships were coantrymen of mine, he would give them whatever they wanted ; and accordingly carried them some women, together with chickens and other articles of food." ••Alonzo de Mendoza, a native of Medellin, whom I dispatched from this New Spain on the 5th of March of the past year, 1521, was the bearer of the second relation that I addressed to your majesty, containing an account of all that had transj>,i-ed in this country, which I finished writing on the 30th of Ootoiiti. 1520 ;t * This refers to the last expedition of Gamy ; when sailing for Panuco, his fleet was carried beyond it to the river Palmas, whence he marched hy land to Panuco, while his fleet followed along the coast. The distance here mentioned, " fire or sir days' journey," appears to indicate that the river Palmas is the same as the Santander. t The letters of Cortes are numbered, second, third, and fourth; the first, not extant, was semi on the 16th of July, 1519. The dates of Cortes' letters are as follows : The second letter is " Dated at La Villa de la Frontera, of this Xew Spain, the 30th of October, 1520." 52 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DB GARAY TO PANUCO. but on account of unfavorable weather and the loss of three ships, bj' one of which I had intended to forward m^' relation to your majesty, and by the others to send for aid to the island of Espanola, much delay arose on the part of Mendoza. In the concluding part of that dispatch I stated, that after we had been expelled from the city' of Temixtitan (Mexico), I had marc-hed against the province of Tepeaca, one of its tributaries that had joined in the rebellion against us; and that, with the assistance of the Spaniards who had survived, and our Indian allies, I had succeeded in reducing it again into subjection to your majesty." " I also informed your majesty tliat there had arrived at the port of Vera Cruz a caravel belonging to Francisco de Garay, lieutenant- governor of the island of Jamaica, in great distress, witli about thirty persons on board ; and that two other ships had sailed for the river Panuco, where the natives had attacked and routed a cap- tain of Francisco de Garay, and it was feared that if these landed there they would likewise suffer from the hostility of the natives. I also wrote to your majesty, that I had taken the precaution to dis- patch immediately a vessel in quest of those ships, to advise them of what had occurred ; and no sooner had I written this than it pleased God one of the ships should arrive at the port of Vera Cruz, in which came a captain, with about twenty-five men, who was thei'e apprised of what had befallen the other party, according to the information received from the commander himself; and I assured them that if they went to the River Panuco, they would be exposed to great danger from the Indians. Wiiile they yet la\' in the harbor, with the determination of going to that river, there arose a storm, at- tended by a violent wind, which forced the ship to depart, with the loss of its cables, and to run into a port on the coast twelve leagues above, called San Juan ;* when, after landing all the people, to- gether with seven or eight horses and as many mares, they hauled up the ship for repairs, on account of its having sprung a leak. As soon as I heard these particulars, I wrote immediately to the cap- The third letter, "From the city of ' Cuyoacan, in this New Spain of the Ocean-sea, the 15th of May, 1622." The fourth letter, " From the great city of Temixtitan, of this New Spain, the 15th day of October, 1524." Cuyoacan was. on the main land, situated on the borders of the lake and near one of the causeways leading to the city of Mexico. Cortes had, until the rebuilding of Mexico, Cuyoacan for his residence after the destruction of the city of Temix- titan, or Mexico. He dates his fourth letter from Temixtitan, his city built on the ruins of the Indian city of the same name. * St. Juan de Ulua, the present Vera Cruz. EXPEDITIONS OP ERANCISOO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. 53 tain, assuring him that I regretted very much what had occurred, and that I had sent directions to the commander at Vera Cruz, to afford every possible aid to him and the people with him, supplying them with wliatever tliey required ; and that he should ascertain their plans, and, if all or any of them wished to return in the ships that were there, he should give them leave, and allow them to depai-t freely. The captain and the people who had arrived with him determined to remain, and to join me at the place where I was ; but of the other ship we have not received any intelligence to this moment, and as much time has elapsed, we are in great doubt as to her safety."* " By an order wliich your imperial majesty, on the petition of Juan de Rivera, has granted touching the affairs of the adelantado Francisco de Garay, it appears your highness was informed tliat I had resolved to go or send to the river Panuco for the purpose of establishing peace. One reason was, tiiat tliere was reported to be a good harbor at tlie mouth of that river; and, moreover, a number of Spaniards had been killed there, as well the party sent by Fran- cisco de Garay, as another belonging to a ship that afterwards visited tliat coast, of whom not one was left alive. Some of the natives of those parts had come to me to excuse themselves for these murders, saying that they had committed them with the knowledge that the men did not belong to my company', and alleged that they had been ill-treated by them ; but they assured me that if I wislied to send any of my people there, tliey would receive them with much attention, and serve them by all means in their power; that they would be pleased to have me send them ; for they feared that some of their enemies with whom they had been engaged, would return to wreak their vengeance on them, since they were their neighbors, and had done them much mischief; but that the Spaniards whom I should order there would be able to protect them. " When these people came to me, it was out of my power to com- ply with their request, but I promised them I would do so in as short a time as possible ; whereupon they went away contented, having offered for vassals of your majesty ten or twelve towns of those nearest to the limits of the dominions of this city. A few days after they returned to me, earnestly entreating that since I had sent Spaniards to colonize other parts of tlie country, 1 would establish a colony amongst them also; otherwise, on account of their having come to me, they would receive much injury from their enemies be- longing to the same river, and those on the sea-coast, although they * Cortes' third letter, dated Cuyoacan, May 15tli, 1522. 54 EXPEDITIONS or FEANOISCO DE GARAY TO PANT3C0. were of tlie same race as themselves. In order to comply with the wishes of these persons, and to found axiolony, as I was now better supplied with men, I directed a captain to go to that river, taking a certain number of men with him ; and while he was on the eve of his departure, I learned by a ship that came from the island of Cuba, that the admiral Don Diego Columbus, and the adelantado Diego Velasquez, and Francisco de Garay, had joined their forces, and con- federated together to effect an entrance into the counti-y at that place, in order to do me, as an enemy, all the injuiy in their power. To pi-event their hostile, disposition from taking effect, and guard against any disturbance being produced by their arrival, as had happened in the case of Narvaez, I left the city, having taken all tlie precautions in my power to go in person, in order that, if they or any one of them should arrive, they might meet me before any one else, as I could better avert the danger. "Thus I departed with Qne hundred and twenty horse, three hun- dred foot, and some artillery, besides about forty thousand warriors, natives of this city and its vicinity ; and when I had arrived within the limits of the country, full twenty-flve leagues before reaching the port, in a large settlement called Ayntuscotaclan, I encountered on the road a large force of the enemy, and engaged with them ; but, on account of the great number of our allies, who came to our assistance, and the level ground, well suited for the movements of cavalry, the battle did not last long, altliough several of my horses and men were wounded, and some of our allies killed; the enemy suffered most, great numbers of them being killed, and their whole force routed. I remained there, in the town, two or three days, both to cure the wounded, and to receive the people who came to acknowl- edge themselves vassals of your majesty. They followed me to the port, and rendered us every service in their power. In no part of the route did I again encounter an enemy ; but on the other hand, as I proceeded along the road, the inhabitants came out to beg my pardon for their past offences, and to offer professions of allegiance to your highness. "Having arrived at the harbor and river, I took up my quarters in a town five leagues from the sea, called Chila, which had been depopulated and burnt, in consequence of the defeat of the eaptaia and people of Francisco de Garay at that place. From thence I sent messengers to the other side of the river, and to the lakes, on all of which were situated large towns, proclaiming to tlie inhabi- tants they need entertain no fears that 1 would make them suffer for the past, for I well knew that it was in consequence of the ill-treat- EXPEDITIONS OF TRANOISOO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. 55 ment they had received from our people that they had risen against them, for which they deserved no blame. Nevertheless none of them would come in, but they abused the messengers and killed some of them; and, as on the other side of the river there was fresh water from which we obtained our supplies, they posted themselves there, and fell upon those who went for the water. Thus I remained for more than fifteen days, thinking I could bring them over iiy kind acts, and with the hope that, seeing the good treatment of those who came in, they might be induced to follow their example ; but they had so much confidence in the security afforded by their lakes, on which they abode, that none of them would come. When I discovered that nothing was gained in this way, I began to seek a remedy ; besides the canoes that we had there from the beginning, we took others, and by means of them landed liorses and men on the other side of the river during the night, without being observed by the enemy. I passed over myself, leaving the camp carefully guarded ; and, as soon as we were discovered, a large body of the enemy came up and attacked us with greater vigor and boldness than I have ever witnessed since I have been in this country ; they killed two horses, and wounded more than ten others so badly that they were unable to go. By the aid of our Lord, however, we suc- ceeded in routing them, and pursued them about a league, when many of their number perisiied. With about thirty horse that re- mained to me, and a hundred foot, I still continued advancing, and at night lodged in a town three leagues from my camp, which was deserted by its inhabitants. In the temple of this place several articles were found that belonged to the party of Francisco de Garay, who were killed by the natives. " The next day I advanced along the coast of a lake to find a pas- sage-to the other side, where we saw inhabitants and towns ; but we spent the whole day without discovering any end to the lake, or place where we could cross it. About the hour of vespers we came in sight of a handsome town, and proceeded toward it ; it was situ- ated on the shore of the lake, and when we arrived at the place it was already evening, and no inhabitants were seen. But to insure our safety, I ordered ten horsemen to enter the town by the road to the right, while I with ten others took the other course leading down towards the lake; the remaining ten were to bring up the rear guard, and had not yet arrived. On entering the place there ■ appeared to be a great number of people concealed in ambush within the houses, in order to take us by surprise, who attacked iis with such spirit that they killed a horse, and wounded almost all the others, besides many Spaniards, They fought with great me- 56 EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. thod, and the battle lasted a long time ; although I'epulsed three or four times, they formed again each time, and kneeling upon the ground in a circle, without speaking or uttering any sound waited for us to come up, when they poured into us a shower of arrows which flew so thick that had we not been protected by armor not one of us would have escaped unhurt. At length it pleased our Lord that some of the enemy, who were nearest to the stream that flowed into the lake along which I had marched all day, threw themselves into the water, when others behind them also began to run towards the stream, and thus a general ro.ut took place, though they only fled to the other side of the river. Thus we remained until night closed in, they on one side and we on the other side of the river, which was too deep for us to cross in pursuit of thera, though we were not sorry to have them pass it. So we returned to the town, which was about a sling's throw from the river, where we remained that night as well guarded as possible, and consumed the horse the enemy l)ad killed, having no other provisions. The next day, as the inhabitants did not appear, we took a road that led to three or four towns, in which no people were found, nor anything else except some store- rooms for wine,,containing a goodly number of jars of that beverage. During that day we fell in with none of the inhabitants, and slept in the country, where we found some fields of maize, with which our men and horses were somewhat refreshed, and in this manner I pro- ceeded for two or three days, seeing no one, although we passed several towns, until overcome by the want of food (having had during all this time but fifty pounds of bread amongst us all) we returned to the camp, where I found our people in good condition, not having encountered the enemy during our absence. It immediately oc- curred to me that all the inhabitants of this quarter had gone to that part of the lake which I had been unable to cross. I therefore at ■ night embarked some men and horses in canoes to go in that direc- tion, while the bowmen and musketeers went up the lake, and the rest of the people proceeded b}' land. In this manner the combined force attacked a large town, in which many of the enemy were sur- prised and slain ; in consequence of which, finding there was no safety for them, although surrounded with water, being still liable to unexpected assaults, they began to sue for peace; and thus in about twenty days the whole countr3'- was subdued, and the inhabitants submitted themselves as vassals of your majesty. " As soon as peace had been established, I commissioned several persons to visit every part of this region, and to bring me a report of the towns and inhabitants ; when this was done, I sought for the best location that I could find, where I planted a town, with the EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GARAT TO PANUCO. 57 name of Sanlistevan del Puerto. In addition to those wlio desired to i-emain there to inhabit the town, I transferred to the place the inhabitants of several villages, and having appointed alcaldes and regidores, I left there my lieutenant as captain, together with thirty- horse and one hundred foot, and also a shallop and fishing boat, that had been sent to me from Vera Cruz, to enable them to provide themselves with supplies. A servant of ifiine had sent to me from the same place a ship loaded with meat, bread, wine, oil, vinegar, and other things, which was wholly lost ; and three of the crew yet remained on a small island in the sea, five leagues from land ; for when I afterward sent a brigantine, they were found alive, having sustained themselves by feeding upon sea-wolves (seals) and a fruit which they called figs.* " I assure your majestj'' that this expedition cost me alone more than thirty thousand pesos of gold, as can be made to appear to your majesty by the .rendition of the accounts ; and it cost my companions as much more for horses, provisions, arms, and horse- shoes, the latter being worth at that time their weight in gold, and twice their weight in silver. But when we consider tliat so great nn extent of country was reduced to your majesty's service, it appeared to us a happy result, even should a greater expense have been in- curred ; because, besides placing those Indians under the imperial sway of your majesty, a ship had afterwai'ds arrived there with many people on board, and a great supply of provisions, and discharged her cargo, which they could not have done under other circumstances ; for if peace had not been established, not a soul could have escaped. Such had been the fate of another ship, whose company were all massacred ; and we had found the faces of the Spaniards flayed in their temples ; that is to say, their skins preserved in such a manner that many of them could be recog- nized.f Even when the adelantado Francisco de Garay arrived in this country neither himself nor any who came with him would have escaped alive ; for, being compelled by stress of weather to land thirty leagues below (north) the river Panuco, where the3> lost some of their ships, and all were driven ashore in distress, they would have perislied if the people on the coast had not been at peace with-us, who took pains to conduct them to a Spanish town. Thus it is of no slight advantage to have this land in the enjoy- ment of peace."! I. * " Probably the nopal or Indian fig, the fruit of a species of cactus." t Cfflsar de Leon mentions the same custom among Indians not far from Antiocha, in New Granada, South America. t Cortes's fourth letter. 58 EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. After this, when Garay had learned the great good fortune that had attended Cortes, he resolved to fit out as extensive an armament as he possibly could, and to take command of it him- self. He accordingly fitted out a small fleet, consisting of eleven ships and two brigantines, on board of which there were one hun- dred and thirty horse, and eight hundred and forty foot, most of the latter being armed with muskets and crossbows.* As he was a man of great wealth, he spared no expense in fitting out this splen- did armament. Witii this fleet Garay left the island of Jamaica in the month of June, of the year 1523, and thence sailed into the harbor of Xagua, in the island of Cuba, where he learned that Cortes had already subdued the whole province of Panuco ; that he had founded a colony there, and that he had petitioned the emperor to unite the government of this province with that of New Spain, and appoint him viceroy. This greatly disheartened Garay ; how- ever, he weighed anchor and sailed in the direction of Panuco. He encountered very boisterous weather, so that he was driven too far north, off the mouth of the river Palmas (Santander), which he entered with his fleet on the day of S*itiago de Compostella. Here he sent on shore several of his officers, with a small detach- ment of troops, who returned with so bad an account of the country that Garay determined to leave this place, and go in search of the river Panuco. He now disembarked the whole of his men and horses, and gave the command of the fleet to an officer named Grijalva, whom he ordered to sail as close as possible to the shore, while he marched with his troops along the coast. The first two days he passed over a desolate and swampy country ; he then crossed a river and arrived in a townsliip almost deserted of its inhabitants. He then marched round a large morass, and visited several townships, everywhere meeting with the kindest reception from the inhabitants. On the fourth d&y they arrived at a very broad river, which they had no other means of crossing but by canoes which were furnished them. The horses swam across, each rider in a canoe leading his horse by the bridle ; five, however, were unfortunately drowned. They then encountered another formidable morass, which they passed with great difficulty, and so reached the province of Panuco. But here he found scarcely any provisions. To all this misery was added, that the fleet, on board of which there was abundance of food, had not arrived in the harbor, nor had any tidings of it been received. A Spaniard who had been obliged, on account of some misdemeanor, to leave the town of * Seo pagfl 60, Cortes's statement of the forces of Garay. EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. 59 Santlsteban del Puerto, informed Garay's men that there was a town not far oflf, and a country wonderfully fertile. This excited the men so much that they began to stroll about the country in small bands, plundering every place they came to, and taking the route to Mexico. G-aray, therefore, dispatched a letter to Cortes' commandant at Santisteban, who replied that Garay was at liberty to march his troops into the town of Santisteban, and he would render him every assistance in his power. His reply was perfectly satisfactory to Garay, who thereupon marched his troops close up to the town of Santisteban. In the mean time the fleet, after having lost two ves- sels in a heavy storm, came to anchor in the mouth of the harbor, and was summoned by Vallejo, the commandant of Santisteban, to ' run in, or otherwise he shoufd be obliged to treat them as pirates ; to which the captains replied, that it was no business of his where they anchored their vessels. In this posture of affairs the partisans of Cortes were carrying on secret negotiations with the troops, and particularly with the captains of the vessels, which resulted in the surrender of the ves- sels and forces of Garay to Vallejo.* The continuation of Cortes' account of Panueo: — " On my way from the province of Pauuco, there met me at a city called Tuzapantwo Spaniards, whom, together with several natives of the city of Temixtitan, and others of the province of Soconusco (which is on the upper part of the coast of the South Sea, towards where- Pedrarias Davila, a governor of your highness, resides), I had sent to certain cities, of which I had long heard, called Utlatlan and Guatemala, distant two hundred leagues from this great city of Temixtitan, and seventy leagues beyond the province of Soconusco. With these Spaniards came about a hun- dred natives of those cities, by the command of their caciques, offei-ing themselves as vassals and subjects of your imperial high- ness, whom I received in your royal name ; and I assured them that so long as they proved true to their professions, they would be well treated and favored by me and those associated with me. I gave them presents for themselves and their lords, and I determined to send with them two other Spaniards in order to make the necessary provisions for their journey. Since then I have been informed by some Spaniards whom I have in the province of Soconusco, that those cities, with their provinces, and another called Chieapan, in their neighborhood, no longer entertain the loyal disposition they at * Diaz. 60 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GAR AT TO PANUCO. first manifesteti, but have even annoyed some towns of Soconusco, because they i are friendly to us. On the other hand, however, the Christians write that they have sent messengers to them, and that they disclaim those acts, which they say were committed by others ; and in order to ascertain the ti'utii of the matter, I have dispatched Pedro de Alvarado with more than eighty horse and two hundred foot, amongst whom are many bowmen, musketeers, and four pieces of artillery, wit!i an abundance of munitions and powder. At the same time I have fitted out a naval ai-mament, under the command of one Cristobal D'Olid, who came over from Cuba with me, to coast along the North Sea, and establish a colony at the point or cape Hibueras [Honduras], sixty leagues from the Bay of Ascen- sion, which is to the windward of what they call Yucatan, and on the coast above Terra Firma, towards Darien. " While these two captains were on the point of setting forth on their respective routes, a messenger arrived from Santistevan del Puerto, the town I iiad settled on the river Panuco, who brought me advices from the alcaldes of that place, that the adelantado Francisco de Garay had arrived at that river with a force consisting of one hundred and twenty horses, four hundred foot, and much ar- tillery, and that he bore the title of governor of the country, as he had informed the natives, by means of an interpreter he brought with him, to whom he had announced his intention to avenge the wrongs they had suffered from me in the past war, declaring to them that they should go with him to drive out the Spaniards I had posted there, and any others I should send ; in all which he said lie would aid them, and many other scandalous things, which had produced some disturbance amongst the natives.* They added that, in confirmation of my suspicions of a confederacy between him and the admiral [Diego Columbus] and Diego Velasquez, a ship had arrived in the river, a few days after, ft-om the island of Cuba, in which came certain friends and servants of Diego Velas- quez, and a servant of the bishop of Burgosf (the latter being said to have been appointed factor of Yucatan), nearly the whole party consisting of servants and relatives of Diego Yelasquez, and ser- vants of the admiral. As soon as this intelligence reached mc, although I was suffering from an injury to my arm, occasioned by a fall from a horse, and kept my bed, I determined to go and meet * Though Diaz mentions much the same, yet it has the appearance of exag- geration ; but, if true, it exalts so much the more the magnanimous conduct of Cortes to Garay when the latter was overwhelmed with misfortimes. f PonsBca, the evil genius of Christopher Columbus and Cortes, and a char- acter of the type of Pedrarias. EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANTJOO. 61 him, in order to prevent any disturbance, and I immediately sent forward Pedro de Alvarado, ^itli all the force prepared for his in- tended expedition, proposing to set out myself in two days. When my bed and everything were already on the road, and had readied a place ten leagues from this city, where I was to go the next day to sleep, there arrived a messenger from the town of Vera Cruz about midnight, who brought me letters, i-eceived by a ship arrived from Spain, containing an order, signed with the royal name of your majesty, commanding the said Francisco de Garay to desist from any interference on that river where I had established a colony, as your majesty's service was promoted by my holding it in j'our royal name. On the reception of this order my journey was at an end, which was not a little advantage to my health, as I had not slept for sixty days (six days?) and suflered much pain. Had I gone at that time my life would have been in danger ; but I did not regard this, esteeming it better to die on that journey than, by sav- ing my life, to be the cause of great scandal and sedition, and of the loss of many lives, which would be much poised about. I immedi- ately dispatched Diego D'Ocampo, alcalde mayor, with the order, to follow after Pedro de Alvarado, for whom I gave him a letter directing him by no means to approach the place where the adelan- tado's people were, lest it should give rise to some disturbnnce. I also directed the alcalde mayor to notify the adelantado of the order and immediately inform me of his answer. "The alcalde mayor departed with the greatest possible haste, and reached the province of Guastecas, through which Pedro de Alvarado had passed, who had already gone into the interior of the country. As soon as Pedro de Alvarado heard of the arrival of the alcalde mayor, and that I had remained at home, he informed him that a captain of Francisco de Garay, named Gonzalo D'Ovalle, was rav- aging the towns of the province with twenty-two horse, and creating some disturbance amongst the people; that he had placed scouts along the road where Alvarado would have occasion to pass, which led the latter to believe that D'Ovalle meant to attack him ; and in consequence thereof Alvarado had placed his troops in the best order, until he ariived at a place called Laxas, where he found D'Ovalle, with his men, with whom he had at once obtained an in- terview, when be told him that he was acquainted with his move- ments, which had excited his surprise ; since the intention of the governor and his captains neither was, nor had been, to attack them or do them any injury, but rather to favor them, and provide what- ever their necessities might require ; that, since this was so, in order that they might feel secure, and no offence be offered on one side or 62 EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DB GARAT TO PANUCO. the other, he begged it as a favor that the arms and horses of his men should be deposited with him until matters were finally' settled. Whereupon Gonzalo D'Ovalle disclaimed what had been alleged concerning his movements, but professed a willingness to do as was proposed ; so the two captains and most of their men came together without any feelings of hostility, or distrust, and siiared with one another their food and means of enjoyment. As soon as the alcalde mayor knew this, he sent a secretary of mine, that he had taken witli him, named Francisco d'Orduna, to the place where the cap- tains Pedro de Alvarado and Gonzalo d'Ovalle were encamped, with an order to take up the deposit and restore the arms and horses to each one, informing them that it was my intention to assist and be- friend them in every way their necessities might require, without giving any uneasiness or disturbing the country by our dissensions. At the same time the alcalde mayor sent another order to Alvarado, bidding him grant them every indulgence, and not to interfere in anj' way with their affairs, or cause them any trouble, with which he accordingly complied. " At this time the ships of the adelantado lay at the mouth of the river Panuco, near the sea, in an offensive attitude towards the in- habitants of the town of Santistevan, which I had built there ; but it was three leagues up the river to the place where the ships that arrived at the port were accustomed to anchor. On this account Pedro de Vallejo, my lieutenant in the town, in order to guard against any danger from the ships, required their captains and mas- ters to ascend to the harbor, and anchor there in a peaceable man- ner, without disturbing the country; at the same time directing that if they had any orders from your majesty to enter or settle the country, or of any other purport, they should exhibit them, and promising to obey them, when exhibited, in relation to whatever your majesty should command. To this requisition those oflScers gave a formal answer, the conclusion was that they refused to do what was required by the lieutenant. The latter, therefore, issued a second order of a similar character, directed to the same officers, to which a penaltj' was added ; to this they replied as before. Thus they remained with their ships for more than two months at the mouth of the river, giving rise to difficulties among the Spaniards who re- sided there, as well as among the natives. At length one Castro- mocho, master of one of the ships, and Martin de San Juan G-uipus- cuano, master of another, sent privately their messengers to the lieutenant, informing him that thej' desired peace, and would obey the commands of the magistrate ; they wished, therefore, the lieu- tenant to come on board the two ships, where thej- would receive EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE QAEAT TO PANUCO. 63 liim and comply with his orders ; adding that they would find means to induce the other ships to adopt the same course. The lieutenan't, therefore, resolved to go, with only five men, to those ships ; and wlien he reached them he was received by the masters ; from thence he sent to the captain Juan de Grijalva, the commander of the whole armament, who was on board the flagship, requiring him to yield obedience to the orders of which the lieutenant had before given him notice. He not only refused, but directed the other ships to join his own, and, when they all had collected around tlie flagship, ex- cept the two before mentioned, he ordei-ed the captains to fire their guns upon the two ships until they sunk them. As the order was publicly given iu the hearing of all, the lieutenant commanded tlie guns of the two ships to be got ready in their defence, whicli was accordingly done. At this moment the oflRcers of the ships around the flagship refused to obey the orders of Grijalva, and in the mean time Grijalva sent a notary, named Vicente Lopez, to the lieutenant; after he had delivered his message, the lieutenant answered, justify- ing the course he had taken, and declaring that he had come with pacific intentions, in order to prevent difficulties that would ensue from the ships lying outside of the harbor in wliich it was customary for vessels to anchor, being like pirates in a suspicious place, as if for the purpose of making a descent upon his majesty's territory, which had an unfavorable appearance ; with other remarks of a similar character. Such was the eflect of the interview on the notary, that he returned with the answer to Captain Grijalva, and informed him of all the lieutenant had said, at tlie same time en- deavored to induce the captain to obey his orders, since it was evi- dent that the lieutenant was a magistrate appointed bj' your majesty for this province, whereas Grijalva knew that neither on the part of Francisco de Garay nor his own had any order as yet been pro- duced which the lieutenant and the other burghers of Santistevan were bound to recognize ; and that it was a very ugly business for them to approach the territory of your imperial majesty with their ships, like pirates. Influenced by these arguments. Captain Gri- jalva and the officers of the other ships submitted to the orders of tlie lieutenant, and went up the river to the usual anchorage ground. When they had arrived within \he harbor, the lieutenant directed Grivalja to be arrested on account of his disobedience of orders. But when my alcalde mayor heard of his arrest, he immediately, on the day after, commanded him to be set a liberty, and, together with the rest of the party, to be kindly treated, forbidding anything be- longing to them to be touched ; which order was accordingly carried into effect. 64 EXPEDITIONS OF^ FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. " The alcalde mayor also wrote to Francisco de Garay, who was in another port ten or twelve leagues distant, informing him that 1 was unable to visit him, but that 1 had sent him with full powers to settle our affairs by examining the authority under which each acted, and making such a conclusion as would best promote the service of your majesty. As soon as Francisco de Garay saw the letter of the alcalde mayor, he immediately came where he was, and was well received, both he and bis men being well supplied with whatever their necessities required. Both then conferred together and examined the several orders, especially the one your majesty had done me the favor to grant, when the adelantado professed his willingness to acquiesce, and agreed to take his ships and men and seek some other place for his colony beyond the limits designated in your majesty's order. He also requested that, as my disposition was friendly towards him, the alcalde mayor would assist him in collecting his people, as many of those he brought with him desired to remain behind, and others were out of the way; and, likewise, that he would enable him to obtain the necessary supplies for his ships and men. The alcalde mayor immediately provided every- thing he asked, and made proclamation in the port, where were most of those attached to either party, that all persons who had arrived in the armada of the adelantado Francisco de Garay should follow and rejoin him, under the penalty, if a cavalier, of losing his arms and horse and being surrendered a prisoner to the said adelan- tado ; and, if a foot soldier, of receiving a hundred lashes and being surrendered in like manner. " The adelantado also requested the alcalde mayor, in consequence of some of his men having sold their arms and horses in the port of Santistevan and elsewhere, 'that he would cause them to be re- turned, since his people would be of no use to him without their arms and horses; and the alcalde mayor had proclamation made in all parts where the arms or horses of the people might be, and caused those who had purchased them to return them all to the said adelantado. At his desire also, the alcalde mayor stationed alguazils on the roads to arrest the fugitives and deliver them up prisoners, many of whom were accordingly taken and delivered into custody. He also sent the alguazil maj'or with one of my secretaries to the town and port of Santistevan, for the purpose of using similar diligence in making proclamation, and collecting the people who were absent and delivering them up, as well as to obtain supplies to the greatest possible extent for the ships of the adelan- tado. All this was effected with the greatest diligence, and the adelantado set out for the port to embark ; but the alcalde mayor EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUOO. 65 remained behind with his people,in order not to increase the number at the port, and the better to furnish the sujiplies of provisions ; and he continued there six or seven days to see that all his orders were obeyed, as there was a deficiency of provisions. He then wrote to the adelantado to know if he had any commands, as he was about to return to the city of Mexico, where I. resided. The adelantado immediately sent a messenger to him, by whom he repre- sented that he found himself in no condition to depart ; that he had lost six of his ships, and those he retained were unfit for service ; and that he was engaged in drawing up a statement of the case, in order to apply to me, since he had not the means to enable him to leave the country. He also represented his people as disputing liis authority over them, and denying their obligations to follow him, having appealed from the orders of my alcalde mayor, with which they contended they were not obliged to comply for sixteen or seventeen reasons that they assigned. One of these was, that some of those who accompanied him had died of hunger; with others of no great weight, which they addressed to him personally. He likewise stated that all the diligence used in detaining his men proved of no avail ; that tliose who were with him at night disap- peared in the morning, and those one daj-^ delivered up as prisoners regained their liberty the next day ; and that two hundred men had deserted in one night. Finally, he begged in the most piteous terms that the alcalde mayor would not set out until he iiad arrived, for he wished to accompany him for the purpose of meeting me at this citj-, and that, if he left him behind, he thought he should hang himself from vexation. " The alcalde mayor^ on seeing his letter, resolved to wait for him ; he arrived in two days, as he had written ; when a messenger was dispatched to me, by whom the alcalde mayor apprised me of tlie adelantado's coming to see me in this city, and said that they would travel slowly until they reached the town of Cicoaque, within the limits of these provinces, where he would await my answer. The adelantado also wrote me, describing the miserable condition of his ships and the bad conduct of his men, and declaring his belief that I had it in my power to remedy his difficulties, by providing him with men and other things of which he was in want, but that he knew he could not expect assistance from any other quarter; he had, therefore, determined to come to me in person. At the same time, he offered me his oldest son, together with all that he possessed, and hoped tiiat he should be able to make him my son-in-law, by marrying him to my little daughtfer. . . . After this, they set out and reached the town of Cicoaque, where the alcalde mayor received 5 66 EXPEDITIONS OP FEAN0I80O DE GAKAT TO PANXICO. my answer to his letter, in which I expressed my satisfaction at tlie coming of tlie adelantado, assuring him that, on his arrival in tins city, I would treat with him with the greatest good will on all the subjects mentioned in his letter, and that everything should be done conformable to his wishes. At the same time, I took care that every provision should be made for his personal wants on the road, directing the caciques of the towns through which he would pass to furnish everything in the most ample manner. When the adelantado arrived in this city, I received him with all the kindness, botli in word and deed, that I could show to a real brother, for I was truly grieved for the loss of liis ships and the desertion of his men, and freely offered to do all in my power for his relief. As the adelantado had expressed a strong desire for the fulfilment of what he had written to me respecting the marriage before mentioned, and importuned me with great earnestness on the subject, I determined to comply with his wishes by having drawn up, with the consent of both parties, and much formality, under oath, certain articles for the conclusion of the marriage and the performance of the agreements on both sides. Thus, besides the feelings inspired by our old friend- ship, the connection entered into by our children gave rise to others, producing a mutual good will and a desire to promote the welfare of one another, and especially of the adelantado.* " I have already related to your Catholic Majesty the great exer- tions made by my alcalde mayor to collect the dispersed people of tlie adelantado ; those efforts, however, proved insuflScient to re- move the disaffection that prevailed amongst them all ; for believing that they would be compelled to go with him, in obedience to the order and proclamation that had been made, they retired into the interior of the country, and dispersed themselves about in different places, in small parties of three or six persons, with such privacy that it was impossible to discover their retreats or bring them in. * When Qaray had approached within a short distanue of Mexico, Cortes went out to meet him. Cortes gave him his own new palace to live in, and conversed with him about the posture of affiairs at Santistevan. It was at length settled that Garay should continue commander-in-chief of his fleet, and that he should colonize the country on the river Palmas. By these bright prospects, Garay's spirits were again revived. As Cortes was making great alterations in his palace, Garay soon after inhabited the house of Alonzo Valla- nueva, who was an intimate friend of his. Narvaez was still in Mexico at this time, and renewed his former friendship with Garay. And Garay soon after even begged Cortes to grant Narvaez and his wife permission to return to the island of Cuba. Cortes not only granted tliis request, but also gave Narvaez 2000 pesos to defray the expenses of his voyage. — Bernal Diaz. EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. 67 This state of things led to difficulties with the Indians of the pro- vince ; the sight of the Spaniards scattered in various directions, and the disorders coramitted by them in seizing the native women and their supplies of food by force, with other outrages and irregu- larities, caused the whole land to rise, in the belief that the Span- iards were under separate leaders, as the adelantado had proclaimed, on his arrival in the country, through an interpreter whom the In- dians could understand. The natives had cunning enough to inform themselves first how and where the Spaniards were to be found, and then fell upon them by night or day in the villages where they were dispersed ; and by this means, taking them unawares and unprovided with arms,tliey destroyed great numbers of them. Thus their bold- ness rose to such a height tliat they appeared before the town of Santistevan del Puerto, and attacked it with so much spirit that the inhabitants were alarmed lest the place should fall into their hands; as it would have done had not the people been prepared J;o receive them, rallying together at a point where resistance could be offered in the most effectual manner, from which they made several sallies upon the enemy and put them to rout. When affairs had reached this pass, I received news of what had taken place by a messenger, a foot soldier, who had escaped by flight from these scenes of dis- order, and informed me that the whole province of Panuco had re- volted, and that many Spaniards had been slain, especially of the men left there by the adelantado, together with some of the inhabi- tants of the town ; and from the extent of the insurrection, I was led to believe that not a Castilian had been left alive. God our Lord knows what were my feelings on the receipt of this intelligence, especially when I reflected that no part of this country had cost us so much as that which we were now on the point of losing. The adelantado was so much affected by the news, as well on account of his appearing to have been the cause of the disaster, as from his having a son and all that he possessed in that province, that his grief caused him to be siezed with an illness of which he died three days after.* " The Spaniard who brought the first news of the revolt of the Indians of Panuco, gave no other account of what had taken place * On Christmas eve of the year 1523, Garay accompanied Cortes to church to attend midnight mass performed hy_Pathei" Olmedo ; after mass they both re- turned home in high spirits, and sat down to breakfast, when it appears that Garay, who was not in very good health, caught cold, by standing in a draught, which ended in pleurisy accompanied by a violent fever. Though physicians attended him, the disease continually grew worse, so that he died four days after. — Diaz. 68 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GAEAY TO PANUCO. than that he, with three cavaliers and a foot soldier, had been at- tacked while entering a town called Tacetuco [' Tanjuco']* V the inhabitants of that place, who killed two of the cavaliers and the foot soldier, with the horse of the otiier cavalier, who had himself escaped together with our informant under cover of the night; and that they had seen consumed by Are the quarters occupied bj' the lieutenant in that town with fifteen iiorsemen and forty foot, where they were expected, and from the appearances there exhibited he believed all of them had been slain. "In order that your majesty might be more particularly informed of what subsequently occurred, I waited six or seven days after olitaining the first news to receive further intelligence; in which time there arrived another messenger from the lieutenant, who remained in the town of Tenertequipa, which is subject to this city, and situ- ated on the line dividing tlie Mexican territory from that province. The latter wrote me that he was in the town of Tacetuco with fifteen horse and forty foot, expecting the arrival of more men who were to join his force; as he was going to the other side of the river to re- duce certain towns that proved liostile; and that during the night, just before dawn, his quarters were surrounded by a multitude of Indians, who set them on fire ; that they mounted their horses, but with so much iiaste, being taken by surprise, supposing the place to be loyal, as it had been till then, that all were killed except himself and two other cavaliers, who escaped by flight. His liorse had been slain, but one of the cavaliers had taken him up on iiis horse behind himself, and they had thus made their escape. Two leagues from that place they had fallen in with an alcalde of the town, and several people, from whom they received shelter, but did not stop long, for they fled in company with him out of the province. He had gained no intelligence of the people left in our colony, nor of those of Francisco de Garay, who were scattered in difierent directions, none of wiiom he believed remained alive ; for after the adelantado came there with his company, and told the natives of that province that I had no business with them, as he was the governor whom they ought to obey, and encouraged them to unite with him in driving out of the country the Spaniards who were there under.my authoritjr, they had annoyed the colony and the people I had sent to it, and were never * " Tanjuoo is now a small Indian village on the Panuoo, one hundred and twenty-seven miles from its mouth by the course of the river, and about half that distance by land. Here Captain Lyon (in 1826) heard the Guasteca lan- guage spoken. Journal, etc., I. 75. This Intelligent traveller made a particular examination of the river Panuoo, the results of which appear in the appendix to his journal." EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GAEAY TO PANUCO. 69 afterwards willing to serve a Spaniard. They had murdered some whom'they met alone on the public roads, and I believe had all acted in concert in what tliey had done; for they had attacked the lieu- tenant, and the people who were with him, and probably the inhabi- tants of the town, and all the rest who were dispersed about the villages, unsuspicious of any insurrection, as the natives had until then served them without the slightest symptoms of ill blood. "Having satisfied myself, by this fresh intelligence, of the exist- ence of a rebellion amongst the natives of that province, and of the murder of several Spaniards, I ■ dispatched, with the greatest pos- sible expedition, a force consisting of fifty cavaliers and one hundred foot, including bowmen and musketeers, together with four pieces of artillery, much powder, and other munitions, under the command of a Spanish captain [Gonzalo de Sandoval], accompanied by two natives of this city, each at the head of fifteen thousand of their countrymen. I directed the captain to march with the utmost speed to that province, and exert himself to enter it without stop- ping anywhere, unless it should be absolutely necessary, until he arrived at the town of Santistevan del Puerto, in order to obtain intelligence of the inhabitants and people who had been left tliere ; for it might be that they were invested by the enemy, and in want of succor. The captain according]}' took up his line of march with all possible expedition, and entered the province. He encountered the enemy at two places, but God our Lord granting him the vic- tory, he pursued his way until he reac^hed the town, where he found twenty-two of the cavalry and one hundred foot besieged by the enemy, with whom they had fought six or seven engagements ; by means of their artiller}' they had so far succeeded in the defence of the place, although unable to hold out much longer even with the greatest exertions in their power; and if the captain I had sent there had delayed his march three days, not one of them would have survived, for they were already perishing with famine. They had sent to Vera Cruz one of the vessels belonging to Francisco de Garay, to carry me intelligence of their situation (as there was no other way), and to bring them provisions, which they obtained, but not until after they had been relieved by the force I sent. It was ascertained that the people left by the adelantado Francisco de Garay, in a town called Tamiquil, amounting to about a hundred Spanish foot and horse, had been all cut off, except one Indian of the Island of Jamaica, who escaped by taking refuge in the moun- tains. From him they learned that the place had been taken in the night. It was found that there had perished two hundred and ten of the adelantado's people, and forty-three of the citizens left by 10 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUOO. me in Santistevan, who at the time of the massacre wei'e visiting tlie villages that had been intrusted to their care. I am inclined to believe that there were even more of the adelantado's people, all of whom were not recollected. " The force in the province, including the division under the cap- tain, and the troops with the lieutenant and alcalde, together with those found in the town, comprised only eighty horse,* and, being distributed into three detachments, carried the war with such vigor against the enemy, that about four hundred of the caciques and principal persons were taken prisoners, without reckoning any of the lower class ; all of whom, I mean tiie principal persons, were burned, according to the sentence of the magistrate, after they had confessed themselves to have been the instigators of the whole war, each one admitting that he had been present at the death of Spaniards, and concerned in killing tiiem. This done, the others who had been made prisoners were set at liberty and restored to their villages ; and the captain appointed new caciques in tlie vil- lages, from amongst the persons to whom the succession belonged according to their rules of inheritance. At this time I received let- ters from the captain and others who were with him, assuring me (blessed be our Lord !) tliat the whole province had been restored to peace and security. "f * Besides thirty thousand Mexican allies, according to Cortes's previous state- ments. See, the whole force, on page 69. t From Cortes's fourth letter, dated, "From the great city of Temixtitan, of this New Spain, the 15th day of October, 1524." These letters, under the title of " The Dispatches of Hernando Cortes," were translated into English from the original Spanish, by George Folsom, secretary of the New York Historical So- ciety, Member of the American Antiquarian Society, etc. Some, if not all of the surviving followers of Francisco de Garay, were sent by Cortes to forip a colony in Honduras, as appears from Bernal Diaz. JUAN PONCE DE LEON. 11 CHAPTEE IV. JUAN PONCE DE LEON— DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA. 1509-1521. Columbus discovered Porto Rico in 1493, and changed the name of Boriquen, which the Indians gave it, to that of John the Baptist. He stopped there some days, in a bay to the west. This island was neglected until 1508. When Juan Ponce de Leon, about the year 1509, conquered the island, he founded a town upon the borders of the sea, in a place very convenient for vessels, to which he gave the name of Porto Rico. .The island has, in consequence, taken the same name.* Juan Ponce de Leon was a native of Leon, in Spain. From an early age, he had been schooled to war, and had served in various campaigns against the Moors of Granada. He accompanied Co- lumbus on his second voyage, in 1493. Having distinguished him- self in various battles with the Indians, and acquired a name for sagacity as well as valor, he received a command subordinate to Juan deEsqnibal in the campaign against Higuey,'j' and so valiantly seconded his chief in that expedition that, after the subjugation of the province, he was appointed to the command of it as lieutenant; of the governor of Hispaniola. He had not been long in tranquil command of the province of Higuey before he began to cast a wist- ful eye towards the green mountains of Boriquen, which was but -twelve or fourteen leagues distant. The Indians of the two islands frequently visited each other, and in this way Ponce received intelli- gence that the mountains of Boriquen abounded in gold. He asked of the governor Ovando permission to visit it, and having obtained it, he equipped a caravel, and embarked for it with about a hundred armed soldiers. He landed upon a coast which belonged to a ca- cique, named Agueyh^na, who was the richest and most powerful of the island. The Spaniards were received with great marks of friendship. The cacique, believing that he could not better prove it * Richer. ] The most easterly province of Hispaniola or St. Domingo, and also the name of the Indian chief who ruled it. 72 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. to them than in adopting the name of him wlio appeared to be their general, caused himself to be named Juan Ponce Agueyhana, He conducted his guests into all parts of the island, and upon the bor- ders of two rivers (Manatuabon and Zebuco), whose sands were min- gled with much gold. Ponce then hastened to carry this happy news to Ovando. He left a part of his people on the island, who were very well treated by the natives during his absence. As soon as he arrived at San Domingo, he solicited of Ovando the government of the island of Boriquen, which was granted him. He then, preparatory to the conquest of the island, made a visit there to make himself acquainted with the nature and resources of the inhabitants. He found the companions whom he had left there in good health and spirits, and full of gratitude towards Agueyhana, who had treated them with undiminished hospitality. After remain- ing some time on the island, he returned to San Domingo, but to his surprise he found the whole face of affairs had changed during his absence. The governor Ovando had been recalled to Spain, and Diego Co- lumbus, son of the renowned discoverer, appointed in his place; besides a cavalier, Christoval de Sotomayor, already arrived from Spain, empowered by the king to form a settlement, and build a fortress on the island of Porto Rico. Diego Columbus was highly displeased with this act of the king, as derogatory to his preroga- tive, as viceroy, to b? consulted as to all appointments made within his jurisdiction. He therefore refused to put Sotomayor in posses- sion of the island, and paid as little respect to the claims of Juan Ponce de Leon. He chose officers to suit himself, appointing Juan Ceton to the government of Porto Rico, and Miguel Diaz to be his lieutenant. Ponce and Sotomayor bore their disappointment with a good grace, and, in hopes of improving their fortunes, joined the crowd of adventurers who accompanied the new governor to the island. New changes soon took place, for when Ovando, on his return to Spain, made favorable representation of the merits and services of Ponce, the king appointed him governor of Porto Rico, and signified specifically that Diego Columbus should not presume to displace him. Ponce then, 1509, fitted out quite a considerable armament and repaired there, but he did not find as much facility in establishing himself there as he had anticipated. Agueyhana had died durin" his absence, and his brother did not like the Spaniards as much as he. Nevertheless, Ponce commenced building a town, called Caparra, which he founded on the northern side of the island, about a league from the sea. It was in front of the port called Rico, JUAN PONCE DE LEON. IS which subsequently gave its name to the island. The voad to this town was up a mountain, through a dense forest, and so rugged and miry that it was the bane of man and beast. Ponce, being firmly seated in his government, began to distribute the natives into reparti- mientos, as had been done in the island of St. Domingo. Then the gentleness of the Indians was changed into rage. However, they still regarded the Spaniai-ds as gods descended from heaven, which restrained them ; but they sought every possible means to deliver themselves from a yoke which was insupportable to them. They assembled secretly, and decided that it was necessary to ICnow positively if the strangers were immortal. One of the caciques, named Brayau or Brayoan, was charged with this commission. He soon- acquitted himself of it. A young Spaniard, named Saliedo or Salzedo, travelled to his house and remained there several days to rest himself. When he wished to leave, Brayau had him accom- panied by several Indians, whom he charged to carry his pack, and to aid him on the difficult roads. Having arrived at a river, an Indian, charged with secret orders by the cazique, took him upon his shoulders to carrj' him across the stream ; but, when he arrived in the middle of the river, he allowed himself to fall with the Span- iard. The other Indian who accompanied him then joined him to prevent the Spaniard from rising. When they perceived tliat he no longer moved, the^' drew his body upon the shore. Nevertheless, fearing that he was not dead, they made excuses to him for having let him swallow so much water, protesting that this accident grieved them, and that they had made all haste to assist him. While they held this discourse they did not cease to turn him, and to observe if he gave any signs of life. They remained three days witlf the dead body performing this comedj'. Finally, seeing that the corpse began to putrefy, they went to inform Braj'au of what had happened. He wished to convince himself personally of the fact, to inform tiie other caziques of the island. The islanders, undeceived of the pretended immortality of the Spaniards, resolved to make way with them. Their precautions were so well taken that they surprised the Spaniards without defence, and massacred about a hundred of them before the others knew the danger that threatened them. In arranging the massacre of those within his own domains, Agueyhana assigned to one of the inferior caziques the task of surprising the village of Sotomayor, giving him three thousand warriors for that purpose. He was to assail the village at midnight, to set fire to the houses, and to slaughter all the inhabitants. He, however, proudly reserved to himself the honor of killing Soto- mayor. This cavalier had won the affections of the daughter of an 74 JTJAN PONOE DE LEON. Indian chief. She had heard enough of the war council to learn that Sotomayor was in danger. She told him all that she knew and feared, and warned him to be upon his guard ; but Sotomayor disregarded her warnings. About the same time, a Spaniard versed in the language and cus- toms of the natives had observed a number of them gathering together one evening, painted and decorated as for battle. Suspecting some lurking mischief, he stripped and painted himself in their manner, and, favored by the darkness of the night, mingled among them undiscovered. They were assembled around a fire, performing tiieir mystic war-dances. They repeatedly mentioned the name of Soto- maj'or. The Spaniard withdrew unperceived, and hastened to apprise Sotomayor of his danger, who, revolving during the night the warnings which he had received, determined to repair in the morning to Caparra, the stronghold of Ponce. But in the morning he had the imprudence to ask Agueyhana for Indians to carry his baggage, and departed slightly armed, accompanied by only three Spaniards. " The cazique watched his departure, and set out shortly after- wards with a few chosen warriors, dogging his steps at a distance tiirongh the forests. They had not proceeded far when they met a Spaniard named Juan Gonzalez, who spoke the Indian language. They immediately assailed him and wounded him in several places. He threw himself at the feet of the cazique, and implored his life. The chief spared him for the moment, being eager to overtake Sotomayor. He stealthily approached him through the forest, and, suddenly rushing with his warriors upon him, gave him a blow with his war-club that felled him to the earth, when he was quickl^ dis- patched with repeated blows. The Spaniards that accompanied him sliared the same fate. When Agueyhana had glutted his vengeance on this unfortunate cavalier, he returned in quest of Juan Gonzalez. But the latter had recovered sufficiently from his wounds to climb a tree and con- ceal himself among its branches. Fortunately, his pursuers did not think of looking up into ti»e tree, but after searching all the sur- rounding forest gave up the search and left. But Gonzalez, though they had departed, did not venture from his concealment until night. He then descended and made the best of liis way to certain Span- iards, where his wounds were dressed, when he immediately repaired to Caparra, and Informed Juan Ponce de Leon of the danger that threatened him. In the mean time, the savages had destroyed the village of Soto- mayor. They approached it unperceived through the forest, and, JtTAN PONOE DE LEON. T5 entering at the dead of night, set fire to the straw-thatched roofs and attacked the Spaniards as they endeavored to escape from the flames. Several were slain at the onset, but a brave Spaniard, Diego de Salazar, rallied his countrymen to beat off the enemy, and succeeded in conducting the greater part of them, though sorely mangled and harassed, to Caparra. Scarcely' had these fugitives gained the fortress, when others came hurrying from all quarters, bringing similar tales of conflagration and massacre. All the villages on the island founded by the Spaniards had been surprised, about a hundred of their inhabitants destroyed, and the survivors forced to take refuge in Caparra. Ponce was not easily daunted. He remained ensconced within his fortress, wlience he dispatched messengers in all haste to Hispa- niola, imploring immediate assistance. In the mean time he tasked his wits to divert the enemy, and keep tliem at bay. He divided his little force into three bodies of about thirty men each, under the command of Diego Salazar, Miguel de Toro, and Luis de Anasco, and sent them out alternately to make surprises and assaults ; to form ambuscades, and to practise the other stratagems of partisan warfare, which he had learned in early life in liis campaigns against the Moors of Grenada. One of the most efficient warriors was a dog named Berecillo, re- nowned for courage, strength, and sagacity. It is said that he could distinguish those of the Indians who were allies from those who were enemies of the Spaniards. To the former he was docile and friendly', to the latter fierce and implacable. He was the terror of the natives, who were unaccustomed to powerful and ferocious ani- mals, and he did more service in tliis wild warfare than several sol- diers. His master received for the service of this dog the pay and share of booty assigned to a crossbow-man, which was the highest stipend given. At length Ponce was reinforced by troops from Hispaniola, whereupon he boldly sallied forth to take revenge upon those who had thus held him in a kind of durance. His foe, Agueyhana, was at that time encamped in his own territory with more than five thousand warriors, but in a^negligent state, for he knew nothing of the reinforcements of the Spaniards, and supposed Ponce shut up with his handful of men in Caparra. The old soldier took him com- pletely by surprise, and routed him with great slaughter. Aguey- hana, however, stirred up his countrymen to assemble their forces, and by one grand assault to decid^e the fate of themselves and their island. Ponce received secret tidings of their intent, and of the place where they were assembled. He had at that time barely eighty 76 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. men at his disposal, but they were cased in steel, and proof against the weapons of the savages ; without stopping to reflect, the old cavalier put himself at their head, and led them through the forest in quest of the foe. It was nearly sunset wlien he came in sight of thfe Indian camp. The sight of the multitude of Indian warriors there made him pause, and almost repent of his temerity. However, ordering some of his men in the advance to skirmish with the enemy, he hastily threw up some breastworks with tlie rest ; when it was finished he with- drew his forces into it, and ordered them to keep merely on the de- fensive. The Indians made repeated attacks, but were as often re- pulsed with loss. Tlte cacique, enraged at finding his warriors thus baflBed, and finding the night closing in, and fearing that in the dark- ness the enemy might escape, summoned his choicest warriors, and, placing himself at their head, led the way in a general assault, but as he approached the breastworks he received a mortal wound from an arqnebuse, and fell dead upon the spot. The Spaniards were not at first aware of the importance of the chief they had slain. They, however, soon surmised it from the confusion among the enem_y, wlio bore off the body with great lamentations, and made no further attack. Ponce took advantage of this to di'aw off his small force during the night, happy to get out of the terrible jeopardy into which liis rash confidence had be- trayed him. While Ponce was fighting hard to maintain his sway over the island. King Ferdinand, having repented of the step lie had taken in superseding the governor and lieutenant-governor appointed by Diego Columbus, and becoming convinced that he was infringing the rights of Columbus, and that policy and justice required him to retract it, sent back Ceron and Diaz empowered to resume the com- mand of the island. They were, however, ordered on no account to manifest any ill will against Ponce, but to cultivate the most friendly understanding with him. The king also wrote to Ponce explaining to him that this proceeding of the council was not intended as a censure upon his conduct, but a mere act of justice, and that he should be indemnified for the loss of his command. By the time the new governor and lieutenant reached the island, Ponce had com- pletely subjugated it. This island was so populous that the Spaniards would have found extreme difficulty in conquering it, if the inhabitants had not been convinced that the new succours, which had arrived from the island of San Domingo without their knowledge, were the same whom they had slain who had revived to fight them. This idea caused them to regard resistance as useless. They submitted to the dis- JUAN PONOE DE LEON. 7T eretion of the conquerors, who employed them in the mines where nearly the whole of them perished. Ponce resigned the command of Porto Rico. The loss of one wild island was of little moment when there was a new world to be shared ont, where a soldier like Ponce, with sword and buckler, conld readily carve out a fortune for himself. Ponce had now amassed a fortune sufficient to assist him in his plans, and his brain was teeming with the most visionary enterprises. Some old Indians had informed him of a country [Bimini], far to the north, abounding in gold and all manner of deligiits, but above all possessing a foun- tain of such wonderful virtue that whosoever bathed in it would be restored to health and youth. They added that in time past, before the arrival of the Spaniards, a large party of the natives of Cuba had departed northward in search of this happy land, and of this fountain of life, and had never returned.* Ponce listened to these tales with fond credulity. So fully was he persuaded of the existence of this region of bliss, and of this river of life, that he fitted out three ships at his own expense to sail in search of them, nor had he any difficulty in finding adventurers in abundance ready to cruise with him in quest of this fairy land. It is not astonishing that a story so absurd should have found some credit among a simple and ignorant people, such as the natives were, but that it should have been able to make any impression upon enlightened men, is that which now appears almost incredible. The fact of it is, however, not the less certain, and the Spanisii his- torians tlie most credible, have related these extravagant traits of their credulous fellow countrj^men. The Spaniards were, at this epoch, engaged in a career of activity which every day revealed to them extraordinary and wonderful objects which gave a romantic turn to their imaginations. A new world presented itself to their view. They visited islands and continents of whicli Europeans had never imagined the existence. In these delightful countries nature seemed to present itself under new forms : every tree, every plant, every animal, was different from those of the ancient hemisphere. The Spaniards believed themselves transported to enchanted coun- tries, and after the wonders which they had already witnessed, in the first ardor of their imagination there was nothing, however ex- traordinary, that appeared incredible to them. If a rapid succession of new and astonishing scenes made such an impression upon tlie intelligent mind of Columbus that he boasted of having found the seat of Paradise, we ought not to deem it strange that Ponce ex- pected to discover the fountain of youth. * Fontanedo in his account of Florida mentions this fact. 78 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. On the 3d of March, 1512, Ponce sailed with three ships from the port of St. Germain, in the island of Porto Rico. For some dis- tance he kept along the coast of Hispaniola, and then stretching away to the northward, made for the Bahama Islands (Luccas or Los Cayos). He visited one island after another, until, on the four- teenth of the month, he arrived at Guanahani, or St. Salvador (the island where Columbus first landed in the New World, Friday, Octol)er 12th, 1492). His inquiries for the island of Bimini and the fountain of youth were all in vain. Still he was not discour- aged. Having repaired his vessels, he again put to sea, and steered his course to the northwest. On Sunday, the 27lh of March, he came in view of a more extensive range of land than he had previ- ously seen. It was crowned with magnificent forests, intermingled with flowering shrubs and vines, which presented an enchanting prospect. In navigating along its shores, his ships were violently agitated by the currents, arising from the action of the gulf stream, which rushes here with concentrated force through tlie Bahama channels, and from which he gave to the southern cape the name of Corrientes (Currents). He continued hovering about it for several days, until in the night of the 2d of April, he succeeded in coming to an .anchor under the land, in 30° 8' of N. latitude.* The whole country was in the fresh bloom of spring; the trees, trellised with vines, were gay with blossoms, and fragrant with delicious odors; the fields were covered with flowers ; from which circumstance, as well as having discovered it on Palm Sunday (Pascua Florida), he gave it the name of Florida. Ponce landed and took possession of the country in the name of the Castilian sovereigns. He afterwards continued for several weeks ranging the coast. He doubled Cape Canaveral, and reconnoitered the southern and western shores, still believing that it was an island. In all his attempts to explore the country, lie met with resolute and implacable hostility from the In- dians. He was disappointed also in iiis hopes of finding gold and the fountain of rejuvenation. Convinced, therefore, that this was not the land of Indian tradition, he turned his prow homeward on the 14th of June.f In the outset of his return, he discovered a group of islands, abounding in sea fowl and marine animals. On one of them his * Near the mouth of the St. John River, according to the latitude. t The hay of Tampa on some old mapa is called the bay of Ponce de Leon, so he must have explored much of both coasts of the present peninsula of Florida. Besides, when on the voyage of Cordoba, in 1517, the pilot Alaminos landed on the western coast of Florida, he recognized the place as that he had visited with Ponce when he discovered the country. JUAN PONCE DE LEON. 79 sailors, in the course of a single night, caught one hundred and seventy turtles, and might have taken more. To this group. Ponce gave the name of Tortugas (Turtles). Proceeding on his cruise, he touched at another group of islets, near the Lucayos, to which he gave the name of La Viega (Old Woman), because he found a solitary old woman there, whom he took on board to give him information about the labyrinth of islands into which he was entering. For a long time he struggled with all kinds of difllculties and dangers, and was obliged to remain more than a month in one of the islands to repair the damages which his ship had suffered in a storm. Disheartened at length, he gave up the search in person, and sent in his place Juan Perez de Ortubia, who departed in one of the ships, guided by the old woman and another Indian. As to Ponce, he made the best of his. way to Porto Rico. He had not been long in port, when Perez likewise arrived, who reported that he had found the long sought for Bimini.* He described it as being large, verdant, and covered with beautiful groves. There were crystal springs and Jimpid streams in abundance, which kept the island in perpetual verdure, but none that could restore youth to old age. Thus ended the chimerical expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon. Pouce now repaired to Spain to make a report of his voyage to King Ferdinand, who conferred on him the title of adelantado of Bimini and Florida, which last was yet considered an island. Also permission was granted him to recruit men, either in Spain or in the colonies, for a settlement in Florida. But, probably discouraged or impoverished by his last expedition, he deferred entering on his command for the present; At length another enterprise presented itself to Ponce. The Caribs had become a terror to the Spanish inhabitants of the islands. So frequent were their invasions of the island of Porto Rico, that it was feared it would have to be abandoned. In 1514 King Ferdi- nand ordered tliat three ships, well armed and manned, should be fitted out at Seville to free the seas from these marauders. The command of this armada was given to Ponce. He was instructed, in the first place, to assail tlie Caribs of those islands most con- tiguous and dangerous to Porto Rico, and then to make war upon those of the mainland in the neighborhood of Carthagena. He was afterwards to take the captaincy of Porto Rico, and attend to the repartimientos of the Indians in conjunction with a person to be appointed by Diego Columbus. Ponce, full of confidence, set sail January, 1515, and steered * Bossu says the ialand of Providence is Bimini. 80 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. direct for the island of Guadeloupe, where he cast anchor, and sent men on shore for wood and water, and women to wash the clothes of the crew, with a party of soldiers to guard them.* While these peoi)le were scattered carelessly along the shore, the Caribs rushed fi-om an ambuscade, killed the greater part of the men, and carried off the women to the mountains. This blow at the very outset of his expedition sank deep into the heart of Ponce, and put an end to all his military excitement. Humbled and mortified, he set sail for the island of Porto Rico, where, under pretext of ill health, he relinquished all further prosecution of the enterprise, and gave the command of the squadron to Captain Zuniga. Ponce remained in Porto Rico as governor, where he gave great offence and caused much contention in regard to the repartimientos, having grown irritable through vexation and disappointment. He continued for several years in that island, until the brilliant exploits of Cortes aroused his dormant spirit. Jealous of being eclipsed in his old days, he determined to sally forth on one more expedition. He had heard that Florida, which he had hitherto considered a mere island, was a part of the mainland, presenting a great field of enterprise wherein he might make discoveries and con- quests. Ponce, therefore, in the year 1521, fitted out two ships at the island of Porto Rico, and embarked almost the whole of his property in the undertaking. At length he arrived at the wished-for land and made a descent upon the coast with a great part of his men, but the Indians sallied forth with unusual valor to defend their shores. A bloody battle ensued, several Spaniards were slain, and Ponce was wounded by an arrow in the thigh. He was borne on board his ship, and, finding himself disabled for further action, sailed for Cuba, where he died soon after his arrival. The following epitaph was Inscribed upon his tomb: — Mole sub hac fortis requiescuut ossa Leonis Qui vicit factio nomina magna suis. Which has been paraphrased in Spanish, by Juan de Castellanos, thus: — Aqueste lugar estreolio Es sepulcro del varon, Que eu el nombre fue Leon. Y mucho mas in el heclio. \ * At that time it was customary for all vessels sailing to the New World to touch at the island of Guadeloupe for the above purposes. t This account of Juan Pouoe de Leon is taken principally from the third volume of Washington Irving's " Life of Columbus." Extracts have also been taken from the first volume of the " Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in North America," by Hugh Murray ; and from the sixteenth volume of " His- toire Moderne," by Richer. THE VOYAGE OF JDAN VERAZZANI. 81 CHAPTEE V. THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI ALONG THE ATLANTIC COAST OP NORTH AMERICA. 1524. The voyage of Juan Yerazzani in the year 1524 is the first authentic voyage along the Atlantic coast of the territory now that of the United States. The Spaniards of Cuba, following in the wake of Ponce de Leon, soon found their way to Florida, and made expeditions, of which one object soon became the iniquitous practice of carrying off the Indians as slaves. A considerable time elapsed before attempts began to be made for the actual conquest and occupation of Florida. While the nations both of the north and the south of Europe had made vigorous efforts for the exploration of America, the French flag had not yet appeared in the western seas. A monarch of such spirit as Francis the First, however, could not be contented to see his rival Charles the Fifth carrying off the brilliant prizes offered by the New World. He, however, found himself under the same necessity of Charles the Fifth, of Spain, and Henry the Seventh, of England, to employ foreign science and skill to guide his fleets into those distant seas.* Juan Verazzani, a Florentine who had distinguished himself by successful cruises against the Spaniards, was sent, with a vessel called the Dauphin, to the American coast. In the narrative of his voyage, Verazzani sets out from the little island or rock near Madeira, called the Desertas. About midway across the Atlantic, he encountered one of those disasters to which the navigators of that age, in consequence of their small vessels, were so liable. His little bark had nearly perished. It survived, however, and, happily completing the rest of his voyage, arrived on a coast, which, according to him, was never seen by any either of * Christopher Columbus, John Cabot, Amerious Vespuoius, and Juan Veraz- zani were all Italians. And Maroo Polo, who in the year 1291 conducted a fleet from Pekin to Ormus, on the Persian Gulf, was also an Italian. 6 82 THE VOYAGE OP JTJAN VERAZZANI. the ancients or moderns, and which appears to have been some part either of Carolina or Florida.* The following extract contains Verazzani's aecountf of the new country, which he readied on the 20th of March, 1523 : — "At first it appeared to be very low, but on approaching it to ■within a. quarter of a league from the shore, we perceived by the great fires near the coast that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port, in which we might come to anchor, and examine into the nature of the country, but for fifty leagues we could dis- cover none in which we could be secure. Seeing the coast still stretching to the south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the northward, and as we still had the same diflSculty, we drew in with the land, and sent a boat on shore. Many people, who were seen coming to the seaside, fied at our approach, but occasionally stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some at length were induced by various friendly signs to come to us. These showed the greatest delight in beholding us, wondering at our dress, countenance, and complexion. They then showed us by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and oflfered us some of their provisions. Of their manners and customs, I will relate as brieflj' as possible what we saw. "They go entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small animals like martens, fastened by a girdle of plaited grass, to ■which they tie all round the body the tails of other animals, hanging down to the knees; all other parts of the body and head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to bird's feathers. " The complexion of these people is black, not much diflferent from that of the Ethiopians. Their hair is black and thick, and not very long ; it is worn tied back upon the head in the form of a little tail. In person, they are of good proportions, of middle statue, a little above our own, broad across the breast, strong in the arras, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body ; the only exception to their good looks is, that they have broad faces, but ■* " Historical Account of Discovery and Travels in North America," by Hugh Murray, P.E.S.E. t "The North American Review for October, 1837, contains an account of the researches of George W. Green, Esq., the American consul at Rome. He found at Florence a manuscript of 'Verazzani's letter of the 8th of July, 1524, to the king of France. Mr. Green having furnished the Historical Society of New Yorlc a copy of this manuscript, a translation of it from the Italian was made by Joseph G. Cogswell, Esq., a member of that society, and published in 1841, in the second series of the society's collection." — " Early Voyagers to America," by Conway Robinson. THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. 83 ■not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very strong in body, but acute in nilud, active and swift of foot, as far as we could judge by observation. In these two particulars they resemble the people of the east, especially those the most remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their usages on account of onr short stay among them, and the distance of our ship from the shore. We found not far from this people another whose mode of life we judged to be similar.* " The whole shore is covered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills about fifty paces broad. Ascending [northeastwardly] farther we found several arms of the sea which made in through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as tlie coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little distance, rising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees more or less dense, too various in colors, and too delightful and charming in appear- ance to be described. Adorned with palms, laurels, cypress, and other varieties unknown in Europe, that send forth the sweetest fragrance to the greatest distance ; but which we coiild not examine more closely for the reasons before given, and not on account of any diflSculty in traversing the woods, which, on the contrary, are easily penetrated. "As the 'East' stretches around this countiy, I think it cannot be devoid of some medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by tlie color of the ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and many other simi- lar, and with a great variety of birds. It is plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of running water, and being in the latitude of 34°f the air is salubrious, pure, and temperate, and free from the extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these regions ; the most prevalent are the northwest and west. In summer, tlie season in which we were there, th& sky is clear, with but little rain ; if fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the south wind, they are instantaneously dissipated, and at once it be- comes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. Altiiough the wiiole coast is low and without harbors, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from * This is the first account of the Indians of this part of the Atlantic coast, and is much the same as that given by later voyagers. t Probably east of Cape Fear Kiver, and between that river and Cape Look- out. The description of the coast and depth of water appear to suit that locality. 84 THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. rocks, and told, so that within four or five fathoms from the shore there are twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide, and this depth constantly increases in an uniform proportion. The holding ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent the wind, as we proved by experience ; for while riding at anchor on the coast we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries ; we found our • anchor broken before it started from its hold, or moved at all. " We sailed from this place, continuing to coast along the shore, which we found stretching out to the ^east;' the inhabitants being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, there being no harbor to enter, we sent the boat on shore with twenty-five men to obtain water, but it was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on account of the Immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating by various friendly signs that we might trust ourselves on shore. One of their noble deeds deserves to be made known. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore through the surf to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, looking-glasses, and other like trifles ; When he came near three or four of them, he tossed the things to them, and turned about to get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by the waves, and so dashed by them that he lay as it were dead upon the beach. When these people saw him in this situation they ran and took him up by the head, legs, and arms, and carried him to a distance from the surf; the young man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they could in their language, showing him that he had no cause for fear. Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trowsers, and examined him, expressing the greatest as- tonishment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat, seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed very near it; full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined that the natives were about to roast him for food. But as soon as he had recovered his strength after a short stay with them, showing by signs that he wished to return aboard, they hugged him with great afliection, and accompanied him to the shore ; then leaving him that he might feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This young man remarked that these people were black, like the others ; that they had shining, skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds. THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. 85 " Departing hence, and always following the sliore, which stretclied to the north, we came in tlie space of fifty leagues to another land, which appeared very beautiful and full of the largest forests. We approached it, and going ashore with twenty men, we went back from the coast about two leagues, and found that the people had fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching around, we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a girl of abont eighteen or twenty, who had concealed themselves for the same reason. The old woman carried two infants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight years of age ; when we came up to them they began to shriek, and made signs to the men who had fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, which thejr accepted with delight, but the girl would not touch any ; every- thing we offered her being thrown down in great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman to carry with us to France, and would liave taken the girl also, who was very beautiful and ver^^ tall, but it was impossible because of the loud shrieks she uttered as we attempted to lead her away ; having to pass some woods, and being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and take the boy only. We found them fairer than the others, and wearing a covering made of certain plants [probably moss] which hung down from the branches of the trees, tying them together with threads of wild hemp ; their heads were without covering, and of the same shape as the others. Their food is a kind of pulse, which there abounds, different in color and size from ours, and of a very delicious flavor Besides, they take birds and flsh for food, using snares and bows made of hard wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of which they put the bones of flsh and other animals. The animals in these regions are wilder than in Europe, from being continually molested by the hunters. We saw many of their boats, twenty feet long and four feet broad, made out of one tree without the aid of stone or iron or other kind of metal. In the whole country, for the space of two hundred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any sort. To hollow out their boats, they burn out as much of a log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stern, to make them float well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility, and beauty, is like the other, abounding also in forests filled with various kinds of trees, but not of such fragrance, as it is more northern and colder. " We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, which entwine about the trees and run up upon them as they do in tlie plains of Lombardy. We have often seen the grapes which they produce very sweet and pleasant, and not unlike our own. They must be held in estimation by them, as they carefully remove 86 THE VOYAGE OF JtTAN VERAZZANI. the shrubbery from around them wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of plants and fragrant flowers different from our own. We cannot describe their habitations, as tliey are in the interior of the country, but from various indications we conclude they must be formed of trees and shrubs. "After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the coast, as we could find no harbor, we determined to depart and coast along the shore to the northeast, keeping sail on the vessel only by day, and coming to anchor by night. After proceeding one liundred leagues we found a verj' pleasant situation among some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the sea ; from the sea to the estuary of the river, any ship lieavily laded miglit pass with the help of the tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, without a knowledge of its mouth ; therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds of various colors They came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where we could most securely land with our boat. We passed up this river, about half a league, when we found it formed a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit [diameter?], upon which they were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from one shore to the otiier, filled with multi- tudes who came to see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced us to return to our ship, greatlj' regretting to leave this re- gion which seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we sujiposed must also contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of minerals.* Weighing anchor we sailed fifty leagues towards the east, as the coast stretched in that direction, and alwa\-s in sight of it ; at length we discovered au island of a triangular form, about ten leagues from the main land, in size about equal to the island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees,f and well peopled, judging from the great number of fires we saw around its shores. We did not land there, as the weather was un- favorable, but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island, where we found a very excellent harbor.| Before entering it we saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would * New York Harbor. f Block Island. { Newport. THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. 81 not approach nearer than within fifty paces ; stopping, they looked at the.structnre of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised a loud shout together, signifying that they were all pleased. By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear. Among them were two kings more beautiful in form and stature than can possi- bly be described ; one was about forty years old, the other about twenty-four. The oldest had a deerskin around his body, artifi- cially wrought in damask figures; his head was without covering; his hair was tied back in various knots ; around his ueck he wore a large chain ornamented with many stones of different colors. The young man was similar in his general appearance. This is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage. They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair complexion ; some of them incline more to a white, and others to a tawny color ; their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning of which they bestow great pains ; their eyes are black and sharp, their expression mild and pleasant, greatly resem- bling the antique. The other parts of their body are all in good proportion, and such as belong to well-formed men. Their women are of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances, and pleasing appearance in manners and modesty ; they wear no clothing except a deerskin ornamented like those worn by the men ; some wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various orna- ments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang down upon their breasts on each side. Others wear diffferent orna- ments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and the married people, both men and women, wear many ornaments in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several pieces of wrought copper,* which is more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued on account of its color, but is considered by them as the most ordinary of metals, — yellow being the color especially dislilied by them; azure and red are those in the highest estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang in their ears and about their necks ; they do not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds of- cloth, nor im- plements of steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they * Copper ornaments were not uncommon among Indians, in certain localities in America, tefore the introduction of European trinkets and utensils. 88 THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI. expressed no admiration, and only asked liow they were made ; the same was the case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smiling, as soon as they had looked at them. Tliey are very generous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a great friendship with them, and one day we entered into the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance of a league from shore, as the weather was adverse. They came off to the ship with a number of their little boats, witli their faces painted in divers colors, showing us real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signifying to us where we could best ride in safety with our ship, and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We remained among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which we were in want, during which time they came every day to see our ship, bringing with them their wives, of whom they were very care- ful ; for although they came on board themselves, and remained a long while, they made their wives stay in the boats; nor could we ever get them on board by any entreaties, or any presents we could make them. One of the two kings often came with his queen and many attendants, to see us for his amusement ; but he always stopped at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a boat to in- form us of his intended visit, saying he would come and see our ship — this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around ; but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent the queen with her attendants in a very light boat, to wait near an island a quarter of a league distant from us, while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about everything in the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteouslj'^ took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men stayed two or three days on a small island near the ship, he came with seven or eight of his attendants, to inquire about our movements, often asking if we intended to remain there long, and offering us every- thing at his command, and then he would shoot witii his bow, and run up and down with his people, making great sport for us. We often went five or six leagues into the interior, and found the coun- try as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultivation of every kind, whether of corn, wine, or oil;* there are open plains twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or any hinderances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, we observed they might all be traversed by an army ever so numerous; the trees * As much as to say the olive tree would grow there. THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. 89 of which they were composed wei-e oaks, cypresses, and others unknown in Europe. We found also apples, plums, filberts, and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. The ani- mals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being their chief implement; their arrows are wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones, in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufHciently commodious to contain ten or twelve persons. Their oars are short, and broad at the end, and are managed in row- ing by force of the arms alone, with perfect security, and as nimble as they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or twelve paces in circumference,* made of logs split in halves, without any regularity of architecture, and covered with roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protects them from wind and rain. Thej^ change their habitations from place to place, as circumstances of situation and seasons may require. This is easily done, as they have only to take with them their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great numbers. In some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with other tribes, which is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated. In the time of sowing, they are governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usages. They live by hunting and fishing, and they are long lived. If they fall sick they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat of fire, and their death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affectionate and charitable towards their relatives — making loud lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good fortune. At their departure out of life, their rela- tions mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing for a long time. "This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41"^ 40' of north latitude, but much colder from accidental circumstances, and not by nature. I shall confine myself at present to the description of its local situation. It looks towards the south, on which side the harbor is half a league broad ; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the coast and north is twelve leagues, and then, enlarging itself, it forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in cir- * Probably twenty-five or thirty feet in diameter. Twenty-five or thirty per- sons would hardly be stowed in a room eight or ten feet in diameter. 90 THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI. cumference, in which are five small islands of great fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. Among these islands any fleet, however large, might safely ride without fear of tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbor, on both sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear water, which flow down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance there is a rock of free-stone, formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the' harbor. " Having supplied ourselves with everything necessary, on the 5th of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from our sight. The nature of the country appeared much the same as before, but the mountains were a little higher, and all, in appearance, rich in minerals. We did not stop to land, as the weather was very favorable for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no variety. The shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues beyond, more to the north, where we found a more elevated country, full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses, and the like, indicative of a cold climate. The people were entirely different from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude and barbarous that we were unable, by any signs we could make, to hold communication with them. They clothe themselves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other animals. Their food, as far as we could judge by several visits to their dwellings, is ob- tained by hunting and fishing, and certain fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous gi'owth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation. The land appears sterile and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to traffic with them, they came to the seashore and stood upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord, to our boats beneath, whatever they liad to barter, continually crying out to us not to come nearer, and instantly demanding from us that which was to be given in exchange. They took from us only knives, fish-hooks, and sharpened steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies ; when we had nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our departure made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will we, with twenty-five men, penetrated two or three leagues into the interior. When we came to tlie shore, they shot at us with their arrows, raising the most horrible cries, and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In this region we found nothing extraordi-' nary except vast forests, and some metalliferous hills, as we infer from seeing that many of the people wore copper ear-rings. THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI. 91 "Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north- east, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from woods ; and distant in the interior we saw lofty mountains,* but none that, extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues we discov- ered thirty-two islands, all near the main land, small and of pleas- ant appearance ; but high and so disposed as to afford excellent harbors nnd channels, as we see in the Adriatic Gulf, near lUyria and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we judged that they were similar in nature, and usages to those we were last among. After sailing between east and north the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our provisions and naval stores nearly exliausted, we took in wood and water and determined to return to France, having discovered seven hundred leagues of unknown land."f Murray says, in regard to this last course : " Another course of one hundred and thirty miles brought them to the land discovered by the Bretons, in about 50° north latitude, and which is therefore Newfoundland. Verazzani's stores being now exhausted, he took in wood and water, and returned to France. Verazzani had thus completed a survey of seven hundred leagues of coast, including the whole of that of the United States, and a great part of British America, forming one of the most extended ranges of early dis- covery. He returned to France in high hopes and spirits, and laid before Francis the First plans not only for completing the discovery of the American coast, but for penetrating into the interior of the continent, and also for colonizing some part of this vast and fertile region. That monarch seems to have welcomed the proposal with his characteristic ardor, since Ramusio speaks of the immense liberality with which he was disposed to favor it, and from which the most important results were expected. Yerazzaui did indeed set out on another voyage ; but its records are equally brief and fatal. Ramusio gives neither date nor place, nor country; but states that, having landed with some of his crew, he was seized by the savages, killed and devoured in the presence of his companions on board, who sought in vain to give any assistance. Such was the fate of one of the most eminent navigators of that age, whom Forster ranks as similar to Cook, both as to his exploits during life, and the dreadful mode of his death."J * Probably the White Mountains of New Hampshire. t "Early Voyages to America," by Conway Robinson, member of the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society. X " Historical Account of Travels and Discoveries in North America," by Hon. Hugh Murray. 92 THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI. Vcrazzani states that his intention in this voyage [1523] was to reach Cathay [China] on the extreme coast of Asia; not doubting that he could penetrate by some passage to the Eastern Ocean. The fate of Verazzani is involved in some mystery. If Francis the First received the letter of Verazzani in any short time after it was written, it must have been at a time when lus thoughts were wholly occupied by his war with Charles the Fifth. Francis laid siege to Pavia in 1524, was defeated there the 24th of February, 1525, and after having two horses killed under him, and receiving himself three wounds,* fell, with his principal officers, into the hands of the enemy. It was on this occasion that he wrote to his mother "all is lost except our honor." He was carried to Madrid and kept in confinement until after the treaty of the 14th January, 1526. It has been suggested that Verazzani on his return to France, seeing from the condition of his king no chance of further employment by his government, left its service. Mr. Biddle states that Verazzani got into communication with Henry the Eighth, and refers, as a proof of tliis, to the following statement in an edition of Hakluyt, published in 1582. "Master John Verarzanus, which had been thrice on that coast, in an old excellent map which he gave to Henry the Eighth, and is j'ct in the custody of Master Lock, doth so lay it out as is to be seen in the map annexed to the end of this book, being made according to Verarzanus' plat."f * "L'Histoire de France," printed at Paris in 1773, vol. ii. p. 462. f "An Account of Discoveries in the West until 1519, and of Voyages to and along the Atlantic Coast of North America, from 1520 to 1573," by Conway Eobinson. EXPEDITION OF PAMriLO DE NARVAEZ TO rLORIDA. 93 CHAPTER VI. THE EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA, AND THE WANDERINGS OP ALVARO NUNEZ CABEZA DE VACA. 1527-1536. Narvaez was I'eleased by Cortes in the latter part of the year 1523. His estate in Cuba must have required his immediate atten- tion ; so it must have been soon after settling his affairs in Cuba tliat he sailed for Spain, where he obtained of the emperor full power to conquer all the country from the River de las Palmas (now the Santander) to the cape of Florida. For this purpose he set out from the haven of San Lucar de Barrameda on the 17th of June, 1527, with a fleet consisting of five vessels, wherein were about six hundred men, besides friars and spiritual people. The principal officers were Alvaro Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, treasurer and alguazil mayor, Agozino, provost marshal, Alonzo Enriquez, auditor, Alonzo de Soils, factor, and Pamfllo de Narvaez, adelanlado. The fleet stopped at the port of St. Pomingo about forty-five days to procure necessaries, during which time more than a hundred and forty men abandonediit. The rest proceeded to Santiago tie Cuba, where Narvaez obtained men in the place of those who had deserted him, and also a supply of arms and horses. Here Vasco Porcallo offering some provisions that he had at Trinidad, a town one hundred leagues from Santiago, the fleet proceeded thithei-, but stopped at a port called Santa Cruz, about halfway, whence Narvaez sent Captain Pantoja, in one vessel, accompanied by Alvaro Nunez, in another, to get the provisions at Trinidad, while he remained at Santa Cruz, with the rest of the fleet, to which he had added a vessel purchased at St. Domingo. While the two vessels were in the port of Trinidad, there arose so tremendous a hurricane that the like had scarcely ever been wit- nessed, even in these climes. The walls and houses continually falling around them made it impossible to remain in the town with- out the utmost peril. The inhabitants issued forth seven or eight linked together, that they might avoid being carried away by the wind, and they sought refuge in the woods ; but here the trees falling or torn up by the roots on every side caused equal alarm. 94 EXPEDITION OP PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. All night they seemed to hear loud cries, with the sound of flutes, drums, and trumpets, which doubtless were only the varied voices of the tempest. In the morning there appeared such a scene of desolation as they had never before witnessed. The trees lay strewed on the ground, and every leaf and plant was destroyed. On turning to the sea they beheld a spectacle still more sorrowful, for, instead of the vessels, only some of their wrecks were seen floating on the face of the deep. They searched along the coast for any remains that might have been cast ashore, but found only a small boat carried to the top of a tree, some clothes torn in pieces, and the bodies of two men so mangled that they could not be recog- nized. . Seventy persons and twenty horses, that were on board at the time of the hurricane, went down with the vessels, and of all the equipage, only about thirty persons, who had gone, ashore, survived. These remained at Trinidad until the 5th of November, when Nar- vaez arrived with his four vessels. Here he passed the winter, wliile Alvaro Nunez, with the vessels and company, went to winter at Xagua, twelve leagues from Trinidad. On the 20th of February, 1528, Narvaez arrived at Xagua with a brigantine bought at Trinidad, and a pilot named Miruelo, whom he had engaged because of his knowledge of the coast of Florida. Two days afterwards the governor embarked with four hundred men and eighty horses in five vessels, one of which was a brigantine. After doubling Cape St. Anthony, the western extremity of the island of Cuba, and after suffering considerably by tempests in coasting along the island to Havana, the fleet ran across to the coast of Florida. In this course they met with dangers not much inferior to the former, being once in danger of perishing all together by running on shoals, and at another time by a raging tempest. On the 11th or 12th of April the fleet aneliored at the entrance of a bay, on which was an Indian village. Tlie next day the governor went to the Indian village, which he found abandoned. In it they found a house so large that it could contain three hundred persons. The day after, Narvaez planted the royal standard and took posses- sion of the country in the name of the emperor. He landed as many horses as remained alive, being forty-two. On the following daj' the Indians visited him, and by signs seemed to indicate that they wished him to leave the country. The governor afterwards, accompaniad by Alvaro and forty men, set out to go into the interior. Going in a northerly direction they reached a vevy large bay ; they passed the night there, and returned to the vessels the next day. After sending the pilot Miruelo with the brigantine to gain a particular port (whicli he said he knew), or EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLOEIDA. 95 else go to Havana and bring thence a vessel loaded with provisions, the governor, with the same persons who had been on the previous expedition, reinforced with some additional soldiers, penetrated again into the interior. They coasted the bay which they had discovered, and, after making four leagues, took four Indians, who conducted them to their town a little distance off, at the end of the bay. Here there was some corn not yet ripe. There was also a number of boxes, in each of which was a dead body wrapped in deer-skins. The commissary, supposing these were objects of idolatry, caused the boxes and bodies to be burnt [though it was but a pious custom of these Indians thus to preserve the remains of their relatives]. They also saw here some pieces of painted cloth and plumes of feathers, but the sight of some gold greatly excited the avidity of the Spaniards, who became most inquisitive about it, how and where they got it. The Indians, by signs and words, gave them to understand that it came from a far-distant province called Apalache, where they might find great quantities of it. Taking the Indians for guides, they proceeded ten or twelve leagues further, when they came to a village of fifteen houses, near which were large fields of corn fit to be gathered. After halting two days, they returned to the vessels on the 30th of April. Miruelo had undertaken to guide the fleet into a secure and com- modious harbor, instead of which he had brought it into a mere open road, and now declared himself quite out of his reckoning, and at a loss whither to steer ; however, the governor decided that the ves- sels should follow the coast until they found the port that Miruelo knew, or any other convenient harbor, and that the troops should proceed on land in the same direction. On the first of May the Spaniards — three hundred strong, of whom forty were mounted, set out. After marching fifteen days, without seeing an Indian or a house, they at length arrived at a river which they crossed with much trouble, the current being very strong. On the other side there were about twelve hundred Indians, to whose houses, about half a league off, they were conducted. In the neighborhood was a large quantity of maize ready to be gathered. The Spaniards, fatigued with marching, and enfeebled by hunger, enjoyed here three days rest. Then Alvaro Nunez, with Captain Castillo and forty soldiers, set out to seek a port, but finding themselves impeded by the river, which they had already crossed, returned. The following day the governor ordered Captain Valenguela with sixty men and six cava- liers to cross the river and descend it to the sea, and discover a port if he could. This officer returned, after two days, saj'ing he had ex- plored the baj' and found it had shallow 'water and no port. 96 EXPEDITION OP PAMFIIO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. In answer to -the governor's inquiries respecting Apalache, tiie Indians informed ttiem that the Apalachens were their enemies, and that they were ready to aid in whatever might be undertaken against that people. Narvaez now resolved to push at once into the inte- rior for Apalache. But Alvaro Nunez opposed this resolution, urging that they should re-embark, and sail on till they should find a secure harbor and a fertile country, from which, as a base, they might penetrate into the interior. Only the secretary supported this opinion ; all the rest, dazzled with the hope of wealth, and im- pressed with the dangers of the sea, cordially seconded the governor's proposal. Alvaro Nunez still remaining obstinate, Narvaez sarcas- tically remarked that, since he was so dreadfully alarmed at the idea of marching into the interior of the counti'y, he might take charge of the ships, which he deemed a so much safer task. At this the Castilian pride of Alvaro took Are. He declared that though he did not expect that they would ever return, but that they would leave their bones on this savage land, yet he was determined to share every extremity with his countrymen rather than expose his honor to the slightest imputation. The fleet was, therefore, com- mitted to an officer of the name of Carvallo,* and all preparations made for the expedition to the interior. The Spaniards then marched for the province called by the Indians Apalache, carrying for guides those whom they had taken. On the 17th of June they saw an Indian chief, accompanied by many people, who was made to understand by signs that they were going to Apalache. He seemed to he an enemy of this nation, and willing to aid in the expedition. After au exchange of presents, he left them, and they followed the i-oute he had taken. In the evening they arrived at a very deep, wide, and rapid river ; not venturing to pass it upon rafts, they constructed a large canoe for that purpose. A day was spent in crossing. A bold horseman entering the river was thrown from his horse by the force of the current and both were drowned. The horse, being found by the Indians, afforded the Spaniards that night the only hearty meal the3' had enjoyed for many days. After a long and fatiguing march, during which they suffered much from hunger, they at length arrived near Apalache, on tlie 25th or 26th of June, 1528. * Five leagues' from the place of eml)arkatiou Carvallo perceived a. bay which entered the land seven or eight leagues : it was the same that had been discovered by those on land ; the place where they saw the boxes with dead bodies. Three of the sliips entered this port. Th6 vessel which returned from Havana with the brigantine was for a year seeking those on land, and not find- ing them sailed for New Spain. EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 97 The village of Apalache contained forty small houses. Narvaez ordered Alvaro Nunez, with fifty infantry and nine cavalry, to enter and take possession of it. This he easily did, as all the men were absent and only women and children in the place. The war- riors, however, soon appeared, and attacking the Spaniards, dis- charged a shower of arrows, one of which killed a horse, but not being able to I'esist the Spaniards they retreated into the woods. Two days after they appea,red in a pacific mood, and begged the Spaniards to restore them their wives and children. These were given up to them ; but the governor retained as a hostage one of their caciques, who had been the cause of the hostility. It soon was found that their enmity was in no degree abated; for the next day thej- attacked so furiously the Spaniards, that tiiey succeeded in firing some of the houses ; and though again quickly repulsed, fled witli such celerity into the woods and marshes, that only one could be killed. The next day an equally brisk attack was made with similar result. The Spaniards were greatl}' annoyed, but re- tained possession of the village twenty-five days, during which they made three journeys into the interior. The Spaniards being now convinced that the brilliant wealth which had allured them into this laborious and perilous expedition was a mere chimera, they began to feel themselves in an evil plight, for though the Indians could not face them in the field, they hemmed them closely in, and every man or horse that happened to straggle from the main body, was overwhelmed with a shower of arrows. At length they learned that to the south was the country of Aute, which was situated on the sea-coast [on the Bay of St. Mark] and abounded in corn. They therefore renounced all their chimeras of gold and conquest, and determined to set out in search of the coast of Aute. They commenced their march, and the first day crossed some lakes without meeting with any Indians. On the second day, while they were struggling through a swamp, with the water up to their breasts, the air was suddenly obscured, by clouds of arrows, dis- charged by Indians concealed behind trees and logs, with which the marsh was filled. With bows eleven or twelve spans long, and thick as a man's arms, they discharged arrows to the distance of two hundred yards with almost unerring precision, and with such force that they penetrated the thickest armor, and severely wounded both man and horse.(2) In the fight an arrow struck a Spaniard in the head, and, notwithstanding his head-piece, made its way almost from one side to the other. The Indians, when seen, being tall and naked, and moving with great swiftness, had, in the ej'es of the Spaniards, 1 98 EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DB NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. almost the appearance of supernatural beings. No movement of . attack conld be marie until the Spaniards were extricated from the lagoon, and then the ground was so encumbered that the cavalry could not act, and the Indians, even -when dispersed, soon rallied and renewed the attack. Thus the Spaniards were allowed no rest till after the Indians' stock of arrows was exhausted. The expedi- tion then proceeded without further molestation, and finally arrived at the village of Aute, nine days after their departure from Apa- lache.* The inhabitants of Ante had abandoned the place, but a good store of corn was found in it. After the Spaniards had rested here two daj'S, Alvaro Nunez, accompanied by captain Castillo, Andrez Dorantes, seven cavaliers, and fifty foot soldiers, set out to seek the sea. They marched till evening, when they came to the banks of a river, which opened at some distance below into a broad arm of the sea. They found here a great quantity of oysters, with which they regaled themselves. The next day the coast was reconnoitred, and then the party returned to Aute, where they found the governor and a third of his men sick, and the rest likely to become so. The situation was such as to call for the most serious reflection. A general meeting was called, and every one was asked what he had to propose After long deliberation there appeared only one resource which offered a gleam of hope, and this was to construct boats and sail along the coast to Panuco. They therefore applied themselves to tlie task. One of them out of wooden pipes, and the skins of wild beasts, contrived to make a pair of bellows, by the operation of which their stirrups, spurs, and crossbows were converted into nails, saws, and hatchets. Their shirts cut open and sewed together made sails, the pine trees afforded tar, the moss of the cypresses served as oakum, the fibres of certain trees and horse hair formed their cords. But they were much perplexed for vessels to carry their fresh water, to supply which defect they flayed their dead horses, and sewed their skins together into convenient forms, and so nsed them for better things, for that purpose. A horse was killed every three days, and its flesh distributed partly to the working hands, partly as a dainty to the sick. The construction was commenced with a single carpenter, but the men set to work with so much ardor that between the 4th of August and the 20th of September they made five vessels of twenty-two cubits in length. * Notwithstanding the distance or thne given, there is every appearance that Apalaohe visited by Narvaez is the same that was visited by De Soto, and a reforeuoe to the aoooiint of the expedition of the latter will show this very clearly. EXPEDITION OP PAMEILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 99 According to theii" calculation they had made a journey of about two hundred and eighty leagues* from the bay where they first landed to Aute. And in this time about forty men had died of sickness or hunger, without counting those that had been killed by the Indians. On the 22d of September, 1528, having prepared for the voyage, they embarked forty-nine men in tlie I)ai'k of tlie governor; the contador and tiie commissary witli a like number in another ; Captains Alonzo de Castillo and Andrez Dorantes and forty-eight men in the tliird ; Captains Telles and Peualosa with forty-seven men in the fourth ; and Alvaro Nunez in the last witli the comptroller and forty-nine men. Thus two hundred and fifty men embarked in these five boats; but they were so crowded lliat they could not turn nor move in them. Not more than a fourth part of each boat was above the water. In this pliglit thej^ put out, giving to the bay they left the name Baya de los Cavallos [the Bay of Horses], probably from having slauglitered their horses tliere. And thus was begun one of the most hazardous voyages that ever was undertaken by men ; but necessity which obliged them to it has no law. They voyaged westwardly,f and after seven days' sailing arrived at an island that lies near the land, where some of the com- pany landed, and got some little recruits at the houses of the Indians upon the same ; they saw some of those people too in their canoes, but they would not stay till the. Spaniards came up to them, but made off and left the canoes, at their disposal. These canoes the Spaniards attached to their boats, and thus were enabled to make themselves somewhat less incommoded. They then proceeded on their voyage, and after sailing two leagues passed a strait, between tlie island and the mainland, to which they gave the name St. Miguel. They sailed along the coast for about thirty days without finding any secure haven or opportunity of refreshment, being still in the same perplexity that they were at first setting out, as to the knowl- edge of the country and their right way home. Hunger and thirst prevailed grievously amongst them all this while, and they had no sight of any people, but sometimes a few Indian fishers, a poor and miserable sort of wretches that were not able to relieve them, nor would come near them. Some of their men died with drinking large * In Spain the common league Is 4.216, and the legal 2.635 (nearly two and two-thirds) statute miles. The latter is the league alluded to. t What is remarkable here is, that they should have sailed westwardly for Panuoo, instead of endeavoring to reach the island of Cuba. It perhaps may have been their dread of crossing the Florida Channel, while to reach Panuoo they had only to follow the coast westwardly, having no dangerous channels to cross. They certainly could not have been ignorant of the great difference in the distances of these two places. 100 EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. draughts of salt water, which they could not forego, tlie thirst that possessed them was so great. Their sufferings were aggravated by a severe storm, which continued for six days; at the end of which, and when they were almost at the point of giving up all for lost, when weathering a point of land, they discovered a fine and secure bay with a considerable village where there appeared to be safe and easy landing, and several canoes of Indians came out to see them. But the barbarians having just looked upon them went away again; however the Spaniards followed them ashore to their houses, before the entrance to which they found, great quantities of fish, and pots of fresh water. Tiie cazique had more civilitj' than his subjects, and offered all this fish and water to Narvaez and his companions, and more than that, invited them to his house. The Spaniards were not ungrateful to these people for their hospitable treatment, but presented tliem some trifles which they had brought. The cazique's house was neatly made of mats, and he was covered with a mantle made of marten sable which smelt like musk or rather like amber- gris ; some others had fur mantles too, but none like the chiefs. Mutual presents were exchanged, and such a cordial intercourse established that Narvaez agreed to spend the night in tlie house of the chief. At midnight the village was attacked by a hostile tribe of Indians ; the cazique fled with all his people, and the Spaniards were left to maintain alone a desperate fight. The governor him- self and all his people were wounded more or less severely before the enemy could be beaten off. Three times during tlie night they attacked the troop left to guard the boat. They now had no choice left but to embark. After three days' sailing they met with more Indians in a canoe, and applied to them for fresh water. The Indians promised to give them fresh water enough if they would give them vessels to bring it in. A Spaniard and a negro went ashore with them to get water, and two Indians stayed in their place. At night the Indians brought back the vessels, but not a drop of water in them ; but they did not bring back the two men that went with them, nor would they give any account of what had become of them. But instead of that, the next day came a considerable number of them in their canoes, together with five or six of their cacique's dressed in their mantles of martens' furs ; and they were so impudent as to demand their two men left for pledges, thougii those of the other side were still detained (perhaps sacrificed) by them. These caciques would fain have had the Spaniards go ashore with them, biit they saw too much of their treachery already to venture them- selves any further among them ; besides, the canoes still coming in EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NABVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 101 thick and threefold upon them, they had reason to suspect some villanoiis design was then in hand. When the Indians saw they could do no good, and the Spanianls peremptorily refused to restore their two men, they threw off the mask, and appeared with ihe bare face of enmity ; they began to sling great stones at them, and would have done more mischief but that a fresh gale of wind blowing at that time made them keep off, and invited the others to go on with their voyage. In the evening a point of land was seen, and on the other side of it a very large river. The bark of Alvaro Nunez was the first to reach the river, and east anchor near an island at its mouth. The governor entered a bay a little way off, where Alvaro went to join him, and they took in fresh water where the river entered the sea. Here a north wind sijringing up, drove the vessels to sea, and they were soon separated. Afterwards Alvaro saw two of the barks, one of which was that of the governor and the other that of Captains PeBalosa and Telles. Alvaro called out to the governor, and asked orders how he was to proceed. Narvaez replied that the time was past for giving or receiving orders, and that it rested with every man to save his life as best he could ; he then pushed on and soon was out of sight. Alvaro, with another of the barks, continued the vo\-age for four days, but having only half a handful of corn daily for each, and encountering severe weather, they were reduced almost to the last extremity. On the evening of the fourth day the crew sunk en- tirelj' and fell down half-dead over each other. Alvaro alone being capable of any exertion, the pilot called to him that he must take the helm. Alvaro took the post, but after a few hours' rest the pilot resumed it. Towards morning of the 6th of November they heard the sound of breakers, and found the vessel in six fathoms of water, which led them to hope that they were near land. Daylight confirmed this hope, and after a severe shock in crossing the breakers the boat was stranded, and the exhausted crew crept ashore upon their hands and feet. Here thej' kindled a fire, cooked the corn that they still had left, and began to feel their strength and spirits revive. Alvaro desired Lope de Oviedo, the most vigorous of the com- pany-, to climb a tree and see what kind of land it was on which they had been thrown. Oviedo reported that it was an island, and so well cultivated that it appeared almost a Christian land* He was then desired to advance cautiously a little into tlie country. * Probably Galveston Island. 102 EXPEDITION or PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. He soon found a village, with only women and children in it; but there soon appeared some Indians, who followed Oviedo quickly to the shore and formed a circle of abont a hundred around the Span- iards. The Indians were well armed and tall. Alvaro, who had not six men that could rise from the ground, saw clearly that he had nothing to hope from resistance, and that his only course was to propitiate the Indians. This he sought to do by courtesy, and by presenting them some toys.. He met a most gracious return ; the Indians presented him with arrows — their surest pledge of friendship— and told him by signs fhat they would return in the morning and bring some provisions with them. And they were as good as their word, coming at the time appointed with fish and roots, and tliey repeated tlieir visits thus constantly for two or tliree days. When the Spaniards thought tliey were well provided with provisions they resolved to continue their voj'age, and for that jiurpose it was a great labor in their weak state to loosen the boat out of the sand in which it was fixed and drag it afloat, in doing which it was necessary to strip themselves and throw their clothes into the boat ; but in putting it afloat a violent wave overset the boat, which sank with all their clothes, carrying down with it three Spaniards. The rest with difficulty reached the shore and threw Themselves naked on the sand. They were now in a miserable condition, whatever they had being lost, and themselves quite naked ; besides it was the winter season, and the weather extremely cold, and a long course of hard living had taken awaj' all the covering of fle.sh from tlieir bones, so that they appeared like so manj' frightful images of deatii. But it was tlieir good luck, by searching about, to find some of the brands which thej' had just made a fire with before they embarked, and, as Providence would have it, those brands not quite extinguished ; so that here the3' quickly blew up a fire, which, in some measure, com- forted them under the piercing blasts of the north wind.* They were in this forlorn state not expecting to live, when the Indians (who knew nothing of their misfortune) came as they were wont, to bring them more supplies, but when they saw a parcel of naked skeletons standing abont a fire, believing them to be some verj' hor- rible things, they took to their heels, and ran as fast as they could. But Alvaro made after them, and stopped them at last with many fair words and persuasions, and told them the story of their sad ad- * It is probable that this accident happened on the coast of Texas, and this- cold wind was one of those severe north winds so noted in that climate. EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 103 venture,* which they believed when they came back and saw one or two dead bodies upon the shore. At the hearing of this tliey fell a weeping and lamenting after their manner, bewailing the Spaniards in very moving terms npon the score of their misfortunes, and ex- pressed a great deal of tenderness and humanity. This encouraged Alvaro to desire them to take them into tlieir houses for shelter, which they readily consented to ; and because their habitations were a good way off, they made several great fires by the way, at which they stopped to rub and chafe the benumbed limbs of these poor men, and carried them all the way upon their backs, not suffering any one of them to touch the ground with his feet. They also made good fires for them when they brought them home; gave them food and a warm lodging, and sung and danced all night for tlieir arrival. Some of the men who had been in Mexico were very averse to going, believing that the Indians would sacrifice them to their gods, and when thej' heard the Indians singing and rejoicing during the night, they believed that it was preparatory to sacrificing them in the morn- ing. These people (like most of the rest they had hitherto seen) were of strong, well compact bodies, and of good courage. The men had one of tlieir paps pierced from one side to the other, and in the hole a little cane was thrust across, about two or three spans long, and two fingers thick ; some had both their paps served thus. The like they did to the under lip, in which they carried a piece of cane about a half a finger thick. They made this island their habitation from October to the end of February, feeding mostly all that time upon fish, and a sort of root which they dig, out from under the water with much labor and trouble. When that time is expired they move into the continent to seek other food, for those roots do then but begin to grow, and are not in their perfection till Novem- ber and December. Their houses are made of mats, and they have the hides of beasts for beds and couches to sleep on ; their weapons are bows and arrows. They are the fondest lovers of their chil- dren in the world, and use them with much tenderness; if one dies, not only the family and kindred, but the whole village laments the loss, and they keep up their mourning for a whole year, performing the ceremony' of lamentation three times a day, before sun rising, at noon, and at sunset; first the parents, and then all the rest of the people. When the year is up, and the last funeral rites accom plished, they wash themselves, and shift all their mourning apparel, and ap- pear in their wonted garb. Old age they never bewail in this man- * Alvaro must have done this with signs ; for, having just arriyed among these Indians, he could certainly not have understood their language. 104 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. ner, for tliey don't pay any great i-evei"ence to it, as manj', yea, most other Indians do. Tliey say tlie old ones are good for notliing but to consume the maintenance that the children should have; and that since they liave lived their time, it is fit that they should die to make room. They "bury all the other dead except their physicians, whom they burn, and turn their bones into powder, which (at the j'ear's end, when the funeral rites are consummated) they give to their kindred to drink up in a draught of water ; the design of this, it is to be supposed, is to turn them into doctors too, for a supply of the other's mortality. These physicians have wonderful privi- leges above all other people, for they may marry two or three wives, whereas all the rest are allowed but one. They have farther this advantage, that those whom they cure do esteem tiiem so much as manj' times to give them all they are worth in the world, and to procure their friends to make them presents besides. Their methods of practice are only to cut and gash the parts affected, let it ail what it will, and then to apply their month and suck out the distemper ;^ then instead of a plaster, they sear it with a hot iron ; and for the conclusion of all, blow upon the place, to blow awaj' all the remain- ders of the grief that would not come out by suction. And they are so much for propagating the faculty of physick, that they would needs have the Spaniards their guests turn doctors too, and pretend to cure by blowing and sucking as they did. Neither would they admit of their excuse, that they had no such skill or virtue to carry oflf a distemper after that unaccountable manner. For (say they) all manner of stones and plants that grow in the field liave a virtue and a goodness in them that are profitable for some distemper or otiier, and is not man a more excellent creature than a stone, or a plant, and so has more healing and restoring virtues in him than they? However, Alvaro says they did not go that way to work that the Indian doctors did, but rather by spiritual methods of prayer and invocation to recover the sick that way ; their plasters and cordials were Pater Nosters and Ave Marias, benedictions and doxologies, which he reports, did wonderful cures, and gained them a mighty reputation in the country. Yet he confesses they were forced to comply with the Indian practice so far as to blow over the patient like them. While they made their abode with the Indians of this island, which tliey called Malhado, Alvaro saw some European articles in the hands of one of the Indians, and asked him where he procured them; he rci)lied that he received them from men like him, who were not far from there. Alvaro then sent to visit them two Spaniards with two Indians to guide them. But in going they met coming EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 105 Captains Andrez Dorantes and Alonzo Castillo witli some of the people of their bark. They related that on the 5th of November their bark had run aground about a league and a half from there. And being all together they determined to bring up that boat and as many of them as were strong and well to go in it, and endeavor to find some way to come where Christians lived, and the rest should stay tliere till they were recovered, and their friends could remove them also. But just as they were putting this project into execu- tion their boat failed them ; it was no sooner launched than it went to the bottom. However, four of tiiem who were the best swimmers, with an Indian as their guide, undertook to pass over to the main land, and so travel to Panuco. Alvaro and his company suffered very great hardships and miseries upon the island. The wealher proved bad and unseason- able, and they were ready to starve for want of provisions; there was a sad mortality among them, too, and of eighty men which there were in all, there were left remaining no more than fifteen. Five who were lodged near the shore are said to have devoured one another until only one survived, no person being there to devour him. The Indians were greatly shocked at this, and ever after had a very unfavorahle opinion of all the Spaniards. And which was woi'se still, a sickness happened among the Indians, which swept away a great number of them ; their superstitious fancy persuaded them that the Spaniards were the cause of that mortality, and now, instead of physicians, they made necromancers and murderers of them. In sliort, this fancy prevailed so far that they began to consult about the sacriQcing of them, and this they had certainly done, had not one wiser than the rest argued his companions into a belief of the innocency of the Spaniards, from this conside- ration : That if they had a power to take a,wa.y men's lives, they might be as reasonably supposed to have a power to preserve them, which if tiiej' had, they certainly would not have suffered so many of their own men to die as had done before their faces. This reason saved their lives, but they lived an uneasy life here afterwards; both the Indians and they too suffered great extremities for want of provisions, and made a very hard shift to avoid starving. Upon this some of the Indians removed over to the mainland, where they could have a better subsistence, and carried some- of the Span- iards along with them, and having lived there some time, they re- turned to another island, about two leagues from the mainland, for the convenience of the fresh water that was there. Alvaro was also transported over to the mainland by some other of the In- dians, who went, probably, upon the same account, of supplj-ing 106 EXPEDITION Of PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. themselves with the necessaries of life. And thus all were released from the prison of Malhado island, but still it was but a remove fi-om one prison to • another, and they were as far as ever, in their own opinions, from getting away from these heathenish people. While Alvaro was liere, his companions, at the island lately mentioned, had notice of the place of his abode, and got an opportunity to come over to him. The number that came was twelve, and two, Hieronimo de Alanez and Lope de Oviedo, were left sick behind on the island. Alonzo Castillo and the rest who came over about the 30th of April, resolved to travel along the coast homeward, but Alvaro being weak, could not pretend to bear them company in such a journey, so they went on and he stayed. After they were gone, he observed his time when the Indians were out of the way, and got over to the island where his two country- men were left, and stayed there a year at least, till he recovered his health a little better. But then he resolved to bid farewell to them too, for they used him ill and put him to the painful drudgery of digging under water for the roots they lived on. This design he executed, and conveyed himself over to the mainland again, among the Indians of Carruco.* There he had a much easier life in all respects, for he pretended liimself a merchant, which was a sort of vocation very grateful to them, and procured him both good usage and liberty too. For now his business was to travel up and down from one place to another with wares ; he went where he pleased, and returned when he would, and the people everywhere made much of him and desired his company. The merchandise he car- ried was shells, hides, red ochre, canes to make the bodies of arrows, and flints to make heads, and such like trifles. But that which was the greatest advantage to him by this course of life was that by this means he had an opportunity of viewing the country, and contriving his escape, for he travelled at least forty or fifty leagues along the coast. After this manner he spent six j^ears among these Indians of Carruco, and went. naked all the while as they do; but the seventh and last year of his apprenticeship coming on, he found a way to give his Indian masters the slip, and come to another people on the same coast. The Indians in this part of the country (particularly the Mariames and Fngavnns, among whom tlie Spaniards conversed) were a peo- ple of sordid life and brutish and barbarous customs. Their lips * This word " Carruco" might indicate, to one familiar with the languages of the Indian tribes of Texas, the locality where Alvaro then was. EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 101 and paps were pierced like those of the island of Malhado; their food roots and every sort of animal almost that they can catch ; frogs, worms, lizards, serpents, go down like good savory victuals with them. They neither reverence old age nor love their children as the other Indians do. They don't take any wives among them- selves, nor any husbands for their daughters, so that what women they have in that way are either taken from tlieir enemies in war, or bought of some of the neighboring people, and the price they generally give for a woman is either a good bow and a couple of arrows, or else a large net. The women spend the greater part of the night in heating their ovens and drying the roots they eat, and tlien, as soon as the day begins to appear,they go to drawing water and fetching wood into their houses. Their houses are made of mats, and are so contrived that they can remove them to any place where the conveniency of food calls them. As to tlieir tem- per and moral qualities, the Spaniards give but an ill account of them; tliey say that they practise unnatural lusts one with another, are very sottish, will lie and dissemble monstrously ; theive and steal, not only from their neighbors, but even fathers and children from one another. They neither till the land nor sow any sort of seeds, but leave all to the care and bounty of nature ; yet, notwith- standing their poverty and uncertainty of food, they live merry and jocund, and never cease their sports and dancing. They are so Vbry swift of foot and every way so well made for running, that they will follow a deer from morning to evening, till they have quite run him down, and made him so weary as to be taken alive. Tiie best of all their living is when they go to eat tune^ for then they do nothing but eat almost all day and night too, and spend their time in dancing and revelling, while that fruit lasts. Wiien they have done eating the tunes in the country where they grow, thej' take some and open and dry them, to eat by tlie way as they return home. In sliort, tliis tune time is a festival of the same quality and great expectation among tliem that Christmas it- self is among Europeans. As for flesh, the most they have of that is venison and beef, for there are some deer about the country, and oxen too in some places. These cattle are of the bigness of the Spanish oxen, have little horns like those of Barbary, and very long hair, and tliicker than usual in some parts. Of their hides they make garments to defend them from the cold of their climate; shoes also, and targets for war. Tlie greatest plague in this countiy is the multitude of flies that breed here ; and to defend themselves from which the natives very frequently go with a flaming brand in their hands, and sometimes burn down the trees where they are, 108 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. that the flies lieing deprived of their shelter may be forced to go away. And indeed, Alvaro said that they were so miserably vexed and tormented with them that it may be compared with the most troublesome thing in the world. The country contains a great deal of excellent pasture land [prairies] which would maintain mighty herds and flocks of cattle, and would certainly be a very fruitful and profitable one, if the people had but sense enough to manage it as it should be. There is hardly any mountain to be seen in all that part where the Spaniards were, but all plain and open. There are rivers of good, clear, wholesome water, too, but the natives having no certain settled place of abode, depend more upon the rain-water for their constant drink, than that of the rivers. A desire to take with him Lope de Oviedo had -caused Alvaro to prolong his stay. De Alanez, Oviedo's companion, had died soon after the departure of Castillo and the twelve men. Oviedo had put off going to the following j'ear. At length he and Alvaro went with some Indians to a bay a league broad and deep everywhere. On the other side of it an Indian told them the thirteen Spaniards had all died except three, and, if they wished it, they could see these three when the Indians who had them should come to the shore of that river to get nuts. Two days after this there came to the river- bank the Indians who had the three survivors of the thirteen that had set out from the Island Malhado to travel along the coast to Panueo. An Indian of a different nation told Alvaro to go to a particular place in the forest and he would conduct him to them. This he did the next day, and Andres Dorantes and Castillo, who were in the hands of these Indians, were greatly astonished to see Alvaro, and asked him where he was going. Alvaro replied that his design was to pass into a country where tiiere were Christians. Dorantes, Castillo, and the negro Estevano, who appears to have been one of the thirteen, determined to fly with him; but Dorantes begged him to wait six months, when the Indians would Le going away in quest of fruit. This being agreed to, Alvaro remained, and was given in slavery to the same Indian who already had Dorantes. Castillo and Dorantes related that, after quitting the island of Malhado, they passed four rivers, very large and with very strong currents, when they found wrecked upon the coast the bark in which tlie contador and the friars had sailed. This bark they pushed into the sea, in doing which four men were drowned. The^' then sailed to a bay and crossed it with much trouble ; fifteen leagues further they found another, where were some Indians, who. EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 109 when they saw them, went to tlie other shore. In a journey of sixty leagues two of the Spaniards had perished, besides the four that were drowned. Whilst occupied in finding means to cross the bay, an Indian came to them with a Christian, who proved to be Figiieroa, one of the four sent from the island of Malhado to go to Panuco. Figiieroa related to them how he had arrived at that place with his companions ; that two of them and an Indian had died of cold and hunger ; tliat, with him, the Indians had captured Mentes, wlio, having fled with the intention of going to Panuco, was pursued and killed by the Indians; that he had lieard from the Indians, of a Christian who had been with the Mariames, and then iiad got to the Quevenes. This Christian was Hernando de Esquivel, a native of Bajados, who had been with the commissary. From Esquivel, Figueroa learned the fate of the governor, the contador, and others. Tlie last caused their bark to be driven ashore, and then following tlie coast, found at the shore that of Pamfilo de Narvaez. The governor went in his bark to the great bay; there he had the com- pany carried to the opposite shore. Then he came to seek the contador, the friars, and all the others. In the evening he would not go on shore, but remained in his bark with the captain and a cabin-boy, who were sick. At n5idnight so violent a north wind arose that the bark, which had only a stone for an anchor, was driven out to sea and never more heard of. Those who were on land followed the shore, and, meeting a igreat expanse of water, made a raft with which they came to the other side. Continuing the mai'ci) they came to the end of a forest, where they found some Indians, who, having perceived them, left their cabins for their canoes. This was in November. The Spaniards, though they found wood and water, and on the seashore some crabs and shell- fish, yet they perished one after another of hunger and cold. Pen- taja, whom Narvaez before being lost had made his lieutenant in place of tlie contador, treated them badly. Sotomayor, brother of Vasco Porcallo, of the island of Cuba, turned against Pentaja and gave him a blow which killed him. Thus the numbers diminished. Tiiose who remained alive caused the dead to be cooked. The last who sank was Sotomayor. Esquivel had him roasted, and lived upon his body till the 1 st of March, when one of the Indians who had fied when the Spaniards arrived came to see if all were gone, and carried off Esquivel. Andrez Dorantes, escaping to the Ma- riames, learned from them that Esquivel, having attempted to escape, was pursued and killed by the Indians. Yet Dorantes, after re- maining a few days witii these same people, escaped. Castillo and 110 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. Estevano went into the interior of tlie country to the Tguazes. The three had got with the same tribe when Alvaro joined them. The six months having passed, and the time arrived for the departure of the Indians to gather tune, a, quarrel broke out among them, and they sejjarated ; and thus the Spaniards were obliged to defer their attempt to escape. They did not meet each other again for a year. At length, about the 1st of September, Alvaro escaped. On the 13th of September, Dorantes and Estevano, the negro, joined him, having left Castello not far off among the Anagados. These last Indians had said that fai'ther in the shore there was a nation called Camones, and that these Camones had killed all the Spaniards who were in the bark with Panalosa and Telles. Two days after all four got together they set off In the evening, seeing some smoke, they went to the place where it rose, where they found some Indians, called Avavares, whose language they under- stood, having formerly traded with them, by whom they were very kindly received. The Spaniards gained greatly the favor of these Indians by curing their sick. They went about with them in their journeys. They lived among these people about eight months, feed- ing upon such wild fruits and roots as they did, and going as naked as ever they were born, except at any time they could procure a few skins to cover themselves. Alvaro says that with travelling through woods and thickets, where the thorns and briai-s tore their flesh, they were in a very miserable condition. From these people they removed to the Maliacones and then to the Arbadoes with whom they lived some time after the same poor and hard fate that they had with the former. When these people first saw them before their houses they withdrew and reasoned awhile among themselves, which consultation being over, they came in a very friendlj' manner, taking them by the hands and leading them into their houses. Of these people (as of all the rest in general from the island of Malhado hither) they observed that they gave their children suck till they are ten or twelve years old, and this because of the great scarcity of victuals in their country; for nature having made a provision for them in the mother's milk they rather chose to let them depend upon that for a maintenance than upon the uncertain products of the earth or tlieir uncertain getting them. They part from their wives whenever (quarrels and differences arising between them) they can no longer enjoy domestic pence and quietness ; this is very common among the younger sort, but it is not customary for, those who have had many children to turn off the mothers of them and abandon them totally. When any couple is thus divorced EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO ELOEIDA. Ill from each other, they both use their liberty to marry when or whom thej' please. When a quarrel happens between two families they have them to separate from the rest of the community and withdraw with their women and whatever belongs to them into some place in the fields by tliemselves; and here they stay till eitlier their neigh- bors m^ke peace or they have mutually digested the matter on botli sides and are disposed to a reconciliation. If a difference among them ever proceeds so far as to come to blows, they take care never to use any dangerous weapons. They commonly take pretty hand- some cudgels and thrash one another with them till they have suffl- cientl}' vented their choler on both sides ; but as for their bows and arrows they reserve them for their enemies, and no passion ever makes them turn upon each other with those weapons or any other that may prove fatal. They are soldiers good enough, hardy, used to labor, and able to endure it, cunning, and presently perceiving the fear and cowardice of their enemies, and taking all the advantage by it imaginable; in short, an enemy must use them the worst that can be, and fear them without any discovery of it. Among some of them, Alvaro says, there are a sort of impotent effeminate men, of much larger and greater limbs than ordinary, who go in women's dress and are devoted to women's work; they carry no bows nor arrows, but instead of them burdens of wood and water, and within doors do other domestic work; and of these he declares he saw several.* They have a sort of drink made of the leaves of a tree like the mulben-y tree, which they boil very well, and work it up into a froth, and so drink it as hot as ever they can suffer it to come into their mouths. All the while this is over the fire the vessel must be close shut; and if by chance it should be uncovered, and a woman should come by in the mean time, they would drink none of it, but fling all away. Likewise, while they stand cooling and poui'ing it out to drink, a woman must not stir nor move,' or they w^ould throw it all to the ground, or spew it up again, if they had drunk any, and she herself would incur the bastinado. All this time they continue bawling out aloud, "Who will drink?" And when the women begin to hear these exclamations, then it is that they settle themselves in their postures, and were they sitting, or standing, though it were a tip-toe, or one leg up and the other down, they must continue so till the men have cooled their liquor, and made it fit to drink. The reason of this is every whit as foolish and unreasonable as the cus- * Marquette mentions in his account of his voyage down the Mississippi similar facts in regard to the Illinois and Nadonessians. 112 EXPEDITION or PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. torn itself; for they say, should not the women stand still when they hear their voice, some bad thing would be conveyed into the liquor, which they say would make them die; and if such a genera- tion of asses were all poisoned, it were no great loss to the world. Our Spaniards continued travelling on through this hungry barren country ; the next Indians they came to, entertained them'with a sort of food which thej' had met witli none before; it was a kind of meat made of a fruit called Mesquiquez, which is like the carobe, and Alvaro says of the same kind. As it hangs on the tree it is very bitter, and as they prepare it one would think it should not be mended, though they are of another opinion, and therefore pro- ceed accordingly. They make a trench in the ground of a consider- able depth, and throw the fruit into it, bruising and stiiTing it about with a great piece of wood. Wlien they have done this to the pur- pose, they take this hodge-podge of earth and fruit and put it into a vessel, pouring as much water upon it as would just cover it; then they taste whether it be sweet enough or not; if not, they take more earth and mingle with it till they have wrought it up to that degree of sweetness that pleases their palates best. When this is done, they will sit round the trench, and every man thrusts in his hand and takes out a lump to eat ; and so they eat on in this way of good fellowship till their bellies sometimes are ready to burst. The liquor they use to wash down this dirty meat is made of seeds or kernels of the fruit and the husk together; for they take these and put them into a vessel of water, and after they have lain steeped there awhile, thej' come and squeeze them, and the liquor that is thus pressed out is, without any further preparation, fit to be drunk bj' tlie best of them. The next people they came to seemed to be struck with a mighty fear and astonishment at the first approach of these strange men. It was a good while before they would venture to come near them, and, when they did, they laid their hands upon the faces and bodies of the Spaniards, and then upon their own, bidding them welcome by that kind of action. These nations the Spaniards were now got among were of a, much more civil and hospitable temper than those they had passed through at first; but there were such varieties of them that they don't pre- tend so much as to give us their names, much less could they learn the languages of every one of them. They werfe pretty well ac- quainted with six several tongues, but before they came into the parts of the continent where the Spaniards dwelt, they had met with about a thousand sorts of languages; so that all along they expressed their minds to the Indians by signs and motions, which EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO PLOEipA. 113 they found no great trouble to make them understand the sense and meaning of. (3)* In this last country they had now reached, no European had hitherto been seen ; and they were received with that pleasing sur- prise which usually marks the first meeting between civilized and savage people. Their reverence was much increased when Alvaro began to act the physician as he had done on the coast. His success was greater than ever when he succeeded in raising a dead man to life (probably some one in a swoon or stunned by a blow). By this such worship did they obtain in the eyes of the Indians that on the assertion being made that they were the children of the sun it met with immediate belief; and they were not only at full liberty to proceed westward but were furnished with an escort to conduct and recommend them to the next people as children of the sun who had power to cure or kill every disease to which man was subject. They add^d, it is said, even greater lies ; all passed current, and these Indians scrupled not, even under cover of this sacred character of their mysterious companions, to appropriate whatever appeared to them desirable ; a proceeding viewed with much alarm by the Spaniards on account of the hostile feelings which, seemingly, it could not fail to excite; but, on the contrary, they found their com- panions made welcome, on their account, to anything they chose to take. This new people sent a similar escort, who repeated the same absurdities, and made a similar use of the credit derived from them; and thus they were passed on from nation to nation, guided, vene- rated, and protected. They had nothing to encounter except the physical obstacles of the route. Alvaro says that sometimes they had thousands to attend them, neither was it an easy matter to get rid of some of them, many times the people whose country they came to would march out in a full body to meet them and bid them welcome, and, according to their various customs and manners, such was their reception and manner of entertainment among them. One nation particularly Alvaro makes mention of,- where the people ran out of their houses shouting and hollowing, and striking their hands upon their thighs at such a rate, that they frightened them most bitterly ; and then they thronged and crowded about them with so much eagerness, every man striving to be foremost, * " As so many tongues entirely different are spoken by the Prairie Indians, a language of signs has become the general medium of communication between the different nations. This system of signs has been brought to such perfection among them, that the most intricate correspondence seems to be intelligibly conducted by such as have acquired a proficiency in this dumb language." — " Commerce of the Prairies," by Josiah Grregg. 8 114 EXPEDITION Of PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLOEIDA. and came as near them as possible, that he says they were like to be squeezed to death. The multitude would not let them touch the ground with tlieir feet, but got them upon their shoulders, and carried them away to their houses* Others of them, as soon as they had brought the Spaniards into their houses, would offer them all their goods, and the very houses tliemselves too ; and though there were no great treasures there, yet they were not a little pleased to see the free and open humor of these people. Some again would not come out of their houses into the fields and highways to meet them, but sit at home and stay till they came; and it is comical enough what Alvaro relates of these silent people (who were yet as hearty and kind as the noisy ones before mentioned); that when they came to their houses, they found them all sitting with their faces turned towards the wall, their heads hanging down, and their long hair dangling over their eyes, as if they had been asleep, and afterwards were entertained by them in a very frank and hearty manner. They commended these for the most comely and sensible people of all that they saw; their women, and all the old people in general, wear a covering of deer skins, the rest go naked, here and there a man only excepted. Their country abounds with kine [buffalo], and they have also some store of maize. Leaving the Indians, who by their actions appear to have never before seen white and bearded men, the Spaniards first crossed a large river flowing from the north. They then travelled thirty leagues over a populous plain. On the way Dorantes received a brass or copper bell with a face or figure on it. The next day they crossed a mountain of seven leagues, and in the evening arrived at numerous cabins on the bank of a very pretty stream. The Indians in this place gave them many purses containing marcosite and antimony, whicii last was used to paint their faces. The bell being shown them they said in the place from which that came there was found in the earth much of that metal, which was greatly esteemed, and that in that country were fixed houses. They then crossed a * Joutel, in his "Journal of the last voyage of La Salle," mentions a similar reception which he and his party received on liis way to " Cappa." He says : "As for my own part, heing of a pretty large size, and loaded with clotlies, a firelock, a case of pistols, powder and ball, a kettle and other implements, there is no donbt but I made a sufficient burden for him that carried me, and because I was taller than he, and my feet would have hung upon the ground, two other Indians held them up for me ; so that I had three to carry me. Other Indians took hold of our horses to lead them, and in that ridiculous equipage we arrived ' at the village." This village was one of four allied together, viz., Assony, Nathosos, Nachitos, and Cadodaquio. EXPEDITION OP PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 115 rugged, arid, dreary tract, fifty leagues in extent. In this road tliey suffered severely from thirst and hunger; and crossed a river, the water of which came up to the breast, and were conducted over a plain to the foot of the mountains, where at length they came to a party of Indians, who had a little corn, and who conducted them to their villiage. These Indians told them that the next people lived afar off, and were their enemies. Two women were given them for guides, one of whom conducted Castillo and the ne^ro to a place where lier father lived, on a stream running between mountains. The dwellings here were the first seen that merited the name of houses. After speak- ing with the inliabitants, Castillo returned to Alvaro and Dorantes, bringing with him five or six Indians. The three then set out with the Indians for their houses. . After stopping there a day, they were conducted to other fixed houses. This country was thickly populated, and in it were the greatest number of cows [buffaloes]. In answer to the question why they did not plant corn, they said that, two years before, the water failed and the moles ate the seeds ; that they could not plant it until there was plenty of rain. Being asked where they procured corn, they said on the sea-coast where the sun set; that there the whole countrj' was filled with it; and that the shortest way to it was to go west. After stopping two days, the Spaniards determined to seek this countrj"^ where there was so much corn, and to go constantly to the west until they should come to it. For some time they went up a river, then they crossed it, and at sunset found themselves in a great valley in the midst of very high mountains, where they found a people who had much corn in store, and fixed houses, some of which were constructed of earth [adobe], and others of mats of reeds. They then went a hundred leagues into the interior, still finding fixed houses, corn, and beans, and after having travelled a vast extent of country came at last to a village of the provinces border- ing on the Pacific Ocean, but, after having the welcome sight of this, they travelled many days in great distress for want of prgvisions ; but the worst of all was their being reduced to powder of straw, which Alvaro says they did eat for several days, having nothing else that was eatable to pretend to, as neither had the Indians in whose country they then were. But out of this miserable place they came into a land that migiit be called happy, beautiful, and fruitful in comparison ; for here they had corn, pulse, gourds,* and venison * This word gourd is not vinfreqiiently found in the early accounts of America. It is mentioned here as a food, and means probably a squash or a pumpkin. 116 EXPEDITION OP PAMPILO DE NAKVAEZ TO FLOEIDA. for the belly; deer-skins also, and cotton mantles for the back. Going further, they had not only a, continuance of these necessaries, but superfluities, too ; the natives gave them turquoise stones, some emeralds, and pieces of coral, and told them that they had the emeralds in exchange for quills and parrots' feathers from a certain people that dwelt in very high mountains to the north. These Indians were a polite people, in respect of a great many others they had met with ; they had houses more large and handsomely built than was common ; their women were used with great respect and regard to their sex ; they wore shifts of bombazine cotton which reached below the knee, and a sort of sleeves made of deerskin which touched the ground, and were perfumed very sweet with certain roots ; and all in general, both men and women, were shod. From these they travelled to others, who lived a much more poor and miserable life; and from these again through another large and populous country, where the natives sowed maize and pulse three times a year, and had also plenty of deer. They found here a sort of poisonous tree, of which the inhabitants make use to poison their arrows, and that either with the fruit or the milky juice that drops from the boughs when they are broken ofl". There are several of these trees that are so strong a poison that the leaves of them bruised and cast into any pool or standing water will certainly kill the beasts that drink it, according to their report. They finally arrived at a village, where they stopped three days, and then went a day's march to another, in which they were detained fifteen days in consequence of the river being high. During this time Castillo saw, on the neck of an Indian, the buckle of a sword- belt. The Indian said it was brought into the country by men with beards, who had come to that river (Petutan), and had horses, lances, and swords. TUey saw sad demonstrations of it as they passed further into the country, for the people had left their towns and villages and hid themselves in the forests and mountains, the fruitful fields lay neglected, and a whole rich and pleasant country appeared to be spoiled.* * Alvaro was now travelling through Xalisoo, called also Galicia and Guadala- jara. About the year 1531 this country was first entirely reduced and colonized by the Spaniards under Nunez de Guzman, who found it inhabited by a bold, warlike people, well armed, well clothed, obstinate lovers of freedom, who for a long time resisted all the power of the Spaniards, Their towns were well built, the people were comparatively civilized, and conducted their aflfairs, both civil and military, with great address and regularity. Guzman's troops every- where committed terrible depredations, but lie drew no advantage from it. He remained in the province of Xalisco until imperial orders were issued to arrest and bring him back a prisoner to Mexico at his own expense. EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. lit Some of the Indians that had suffered thus, being at last got out of their holes and hiding-places, told them that the Spaniards had been there and destroyed and burnt their towns, laid their lands waste, and carried ofT vast numbers of the people for slaves. Yet were these a most innocent, courteous people, and made Alvaro with his company as welcome as possible. In short, they went on, with a great body of Indians attending, till they came where the first Spanish settlement was, having all along traced the march of the Spaniards by those marks of their cruelty which were visible everywhere. From the place where Alvaro first heard the Spaniards spoken of he reckoned it to be eighty leagues to the river Petutan ; the river on which Diego de Guzman arrived. In all the country where the mountains ended, he observed traces of gold, iron, and other metals ; and where the houses were fixed he describes it as warm, even in January. The next morning^ after seeing stakes to which horses had been tied, Alvaro took with him the negro and twelve Indians, and fol- lowed the trace of the Christians. He passed three villages where they had slept, and made ten leagues that day. The next day he met some Christians on horseback, who were astonished to see him clothed in so strange a maimer, and in the midst of these Indians. They regarded him for a long time with such astonishment that they could not utter a word. Alvaro told them to conduct him to their chief, and then the party went a half league to the place where Diego de Alcarez, their captain, was. When Alvaro had spoken to him, the captain told him he knew not what to do ; that for a long time he ha'd not been able to take any Indians ; and he did not know where to.,go, because his people had begun to sufier with hunger. Alvaro told him that Dorantes and Castillo were ten leagues from there -v^rith many people that they were bringing with them. Tlie captain amraediately sent to them three cavaliers and fifty Indians, the negro-serving for a guide. Alvaro asked the captain to certify the year; the month, the day, and condition in which he had found him, which he did. From this river to the city of San Miguel, the chief place of the govern- ment of this province [Xalisco ?] of New Spain they counted it to be thirty leagues. Two days after, Dorantes and Castillo arrived with those who had been sent to seek them. They brought six hundred Indians belonging to a village, all of the inhabitants of whicli had fled into the forests, and concealed themselves for fear of the Spanish sol- 118 EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. diers. The natives who accompanied Alvaro's party had caused all these Indians to come back, and had conducted them to where they were. The Indians brought Alvaro a great quantity of corn, of which he took some, and gave the rest to captain Alcaraz and his men, to divide among themselves. Alvaro was much chagrined at the wish of these Spaniards to make slaves of the Indians who had brougiit this supply. Seeing the Indians afflicted, Alvaro tran- quillized them ; told them to return home and plant their corn ; but they refused to leave him, saying that in his company they were not afraid. The Spanish soldiers said they were masters of the country, and must be obeyed ; and farther, that they were Christians, as well as Alvaro. This the Indians would not believe. They declared it to be utterly impossible, since everything was contrary in the two parties : the one came from the east, the other from the west; the one was naked and on foot, the other clothed and on horseback; the one healed those who were sick, the other killed those who were well ; the one showed no sign of avarice, while the other seemed to have no object in life but to steal what- ever they could reach: but at length Alvaro got tbem to return to their homes, after which he and his companions, in a state of arrest, were sent to an alcalde named Zebreros. They carried Alvaro and his party into the mountains by path- less ways where there was no water. They thought they all should die of thirst. Seven men perished, and a great number of Indians wlio accompanied them lived only till the noon of next day. In the evening they found water. After going about twenty-five leagues they arrived at a village of subjugated Indians. The alcalde who conducted them left them there, and they went three leagues further to another village called Cnliacan, where resided Melchoir Diaz, alcalde mayor and captain of the province. The reception of Alvaro and party by Diaz was very different from that by Alcaraz. Diaz begged them to remain in the country and use their influence with the Indians to bring about a better state of affairs. Alvaro enjoined the Indians to build churches and put crosses on tbem. He caused to be brought to him the children of the principal Indian inhabitants, that he might bap- tize them. Then Diaz solemnly promised not to make inroads into the country, nor to permit the Indians to be oppressed, nor to re- duce into slavery any of the natives of the country which Alvaro had pacified. Diaz engaged to keep his promise until the emperor, or the governor Nuno de Guzman, or viceroy should decide on EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA, 119 what would be fit for the service of God and the emperor. When Alvaro had finished baptizing the Indian children, he set out for the city of San Miguel. In the city of San Miguel, Alvaro remained until the 15th of May. From this place he went to the city of Compostella, the residence of the governor, Nuno de Guzman. To reach -it, they were forced to ti-avel a hundred leagues through a country entirely deserted and hostile. He travelled with his people and twenty cavaliers for forty leagues. From the place where these left him, his party con- tinued its march in company with six Spaniards, who were conduct- ing five hundred Indian slaves. Having arrived at Compostella, he was well received by the governor, who clothed him and his party. It took Alvaro a long time to accustom himself to wearing clothes, and he could sleep only on the ground. Ten or twelve days after their arrival at Compostella, they set out for the city of Mexico. All along the route they were well received by the Christians, great numbers of whom came to see them, and thanked God that they had escaped from such great dangers. They arrived in the city of Mexico on Sunday, the eve of St. James [1536]. The viceroy Antonio de Mendoza and the Marquis de Valle [Hernando Cortes] received them with the greatest pleasure, and treated them very kindl3'. They gave them clothes, offered them whatever they possessed, and on the day of St. James had carousals and bull-fights. After he had rested two months at Mexico, he was going to em- bark for Spain in October, when a storm arose, and drove the vessel aground. Then he determined to wait till winter was over. When part of the winter was passed, he and Dorantes went to Vera Cruz, where they waited till Palm Sunday to embark. They waited fifteen days for a wind. The vessel being deep in the water, Alvaro left it for another, while Dorantes remained on board. On the 10th of April, they sailed in company with a third vessel. The three ves- sels kept together fifty leagues, when one night that of Alvaro parted from the other two, which were lost sight of. Alvaro's vessel arrived at Havana the 4th of May, and there waited for the other two till the 2d of June. It then set out, but not without apprehension of meeting the French, who had a few days before taken three vessels in those parts. After leaving Havana, having made five hundred leagues, the vessel arrived at the Azores, and tlie next day, in passing- near the island of Cuervo, they per- ceived a French vessel in company with a caravel loaded with negroes. The French would have taken the vessel of Alvaro, but for the sight of a Portuguese fleet, commanded by Diego de Silvelra. 120 EXPEDITION OP PAMVILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA, With this fleet Alvaro's vessel went to the island of Terceira, where they remained fifteen days for another vessel which was coming from India,, and was in company with three vessels escorted by a squadron. Then all set out together, and entered the port of Lis- bon August the 15th, 1537. Dorantes and Castillo also returned to Spain. The negro Este- vano remained in Mexico, and served as a guide to Francisco Marco de Nizza in his expedition to Cibola, where Estevano, on account of some improprieties, was killed by the Indians. EXPEDITION OP PEANCISCO VASQUEZ COEONADO. 121 CHAPTEE VII. I. EXPEDITION OF FRANCISCO VASQUEZ COEONADO TO CIBOLA AND TIGUEX. 1539-1543. In the year 1530, Nunc de Guzman, at that time president of New Spain, had in his service an Indian, a native of the country Exitipar, which was called by the SpaniarcJs Tejos or Texos, and which in all probability was no other than the present Texas. This Indian told his master that he was the son of a merchant long since dead. That during his childhood his father used to go into the in- terior of the country to sell the handsome feathers with which the Indians adorn their heads ; and that he brought back in exchange a great quantity of gold and silver, which metals were, according to him, well known in that country. He assured him that, having on one occasion accompanied his father, he had seen several large towns in which entire streets were inhabited by people working the pre- cious metals. Finally lie added that to arrive there, it was neces- sary to travel for forty days through a wilderness, where nothing was to be found save a short grass, and then get into the interior of the country, keeping due north. Relying on this information, Nuno de Guzman assembled an army of four hundred Spaniards, and twenty thousand Indians, al- lies of New Spain. He started from Mexico, traversed the province of Tarasea, and reached that of Culiacan, the limit of his govern- ment; no road leading farther on, and having great obstacles to sur- mount in order to pass over the mountains which intercepted his route, he now saw the greater number of his ofHcers and allies get discouraged and abandon him. Meanwhile he was apprised that Hernando Cortes, his personal enemy, was returning [from Spain] to Mexico, loaded with titles and favors. He therefore resolved to stop at Culiacan, and colonize that province. Shortly afterwards the Tejos Indian died, and Nuno de Guzman was thrown into prison. Some time previously Pamfllo Narvaez, Hernando Cortes's unfor- 122 EXPEDITION OP FRANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. tunate rival, having been named governor of Florida, left St. Do- mingo with four hundred men and eighty horses, in five ships ; he reached Florida on the 11th of April, 1528. On the 1st of May following, he penetrated into the interior of the country. After long and weary marches he returned to the coast and constructed barks, in hopes of reaching Panuco by coasting towards the west. On the 22d of September of the same year, he sailed, accompanied by two hundred and forty-two men. On the 29th or 30th of October, after a most perilous navigation, the Spaniards discovered and pointed out to Narvaez the mouth of the Mississippi. They almost all perished shortly after; some of hunger, some from shipwreck, and others by the natives. There only survived [Alvaro Nunez] Cabesa de Vaca, Dorantes, Castillo Maldonado, and a negro [Estevano]. At the end of eight years they reached Mexico. Don Antonio de Mendoza, at that time viceroy of New Spain, caused these three travellers to be brought before bim. They related to him their adventures, declaring that they had met with Indian tribes, some of whom cultivated maize, while others lived on fish and the product of the chase; that they had heard of large towns, with lofty houses containing many stories, and situated in the same direction as those spoken of by the Tejos Indian. Men- doza communicated the information he received from them, to Fran- cisco Vasquez Coronado, a nobleman of Salamanca, and governor of the province of CuHacan. The latter at once left Mexico and hastily returned to his province. When Nunc de Guzman had conquered the new kingdom of Galicia, the first town he built there was Culiacan. It is situated west of Mexico. According to Pedro de Castanedo de Nagera, who had joined Coronado's expedition, there were three large and per- fectly distinct populations in that couutry — the Tahus, the Pacasas, and the Acaxas. The Tahus were the most intelligent and the most civilived nation, and the one that first embraced Catholicism. Previous to the conquest, these Indians adored the evil spirit under the form of large serpents, which they reared with the greatest veneration, and to which they made offerings of stuflfs and turquoises. Although these men were very immoral, j'et such was their respect for all women who led a life of celibacy, that they celebrated grand festivals in their lienor. The Pacasas were more barbarous. They ate human flesh, married several wives — even their own sisters, and adored carved or painted stones. The Acaxas were also cannibals j they hunted men like wild beasts, and built their villages on steep cliffs, separated one from the other by ravines, over which it was impossible to pass. EXPEDITION OP FRANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. 123 Coronado had taken with him the negro Esteva and three Fran- ciscan monks, one of whom was Father Marcos de Ni§a, who had already taken part in the expedition which Don Pedro d'Alvarado had conducted by land to Peru.* As soon as the governor had reached Culiacan, he sent Father Marcos forward to descry the country, with which object the latter began his tour on the 'Tth of March, 1539, in company of the two other Franciscans, the negro, and a goodly number of emancipated Indians. The little band remained three days at Petatlan, chief town of a province of the same name, a short distance from Culiacan. The name of Petatlan was given to it because its houses were constructed of matted rushes, called petates. The inhabitants, whose customs resembled those of the Tahus, had their villages built on the borders of the rivers and on the mountains. As he journeyed along, Father Marcos met entire populations, who received him with pleasure and gave him provisions, flowers, and other presents. The first desert he afterwards saw, and of which he speaks in the account of his journey sent to tlie Emperor Charles Y.,is doubtless the one situated between the Rio Yagui and the Rio Sonora. This country is cer- tainly vei-y barren, and quite destitute of water for a distance of about one hundred and ten miles.(4) Tiie Indians who lived beyond this desert occupied the valley of Sonora, which Cabeza de Vaca had named Tierradelos Corazones (Country of the Hearts), because, when he passed there, a great many hearts of animals had been offered to him.f The inhabitants of this valley were numerous and intelligent. The women wore petticoats of tanned deer-skin. Evei'y morning the caciques ascended little eminences, and for more than an hour would indicate aloud what each was to do during the day. At their religious ceremonies they stuck arrows around their temples, resembling in this the Zunis of the present day, who some- times stick them round their altars and tombs.J Father Marcos * Pedro Alvarado went liy sea from a port in Guatemala, and landed at the bay of Caragues, on the coast of Pent, and then marched to Quito. t The Mexicans offered the hearts of their victims to their idols, and these Indians, taking Alvaro Nunez for a divine being, may have offered him the hearts of animals through superstitious motives. t Rene Laudonniere, in his "History of the First Attempt of the French to Colonize Florida," in speaking of the Indians of Florida, says : "When a king dieth they bury him very solemnly, and upon his grave they set the cup wherein he was wont to drink, and roundabout the said grave they stick many arrows, and weep the first three days together without ceasing. " The most part of them (the Indians) have their bodies, arms, and thighs painted with very fair devices, the painting whereof can never be taken away, because the same is pricked into the flesh. ' ' 124 EXPEDITION OF FEANCISCO VASQUEZ COEONADO. found on the borders of this desert other Indians, who were greatly surprised to see him, for they had not the slightest idea of the ■ Christians. Some of them would try to touch his garments, and would call him " Soyota," which signiges " Man come down from Heaven." These Indians told him that, should he continue his route, he would soon enter a very extensive plain, full of large towns, which were inliabited by people clad in cotton, wearing gold rings and ear-rings, and making use of little blades of the same metal to scrape the perspiration off their bodies. Although the information given by Father Marcos is rather vague, and though it is scarcely possible to state precisely the route he followed, or to indicate the geographical positions of the countries he passed through, it is probable that the plain, here spoken of, is that of the Rio de las Casas Grande, situated one hundred and fifty miles east of the Rio Sonora, which is to this day all covered with imposing ruins,* reminding one of handsome and populous cities. After a few days' march, Father Marcos arrived at Vacapa, now called Magdalena, situated on the Rio San Miguel, one hundred and twenty miles from the California Gulf The in- habitants of this town were, no doubt, the ancestors of the Cocopas, who are now spread from the mouth of the Rio Colorado to the northwestern deserts. Father Marcos remained a few days at Vacapa to enable his fellow-travellers to rest themselves ; the Indians generously giving them everything they were in need of. The monks, being displeased .with the negro (who was misconduct- ing himself towards the women of the country, and who only thought of enriching himself), resolved on sending him away; but as he knew how to make himself understood by the natives of that country — through which he had already travelled — and as he was known to those Indians, Father Marcos determined on sending him forward with orders to acquaint him, at once, of whatever discoveries he should make. Four days afterwards Bsteva, the negro, dispatched to his supe- rior a messenger who related wonderful things of a large town called Cibola, known at the present day by the name of Zuni. According to the fashion of his tribe, the messenger's face, breast, and arms were painted. Those Indians whom the Spaniards called Pintados lived on the frontiers of the seven towns forming the kingdom of Cibola.f Their descendants, now called Papagos and Pimas, still reside in the same country, which extends from the valley of Santa * The Casa Grande of the San Miguel. f Cibolos in the Mexican language means buffaloes, according to Clavigero. EXPEDITION OE ERANOISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. 125 Cruz to the Rio Gila. Cibola, the first of the seven towns and capital of the kingdom of that name, was situated thirty days' jour- ney from Vacapa. The Pintados said they often- went there and were employed in tilling the ground; and received for their wages turquoises and tanned hides. An Indian of this town told Father Marcos that Cibola was a great city, densely peopled, with a great number of streets and squares ; that in some quarters there were very large houses with ten stories, where the chieftains assembled, at certain times of the year, to discuss public affairs. The doors and fronts of those houses were adorned with turquoises. The inhabitants had white skins like the Spaniards, and wore wide cotton tunics tliat reached to their feet. These garments were fastened round the neck by means of a button, and were ornamented at the waist with a belt studded with very fine turquoises. Over these tunics some wore excellent cloaks, and others very riclily wrought cowhides. The same Indian added, " That towards the southeast there existed a kingdom called Marata, with large populations and considerable towns, the houses of which had several stories ; that these people were continually at war with the sovereign of the seven towns. And tliat in the direction of the southwest, on the Rio Verde, was another kingdom called Totonteac, which was as wealthy as it was densely peopled, and whose inhabitants were dressed in fine cloth." Although these narratives were exaggerated, it is not less a fact that all those countries were thickly populated, intersected with roads, and studded with towns.* When Father Marcos had rested himself, he took measures to rejoin the negro, accompanied by the Pintados, who served him as guides; and he left Vacapa on Easter Monday. He was everywhere welcomed with the same marks of kindness and the same cordiality. Everywhere he received presents of turquoises, tanned skins, rabbits, quails, game, maize, and vegetables. On the 9th of May he entered the last desert that separated him from Cibola. Having stopped for a few minutes to dine at a farm-house, he saw one of Esteva's companions coming hastily towards him, quite covered with perspi- * The ruins on the Gila, Rio Verde, and San Miguel all go to confirm what this Indian reported to Father Marcos. The direction of one of these places appears to he wrong. The Indian was s'peaking of the direction of these places from Cibola, which was probably where now is the Casa Grande of the Gila. The Casa Grande of the San Miguel was probably in the kingdom of Marata, for it would be southeast from the Casa Grande of the Gila. But the Casa Grande of the Rio Verde could not be south- west from that of the Gila, but rather is northward of it. 126 EXPEDITION OF FEANOISCO VASQUEZ COEONADO. ration, faint from fatigue, and trembling with fear. This man told him that the inhabitants of Cibola had first imprisoned the negro and afterwards put him to death, as also several of the Indians who accompanied him. These tidings threw consternation among Father Marcos' followers. The greater number of them were relatives or friends of the victims ; they accused him of being the cause of this misfortune, and resolved upon killing' him. He fortunately escaped this danger and returned in all haste to Culiacan, where he related to the governor all that had occurred during his expedition. Captain-general Vasquez Coronado, encouraged by the account given by Father Marcos, and hoping to discover new territories, at once organized, in New Spain, a little anny which assembled at Compostella, and on the day following Easter, 1540, he put himself at the head of his troops, composed of one hundred and fifty horse- men, two. hundred archers, and eight hundred Indians. Having reached Culiacan, the army halted to take rest. At the end of a fortnight Coronado moved forward, accompanied by fifty horsemen, a few foot soldiers, and his best friends, among whom was father Marcos. The command of the remainder of the troops was confided to Don Tristan d'Arrellano, with orders to leave fifteen days later, and to follow the same route as the captain-general. After a month of fatigue and of privation of all kinds, Vasquez Coronado arrived at Chichilticale. This name, which signifies Red House, was given to this locality because a large house of that color was to be seen there, where the last desert begins, which house was inhabited by an entire tribe that came from Cibola. At this place the Spaniards lost several horses, and even some men, from want of food. Nevertheless, encouraged by their chief, they continued their march, and a fortnight after they had left Chichilticale, they arrived within twent3'-six miles of Cibola. They saw, for the first time, the natives of this singular kingdom, but the latter immediately took to flight, spreading the alarm throughout the country by means of great fires, which they kindled on the high mountains : a custom in use to this day among the tribes of New Mexico. Next day, Coronado came in sight of Cibola. The inhabitants of the province had all assembled, and awaited the Spaniards with a steady attitude. Far from accepting the proposals of peace which were offered them, they threatened the interpreters with death. The Spaniards then cried out, " San lago! San lago !" attacked the Indians with impetuosity, and, notwithstanding a vigorous re- sistance, Coronado entered the town of Cibola as conqueror. In fighting, the Indians had made use of arrows, and of stones which they threw with much skill. During the assault, the Spanish gen- EXPEDITION OP PEANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. ISt eral was thrown down by an enormous stone which was hurled at him, and would have been killed had it not been for the strength of his armor, and the devotedness of his friends, Gai-cia Lopez de Car- denas and Hernando d'Alvarado, who shielded him with their bodies, while some others helped him up.* Coronado found neither old men, women, nor children under fifteen years of age, in the town. The besieged had caused them to be taken to the mountains before the action began. The description which, in his report to the em- peror Charles V., he gives of the country, its climate, its inhabit- ants, their customs, and their usages, resembles much what we see now-a-daj'S among the Zunis, and in their province. In general, when one studies attentively the writings of tiie missionaries, and of the other Spaniards of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, sent by the viceroys of New Spain to discover distant countries, the information given by those writers is found to be exact, though often incomplete or exaggerated. The remainder of the army, which had remained at Culiacan, took the route at the time appointed to join the commander-in-chief. Every one was on foot, with a lance on his shoulder, and carrying provisions. After unheard-of fatigues, the column reached the val- ley of San Miguel, amidst the Corazones. But as the maize was not j'et ripe, and the soldiers were dying from iiunger, their com- mander, Don Tristan d'Arrellano, changed routes and marched to- wards a valley, which the Spaniards call Seiiora, a name which was changed into that of Sonora. The valley of Suya, where the army, at this epoch, founded the town of San Hieronymo, is one hundred and twenty miles farther on than the one of the Sonora. These two valleys were peopled with Indians, agricultural tribes whose lan- guage, manners, usages, and religion were alike. The women painted their chins, and around their eyes ; the men were very depraved, and intoxicated themselves with wine made from the Pitahayq, which grows ever3-where there in abundance ; they also tamed eagles, as is yet the custom among some tribes of New Mexico. On reaching the Sierra Mogoyon the Spaniards lost several of their companions, from the severe privations and difficulties of the route. During this march the army crossed many rivers which flow into the Californiau Gulf, and on the banks of which they found numer- ous Indian tribes, who cultivated maize, kidne}' beans, pumpkins, and melons of such an enormous size that a man could scarcely * From this it may be inferred that the Indians hurled large stones from their house-tops. The protection and assistance that the general required in this accident show that the defence was vigorous, and that Coronado, at Cibola, lacked very little of experiencing a fate similar to that of Pyrrhus, at Argos. 128 EXPEDITION OE FRANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. move them. After a march of nine hundred and seventy-five miles, the detachment directed its course towards the northwest, and soon made its junction with Vasquez Coronado, the general-in-chief, at Cibpla. In consequence of this reinforcement, Coronado took measures to follow up his conquest by sending Alvarado, his lieu- tenant, to take possession of the province of Tigeux, on the Rio Grande. This province was subdued, after a resistance of fifty days on the part of the Indians. It contained twelve towns, governed by a council of old men. The, whole community helped to construct each house ; the women made the mortar and built up the walls, and the men brought the wood and ' prepared the timbers. Underneath the houses and the court-yards were subterraneous stoves or dry- ing places, paved with large polished flag-stones. In the middle was a furnace, on which they threw, from time to time, a handful of thyme, which was suflflcient to keep up an intense heat there, so that one felt as if in a bath. The men spent a considerable part of their time in those places, but the women could not enter there ex- cept to carry food to their husbands or sons. The men spun, wove, and attended to the tillage of their grounds ; the women occu- pied themselves with the care of their children and household affairs ; they were the mistresses of the house, and kept it remark- ably clean. In the large houses each family had several rooms ; one served as a sleeping room, another as a kitchen, and a third for the purpose of grinding wheat [corn ]?. In the latter was an oven and three large stones ; three women would seat themselves before these stones ; the first would crush the grain, the second bruise it, and the third pulverize it completely^ While they were thus em- ploj'ed, a man seated at the door played on a kind of bagpipe, and the women worked to measure, all three singing together and marking the rhythm by striking with their tools the wheat they were grinding. The young girls were completely deprived of raiment, even dur- ing the most severe frosts ; it was only when they married that they were allowed to cover themselves. The young people could only enter the married state with the permission of the old men who governed the town. The young man had then to spin and weave a mantle ; when completed, the girl who was destined to become his bride, was brought to him ; he wrapped the mantle round her shoulders, and she thus became his wife. From Tiguex, the Spaniai'ds went to Cicuye — now called Pecos — which they also subdued. From thence Coronado started for Quivira, with a few men chosen among his best soldiers ; postpon- EXPEDITION OP ERANCISOO VASQUEZ CORONADO. 129 ing until the following spring the conquest of the whole province. In 1542, the Spaniards found themselves masters of almost all New Mexico, whose centre was formed by the province of Tiguex, around which weye grouped seventy-one towns, distributed among fourteen provinces, viz., — Cibola, which contained seven towns ; Tucayan, seven; Acuco, one; Tiguex, twelve; Cutahaco, eight; Quivii-a, seven ; the Snowy Mountains, seven ; Ximena, three ; Cicuye, one ; Hemes, seven ; Aquas Calientes, three ; Yuque-Yun- que, six ; Braba, one ; and Chia, one. Besides these seventy-one towns, there were many others scattered outside this circle ; as also several tribes living in tents. In the spring that followed Coronado's visit to Quivira, the com- mander-in-chief set about preparing another expedition, with the object of making new discoveries ; but on the occasion of a festival, while lie was " running the ring" with Don Pedro Maldonado, he fell from his horse ; his adversary's went over his body and nearly killed him. This accident caused the general to alter his resolu- tion, and inspired him with the desire of returning to New Spain, where he possessed large estates, to die quietly near his wife and children. The officers and soldiers, finding that the country was not so rich as they had been led to believe, and instigated by Coronado's secret emissaries, petitioned him to be allowed to re- turn to Mexico ; taking advantage of this disposition of his army, the general at once gave orders for departure, and returned to Culiacan in the month of April, 1543. Juan de Padilla, of the order of Saint Fraijcis, preferred remaining at Quivira, to preach the gospel to the Indians, and became a martyr. Brother Louis, of the same order, went to Cicuye, but was never more heard of. Such was the end of this expedition, which, instead of having a favor- able result for the Spaniards, only tended to arouse against them the profound antipathy of the natives, who had been very ill- treated by the conquerors. In 1581, a band of adventurers, commanded by Francisco de Leyva Bonillo, took possession of part of the province of Tiguex, and finding its products, riches, and inhabitants very like those of Mexico, they called it New Mexico. In 1594 Count de Monterey, then viceroy of Mexico, sent the famous General Don Juan de Onate de Zacatecas to take possession of New Mexico in the name of the king of Spain, and to establish colonies, forts, and missionaries there. In a short time the Fran- ciscan missionaries succeeded in Christianizing numerous Indian tribes who inhabited towns or villages which the Spaniards called "Pueblos," to distinguish those half-civilized tribes from those who. 130 EXPEDITION OP FRANCISCO VASQTJEZ CORONADO. more savage or more independent, would not submit to the con- queror's autiioritj'. For a long period the countrj' enjoyed perfect tranquillity ; the grounds were tilled, and the mines explored throughout this large territory; but in 1680 there occurred a general rising of the Indians with the object of shaking off the foreign yoke; and all the Spaniards who fell into the hands of the natives were unmercifully massacred. After several bloody conflicts and unexampled efforts, Don Antonio de Oternin, governor of New Mexico, was obliged to retire with his troops from 8anta F^,.seat of the government. He stopped on the Rio Grande, where he fell in with some friendly tribes who helped him to build the town which now bears the name of Paso del Norte. It was only after ten years of a most obstinate warfare that Spain was able to reconquer New Mexico. Other insurrections again nearly wrested this fine province from the Spaniards, but none proved so fatal to them as that which broke out in 1680. An in- veterate hatred exists to this day in the hearts of the Indians of this country against their former masters ; the Mexicans who inhabit it are scarcely better liked ; and the Americans, who now possess tliis state (only very recently, it is true), will with difficulty find much sympathy there. New Mexico, properly so called, is a very mountainous region ; it is traversed in its centre by a great valley going from north to south, and formed by the Rio Grande, formerly called the Tiguex. The average width of this valley is twenty miles ; it is bounded on the east by the Sierra Blanca, the Sierra of Los Organos, and the Sierra Oscura; and on the west by the Sierra of Los Grullos, the Sierra of Acha, and that of Los Mimbres, which form the prolongation of the Rocky Mountains. These mountains measure, south of Santa F^, from 6000 to 7000 feet in height, and on the north are descried peaks constantly covered with snow, which rise to 9000 and even to 12,000 feet above the level of the sea. They abound in gold, copper, iron, and even silver mines. The auriferous ground covers an extent of more than two hundred and sixty-five miles around Santa F^, but it is scarcely explored. Near Jemez, formerly Hemez, towards the sources of the Rio Grande, there is a great quantity of coal and some gypsum, and the windows of the greater number of the houses are made of selenite instead of glass. Lakes are numerous throughout this country; the Mexicans draw from them muriate of soda, common salt, which they use for domestic purposes. It is close to one of these lakes, between the Rio Pecos and the Rio Grande, that the ruins of Gran Quivira may be seen. EXPEDITION OF FRANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. 131 Coronado visited this town in 1542 in hopes of finding the treasures of which a wonderful account had been given him. Quivira, never- theless, disappointed the conqueror's expectations ; but it appears that, in the seventeenth century, this town became very rich and flourishing, and sent twice a year considerable quantities of gold to Spain. It is probable that this town was destroyed after the general insurrection of 1680. New Mexico is divided into three districts: the central, the north, and the southeast. The principal Indian tribes who live outside of this circle are Navajos, the Yampais, the Moquis, the Apaches, the Cosninos, the Tontos, the Coco Maricopas, and the Mojaves. The Navajos country is comprised between the Rio San Jifan, the valley of Tumeca, and the canon of Clielly. Their hunting territory ex- tends to the sources of the Gila. These Indians cultivate in beauti- ful valleys a little wheat, maize, and vegetables ; but their greatest wealth consists principally in herds of cattle, of sheep, and of horses. They manufacture blankets, called jorongos in Texas, which are much prized throughout New Mexico. West of the Navajos, in the delta formed by the two Colorados, are situated the seven towns belonging to the Moquis. Between the Colorado, Chiquito, and the Rio Gila dwell two bands of Apaches, called Coyoteros and Pinal Lenas. Those Indians depend more for their subsistence on the plunder they make in the Sonora than on the produce of agri- culture. The Cosinos live near the volcanic mountains of San Francisco, and even as far as the great Colorado. The bordei's of the Rio Verde and the range of the Aztecs are occupied by the Tontos. The Yampais' villages are situated to the west and north- west of the Rio Virgen, which falls into the California Gulf. Four tribes are concentrated in the valley of the Colorado, viz.: the Mojaves, Chemchuevis, the Yumas or Cuchans, and the Cocopas. These Indians, particularlj"- those of the pueblos of New Mexico, are generally remarkable for their sobriety and industry, the chastity of the women, the conjugal fidelity of both sexes, their integrity of manners, and their honesty in the ordinary transactions of social life. If these half-civilized populations are inferior to the ancient Mexicans in the development of the intellectual faculties, they are decidedly superior to them in the exercise of the moral ones. When New Mexico was discovered all the country extending from Culiacan to the desert of Cibola, on one side, and to the Rio Colo- rado on the other, was but a succession of towns, villages, and habitations, joined together by cultivated fields, orchards, gardens, and roads. But those great multitudes of human beings have almost 132 PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO. disappeared since the conquest; the silence of the wilderness has succeeded to the joyful songs of the extinct populations, and the aridity of the desert replaces the primitive fertility of the soil.* II. PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO. These monuments are dispersed throughout the country which extends from the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, to the Gila, the Colorado, and the Gulf of California. All these towns are so ancient that no Indian tradition of the present race makes any mention of them. In all these ruins are found fragments of pottery which still retain a very perfect varnish ; they are ornamented with brilliant paintings, lines, scallops, frogs, butterflies, tortoises, and monkeys' heads. These remains of towns are extremelj"- numerous in the country of the Zunis, Navajos, and Jemez. There is a pueblo at Taos composed of two edifices separated by a river, and connected by a bridge which reached from one edifice to the other. The most remarkable are the pueblos Pintado and Wejegi, in the narrow pass of Chaco, situated 35° 56' 21" north latitude, and 101° 46' west longitude. The Pueblo Pintado is built of small flat slabs of gray, fine-grained sandstone. The wall stones are only two inches and a half thick, sometimes less ; and the way in which they are built is indicative of much art and ingenuitj'. The walls show no trace of cement, the intervals between each layer being neatly filled up with small colored pebbles, incrusted in mortar made without lime. It has three stories, its whole elevation being about thirty feet. Each story forms a terrace, and a step to the story above, which is attained by means of wooden ladders resting against the wall. The thick- ness of the outer wall is one yard at the base, diminishing at each successive story, so that the top wall is but little more than one foot thick. The length of the edifice is one hundred and thirty yards. There are flftj'-three rooms on the ground floor, some being only five feet wide on each side ; others, twelve by six. All these rooms communicate by means of verj' small doors, some of which are only thirty-three inches high by equal width. Tlie floors are made of rough beams seven and a half inches in diameter, over which are transversely laid cross-beams of less size ; above these is a layer of bark and brush-wood covered over with mortar. These beams show * " Deserts of North America," by AbbS E. M. Domeneoh. PTJEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO. 133 no mark of having been wrought by ax or saw ; they rather appear to have been cut or broken off with some rough instrument more- blunt than sharp. The ground floor of this pueblo has no windows ; those belonging to the other stories are of the same dimensions as the doors. The banks of the Rio Verde abound in ruins of stone dwellings and fortifications. They are found in the most fertile valleys, where traces of former cultivation and of small canals for artificial irriga- tion are yet visible. The solidly built walls are twenty or thirty yards long, by thirty or forty-five feet high. The houses are two- storied, with small openings for doors, windows, and loopholes for defence against attacks from the outside. The style of these con- structions recalls that of Chichiltieale (Red House) of the Pimas. Excavations among these majestic ruins have yielded abundant fragments of beautiful pottery ornamented with brilliantly colored paintings. The ruins of Wejegi present the same character as those of which we have already made mention. They are two hundred and thirty yards [feet?] in length, and there are ninety-nine rooms on the ground floor. The Pneblo Una Vida, situated in the defile of Chaco, is ninety-eight yards longer than that of Wejegi. The Pueblo Bouito Is more extensive still. The ruins of Pueblo Chettro Kettle measure four hundred and thirty-three yards In length, and have four stories. The doors and windows are larger than those of other monuments of the kind, and the floor-beams are of pine and cedar wood. The number of rooms is one hundred and twenty-four on each story. One of these rooms is in a state of perfect preservation. It is four yards twenty inches long, by two yards and a half broad, and ten feet high. The walls are stone, covered over with plaster. On the banks of the Gila are seen ponderous ruins, called Casas Grandes, a description of which exists in the works of Humboldt and in the collection of Ternaux Compans ; but many others have never been described. The country inhabited by the Coco-marl-copas, towards the Salt River and the Gila, seems once to have been very populous, to j udge from the remains of walls, houses, and pottery which the traveller meets at every step. In this place lie the Aztec ruins called Casa de Montezuma, which possibl3' may be nothing else than the oft- mentioned Casas Grandes. They consist of remains of the walls of four buildings, and heaps of rubbish indicating the places of other edifices. The largest house appears to have had four stories ; the floors and ceilings have long since crumbled away, but in the walls there still exist pieces of round cedar beams more than a yard [foot ?] 134 PUEBLOS or NEW MEXICO. thick. The walls are four feet thick at the base, and gradually di- minish as they rise to the top ; they are made of a kind of concrete, composed of pebbles and white earth, polished and whitened over. Two hundred yards beyond this house there is a tumulus sur- rounded by an earthen wall one hundred yards in circumference. Still further on is a terrace of one hundred yards by seventy, sup- porting a pyramid of thirty feet in height by twenty-five square yards at the summit. The whole of the plain extending north, east, and west of the left bank of the Gila, and formerly washed by its waters, is discoverable from tiie top of this pyramid.* Near Salt River the remains, and especially the ruins of houses, are even more considerable than those we have described, but they present nothing remarkable or worthy of particular mention. Tu- muli, truncated pyramids, and filled-up wells surrounded by inclo- sui-e walls are frequently met with in those latitudes. All these monuments contain red and painted pottery, and perforated shells, which were used as coins or ornaments. All these pueblos of New Mexico contain small circular structures, called estul'as, often placed within the building itself, or else only a few 3'ards distant, once used as places of meeting for political or religious assemblies. When a question of public interest has to be discussed, the cacique who governs a pueblo calls the diflferent chiefs together in the estufa, where secret debate is held over tlie affair. Sometimes the warriors assemble there after an expedition, to rejoice together for a day or two before they meet their families. Tliese estufas are, properly speaking, round or square store rooms, usually' situated beneath the soil, like cellars; they are sometimes of large dimensions. The ceiling is supported bj' enor- mous pillars of masonry, or made of stout pine trees. The interior is heated by means of aromatic plants, which are kept continually burning. These edifices are generaly devoid of door or window, and tlie only ingress to tliem is from an aperture at the top. There are pueblos which possess not less tlian four, and even six estufas of different sizes. Tlie estufas of Jemez were rectangular and one story only, being about twenty-five feet wide, and thirty feet high. The interior walls of these edifices were always covered with hiero- glyphic paintings and various ornaments. Among the ruins of Hungo-Pavie, near the beautiful plateau of the Mesafachada, one of tliese edifices is found, which had at least four stories, buttresses in the interior, and walls a yard thick by thirty feet in height. The * Tlie general direction of the Gila is westwardly ; the left tank would, con- sequently, be the southern. PUEBLOS OP NEW MEXICO. 135 estufas in Pueblo Bonito are sixty yards in circumference, and tiieir walls are regularlj' formed of layers of small stones, alternating with layers of larger ones. The Jemez, Zunis, and several other Indian tribes, still dwell in pueblos like those we have described, and it is most probably to their ancestors, and to those of nearly all the tribes of New Mexico, that the construction of these gigantic edifices ought to be attributed. In the interior of the estufas one finds a system of picture writing more perfect than that of ordinary inscriptions. The tribes of New Mexico not yet converted to Catholicism adore the planets and fire, as did their ancestors; emblems of this worship, and signs of their veneration for Montezuma, are painted on the surface of the interior walls of the estufas. These paintings, in point of form and color, have great analogy with what may be called Indian pictography, notwithstanding they are anterior to the discovery of America by Columbus. In the estufas, more or less in ruins in the country of the Jemez, one sees painted red and blue, plants, birds, and animals; such as turkeys, stags, wolves, foxes, dogs, etc. The stags and hinds, above all, are remarkable for the exactness of their propor- tions, and the clearness of their outline. The Jemez pretend that these figures have no signification whatever; that they are mere ornaments, and in no way representations of any events of their political, civil, or religious history. The narrow passes of the Chaco, the Chelly, and of all the valleys of New Mexico, as well as estufas, possess numerous inscriptions of all kinds, indicating (except the Spanish ones) the same degree of civilization, if not the same epoch. In the grotto in Rocky Dell, the ceilings are covered with paintings, and the walls and floors with hieroglyphic figures; there are combinations of allegoric draw- ings signifying some historical fact; there is a ship with sails; tlien a man standing upon a horse, and an Indian with naked legs looking at liim from behind ; after which there are priests with crosses, and Spaniards. Modern Indian idiographj' does not differ from tlie method in use among the ancient colonists of the united states of New Mexico: a little more or less address, or natural talent, in the formation of the lines of drawing, is all the difference to be perceived between the hieroglyphic inscriptions of savages of our days, and those of their ancestors.* * " Deserts of North America," by Abbe E. M. Domenech. 136 THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. III. THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES OF THE GILA, AND THE CASAS GRANDES OF SAN MIGUEL. To illustrate a portion of the account of Alvarez Nunez, and especially of that of Coronado, I ha,ve extracted the following from " Notes of a Military Reconnoissance," from Fort Leavenworth to San Diego, made in 1846-'!, by W. H. Emory, brevet major (now general), U. S. A., in which extracts will be found an account of the Gila from the mouth of Night Creek to its junction with the Colorado, including notices of the Apaches, Pimos, and Maricopa Indians, the Casa Grande or Casa Montezuma, the interesting an- cient ruins and remains along the route, and a general view of the regions bordering on both sides of the Gila. " Oct. 19th, 1846. Three miles from the camp last night we had reached the divide, and from that point the descent was regular and continuous to Night Creek. " 20th. The broad, level valley we had been travelling the last few miles was narrowing rapidly by the intrusion of high precipices, and the proximity of great mountains in confused masses, indi- cated some remarkable change in the face of the country. We were in truth but a few miles from the Gila. " The general sent word to the Apaches he would not start till nine or ten. This gave them time to come in, headed by their chief, Red Sleeve. A large number of Indians had collected about us, all differently dressed, and some in the most fantastical style. The Mexican dress and saddles predominated, showing where they had chiefly made up their wardrobe. Several wore beautiful hel- mets decked with black feathers, which, with the short shirt, waist- belt, bare legs, and buskins, gave them the look of pictures of an- tique Grecian warriors. " These men have no fixed homes. Their houses are of twigs. They hover around the beautiful hills that overhang the Del Norte, between the thirty-first and thirty-second parallels of latitude. These hills are covered with luxuriant gramina. The light and grace- ful manner in which they mounted and dismounted, always upon the right side, was the admiration of all Their children are on horseback from infancy. There was among them a poor deformed womiin, with legs and arms no longer than an infant's. She was well mounted, and the gallant manner in which some of the plumed THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. 13t Apaches waited on her, for she was perfectly helpless when dis- mounted, made it hard for me to believe the tales of blood and vice told of these people. " We wended our way through the narrow valley of Night Creek. On each side were huge stone buttes shooting up to -the skies. At one place we were compelled to mount one of these spurs almost perpendicularly. A good road was subsequently found, turning the spur and following the creek until it debouched into the Gila, which was only a mile distant. " Some hundred yards before reaching this river, the roar of its waters made us understand that we were to see something different from the Del Norte. Its section where we struck it, four thousand three hundred and forty-seven feet above the sea, was fifty feet wide, and an average of two feet deep. Clear and swift, it came bouncing from the great mountains which appeared to the north, about sixty miles distant. We crossed the river ; its large, round pebbles and swift current caused the mules to tread warily. We followed its course and encamped under a high range of symmetri- cally formed hills overhanging the river. " Oct. 21st. After going a few miles, crossing and re-crossing the river a dozen times, it was necessary to leave its bed ■ to avoid a canon. This led us over a very broken country. " Oct. 22d. We were now fast approaching the ground where rumor and the maps of the day place the ruins of the so-called Aztec towns. We encamped on a bluff, high above the river. "Oct. 23d. The table-land, one hundred and fifty feet above the river, was covered so thick with large paving pebbles as to make it diflflcult to get a smooth place to lie upon. The growth to-day and yesterday on the hills, and in the valleys, very much resembles that on the Del Norte ; the only exception being a few new and beautiful varieties of cactus. After leaving our last night's camp, for a mile, the general appearance, width of the valley, and soil much resembled the most fertile parts of that river. " To-day we passed one of the long-sought ruins. I examined it minutely, and the only evidences of handicraft remaining were im- mense quantities of broken pottery, extending for two miles along the river. There were a great many stones, rounded by attrition of the water, scattered about ; and if they had not occasionally been deposited in lines forming rectangles with each other, the supposi- tion would be that they had been deposited there by natural causes. " Oct. 24th. To-day we lay by to recruit. " Oct. 25th. We were now approaching the region made famous in olden times by the fables of Friar Marcos, and eagerly did we as- 138 ■ THE aiLA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. cend every mound, expecting to see in the distance what I fear is the fabulous " Casa Montezuma." The Indians here do not know the name Aztec ; Montezuma is the outward point in their chrono- logy. The name at this .moment is as familiar to every Indian, Puebla, Apache, and Navajoe, as that of our Saviour or Washing- ton is to us. In the person of Montezuma they united both quali- ties of divinity and patriot. " We to-day passed the ruins of two more villages, similar to those of yesterday. The foundation of the largest house seen yesterday wassixty by twenty feet; today forty by thirty. About none did we find any vestiges of the mechanical art, except the pottery ; the stone forming the supposed foundation was round and unhewn, and some cedar logs were also found about the houses, much decayed, bearing no marks of an edged tool. Except these ruins, of which not one stone remains upon another, no marks of human hands or footsteps have been visible for many days, until to-day we came upon a place where there had been an extensive fire. " Oct. 26. The mountains, on the north side, swept in something like a regular curve from our camp of last night to the mouth of the San Carlos, deeply indented in two places by the ingress into the Gila of the Prieto and Azul rivers. " Oct. 27. After a day's work we were obliged to lie by to-daj-. I strolled a mile or two up the San Carlos, and found the whole distance, it has its way in a narrow canon, worn from the solid basalt. On either side in the limestone, under the basalt, were im- mense cavities, and near its mouth we found the foundation of a rectangular house, and a mound adjacent that of a circular building a few feet in diameter. Both of these ruins were of round unhewn stones, and the first was surrounded b}"^ pieces of broken potterj-. " Our camp was near an old Apache camp. The Gila at this place is much swollen by the affluence of the three streams just mentioned, and its cross section here is about seventy feet by four. " Oct. 28th. One or two miles' Wde and we were clear of the Black Mountains, and again in the valley of the Gila, which widened out gradually to the base of Mount Graham, abreast of which we en- camped. Almost for the whole distance, twenty miles, were found at intervals the remains of houses like those before described. Just before reaching the base of Mount Graham, a wide valley, smooth and level, comes in from the southeast. Up this valley are trails leading to St. Bernardino, Fronteras, and Tucson. "At the junction of this valley with the Gila, are the ruins of a large settlement. I found traces of a circular wall two hundred and seventy feet in circumference. Here, also, was one circular inclosure THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. 139 of four hundred yards. This must have been for defence. Large mezquites now grow in it, attesting its antiquity. Most of the houses are rectangular, varying from twenty to one hundred feet front ; many were in the form of the present Spanish houses, thus — COURT Red cedar posts were found in many places, which seemed to de- tract from tlieir antiquity, but for the peculiaiity of this climate wliere vegetable matter seeras never to decay. No mark of an edged tool could be found, and no remnant of any household or family utensils, except the fragments of pottery, which were everywhere strewn on the plain, and the rude corn-grinder still used by the In- dians. So great was the quantity of this pottery, and the extent of ground covered by it, that I have formed the idea it must have been used for pipes to convey water. There were about the ruins quan- tities of the fragments of agate and obsidian. This valley was evidently the abode of busy, hard-working people. " Oct. 29th. A subterraneous stream flowed at the foot of Mount Graham, and fringed its base with evergreen. Ever3-where there were marks of flowing water, yet vegetation was so scarce and crisp that it would be difficult to imagine a drop of water had fallen since last winter. The whole plain, from three to six miles wide, is with- in the level of the waters of the Gila, and might easily be irrigated, as it no doubt was by the former tenants of these ruined houses. The crimson tinted Sierra Carlos skirted the river on the north side the whole day. '' Oct. 30th. Mt. Turnbull, terminating in a sharp cone, had been in view down the valley of the river for three daj's. To-day, about three o'clock P. M., we turned its base, forming the northern ter- minus of the same chain in which is Mt. Graham. " Half a mile from onr camp of last night were other very large ruins, which appeared, as well as I could judge (my view being obstructed by the thick growth of mezquite;, to have been the abode of five or ten thousand souls. The outline of the buildings and the pottery presented no essential difference from those already de- scribed. But about eleven miles from the camp, on a knoll over- 140 THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. looked in a measure by a tongue of land, I found the trace of a solitary house somewhat resembling that of a field-work en cremal- liere. The inclosure was complete, and the faces varied from ten to thirty feet. The accompanying cut will give a more accurate idea than words. " Last night, about dusk, one of our men discovered a drove of ■wild iiogs. The average weight of these animals is one hundred pounds, and their color invariably light pepper-and-salt. Their flesh is said to be palatable, if the musk which lies near the back part of the spine is carefully removed. " Oct. 31st. To-day, reaching the San Francisco about noon, we unsaddled to refresh our horses, aad to allow time to look up a trail by which we could pass the formidable range of mountains through which the Gila cuts its way, making a deep canon im- passable for the howitzers. " Nov. 1st. No alternative seemed to offer but to pursue Carson's old trail, sixty miles over a rough country without water, and two, if not three, days' journey. I took advantage of an early iialt to ascend with the barometer a very high peak overhanging the camp, which I took to be the loftiest in the PiSon Lano range on the north side of the Gila. Its approximate height was only 5724 feet above the sea. " Nov. 4th. Six miles from our camp of last night we reached a summit, and then commenced descending again rapidly towards the Gila. " Nov. 5th. The Gila now presented an inhospitable look. The valley, not more than three hundred feet from base to base of these perpendicular mountains, is deep. In the course of six miles we had to cross and recross the river twice as many times, w^hen we THE GILA AND THE OASAS GRANDES. 141 left it by turning abruptly up a dry ravine to the south. This we followed for three miles, and crossed a ridge at the base of Saddle- Back Mountain, and descended by another dry creek to the St. Pedro, running nearly north. " The dry creek by which we crossed to the St. Pedro River is the great highway leading from the mountain fastnesses into the plains of Santa Cruz, Santa Anna, and Tucson, frontier towns of Souora. Since the 1st of November we have been traversing with incredible labor the stronghold of these mountain robbers (Apaches). "Nov. 6th. It is decided this should be a day of rest. In the sandj' arroyos where our fires burn, were broken pottery and the remains of a large building similar in form, substance, and apparent antiquity to those so often described. "Nov. 7th. About two miles from our camp the San Pedro joins the Gila, just as the latter leaps from the mouth of a canon. The place of meeting is a bpttora three miles wide, seeming a continua- tion of that of the Gila Flights of geese and myriads of blue quail were seen, and a flock of wild turkeys. Tlie river-bed at the junc- tion of the San Pedro was seamed with tracks of deer and turkey, some signs of beaver, and one trail of wild hogs. " Our camp was on a flat sandy plain of small extent, at the mouth of a dry creek. At the junction a clear, pure stream flowed ' from under the sand. From the many indications of gold and copper ore at this place, I have named it Mineral Creek. There was a great deal of pottery about our camp, and just above us were the supposed remains of a large Indian settlement, differing very slightly from those already described. "Nov. 8th. The whole day's journey was through a canon. The latitude of this camp, which is within a mile of the spot where we take a final leave of the mountains, is 3-3° 05' 40", its longitude 111° 13' 10'' west of Greenwich, and the height. of the river above the sea, as indicated by the barometer, 1751 feet. "Nov. 9th. We started in advance of the command. The first thing we noticed in the gorge was a promontory of pitch-stone, against which the river impinged with fearful force. Mounting to the top of the rock, on a beautiful table we found sunk six or eight perfectly symmetrical and well-turned holes, about ten inches deep and six or eight wide at the top ; near one in a remote place was a pitch-stone, well turned, and fashioned like a pestle. These could be nothing else than the corn-mills of long-extinct races. "The Gila at this point, released from its mountain barrier, flows ofi" quietly, at the rate of three miles an hour, into a wide plain, which extends south almost as far as the eye can reach. Upon this 142 THE GILA AND THE CASAS GB.ANDES. plain mezquite, chamiza, the green acacia, prosopis, artemisiaj obione, canescens, and pilaliaya were the only vegetation. In one spot, only, we found a few bunches of grass ; raoi'e than four-fifths of the plain was destitute of vegetation ; the soil a light-brown, loose sandy earth. We made our noon halt at the grass patch. At this place were the remains of an immense Indian settlement; pottery was everywliere to be found, but the remains of foundations of the houses were imbedded in dust. Outlines of the zequias, by whicli the soil was irrigated, were sometimes quite distinct. " Nov. loth. The valley on the south side of the Gila still grows wider. Away off in that direction the peaks of the Sonora moun- tains just peep above the horizon. On the north side of the river, and a few miles from it, runs a low chain of serrated hills. Near our encampment a corresponding range draws in from the south- east, giving the river a bend to the north. At the base of this chain is a long meadow, reaching many miles south, in which the Pimos graze their cattle ; and along the whole day's march were remains of zequias, pottery, and other evidences of a once densely populated countrj'. About the time of the noon halt, a large pile, which seemed the work of human hands, was seen to the left. It was the remains of a three-story mud house, sixty feet square, pierced for doors and windows. The walls were four feet thick, and formed of layers of mud two feet thick. We made a long and careful search for some specimens of household furniture, or imple- ments of art, but nothing was found but a corn-grinder, always met with among the ruins, and on the plains. The marine shell cut into various ornaments was also found here. No traces of hewn timber were discovered ; on the contrary, the sleepers of the ground floor were sound and unhewn. They were burnt out of their seats in the wall to the depth of six inches. The whole in- terior of the house had been burnt out, and the walls much defaced. What was left bore marks of having been glazed, and on the walls in the north room of the second story were traced hieroglyphics.* " Where we camped, eight or nine miles from the Pimos village, we met a Marieopo Indian looking for his cattle. The frank, con- fident manner in which he approached us was in strange contrast with that of the suspicious Apache. The camp of my party was pitched on the side nearest the town, and we saw the first of these people and their mode of approach. It was perfectly frank and unsuspicious. Many would leave their packs in our camp and be absent for hours ; theft seemed to be unknown among them. * See end of this article for a desoription of this building. THE GIIiA AND THE CAS AS GRANDES. 143 "Nov. 11th. Leaving the column, a few of us struck to the north side of the river to visit the ruins of another Casa Monte- zuma. Tiie casa was in complete ruins, one pile of broken pottery and foundation stone making a mound about ten feet above the ground. The outline of the ground plan was distinct enough. We found the description of pottery the same as ever ; and among the ruins the same sea-shells ; one worked into ornaments ; also a large bead an inch and a quarter in length, of bluish marble, exquisitely turned. " Turning from the ruins towards the Pimos village, we came in at the back of the settlement of the Pimos Indians, and found our troops encamped in a corn-field from which the grain had been gathered. We were at once impressed with the beauty, order, and disposition of arrangements for irrigating and draining the land. Corn, wheat, and cotton are the crops of this peaceful and intelli- gent race of people. The fields are subdivided, by ridges of earth, into rectangles of about two hundred by one hundred feet, for the convenience of irrigating. The fences are of sticks wattled with willow and mezqnite. The houses of the people are mere sheds thatched with willow and cornstalks. " The dress of the men consisted of a cotton scrape of domestic manufacture, and a breech cloth. Their hair was very long and clubbed up. The women wore nothing but the scrape, pinned about the loins. "Nov. 12th. They have but few cattle, which are used in tillage, and apparently all steers, procured from the Mexicans. Their horses and mules were not plenty, and those they possessed were prized extravagantly high. " To us it was a rare sight to be thrown in the midst of a large nation, of what was termed wild Indians, surpa.ssing many of the Christian nations in agriculture; little behind them in tbe useful arts, and immeasurably before them in honesty and virtue. During the whole of yesterday our camp was full of men, women, and children, who sauntered amongst our packs unwatched, and not a single instance of tlieft was reported. " Each abode consists of a dome-shaped wicker work, about six feet high, and from twenty to fifty feet in diameter, thatched with straw or cornstalks. In front is usually a large arbor, on the top of which is piled the cotton in the pod, for drying. In the houses are stowed watermelons, pumpkins, beans, corn, and wheat; the three last articles are generally in large baskets. A few cliickcns and dogs were seen, but no other domestic animals except horses, mules, and oxen. Their implements of husbandry were steel axes, 144 THE GILA AND THE CAS AS GRANDES. wooden hoes, shovels, and barrows. Their molasses, put up in large jars, hermetically sealed, of which they had quantities, is ex- pressed from the fruit of the Gereus giganteus. " A woman was seated on the ground under the shade of one of the cotton sheds. Her left leg was tucked under her seat, axiA her foot turned sole upwards ; between her big toe and the next, was a spindle about eighteen inches long, with a single fly of four or six inches. Ever and anou she gave it a twist in a dexterous manner, and at its end was drawn a coarse cotton thread. This was their spinning-jenney. I asked for the loom by pointing to the thread and then to the blanket girded about the woman's loins. A fellow stretched in the dust sunning himself, rose up leisurely and untied a bundle which I had supposed to be a bow and arrow. This little package, with four stakes in the ground, was the loom. He stretched his cloth and commenced the process of weaving. " We travelled fifteen and a half miles, and encamped on the divid- ing ground between the Pimos and Maricopas. For the whole dis- tance we passed through cultivated grounds, over a luxuriantly rich soil. The plain appeared to extend in every direction fifteen or twenty miles, except in one place about five miles before reaching camp, where a low chain of hills comes in from the southeast, and terminates some miles from the river. The bed of the Gila opposite the village, is said to be dry, tlie whole water being drawn off by the zequias of the Pimos for irrigation ; but the ditches are larger than necessary for this purpose, and the water which is not used re- turns to the bed of the river with little apparent diminution in its volume. "Looking from our camp north 30° west, you see a great plain with mountains rising in the distance on each side. In almost an opposite direction, north 50° east, there is a gap in the mountains through which the Salt River flows to meet the Gila, making with it an acute angle, at a point ten or fifteen miles from our camp, bearing northwest. A little north of east another gap, twenty or thirt}' miles distant, shows where the Rio San Francisco flows into the Salt River.* Near the junction of the Gila and Salt Rivers, there is a chain of low serrated hills coming in from both sides, contracting the valley considerably. Around the South Spur the Gila turns, making its course in a more southerly direction. To the east, except where the Spurs, already mentioned, protrude, the plain extends as far as the eye can reach. "Tlie population of the Pimos and Maricopas together is estimated * Salt or Salina. THE GILA AND THE CASAS GEANDES. 145 variously at from three to ten thousand. The first is evidently too low. They are without other religion than a belief in one great and over- ruling spirit. Their peaceful disposition is not the result of incapa- city for war, for they are at all times enabled to meet and vanquish the Apaches in battle. The prisoners are sold as slaves to the Mexicans. " The Maricopas occupy that part of the basin lying between Camp gt [Rio San Pedro?] and the mouth of the Salt River [Rio Salina], and all that has been said of the Pimos is applicable to them. They live in cordial amity, and their habits, agriculture, reli- gion, and manufactures are the same. In stature, the Maricopas are taller; their noses more aquiline, and they have a much readier manner of speaking and acting. Most of tlie interpreters of the Pimos were of this tribe. Though fewer in number, they appear to be superior in intelligence and personal appearance. "Nov. 13th and 14th. We were notified that a long journey was to be made without water (to cut off an elbow in the river). The interpreter who guided us to the Casa Montezuma on the north side of the Gila, said that on the Salt River, about a day's journey and a half, there was one of those buildings standing, complete in all respects, except the floors and roof. He said it was very large, with beautiful glazed walls, that the footsteps of the men employed in building the house could yet be seen in the adobe, and that the impression was that of a naked foot. Whenever a rain comes In- dians resort to these old houses to look for trinkets of shells, and a peculiar green stone.* " At twelve o'clock, after giving our horses a last watering, we started oflf in a southwest direction to turn the southern foot of the range of hills pointing to the Salt River. We travelled till long after dark, and dropped down in a dust hole near two large green-barked acacias, There was not a sprig of grass, nor a drop of water. There was nothing but the ofltensive Larrea, which even mules will not touch. As soon as the moon rose, at 3 a.m., the bugle sounded to horse, and we were up and pursuing our way. A little after sunrise, we had passed the summit, and were descending towards the Gila. We reached it after making forty miles from our camp of yesterday. Our poor brutes were so hungry they would drink no water, but fell to work on the young willows and cane. After letting them bite a few minutes, we moved down the river five miles further, to a large and luxuriant patch of paspalum grass. * It protably was the stone so often mentioned by early authors as "tur- quoise." 10 146 THE GILA AND THE OASAS GRANDES. "Nov, 15th. In the morning the general found the mules so much worsted by the forty-five miles journey, without food or water, that he determined to remain for the day. This has been a gloomy day for the dragoon camp. The Jornada cost them six or eight mules. " The remains of an old zequia crossed our trail, and the plains were covered with broken pottery. About us there are signs of . modern Indian tenements, and the zequia may possibly have been the work of their hands. We know the Maricopas have moved gradually from the gulf of California to their present location. They were found so late as the year 1826, at the mouth of the Gila. The shells found to-day were, in my opinion, evidently brought by the Maricopas from the sea. They difiier from those we found among the ruins. "Nov. 16th. The valley on the south side continues wide, and shows continuously the marks of former cultivation. On the north side the hills run close to the river. " After making ten miles we came to a dry creek coming from a plain reaching far to the south, and then we mounted the table-lands to avoid a bend in the river, made by a low chain of black hills coming in from the southeast. About the summit was a mound of granite boulders, blackened by augite, and covered with unknown characters; the work of human hands. On the ground near by were also traces of some of the figures, showing some of the hieroglyphics, at least, to have been the work of modern Indians. Others were of undoubted antiquity, and the signs and symbols intended, doubt- less, to commemorate some great event. One stone bore on it what might be taken, with a little stretch of imagination, to be a mastodon, a horse, a dog, and a man. Their heads are turned to the east and this may commemorate the passage of the aborigines of the Gila on their way south. "Nov. Itth. The route to-day was over a country much the same as that described yesterday. Wherever we mounted the table-lands to cut a bend in the river, we found them dreary beyond description. The bottoms of the river are wide, and alive with flights of white brant (wing tipped with black), geese, and ducks, with many signs of deer and beaver. "Nov. 18th. After travelling some ten or twelve miles through the valley, we mounted the table-land. The arroyo by which we descended to the river was cut from a bed of reddish pebbles twenty or thirty feet deep. The chain of broken hills still continue on the north side, and when near our camp of this date, 'circled in an amphitheatre, with its arch to the north. "Nov. 19th. The table-lands were the same as those described THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. 141 yesterday, but the valley widens gradually and for the most of the way is six or eight miles wide, and soil excellent. Some remains of former settlements, in broken pottery, corn-grinders, etc., but much fewer than above. Nine miles from camp a spur of mountains came in from the southeast, sharp and shooting into pinnacles. On this spur we killed a mountain sheep, one of a large flock, from which we named it Goat's Spur. We encamped on an island, where the valley is contracted by sand buttes, in what had been very recently the bed of the river. The pools in the old bed of the river were full of ducks, and all niglit the swan, brant, and geese were passing. "Nov. 20th. The table-lands were of sand, and the bottom of the river constantly received deposits from them, which changed its bed frequently. Our camp was pitched on a little patch of grass two miles from the river. "Nov. 21st. To-day we marched only eight and a half miles. The plains are now almost entirely of sand. "Nov. 22d. Mr. Warner and I started before the advance, rounded and climbed the sharp spur of a continuous comb of mountain com- ing from the southeast, to try if we could see the Colorado of the west. The mountains rose abruptly from the plains, as they mostly do in this region, resembling in appearance large dikes, terminating at top in a sharp ridge, which a man could at any part straddle. They were of hard granite, pepper-and-salt color, traversed by seams of white quartz. This spur gives the river Gila quite a bend to the north, and from that point to its mouth, which we reached at night, the river is straight in its general direction ; but its course is crooked and dotted with sand bars, by incursions from the sand hills which now flank both its sides. The sand is brought down by the winds from the valley of the Colorado. The day was warm, the dust oppressive, and the march twenty-two miles. " Nov; 23d. We did not move camp to-day, in order to give our mules an opportunity to pick what little grass they could before taking the desert of ninety miles, which lies on the other side of the Colorado, and between us and water. " Warner, Stanley, and myself saddled up to visit the junction of the Gila and Colorado, which we found due north from our camp, and about a mile and a half distant. We mounted a butte of felds- pathic granite, and looking 25° east of north, the course of the Colorado was tracked by clouds of flying sand. The Gila comes into it nearly at right angles, and the point of junction is the hard butte through which, with their united forces, they cut a canon, and then flow off due magnetic west. The walls of the canon are vertical, and about fifty feet high and a thousand feet long. For the distance 148 THE aiLA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. of three or four miles 'below the junction the river is perfectly straight, and about six hundred feet wide; and up to this point there is little doubt that the Colorado is always navigable for steamboats. " Near the junction, on the north side, are the remains of an old Spanish church, built near the beginning of the seventeenth century, by the renowned missionary, Father Kino. " The stone butte through which they have cut their passage is not more than a mile in length. The Gila once flowed to the south and the Colorado to the north of this butte, and the point of junc- tion was below. "At the ford the Colorado is fifteen hundred feet wide and flows at the rate of a mile and a half per hour. Its greatest depth, in the channel at the ford where we crossed, is four feet. The banks are low, not more than four feet high. The ford is entered at the lower extremity of the plateau upon which we encamped, and a few feet to the right or left sets a horse afloat. Report makes the distance of the mouth of the Colorado from the crossing eighty miles. Depart- ing from the ford of the Colorado in the direction of Senora there is a fearful desert to encounter. The distance is not exactly known, but it is variously represented at from four to seven days' journey."* Casas Grandes or the Gila. In a book entitled "Adventures in the Apache Country: A Tour through Arizona and Sonora," by J. Ross Browne, is the following in regard to the " Casas Grandes" of the Gila. "At the Pimo villages Mr. Poston and myself organized a party to visit the Casas Grandes, situated about twenty miles above, near the Gila. The first night we spent at the Sacatone Station, from which the Tucson road diverges across the ninety-mile desert. Fol- lowing, the banks of the river next morning through dense groves of mesquite, keeping in view, a little to the left, a peculiar conical peak, which forms a prominent landmark, we travelled some eight or ten miles, till we struck the remains of an ancient acequia, very large and clearly defined. This was evidently the main artery of a series of acequias, by which a large tract of river-bottom was irri- gated in ancient times. That villages and farms extended over a vast area of valley land in this vicinity was evident from the quan- tity of broken pottery and indications of cultivation we found on all sides. Mesquite trees, apparently falling into decay from age, now stand in the bed of the main acequia. Diverging to the right * See Appendix note (4). !— t o w E-i O " CO W " S o o THE GILA AND THE OASAS GRANDES. 149 when within a few miles of White's ranche, we struck out through the mesquite groves, and in about half an hour's ride from the river reached the famous Casas Grandes of the Gila. " The earliest account we have of the Casas Grandes of the Gila is that of Mangi, who visited them in company with Father Kino In 1694. He speaks of the main ruin as a great edifice with the prin- cipal room in the middle, four stories high, and the wall two yards thick, and composed of strong mortar and clay ; and also mentions the existence of twelve other ruins in the vicinity. Only three of these are now seen above the surface of the ground, although there are evidences of many more in detached mounds which abound in the neighborhood. "Each group of ruins stands upon a slight eminence, distant from the other a few hundred feet. The tower or central part of the principal building is about forty feet high, and there were originally four stories in the main body of the building, as well as we could judge by the holes in the walls, in which are still seen the ends of round poles, or rafters, which supported the floors. Several of these that we took out are some five or six inches in diameter, and seemed to be a species of cedar. The ends show ver3' plainly marks of the blunt instrument with which they were cut — probably a stone hatchet. It is evident the use of iron was unknown to the people who origin^ ally dwelt here. "The walls of the Casa Grande are composed of a concrete of mud and gravel, very hard, and capable of long enduring the wear and tear of the seasons in this equable climate. The upper portion has been somewhat washed and furrowed by the rains, and the base is worn away to such a depth as to threaten the permanency of the whole fabric, from which one may judge of its antiquity. This, concrete, or adobe, was east in large blocks several feet square, presenting originally, no doubt, a smooth, flat surface; but the outside has been afliected by the changes of the seasons. The inner surface is as smooth and hard as the finest plastered room. At the time of Mr. Bartlett's visit, there were traces of rude paintings and hieroglyphics to be seen on the interior walls ; but these have been either so defaced as not now to be perceptible, or washed away by heavy rains. The outer dimensions are fifty feet north and south, and forty feet east and west ; the thickness of the walls at the base, four feet. We spent half a day very pleasantly in exploring these interesting ruins-, and took our departure for the camp on the Gila late in the evening, well laden with curiosities. Every member of the party had his fragment of pottery and specimen of adobe/ and plaster. The next day we returned to the Sacatone, and prepared for our journey across the desert." 150 THE OASAS GRANDES OF THE SAN MIGUEL. The Cabas Gbandes of the San Miguel. On the San Miguel River, about one hundred and fifty miles north- west of the city of Chihuahua, in Mexico, are the ruins of the Casas Grandes (Great Houses). The Casas Grandes were built of sun- dried blocks of mud and gravel, about twenty-two inches thiclt, and of irregular length, generally about three feet. The walls are in some places about five feet thick, and they seem to have been plastered both inside and outside. The principal edifice extends eight hundred feet from north to south, and two hundred from east to west ; its general outline is rectangular, and it appears to have consisted of three separate piles united by galleries or lines of lower buildings. The apartments have evidently varied in size from mere closets to extensive courts. The walls still stand at many of the angles, with a height of from forty to fifty feet, and indicate an original elevation of several stories, perhaps six or seven. At a distance of about four hundred and fifty feet from the main building are the substructions of a smaller edifice,, consisting of a series of rooms ranged round a square court, so that there are seven to each side, besides a largei: apartment at each corner. The whole district of Casas Grandes is further studded with artificial mounds, from which are excavated from time to time large numbers of stone axes, metates or corn-grinders, and earthen vessels of various kinds. These last have a white or reddish ground, with ornamentation in blue, red, brown, or black, and are of much better manufacture than the modern pottery of the country. Similar ruins to those of the Casas Grandes exist near the Gila, the Salinas, and the Colorado.* The following is from the Abbe D. Francisco Saverio Clavigero's " History of Mexico:" — " The ancestors of the nations which peopled the country of Anahuac, of which alone we ai"e treating, might pass from the northern countries of Europe into the northern parts of America, or rather from the most eastern parts of Asia to the most westerly parts of America. This conclusion is founded on the constant and general tradition of those nations, which unanimously says that their ancestors came into Anahuac from the countries of the north and northwest. This tradition is confirmed by the remains of many ancient edifices built by those people in their migrations, which we have already mentioned, and the common belief of the people in the * Enoyolopsedia Britannioa. THE OASAS GEANDES OF THE SAN MIGUEL. 151 north. Besides, from Torquemada and Betancourt we have a clear proof of it. In a journey made by the Spaniards in the year 1606, from New Mexico unto the river which they call Tizon, five hun- dred miles from that province, towards the northwest, they found there some large edifices and met with some Indians who spoke the Mexican language, by whom they were told that a few days' journey from that river, towards the north, was the kingdom of Tollan, and many other peopled places, from whence came those who peopled the Mexican empire, and that by the same people these and other like buildings had been erected. In fact, the whole people of Anahuac have usually affirmed that, towards the northwest and the north, there were the kingdoms and provinces of Tollan, Teocol- huacan, Amaquemecan, A-ztlan, Tehuajo, and Copalla, names which are all Mexican, and the discovery of which, if the population of the Spaniards should spread into these parts, will throw great light on the ancient history of Mexico. Boturiui says that, in the ancient paintings of the Toltecas, was represented the migration of their ancestors through Asia and the northern countries of America, until they established themselves in the country of Tollan, and even endeavors to ascertain, in his General History, the route they pur- sued in their travel ; but, as he had not opportunity to compose the history which he designed, we can say no more on this matter." 152 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. CHAPTBE YIII. HEENANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. 1523-1526. In the year 1514, Pedrarias de Avila, who had been appointed governor of the mainland, called Castilla del Oro, b}-^ the Catholic king, embarked at Seville with nineteen ships and fifteen hundred men — the most distinguished company that had yet set out from Spain. He was accompanied by a bishop of the new colony, named Juan de Quevedo, Gaspar de Bspinosa as alcalde mayor, the Bachiller Enciso as alguazil mayor, and Gonzalvo Hernandez de Oviedo, the historian, as veedor or inspector of gold foundries ; Bernal Diaz, author of the " Conquest of Mexico," also was in this expedition. The first land of the Indies at which he arrived was the island of Dominica. Here he disembarked with his troops.* Leaving the island of Dominica, Pedrarias sailed for Darien, and arrived in the Gulf of Uraba or Darien in the month of June, and, anchoring about a league and a half from the settlement, sent a messenger on shore to announce his arrival, who found Vasco Nunez a plain, unassuming man, clad in a cotton frock and drawers, and hempen sandals, directing and aiding the labor of several Indians, who were thatching a cottage, in which he resided. Pedrarias disembarked on tlie 30th of June, accompanied by his wife, Dona Isabella de Bobadilla, and two thousand men well armed. A brilliant train of youthful cavaliers, in glittering armor and brocade, formed a kind of body-guard. All this pomp and splendor formed a striking contrast with the humble state of Nunez, who came forth unarmed, in simple attire, accompanied by his counselors and a handful of the old soldiers of Darien. On the day after his entrance into Darien, Pedrarias held a private conference with Nunez, in the presence of the historian, Oviedo. The governor assured him that he was instructed by the king to treat him with great favor and distinction, to consult him about the afBairs of the colony, and to apply to him for information relative to the surrounding country. Nunez was of a frank, con- * Pasonal Andagoya. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. 153 fiding nature, and opened his whole soul to the politic courtier. He gave to Pedrarias a minute and able statement in writing, de- tailing the circumstances of the colony, and the information col- lected respecting various parts of the country, the route by which he had traversed the mountains; his discovery of the South Sea; the situation and reputed wealth of the Pearl Islands ; the rivers and ravines most productive of gold ; together with the names and territories of the various caciques with whom he had made treaties. When Pedrarias had thus beguiled the unsuspecting soldier of all the information necessary for his purpose, he dropped the mask, and within a few days proclaimed a judicial scrutiny into the con- duct of Nunez and his officers. He was acquitted of the criminal charges made against him, though he remained involved in diffi- culties from the suits brought against him by individuals for losses and damage occasioned by his measures. Pedrarias was incensed at this acquittal, and insisted upon the guilt of N-unez, which he pretended to have established to his conviction, by his secret inves- tigations ; and he even determined to send him in chains to Spain, to be tried for the death of Nicuessa,* and for other imputed of- fences. The town of Darien was situated in a deep valley, surrounded by lofty mountains, which, while they kept off the breezes, reflected the concentrated rays of the sun, insomuch that at noon the heat was insupportable ; the river which passed it was shallow, with a muddy channel, and bordered by marshes ;" over-hanging forests added to the general humidity, and the very so'l on vvhich the town was built was of such a nature that on digging to the depth of a foot there would ooze forth brackish water. This situation, in a tropical climate, proved fatal to the health of the men who had recently arrived ; Pedrarias himself fell sick, and was removed with most of his people to a healthier spot, on the river Corobari ; the malady, however, continued to increase. The pro- visions brought out in the ships had been partly damaged by the sea, the residue grew scanty, and the people were put upon short * The inhabitants of Darien, differing among themselves, had called Nicu- essa, then at Nombre de Dios, which he founded, to take charge of the gov- ernment of Darien, which was in the territory allotted to him, but his threats and conduct having alienated the friendship of the inhabitants, even before his arrival at Darien, they refused to receive him when he did arrive ; and to be rid of him and some' of his partisans, they put him and them in a crazy boat. They left Darien and were never afterwards heard of. Nunez was at this time one of the two alcaldes of Darien. 154 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NIOARAGTJA. allowance ; the debility thus produced increased the ravages of the disease ; at length the provisions were exhausted, and the horrors of absolute famine ensued. Every one was more or less affected by these calamities, but to none were they more fatal than to the crowd of young cavaliers. As the famine increased, their case became desperate. Some would be seen bartering a robe of crimson silk, or some garment of rich brocade, for a pound of Indian bread ; others sought to satisfy the cravings of hunger with the herbs and roots of the field, and one of the principal cavaliers absolutely expired of hunger in the public streets. In this wretched way, and in the short space of one month, perished seven hundred of the little army that had embarked with Pedrarias. The bodies of some remained for a day or two without sepulture, their friends not having sufficient strength to bury them. Unable to remedy the evil, Pedrarias gave permission for his men to flee from it. A ship-load of starving adventurers departed for Cuba, where Diego Velasquez was colonizing that island ; others made their way back to Spain. The departure of so many hungry men was some temporary re- lief to the colony ; and Pedrarias, having recovered from his malady, bestirred himself to send expeditions in all directions, for the pur- pose of foraging the country and collecting treasure. The various expeditions sent out by him to explore and subjugate the surround- ing country, too often, through the rash conduct and ignorance of those who conducted them, ended in misfortune and disgrace. In fine, the colony became so weakened by these repeated losses, and the savages so emboldened by success, that they beleaguered it with their forces, harassed it by assaults and ambuscades, and reduced it to great extremity. While Pedrarias was harassed and perplexed by these complicated evils, he was haunted by continual apprehension of the ultimate ascendency of Nunez. He knew him to be beloved bj' the people, and befriended by the bishop ; and he had received proof that his services were highly appreciated by the king. The politic bishop perceived the uneasy state of the governor's mind, and en- deavored by means of his apprehensions to effect a reconciliation between him and Nunez. He represented to him that his treatment of Nunez was odious in the ej'es of the people, and must eventually draw on him the displeasure of his sovereign. " But why persist," added he, " in di'iving a man to become your deadliest enemy, whom you may grapple to your side as your firmest friend? You have several daughters — give him one in marriage ; you will then have for a son-in-law a man of merit and popularity, who is a hidalgo by HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. 155 birth, and a favorite of the king. You are advanced in years and infirm, he is in the prime and vigor of life, and possesses great activity. You can make him your lieutenant; and while you repose from your toils, he can carry on the affairs of the colony with spirit and enterprise; and all his achievements will redound to the advance- ment of your family, and the splendor of your administration."* The governor and his lady, won by the eloquence of the bishop, readily listened to his suggestion ; and Nunez was but too happy to effect a reconciliation on sucli flattering terms. Written articles were accordingly drawn up and exchanged, contracting a marriage between him and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias.f The young lady was then in Spain, but was to be sent for, and the nuptials were to be celebrated on her arrival at Darien. The governor, now that he looked upon Nunez as his son-iti-law, loaded him with favors. Nunez was authorized to build brigantines, and make all necessary preparations for his long-desired expedition to explore the South Sea. The place appointed for this purpose was the port of Careta, situated to the west of Darien. A town called Ada had been founded at this port. Two hundred men were placed under his command to aid him in carrying his plans into execution, and a sum of money was advanced to him from the royal treasury. Hernando de Arguello, a notary at Darien, who had amassed considerable property, embarked a great part of it in the proposed enterprise. On arriving at Ada, Vasco Nunez set to work to prepare the materials for four brigantines to be launched into the South Sea. The timbers were felled on the Atlantic seaboard, and were then, with the anchors and rigging, transported across the lofty ridges of mountains to the opposite shores of the Isthmus. Several Span- iards, thirty negroes, and a great number of Indians, were employed for the purpose. They had no other roads but Indian paths strag- gling through almost impervious forests, across torrents, and up rugged defiles, broken by rocks and pi-ecipices. On the summit of the mountains a house had been provided for their temporary re- pose. After remaining here a little while to refresh themselves and gain new strength, they renewed their labors, descending the oppo- site side of the mountains until they reached the navigable part of * These sentiments of the Bishop Juan de Quevedo show the great merits of Nunez, and the high esteem in which he was held by those whose superior in- telligence could perceive and appreciate the extraordinary qualities that dis- tinguished hira. . t De Soto married with Dona Isabella de Bobadilla,' daughter of Pedro Arias de Avila, Earl of Punno en Kostro. 156 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGITA. a river, which they called the Balsas, and which flowed into the South Sea. Much time and trouble and manj' lives were expended on this arduous undertaking before they had transported to the river sufficient timber for two brigantines. To add to their difflculties, they had scarcely begun to work upon the timbers before they dis- covered that it was totally useless, being subject to the ravages of the worms* from having been cut in the vicinity of the sea-water, they were obliged, therefore, to begin anew, and fell trees on the border of the river. Nunez divided his people into three bands ; one was to cut and saw the wood, another to bring the rigging and iron-work from Ada, which was twenty-two leagues distant; and the third foraged the neighboring country for provisions. Scarcely was the timber felled and shaped for use when the rains set in, and the river overflowed its banks so suddenly that the workmen barely escaped witli their lives by climbing trees ; while the wood on which they had been working was either buried in sand or mud, or swept away by the raging torrent. When the river subsided the workmen again resumed their labors ; a number of recruits arrived from Ada, bringing various supplies, and the business of the enterprise was pressed with redoubled ardor, until Nunez had the satisfaction to behold two of his brigantines floating on the river Balsas. As soon as they could be equipped for sea, he embarked in them with as many Spaniards as they could carry ; and issuing from the river, launched triumphantly on the great ocean he had discovered. The first cruise of Vasco Nunez was to the group of Pearl Islands, on the principal one of which he disembarked tiie greater part of his crews, and dispatched the brigantines to the mainland to bring off the remainder. It was his intention to construct the other two vessels at this island. On the return of his vessels, and while pre- parations were making for the building of the others, he embarked with a hundred men and departed on a reconnoitering cruise to the eastward, towards the region pointed out by the Indians as abound- ing in riches. Having passed about twenty leagues beyond the Gulf of San Miguel the mariners were alarmed at beholding a great number of whales, which resembled a reef of rocks stretching far into the sea and lashed by breakers. The seamen feared to ap- proach these fancied dangers in the dark ; Vasco Nunez anchored, * From the mention of salt-water, these worms were probably teredos, a sea- worm that perforates the timbers of sea- vessels until they become honeycombed and ruined. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. ISlI therefore, for the night under a point of land, intending to continue in the same direction on the following day. When the morning dawned, however, the wind had changed and was contrary; where- upon he altered his course. Steering for the mainland he anchored on that part of the coast governed by the cacique Ohuchama, who had massacred Bernardo Morales and his companions when repos- ing in his village. Here landing his men Nunez .came suddenly upon the dwelling of the cacique. The Indians sallied forth to defend their homes, but were routed with great loss. Having thus avenged the death of his countrymen Nunez re-embarked and re- turned to Isla Rica. He now applied himself diligently to complete the building of his brigantines, dispatching men to Ada to bring the necessary stores and rigging across the mountains. While thus occupied a rumor reached him that a new governor, named Lope de Sosa, was coming out from Spain to supersede Pedrarias. Nunez was troubled at these tidings. A new governor would be likely to adopt new measures or to have favorites. In this pei-plexity he held a con- sultation with several of his confidential officers. After some debate it was agreed that a trusty and intelligent person should be sent to Ada, under pretence of procuring munitions for the ships. Should he find Pedrarias in possession of the government, he was to request re-enforcements and supplies ; but should he find a new governor arrived, he was to return immediately with the tidings. In the latter case it was resolved to put to sea before any contrary orders could arrive. The person entrusted with this mission 'to Ada was Andres Garabito, in whose fidelity and discretion Nunez had implicit con- fidence ; his confidence, however, was destined to be fatally betrayed. Yasco Nunez had continued to have a fondness for the daughter of the Cacique Careta, whom he had received from her father as a pledge of amity. In the course of some dispute with Garabito concerning her, he had expressed himself in severe and galling language; Garabito was deeply mortified at some of Nunez's expres- sions, and being of a malignant spirit, he cherished a secret and vindictive enmity against his commander, and determined on a dastardly revenge. He wrote privately to Pedrarias, assuring him that Nunez had no intention of marrying his daughter; being com- pletely under the influence of an Indian paramour.* This mischiev- * This Garabito or Garavita had a difficulty of a similar character with Cortes in Cuba, on which occasion he received a chastisement from the future conqueror of Mexico. 158 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. Oils letter Gavabito had written immediately after the last departure of Nunez from Acla. When Garabito arrived at Acla he found Pedrarias still in pos- session of the government ; for Lope de Sosa had died in the very harbor. The conduct and conversation of Garabito were such as to arouse suspicions ; he was arrested, and his papers and letters were sent to Pedrarias. When examined he readily suflFered himself to be wrought upon by threats of punishment and promises of par- don, and revealed all that he knew, and declared still more that he suspected and surmised of the plans and intentions of Nunez. Hernando de Arguello wrote to Nunez, informing him of the critical posture of affairs, and urging him to put to sea without de- lay ; that he would be protected at all events by the Hieronimite Fathers at San Domingo, who were at that time all-powerful in the New World, and who regarded his expedition as calculated to pro- mote the glory of God as well as the dominion of the king. This letter fell into the hands of Pedrarias, and convinced him of a dan- gerous plot against his authority. He immediately ordered Ar- guello to be arrested ; and now devised means to get Nunez within his power. Dissembling his suspicions and intentions therefore, he wrote to him in amicable terms, requesting him to repair immedi- ately to Acla, as he wished to confer with him about the imj)ending expedition. The tenor of this letter awakened no suspicion in the mind of Nunez. Leaving his vessels in command of Francisco Companon, he immediately departed, unattended by any force, to meet the governor at Acla. Having crossed the mountains and drawn near to A cla, he had not proceeded far when he was met by a band of armed men led bj' Francisco Pizarro, who stepped forward to arrest his ancient commander. Nunez paused for a moment, and regarding him with a reproachful look of astonishment, said : " How is this, Francisco ? Is this the way you have been accustomed to receive me ?" He suflfered himself quietly to be taken prisoner by his former adherent and conducted in chains to Acla. Here he was imprisoned, and Bartolome Hurtado, once his favorite officer, was sent to take command of his vessels. Pedrarias urged the alcalde mayor, Espinosa, to proceed against Nunez with the utmost rigor of the law. The charge brought against him was a treasonable conspiracy to cast off all allegiance to the crown, and to assume an independent swaj' on the borders of the South Sea. He was also charged anew with the wrongs inflicted on Enciso, and with the death of the unfortunate Nicuessa.* * Enciso, as lieutenant of Ojada, had founded Santa Maria de la Antigua del Darien, and by his stern edicts incurred the displeasure of the people. They HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. 159 Espinosa at length gave a reluctant verdict against Vasco Nunez, but recommended him to mercy on account of his great services, or, that at least he might be permitted to appeal. "No," said Pedrarias ; " if he has merited death, let him suffer death !" He accoi'dingly con- demned him to be beheaded^ The same sentence was passed upon several of his officers who were implicated in his alleged conspiracy, and also on Hernando de Arguello. As to the perfidious informer, Garabito, he was pardoned and set at liberty. The execution took place in the public square of Ada, and the historian Gviedo, who was in the colony at that time, assures us that the cruel Pedrarias was a secret witness of the bloody specta- cle, which he contemplated from between the reeds of the wall of a house about twelve paces from the scaffold. Vasco Nunez was the first to suffer death. He ascended the scaffold with a firm step and calm and manly demeanor. Three of his officers were in a like manner brought one by one to the block. One victim still remained. It was Arguello, who had been condemned as an accomplice for having written the intercepted letter. The populace entreated Pe- drarias that this man might be spared. The daylight, they said, was at an end, and it seemed as if God had hastened the night to prevent the execution. " No," said Pedrarias, " I would sooner die myself than spare one of them." The unfortunate Arguello was led to the block.* The vengeance of Pedrarias was not satisfied with the death of his victim ; he confiscated his property, and dishonored his remains, refused to acknowledge his authority. Nunez took advantage of this discon- tent to form a party to depose Enciso, who was summoned to trial, found guilty of usurpation, and imprisoned. By the intercession of his friends he was re- leased, and permitted to return to Spain. * The cruel and malicious spirit of Pedrarias is in strong contrast with the genius of Cortes. Some Spanish soldiers, partisans of Velasquez, governor of Cuba, secretly agreed to take the life of Cortes, Alvarado, Sandoval, and Tapia, and of all those who appeared most attached to the party of Cortes. And this they planned, when Cortes was on the eve of besieging the city of Mexico. The con- spirators not only determined the time and manner of securely executing the blow, but elected also those on whom the vacant posts of general, judge, and captains were to be conferred ; when one of the accomplices, having repented of the deed, seasonably revealed the treason to Cortes. This general immedi- ately had the chief conspirator seized, committed his examination to a judge, and he, having freely confessed his crime, was hanged from i window of the quarters. With respect to his accomplices, Cortes prudently dissembled, affect- ing not to believe them culpable, and ascribing the infamy imputed to them by the confession, to be the malice of the convict. — Clavigbko. 160 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICAKAGUA. causing his head to be placed upon a pole, and exposed for several days in the public square. Thus perished, in his forty-second year, in the prime and vigor of his life and the full career of his glory, Vaseo Nunez de Balboa, one of the most illustrious and deserving of Spanish discoverers ; a victim to the basest and most perfidious envy.* The Fathers of St. Jerome, who possessed then a great authority in the Indies, manifested a strong resentment against Pedrarias; they wrote to him in a manner to let him know what was the opinion of all America of his conduct; they added that he had forgotten the orders of the king, which obliged him to do nothing without the participation of the Council of his province ; but these warnings came too late, the unfortunate Nunez was no more. Las Casas re- proaches Pedrarias with having devastated all the country from Darien to the lake Nicaragua. He accuses him also of having exercised against the Indians cruelties which made humanity shud- der. A man of his character could but with impatience see himself subject to several governors ; he wished to shake off the yoke which wounded his ambition ; he had Santa Maria del Darien destroyed ; charged Diego d'Espinosa, in 1518, to repair to Panama, and build a town there. He wrote at the same time to the king, that the place where Santa Maria del Darien had been founded was not fit for a settlement, and that it was the interest of his majesty to tranis- fer the Episcopal seat to Panama. Having received a favorable reply the following year, he sent orders to Oviedo, who then com- manded at Darien as his lieutenant, to transport to Panama all the inhabitants of Darien. Other settlements were not slow in being formed in so rich a country .f Yasco Nunez de Balboa " having been executed, Pedrarais set out for the Pearl Islands with the troops that were at Ada. The ships were there [at Pearl Islands], with the people who had remained on the South Sea. Thence he went in the ships to Panama, where he founded the present city [old Panama], the rest of the people going round by land with the licentiate Espinosa." " Panama was founded in the year 1519, and at the end of that year Diego Alvites founded Nombre de Dios, by order of Pedrarias. Having founded Panama in this year, the governor sent the licen- tiate Espinosa in command of the ships, with as many men as they could hold, to the westward. The licentiate arrived at the province of Bnrica, on the coast of Nicaragua." * Washington living's Colum'bus. His authorities quoted are Herrera, Peter Martyr, and Oviedo. The latter was an ofBoer under Pedrarias. f Richer. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGTJA. 161 " In the year 15 IT, Gil Gonzales tie Avila arrived at Darien, with a certain capitulation which he had made with his majesty, accom- panied by carpenters and laborers to build ships, and all the neces- sary fittings for them to be put together in the Rio de la Balsa, and their futtock timbers were brought ready made from Spain. They disembarked at Ada, and Gil Gonzales went to Darien to secure the support of the governor for the enterprise." "The ships, having been built ©n the Balsa, were sent down to the sea, passed the Island of Pearls ; and, Panama having been ■peopled in 1519, the flotilla was brought there. This Gil Gonzales had to discover a certain number of leagues to the westward, con- cerning which the capitulation had been made ; and thus he coasted along, and arrived at tlie gulf of San Lucar, which had already been discovered by [Espinosa, under the orders of] Pedrarias. It is at the commencement of the land of Nicaragua. Having passed the place where Leon and Granada now stand, he disembarked, and came to a village where he found one hundred thousand pesos of gold. As soon as his arrival was known in the land, a large force of warlike Indians came against him, and obliged him to fall back and embark again, as he had not sufficient force to resist tliem He returned to Panama with the gold, and went thence to Spain ; but returned to San Domingo, and equipped an expedition to settle in Nicaragua, going by the way of Honduras." In the mean time Pedrarias sent Francisco Hernandez de Cor- dova in command of a force to subdue and settle Nicaragua; and he entered that land, subduing and conquering, and fighting in many skirmishes and battles. He founded the cities of Leon and Granada, and built fortresses in them for defence. Gil Gonzales, who set out from San Domingo in search of Nicara- gua, via Honduras, encountered, in a province called Manalea, Cap- tain Soto whom Hernandez had sent to that part. Soto resisted the passage of Gonzales through the district, and Gonzales stopped and cunningly treated for peace. Soto, finding himself more powerful in numbers than his adversary, did not fear him, and, though the one force was very near to the other, he did not set a guard on his camp. So, one night, Gonzales took him unawares, made him prisoner, and secured his arms. Of the troops which came out to resist, two men were killed with two arquebuses. But Gonzales did not deem it prudent to keep these persons in his company, so he released them, and, seeing that there was no way to enter Nicaragua, he returned to Puerto de Cavallos, where was Christoval de Olid, a captain whom Cortes had sent to conquer and settle Honduras, but who, having revolted, Las Casas was sent to capture him, but was himself taken 11 162 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICAEAGTJA. b}' Olid, and kept as a prisoner with Gonzales ; but these, having conspired, a short time afterwards slew Olid. About this time Cortes arrived in Honduras, and soon Hernandez, desiring to revolt from Pedrarias, sent to invite him to come and receive the province [of Nicaragua] from him. Hernandez, finding himself powerful in the number of his fol- lowers, meditated a project to rise and throw oflf obedience to Pedrarias, or any one he might send. With this view, he assembled the principal people of the two settlements [Leon and Granada] to induce them to write to his majesty, praying that he might be appointed their governor. But the captains Francisco Campanon and Soto not only refused their assent, but condemned the pro- ceedings. Fearing these captains and their followers (for there were ten or twelve who took counsel to resist this act), he seized upon Soto and put him in the fortress of Granada. Campanon, however, with nine of his friends, marched to Granada and took Soto out of prison. The whole party then took the field, well armed and mounted. Hernandez, as soon as he knew this, came to Granada with sixty men, and found his opponents in tiie field ; but he would not attack them, because he knew that they would try to kill him before any one else. The dissentients then took their way to Panama, and, after many hardships and dangers, and having aban- doned their horses because they could not pass that way, they arrived barefooted. They had passed the villages of the Indians at night, and taken provisions from them. Thus they had reached the province of Chiriqui, which is between Buriea and Nisca, where there was a settlement called the city of Fonseca, which, by the order of Pedrarias, had been made by Captain Benito Hurtado. Here they were refreshed, and Hurtado gave them a canoe, in which they came as far as Nata. Having reported to Pedrarias what had taken place, the governor assembled ships and men to go to Nica- ragua, where, having captured Hernandez, he cut off his head [1526].* It is probable that De Soto remained in Nicaragua till the death of Pedrarias, which happened at Leon in the year 1530. He went from there, in 1532, to Peru. * Andagoya. HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 163 CHAPTBE IX. HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 1524-1526. When Corfces had rebuilt and repeopled the city of Mexico, and had founded tlie towns of Guanaca, Zacatula, Colitna, Yera Cruz [Villa Rica], Panuco, and Guacasualeo, he also determined to subdue the thickly populated province of Guatemala, the inhabitants of which were verj' warlike. He therefore resolved to dispatch Pedro de Alvarado thither to subdue'the country and to found colonies in it. For this important campaign he selected above three hundred foot, of which one hundred and twenty were musketeers and crossbow-men, one hundred and fifty-three horse, and four field-pieces, to which were added three hundred auxiliary troops, composed of Tlascalans, Cholulans, and Mexicans.* As soon as these troops were in marching order, Alvarado took leave of Cortes, and left the city of Mexico on the ISthf of December, 1523. After various encounters with the Indians on his route, the most dangerous of which was that with tiie tribes of Utatlan, he finally ai-rived in Guatemala, where the inhabitants gave him a kind and hospitable reception. Father Olmedo, who had accompanied Alvarado, did everything in his power to convert the Indians to Christianity; he ordered an altar with a cross to be erected, in front of which he regnlarly performed mass, and the inhabitants on these occasions imitated the Spaniards in all their religious cere- monies. Father Olmedo also placed on the altar an image of the Virgin Mary, which had been presented to him by Garay in his dying moments. This image was of such extreme beauty that the Indians became quite enamored of it. By degrees, every township of the surrounding neighborhood sent ambassadors to Alvarado, and declared themselves vassals of the emperor.J At the same time that Cortes sent Alvarado to Guatemala, he fitted out a naval armament under tlie command of Cristobal i)'01id, to coast along the North Sea [Caribbean] and establish a * These are the mambers Diaz gives, hut Cortes makes them somewhat more, t Cortes says 6th. t Diaz. 164 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. colony at the Cape of Hibneras [Honduras], sixty leagues from the Bay of Ascension, which is to the windward of what they call Yucatan, and on the coast above Terra Firma towards Darien. The object of this expedition was to obtain information about the country, and also in reference to the opinion [then] entertained by many pilots, that through this bay a passage might be found to the other sea; the thing that of all others in the world Cortes most desired to meet with. Cortes considered it certain, according to the information he had concerning the country and its configuration, that Pedro de Alvarado and Cristobal D'Olid would meet, unless the strait divided them. The armament committed to Olid consisted of five large ships and a brigantine, and four hundred men, provided with artillery, munitions, arms, victuals, and everything else necessary for them. Cortes also sent two agents to the island of Cuba, with eight thou- sand pesos of gold, to purchase horses and provisions, both for the first voyage, and to be in readiness for loading the ships on their return from the expedition. Thus the expedition departed from the port of San Juan de Chalchiqueca [present Vera Cruz], on the 11th of January, 1524, having to touch at the Havana, the place on the island of Cuba where they were to obtain the supplies that were wanting, especially horses, and for the ships to ren- dezvous in order to proceed together thence to the place of their destination. On reaching tlie first port in the country to which the expedition was sent, they were to disembark men, horses, pro- visions, and everything else, and seek the most favorable site that offered to be fortified with artillery (of which they took a great deal of the best kind), and for the settlement of a colony. They were then to dispatch, at once, three of the larger ships to the port of Trinidad, in the island of Cuba, as most conveniently situated on their route, and where an agent was to be left to get ready a cargo of such things as they required, for which the captain should send. The smaller ships and brigantine, with the principal pilot, a cousin of Cortes, named Diego Hurtado, for captain, were to run along the coast of the Bay of Ascension, in quest of the strait that was believed to be there, and to remain until they had explored every part of it ; and in case they discovered the strait, the}' should return to the place where captain Cristobal Olid was, and from tlience dispatch one of tlie ships to Cortes, with an account of the discovery, and air the information Cristobal Olid might have ac- quired concerning the country', and also the occurrences of the ex- pedition.* * Cortes. HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 165 To this armament were also appointed two priests, and they were to induce the Indians to abolish their human sacrifices, with other abominations practised by them. Every place the troops visited they were to look out for those diabolical cages in which the Indians shut up those they intended for victims for their sacrifices ; these they were ordered to release, and the cages were to be destroyed.* After Cortes had strongly impressed all this on Olid's mind, he bid him and all his troops an affectionate farewell. When Olid arrived at "Vera Cruz, he found everj'thing in readiness, so that he was enabled to embark immediately with his troops, and had a very favorable passage to Havana, where he found the horses, with the provisions and other things, in readiness. Here Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, the mortal enemy of Cortes, visited Olid on board the vessels, urged him in the strongest terms to refuse all further obedience to Cortes ; and they came to a secret agreement between themselves, jointly to subdue the Higueras and Honduras in the emperor's name. Olid was to take upon himself the active part, and Yelasquez, on his side, was to procure him every necessary, and support him witli his money. The armament being now fully equipped, Olid sailed from the Havana, and, after a very prosperous voyage, arrived, on the 3d of May, about sixty miles on the other side of Puerfro Cahallo, and disembarked his men in a small bay, where he immediately began to lay the foundations of a town, to which lie gave the name of Triunfo de la' Cruz. It was not until eight months afterwards that Cortes received intelligence of this revolt of Olid. When, thei-efore, he learned that Olid had made common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had determined to act independent of him, he resolved to send against him Francisco de las Casas, a relation of his on whom he could * Diaz, to avoid tlie tediousness of constantly mentioning these cages, in his account of the, various places through which he passed on his way to the city of Mexico, gives the reader to understand they were in every town. Not only were there teocalis in towns,but lilte heathen temples of antiquity, also on islands and in secluded places, and they were their temples and their altars on which the Indian priests immol ated their victims to their hideous idols. The unfor- tunate Valdivia and several of his companions, being cast upon the shores of Yucatan, were seized hy the Indians, confined in cages, and, when sufficiently fattened, sacrificed hy the Indians to their deities, and then devoured. The first structure of stone and mortar that Columbus discovered on the continent was on the coast of Honduras, and was probably a teooali, of which, perhaps, he knew not the use, as his son only mentions the fact: " The first place in the Indies where they saw any sign of a structure which was a great mass or imagery, that seemed to be of lime and mortar." 166 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. place implicit rel iance, as he had previously declared to the emperor. For this purpose he fitted out five vessels, well provided with cannon and other ammunition. On board this fleet he embarked one hundred men. Francisco de las Casas received full power from Cortes to seize Olid and put him in chains. He sailed from Vera Cruz with very favorable weather, and arrived in a short time in the bay of Triunfo de la Cruz, where in front of the town lay at anchor the vessels of Olid. As Las Casas on entering the bay had hoisted a white flag, Olid scarcely knew what to think at flrst, but thought, at all events, it was better to be upon his guard, and ran out two of his smallest vessels, well armed with a strong body of men, in order to prevent Las Casas from entering the harbor and landing his troops, though he was as yet quite ignorant who the new-comers were. Las Casas, who was a man of great courage and determination, immediately lowered his boat, on board of which he placed one of the falconets, and the most active of his men well armed with muskets and cross- bows, being resolved he said to land his troops somehow or other. A severe conflict now ensued, in which Las Casas bored one of Olid's vessels into the ground, killed four of his men and wounded several others. Olid, seeing that matters were growing verj' serious, thought it advisable, on his part, to stay hostilities in order to gain time to assemble all his troops about him; for he had a few days previous dispatched two companies to the river Pechin against Gil Gonzales de Avila, who had begun to subdue the country there. He, there- fore, sent word to Las Casas that he was desirous of making terms of peace with him; to wliich Las Casas so far consented that he staid hostilities for the present, and lay out at sea with his vessels for the night, in order to effect a landing in some other bay. Fortu- nately for Olid and unfortunately for Las Casas, a furious north wind, which is the most dangerous of all on this coast, arose during the night, and the wiiole of his vessels were wrecked; thirty of his men were drowned, and all tlie ammunition and stores went to the bottom. Las Casas and the rest of his men, after wandering about the countrj' for two days, benumbed with wet and cold, without a morsel of food to eat, were all taken prisoners by Olid's troops. Qlid, it may be imagined, was excessively rejoiced that things had thus terminated so unexpectedly in his favor, and he exulted greatly in having the person of Las Casas in his power. He imme-' diately took the latter's troops into his service, and compelled them to take a solemn oath never to desert him, but to oppose HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 16T Cortes if lie should come with an array against him. Las Casas alone he kept a prisoner. Shortly upon this the detachment returned which he had sent against Gil Gonzales de Avila. This man had arrived in the country with the appointment of governor of Golfo Dulce, and he had already founded, at about four miles distance from the bay of the same name, a town which he called San Gill de Buena Vista. The countrj'- bounding on the river Chipin was at that time inhabited by a very warlike people; and as by far the greater part of Gil Gonzales's troops were suffering from ill health, the latter had only been able to throw a feeble garrison into the town of Buena Vista. Olid had been duly apprised of this and ordered the town to be attacked ; but his troops could not so easily get possession of the place as they expected. Gil Gonzales's small body of men defended themselves most vigorously, and eight of the soldiers with a cousin of his were killed. Olid was both rejoiced and proud to have taken prisoners the chief commanders of two separate armaments; and as it was of importance to him that the success of his arms should be made known through the islands,* he immediately sent information of his good fortune to Velasquez, governor of Cuba. After this victory Olid, taking his prisoners with him, marched his troopg towards the interior of tlie country, to a large township named Naco, which lay in a verj-^ populous district. It was upon this occasion that Naco was completely destroyed and the whole of the surrounding country laid waste, and tliis Diaz relates from ej'e- witness, as he subsequently visited those parts himself. ^ Prom Naco, Olid sent out a strong detachment to forage the country, under the command of Briones. Some time after Briones had been sent out by Olid to a distant part of the country, with a considerable body of his troops, he received intelligence that he had deserted with the whole of the men under his command, and was marching in the direction of New Spain ; this news was indeed found to be perfectly correct. This circumstance. Las Casas and Gil Gonzales thought, presented to them a most favorable opportunity to rid themselves of Olid, who still continued to treat botli of them as prisoners of war, though they were allowed to go at large. The whole of the adherents of Cortes secretly joined Las Casas and Gonzales, and they agreed, upon a certain signal, to fall upon Olid and stab him to death. Everything had been arranged in the best possible manner for this purpose. * Cuba, Jamaica, Hispaiiiola, Porto Rico. f Diaz's own words, as translated into English, except the italics. 168 HERNANDO OOETES IN HONDUEAS. One evening Las Casas, Gonzales, Juan Nunez de Mereado, and other soldiers of Cortes's party, were invited to sup with Olid. The first two, as prisoners of war, were not allowed to carry arms, but had concealed on their persons large knives, which were ground very sharp. The whole of the company had already laid aside their cloaks to seat themselves at the table, and stood around Olid discoursing on Cortes's good fortune. As Olid was thus quite off his guard, not in the least suspecting there was any design upon his life. Las Casas on a sudden seized hira forcibly b^' the beard, and stabbed him in' the neck with his knife. Upon this, the other conspirators fell in a body upon him and gave him so many stabs that he fell to the ground, and was left as dead ; but, as he was a man of enormous muscular power, he regained his consciousness while the conspirators were sitting at the table enjoying their sup- pers, and assembling all his strength he started up from the floor, with the cry, "IZj/ friends^ assist your captain P^ and then ran out to hide himself in the woods until his adherents should have rallied around him; And, indeed, a great part of his troops instantly assembled for this purpose ; but Las Casas cried out to them : " In the name of the emperor and of Cortes, I command you to fall upon the tyrant ; his tyranny is no longer to be borne!" As soon as these names were mentioned, no one durst stir a finger in Olid's defence; on the contrary, every one quietly submitted, and immediately obeyed Las Casas's commands by hurrying off in search of Olid, to bring him in prisoner. He then made known that any one who knew of Olid's concealment, and neglected to give information of it, should suffer death. By this means it was soon discovered where Olid lay concealed, and, after he had been brought in a prisoner, a criminal suit was commenced against him in due form, and, sentence of death being passed on him, he was decapi- tated by order of these two officers. Las Casas and Gonzales, on the market-place of Naco. As soon as Las Casas and Gonzales had got rid of their common enemy, they assembled all tlie troops; they divided the command equally between them, and continued on the best terms with each other. Las Casas soon after founded the town of Truxillo, and Gonzales dispatched a small body of troops to the town which he had previously founded, called Buena Vista, in order to see what condition the colony was in. The command of this small detach- ment he gave to an oflBcer named Armenia, with orders not to make any change there if, at least, he found everything in the same con- dition as when he left it, but to await his return from New Spain, whither ho would immediately repair to beg Cortes for a fresh HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDTJRAS. 169 supply of troops. Las Casas likewise determined to proceed with Gonzales to the city of Mexico, in order tliat they might jointly give Cortes an account of every cirenmstance that had transpired.* Several months having elapsed after the departure of Las Casas with the armament, and Cortes still without any tidings from him, he began to fear that some misfortune had befallen him. The more he thought of the many dangers to which vessels are exposed, the more he regretted, notwithstanding all the confidence he placed in Las Casas, that he had not gone to Honduras by land at the head of his army ; he therefore determined to march thither in person. Cortes left the city of Mexico at the head of his army [in Octo- ber, 1524], and took the road leading to Guacasualco, where he staid altogether six days. [From Guacasualco Cortes continued his march to Honduras, and having arrived at Coliste, the Indians], on being questioned bj' Dona Marina about the town where the Spaniards had settled, they answered that it lay on the sea-coast about five days' journey from there. On this information Cortes dispatched Sandoval, with six men on foot, to the sea-coast in the direction the Indian had pointed out, in order to learn, if possible, what number of Spanish troops Olidf had under his command ; for at that time Cortes was still ignorant of wliat had taken place there. Sandoval took three Indian guides- with him from Oculizti, and set out on his journey. When he had arrived on the north coast [of the gulf of Honduras], and was marching along the beach, he espied a canoe making for the land, with sails and paddles. He therefore hid himself behind a rising ground until the vessel should have run ashore. This canoe belonged to some Indian merchants, was laded with salt and maize, and was destined for the large river which flows into the Golfo Dulce. In the night time Sandoval sallied forth from his hiding place, captured all the crew, then stepped into the canoe, with two of his companions and the tiiree guides, and desired the Indian merchants to row him along the coast, while the four otlier Spaniards followed by land. Sandoval was sure the great river could not be far dis- * Cortes at that time was probably on his expedition to Honduras, as he left the city of Mexico October, 1534, and on Easter, 1525, he was at a place between Lake Peten and the head of the Grulf of Honduras. t In Cortes's letters, this name is Christoval D'Oli. Bernal Diaz has it Olid, and so Clavigero has it. There was in Cortes's army a Christoval de Olea, who, on two occasions in battle, saved the life of Cortes. These two names, Oli and Olea, are enough alike to be mistaken one for the other. 170 HERNANDO COETES IN HONDUEAS. lant, and in this he was not deceived, for he entered it soon after, and lie had the good fortune to come up with four Spaniards of the new town [Buena Vista], founded by Gil Gonzales de Avila. These men had just arrived, in a canoe, from an excursion in search of pro- visions, of which there was an uncommon scarcity in the colony, as the inhabitants were at enmity with the Indians, who had already killed ten of their number since Gonzales's departure for Mexico. When Sandoval was approaching in the canoe, he found these Spaniards busily occupied in gathering cocoanuts. Two of them who had climbed up the tree were the first to observe the strange vessel, and the}' immediately called out to their companions below. The whole of them were so astonished and alarmed that they scarcely knew whether they should run away or stay where they were, but on Sandoval coming up and addressing them in a friendly manner, they took courage, and related to him the wliole history of tiie foundation of the colony, and then gave him a full description of the miserable condition of the colony, adding that the commandant [Armenta] had obstinately refused to allow them to return to Cuba, for which reason, and because he had scourged a Spanish priest who had caused an insurrection in the town, the inhabitants rebelled against him, hung him, and appointed Antonio Nieto commandant in liis stead. They also informed him that two miles further on there was a harbor, in which a vessel was being fitted out to convey the colonists to Cuba. Sandoval considered it best to take these men along with him to Cortes, in order that his approach to the colony might not be made known to it. When arrived in the presence of Cortes, tlie colonists related to him all that they had told Sandoval. Cortes now marched with all his troops in tiie direction of the sea-coast, the distance to which was full twenty-four miles. At length he arrived at the broad river of Golfo Dulce. Here the two canoes — one which Sandoval had captured on the coast, and tlie other belonging to the colonists — were fastened together, in which Cortes, with six men and a few of his servants, embarked, and was ferried across the water. TJpon this a few of the horses were swam across, the grooms holding the animals by the bridles, which were kept as short as possible for fear of the horses upsetting the canoes. The passage across this rapid stream was excessively dangerous. Cortes left strict commands that none should cross the river until further orders, which he would send in writing. The town of Buena Vista, which Gil Gonzales had founded in this neighborhood, lay about eight miles from the broad river of the Golfo Dulce, near the sea-shore, wliither Cortes immediately re- HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. Ill paired with his small body of men, after crossing the river. Wlien he entered the town, the arrival of strangers on horseback, and others on foot, in the first moment spread a great consternation among the inhabitants, but, as soon as they learned that it was Cortes, they were almost overcome with joy. All the inhabitants waited on him, and he received them in the kindest manner; and then ordered the commandant, Jfieto, to load the two boats belonging to the town, and all the canoes he could get, with cassava bread, and dispati-h them to Sandoval. Nieto immediately set about to fulfil these commands, but was unable to collect more than fifty pounds of this bread, as the colonists had had no other food than the fruits which they gathered from the trees, some vegetables, and what fish they could catch. Even tliis small quantity of cassava bread had been set apart for their voyage to Cuba. With these provisions the two boats, manned with eight sailors, left for the place where Sandoval was encamped with the troops. The population of the town of Buena Vista consisted of forty Spaniards, four Spanish ladies, and two mulattoes. The whole of these people were suflfering from ill health, and had a yellow, sickly appearance. They had no provisions, and suffered as much from hunger as the men of Cortes, nor could any one tell where to go in search of maize. Cortes therefore saw that there was not a moment to lie lost, and he dispatched Luis Marin with the eighty men of Guacasualeo, into tiie country. They all set out on foot for some townships which lay thirtv-two miles further up the country. When they reached these they found that they contained great abundance of maize, beans, and other vegetables ; besides that, the whole neighborhood was literally sown with cocoanut trees. When Cortes learned that Marin and his men had arrived in so fertile a neighborhood, and was told that tlie road to Naco led tiirough that township, he ordered Sandoval to follow them with the greater part of the remaining troops, and not to leave this township until lie should receive further instructions. Sandoval, on arriving at Marin's camp, immediately dispatched thirty bushels of maize to Cortes, who distributed it among the colonists, who ate so ravenously of it that the greater part fell sick in consequence of it, and seven of them died. During this great distress for want of provisions, a vessel from Cuba ran into the harbor, liaving on board seven passengers, seven horses, forty hogs, eight barrels of pickled meat, and a large quantity of cassava bread. The cargo belonged to Antonio de Comargo, and Cortes purchased the whole of it upon credit, dis- tributing a great part of the provisions among the colonists ; but 172 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. the consequences again proved fatal to many of these unfortunate persons, for this very nourishing food brought on dj'sentery, and ten more of them died. As this vessel had brought a few soldiers, and had eight sailors on board, Cortes' determined to embark in her and sail up the river, to visit the townships along its banks, and to explore the interior of the country. He also ordered one of the brigantines of Gil Gonzalfes to be repaired, and a boat to be constructed in the shape of those used for unloading vessels ; also four canoes to be securely fastened together. On board these vessels Cortes embarked with thirty soldiers, the eight sailors, and twenty Mexicans. He may have sailed up the river to the distance of about forty miles, when he came to a large lake wliich was apparently about twenty-four miles in breadth, and its banks were quite uninhabited, as the whole surrounding country was subject to frequent inundations. Further up, the river continuall3^ became more rapid, until the vessels ar- rived at some cataracts which none of them were able to pass. Cortes therefore landed his men here, and, after leaving six Span- iards in charge of the vessels, he commenced his march up the conntr3', along a very narrow path. First he arrived at some town- ships which were deserted by the inhabitants, and then to a few maize plantations, in which he captured three Indians, whom he took along with him as guides. These people conducted him to several small villages where there was abundance of maize and fowls. The inhabitants here also kept pheasants, tame partridges, and pigeons. This breeding of partridges as domestic birds, Diaz never observed in any other part of the country but in the town- ships on the Golfo Dulce. From this place Cortes took new guides, and next arrived at some townships where the whole surrounding neighborhood was covered with maize, cacao, and cotton planta- tions. When Cortes had approached within a short distance, he heard the sound of drums, trumpets, and a noise as if the Indians were in the midst of some festive orgie. He then concealed him- self, with his men, on a rising ground, in order to watch for an op- portunity of falling upon these Bacchanalians. This he accord- ingly' did before they were in the least aware of it, and captured ten men and fifteen women. The rest of the Indians fled to their town, armed themselves, and commenced discharging their arrows at the Spaniards Cortes immediately fell upon them, and very soon cut down eight of their chiefs ; they then dispatched four old men, of whom two were papas [priests], to Cortes, with a trifling present in gold, and begged hard that the prisoners might be re- stored to lliem. Cortes gave them to understand that they should HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 173 send maize, fowls, salt, and a lai'ge supply of other provisions to his vessels. If they complied with this, he would immediately re- store the prisoners to their families. They accordingly set their canoes afloat, which lay in a hollow communicating with the river, and loaded them with the required provisions ; but as he did not release all the prisoners at once, and detained three men with their wives to bake some bread, the whole of the inhabitants again flew to arms, and showered forth their arrows, stones, and darts, upon the Spaniards, wounding twelve men, and Cortes himself, in the face. Cortes was twenty-six days on this expedition, from which he returned to Buena Vista with a greater supply of provisions than it had ever before had. As Cortes considered the site of Buena Vista every way unfavor- able for a colony, he embarked the whole of the inhabitants in two vessels and the brigantine, and sailed for the bay of Puerto de Caballos, where he arrived in the space of eight days. Finding that there was an excellent harbor in this bay, he determined to found a colony in this place, to which he gave the name of Natividad, and appointed Diego de Godoy commandant of the towrf. He then made an excursion into the interior of the country to visit the several townships. Tlie inhabitants assured him that there were several otlier townships in the neighborhood, and that. Naco was not far off. He well stocked tiie new town, and wrote to Sandoval, whom he imagined had already reached Naco, to send him ten of the men of Guacasualco. From this place [Puerto Caballos], he added, it was his intention to repair to the Bay of Honduras, in order to visit the new town of Truxillo. Sandoval received this letter in the township where he had first halted, for he had not yet broken up his quarters for Naco. He would gladly, that instant, have set out for Naco, if he had not dispatched a great part of his troops into the surrounding townships in search of provisions and fodder for the horses. He was, therefore, compelled to await the return of these troops. When the troops returned, he marched further on to some town- ships in the neighborhood of which gold mines were discovered three years afterwards. From this place he came to Quinistaii, and the following day, in the afternoon, he arrived at Naco, which at that time was a township of considerable magnitude ; but there was not a single inhabitant to be seen, and the troops quartered them- selves in a large courtyard where Cristobal de Olid was beheaded. In some houses they were fortunate enough to find a good supply of maize, beans, and even salt. In this place they quartered them- 1T4 HERNANDO COKTES IN HONDURAS. selves as comfortably as if they never meant to leave the spot again. In Naco there was a well of the most delicious water. Here, likewise, stood a wide-spreading tree, under the shade of which, even during the hottest part of the day, the air was so cool that their very hearts became refreshed and invigorated. From this tree there also continually fell a very delicate dew, which pro- duced a most comfortable feeling to the head. The surrounding neighborhood abounded in various kinds of provisions, and numerous small townships lay dispersed in all directions. Before the departure of the soldiers that Cortes had ordered to be sent to him, Sandoval requested the caciques to dispatch five distinguished personages to accompany them to Puerto Gaballos. He then ordered them to provide these soldiers with the best of provisions on their route. Cortes was just about to embark for Truxillo when the Spaniards marched into Puerto de Gaballos. Soon after he sailed with all his troops, leaving Diego de Godoy as commander-in-chief of the new colony, consisting of forty persons belonging to Buena Vista, and of the passengers latel3' arrived from Cuba. After a favorable voyage of six days, Cortes arrived in the harbor of Truxillo. The whole inhabitants assembled on the beach to receive him, and the most comfortable mansion was prepared for him. The chief inhabi- tants tlien detailed to him every circumstance respecting Las Casas's arrival and capture, with that of Gil Gonzales, and the subsequent beheading of Olid ; how the two former officers had then departed for Mexico. Cortes then confirmed the several authorities of the town in their respective offices, both civil and military, but appointed his cousin Saavedra captain-general of tlie whole country. He then sum- moned the iniiabitants of the surrounding country to declare them- selves vassals of the emperor. As the caciques of the four principal townships happened to stand all together in his presence, he took the opportunity of addressing them at some length, which was in- terpreted to them by Dona Marina.* Cortes then ordered them to furnish the colony with provisions, and to send a number of Indians with the necessary tools to level a rising ground which lay in the town and obstructed the view of the harbor and of the sea. He * Diaz mentions, on another occasion, Marina addressing the inhabitants of Honduras ; the inference, therefore, is that the languages of Tabasco, Mexico, and Honduras were the same, or very similar ; so much so, that she could address the Houdurans iu her native language. HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. It5 also desired them to repair witli their canoes to some townships of the Guauajas Islands, to request the inhabitants there to supply him with fish, which they had in abundance. The inhabitants of these islands readily complied, and brought a present consisting of fowls and fish. Cortes, in return, gave them some of the swine he had taken with him on his expedition.* The caciques sent so large a body of Indians to level the hill that in the space of two days there was a good prospect of the sea from the town. They likewise con- structed fifteen houses, of which one, for Cortes, was of large dimen- sions. While Cortes was at Truxillo, he sent in a vessel his cousin Avalos, the two Franciscan monks, the licentiate Pedro Lopez, and others, who all were ill, to Cuba, or to St. Domingo, and on this occasion forwarded dispatches to the Hieronimites. The vessel sailed with a favorable wind. She had already doubled the cape of St. Antonio, and had arrived within seventy leagues of the Havan- nah when a heavy storm arose, in which she was wrecked oS the coast of Cuba. The Franciscan monks, the captain Avalos, and a great number of others, met with a watery grave ; only a few by great exertions saved themselves in the boat, and others drifted ashore by clinging to pieces of wood. The licentiate, Pedro Lopez, who had escaped destruction, hastened to San Domingo, and there related to the royal court of audience every circumstance of Cortes's expedition to Honduras; and how he was staying at Truxillo, oc- cupied in subduing the surrounding country. He likewise stated that the troops were in great want of provisions, wine, and liorses. In St. Domingo,f the spirit of speculation was soon stirred up, and two vessels were quickly dispatched to Truxillo, with horses, shirts, caps, and Spanish toys, to all of which these speculating merchants unfortunately forgot to add provisions, and only sent one pipe of wine. Cortes himself had remained at Truxillo, where his time was fully occupied in making various regulations. While staying here, sev- * The islands of Guauajas were discovered by Columbus in 1502, on his fourth and last voyage. The swine mentioned in the text shows that Cortes had taken these animals from the city of Mexico to Truxillo, in Honduras, as he set out on his expedition with them. De Soto took some hogs from Tampa Bay to the mouth of the Arkansas River, and Gonzales Pizarro took hogs with him on his expedition to the Napo. f The capital of Hispaniola, or Hayti, or St. Domingo, or Isabella, all of wliich names have been given to the same island ; but the town of St. Domingo, founded by the brother of Christopher Columbus, and named after their father, was, from 1597, the capital of the Indies. 176 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDTJRAS. eral of the inhabitants of the Gruanajas Islands came, and complained to him about a vessel that lay at anchor in front of their township. This vessel, tliey said, had a great number of Spaniards on board, all armed with matehloclis'and crossbows, and they were intent upon carrying off the inhabitants into slavery. To all appearances, added the^', these Spaniards were pirates, and the same wlio had visited their country some years previously in a similai' manner, and forci- bly dragged away a considerable number of their countrymen. Ul)on this information, Cortes hastily fitted out one of the brig- antines with the largest piece of ordnance, and sent twenty men on board, under the command of one of his best officers, who was or- dered, at all events, to bring the strange vessel, with all her hands, into the port of Truxillo. The Indians likewise promised to man all theif canoes, and accompany the brigantine to where the vessel lay moored. When tile strange vessel observed a well-armed brigantine ap- proaching, with several canoes, she quickly weighed anchor, and made off at the utmost of hei" speed, and so eluded the pursuit of tlie brigantine. It was subsequently learnt that this vessel was commanded liy the l)achelor Moreno, whom the royal court of audi- ence at St. Domingo had dispatched on certain business to Nombre de Dios, and he had either been driven by contrary winds off these islands, or had purposely repaired thither to carry away a cargo of slaves. While Sandoval was staying at Naco, four caciques arrived at his camp from the two townships of Quecuscapa and Tanchinal- chapa, complaining bitterly of some Spaniards, who plundered the iu habitants of all their property, and forcibly carried off their wives and daughters in iron chains. Sandoval was exceedingly vexed at this intelligence. On inquiring of the caciques how far distant their townships lay, they told him only one day's journey. He then im- mediately marched out with sixty of his men, all well armed, and they arrived in the above-mentioned townships before the Spaniards there had the least notice of their approach; yet ihe instant they saw them they flew to their arms, but Sandoval came so suddenly upon them that he took the greater part of the men, with their cap- tain, prisoners, without a drop of blood being spilt on either side. He then commanded the men and women they had taken prisoners, around whose necks they had fastened iron collars, to be instantly re- leased and restored to the caciques of the district. He then marched back to Naco, carrying along with him his Spanish prisoners, and their captain, whose name was Pedro de Garro. Almost all of these men had horses, and were followed by num- HERNANDO COBTES IN HONDURAS. ItT bers of female Indians of Nicaragua, some of wliom were uncom- monly beautiful ; besides a great many female slaves to attend upon them. When they arrived in Naeo, Cortes quartered each of them according to his respective rank and station, as there were several men of distinction and quality among them. When these men found that their captors formed a part of Cortes's troops, their captain, Garro, did all in his power to ingra- tiate himself into Sandoval's favor. Eespecting their arrival in this neighborhood they gave the following explanation. Pedro Arias de Avila [Pedrarias] was governor of Terra Firma, and had sent out Francisco Hernandez [de Cordoba], one of his most distinguished oflScers, with a considerable body of foot and horse, in order to make conquests in the provinces of New Leon and Nicaragua, which he subdued and colonized. Hernandez, find- ing that everything went on so successfully, and thinking himself sufficiently far removed from Pedrarias* to do what he liked, listened to evil counsellors, and came to some secret understanding with the bachelor Moreno, before mentioned, who had been dis- patched, by the royal court of audience at St. Domingo, to Terra Firma to make inquiries into the death of Balboa [Vasco Nunez], whom Pedrarias had most unjustly beheaded. This Moreno hinted to Hernandez that it would not amount to treachery if he strove to gain for himself the government of the countries he should subdue, which would be the more easily obtained, since Pedrarias had acted so wickedly against Balboa [Nunezf], who had had the best claim to be appointed adelantado of these countries. Francisco Her- nandez lent a willing ear to this advice, and began by dispatching his chief officer, Pedro de Garro, to the northern provinces, in search of some harbor where he might found a colony, and send the emperor thence an account of the countries he had subdued and colonized ; and he doubted not that his endeavors would be crowned with success, since the provinces of which he should petition to be the governor lay so far distant from Terra Firma. Respecting these matters Sandoval and Gari'o had several secret conferences with each other, which terminated in the former writing to Cortes, at Truxillo, to induce him to confer on Hernandez the government of Nicaragua. For this purpose he dispatched Luis * Pedro Arias de Avila has heretofore been written contracted to Pedrarias, in accordance with other accounts. t Vasco Nunez de Balboa was beheaded in the year 1517, at Ada, under the administration of Pedrarias. Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba subdued and settled Nicaragua, founding the cities of New Leon and Granada. 12 IT 8 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. Marin, with ten of his men and five of Garro's men, to Truxillo. Great were the difficulties they had to encounter on this journey. On approaching near to the coast they had .to pass arms of the sea wliich abounded with alligators, and when they arnved at the river Xaqua, which lay forty miles from Triunfo de la Cruz, it took them two whole days before they reached the opposite shore, in canoes. Here they saw the remains of seven horses which had belonged to Olid's troops. At length they arrived in Triunfo de la Cruz, where they found nothing but the wood of some vessels which had been wrecked. They then marched on for another four days, and came to the township of Guemara, where the inhabitants rose up in arms against them. These Indians were armed with long, heavy lances, and covered their bodies with shields. Two days further march brought them into the neighborhood of Truxillo. It was about the hour of vespers, and they speedily came in sight of five persons who were strolling along the shore on horseback, one of whom was Cortes himself, who soon recognized them at a distance, and gal- loped up to them. ' He instantly dismounted and embraced them. After the first welcomes were passed, Cortes accompanied them to Truxillo, where they were shown their quarters, and then invited to sup with the general. The letter they brought from Sandoval he read to them at the table, and Cortes declared his willingness to do all in his power for Hernandez. Three days previously two small vessels from St. Domingo had run into the harbor of Truxillo, but had unfortunately brought nothing in the shape of provisions but a pipe of wine. While they were still in conversation with Cortes, some one came running in with information that another vessel was making full sail for the harbor. This vessel came direct from Havana, and had been dis- patched hither by the licentiate Zuazo, whom Cortes had appointed alcalde mayor of Mexico.* Zuazo sent Cortes some refreshments, by this vessel, and a letter. After this vessel had cast anchor, the captain, who was a person of quality, stepped on shore and delivered to Cortes a letter from the licentiate Zuazo. When Cortes had finished reading this letter [which contained an account of what had happened in the city of Mexico during his absence], he shut himself up for half a day, and would not allow any one to come near him. When he made his appearance it was unanimously proposed to him immediately to embark, with the three * But, in a revolution, being expelled from the city of Mexico, had gone to Cuba. HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 1Y9 vessels which lay in the harbor, for New Spain. To this he replied, " I intend, with God's assistance, to embark with no more than four or five of you gentlemen." Cortes then wrote to Francisco Hernandez, who was staying at Nicaragua, offering to promote his interests to the utmost of his power ; and sent him two mules laden with horseshoes,* of which he knew he was in great want, a quantity of agricultural imple- ments, several splendid articles of dress, and four pieces of beautiful plate, besides several golden ornaments. With these things a cer- tain Cabrera,f one of the five men, of Garro's troop, which had been sent from Naco to Truxillo, was dispatched to the camp of Her- nandez. He then desired Godoy, commandant of Puerto Caballos, to repair to Naco with those of the inhabitants who were suffering from ill health. The rest of the troops, under the command of Luis Marin, were to take the route overland to Mexico, and, if possible, to march through Nicaragua. The men sent by Sandoval to Cortes then took leave of the latter, and marched in a direct line for Naco. After suffering a great deal of fatigue and hunger, they arrived safely there. Pedro Garro had already left with the whole of his men for Nicaragua, to inform Hernandez of the arrangement he had made with Sandoval. Among the troops under Francisco Hernandez there were two soldiers named Garaveta and Zamarano, who were close adherents of Pedrarias, the governor of Terra Firma [then at Panama]. When these men saw the presents which Cortes had sent to Her- nandez, and observed how the latter held secret conferences with Garro and other of his officers, they suspected that Hernandez de- signed giving Cortes possession of the province of Nicaragua. They consequently hastened off to communicate their suspicions to Pedrarias. Garavita in particular evinced a considerable degree of zeal in this matter, for he had an old spite against Cortes, for, when they were both young men and lived at St. Domingo, tliey camo to blows about some woman, and Garavita came off with a good dr ubbing.J On receiving this information, Pedrarias marched out in person at tlie head of a large body of troops, and soon arrived in Nicaragua, where he instantly seized Hernandez. Pedro de Garro had been wise enough not to await his arrival, and sought refuge in Sandoval's * These were worth their weight in gold. t Cabrera afterwards served in Peru .under Benalcazar, and was quarter- master-general under Blasoo Nunez Vela, viceroy of Peru, and fell in the same battle with him, according to Diaz. t He also had a quarrel with Vasco Nunez in regard to Caritas's daughter. 180 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. camp. Hernandez had had suflflcient time to do the same, but, unfortunately for him, he put his trust in the previous friendship which had existed between himself and Pedrarias, and felt quite confident the latter would behave leniently towards him. Pedrarias, however, paid no respect to former friendship, but immediately put him upon his trial, and, as it was proven that he intended to declare his independence of his commander-in-chief, Pedrarias sentenced him to decapitation, which was put into execution in the town which he had himself founded shortly before. Cortes, after setting sail from Truxillo two several times, was again obliged to put back into the harbor ; the first time on account of a tremendous storm which arose, and the second time on account of the foremast snapping in two. He then dispatched three couriers in all haste with orders for the troops at Naco to discontinue their march to Mexico, and to proceed with the further conquest of the country, as his guardian angel, he said, had pointed out this course to him. When the troops received these orders they became greatly enraged, and told Sandoval he might remain if he liked, but they were determined to continue their march to Mexico. Sandoval said he would only request of them to halt until lie had informed Cortes of the resolution they had taken, and had received his answer in return. Sandoval set out for Truxillo, promising to do all in his power to persuade Cortes to embark for Mexico. Cortes could not then be persuaded to embark for New Spain, but was determined to continue the colonization of the country about Truxillo. [[Afterwards the news which Cortes received from Mexico induced him to return there, but] he said, however, he would return to New Spain by land, as he was afraid of the sea, after having twice set sail and each time been obliged to put back into the harbor.* The pilots, however, assured him that now being the month of April, there was less apprehension of boisterous weather, and the best of weather was to be expected at this time of the year. By these re- presentations Cortes was induced to alter his determination ; and he made up his mind to journey thither by sea, but would postpone his departure until the return of Sandoval, whom he had dispatched with a detachment of troops to Olancho, to drive out of this province a captain named Rojas, who had been sent out by Pedrarias to ex- plore the gold mines of the country, after the latter had beheaded Francisco Hernandez. (5) * Cortes while in Honduras was twice in a oritioal condition from extreme ill- ness, and at the present time was very weak. HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 18.1 The Indians had journeyed all the way to Truxillo to make bitter complaints to Corte§ of the Spaniards of Nicaragua, who, they said, had fallen hostilely into their country, plundering them with impu- nity, and carrying off their wives and daughters. Sandoval on tliis expedition was accompanied by only sixty men, and on arriving in Olancho, at first was going to imprison Rojas, but several cavaliers stepping in as mediators between the two cap- tains, they came to more amicable terms, and parted tlie best of friends. While Sandoval was still here he received Cortes's letter, in which he was desired immediately to repair with his troops to Trux- illo. He, therefore, after arranging matters with Rojas marched to the coast. Cortes conferred upon Saavedra the chief command of the pro- vinces about Truxillo, and gave him particular instruction as to what he was to do. He also wrote to Luis Marin, desiring him to march forward, with his troops, to Guatemala. Diego de Godoy, who had previously commanded in Puerto de CabaIlos,was ordered to march with his men into the province of Naco. Cortes, previous to embarliing, again fell dangerously ill, yet he had the good fortune to recover, and he set sail from Truxillo with a considerable suite. He had the most beautiful weather all the way to the Havana, where, after having remained for five days, he gave orders for embarking without further delay, and, after a very favor- able passage of twelve days, arrived in the liarbor of Medelliii, op- posite the island of Sacrificios, where he dropped anchor for the night. The next morning lie disembarked with twenty men, intend- ing to march to San Juan de Ulua, which was only a couple of miles distant, but fortunately coming up with a party of travellers, who had a number of horses with them, and were on their way, to the harbor he had just left, to embark for Spain, Cortes took posses- sion of the horses, and then proceeded direct to Vera Cruz, whicli was distant about twenty miles.* * Bernal Diaz, Conquest of Mexico, translated by John Ingram Locldiart, F.R.A.S. Cortes left the City of Mexico, October, 1524, and he re-entered it June, 1526 ; he was, therefore, absent one year and eight months, or thereabout, as the day of the month is not given. 182 HEENANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. CHAPTEE X. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 1532-1536. When Pedrarias, governor of Darien, had put to death Nunez, he continued to signalize his cruelties by bloody executions; made war upon different Indian tribes and subdued them. He finally formed the project to extend the limits of his government on the coast of the South Sea, and to make new discoveries in following the directions which Nunez had given him. After Yasco Nunez de Balboa had discovered the South Sea, and acquired some imperfect notions of the rich countries to which it would lead, all the eyes and projects of the adventurous Spaniards settled in the colonies of Darien and Panama were turned to these unknown countries. In an age when the spirit of adventure was sufficiently ardent to engage a great number of men to hazard their whole fortunes, and brave the greatest dangers to attempt a dis- covery barely possible, the least ray of hope was seized with avidity, and upon slight information they undertook the most perilous expe- ditions. It was thus that different armaments were made to take possession of the countrj- situated to the east of Panama. But these enterprises, confided to chiefs whose talents were not equal to the emergencies, were unsuccessful. As these excursions did not extend bej'ond the limits of the province to which the Spaniards had given the name of Terra Firma,(6) a wooded and sparsely popu- lated country, and very unhealthy, at their return the3' made dis- couraging reports of the hardships they had endured, and of poor prospects presented by the places they had visited. These accounts calmed a little the furore of discovery in that direction, and they produced a general sentiment that Nunez had permitted himself to be misled by some ignorant Indian, who had sought to deceive him, or who had been misunderstood.* * The son of Comagre, a cacique whose province bordered on the North Sea, had said to Nunez, " Behold those lofty mountains, beyond these lies a mighty sea, which may be discerned from their summit. It is navigated by people who have vessels almost as large as yours, and furnished like them with sails and HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 183 But there were then at Panama three men upon whom the cir- cumstances which discouraged all the rest made so little impression that, at the very moment when all others regarded as chimerical the hope of discovering to the east the rich countries which Nunez had announced, they determined to undertake the execution of his pro- ject. These extraordinary men were Praneisco Pizarro, Diego d'Almegro, and Hernando de Luque. The governor had no diffi- culty in granting them what they requested of him ; it cost him no- thing, and being master of the conditions, he could derive all the advantages of it. This confederation formed through avarice and ambition was confirmed by the most solemn ceremonies of religion. Luque celebrated mass, divided the consecrated host into three parts, for himself and his two associates, and a contract which had for its object pillage and murder was ratified in the name of the God of peace! The preparations for the expedition were ready about the end of October, 1524, and Pizarro left about the middle of November of the same year. He had had the precaution to consult Pascal d'An- dagoya,* who had made a part of the route which he undertook to travel over; Andagoya advised him to abandon his enterprise. But the dangers wliich were represented to Pizarro only excited his courage and confirmed him in his resolution. His fleet consisted, at first, but of a single vessel and two canoes.f After enduring great hardships, suffering many privations, and repeated efforts, Pizarro finally reached Tumbez, on the Gulf of Guayaquil, in the empire of the incas. .Almegro, Du Luque, and Pizarro, having exhausted nearly all their wealth in the search for Peru, were by their united talents and efforts, in 1530, enabled to collect only three small vessels and a hundred and eighty soldiers, of whom thirty-six were cavalry; with this small force Pizarro did not hesitate to undertake the conquest of a great empire. Almegro remained at Panama to collect and oars. All the streams which flow down the northern side of those mountains into the sea abound in gold, and the kings who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of golden vessels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among these people of the south, as iron is among you Spaniards." But this had no. reference to Peru. The hostile Indian tribes at constant war with each othei- would have rendered intercourse with Peru impossible. Pizarro with his ves- sels was from November 1524 to 1526 in making his way to Peru. But the In- dian's story served a purpose, to send to Diego Columbus and the King of Spain. * He wrote an account of what occurred in Terra Firma while he was there, and from this account have been drawn some of the quotations in this volume. f Richer. 184 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PEEU. send the reinforcements and provisions of which Pizarro might have need. The proper season for sailing from Panama to Peru being better known, Pizarro made the voyage in tiiirteen daj-s, altliough contrary winds and currents forced him a hundred leagues to the north of Tumbez, and he was obliged to land his forces in the bay of St. Matthew. He lost no time in returning to the south without leaving the shore, as well to be more easily joined by the re-enforce- ments which he expected from Panama, as to secure a retreat upon his vessels in case of accident. The seducing description of the country, which Pizarro had made to his followers, so little corre- sponded with their expectations, tiiat many of his companions began to reproach him on account of it, and the soldiers would have lost all confidence in him if, even in those sterile parts of Peru, he had not found some appearances of wealth and culture which seemed to justify the reports of their chief. Finally they arrived in the pro- vince of Coaque, and, having surprised the inhabitants of the prin- cipal town, they found there vases and ornaments of gold and silver, valued at more than thirty thousand pesos, and other riches which dissipated their doubts and restored courage and hope to even the most discontented. Pizarro, himself, was so transported with these rich spoils, which he considered as the flrstfruits of a land abounding in treasures, that he immediately dispatched a vessel to Panama with a large part of the booty for Almegro; and another to Nicaragua, charged with considerable sums for persons of influence in that province, in hopes that this display of the wealth which he had acquired in so short a time might determine many of the adventurers to come and join him. In the mean time he continued his march along the coast. Pizarro did not meet with any resistance as far as the island of Puna, in the bay of Guayaquil ; this island was more peopled than the other countries which he had traversed, and its iniiabitants were more courageous and less civilized than those of the continent. They defended themselves with so much valor and obstinacy that Pizarro spent six months in subduing them. While here lie began to gather the fruits of the care which he had taken to spread the renown of his first success. There arrived to him from Nicaragua two detachments, wliich it is true did not exceed thirty men each, and some horses for the cavalry ; but it appeared to him a re-enforcement so mucli the more important as the one was commanded by Sebastian Benalcasar, and the other by Hernando de Soto; two of the best officers that had served in America. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 185 PizaiTO found many prisoners in the island of Puna, which showed that its inhabitants were very warlike. Among these prisoners he found many inhabitants of Tiimbez; he set them all free, and those of Tumbez he sent back to their country, and requested them to take in their bark three of his men whom he sent to their cacique. Scarcely had these perfidious Indians arrived in their town when they sacrificed these three deputies to their idols.* Hernando de Soto, who with many Indians was put upon another bark, came near experiencing the same fate. Some of his friends seeing him leaving, stopped him and made him come ashore, and thus saved his life. The next day Pizarro landed his troops in Tumbez, on entering the town he was surprised to find it not only deserted, but with the exception of a few buildings entirely demolished. He advanced more than two leagues into the country without encountering a single Indian. It appeared to him that all the inhabitants had retired to a neighboring height. On his return he met a detachment of cavalry sent to seek him. He resolved to establish a camp there in order to take time to examine the country and its Inhabitants. He sent propositions to the cacique ; but three weeks elapsed without receiving from him any answer. The cacique made dreadful menaces to all the Spaniards who left the camp. One day Pizarro discovered a large body of Indians posted on the other side of a river. Irritated at the cacique's obstinacy, he finally determined to attack him. He prepared secretly some flats and crossed the river at the close of day, with his two brothers and fifty cavaliers, marched all night ; finding himself the next day, at day-break, very near the camp of the Indians, he rushed upon them with an impetuosity that so frightened them that they thought only of escaping. He slew a great number of them, and made a cruel war upon them for fifteen days, to avenge the death of the three Spaniards whom they had slain. The cacique, frightened, sued for peace, accompanying his request with some presents of gold and silver. The fame of this victory caused all the inhabitants of this province to sue for peace. This victory excited the courage of Pizarro. He advanced into the country with the greater part of his troops, and left the rest near Tumbez under the command of Antonio de Navarre and' Alonzo Requelme, his design being to penetrate as far as Port Payta, and reconnoitre the land before deciding on any plan of operations.f * Pizarro on his first visit to Tumbez (1527) had heen hospitably received, but since then a revolution had occurred, and the place had been destroyed, t Richer. 186 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. He set out early in May 1532, and keeping along the more level regions himself, sent a small detachment under the command of Hernando de Soto to explore the skirts of the vast sierra that border the lowlands of Peru on the Pacific. At the expiration of some three or four weeks spent in reconnoitring, Pizarro came to the conclusion that the most eligible site for his settlement was the rich valley of Tangarala, thirty leagues south of Tumbez. To this spot, accordingly, he ordered the men left at Tumbez to repair at ouce with their vessels ; and no sooner had they arrived than busy preparations were made for building up the town, Pizarro gave his infant city the name of San Miguel,* in acknowledgment of the services rendered him by that saint in his battle with the Indians of the island of Puna. The site was afterwards found to be so un- healthy that it was abandoned for anotlier on the banks of the Piura. Hence the name San Miguel de Piura still commemorates the founding of the first European colony in Peru.f Wlien Pizarro embarked at the bay of St. Matthew, a civil war which raged between Atahualpa and Huascar, two contestants for the throne of Peru, was in all its force. If in his expedition in 1526 Pizarro had attacked this country, he would have had to op- pose the forces of a great state united under Huayna Capac, a skil- ful and courageous monarch without anything to divert him. But when the two competitors learned the outrages and violence of the Spaniards, they were so occupied with a war so interesting to each of them that they could not give the least attention to the move- ments of an enemy who seemed too feeble to alarm them, and whom thej' believed they could easily stop when they had leisure. Huascar sent to Pizarro to ask his assistance against Atahualpa, as against a rebel and usurper. Pizarro immediatelj' comprehended * This saint had appeared to the faithful in the battle with the Indians on the Island of Puna. The saints, Peter and James, had, according to Gomara, appeared to the faithful of Cortes's army at the battle of Tabasco ; but Diaz, who was in that battle, says he was such a sinner that he could not see them. At the battle of Xoohimilco, Cortes, being overpowered by his enemies, would have been captured and sacrificed to the Indian idols had not a brave Tlascalan seasonably come to his relief. Herrera and Torquemada say that the day after this event Cortes sought for the Tlascalan who had rescued him, but could not find him, either dead or alive ; on which account, from the devotion which the general paid to St. Peter, he became convinced that the apostle had been the per- son who had saved his life. These same saints who, with flaming swords, hovered over the army of Cortes at the battle of Tobasco, were represented in a fine paint- ing in the church of Sta. Maria degli Angeli at Eome, hovering over Pope Leo in the presence of Attila. t Presoott. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 187 the importance of this overture, and so clearly foresaw all the ad- vantages that could be derived from the civil war which divided the kingdom, that, without awaiting the reinforcements from Panama, he determined to advance into the interior while the domestic dis- cord deprived the Peruvians of the possibility of attacking him with all their forces; hoping that in taking (according to circum- stances) the defence of one of the competitors he would be able the more easily to overcome them both. As he was obliged to divide his forces, he left at San Miguel a garrison suflBcient for the defence of this place, which, in case of mishap, was to serve as a retreat and shelter where he could re- ceive the succors which he was expecting from Panama. He began his march on the 24th of September, 1532, five months after landing at Tumbez, with sixty-two cavaliers, one hundred and two foot sol- diers, of whom twenty were armed with arquebuses, and three with muskets.* He marched for Caxamalca, a town twelve days' journey from San Miguel, and where Atahualpa was encamped with the greatest part of his troops. The Spaniards were obliged to cross the sandy plains between San Miguel de Piura and Motupe, seventy miles in extent, and without water, tree, or plant, or any verdure on this horrible extent of burning sand ; but as soon as tliey had left them they found popu- lous villages, where they supplied their wants.f He had proceeded but a short distance when an officer, dispatched by the inca, met him with a rich present from this prince, who offered him his friendship, and had him assured that he would be well received at Caxamalca. Pizarro, employing the artifice already made use of by his fellow- countrymen in America, pretended that he was the embassador of a powerful prince, and declared that he advanced with the intention * Probably arquebuses was intended for arbaletes — crossbows ; for arquebus and mousquet were at that time the same thing. Arquebuses were at first fired by applying by hand the match to the touch-hole, but in 1476 there was a con- trivance, suggested by the trigger of the arbalast, by which the burning match could be applied with more celerity and certainty. The arquebus was fired from the chest, with the butt in a right line with the barrel ; but the Germans soon gave a hooked formed to the butt, which elevated the barrel, and then the weapon was called haguehut. The former were common in 1485, and the latter in 1540. Xeres says that " he (Pizarro) had sixty-seven horses, and one hun- dred and ten foot soldiers, three of them with guns, and some with crossbows." Xeres makes no mention of the two falconets, the smallest class of cannon, weighing from five to fifteen hundred weight ; and carrying a ball weighing from one to three pounds. But in the attack on Atahualpa he mentions Candia with his guns, t Kicher. 188 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. of offering to Atahnalpa.his assistance against the enemies who dis- puted his til rone. The Peruvians, not being able to form any correct idea of what object the Spaniards had in view in entering their country, ex- hausted themselves in conjectures. Should they regard these for- eigners as beings of a superior nature, who came to them to do them good or to punish them for their crimes, or should they con- sider them as enemies of their peace and liberty ? The protestations of the Spaniards, who ceased not to say that they came to bring to the Peruvians a knowledge of the truth, and to lead them into the way of hai)piiiess, gave some appearance of probability to the first oj^inion ; but they were disproved in the second l)y the violence, rapacity, and cruelty of these terrible guests. In this uncertainty the declaration that Pizarro made of his pacific intentions dissi- pated the fears of the Inca, and determined him to receive the Spaniards as friends. In consequence of this they were permitted to cross undisturbed the sandy desert between San Miguel and Motoupe,(7) where the least effort of an enemj', joined to the dis- tress in which they were in crossing so wretched a country, would have been fatal to them ; and afterwards they were allowed to pass through a mountain defile, so narrow and difficult that a few reso- lute men would have been able to defend it against a numerous army. But there again, through the imprudent credulity of the inca, they did not meet with any obstacle, and they took peaceable possession of a fort constructed for the defence of this important pass. From Motoupe he advanced towards the mountains which en- viron the low countrj' of Peru,* and arrived at a place called Zaran, situated in a fruitful valley among the mountains. The curaco received him with kindness and hospitality, and the troops were quartered in one of the royal tambos.f Shortly before enter- ing Zaran, Pizarro learned that a Peruvian garrison was at Caxas, at no great distance from Zaran. He immediately dispatched a small partj' under Hernando de Soto, in the direction of Caxas, to reconnoitre the ground, and bring him intelligence of the state of things to Zaran, where he would halt until his return. Day after day passed, and a week had elapsed before tidings were received of De Soto and his men, and Pizarro was becoming seriously alarmed for their fate, when on the eighth morning they appeared, accompanied by an envoy from the inca himself. The * Richer. t Large public Ijuildings along the highways of Peru. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 189 Spaniards had met at Caxas this envoy, and he had accompanied them to Zaran, to deliver the message of his sovereign, with pres- ents to Pizarro. The Indian ambassador came charged with his master's greeting to the Spaniards, whom Atahualpa welcomed to his countiy, and invited Pizarro to visit him in his camp among the mountains. PizaiTo now received from De Soto a full account of his expedi- tion. Soto, on entering Caxas, found the inhabitants mustered in hostile array, as if to dispute his passage. But he soon convinced them of his pacific intentions, and they received the Spaniards with 'the same courtesy which had been shown to them in most places on their march. Here Soto saw one of the royal officers employed in collecting the tribute for the government ; from this functionary he learned that Atahualpa was quartered with a large army at Caxa- malca. Soto also gathered much important information in regard to the resources and general policy of the government, the state maintained by the inca, and the stern severity with which obedi- ence to the law was everywhere enforced. He had an opportunity of observing this himself; on entering the village he saw several Indians hanging dead by their heels, having been executed for some violence offered to the Virgins of the Sun, of whom there was a convent in the neighborhood. From Caxas, Soto passed to the adjacent town of Guanca- bamba ; much larger, more populous, and better built than Caxas. The houses, instead of being built of clay baked in the sun, were many of them constructed of solid stone so nicely put together that it was impossible to detect the line of junction. A river which traversed the town was crossed by a bridge and the higli-road of the incas. The road was raised in many places lilie a causeway, paved with heavy stone flags, and bordered with trees, while streams of water were conducted through aqueducts along the sides. At certain distances there were small houses for the accom- modation of travellers, who might thus pass from one end of the kingdom to the other. In another quarter they beheld magazines destined for the army, filled with grain and clothing ; and at the entrance of the town was a stone building occupied by a public officer, who collected the tolls and duties on various commodities brought into or taken out of the town. These accounts of De Soto not only confirmed all that the Spaniards had heard of the Indian empire, but greatly raised their ideas of the resources and domestic policy of the empire.* * Presoott's Conquest of Peru. 190 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PEBa. The envoy presented Pizarro with such a quantity of rich presents that it made the Spaniards believe that the prince who sent them possessed immense treasures. They doubted not that he was offended at the treatment of the inhabitants of Tumbez; but they were ignorant, says Garcialasso, that the Peruvians regarded them as the sous of the Sun, and as executors of his vengeance, and that their object was less to purchase the friendship of the small number of men, than to appease the anger of the Sun, whom they believed was offended at them. The Spaniards received, on the part of the Peruvians, a welcome wherever they passed, and they brought them divers sorts of liquors and viands. And the Spaniards observed everywhere that they had spared nothing for their reception. As they drew near Caxamalca, they had a view of the inca's army, which extended a whole league. In the afternoon they reached the town and found it deserted. Pizarro entered it and took possession of the great court or public square, the one side of whicli was formed by the palace of the inca and the other by the temple of the Sun, the whole environed by a strong rampart of earth.* The population of Caxamalca was about two thousand. The town was built at the foot of a sierra, upon a flat space extending for a league. Two streams traversed the adjacent valley, and the town was approached by two bridges, under which these rivers ran. The great square, larger than any at that time in Spain, was con- nected with the streets by two gates. In front of this square, and incorporated with it in tlie direction of the plain, was a fortress built of stone. Stone stairs led up from the square to the fortress. On the other side of this fortress there was a secret staircase and a sally-port connecting the fortress with the open country. Above the town, on the hill-side, where the houses begin, there w.as another fortress constructed on a rock, the greater part of it scarped. This hill-fortress, which was larger tha-n the other, had a triple inclosure of more extent than the great square, and the ascent to it was by a winding staircase. There was still another inclosed space between the hill-fortress and the heights of the sierra, which was surrounded by buildings where the women-servants attached to the palace had their residence. Outside the town there was a building surrounded by a court open to the air, but inclosed by mud walls and planted with trees. This was the temple of the Sun. There were also several other temples within the town. The houses, which probably formed two sides of the great square, were very large. The frontage of some of them * Richer. HERNANDO DJB SOTO IN PERU. 191 occupied no less than two hundred yards, and they were surrounded by walls about eighteen feet high. The walls were of good and solid masonry. The roofs of these houses were formed of straw and wood. The interior of these houses was divided into several blocks of buildings, each of these blocks consisting of a suite of eight apartments, and having a separate entrance. In the court- yard were reservoirs of water brought from some distance in tubes. The town was commanded by the fortress on the hill, and com- pressed, as it were, between the fortress and the great square, where probably the government buildings were. This square again, with its smaller fortress, commanded the open country.* Pizarro, after a consultation with his officers, determined to send an embassy to the inca.f Accordingly, De Soto was appointed to execute this commission, with a retinue of twenty horse ; he was directed to proceed with this party to the emperor's presence. The Spaniards found the Peruvian army drawn up to receive them, notice of whose arrival had been given by an Indian sent to prepare the way. As they passed the ranks, the Indians gazed with astonish- ment at the horses. Soto, leaping over a ditch, advanced rearing and curveting with his mare, to the unspeakable amazement of these simple people, who, having never seen anj' quadruped much larger than a llama, could hardly separate in their imagination the rider from the horse. The inca had dispatched one of his generals to receive the ambassadors and show them all possible respect. When this officer approached Soto and the Spaniards, he saluted them with the most profound obeisance ; then, turning to tlie people, de- clared that these were the descendants of Viracoclia, whom they ought to worship with the most humble adoration. Immediately * Arthur Help's "Life of Pizarro." f In the "Modern Universal History," vol. 34, p. 409, is the following : "Ac- cordingly Hernando Pizarro and Ferdinando Soto were appointed to execute this commission with a retinue of twenty horse ; Soto was directed to proceed with this party to the emperor's presence, and Pizarro to remain a little distance behind with another party to bring him off in case any violence should be offered to his person." This was done by Pizarro after deliberating with his officers, and probably Soto was appointed, at their suggestion, as the proper person for such an embassy. It was not till after Soto had set out that Hernando Pizarro, according to his own account, followed him ; and he gives as a reason why he should do so, " That their numbers (Soto's) were insufficient for defence." " He (Francisco Pizarro) therefore ordered me to follow, and to act according to cir- cumstances." Xeres says the same, and probably had it from Hernando Pizarro himself. Every Spanish officer who went to Peru in those days had the exploits of Cortes and his heroes before him, and aspired to emulate them, or to appear, in the eyes of the world, great heroes. 192 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. all the Indian files began their protestations, which they continued even as they accompanied the Spaniards into the incas's presence.* The amazement of both parties was almost equal. The Spaniards admired the riches, grandeur, and magnificence of the inca, while the monarch was surprised at the habits, beards, complexion, man- ners, arms, and horses of the Spaniards. Some minutes passed in profound silence; when, at length, Soto came within proper dis- tance, the inca rose up, embraced him cordially, and bade him welcome into his dominions. After this compliment, an elegant entertainment of bread, fruits, and divers kinds of liquors, was served up by six virgins and as many boys, well dressed. Two beautiful maidens of the royal blood advanced before these, holding in their hands small golden cups filled with the liquor usually drunk by the inca, of which they gave one to Ataiiualpa and another to the ambassador, who drank peace and friendship to each other, this ceremony being deemed in Peru a mark of the most cordial recep- tion and sincere welcome. At lengtli, Soto began to deliver his commission, but was stopped by the inca, that he might admire a little longer in his form and figure the image of the god Vira- coche.(8) Soto, mounting his horse, made him prance, leap, and curvet, to the great satisfaction of Atahualpa, who suffered the beast to come up and smell him, without seeming afraid, though the Indian soldiers fled in crowds when the animal approached- The emperor's curiositj' being now satisfied, the ambassador was allowed to speak, but was requested to be concise. Soto accord- ingly began to inform the inca of the Roman pontiff, of Charles the Fifth, etc., and concluded with acquainting him of the arrival of the Spaniards at Caxaraalca, and referring him for further particulars to a personal interview with Pizarro.f Atahualpa promised him that he would go the next day to visit them in their quarters. The becoming deportment of the monarch, the order which reigned at his court, the respect with which his subjects approached his person, and executed his orders, astonished * Soto did not ride into the presence of the inca, but dismounted before he reached him, and left his horse at a little distance in charge of some of his soldiers. When Hernando Pizarro arrived where Soto had left his men, he there left those who had aooompauied him, and advanced from there with only two horsemen, but whether mounted or not is left to conjecture. The inca was so surrounded by his chiefs and retinue that he could not have been approached on horseback without way having been made for him. Cortes dis- mounted and advanced on foot to meet Montezuma. t "The Spanish writers differ widely about the particulars of this audience, and, indeed, the whole conduct of the inca, but they agree that he told the ambassador he would visit Pizarro at Caxamaloa." — Ricuer. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 193 the Spaniards, -who had not till then seen anything in South America above the petty chiefs of some savage tribes. But their gaze was fixed much more upon the immense riches displayed with profusion in the camp of the monarcli. The ornaments which were worn upon the person of the inca and the people of his suite, the gold and silver vases in which the repast he gave them was served, tlie multitude of utensils of every kind, made of these precious metals, were for them a spectacle which exceeded all the ideas of opulence that a European of the sixteenth century could form. At the return of the Spaniards from the encampment of the inca, their imagination still heightened by the spectacle which they had witnessed, and their cupidity increased more and more, they made to their companions so seducing a description of what they had seen, that Pizarro was confirmed in the resolution which he had already taken. He knew, by the observations which he had made of the manners of the people of the new world, as well as by the example of Cortes, of what importance it would be to him to seize the person of the inca. To succeed in it he formed a plan which required as much audacity as perfidy. In contempt of the char- acter with which he had invested himself, in announcing himself as the ambassador of a great monarch who sought the alliance of the inca ; in violation of the repeated assurances of friendship which he had given him, and of the offer of services which he had made him, he resolved to profit by the confiding simplicity with wliich Atahualpa counted upon his protestations, and to seize upon the person of the inca in the interview to which he had invited him. He prepared the execution of his plan as coolly and with as little scruple as if this treason were not to be one day the disgrace of himself and his country. He divided his cavalry, consisting of sixty, into three equal squads, under the command of his brother Hernando, Benalcasar, and De Soto. They were drawn up behind a wall, so as not to be at first perceived by the inca. He made one corps of his infantry, except that he retained near his person twenty of the most determined soldiers, to aid him in the perilous enterprise which he reserved for himself. The artillery, -Cvhich con- sisted of two falconets, and the arquebusers, were placed opposite the route by which the inca was to arrive. All received orders not to leave their posts, nor to make any movement until the signal of action was given. At dawn the whole camp of the Peruvians was in motion ; but, as Atahualpa wished to appear with the greatest magnificence in his first interview with these foreigners, the preparation for his march was so long that the day was already far advanced when he 13 194 HEENANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. commenced it. The inca advanced with great order and solemnity, amidst the din of warlike instruments. He was preceded by four hundred men, dressed alike, who opened the way for him. Sitting, himself, upon a kind of throne or palanquin adorned with plumes of divers colors, and almost covered with plates of gold and silver enriclied with precious stones, he was carried upon the shoulders of his principal courtiers. Behind him, some of his principal offi- cers were borne in tlie same manner. (Several bands of dancers and singers accompanied the march, and all the plain was covered with troops to the number of more than thirty thousand men* The advance guard entered, the first, the great square, while a troop of three hundred Indians, clothed in chequered livery, made clean the way before the inca's litter. After them came a corps of dancers and singers, then a number of Peruvians in golden armor, wearing crowns of gold and silver, in the midst of whom was borne along the inca himself. Then came several columns of men. As each body of men advanced . they deployed to the right or the left ; and Atahualpa's litter was borne on towards the centre of the great square. He then ordered a halt, and that his and the other litters should continue to be held up.f As soon as the inca was near the quarters of the Spaniards, Vincent Valverde, a Jacobin priest, almoner of the expedition, advanced through the crowd with a crucifix in one hand and his breviary in the other, and in a long discourse expounded to the monarch the doctrine of the creation, the fall of the first man, the incarnation of Jesus Christ, the choice that God had made of St. Peter to be his vicegerent upon earth, the power of St. Peter trans- mitted to the popes, and the donation made to the king of Castile by the pope, Alexander VI., of all the regions of the new world. After having disclosed all this doctrine he summoned Atahualpa to embrace the Christian religion, to recognize the supreme authority of the pope, and the king of Castile as his legitimate sovereign, promising him, if he submitted, that the king, his master, would take Peru under his protection and permit him to continue to reign there ; but declared war against him, and menaced him with the most terrible vengeance if he refused to obey and if he persisted in his idolatry. This strange discourse, which embraced incomprehensible myste- ries and unknown facts, of which all human eloquence could not give a distinct idea to an Indian in so short a time, was so badly * Eioher. This prooesaion of the inca was much like that of the Mexican monarch, Montezuma, at his first interview with Cortes. t Arthur Help's "Life of Pizarro." HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 195 rendered by the interpreter, who understood but little Spanish, and who could not express himself with clearness in the language of the inca, that Atahualpa comprehended scarcely any of it. Only some items of the harangue of the priest, more easy to be seized, filled him with astonishment and indignation. His reply, however, was moderate; he commenced by observing that he was master of his own kingdom by the right of succession, and that he could not con- ceive how a foreign priest claimed to dispose of what did not belong to him ; and that if this pretended donation had been made lie, who was the legitimate proprietor, refused to confirm it ; that he was not at all disposed to renounce the religion which he held from his ancestors, and to abandon the worship of the sun, the immortal divinity which he and his people adored, to worship the god of the Spaniards who was subject to death ; that in regard to the other points treated of in his discourse he had never heard of them, that he comprehended nothing of them, and that he desired to know of the priest where he had learned such extraordinary things. In this book said the priest, presenting to him his breviary. The inca eagerly took the book, and, after having turned over a few leaves, placed it to his ear, and then said : This here which you have given me does not speak, and tells me nothing; — so saying, he with disdain threw the book upon the ground. The monk picked it up and, furious, rushed to his companions, crying out, to arms! to arms! slay these miscreants who tread under their feet the law of God.* The friar had no sooner returned than Pizarro gave the signal for attack. Immediately the artillery was discharged in order to be'gin the attack by astonishing the Indians. Then the musketeers poured in a most terrible fire, while the cavalry sallied out and trod and cut down the afirighted Indians. At the same time the foot pressed on with their crossbows, pikes, and swords, making dreadful slaughter of a confused multitude, who in their fear and flight trampled down one another, and thus facilitated the action of the Spaniards in the ■ scene of slaughter. The suddenness of the attack, the astounding noise of the artillery and musketry, the vigor of the onset, the death of their companions, and the fury of the horses and dogs entirely disconcerted the Peruvians. Pizarro, sensible that the capture of the inca would secure a guarantee for the safety of his forces, fell desperately, with his guard, upon the corps that surrounded the royal litter. Great numbers of the nobility, who pressed around their monarch and shielded him with their bodies, were slain without resistance, but their places were undauntedly filled up by others; insomuch that the Spaniards must have relinquished their design of * Richer. 196 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. seizing the monarch, through mere fatigue, had not Miguel, a resolute soldier, pierced through the crowd, laid hold of the'litter and made way for Pizarro and some other soldiers, who immediately laid hands upon Atahualpa, who made no resistance, overturned the litter and made him prisoner.(9)* The capture of their monarch decided the flight of all his troops. The Spaniards pursued and continued to massacre in cold blood, with a deliberate' barbarity, the fugitives, who made no resistance. The carnage ended only with the day ; more than four thousand of the Peruvians were slain ; not a Spaniard perished ! Pizarro alone, who had too eagerly seized the inca, was only slightly wounded in the hand by one of his own men. The riches collected in the pillage of the camp exceeded all the ideas which the Spaniards had formed of the wealth of Peru, and they were so transported with this astonishing success, that they passed the night in drunken revels and foolish sport, natural to base adventurers who had niade in so short a time such an extraordinary fortune. In tiie first moments of his captivity the inca could hardly realize an event so unexpected ; but he very soon felt all the horror of his situation, and his depression was proportioned to the elevation from which he had fallen. Pizarro, fearing to lose all the advantages which he might draw from the possession of a prisoner of such im- portance, endeavored to console him by demonstrations of mildness and respect which belied his action. In living among the Spaniards thelnca very soon discovered the passion that ruled them, and which they did not take the trouble to conceal ; he believed that he could make use of it to obtain his liberty. He offered to the Spaniards a ransom which astonished them, notwithstanding all that they already knew of the wealth of his kingdom. The chamber in which he was guarded was twenty-two feet by sixteen ; he engaged to fill it with golden vases and utensils to the height to which a man could reach. Pizarro, without hesitation, accepted an offer so seducing, and drew a line along the walls of the room to mark the height to which the promised treasure should be raised. Atahualpa, transported with joy by the hope of recovering his liberty, immediately took measures to fulfil his engagement. Very soon there were seen Indians, bending beneath the weight of the gold they4)ore, arriving from all directions. As it was necessary to collect this gold from all parts of the empire, the Spaniards, being impatient, thought that they did not fulfil the engagement of the inca with sufficient promptitude, and began to suspect artifice in * Universal History. . HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. ■ 19T this slowness. Atahualpa, perceiving their discontent, told Pizarro that the town of Cuzco being two hundred leagues distant, and tUe road to it being very difficult, it therefore was not astonishing that those who had charge of his orders were slow in returning. He added that if he would send there two of his men they would see with their own eyes that he was able to fulfil his engagement. See- ing that Pizarro was deterred by the danger which the Spaniards might incur in so long a route, he smilingly said to him : " You have me, my wife, my children, and my brothers, in your power; are we not sufficient security ?" Hernando de Soto and Pedro de Varco offered to make the journey. Atahualpa advised them to make it in one of his litters, in order that they might be more respected. They left, and met, at nine days' journey from Caxamalca, a body of Peruvian troops who led prisoner Huascar, the brother of Ata- hualpa. The unfortunate prince, having heard who they were, whom he saw in the litters, asked to speak to them. Soto assured him that the intention of his sovereign, and of Pizzaro, was to cause justice to be done the Peruvians. Then Huascar explained to them his rights to the crown, the injustice of his brother, and begged them to return to the general to engage him in his interest, and added, that if Pizarro would declare in his favor, he would engage to fill with gold the hall of Caxamalca, not only to the line which they li'ad marked, but even to the very ceiling (which was a third more). Atahualpa, he added, in order to fulfil his engagement, will be obliged to strip the temple of Cuzco, and I have in my power all the precious stones and all the treasures of my father. Having, in fact, received them by inheritance from his father ; he had concealed them in the earth, in a place which was not known to any one, for he had slain the Indians who had worked at this operation. Hernando de Soto, not wishing to disobey the orders which had been given him, refused to retrace his steps. On the other hand, the partisans of Atahualpa believing his deliverance near at hand, and regarding the offers of Huascar as an obstacle to his re-establish- ment, informed him of what had passed between Soto and Huascar. Atahualpa, perceiving of what importance it was that Pizarro should not be informed of it, gave orders to slay his brother immediately, and this order was punctually executed. In the mean time Soto and Varco continued their journey to Cuzco.* On their arrival in that city they were astonished at the respect and deference shown them by the Indians of both parties. The friends of Huascar, im- agining that he still lived, endeavored to engage the strangers in his interest by the most liberal presents and offerings ; those of the * Richer. 198 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. opposite faction practised the same civilities and attentions in ex- pectation of procuring tlie release of Atahualpa. The vestals, called Mamaconas, dedicated to the sun, were ordered to attend upon the strangers, whom they regarded as the children of that luminary. Unfortunately, however, four Spaniards, who attended Soto and Varco on this expedition, by their folly and insolence, abused the respect shown them ; they laughed at the simplicity of their vota- ries, and thereby incurred their hatred and contempt. As theinea's chief treasures were lodged in the great temple, application was made to the high priest, Vilavena, to issue out what was neces- sary for Atahualpa's ransom, which he readily granted. Immense quantities of gold and silver were accoi-dingly brought to the Spaniards, who set out with it for Caxamalca. Pizarro was greatly astonished at the prodigious wealth that flowed in, which greatly surpassed his most sanguine expectations. But not yet satisfied, he obtained a grant from his prisoner of the treasures contained in the temple of Pachacamac, to which place he sent his brother Her- nando. Not long after the departure of Soto, Hernando Pizarro began his journey to Pachacamac, in the temple of which place the inca affirmed there were immense treasures. Pizarro reached the temple of Pachacamac where he saw everything corresponding with the inca's account, returned after a fatiguing march with much treasure and one of the inca's generals, named Chalcuchima, who had been assembling troops to attempt the recovery of his king, but had yielded to the remonstrances of Hernando Pizarro, who was so bold as to go, attended only by an interpreter, into the midst of the Indian camp, and prevailed upon the Indian general to accompany him, to dismiss his troops, and submit quietly to the fate of his sovereign, and to repair to the place of his confinement to endeavor, with the rest of his friends, to alleviate his misfortunes until the ransom should be paid. When Clialcuchima approached the palace where Atahualpa was detained prisoner he took oflf his shoes,* and, on approaching before him, he cast himself at his feet, and, shedding tears, said to him, that if he had been near his person he would not now be loaded with chains. Atahualpa replied to him that he recognized in his disgrace a just punishment for the negligence he had had for the worship of the Sun; and that his misfortune came principally from the cowardice of his people who had abandoned him. Fame rapidly spread at Panama the news of the progress which * " Put oflf thy shoes from off thy feet ; for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground." The incas were considered by the Peruvians as holy. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 199 Francisco Pizarro had made in Peru, and of the immense riches which he found there. Almegro, yielding to the influence of jeal- ousy, conceived the project of putting himself in possession of the country which was beyond the limits of the government of Pizarro. He equipped some vessels and repaired to Puerto Viejo where was spread the news of the defeat of Atahualpa, and of the engagement he had made for his ransom. At this news Almegro changed his design and resolved to go to Oaxamalca, hoping to share with Pizarro the riches of the inca. On arriving there he found that they had already amassed a great part of the ransom of Atahualpa; but the soldiers of Pizarro declared to liim that the iiew-comers ought not to share with the conquerors the spoils of the vanquished. There arose on this subject a contest that might have had dangerous consequences. Pizarro, the strongest in the number of his soldiers and by the affection which they had for him, feigned not to notice the discontent of Almegro, and took occasion of his arrival to send his brother Hernando to Spain. He charged him to render to the court an account of the progress of his conquest, and to present to the emperor what belonged to him of the riches which they had amassed. Atahualpa saw with extreme sorrow tlie departure of Hernando Pizarro. Hernando Pizarro took with him a hundred thousand pesos of gold, and as much in silver. Each cavalier had for his share twelve tiiousand pesos in gold and very near the same quantity in silver, that is to say, two hundred and forty marks of each kind. The in- fantry were paid in proportion. The general, knowing how danger- ous it would be for him to let exist a motive of jealousy between his soldiers and those of Almegro, gave to these last a sum almost as considerable as that which he had disti'ibuted to his own.* * The following is taken from a note to Xeres, on the distribution of the ran- som of Atahualpa: "Almegro got 30,000 pesos of gold, and 10,000 of silver. The total ransom of Atahualpa, 4,605,670 ducats.. Of this sum, 3,933,000 du- cats was the value of the gold, and 372,670 ducats the value of the silver. This may he considered equal to £3,500,000." The following is taken from the report of the notary, Pedro Sancho, in whose presence the distribution was made : — To the Governor, Marks of silver, To Hernando Pizarro, To Hernando de Soto, To Juan Pizarro, To Pedro Caudia, To Gonzalo Pizarro, To Sebastian de Benalcazar, To Juan Pizarro de Orellano, , 2350. 1267. 724. 407. 407. 384. 407. 362. Pesos of gold, 57,220 31,080 17,740 11,100 9,909 9,909 9,909 8,980 These sums show the estimation placed upon the merits of the men to whom 200 HEKNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. Sixty soldiers asking permission to return to Spain to enjoy in peace their wealth, Pizarro, doubting not that their fortunes would excite the desire of the greater part of those who should see them, and in this way would procure him a great number of men, per- mitted them to leave. All the treasure being now collected, Pizarro passed a decree, that the king's fifth should be deducted, and the remainder divided iu a certain proportion to 'each, according to his merit. The pro- digious treasures they had amassed served only to diminish the enjoyment of the adventurers. The great plenty of gold and silver diminished its value one-half. Gaming rose to an exorbitant height among them, and property was continually shifting from one hand to another. The tides of affluence and indigence brought along with them an infinity of vices which foiled all the authority and influence of the commander, and rendered the Spanish con- quorers the most profligate, corrupt, and abandoned set of miscre- ants in the universe. No regard was paid to the most sacred obligations ; wealth was the only pursuit, and power the only rule of right ; nor was Pizarro himself untainled with the general de- pravity.* The inca, after the division of his ransom among the Spaniards, summoned them to fulfil the promises they had made to set him at liberty ; but nothing was farther from the thoughts of Pizarro. After having succeeded in his project, he held as of no account what he had promised, and while the credulous prince hoped soon to ascend his throne, Pizarro had secretly resolved to kill him. Several circumstances seem to have determined him to commit tiiis crime, one of tlie most criminal and most atrocious with which the Spaniards have blotted their fame in the conquest of America. Pizarro, in imitating the conduct of Cortes towards Montezuma, lacked the talents necessary to follow out the plan. As he had neither the address nor the moderation which would have enabled him to gain the confidence of his prisoner ; he knew not how to profit of the advantage of being master of his person and au- thority. Atahualpa showed more discernment than Montezuma, and had better unravelled the character and plans of the Spaniards. Suspicion and distrust were very soon created between them and him, and Pizarro very soon beheld the inca as a burden of which he desired to be relieved. they were given. Pizarro appears to have apportioned the several sums to the private soldiers, and probably did so to the officers. * Universal History. HERNANDO -DE SOTO IN PERU. 201 Whilst Almegro and his companions openly demanded the death of the inca, this prince imprudently contributed to hasten his own destruction. During his captivity he had conceived an attachment for De Soto and Hernando Pizarro, who, having received a better education than the other adventurers, conducted themselves toward Atahualpa with more propriety and attention. Calmed by the re- spect shown him by these officers of distinguished rank among the Spaniards, he was pleased with their society ; but in the presence of the governor he was timid and constrained. To the fear was very soon joined a contempt of Francisco Pizarro. Among the arts of Europe that of reading and writing attracted the inca's greatest admiration. He sought for some time whether it was a talent ac- quired or natural. To enlighten his doubts he requested one of the soldiers who guarded him to write upon his thumb nail the name of God. He afterward showed this writing to different Spaniards, and asked them what it meant, and to his great astonishment they all made the same reply. Pizarro one day entering his room, the inca presented him his thumb, and asked the significance of the word. The governor blushed, and waS forced to avow with some confusion his ignorance. From that time Atahualpa regarded him as a low chji- racter, less instructed than his soldiers. He had not the address to conceal the sentiments of contempt with which this discovery had inspired him. The general was so deeply wOunded to see himself the object of the contempt of a barbarian, that his resentment, joined to all the other motives, determined him to destroy the inca.* The inca now loudly demanded his freedom. The proposed amount had indeed not been fully paid. But an immense amount had already been realized, and it would have been a still greater one but for the impatience of the Spaniards. These considerations Atahualpa urged on several of the cavaliers, and especially on Her- nando de Soto, who was on terms of more familiarity with him than Pizarro. De Soto reported Atahualpa's demands to the governor, but the latter evaded a direct reply. He did not disclose the dark purpose over which his mind was brooding. Atahualpa in the most pressing manner urged the fulfilment of the compact for his liberty, but his remonstrances were in vain, and fresh pretexts were invented to prolong his confinement. Upon these delays some of his commanders proposed attempting liis re- lease by force of arms; to which the inca very prudently' refused his consent. In obedience to him they laid aside their design, but suspicions were aroused in the Spaniards, which were corroborated * Riclier. 202 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERTJ. by the Peruvian slaves. They spread a variety of reports, the foiinda- tion of which could never be traced, though they were readily be- lieved by the Spaniards, who wanted an apology for their own per- fidious conduct.* A large force, it was said, was already gathered at Guamachucho, not a hundred miles from the camp, and their attack might be hourly expected. Murmurs and menaces were now heard against the inca, as the author of these machinations. Many began to demand his life as necessary to the safety of the army. Among these the most vehement were Almegro and .his followers. They were supported by Riquelme, the treasurer, and by the rest of the royal officers. These men had been left at San Miguel by Pizarro, who did not care to have such oflScials spies on his movements. But they had come to the camp with Almegro, and now loudly demanded the death of the inca as indispensable to tlie tranquillity of the country, and the interest of the. crown. To these dark suggestions Pizarro seemed to turn an unwilling ear, manifesting a reluctance to pro6eed to ex- treme measures with his prisoner. There were some few, and among them Hernando de Soto, who supported him in these views, and who regarded such measures as not at all justified by the evidence of Atahualpa's guilt. In this state of things Pizarro determined to send a small detachment to Guamachucho to reconnoitre the coun- try and ascertain what ground there was for the rumors of an insur- rection. De Soto was placed at the head of the expedition, which, as the distance was not great, would occupy but a few days. After Soto's departure the agitation among the soldiers increased to such a degree that Pizarro consented to bring Atahualpa to in- stant trial. But to give some appearance of justice to an action so violent, and in order not to be alone responsible to his sovereign, Pizarro decided to have the inca tried according to all the forms of law, in criminal proceedings, observed in Spain. He and Almegro, with two advisors, were the judges, with absolute power to acquit or condemn. They brought to this strange tribunal accusations still moi'e strange. They consisted in divers articles. They pronounced that Atahualpa was guilty, and condemned him to be burnt alive. The friar Valverde prostituted his sacred func- tions so far as to confirm this sentence by the authority of his min- istry and to attest the jnstice of it by his signature. The sentence was to be carried into immediate execution that very night. They were not even to wait for the return of De Soto, when the informa- tion he would bring would go far to establish the truth or falsehood of the reports respecting the insurrection of the natives. * Prescott's " Conquest of Peru," and Richer. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERTJ. 203 Tlie*doonx of the inca was proclaimed by sound of trumpet in the great square of Caxamalca ; and two hours after sunset the Spanish soldiers assembled by torchlight in the public square to witness the execution of the sentence. On the 29th of August, 1532, Atahualpa was led out, chained hand and foot — for he had been kept in irons ever since the great excitement in the army respecting an attack. What added to the bitterness of the last moments of the unfortu- nate inca, the same monk who had just ratified the sentence pre- sented himself to console and to convert him. The strongest argu- ment which the priest could use tp make the inca embrace the Christian religion was the promise to modify the rigor of his pun- ishment ; the fear of a cruel death wrung from him a request to be baptized; the ceremony was performed, and Atalmalpa, instead of being burnt, was strangled at a post to which he had been tied.* A day or two after this tragic event, Hernando de Soto returned from his excursion. Great was his astonishment and indignation at learning what had been done in his absence. He sought out Pizarro, and said to him, bluntly, " You have acted rashly. Ata- hualpa has been basely slandered. There was no enemy at Gruama- chucho ; no rising among the natives. I have met with nothing on the road but demonstrations of good-will, and all is quiet. If it was necessary to bring the inca to trial, he should have been taken to Castile, and judged by the emperor. I would have pledged my- self to see him safe on board the vessel." Pizarro confessed that he had been precipitate, and said that he had been deceived by Riquelme, Valverde [the priest], and the others. These charges soon reached tlie ears of the treasurer and the Dominican, who, in their turn, exculpated themselves, and upbraided Pizarro to his face, as the only one responsible for the deed. The dispute ran high ; and the parties were heard by the bystanders to give one another the lie ! This vulgar squabble among tlie leaders, so soon after the event, is the best commentary on the iniquity of their own proceedings, and the innocence of the inca.f Fortunately for the honor of the Spanish nation, among these adventurers abandoned to every excess, and parted from their country to conquer and desolate the new world, there were yet found men who preserved the sentiment of honor and generosity worthy of the Castilian name. Although Fernando Pizarro had left for Spain before the trial of Atahualpa, and Soto had been sent to a post far from Caxamalca, yet this cruel execution was not made without opposition. Several officers, and particularly some * Richer and Prescott. f Prescott. 204 HEENANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. of the greatest reputation and the noblest families, made remon- strances and even protestations against this judgment as dishonor- able to tlieir country, and contrary to all the maxims of equity. They added, that it was a violation of the rights of nations to usurp over an independent sovereign a jurisdiction to which they had not any right. All their efforts were in vain ; the number and opinion of those who regarded as legitimate all that they believed to be advantageous to themselves, prevailed. But history has pre- served the names of those who thus endeavored to save their coun- try from the stigma of so great a crime. Tiie death of Atahualpa and Huascar left the Peruvians with- out a king. The people, filled with the idea of the phantom of Viracocha, and convinced by the conduct of the two last incas, that the Spaniards were the children of the Sun, paid them an hom- age that approached adoration. However, there were found some generals who formed the project of maintaining their independence; among others, one named Riiminagui retired to Quito, with five thousand men, and resolved to seize the throne. Some Peruvian oflBcers believed that their honor required that the3' should render the honors of sepulture to their sovereign ; they assembled two thousand soldiers, and took the corpse from the place where the Spaniards had deposited it, transported it to ' Qnito, to place it in the tomb of his ancestors. Ruminagui, who then commanded in this town, received it with great manifestations of respect ; gave it a magnificent funeral, and deposited it himself in the tomb of his fathers. Quizquiz, another Peruvian general, assembled troops and made for himself a considerable party. Knowing that two young brothers of Atahualpa were still living, he sent for the youngest, named Paulu, and proposed to crown him. He made this proposition to the youngest of the two brothers that he might have but the phan- tom of an emperor. Paulu, raised in respect for his elder brother, Manco, whom he recognized as the legitimate successor to the throne, after the death of his two other brothers, refused the honor which did not belong to him, and of which he knew there would be left him only the title. He immediately left the army of Quizquiz and repaired to that of Pizarro.* What to the Spaniards was the most unfortunate consequence of their late cruel and iniquitous conduct, was that loads of gold on the road to Caxamalca, by order of Atahualpa, were now carried back to Cuzco. The two factions of Indians united against Pizarro, * Richer. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 205 and many of the Spaniards who had exclaimed against the death of the inca as a base infraction of the law of nations and a viola- tion of the Spanish honor, would have proceeded to open mutiny, had not the impending danger united them for their common safety. At Cuzco the friends of the late emperor, Huascar, immediately proclamed as inca, Manco Capac,the legitimate brother of the late emperor, and determined to support him against the machinations and violences of the Spaniards. On the other hand, Pizarro set up Toparca, the son of Ataliualpa. It was essentially necessary to the success of Pizarro's designs that he should gain possession of Cuzco, the capital, and suppress the opposite faction before it could gather strength sufficient to maintain the vigorous resolutions it had taken. Accordingly he set out from Caxamalca, attended by the new inca, after having spent seven months in that town. Near the valley of Xuaxa, notice was brought that an army of Indians occupied the passes and resolved to oppose Pizarro's progress. Advancing a few miles further, he saw the plain covered with armed troops, a sight extremely formid- able to the Spaniards, who were now fatigued with the march and the prodigious rains that had lately fallen. Almegro led the van ; he approached so near as to hear the enemies' revilings, and, giving way to his indignation, attacked them with great impetuosity, after having passed a rapid river in despite of all their opposition, and defeated them. In the.fruitful vale of Xuaxa was a temple dedicated to the sun ; here Pizarro resolved to found a colony, which, how- ever, was not permanent, but afterwards removed to the place where Lima now stands.* While Pizarro was thus employed, he dispatched Hernando de Soto, with sixty horse, to make the best of his way to Cuzco, and clear the road for the remainder of his army. Soto had not ad- vanced far when he received intelligence that a considerable body of the enemy had fortified themselves at Cababayo to defend the pass. Fearing that his forces would prove insufficient, he sent notice to Pizarro, and desired that the. inca might join him, as the presence and influence of the monarch might probably prevent an effusion of blood and obtain the ends of a victory without the hazard of a battle ; but Toparca fell sick about this time and died, an event which frustrated all the expectations entertained by the Spaniards of bringing the Indians, by means of this inca, to acknowledge their authority, without the necessity of having recourse to arms. Soto was now forced to place his dependence on his own valor ; the * Universal History. 206 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PEEU. Indians liad cut down a bridge over an exceedingly rapid river that divided tliera from the Spaniards ; but Soto, without regard to the violence of- the stream, plunged in with his horse and reached the opposite bank, to the unspeakable astonishment and terror of the enemj', who fled in the utmost consternation. Thus Soto obtained a complete victory without striking a blow, after having performed what has never been since attempted — the fording, in the face of an enemy, a river which had always been deemed impassable, and without the loss of a single horse or soldier. The enemy flying to Lima Tambo, he continued the pursuit, notwithstanding he had received orders to advance slowly, saying it would be folly and cowardice to adhere so literally to orders as to neglect seizing tlje opportunity of an important advantage which could not possibly have been foreseen when the orders were issued. Accordingly lie continued his march along the great road of Chinahayso to the mountains of Bilcaconga, seven leagues from Cuzco, where the Indians determined to fortify a difficult pass, to dig pits and trenches and fill them with sharp-pointed stakes, to incommode the horses. Here they resolved to make their best effort. Every meas- ure was taken to defeat the intention of the Spaniards of seizing the capital. Soto could have no reliance upon the assistance of Pizarro, who was employed in reducing the Tuanas and Yayos and settling his colony. He, therefore, reposed his whole hopes on the vigor of his arms and the possibility of defeating the Indian army before it could be re-enforced. As he advanced, however, it was perceived that the enemy were exceedingly numerous. The whole face of the mountain was covered with their forces, and unexpected difficulties occurred in reconnoitring the pass. The Indians began to pour in their darts and arrows upon the Spaniards with more resolution and regularitj' than they were accustomed to observe, a circum- stance which produced murmurings and discontents among the soldiers. Soto told his people that it was necessary to conquer or die. He said the number of the enemy cut off" all possibility of retreating without being exposed to disgrace and the most imminent danger, and if they hesitated a moment the same difficulty would attend their advancing, as new levies were continually joining the inca. One victory more, he observed, would remove every obstacle, and the same valor which had hitherto proved invincible would now likewise be successful, if they would exert it properly. This speech gave new life and vigor to the troops. They advanced with great resolution up the hill, amidst showers of the enemj^'s missiles. They formed themselves two abreast, cut their way through the HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 20V Indians with dreadful slaughter, and at last reached the summit of the mountain. Five soldiers and two horses were killed in tliis attack, and eleven men and fourteen horses wounded ; however, the joj' of obtaining a victor^' rendered this loss of less consideration. Soto probaby would have liad to encounter the same dangers the next morning, had not Almegro seasonably arrived with a re-enforce- ment, which so dispirited the Indians that they dropped their in- tention of renewing the engagement, and suffered the Spaniards to proceed unmolested.* ' Pizarro now marched for Cnzco, but considering it most prudent not to hazard the loss of his treasures by taking them on the march, he left them at Xauxa, under a guard of forty soldiers who remained there in garrison. At the end of a few days he arrived before Cuzco ; but he saw arising from it so thick a smoke that he believed the Indians had set it on Are. He sent a detachment of cavalry there to arrest the effects, which he attributed to their despair. This detachment was repulsed with an astonishing vigor, and the liostili- ties lasted all the night. The day following, Paulu declared to the inhabitants that he had made his reconciliation with Pizarro, and the Spaniards were admitted tliere without any resistance. The quantity of gold and silver they found there was even more im- IJortant than that which they had received at Caxamalca. They were engaged in dividing it when they learned that Quizquiz was ravaging the province of Condefugos. It was a feint. Soto, with fifty cavaliers, was dispatched against him ; the skilful Indian, in- formed of his march, took the route to Xauxa, in hope of surprising a part of the baggage of the Spaniards and the treasure which they had left under a guard of some infantry. But he found this little detachment so well posted that he could not cut it off; Pizarro, informed that he had turned in that direction, sent off his two brothers with a considerable detachment. When they had joined Soto, Quizquiz decamped ; they pursued him the distance of more than a hundred leagues on the route to Quito, but losing hope of overtaking him, they returned to Xauxa, took tlieir baggage and treasures, and carried them to Cuzco. Wliilst the troops of Pizarro were occupying Cuzco, Benalcazar, whom Pizarro had left in charge of San Miguel, became weary of inaction, and anxious to distinguish himself among the conquerors of the New World. A body of fresh troops, arrived very oppor- tunely from Panama and Nicaragua, placed him in a condition to satisfy his wishes. After having left a sufficient force for the * Modern Universal History, vol. 34. 208 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PEETJ. security of the settlement, he placed himself at the head of the rest, and set out to subdue Quito, where, according to the reports of the Peruvians, Atahualpa had left the greatest part of his treas- ures. It was a great distance from San Miguel to Quito, and the march was difficult in a country of mountains covered with forests ; he was often and vigorously attacked by the best soldiers of Peru, led by a skilful chief. His valor, perseverance, and good manage- ment surmounted all obstacles, and he entered victoriously into Quito. But he experienced a great mortification. The inhabitants, knowing by their own unfortunate experience the dominant passion of their enemies, had carried ofi" all the riches that attracted the Spaniards, and which had made them undertake this perilous enter- prise, endure so much suffering, and brave so many dangers.* While Benalcazar was thus capturing Quito, Pizarro sent, at the same time, Alraegro towards the coast to learn the truth of a very important rumor which was in circulation. It was asserted that Pedro de Alvarado, governor of Guatemala, in Mexico, had em- barked for Peru with a large army. Almegro repaired to San Miguel, and, not having learned anything which had relation to the rumor that was spread, he returned to Cuzco. Nevertheless, tlie rumor was not without foundation. Hernando Cortes, after having conquered Mexico, gave to Alvarado, as a recompense for his ser- vices, the province of Guatemala, the government of which was confirmed to him by the emperor Charles V. Alvarado, being informed of what was taking place in Peru, solicited the court of Spain for permission to contribute to the conquest of that kingdom. His request was granted. Alvarado, with regret, beheld himself second to Cortes in the former expedition, but he hoped to render himself equal to Pizarro in this, as to his own experience in the art of war, he joined the assistance of some of the best officers and most approved soldiers of the age. Garcilasso de la Vega, whose father attended Alvarado upon this expedition, alleges that he had a commission from Charles Y. to conquer, govern, and colonize all those countries, on that part of the continent, which were not 3-et possessed by the Spaniards, and that his jurisdiction was wholly independent of the authority of Pizarro and Almegro, The conduct of Alvarado appears to confirm this. While preparing his army and fleet at the port of Istapa,f in Guatemala, he dispatched Garcia Holquin, in a small vessel, to * Richer. f Celebrated for being the place where Alvarado equipped hia armaments in the yeara 1534 and 1539. "Thia place," says Guarroa, "is highly deserving of notice, in a commercial point of view, as it affords every convenience and HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 209 procure some intelligence of the country and coast against which, he intended the expedition, and also of the progress of the Span- iards. Holquin, after encountering manifold hardships, could pro- ceed no further than Puerto Viego, where he received some vague accounts of Pizarro, the riches he had acquired, the immense wealth that still remained, and a few other hints of general information, with which he returned to Alvarado, who now embarked. Having been informed that they were equipping two vessels in Nicaragua, with re-enforcements of men and provisions for Pizarro, he, with the five hundred men who embarlied under his orders, had ■ the address to approach and seize them during the night. He now continued his voyage with seven hundred men, two hun- dred and twenty-seven of whom were horsemen, and after sailing tliirty days arrived at Cape St. Francisco, in the first degree of north latitude. Alvarado, perceiving the crews grew sickly, and that the horses perished, or contracted such diseases as would render them useless, landed in the bay of Caragues, sent the provisions by sea to Puerto Viego, and proceeded with some cavalry to Mantu. Orders were given the pilots to sail along the coast of Peru to the furthest extremity of Pizarro's government, to make the necessary charts, observe the soundings and harbors, and set up marks of having taken formal possession. After landing, Alvarado marched towards the east, almost under the equator. Having an imperfect idea of the country, he undertook, without a guide, to march directly to Quito, in following the course of the river Guayaquil and crossing the mountains near its source. Hunger and thirst would have destroyed all his men if he had not found certain canes the size of a man's leg, hollow, and filled with water, which they believed came from the dews which collected during the night.(io) They had no other recourse against famine than to eat their horses. To aggravate their misfortunes, they were overwhelmed with hot cinders ejected from a volcano in the neighborhood of Quito. Before arriving at Quito, they were also obliged to cross mountains where a con- tinual snow rendered the cold so piercing that there perished sixty, men. In this route, one of the least practicable in America, his troops were so overcome by fatigue in opening roads though forests and marshes in the low-lands, and suff'ered so much from the advantage for carrying on an extensive traffic in the Pacific. Its contiguity to the city of Guatemala" [founded hy Alvarado] "would enable speculators to obtain all the productions of the country at a moderate rate, which could be conveyed by land-carriage to the place of embarkation at a trifling expense, on a road that was opened and levelled in 1539, for the purpose of transporting upon carriages some of Alvarado's small vessels."—" The Modern Traveller." 14 210 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN ' PERU. severity of the cold on the tops of the mountains, that, before he arrived on the plains of Quito, a fifth of the Spaniards and half of . the horses had perished ; the rest were discouraged and in a con- dition unfit for service-. Alvafado and his companions finally arrived in the province of Quito;, but the melting of the snows caused so great an inundation that several men perished. Being near a village where a party of Indians had fortified themselves, he besieged it and forced the Indians to leave it.* At this time Pizarro and Almegro were deeply engaged in the progress of their conquests, and the news of Alvarado's approach and designs gave them the greatest unasiness. A body of horse was immediately dispatched by Almegro to watch his movements, but this party falling into Alvarado's hands, was kindly treated and dismissed. This moderation suggested the first idea of com- promising diflferences in such a manner that all should heartily unite in the same design. Almegro made the proposals, and they were accepted without hesitation by Alvarado. An interview was appointed, and the following agreement signed by the commanders : that a hundred thousand pesos should be paid by Pizarro and Almegro ; that such of Alvai'ado's officers and soldiers as desired to serve under Pizarro and Almegro should be provided for as their own troops, according to the merit of their services ; and that Alva- rado should return to Mexico after he had visited Pizarro at Cuzco, of which capital he had heard the most exaggerated accounts. There were some other stipulations of less consequence in this treaty, to which both parties adhered with great punctuality, ex- cept that Pizarro, apprehensive that a sight of the immense wealth of Cuzco miglit stagger Alvarado's resolution, sent a message to Alvarado that he would save him the trouble of so tedious a journey, and give him a meeting in the valley of Pachacamac ; for which place he immediately set out, escorted by a body of cavalry. There he met with Alvarado and Almegro. He gave Alvarado twenty thousand pesos more than was stipulated in the treaty, made him several valuable presents of turquoises and other precious stones, and conducted himself with so much address that Alvarado returned pei'fectly satisfied to Mexico, having been fully recompensed for the expense and trouble of tlie expedition, and assured that his soldiers and officers would be well provided for according to their several abilities.f About this time Hernando Pizarro arrived in Spain. The im- * Universal History, and Richer. t Modern Universal History, vol. 34, p. 433. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 211 mense quantity of gold and silver he brought caused as much astonishment as it had excited at Panama and the other Spanish colonies. PizaiTO was received by the emperor with the respect due a man who brought him a present whose value exceeded all the ideas that the Spaniards had formed of the wealth of their acquisitions in America, even after having been ten years in posses- sion of Mexico. To reward the services of Francisco Pizarro the emperor confirmed him in the dignity of governor, and joined to it new powers and new privileges, and extended the boundaries of his government seventy leagues to the south, along the coast, beyond the limits fixed by his first patent. Almegro also obtained the honors which he had so long sought. He was given the rank of adelantado, or governor, and his jurisdiction was extended over two hundred leagues, to commence at the southern limits of the government of Pizarro. Hernando Pizarro himself was made knight of the order of San lago, and returned to Peru accompanied by many persons of greater distinction than those who had hitherto served in America. They received in Peru some news of Hernando Pizarro's negotia- tion before his arrival there. Almegro was no sooner informed that he had obtained of the emperor a government independent of Pizarro, than he claimed that Cuzco was embraced in it, and pre- pared to take possession of this important post. Juan and Gon- zales Pizarro prepared to repulse him. Each of the contestants had a powerful party, and the dispute was about to be decided by force of arms, when Francisco Pizarro arrived at the capital, and the address, mingled with firmness, which he showed in his complaints against Almegro and his partisans, diverted then the storm. He made a new reconciliation with Almegro, the principal condition of which was that Almegro should attempt the conquest of Chili, and that if he did not find there an establishment worthy of him, Pizarro, to indemnify him, would cede to him a part of Peru. This new convention was confirmed with the same religious solemnities as the first, and observed with as little fidelity. In consequence of his convention with i^izarro, Almegro pre- .pared to march into Chili. The inca placed at his disposal the services of his brother Paullo, and of the high priest Villac Umu, who were ordered to accompanj' Almegro to Chili. These he sent on before ; he himself was to go next ; and his lieutenant, Rodrigo Orgonez, was to follow with the rest of the people. It may show how much Almegro's service was sought after, that so distinguished a person in Pizarro's camp as Hernando de Soto was greatly disap- pointed at not having been named lieutenant-general of the maris- 212 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. cal's [Almegro's] forces.* Almegro set out for Chili with five hundred and seventy men. It was the largest body of Europeans that had to that time assembled in Peru. There were two roads which led thence to Chili; one by the plain, but it was the longest ; the other by the mountains, it was the shortest. The snows and the cold rendered the latter impracticable in every season but the summer. Paullo and the high priest advised Almegro to take the best of the two routes, but he took the shortest. The impatience to terminate promptly the expedition, or the custom to endure every labor and to brave every danger, the common custom of all the Spaniards who had served in America, determined Almegro to cross the mountains. The route was, indeed, the shorter, but almost impracticable. In this march his troops suffered all the ills that human nature can experience from fatigue, hunger, and the rigor of the climate of those elevated regions of the torrid zone, where the cold is almost as severe as that which is found under the polar circle. There perished a great number of them. One of his officers and several cavaliers remained upon the mountains frozen with their horses. The historians who confirm this fact say that five months afterwards the army repass- ing by the same place, found the corpses in the same position, hold- ing in their hands the bridles of their horses. Their flesh was as fresh as if they had died that moment.f Those who resisted the cold and arrived as far as the fertile plains of Chili, found there new obstacles to surmount. They had to do with men, very different from the Peruvians, intrepid, hardened to labor, much resembling, by their physique and their courage, the warlike nations of North America. Although astonished at the first appearance of the Spaniards, and still more at their cavalry, and the effect of their fire-arms, they very soon recovered from their surprise, not only to the degree of defending themselves with cour- age, but even to assail their new enemies with more resolution and vigor than any other American nation had hitherto shown. The Spaniards notwithstanding continued to penetrate into the country, and to collect gold ip abundance ; but they no longer thought of forming a settlement. Notwithstanding all the valor and skill of their chief, the success of their expedition was still extremely * "Life of Pizarro," by Arthur Helps. t The army of Almegro did not return over the mountains, but the forces under Diaz and Herreda crossed the mountains to join Almegro, and they may have seen these frozen horsemen on frozen horses. The Spanish soldiers under Almegro experienced all the vicissitudes and inclemency of the seasons and climates that the soldiers of Napoleon endured in Egypt and Russia. HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 213 doubtful, when they were recalled to Peru by an unexpected revo- lution. Aliriegro had been joined by Ruyz Diaz and Juan de Herreda with more than a hundred Spaniards, who had crossed the mountains in a more favorable season of the year. Herreda informed Almegro of the situation of affairs in Peru, and of the general insurrection of the Indians of Peru. The news of the general revolt of the Peruvians would have suf- ficed to induce Almegro to leave Chili and return to succor his com- patriots, but he was led to this resolution by less generous and more interested motives. The same messenger who informed him of the situation of affairs in Peru, brought the royal patent which made him governor of Chili, and fixed the limits of his government. Ac- cording to this patent Cuzco appeared to him evidently comprised within the limits of his department, and he had from this time as much eagerness to take from Pizarro the possession of this capital as to hinder the Peruvians from seizing it. Impatient to execute this double purpose, he ventured to return by a new route, through the sandy plains of the coast, the desert of Atacama. In this march he suffered almost as much from heat and thirst as he had suffered from cold and hunger in crossing the summits of the Andes.* He arrived at Cuzco the 12th daj' of July, 153Y, having left it shortly after his last compact with Pizarro, made the 12th day of June, 1535. It has already been mentioned that Soto sought the rank of lieutenant-general in this expedition, and was disappointed ; that Hernando Pizarro returned to Peru, accompanied by many persons of greater distinction than any that had to that time served in America; and that Hernando Pizarro had been knighted. Hernando de Soto, in ability, was second to none of the conquerors of Peru ; his ambition and love of fame, as his pride and sense of honor, were great and ennobling. He saw the spirit of faction and discord that raged in the rival parties of Almegro and Pizarro, and probably anticipated the storm that was destined soon to devastate- Peru with the internecine sti'ife of civil war. As after this period his name no more appears in the events of Peru, it is probable that he left the country about this time ; and that he returned to Spain with Luis Moscoso de Alvarado, Nuno de Touar, and Juan Rodri- quez Lobillo. He probably was in Spain during the years 1536 and 1537. In the spring of 1538 he sailed from Spain on his expe- dition to Florida. * Richer's "Histoire Moderne." HERNANDO DB SOTO AND FLORIDA. VOLUME II. INTRODUCTION HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST OP PLORIDA. As the works of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega are the first literary productions of the native genius of South America, it is proper that here something should be said of the author and his works. In fact, Garcilasso miglit, with propriety, be called the first distinguished native author of the New World, though the Abb^ Clavigero, in the preface to his " History of Mexico," mentions the following INDIAN AUTHORS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. Fernando Pimentel Ixtlilxochitl, son of Coanacotzin, last king of Acolhuacan, and Antonio de Tobar Cano Montezuma Ixtlilxochitl, a descendant of the royal houses of Mexico, and Acolhuacan. These two nobles, at the request of the Count Benevente, and the Viceroy of Mexico, Luis de Velasco, wrote letters on the genealogy of the kings of Acolhuacan, and other points relative to the ancient his- tor3' of that kingdom. Antonio Pimentel Ixtlilxochitl, son of Fernando Pimentel, wrote Historical Memoirs of the Kingdom of Acolhuacan, by which Toi'- quemada was assisted ; "and from it we have taken the annual ex- penses incurred in the palace of the fainous king Nezahualcojotl, great-great-grandfather of the author." Taddeo de Niza, a noble Indian of Tlaseala, wrote in the year 1548, by order of the viceroy of Mexico, the History of the Con- quest, which was subscribed by thirty other nobles of Tlaseala. ' Gabriel d'Ayala, a noble Indian of Tezcuco, wrote, in the Mexican language, Historical Commentaries ; containing an account of all the affairs of the Mexicans from the year 1243 of the vulgar era unto 1662. 218 INTRODUCTION TO THE Juan Ventura Zapata 6 Mendoza, a noble of Tlascala, wrote, in the Mexican language, tlie Chronicle of Tlascala ; containing all the events of that nation, from their arrival in the country of Anahuac to the year 1589. Pedro Ponce, a noble Indian, rector of Tzompahuacan, wrote in Spanish, An Account of the Gods and the Rites of Mexican Pagan- ism. The chiefs of Colhuacan wrote the Annals of the Kingdom of Colhuacan. Christoval del Castillo, a Mexican mestee, wrote the History of the Travels of the Aztecas, or Mexicans, to the country of Anahuac. Diego Mugnoz Camargo, a noble mestee of Tlascala, wrote, in Spanish, the History of the City and Republic of Tlascala. Tor- quemada made use of this work. Fernando d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, a Tezcucan, and descendant, in a right line, from the kings of Acolhuaean, wrote, at the request of the viceroy of Mexico, several very learned and valuable works;, all written in the Spanish language. In order to remove any grounds for suspicion of fiction, he made his accounts conform ex- actly with the historical paintings which he inherited from his illus- trious ancestors. Juan Balesta Pomar, of Tezcuco, or Cholula, a descendant from a bastard of the roj^al house of Tezcuco, wrote Historical Memoirs of that Kingdom, which Torquemada made use of. Domingo de San Anton Mufion Chimalpain, a noble Indian of Mexico, wrote, in the Mexican language, four works much esteemed bj' the intelligent : 1. American Chronicles, containing all the Events of that Nation from the year 1068 to the year 1597 of the vulgar era. 2. The History of the Conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards. 3. Original Accounts of the • Kingdoms of Acolhua- ean, of Mexico, and o-f other provinces. 4. Historical Commenta- ries, from the year 1064 to 1521. Fernando d'Alvarado Tezozomoc, an Indian of Mexico, wrote in Spanish, a Mexican Chronicle, about the j-ear 1598. The Hon. Clement Markham, in a note to his translation of Cieza de Leon, gives the following account of GAECILASSO DE LA VEGA, THE FATHER OP GARCILASSO INCA DE LA VEGA. Garcilasso de la Vega was born of noble parentage, in the city of Badajos, in Estremadura. His great-grandfatiier was Gomez Saurez de Figueroa, the first count of Feria, by Elvira Lasso de la HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 219 Vega. This lady was a sister of the famous Marquis of Santillana, the charming poet, and founder of the great familj' of Mendoza. Slie was maternal granddaughter of that Garcilasso who, in 13t2, received the surname of " de la Vega," in memory of a famous duel fought with a Moorish giant, before the walls of Granada. The lady's paternal grandfather was Don Diego Mendoza, the knight who, in the battle of Alj iibarrota, with the Portuguese, in 1385, saved the life of King John First, by giving him his horse when his own was killed under him. The subject of this note was a second cousin twice removed of Garcilasso de la Vega, the poet,* whose poems, with those of his friend Boscan, were published in 1544. So much for Garcilasso's descent, which is sufBciently noble and distinguished. He was a young man of twenty-five years of age, tall, handsome, polished, generous, and well-practised in the use of arms, when in 1531, he set out for the New World, as a captain of infantry, in company with Alonzo [Pedro ?] de Alvarado, who was returning to assume his government of Gautemala. That famous chief, on hearing of the riches of Peru, set out witii a large fleet from Nicaragua, and landed in the bay of Caragues, in March, 1534. Garcilasso de la Vega accompanied him, and shared in all the ter- * His ancestors from remote antiquity were persons of opnlenee and liigli consideration. They originally sprung from tlie mountains of Asturias. Don Pedro Lasso was, in 1329, admiral of Castile ; his son, Garcilasso, arrived at yet greater honors. He was made high judge, as well as ohahcellor of the kingdom. The chancellor left two sons, Garcilasso and Gonzalo Ruyz, who, in the grand tattle of Salado, in 1340, were the first that, in spite of the Moors, crossed the river.' The former was made lord chief-justice of Spain, as appears by the deeds of the year 1372 ; and this knight it was who, for his valor in slaying a gigantic Moor that had defied the Christians hy parading in the vega or plain of Granada, with these words, "Ave Maria" fixed to his horse's tail, took the surname of De la Vega ; and for his device, Ave Maria in a field d'or, as is seen in the scutcheon of Garcilasso de la Vega, a son of one of the brothers, who followed the party of King Henry against the king Don Pedro, and was slain in the battle of Najara. — ^'Life of Garcilasso" the poet, hy J. H. Wiffin.' ' Abil Hassan, king of Morocco, of the dynnsty of the Merinis, invited by the in- habitants of Granada, came and landed in Spain, fallowed by innumerable troops, which he united to those of Joseph I. The kings of Castile and Portugal, united, fought this great army on the borders of the Salado, not far from the town of Tariff. This battle of the Salado, as celebrated in the history of Spain, as the victory of Toloza, cost the lives of thousands of Moors. The battle of Toloza was fought in the year 1212, and was the most important and brilliant victory ever achieved by the Christians over the Moors of Spain. Sixty thousand crusaders, from It.aly and France, repaired to the assistance of the Castilian king. — ^'Florian^s Precis HistoriqiLe sur les Matires." 220 INTRODUCTION TO THE rihle hardships and suffering of the subsequent march to Riobamba. After the convention with Almegro, and the dispersion of Alva- rado's forces, Garcilasso was sent to complete tlie conquest of the country round the port of Buenayentura. He and his small band of followers forced their way for many days through dense unin- habited forests, enduring almost inci-edible hardships, and finding nothing to repay their labors. He displayed much constancy and endurance, and persevered during a whole year, but, having lost eight}' of his men from hunger and fever, he was at last obliged to reti'eat. He was nearly drowned in crossing the river Quiximies, and, after many other strange adventures and narrow escapes, he reached the Spanish settlement of Puerto Viejo, and went thence to Lima, where Pizarro was closely besieged by the insurgent Indians. He then marched to the relief of Cuzco, and afterward accompanied Gonzalo Pizarro in his expedition to the Collao and Charcas. On the arrival of Vaca de Castro in Peru, Garcilasso de la Vega joined him, and was wounded in the battle of Chupas. When Gonzalo Pizarro rose in rebellion against the viceroy Blasco Nunez de Vela, Garcilasso and several other loyal knights fled from Cuzco to Arequipa, and thence up by the deserts to Lima, in order to share the fortunes of the viceroy. But when they arrived at Lima, that ill-fated and wrong-headed knight was gone, and the whole country was in favor of Gonzalo Pizarro. The fugitives, there- fore, concealed themselves as best they could. Garcilasso was lodged in tlie house of a friend, and afterwards hid himself in the convent of San Francisco. Through the intercessions of friends, Gonzalo Pizarro granted him a pardon, but detained him as a prisoner until he escaped to the army of Gasca, on the morning of the battle of Xaquxaquana, galloping across the space between the two camps at early dawn, on his good horse Salinillas. He after- wards resided at his house in Cuzco until the rebellion of Giron broke out in 1554, when he once more showed his loyalty by escap- ing in the night, and joining the royal camp. After the fall of Giron, Garcilasso de la Vega was appointed corregidor and gover- nor of Cuzco, where, he appears to have devoted himself to the duties of his oflSce, and, amongst other good deeds, restored the aqueduct which brought a supply of water from the lake of Chin- chiru, for a distance of two leagues, to irrigate the valley of Cuzco. His house was a centre of hospitality and kindness, where the conquerors fought their battles over again in the evenings, while Garc'ilasso'a wife, the inca princess, and her friends dispensed their numerous charities. Both lie and his wife were engaged in acts of benevolence, and in collecting subscriptions for charitable purposes HISTORY or THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 221 during the time that he held office. It is said that in one night they raised thirty-four thousand five hundred ducats for a hospital for Indians. When Garcilasso was relieved of his charge, the .Inez de Residencia, who came to review his administration, honorably acquitted him of the charges which were brought against him, and he retired into private life. He died at Cuzco, in the year 1559, after a long illness. Garcilasso de la Yega was married to a Susta or inca princess, who was baptized under the name of Isabella in 1539. She was the daughter of Hualpa Tupac, a younger brother of the great inca Huayna Capac. By this lad^' he had a son, the well-known histo- rian, who was born at Cuzco in 1540. After his father's death, the young Garcilasso Inca de la Vega, who had received his earljr edu- cation at a school in Cuzco, went to Spain. This was in 1560, when he was just twentj' years of age. He fought against the rebel Moriscos, under the banner of Don John of Austria, and afterwards settling at Cordova, devoted himself to literary pursuits. He wrote a history of the conquest of Florida, and tjie two parts of his Com- mentarios Reales were published in 1609 and 1616. An excellent second edition appeared at Madrid in 1722. His memory was well stored with the recollections of his youth, when he had learned the history of the ineas from his mother's relations, and of tlie conquest from his father's old companions in arms. He also quotes largely from Cieza de Leon, Goraara, Zarate, Fernandez, and Acosta, as well as from the manuscript of the missionary Bias Valera, a most important work, which was destroyed wlieu Lord Essex sacked the city of Cadiz. No man, therefore, could be better qualified TO write a history of the early civilization of the inoas and OF THE conquest OF Peru BY THE SPANIARDS. He has been inval- uable to me in explaining and illustrating the text of Cieza de Leon ; and in gratitude I have tlierefore devoted a long note to an account of his father. The Inca Garcilasso died in 1616, at the advanced age of seventy-six, and was buried at Cordova. GARCILASSO INCA DE LA VESA, THE HISTORIAN. Garcilasso de la Yega, the Peruvian historian, was the son of the preceding and Nusta, niece of Huayna Capac, and granddaughter of the inca Tupac-Yupanqui. He was born at Cuzco in 1540. From the circumstance of his descent from the family of the incas, he adopted the title of inca, naming himself Garcilasso Inca de la Yega. 222 INTRODTJCTION TO THE Peru, during the fifteen years succeeding the birth of Gareilasso, was the theatre of wars, conspiracies, persecutions, and revolts. In the midst of such scenes Gareilasso had but few opportunities of education, and he says : " I lay the fault of my deficiency upon the civil wars which existed in the Indies during my youth. Lite- I'ature was then no longer cultivated, and we applied ourselves to arms. We learned horsemansliip, and I abandoned myself to this exercise with some of my companions, who have acquired much distinction there, and have become excellent horsemen." In 1560 Gareilasso went to Spain, and embraced a military career,- distin- guishing himself in various encounters, and reaching the rank of captain under the command of Don John of Austria. But the vengeful court of Spain did not forget that Gareilasso, the father, had embraced the revolutionarj' side, and followed in all his dan- gerous enterprises Gonzalez Pizarro ; and hence distrust rested upon the son, who, in consequence, despairing of ever attaining to eminence in his career, or of fixing upon any other occupation which seemed suited to his birth, threw up his commission and retired to Cordova, where he devoted himself to literary pursuits. Tlie results of his literary labors were the first part of his Royal Commentary, completed in 1570 or 1575, and printed at Lisbon in 1609 ; the second part of the same, finished in 1616, and printed at Lisbon in 1619; the General History of Peru, printed in Cordova in 1606; and the Florida of the Inca, or History of the Adelantado Fernando de Soto, finished in 1591, and printed in Lisbon in quarto, in 1605. The sources of Garcilasso's knowledge in regard to the first part of the Roj'al Commentaries are principally the information of his mother and one of his uncles, and his own observations relative to the religion and customs of his countrymen. He had witnessed in his youth the ancient usages and ceremonies of the Peruvians, and mastered many of their ancient traditions. While in Spain, en- gaged on the Royal Commentaries, he corresponded with his old companions and school-fellows of the inca family in Peru, to collect materials for his history. In tlie work on Peruvian Antiquities by Rivero and Tschudi is the following sentence : " Finally young Gareilasso did not under- HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST OP PLORIDA. 223 stand the difficult art of decipliering the quipus, an important defi- ciency which neither an abundance of traditions nor ingenious con- jectures could supply." But Prescott, in the excellent critical notice of Garcilasso, which he gives in the first volume of the " Conquest of Peru," page 293, says that Garcilasso " understood the science of their quipus." As it was not until after his arrival in Spain and disappointment in his military career that Garcilasso devoted himself to literature, his acquaintance with the quipus ■could have been of little service to him there. But as the science of the quipus, which constituted the national archives of tlie Peru- vians, was especially and exclusivelj' confined to the members of the inca family, Garcilasso, in bis correspondence with them, could easily have acquired what information was proper for bis purpose ; and this intimacy and connection with the inca family must have been in this respect of the greatest advantage to him. "The Florida of the Inca; or, History of the Adelantado Her- nando de Soto," was translated in 1610 into the French language by Pierre Richelet, who had been professor of Belles Lettres in the college of Vitri. But either through a distaste for his profession, or otherwise, he came to Paris and became a lawyer, associated with the literati, and lived as a man of letters. He was a man of genius, distinguished for the correctness and purity of his language ; the author of an excellent dictionary of the French language, and of several other literary works. He died in the beginning of the year 1699, when nearly seventy years of age. After a lapse of nearly forty years, and when the first edition of his translation of Florida had almost been forgotten, a second was published in the year 1711 ; an English version of which is the following volume. Besides Garcilasso's there are two other accounts of De Soto's expedition to Florida. One by Louis Fernandez de Biedma, who accompanied the expedition, was presented to the king, and council of the Indies in 1544. The other was by one of De Soto's oflScers, a gentleman of Elvas in Portugal, and was printed at Bvora in 1557. The latter was translated from the Portuguese into the Eng- lish language by Richard Haekluyt, and printed at London 1609. It was also translated into the French language, in the last third of 224 INTRODUCTION TO THE the seventeenth century, by M. de Citri de la Guette,* one of the best French writers, author of an excellent history of the Triumvirate, and of a translation of the " Conquest of Mexico." Thus it is evi- dent that the earliest of these accounts appeared forty-seven, and the other thirty-four years before Garcilasso finished his "Florida." As Garcilasso went to Spain in 1560, there were thirty-one years from the time of his arrival to the completion of his Florida in 1591, to which, and his other works, he devoted himself after retir- ing from the army. The survivors of De Soto's expedition to Florida, some of whom had been in Peru, disbanded in the City of Mexico in 1543. Sortie went to Peru, where Garcilasso became acquainted with them, remained fifteen years after their arrival, and heard re- lated by lliem the stories of the expedition. When he went to Spain, in 1560, he found there followers of De Soto ; and even as late as 1591, when he finished his " Florida," there were still living some of the soldiers of De Soto. But Garcilasso began his literar3' labors nearly thirty 3'ears before that date, when in all probability many of the veterans of the expedition still survived. In his " Florida" he gives the statements made by the soldiers of the ex- pedition, and refers to authors, other than those already mentioned, who had treated of the same subject ; while at the same time he had the advantage of profiting by all previous accounts of the expedition. Thus circumstances and opportunity favored Garcilasso in an emi- nent degree ; and he did not fail to take advantage of them to pro- duce a work which reads more like romance than reality, embellished in tlie glowing colors in which he depicts the trials, triumphs, and tragedy of his hero. Garcilasso, having derived much of his knowledge of the North American Indians from the accounts of Mexico, and the reports of Spanish adventurers, who, having been in Peru and seen the wealth and populousness of that kingdom, endeavored, by the exaggeration of their own exploits in Florida, to acquire a reputation rivalling that of the conquerors of Mexico and Peru, and, moreover, having been influenced by certain similarities in the manners and customs * It appears to have been published after the first edition of Elohelet's trans- lation of the Conquest of Florida, and before the second. HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OP FLORIDA. 225 of the Peruvians and Floridians, was easily led to believe accounts, which, fictitious concerning the latter, were not at all improbable in regard to the former. Hence, the vast armies of Indians, and the wealth and magnificence of their temples. Nevertheless these were but exaggerations; facts were their foundations. There were armies, and large ones ; there were temples, but rude ones ; there were forts and magazines ; and there were objects of art. There sometimes appears to be in the Conquest of Florida a vein of satire, expressive of Garcilasso's own sentiments, in the addresses wHich he makes his Indian caciques deliver. They convey stern truths which it would not have been prudent for him to have other- wise expressed. Yet he imparts them in so ingenious a manner, that while he censures and condemns the injustice and cruelty of the Spaniards, he offends not their sensibilities nor incurs their displeasure. De Soils, in his " History of the Conquest of Mexico," alluding to the works of Garcilasso, says : As for his " History of Peru," it is found separate in two volumes which the inca Garcilasso has com- posed, and this author is so exact in choosing his memoirs, and so flowery in his style, for the time in which he wrote, that I would condemn the temerity of him who should undertake to excel it, and would give great eulogy to any one who could imitate it in finishing this history. Such is the testimony which an eminent Spanish au- thor bears to the merit of one of the works of Garcilasso : lie has not been less exact and flowery in his " History of Florida." What Prescott, in his critical notice of Garcilasso, says of the " Commentarios Reales," is, in a manner, applicable to the " Florida of the Inca;" his words are: "Garcilasso, in short, was the repre- sentative of the conquered race, and we might expect to find the lights and shadows of the picture disposed, under his pencil, so as to produce an effect very different from that which they had hitherto exhibited under the hands of the conquerors." "Such, to a certain extent, is the fact; and this circumstance affords a means of comparison, which would alone render his works of great value in arriving at just historic conclusions. But Garci- lasso wrote late in life, after the story had been often told by Oas- tilian writers. The stores of information which he has collected 15 226 INTKODTJCTION TO THE have made his work a large repository whence later laborers in the same field have drawn copious materials. He writes from the ful- ness of his heart, and illuminates every topic that he touches with a variety and richness of illustration that leave little to be desired by the most importunate curiosity." "Our debt is large to the antiquarian who, with conscientious precision, lays broad and deep the foundations of historic truth ; and no less to the philosophic annalist who exhibits man in the dress of public life — man in masquerade. But our gratitude must surely not be withheld from those who, like Garcilasso de la Yega and many a romancer of the middle ages, have held up the mirror — distorted though it may somewhat be — to the interior of life, reflecting every object, the great and the mean, the beautiful and the deformed, with their natural prominence and their vivacity of coloring, to the eye of the spectator. As a work of art, such a production may be thought to be below criticism. But, although it defies the rules of art in its composition, it does not necessarily violate the principles of taste ; for it conforms, in its spirit, to the spirit of the age in which it was written. And the critic who coldlj' condemns it on the severe principles of art, will find a charm in its very simplicity that will make him recur again and again to its pages, while more correct and classical compositions are laid aside and forgotten. " Garcilasso died a few months after finishing, in 1616, the ' Second Part of the Royal Commentaries,' thus closing his labors with his life at the age of seventy-six. His remains were interred in the cathedral church of Cordova, in a chapel which bears the name of Garcilasso, and an inscription was placed on his monument, inti- mating the high respect in which the historian was held, both for his moral worth and his literary attainments." The Preface to the French version of " The Conquest of Florida " ("Printed at Lille in IVll") gives some curious facts in regard to Garcilasso's works : — " For forty years the}'- had nearly forgotten this rare book of Garcilasso de la Vega. Perhaps it had had, in its time, the same fate as the other works of this historian, translated into French bj' the famous translator or metaphrast Jean Baudouin. But if there HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 221 was some reason not to do entire justice to a celebrated author whom Baudouin had rendered nearly unrecognizable in disguising him in our language, we cannot say the same thing In regard to the ' History of the Conquest of Florida.' The translator- is not less celebrated among us than the author is in Spain and America." We have four important works of this author : " The History of the Kings of Peru," that of " The Civil Wars of the Spaniards in the Indies," " The General History of Peru," and " The Account of the Conquest of Florida," all four written in the Castilian language with much more of ingenuousness and accuracy than of art and elegance. He shows a great knowledge of the condition of America. His history of the incas, which he calls Royal Commentary, is written judiciously and accurately. The second work includes the civil wars which the Spanish conquerors of Peru made against each other, and we observe that Providence has made use of the Span- iards to avenge upon the Spaniards themselves the great cruelties which they had committed in the conquest of this country, the inhabitants of which submitted without trouble to their domination. The mutual jealousy and avidity which they had at the sight of so much wealth which they discovered were the causes why they mutually destroyed each other ; and they did not lay down their arms until all those who had committed these unheard-of cruelties had perished by the sword, the fire, or the hands of the executioner. These two works were translated into our language by Jean Baudouin, of the French Academy, and published at Paris, the first in 1633, and the second in 1658, after the death of Baudouin. This translation, though good in the main, had quite an extraordinary fate. The booksellers, who saw that at first it had not any sale, regarded it as a very poor book, and they did with it what they had done with the works of Pelletier, ajid what they should do with a hundred other books with which the world is flooded every day. When the copies had been sacrificed to the grocers, they became rare. Their rarity was the reason why they were sought after and esteemed. They had risen to such an excessive price, especially the " Royal Commentary," that twelve crowns were scarcely sufficient to purchase the two volumes in quarto. But the booksellers of Holland, more industrious and more observant than those of other nations, had them reprinted in 1705 and 1706, in four volumes .duodecimo. They rendered even a double service to the public in this reprint. For although Baudouin was learned, altiiough he had an easy, natural French style, nevertheless his fortune did not permit him to give to his wriCing all the time and attention which it required. Thej', therefore, were obliged to remj.ly in the new edition 228 INTEODUCTION TO HISTORY OF CONQUEST- OF FLOEIDA. the defects of the translator. Baudouin had followed his author step by step, and he had translated tedious and sometimes useless repetitions much less tolerable in our language than in any other. They have retrenched in the new edition all those that might do injury to the text. And as nearly eighty years over a French translation had altered the language of it, and also changed among us our ideas, characters, and customs, they have remedied it, and there is scarcely a sentence that has not been repaired and reno- vated. We have not had this trouble in the new edition which we here give, of the "Conquest of Florida," which is the fourth work of Garcilasso. The translation is by a master hand ; but before speak- ing of the translator we shall say a word of the work itself. We cannot describe with more accuracy than is here done all tliat has happened in the expedition to Florida. If this work does honor to Garcilasso, it is not less glorious to the Spaniards and Indians. We see, in the first, an extraordinary endurance, which could not be inspired but by an excessive love of glory or of riches.' The Indians exhibit a courage and judgment much above the idea that is gene- rally formed of a barbarous people. This history does not appear written upon mere hearsay, as a modern author* has pretended. It was necessary that Garcilasso, in order to enter, as he has done, into such an excellent account, should have had statements accurate and well authenticated. His manner of narrating is insinuating. If there is anything to object to him, it is in having too much of detail and some minutise. But even trifles, to him who knows how to place them properly, all serve to make known the man. He accompanies his narrative with judicious reflections, and these reflections flow naturally from his subject. Garcilasso finished this work in 1591, more than thirty years after he, had arrived in Spain. We know what sort of a man Richelet was for the purity of our language. And if we would make one conceive something cor- rect and chaste, it is sufficient to say that this version is from him. He is too well known to the world by his excellent dictionary for us to undertake to say much of him here. * De Citri de la Guette, in the preface to his translation of the " Conqujest of Florida," by a Portuguese gentleman. HISTORY THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA; OB, A NARRATIVE OF WHAT OCCURRED IN THE EXPLORATION OF THIS COUNTRY BY HERNANDO DE SOTO. BY THE INCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. TRANSLATED FEOM THE FBENCH VERSION OP PIERRE RICHELET, FEOM THE ORIGINAL SPANISH. CONTENTS. PART FIRST. BOOK FIRST. PAGE Chapter I. Design of the Author 237 11. Bounds of Florida 238 III. Those -who have undertaken the Conquest of Florida . 239 IV. Religion and Customs of the People of Florida . . 241 V. Preparations for Florida 243 VI. Embarkation for Florida 244 YII. What happened to the Army from San Lucar to Cuba . 245 VIII. Combat of two Ships 248 IX. Arrival of De Soto at Cuba 250 X. Despair of some of the Inhabitants of Cuba . . . 251 XI. Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa joins the Army . . . 252 XII. Soto arrives at Havana 253 XIII. The Adventure of Ferdinand Ponce at Havana . . 254 BOOK SECOND. Chaptee I. The arrival of Hernando de Soto in Florida . . . 257 II. The death of three Spaniards, and the tortures which Juan Ortis suffered 259 III. The Escape of Ortis 261 IV. The generosity of the Cacique MncoQo .... 262 V. The General sends to demand Ortis .... 264 VI. The Meeting of Ortis and Gallego 265 VII. MucoQO visits the General 267 VIII. The Mother of Mucoqo comes to the Camp . . . 268 IX. Preparations to advance into the Country . . . 269 X. Continuation of the Discovery 271 XI. The Misfortune of Porcallo 272 XII. The Report of Gallego 273 XIII. The Passage of th^ Swamp 274 XIV. Silvestre carries the orders of the General to Moscoso . 276 XV. The return of Silvestre 278- XVI. The Province of Acuera 279 232 CONTENTS. Chapter XVII. The entry of the Spaniards into the Province of Ocaly .... XVIII. The Province of Vitachuco XIX. The brother of Ochile comes to the Camp, and sends for Vitachuco XX. The Arrival of Vitachuco XXI. The Result of the Enterprise of Vitachuco XXII. The Defeat of the Indians XXIII. The Fortitude of the Indians, and their exit from the Pond XXIV. The Death of Vitachuco XXV. The Consequence of the Death of Vitachuco XXVI. The Province of Ossachile . XXVII. Concerning the Town and House of the Cacique, Ossachile, and the Capitals of other Provinces XXVIII. The author anticipates some difficulties . 281 283 285 288 290 291 293 296 298 299 300 301 BOOK THIRD. Chaptek I. The Arrival of the Troops at Apalache .... 303 II. The Passage of the Swamp 304 III. The March of the Spaniards to the Capital . . . 306 IV. They reconnoitre the Country 308 V. The Discovery of the Coast 309 VI. A Party of Thirty Lancers for the Province of Hirriga . 312 VII. The Capture of Capasi 315 VIII. Capasi goes to quell his subjects, and escapes . . . 316 IX. Continuation of the March of the thirty Lancers . . 318 X. Continuation of the Journey of the thirty Lancers to Hirriga 321 XL The Arrival of the Party at Hirriga .... 324 XII. They execute the Orders of the General . . . . 326 XIII. "What happened in the Neighborhood of Hirriga during the absence of Soto . ' 326 XIV. The Departure from the Town of Hirriga . . . 328 XV. Continuation of the March of Calderon, and his arrival at the Camp 330 XVL The Discovery of the Coast 334 XVII. They send to Havana an account of the Discovery . . 335 XVIII. The intrepidity of an Indian 336 XIX. They offer to conduct the Spaniards to Places where they believe there were Gold and Silver .... 337 XX. Concerning some single Combats, and the fertility of Apalache 338 CONTENTS. 233 BOOK FOTJRTH. PAQE Chapteb I. Departure from Apalache 340 II. Arrival in the Provinces of Altapalia and Aclialaque . 342 III. Concerning the Cacique Cofa and his province . . 343 IV. Cofaqui receives the Spaniards 344 V. The Adventure of an Indian 346 VI. The March of the Troops 347 VII. Continuation of what happened in the Wilderness . . '350 VIII. The success of the Captains sent out to explore . . 351 IX. Arrival of the General at Cofaciqui, and the Discovery of the Country 352 X. The Conduct of the Lady of Cofaciqui .... 354 XI. The Army crosses the Cofaciqui River .... 356 XII. They send for the Mother of the Lady of Cofaciqui. . 357 XIII. The Death of the Indian Chief, and the return of the Envoys 358 XIV. The Metal which they found in Cofaciqui . . .360 XV. The Temple where were interred the most distinguished Inhabitants of Cofaciqui 361 XVI. Description of the Temple of Talomeoo .... 362 XVII. Departure from Cofaciqui, and what happened on the March as far as Chovala 366 XVIII. The generosity ,of the Lady of Cofaciqui .... 367 XIX. What happened to the Troops in the Wilderness . . 369 PAET SECOND. Chapteb I. II. in. IV. V. VL VIL VIIL IX. X. BOOK FIRST. How the Caciques of Guachoule and Iciaha received the Troops 370 The Manner in which the Indians extract Pearls from their Shells 371 The Reception of the Spaniards in the Provinces of Acos- te and CoQa 373 The Civility of the Cacique Co(;a, and the Departure of the Troops . 374 The Manner in which Tascaluca received the General . 376 The Discovery of the Treachery at Mauvila . . . 378 The Decision of the Council of the Cacique, and the be- ginning of the Battle of Mauvila .... 380 Continuation of the Battle of Mauvila .... 382 Some particulars concerning the Battle .... 386 The Condition of the Spaniards after the Battle . . 387 234 CONTENTS. Chapter XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. PAUE Indians killed in Battle 388 The Conduct of the Troops after the Battle, and the Mutiny of some Soldiers 389 Concerning Indian Adulteresses 392 The Entrance of the Spaniards into the Province of ChicaQa 394 The Battle of ChicaQa 396 What the Spaniards did after the Battle . . . 399 An Invention against Cold 400 Chapter I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. BOOK SECOND. The Attack upon Fort Alibamo 401 The Death of many Spaniards for want of Salt . . 403 The Troops arrive at Chisca, and make Peace with the Cacique 404 What happened to the Spaniards from Chisca to Casquin 406 A Procession in which they adore the Cross . . . 408 The March of the Troops to Capaha ..... 410 The Excesses which the Casquins committed in the Temple of Capaha, and the Pursuit of the Cacique . . . 411 The Casquins flee, and Soto makes Peace with Capaha . 413 Peace between Casquin and Capaha . . . 415 The Spaniards send to seek Salt, afld go to the Province of Quiguate 417 The Troops arrive at Colima ; they make Salt and pro- ceed to Tula 419 The Inhabitants of Tula 421 The Combat of an Indian with four Spaniards . . 422 The Departure from Tula, and the wintering of the Troops at Utiangue 424 The Stratagem of the Cacique of Utiangue, and the Dis- covery of the Province of Naguatex .... 426 Chapter I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. e BOOK THIRD. The Entry of the Troops into Naguatex .... 427 The Flight of Gusman 428 Concerning the Province of Guacane .... 430 The March of the Troops to the Provice of Anilco . . 431 Concerning Guachoia, its Cacique, and the War of the Indians 432 The Vengeance of Guachoia 434 The Return of the General to the Town of Guachoia, and his Preparations for Mexico 436 The Death of Soto " . 437 The Funeral of Soto 438 CONTENTS. 235 Chapter X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. The Decision of the Troops after the death of their General The Superstition of the Indians .... The arrival of the Spaniards at Auche, and the Death of their Guide What happened in the Province of Herdsmen The Beturn of the Spaniards to the Ohucagua, and their Adventures The Troops take possession of Aminoia The Conduct of two Caciques to the Spaniards . The League of some Caciques .... The Quarrel of Guachoia with the Lieutenant of Anilco Concerning an Indian Spy The Preparations of the Leagued Caciques ; and an overflow of the Chucagua .... They send to Anilco The Conduct of the Spaniards during the overflow, and the News of the Continuation of the League . Concerning the Envoys of the League, and the Prepara- tions of the Spaniards to Embark 439 440 441 443 445 449 450 452 453 455 ■457 458 460 461 BOOK FOURTH. Chapter I. The Captains of the Caravels, and the Embarkation of the Troops II. The Boats and Bafts of the Indians. III. The Vessels of the Fleet of the allied Caoiqnes IV. The Battle with the Indians upon the Biver . V; Adventures of the Spaniards VI. A Stratagem of the Indians, and the rashness of Spaniard VII. The Beturn of the Indians to their Country, and the ar- rival of the Spaniards at the Sea VIII. The number of Leagues which the Spaniards travelled in Florida, and a Fight with the Indians of the Coast IX. The Voyage of the Spaniards, and their Adventures X. The Adventure of two Caravels .... XI. They send to seek the General, and.to Explore the Country XII. The Spaniards know that they are in Mexico . XIII. The Arrival of the Spaniards at Panuco, and their Dis- sensions XIV. The Arrival and Eeception of the Spaniards at Mexico XV. Concerning some particulars of the Journey . XVI. The Spaniards disband XVII. What Maldonado and Arias did to get Information con- cerning De Soto XVIII. The Christians who have died in Florida . 463 464 465 466 467 469 471 472 473 475 477 479 480 482 483 484 484 485 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. PAET FIRST. BOOK FIEST. DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR ; BOUNDARIES OF FLORIDA ; BY WHOM IT WAS DISCOVERED; CUSTOMS OF ITS INHABITANTS; PREPARA- TIONS OF HERNANDO DE SOTO TO CONQUER IT. CHAPTER I. DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR. I DESIGN to write of the discovery of Florida and the memorable deeds that have been done there. But as Hernando de Soto performed great actions there, and as this relation particularly concerns him, I shall commence his history from the beginning. Soto was one of the twelve conquerors of Peru, and parti'cipated in the capture of Atahualpa,* who was the last king of Peru. This prince was the natnral son of the inca Huayna Capac, and had usurped the kingdom from the legitimate heir, who was called Huascar. But the cruelties of this usurper caused the people to revolt against him, which facilitated to the Spaniards the conquest of Peru, and procured them great riches. The fifth alone, for the emperor, amounted to nearly two million three hundred thousand ducats, and Hernando de Soto had more than a hundred thousand.l This captain received, besides that, many presents from the In- dians, and from Atahualpa himself, who gave him magnificent ones, because he was the first Spaniard to whom he had spoken. When Soto had thus enriched himself, he returned to Si)ain with seve- ral others, who had all made fortunes at Caxa Malca. But in- * Atabalipa in the French text. t De Soto brought from Peru to Spain one hundred and eighty thousand ducats. 238 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. stead of thinking of tlie acquisition of some great estate in bis own country, the remembrance of the glorious deeds which he had achieved, inspired him with a vast design. Therefore he went to Valladolid to solicit Charles the Fifth to permit him to under- take the conquest of Florida, and engaged to do it at his own expense, and to do everj'thing for the glory of the empire. What most prompted him to this illustrious enterprise was seeing that he had conquered nothing in his own right; that Hernando Cortes had conquered Mexico; and Pizarro and Almegro, Peru. For, not inferior to them, neither in valor nor in any other qualitj', he could not endure that fortune should be more propitious to them than to himself. He therefore renounced all his claims upon Peru, and turned all his thoughts upon the conquest of Florida, where he died. It is thus, that great commanders have sacrificed themselves for the interest of their sovereigns. Nevertheless, there are among us, persons who maliciously say, that Spain owes to the rashness of some young fools, the greater part of the countries of the new world. But they do not reflect, that they themselves are the children of Spain, and that this generous mother has not raised those to whom she has given birth, but to conquer America and to carrj- the terror of their arras into the rest of the earth. CHAPTER II. THE BOUNDS OF FLORIDA. Florida is so-called because it was discovered on Palm Sunday, the 21th of March of the year 1513. But because it is a great country, of which all the parts are neither conquered nor known, it is difficult to describe them accurately. It is not known, in fact, whether Florida is bounded on the north bj' the sea or by the land. What is certain is, that it has the Gulf of Mexico and the Island of Cuba to the south ; to the east, the ocean which faces Africa ; and to the west, what is now called New Mexico. In this direction is the province of the Seven Towns, which was so called by Tasquez Coronado, who went, in 1539, to discover those regions. But as tliey could not settle them, Antonio de Mendoca, who had sent him there, lost with regret all that he had expended in this enterprise. ATTEMPTED CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 239 CHAPTER IIT. THOSE WHO HAVE ATTEMPTED THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. Juan Ponce de Leon was the first who discovered Florida. He was a gentleman, born in the kingdom of Leon, and had been gov- ernor of the island of Porto Rico. As the Spaniards then thought only of making new discoveries, he equipped two caravels, and endeavored by every means to discover the island of Bimini, on ac- count of the report that there was there a fountain which restored youth to old men. But after having searched in vain for this island, a tempest cast him upon the coast which is opposite the north part of Cuba ; and he named this continent Florida, and without consider- ing whether it was an island or the mainland, he proceeded to Spain to ask permission to conquer it, and obtained it. Wherefore, in tl>e year 1513, he equipped three vessels, and landed in the country which he had discovered.* The Indians, on his arrival, forcibly re- pulsed him, and slew nearly all his people, except seven wounded, of which number he was, who fled to Cuba, wiiere they all died of their wounds. Such was tlie end of Ponce and his expedition. But after him, it seemed, that all attempts upon Florida continued to be fatal to those who made them.' Some years after tliis misfortune, the pilot Mirvelo, who commanded a caravel, going to traffic with the savages, a storm drove him upon the coast of Florida, where he was so favorably received, that he returned very well pleased to the is- land of Saint Domingo. But he did not profit bj- this opportunity, like a wise pilot, for he had not the precaution to take the latitude of the places, and this neglect cost him dearly as will be seen. At the same time seven of the richest men of Saint Domingo formed a company, and sent two vessels to the islands of Florida, in order to bring from them Indians to work in the mines which they possessed in common. These vessels landed at the cape which was named Saint Helena ; because thej- arrived there on the anniversary of that saint. They passed thence to a river which they called the Jourdain from the name of him who discovered it. The Spaniards landed at this place, and the inhabitants of the countrj', who had not yet seen ships, were led to consider them as supernatural things. They were also astonished at the fashion of the attire of the stran- gers, and at seeing men with beards. But that did not prevent them * This was in 1521, and, as Garcilasso gives 1513 as the date of the discovery of Florida, the above date in the text is evidently a misprint. 240 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. from receiving them kindly ; for they gave them marten skins, some silver, and some seed pearls. The Spaniards made them presents in return, and induced them, by their caresses, to visit the vessels. The Indians, wlio trusted to these appearances of friendship, to the number of one hundred and thirty, entered the ships. Our people immediately weighed anchor, and went, with all sail, to Saint Do- mingo But only one of the two vessels arrived at port, and also they did not profit by their prize. These poor savages, in despair at having been deceived, abandoned themselves to grief, and starved themselves to death. This news having spread in Saint Domingo, Vasquez Lucas d'Aillon went to Spain to ask permission to conquer Chicorie, one of the provinces of Florida, and the administration of the country which he should subdue. The emperor* granted to him what he desired, and in addition to this favor, conferred upon him the order of San lago. Aillon,on his return to Saint Domingo, equipped three vessels in 1524, and took Mirvelo to con- duct him to the land where this pilot had been ; because it was be- lieved to be tiie most fertile of all that had been discovered to that time. But because Mirvelo no longer remembered the place where he had first landed, he tried in vain to reach it, and he was so sensibly affected by it that he lost both his reason and Iiis life. Aillon did not cease to go on, and even after the admiral ship was lost in the Jourdain, he continued his voyage with his two remaining ves- sels, and anchored near to Chicorie, on a very pleasant coast, where, at first, he was very well received. So tiiat, as he imagined it would be very easy for him to conquer the country, he sent two hundred men to reconnoitre it. The Indians, who concealed their evil de- ' signs, conducted tliem into the interior of the country; and after having manifested much friendship for them, they recalled the treachery of the other Spaniards to them, and fell upon them and cut them in pieces. Then they came with fury upon Aillon and his comrades, who had remained upon the vessels; they slew and wounded many of them, and forced the rest to return quickly to Saint Domingo. The most important of those who escaped were Aillon and a gentleman of Badajos, by whom I have heard narrated the defeat which I have just related.(ii) This misfortune did not deter Pamphile de Narbaez. He went to Florida in 1529,* and took with him the young Mirvelo, tlie nephew of him of whom I have spoken. But, tliough lie had some knowledge of the country, having been instructed by his uncle, lie was not, however, more fortunate than he. Naibaez himself, in this voyage, perished with his people, excepting Alvar Nugnez, Cabeca * The Emperor Charles V. f "Others say in 1528." RELIGION AND CTJSTOMS OP THE PEOPLE OF FLORIDA. 241 de Vaca, and four of his companions, who returned to Spain, where they obtained some public offices. But that did not succeed ; for they died very miserably, and Alvar returned, a prisoner, to Valla- dolid, where he ended his days. After those of whom I have just spoken, Hernando de Soto undertook to invade Florida. He arrived there in 1539, but finally he lost bis fortune and his life there. His death being known in Spain, many asked the govern- ment of Florida, and permission to continue the discover}' of it. But Charles the Fifth would listen to no one upon the subject. However, in 1549, he sent there Cancel Balbastro, a Dominican monk, as the superior of those of bis order, who should go to preach the gospel to the inhabitants of Florida. This father, arrived in these countries, began to catechise the natives ; but instead of lis- tening to liim, the Indians, who remembered the injuries they had received from the Spaniards, slew him, and two of bis companions. The others, completely frightened, regained the vessels, and re- turned in hastei to Spain, and said, as an excuse for their quick ' return, that the barbarians had hardened hearts, and took no plea- sure in hearing the word of God. Thirteen years afterwards the government of Florida was promised to one of the sons of Aillon if he would conquer it. But as he solicited his departure, 'and they put off from one day to another the execution of his enterprise, he died of grief. Pedro Menendez and several otliers went afterwards to Florida. Nevertheless, as I have not sufficient knowledge of what they did there, I shall not speak of it. CHAPTER IV. 4 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLE OF FLORIDA. The people of Florida are idolaters, and have the sun and moon for divinities, which they adore without offering them either prayers or sacrifices. However, they have temples, but they make use of them only to inter those who die, and to shut up there their treas- ures. They erect also at the entrance of these temples, in the form of a trophy, the spoils of their enemies. These Indians espouse ordinarily but one wife, who is obliged to remain faithful to her husband, under penalty of being punished with a shameful chastisement, or sometimes with a cruel death. But, by a privilege of the country, the great have permission to have as many wives as they please. However, they have but one legitimate wife. The others are but as concubines, so that the 16 242 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. children that spring from these last do not share equally the estate of the father with the children of his wife. This custom is also observed in Peru, for, except the incas and the caciques, who, in the quality of princes and lords, have as many wives as they desire, or as they can support, it is not permitted to the others to have more than one. These persons of rank say that they are obliged to fight, and that it is necessary that they should have many wives, in order to have many children who may share their labors ; that the greater part of the nobles dying in battles, it is necessary that they should have a great number of them ; and that, as the multitude have no share in public aflfairs and are not exposed to perils, there are always enough people to labor and bear the expenses of the government. To return to the inhabitants of Florida. They have no cattle and support no flocks. They eat instead of bread, corn ; and instead of meat, fish and vegetables. However, as they are accustomed to hunt, they often have game, for they kill with ' their arrows harts, roebucks, and deer, which they have in abundance, and larger than those of Spain. They also catch many kinds of birds, which they eat, and of which the plumage of different colors serves them to deck their heads, and to distinguish during peace the nobles from the people, and during war the soldiers from those who do not bear arms. They drink only water ; they eat their meat well cooked, their fruit nearly ripe, their fish well roasted, and ridicule the Span- iards, who use them otherwise. So I cannot give faith to those who report that these people eat human flesh. At least, I dare say that it has not happened in the provinces which Soto discovered ; and that, on the eontrarj^, they have an extreme horror of this inhumanity; for, some Spaniards residing in a quarter where they died of hunger, and their companions eating them as they expired, there was*but the last who escaped it, at which the Indians were so offended that they wished to go and slay the Spaniards who were in another place. Tiie people of Florida go almost naked ; they wear only a kind of chamois or buckskin drawers. These drawers are of diverse colors, and serve to cover what decency requires them to conceal. Their cloak is a kind of cover which hangs from the neck to the middle of the leg ; it is ordinarily of fine marten-skins, and smells of a very agreeable musk odor. They sometimes have them also of cat's, deer, stag's, bear's, lion's, and even of cow's skins, which they pre- pare so well that they can use it as cloth. As for their hair, they wear it long, and tied on their heads. Their cap is a colored net- work, which they attach to their forehead in such a manner that the PREPARATIONS FOR PLORIDA. 243 ends hang as far as below the ears. Their women are also clothed with the skins of deer or roebucks, and have all the body covered in a decent and modest mannei'.(i2) The Indians make use of all sorts of arms except the crossbow and the musket. Thej' believe that the bow and arrow give thein a particular grace, and for that reason they alwaj'S carry them to the chase and to the war. But as thej' have a very convenient height, their bows are very long and large in proportion. They are of oak ordinarily, or of some other wood of this sort ; it is for this reason that they are difficult to bend, and there is no Spaniard who can draw the cord to his face, whereas the Indians draw it even behind the ear, and make astonishing shots. The cord of their bow is of the skin of the stag, and this is how they make it: from the skin of the stag they cut from the tail to the head a thong two fingers in breadth. Then they take the hair from this tliong, soak it, twist it, and attach one end of it to the branch of a tree, and the other to a weight of one hundred or one hundred and twenty pounds, and leave this skin until it becomes in the form of a large catgut. Finally, in order not to wound the left arm with the cord when it is discharged, they make use of a half armlet of large feathers, which covers it from the wrist to the elbow, and which is secured with a leather strap, with which they make several turns around the arm, and thus they discharge the cord with a force altogether remarkable. These, in brief, are the customs of the inhabitants of Florida. But as I have spoken also concisely of those who discovered it, and as the enterprise of Soto upon this countrj' is more illustrious than that of the others, I shall now relate at more length the things whicli he did in these countries. I shall describe the provinces which he discovered there, and tell tlie deeds of his soldiers to the time when they left Florida and retired to Mexico. CHAPTER V. PREPARATIONS FOR EtORIDA. Soto obtained permission to conquer Florida and to erect a mar- qnisate, thirty leagues long by fifteen wide, in the country which he should conquer. The emperor, who granted him this favor, gave him also the government of St. lago de Cuba, in order to take in this island what should be necessary for his design, and appointed him to be governor-general of Florida when he should conquer it. This news spread through Spain, it was believed that Soto was going to annex to the crown new kingdoms. As he was one of 244 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. those who had conquered Peru, and as he employed in this last enterprise all his fortune, they believed that it would greatly ex- ceed the first, and that they would em-ich themselves in following his fortunes. This was the reason why persons of every degree were attracted to this enterprise ; and in the hope of acquiring from it great wealth, they abandoned what was most dear to them, and all presented themselves to accompany Soto. There joined him, at the same time, seven gentlemen who had returned from the conquest of Peru, and who had in view only the acquisition of riches. As they were not contented with what they had, and the desire to accumulate increased in them, they believed that they would better satisfy their avarice in Florida than iu Peru. Soto, therefore, in virtue of his power, began to give his orders for his vessels, and for everything which he needed. He chose per- sons upon whom he could relieve himself of some of his cares ; he raised troops and made captains and other officers. In the mean time, they executed with so much despatch what he had com- manded, that, in less than fifteen or sixteen months, everything was ready and conducted to San Lucar de Barramede, so that the sol- diers repaired there with great quantities of cordage, mattocks, panniers, and other things necessary for their enterprise, and in that manner they embarked.(i3) CHAPTER VI. THE EMBARKATION FOR FLORIDA. There assembled for Florida, at San Lucar, more than nine hun- dred Spaniards, all in the prime of life, because strength was re- quired to support the fatigues of war, and to overcome the obstacles that are met with in enterprises upon the countries of the new world. However, as vigor alone did not suffice, the general ordered money to be distributed to the troops, having regard to the equi- page and birth of those to whom it was given. Several officers who were not equipped, received this favor ; others, who considered the great expense which Soto was obliged to make, refused it, in the belief that it would be more generous to employ their means for his service, than to be a burden to him. When the weather was favorable for navigation, the troops em- barked upon ten vessels, of which seven were large, and three small. The general, with all his family, embarked upon the St. Christopher, well provided with soldiers and materials. Nunez Touar, lieutenant-general, with Carlos Henriquez, embarked upon WHAT HAPPENED TO THE ARMY FROM SAN LUCAR TO CUBA. 245 the Madelaine. Louis de Moscoso, colonel of cavalry, commanded the ship Conception, which was of more than five hundred tons. Andrez Vasconcelos was captain of the galleon Bonne Fortune, and had a company of Portuguese gentlemen, some of whom had served in Spain. Diego Garcia commanded the ship Saint Jean, and Arias Tinoco tiiat of Sainte Barbe. Alonzo Romo de Cardenioso was upon the galleon St. Antoine, and had with him Diego Arias Tinoco, ensign colonel of the army. Pedro Calderon commanded a very fine caravel, and had in his company Misser Espindola, captain of sixty halberdiers of the general's guard. There were, besides these, two brigantines, which were used for tenders, because they were lighter than the ships. There also embarked upon these vessels, priests, and some monks,* all men of exemjDlary probity. To this army was joined, also, the fleet destined for Mexico, which consisted of twenty ships. Soto was commander of it as far as the island of Cuba (where it was necessary for this fleet to separate, in order to go to Vera Cruz), and then he was to leave the command of it to Goncalo de Salazar, the first Christian born in the town of Granada, after the Moors had abandoned it (in 1492). Therefore, in consideration of this quality, the Catholic sovereigns who conquered that place, granted great privileges to this gentleman, and overwhelmed him with their favors. These two fleets left San Lucar the sixth day of April, of the year fifteen hundred and thirty-eight, with everything necessary, but especially there was nothing wanting to the ti'oops that were going to Florida. CHAPTER VII. WHAT HAPPENED TO THE ARMY FROM SAN LTJCAR TO CUBA. The day that the fleet set sail, Soto, a little before night, ordered Silvestre, in whom he confided, to visit the sentinels, with orders to the captain of artillery to have the cannon ready, in' order that should any ship fail of its duty to fire thereupon. This was immediately executed ; and about midnight a great confusion happened. The sailors of Salazar's ship, wishing to show tlie speed of their vessel, or to go at the head of the fleet with that of the general, or rather having allowed themselves to be overcome by sleep, and the pilot who tlien steered the vessel not having a suffi- cient knowledge of the rules which are observed in an armada, the vessel went oflT a cannon-shot from the fleet, and gained the advance * "Francisco de Pozo, Dionisio de Paris, Louis de Soto, Juan de Gallegos, Francisco de Eocha, Juan de Torres." 246 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. of Soto's ship, which was at the head. But as Silvestre, to whom the general had given his orders, was on the alert, and as he saw the ship of Salazar, he awoke the captain of artillery, and asked him if that vessel belonged to the fleet, and upon his reply that it had not the appearance of it, because the sailors who should thus advance would deserve death, caused the ship to be fired upon. The first shot broke the sails ; another carried away tlie gunnel, and they heard those who were in the ship ask for quarter, crying out that they belonged to the fleet. In the mean time the other ships took to arms at the report of the cannon, and got ready to fire upon this vessel, which, drifting with the wind because its sails were torn, fell afoul of the admiral,* which was giving chase to it. This misfortune was more vexatious than the other; some, in the fear and the disoi'der in which they were, thought more of excusing their fault than of managing their vessel ; others, on the contrary, under the belief that the action of the people of Salazar was a mark of contempt, breathed only vengeance, and did not mind any method, nor how they sailed. Finally, however, when they perceived that the two vessels were going to injure each other, they made use of poles and pikes, and broke more than three hundred of them to arrest the violenceof the shock and save themselves from danger. But they could not prevent the ships from entan- gling their rigging and running the risk of being sunk. Not a ves- sel succored them in this confusion. The pilot, afi"righted, despaired of extricating himself from the danger ; the night prevented them from knowing what was necessary to be done ; the air resounded with cries, and as the noise hindered them from hearing, neither the soldiers could obey, nor the captain command. This was the condition to which the two vessels were reduced, when God inspired them to cut the rigging of Salazar's vessel, which had caused all the accident; for immediately they found themselves out of dan- ger, and Soto's ship, favored by the wind, separated from the other. However, this general, enraged either at having seen himself in peril, or believing that his misfortnne was the effect of contempt that Salazar showed him, reproached him, and lacked but little to have had his head cut oft But Salazar apologized with respect, and supported with so much address his reasons, that Soto received his excuses, and generously forgot everything. Salazar did not act exactly in the same way ; for in Mexico, when he sometimes spoke of this adventure, he manifested bitterness against Soto, and ar- dently wished to find an occasion to challenge him, in order to * The ship of the commander of a fleet or squadron was called " the admiral." WHAT HAPPENED TO THE ARMY PROM SAN LUCAR TO CUBA. 24T avenge himself of the outrage which this general had done him. But to return to the fleet. After the sailors of Salazar had repaired the rigging, the fleet came to anchor at Gomera,* where it recruited. In the mean time the general found so many charms in the natural daughter of the lord of this island, that he demanded her of him, promising to marry her richly in the country which he was going to conquer. This lord, who believed the words of Soto, confided to him his daughter, who was then but sixteen years of age. But he put her, in the first place, in the hands of Isabella de Bovadilla, the wife of the general, and besought her to have, in the future, for this young person, the sentiments of a mother. Afterwards Solo left Gomera, and, favored by the wind, he perceived, at the end of May, the island of Cuba. Then Salazar obtained permission to separate from the fleet, and he conducted the army of Mexico to Vera Cruz. The general, rejoiced to have safely finished his voy- age, thought only of repairing to the port. As he was ready to enter it, the troops saw a horseman coming at full speed, who cried out with all his strength to the admiral ship, ^^ starboard." This horseman had been sent from the town of San lago, to cause the • ship of the general to perish among the shoals and rocks which are encountered in the places which he designated. And in fact, the sailors, who were not well acquainted with the entrance of the port, brought the bow in that direction. But as soon as the horse- man discovered that it was a friendly vessel, he changed, to cry to them " Zarfioa/d ;" and, dismounting, he ran and made signs to them to pass to the other side, or that they would go to destruc- tion. The admiral, who comprehended the thoughts of tliis man, took immediatel.y to the left. However, notwithstanding what dili- gence he made, he ran against a rock ; so that the sailors, who believed that the vessel had sprung a leak, had recourse to the pumps ; but, inst ead o f w ater, they drew wine, v inegar, oil, and honey, "many ca sks Cna t were full of then] ^ Iriaxi UTO'l sEarod . This accident increased to such a degree their fear, that losing ntearly all hope of escaping from danger, they lowered the boat, into which entered the wile of the general, aud the ladies of lier suite, and several young men who were the first to escape. Soto was very much self- possessed on this occasion; for, notwithstanding the entreaties of his people, he remained firm at his post ; he encouraged some, by his example, to work, and controlled the others. He finally gave orders for everything, and made them descend into the hold of the * ' ' Gfomera, port and capital of the island of Gomera, one of the Canaries in the Atlantic Ocean." 248 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. ship, where they found nothing was broken but the casks. The army felt much joy at this, and there were only those who had escaped with the ladies, who had -some mortification, having mani- fested so little firmness in danger. CHAPTER VIII. COMBAT OP TWO SHIPS. Ten days before the general arrived at the port of Cuba, Diego Perez arrived there with a ship fully equipped. Perez was of__ Seville, and went to trafficking among the islands of the new world. It is not so well known what was his rank ; it is known only that in all his actions he acted with so much honor that, from his con- duct only, it might be judged that he had a noble soul. He had been in this port but three daj-s when there arrived there a French corsair, who had a very good ship and was a very brave man. But as the Spaniards also had much valor, they had no sooner recog- nized that they were national enemies than they attacked each other and fought until night separated them, after which they sent their compliments to each other, with presents of wine and fruits, and promised each other that during the night there should be a truce, and even that cannon should not be fired on either side. They said there was neither courage nor honor to fight with 'cannon ; that it was more glorious to owe their victory only to their courage and their sword ; and that, besides, they would be enriched with the spoils of the vanquished and with an excellent ship. They kept their word ; and yet, for fear of some surprise, they did not neglect to post sentinels during the night. The next day, at break of day, they renewed the conflict with so much obstinacy tliat it was only fatigue and liunger that separated them. But when they had re- covered their strength, they fought again until evening. Afterward they visited each otlier, made presents, and offered to each other remedies for the wounded. During that night Perez wrote to the inhabitants of Sian lago that it was necessary to purge their sea of a corsair as formidable as he whom he was trying to sink; that, in consideration of the efforts that he was making to oblige them, he requested them to promise him that, if he should fail, they would render to him or to his heirs the value of his ship ; that if they would assure him of this favor, he would die, or triumph over his enemy; that he demanded of them this favor because he was worth nothing but his ship; and that, if he possessed other riches, he would hazard with all his heart COMBAT OF TWO SHIPS. 249 what he had upon the sea, for their service. Tlie town of San lago received very ungraciously the proposition of Perez; for, very far from according him anything, they replied that he might do what he pleased ; that they would not guarantee him anything. This captain, piqued at their ingratitude, placed his hopes in his own courage, and resolved to fight alike for his honor and his fortune. With this view, as soon as tlie third day appeared, Perez prepared for the combat, and attacked his enemy with as much vigor as before. The Frenchman, on his part, received the Spaniard with confidence, resolved to conquer or die. It was, in reality, rather honor than profit which animated these captains, for except their ships, which were worth something, the rest which they possessed was inconsiderable. However, i\\ey attacked each other, fighting like lions, and did not separate except to take breath. They after- ward renewed the combat, irritated at not having been able to gain any advantage over each other. Is ight finally separated them ; each retired with his wounded and his dead, and they sent to each other in the accustomed manner. A conduct so extraordinary astonished the town ; to see two persons who were seeking fortune contend with so much courage, with the intention to take each other's life, without having been oliliged.to it by duty, nor by the hope of being recompensed by their kings, since neither of these brave men fought by the order of his prince. The fourth day, when Perez and the corsair had saluted each other with a few volleys of cannon, they continued the combat, and did not quit it but to give orders for their wounded. They fonglit afterwards with so much ardor that night alone separated them. Then they sent to pay their compliments to each other, and enter- tained each other with divers presents. But as Perez had remarked feebleness in his enemy, he requested him that the combat might be continued the first opportunity until one or the other gained the victory ; and, to pledge him to it, he challenged him according to the rules of war, adding that, after the courage lie had shown to him whom he had fought, he hoped that he would willingly accept the challenge. Tlie French captain replied that he accepted it with all his heart, and that at the day appointed he would conquer or die. He even besought Perez to take all the night to renew his strength for the next day, and not to deceive him with a false chal- lenge, because he wished to show in his own person the valor of the French nation. Nevertheless, when he knew that the time was favorable to escape he secretly weighed anchor and set sail. The Spanish sentinels heard some noise, but in the belief that their enemy was preparing for the battle they did not give the alarm, and when day appeared they were' surprised to see that he had escaped. 250 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. Perez, nfflicted at this flight, because he believed the victory was assured to him, took at San lago what he needed and pursued tlie corsair. But he was already afar, and, after all, he did well not to try any longer the fortunes of battle, since the success of it was uncertain for him. Certainly the proceeding of these captains was worthy of remark. They attacked each other as real enemies, and, nevertheless, it seemed that after the combat they loved each other as brothers. They had for each other only respect and kindness, and they gave noble proofs that their civility did not yield to their courage, and that, whether in peace or in war, they were equally generous. CHAPTER IX. AREIVAL-OP DE SOTO AT CUBA. When the inhabitants of San lago, still wholly frightened at the combat, saw the vessels of the general appear, they feared lest it should be the corsair, who was returning with others to sack their town ; which induced them, as has been said, to cause Hernando de Soto to wreck himself if it were possible. But when they recognized him they changed their design, and he safely landed. The people ran to meet him, and promised to obey him, and testified their aflfection by frequent cries of joy. They afterwards asked his pardon for their mistake, caused by the battle of which the^' had been the spectators. However, as tliey did not speak to him of their conduct to Perez, and as the general was secretlj' informed of it, he blamed them for their ingratitude. He represented to them that the cap- tain had risked himself for their service; that the victory having balanced four days between him and his enemy, it had been easj' for them, with a boat of thirty men, to have rendered him master of this corsair ; that the fear which had hindered them from declaring themselves was badly founded ; because, if the Frenchman had been victorious, he would not have had regard for all the indifference they had manifested for a man who had fought for their interests ; and that, finally, they could not too soon, nor with too much ardor, suc- cor those of his part}', nor too readily get rid of his enemies. The inhabitants, touched with these words, promised that for the future their conduct should be wiser and more generous, and that they should continue to please him. But that which increased their joy was tlie arrival of their bishop, Ferdinand de Moca, who came near being drowned in the port. As he attempted to pass from the vessel THE DESPAIR OP SOME OF THE INHABITANTS OF CUBA. 251 into the boat, he fell into the sea, because the boat was too far from the ship. However, the greatest danger that happened was, that in coming to the surface he struck his head against -the boat ; but the sailors leaped into the sea and saved him. The loss of this prelate would have been very grievous. He was considered, in the order of Saint Dominique, to vvhich he belonged, as a man of extraordinary merit; so that the people of Cuba esteemed themselves fortunate, to have for bishop, a great personage, and for governor a renowned captain. There were, for several days, through all the town, nothing but sports, balls, feasts, and masquerades. There were even run- nings at the ring, where were seen a number of horses of every color and size ; the most beautiful in the world. We may add that finally, in order to render the rejoicing more celebrated, there were distributed divers prizes to those who most distinguished them- selves. They gave to some rings; to others, silk stuffs; and on the contrary the3' railed at those who ha^d neither the skill nor thfe courage to render themselves worthy of esteem. These honorable rewards Induced several cavaliers of the army, who were adroit, to mingle with them, which augmented the beauty of the festival, and gave to all the town a special pleasure. CHAPTER X. THE DESPAIR OP SOME OE THE INHABITANTS OF CUBA. The soldiers, living in peace with the people of the town of San lago, and trying to render kind ofBces to one another, made their rejoicing last nearly tliree months. In the mean time the governor visited all the posts of the island. He established there judges, to whom he gave the rank of lieutenant, and purchased horses for his enterprise. The principal officers did the same thing ; so that this obliged him to distribute money among them, and induced the in- habitants of the island to make him a present of some horses ; for they raised them with great care, and sold them in Peru and Mexico. There were, in fact, some private persons of Cuba who had twenty and others so many as fifty and sixty ; because tlie island was then rich, fertile, and full of Indians. But the greater part hung them- selves soon after the arrival of De Soto. This is the cause of their desperation. As the peoj^le of Cuba are naturallj"^ lazj', and as the land of the country yields much, they did not take great pains to cultivate it. They raised only a little corn, which they gathered each year for the necessaries of life. So that these poor Indians 252 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. limited themselves to what nature demanded for its subsistence ; and as gold was not necessary for life, they did not esteem it, and could not endurer that the Spaniards should compel them to draw it from the places where it was found. Therefore, in order to. be no longer obliged to do a thing to which they had so great an aversion, they nearly all hung themselves ; and there were found in the morn- ing in a single village, lift}' families which had made way with them- selves in this manner. The Spaniards, frightened at the horror of this spectacle, tried to divert the rest of the barbarians from a reso- lution so cruel ; but it was useless, for the greater part of the island, and nearly all their neighbors, ended their lives by the same kind of death. Hence it comes that now they pay very dearly for the negroes whom they take to the mines. CHAPTER XL VASOO PORCALLO DE FIGUEROA JOINS THE ARMY. To return to Soto; after he had sent troops by sea, under the conduct of one of his captains, in order to rebuild the town of Havana, which the French corsairs had sacked, he provided what was necessary for the conquest of Florida, and was seconded in this enterprise by Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, of whom I have just spoken. Porcallo was a gentleman who had, from his birth, wealth and courage. He had a long time borne arms, and suffered great hardships, both in Europe and America. So that being old and disgusted with war, he retired to Trinidad, a town of the island of Cuba. But upon the information that Soto had arrived at San lago with an army, he paid him a visit. He stayed there several days, and when he saw the brave troops and magniScent preparations for Florida, he was tempted, in spite of his age, to again take up arms. He then offered himself and all his wealth to the general, who re- ceived him with joy, and praised his resolution. So that, to ac- knowledge with horior, the offer which this captain had made liim of iiis wealth and his person, he made him his lieutenant-general in place of Nunez Touar, who, without his consent, had married the daughter of the lord of Gomera. Thus the troops were augmented with all the retinue of Porcallo ; and that helped exceedingly', for he had a great number of Spaniards, negroes, Indians, many domestics, and more tiian eighty hoi'ses, thirty for his individual service, and fifty which he gave to the cavaliei's of the army. He also caused to be made provisions of bread, salt meat, and other things ; and SOTO ARRIVES AT HAVANA. 253 encouraged, by his example, many Spaniards who lived in the island to follow the general, who, after having put his affairs in order, departed in haste for Havana. CHAPTER XII. SOTO ARRIVES AT HAVANA. About the end of August of the year 1538 the general left San lago, accompanied bj^ fifty hoi-semen, to go to Havana; and com- manded the rest of the cavalry, which was three hundred men, to follow him, and divide themselves into small companies of fifty men each, arid set out at intervals of eight days from one another, in order that being in small numbers they might the better find what they should need. But he resolved that the infantry and his house- hold should go along the coast to Havana, where, as soon as he had arrived and seen the desolation of the town, he made-donations to the inhabitants to repair their houses and their churches which the pirates had destroj'ed. He afterward ordered Juan d'Aniasco, who was very skilful in navigation, to arm two brigantines and to go and discover the coast of Florida, and observe its rivers and inhabitants. Aniasco obeyed, and after having sailed, during two months, along many parts of the coast, he jeturned with an exact account of the things which he had seen, and brought with him two men of the country. Soto, satisfied with his diligence, sent him back with orders to see where an army could land. Aniasco again set out to visit the coast and notice the places where they could land. But in this second voyage, from which he returned with two other Indian men, it happened that he and his companions, having wandered from each other in a desert island, were two months before they could join each other ; during which time they fed upon only the birds which they killed with large shells. Afterward they incui'red such great perils at sea, that when they landed at Havana, they went from the vessel to the church upon their knees ; where, after having thanked God for delivering them from danger, the army received them with so much the more joy as they believed that they all had been shipwrecked. In the mean time, the general, who applied himself wholly to his enterprise, had information that Mendoca, viceroy of Mexico, levied troops for the conquest of Florida. But as he feared their meeting might cause differences, he resolved to communicate to him the commissions which he had from the emperor. He, therefore, des- 254 HISTOET OF FLORIDA. patched to Mendoca to beseech him not to make any levy which might interrupt him in the conquest which he meditated. And the viceroy replied that Soto could with every assurance continue his voyage; that he would send his troops to places different from those wliere he wished to take his fleet:* that Florida was a vast country ; that each would find there wherewith to satisfy his ambi- tion; that very far from having an idea of injuring Soto he wished that fortune .would give him an opportunity to serve him ; and that he would not spare, for that end, either his wealth or the power wiiich his character of viceroy gave him. The general, contented with this reply, thanked Mendoca for his good-will. By this time the cavaliers, who had orders to leave San lago for Havana, arrived there and had travelled a little more than two hundred leagues, which is the distance from one of these toTvns to the other. Soto then, seeing that his cavalry and infantrj' were united, and that the season for putting to sea was drawing near, left for commander in his absence Isabella de Bovadilla, his wife, and gave her, for counsellor, Juan de Rochas. He also established in the town of San lago, Francisco Guzman : for tliese two gentle- man commanded in the country before he arrived ; and upon the report which was made to him, of their good conduct, he confirmed tliem in their charge. He purchased, at the same time, a fine ship that had landed at Havana, and had served as the admiral ship, when Cuuiga made the discovery of the Rio de la Plata. This vessel was called Santa Anna, and was so large that it carried eighty horses to Florida. CHAPTER Xlir. THE ADVENTURE OP FERDINAND PONCE AT H.WANA. While the general awaited a favorable wind to set sail, Ferdinand Ponce, who was at sea, strove four or five days to avoid putting in at the port of Havana; but the storm forced him there. He did not wish to enter the port, because, when Soto left Peru for Spain, they agreed to share their good and their bad fortunes. The reso- lution of Soto, when he left Peru, was to return there to enjoy the recompense which his services in the conquest of that kingdom had merited. As afterwards he changed that resolution. Ponce obtained from Pizarro, by order of the emperor, a country where he accumulated much gold, silver, and precious stones. He also caused to be paid him some debts which Soto had left to him to * This has reference to the expedition to Clhola. THE ADVENTURE 0¥ PERDINAND PONCE AT HAVANA. 255 collect ; and, after having enriched himself, he left for Spain. But, upon information which he received at Nombre de Dios, that Soto was preparing for the conquest of Florida, he endeavored to pass by; for fear of being compelled to divide with him ; and that under pretext of his expedition, Soto might seize upon his riches, or at least a part of them. As soon as Ponce was in port, the general sent to pay his com- pliments to him, and to offer him what he could. He went after- ward to induce him to come and refresh himself on shore ; and after being entertained with much politeness, Ponce told him that he was so unwell from the effects of the storm, that he had not strength to leave his vessel ; and tliat as soon as he should be a little strengthened, he would go and thank him for the kind offer which he had made him. Soto, through politeness, did not urge him; but as he suspected something, he resolved to try him. In the mean time Ponce, who consulted only his avarice, and who also did not trust in the faith of the general, imprudently thought only how he might conceal from him the knowledge of the riches which he brought from Peru. He therefore ordered that about midnight tiiej"^ should take from his vessel the gold, pearls, and precious stones, which were valued at more than forty thousand crowns, and carry them to the house of one of his friends, or inter them near the shore, in order to recover them when he should find it con- venient, without Soto knowing it. However, they did not succeed ; for those who watched the people of Ponce, perceiving a vessel ap- proach, quickly concealed themselves without noise. But when they saw that the treasure was landed, and those who had charge of it. were advancing, they pounced upon them, put them to flight, captured the booty and carried it to the general, wlio ordered them to say nothing until it was seen in what manner Ponce, whom he suspected, would conduct himself. The next day Ponce, who concealed the sadness which he felt for the loss of his treasure, visited the dwelling of the general, where they had a long conversation concerning things past and present ; but wlien the conversation fell upon the misfortune which happened on the night preceding, Soto complained to Ponce of his want of confidence in him ; and to show the justice of his complaints, he caused to be brougiit the precious stones, and delivered them to him, assuring him at the same time that if there was any one miss- ing, he would have it restored to him, in order that he might know that, concerning the effects of the partnership, his conduct was very difl'erent from his own. Besides, that the expense which lie had made to obtain the permission to conquer Florida, was with the view of sharing with him all the wealth that might result to him from it ; 256 HISTOEY OF FLORIDA. that he had made his declaration of it in the presence of men of honor; and that, nevertheless, it depended upon him whether he would embark for Florida ; and that if lie wished it, he would even renounce the claims whieli were allowed him ; and that he would be obliged to him if he would inform him of the things which he should find proper to do for their common interest ; that, in one word, he would find in him all the fidelity that should be expected from a generous person. Ponce, full of confusion at the course he had taken, and still more surprised at the manner in which he had just been spoken to, begged the general to pardon his fault, and to continue his friend- ship. He also entreated him to consent that each of them should pursue his voyage, and to renew their partnership, putting, for that purpose, into, the hands of Isabella de Bovadilla ten thousand crowns of gold and silver, of which the general could make use for the benefit of the company. This way of acting seemed so fair, that what he requested was granted. Afterward, when the time appeared favorable for navigation, Soto had the munitions and two hundred and fifty horses embarked in the vessels, which, without . counting the sailors, carried a thousand men, all well made and well equipped. So that tiiere had not been seen, up to that time, an armament for the Indies so large and so fine. He put to sear the 12th day of May, 1539. But whilst they sail at the will of the winds, I shall relate what Poncedid in port. This captain, under pretext of recruiting himself, and awaiting a favorable time to re- turn to Spain, remained at Havana after the departure of the gen- eral ; and eight days after, he presented a. petition to Rochas, who was judge of tiie place, in which he alleged that, without owing Soto anything, and only through fear lest he should seize upon all that lie had brought from Peru, he had given to his wife ten thou- sand crowns in gold and silver, and demanded that they should restore this sum to him, or, he declared, that he would complain of it to the emperor. This lady replied that the petition declared that there were accounts to be settled between Ponce and her husband, according to the contract of the partnership into which they had entered. That Ponce owed more than fifty thousand ducats, and that she prayed that they would arrest him until thej' had exam- ined the accounts, which she offered to produce as soon as possible. Ponce, who, in fact, was debtor to a large amount to the firm, sur- prised at this reply, set sail, so that they could not arrest him. And as he had thus embarrassed himself verj' improperly, he acted prudently in not urging the affair. See how avarice blinds men, and brings them nothing but trouble and confusion. THE ARRIVAL OP HERNANDO DE SOTO IN FLORIDA. 25.'7 BOOK SECOND. WHAT HAPPENED IN THE DISCOVERY OF THE FIRST EIGHT PROVINCES. CHAPTER I, THE ARRIVAL OP HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PLORIDA. , Soto, having been nineteen days at sea, because he had not had favorable weather, did not discover Florida until the end of May, wlien he came to anchor in a verj' good bay, which is called Espiritu Santo.* But as it was very late, they did not land ; and tlie next day they sent the boats ashore. They returned with wild grapes which were still quite green, for the Indians, who esteem them but little, take no care to cultivate them, but nevertheless do not neg- lect to eat them when they are ripe. The general received the fruit with pleasure, because they were like the grapes of Spain, and because they had not found any either in Mexico or in Pern, so that, judging from this, of the excellence of the soil of Florida, he com- manded three hundred men to go and take possession of it in the name of the emperor. They immediately landed, and after having marched all the day, they rested at night, because of the fatigue which they had undergone. But in the morning the Indians charged them with vigor, put them to fliglit, and drove them as far as the sea. Porcallo, in order to support them, sallied out at the head of some troops, and, at first, he would have cut the enemy into pieces but for the disorder of his soldiers, of whom some were wounded, because of their inexperience. Nevertheless he rallied them ; and when he had encouraged them he charged upon the bar- barians, whom he eagerly pursued. And after having chased them, he retuj'ned to the camp, where his horse immediately died from an arrow shot through his body. At the same time the general landed ; and after recuperating nine days he left orders for the security of the vessels, and marched about two leagues into the country, as far as the capital of Harriga,f which bears the name of the country and * Tajnpa Bay; also called Bahia Honda (Deep Bay), and Bahia de Ponce (Ponce de Leon), t "Or Hirrihigua." 17 258 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. its lord ; because in Florida, the provinces, the capital, and the ca- cique, ordinarily bear the same name. When, therefore, the general had thus advanced, the cacique, who was in the capital of the province, irritated against the Spaniards because they had some time previous cut off liis nose and caused the dogs to devour his mother, and moreover, alarmed at the arrival of so many people, abandoned the place and retired into the woods, whence they could not make him leave, however favorable the treatment they might lead him to expect ; for, wholly enraged against those whom they had sent to oblige him to contract an alliance with the Christians, he said, that, very far from having communication with them, his honor would not permit him even to- listen to them ; that they were cow- ardly and perfidious, and that the greatest pleasure they could do him was to bring him their heads, and that he could never suffi- ciently acknowledge so great, a favor. Such great power have outrages to excite hatred in the hearts of those whom they have injured. But in order to better understand to what degree the cacique carried his resentment, I shall relate the cruelties which he inflicted upon four Spaniards. It was some time after Narbaez had left the province of Harriga, when one of -his vessels wliich remained behind, and which came to search for him, appeared in the bay. The cacique, who was informed of it, resolved to capture those who were in the vessel, and sent word to them that their captain, on leaving, had given him orders as to what they should do, if by chance they anchored in the port. He -also showed them some leaves of white paper, with letters which he had received from Narbaez whilst he was on good terms with him. But that was useless, for they always kept on their guard, and refused to land until Harriga sent to them, as hostages, four of his principal sulijects. This artifice succeeded, and as many Spaniards entered the boat where were the Indians who had brought the hos- tages. The cacique, who perceived them, sorry to see so few of them, wished to demand a greater number, but he changed his mind for fear lest those wlio were coming should discover his de- sign and escape from him. When they had embarked and the hostages knew that their enemies were in the power of their chief, they leaped into the water, according to the orders they had received, and escaped. In the mean time the Spaniards, seeing that they had unfortunately sacrificed their companions, weighed anchor, for fear of some other misfortunes, and fled with all sail. THE DEATH OF THEEE SPANIARDS. 259 CHAPTER II. THE DEATH OE THREE SPANIARDS, AND THE TORTURES WHICH JUAN ORTIS SUFFERED. Harriga guarded with care his prisoners, in order to increase by tlieir death the pleasures of a feast which he was to celebrate, in a few days, according to the custom of the country. The time of the ceremony arrived, he commanded that the Spaniards, entirely naked, should be produced, and that they should be compelled to run by turns from one extremity of the public place to the other ; that at times arrows should be shot at them', in order that their death might be the slower, their pain the more exquisite, and the rejoicing more noted and of a longer duration. Tiiey immediately obeyed, and the cacique, who assisted at the spectacle, saw with pleasure three of the Spaniards run from one side to the other, searching in vain to escape death. As for the fourth, who was named Juan Ortis, as he was but about eighteen years of age and a handsome man, the wife and daugliters of the cacique interested themselves in his favor. They said that his age was worthy of pitj' ; that lie had not taken part in the perfidy of the people of his nation ; and, therefore, not having committed any crime wortliy of death, it was only'necessarj' to keep him as a slave. The cacique consented to it; biit this favor only served to make Ortis die a thousand deaths. They forced him to carry, continually, wood and water. He ate and slept very little, and was tormented with so many blows that, had he not been re- strained by the fear of God, he would have committed suicide. In addition to this, tlie barbarians increased his afflictions at the public rejoicings, and compelled him to run entirely naked in the great square, where they were with their bows ready to pierce liim in case he should attempt to rest. He began to run at sun- rise, and did not stop till night ; and even during the dining of the cacique they would not suffer him to interrupt his course, so that at the end of day he was in a pitiable condition, extended upon the ground more dead than alive. The wife and daughters of Harriga, touched with compassion, then threw some clothes upon him, and assisted him so opportunely that they prevented him from dying. But their pity was cruel to liim, for it served only to augment the barbarity of the cacique, who, enraged that Ortis could endure so many divers hardships, ordered, on a day of entertainment, that they should kindle a fire in the middle of 260 HTSTORT OF FLORIDA. the public square ; that they should put a griddle upon the fire ; and that they should put his slave upon it, in order to burn him alive. This order was promptly executed, and Ortis remained ex- tended upon this griddle until the ladies, attracted by his cries, ran to his assistance. They besought the cacique not to push his ven- geance further ; they censured his cruelty, and took off the wretched Ortis half burned, for the fire had already raised upon his body great blisters, of which some having broken covered him with blood. This drew the compassion of the greater part of the spectators. Afterward these merciful daughters had him carried to their house, where they treated him with herbs of which tJie Indians made use in their complaints, having neither surgeons nor physicians. Finally, at the end of some days, Ortis was cured of his wounds, there re- maining only the scars. The barbarian, rejoiced to see him in a condition to suffer again, in order to make his vengeance last longer, invented a new kind of punishment in order to fully satisfy himself, and to free himself from the importunities of his daughters. He, therefore, ordered him to guard, day and night, the dead bodies of the inhabitants of the village. These bodies were in the midst of a forest, in coffins of wood covered with boards which were not fastened, but retained only by the weight of some stones or of some pieces of wood' which were placed upon them.* But as the lions, which are in great numbers in the country, came sometimes to drag the bodies from these cofflus and carry them off, the cacique com- manded Ortis, upon penalty of being burnt alive, to take care that they did not carry them off; and he gave him four darts to defend himself against all kinds of wild beasts. This poor Spaniard re- ceived with joy this order, in hopes of leading a life a little more happy than before. He then went away into the forest, where he acquitted himself strictly of his commission, and especially at night, as he had then the most to fear. However, it happened that once, when he was oppressed by fatigue and had permitted himself to be overcome by sleep, a lion uncovered a coffin and drew from it an infant, which he carried off. The slave awoke at the falling of the planks, ran, approached the coffin, and, no longer finding tlie body there, believed that finally it was all over with him. Moved by fear and grief, he went to seek the lion, to die fighting him or to make him leave his prey. He knew that at the break of day the subjects of Harriga would come to visit the coffins, and that, if they did not meet with the infant there, he would be cruelly burnt. So that fear making him run here and there, he found himself in a great road in * See note 12. ORTIS ESCAPES. 261 the midst of the forest, and heard a noise as of a dog gnatving a bone. He listened, and in the belief that it was the lion, he crawled through the bushes, and by the light of the moon he saw him de- vouring his prey. He therefore took courage and launched one of his darts at him ; and because he did not hear him fly, he believed that he had slain him, and remained until daylight to be certain of it, praying God, with tears, not to abandon him in his misfortune.* CHAPTER III. ORTIS ESCAPES. As soon as light began to appear, Ortis found the lion slain ; and all transported with joy, he collected what remained of the infant, inclosed it in the coflSn, took the lion by the paw, and, without drawing out the dart which pierced him, dragged him to Harriga. As it is an extraordinar}' thing to kill a lion in that country, where^ however, they are not so fierce as in Africa, Ortis was honored by all thc^own, and the cacique was entreated by his daughters to make use of so courageous a slave, and to suppress his resentment on account of so brave a deed. The barbarian on this occasion had a little of complacenc}', and during some days he treated Ortis with more humanity. But because the injuries which he had received always left some remains of hate, as often as he recalled the indig- nities the Spaniards bad done him, he thought only of avenging himself on this nation in the person of Ortis, and his anger, which seemed as it were extinguished, rekindled suddenly with more violence. So that, yielding to the desire for vengeance which pos- sessed him, he declared to his wife and daughters that, since the sight of his slave recalled to mind the affronts which he had received, he would, at the first festival, have him siiot to death with arrows ; and that, upon pain of incurring his indignation, they should no more importune him in his favor; that it was true that he had shown a little courage, but that it was not a sufficient consideration to prevail over his resentments. His wife and his daughters, who knew him, accommodated themselves to his humor, and expressed * Biedma does not mention this affair. The Elva narrative tells much the samesto'r.y as Garoilasso, hut says it was a temple he was ordered to guard, and that instead of a lion, it was a wolf that Ortis killed as he was dragging the corpse away, and that the Indians the next morning found the wolf pierced with the dart of Ortis. 262 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. to him that it was acting right to make way with a man for whom he had so great an aversion and whose presence ■ served only to renew his troubles. Nevertheless, his eldest daughter, resolved to save Ortis, informed him of all that had happened. But as at this news he appeared half dead, she told hira not to despair; that she would extricate him from the danger, if he had sufficient resolution to escape; that the night following, at such an hour and at such a place, he would find an Indian in whom she confided ; that this man would conduct him as far as a certain bridge, two leagues from the town ; that, when he should arrive at this place, the Indian would return before it was day,- so that tlie cacique might not know any- thing of it, and not be able to avenge himself for his fliglit upon any one. She added that, at six leagues beyond the bridge, he would meet with a village, the lord of wliich, called Mucogo, esteemed her, and even wished to marry her ; that he should saj' to him that she had sent him to place himself under his protection, being assured tliat, in consideration of her, he would be protected by Mucogo ; that, besides, he should implore the succor of the God whom he adored, and that, for her part, she could do nothing more. Scarcely had she finished when Ortis cast himself at her feet and rendered humble thanks to her for the kindness wliich she had for him. He •prepared to escape the following night; and, as soon as the people of Harriga were sound asleep, he went off to seek his guide, whom he found at the rendezvous, and- left secretly with him. But as soon as they were at the bridge, Ortis requested him to put him in the right road and to return home. Afterwards he thanked him, made him a thousand protestations of friendship, and went off in haste to Muco§o. CHAPTER TV. GENEROSITY OF THE CACIQUE MUOOCO. Oetis arrived before day near the village of Muco§o. Neverthe- less, for fear of accident, he dare not enter until the sun rose. Two Indians, who had discovered him, then left and put themselves in a posture to shoot at him. He also prepared to defend himself; for the honor of being the favorite of a beautiful and generous lady, giving him boldness, obliged him to say that he was sent on the part of a lady of rank to Mucogo. At the same time the Indians joined him, and they returned in company to inform their lord that a slave of Harriga brought hira news. Mucogo, who left his house, advanced to learn what they wished with him. As soon as Ortis GENEROSITY OF THE CACIQUE MUCOOO. 263 saw him he approached him with respect, and said to him, that Harriga had resolved to put him to a cruel death at the first festi- val ; that his daughters dared no more to speak in his favor ; that the eldest had induced him to escape, and had given him a guide ; that she had commanded him to present himself to him on her behalf; finally, that she prayed him by the love he had for her, to take him under his protection ; and that she would be greatly obliged to hira for it. After Mucogo had kindly listenedto Ortis, he pitied him, and embraced him, and told him that he should fear noth- ing ; that upon his lands he should lead a life very diflferent from that' which he had led ; that in consideration of the beauty who had sent him he would protect him openly ; and that so long as he lived no one should attempt to do him wrong. Mucogo kept his word with Ortis, and treated him much better than he had ever dared to expect. He desired that, night and day he should remain in his chamber. But he finished by overwhelming hira with his favors when he learned that with one blow of a dart he had slain a lion. In the mean time Harriga learned that his slave was with Mucogo, and he sent a cacique, their common friend, to demand him. But Muco§o replied that Ortis, having sought an asylum in his house, he siiould never permit hira to be torn from it ; and that the loss of a man whom Harriga would liave put to death ought not to be im- portant to him. Upon this reply Harriga visited Mucogo, but very uselessly, for after some words of civility, Mucogo expressed to him that it was very unreasonable in him to wish to compel him to do a tiling contrary to his honor; and that he would be the most cowardly of men if he abandoned a person who was under his pro- tection. This reply embroiled the cacique with Mucogo, who would rather renounce his love than violate his faith, so that Ortis re- mained with this lord, who continued to him his benevolence. He lived with him up to the time when Soto entered Florida, and was, in all, ten years among the Indians ; one year and a half with the cacique who tortured him, and the rest with him from whom he re- ceived every act of kindness. Mucogo, in fact, conducted himself well toward Ortis, and his conduct covers with shame certain Christian princes, who basely betray those to whom they are under obliga- tions to keep their word. But it is to be hoped that in the future the generosity of the cacique may influence them. His actioii sprung truly from a great soul. The more we consider tlie person for whom he did so many things, those whom he resisted, and the passion which he had for the daughter of Harriga, the more he merits praise for having generously sacrificed his mistress and his friends to his honor. It is thus that God is pleased to produce iK 264 HISTOET OF FLORIDA. barbarous regions extraordinary persons in order to confound the Cliristians wlio live in countries where reign the sciences and re- ligion. CHAPTER Y. THE GENERAL SENDS TO DEMAND OETIS. SoTO, being in the town of Harriga, heard of the adventures of Ortis, of which he had learned something at Havana from one of the Indians whom Aniasco had kidnapped when he went to discover the coast of Florida, for- they were subjects of the cacique Harriga. But as he who related the story of Ortis pronounced Orotis for Ortis, the Spaniards, notwithstanding their interpreters, believed that this barbarian asserted that his country abounded in gold, and they rejoiced to hear this word " Orotis," because their views did not extend beyond searching for gold in Florida. Finally upon the assurance the general had that Ortis was with Muco§o, he believed that he ought to send to demand him, as well to liberate him, as to make use of liim as an interpreter. He therefore ordered Bel- thazar de Gallego, sergeant major of the army, to go to Mucogo and say to him that the Spaniards appreciated the favors which he had done Ortis ; that, trusting to the kindness which he had for them, he besought him to return to them this slave, because he was very necessary to them ; that in consideration of this new favor which he expected, there was nothing which he would not undertake for him ; that if he would take the trouble to visit them, he would find that he had not obliged ungrateful persons ; finally, that, after the marks of generosity he had given, their greatest joy would be to meet him, and have him for a friend. Gallego left immediately with sixty lancers, and at the same time Mucogo learned that the Spanish troops had arrived at Harriga, in order to conquer the country. As he dreaded this army he spoke of it to Ortis, and told him that on his account he had embroiled himself with powerful caciques ; that now a good opportunity pre- sented itself for him to show his gratitude for this favor; that really he had obliged him without the expectation of a return, but that it seemed that fortune desired that the good offices which he had rendered the Spaniards in his person should be recognized ; that, therefore, it was his intention to send him with fifty of the most distinguished of his subjects to the general in order to offer him his alliance, and to solicit him to receive the country under his protec- THE MEETING OP ORTIS AND GALLEGO. 265 tion. Ortis, overjoyed at this news, replied to Muco§o tliat he was much rejoiced to be able to evince to him his gratitude ; that he would relate to the Spaniards his generosity, and that those of his nation, who pride themselves upon being very sensible for the favors which are done to their people, would esteem him now and forever, and that assuredly he would receive the fruits of the kindness which he had shown liim. No sooner liad he spoken than he saw fifty Indians, who had been commanded to hold themselves ready to accompany him. They took the route which goes from Muco§o to Harriga, and left, the day that Gallego started fi-om the camp, to go to the cacique. But it hap- pened that after three leagues of travel in the high road, the guide of the Spaniards took it into his head that he ought not to conduct them faithfully. He, therefore, began to regard them as enemies, who had come to take possession of the Indies, and to rob the inhabi- tants of their wealth and their liberty. Moved by these consider- ations he left his road and took the first that he met, and misled the Spaniards a great part of the day. He led them round about toward the sea, with tlie design of eml)arrassing them among some marshes, in order to destroy them therel And as they had not any knowledge of the country, they did not discover the motive of the barbarian until one of them perceived tlirough the oaks of the forest where they were the masts of their ships. They informed Gallego of the wickedness of the guide, and he placed himself in a posture to pierce him with a thrust of his lance. The Indian, quite astonished, made known that he would re-conduct the Spaniards into the road. He kept his word, but they were obliged to retrace their steps. CHAPTER VI. THE MEETING OF OETIS AND GALLEGO. • Ortis, going from Mucogo to Harriga, entered into the road which Gallego had taken, and discovered by the tracks of the Spaniards, that their guide had misled them through malice. Therefore, to prevent the alarm which they would give to the town, if they should arrive there before having spoken to him, he resolved to follow them with his company. And after having marched some time he dis- covered Gallego and his companions in a great plain, bordered on one side by a thick forest. The opinion of the Indians was to im- mediately gain the woods, because they ran the risk of being badly treated by the Christians if they were not recognized b^' them as 266 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. friends before they reached them. Ortis, without heeding this advice, imagined it was enough to be a Spaniard, and tliat those of his nation would not inistalte him. However, as he was dressed as an Indian, with a cap covered with plumes, short drawers, a bow and arrow in his hand, the aflFair did not turn out as he had calculated ; for as soon as the Spaniards saw him accompanied by his men, they in- creased their steps, quitted their ranks, and, without obeying Gal- lego, who recalled them, charged upon the barbarians whom Ortis led, and drove them with thrusts of their lances into the woods. However, as the Indians did not stand their ground, there was but one of them wounded by the thrust of a lance in his groin. Tliis barbarian, who acted so boldly, had remained behind w'th Ortis, whom Nieto pursued vigorously with the thrusts of his lance, which Ortis parried at first with his bow. But as Nieto, who was ardent and robust, renewed the attack, Ortis, fearing to succumb, began to cry Xibilla for Sevllla. He made at the same time with his bow the sign of the cross, in order that they should know that he was a Christian, because he could not say it in Spanish. He had, to such a degree, lost the custom of speaking his language, since he was among the Indians, that he had so forgotten it that he could not even pronounce Sevilla, the proper name of the jilace where he was born. ' The same thing has happened to me, for not having found in Spain any one with whom I could converse in my native tongue, which is that of Peru, I have lost to such a degree the habit of speaking it, that, to make myself understood, I cannot speak six or seven words in succession. I had, notwithstanding, formerly known how to express myself in Indian, with so much grace, that, except the incas who spoke the best, no others could express themselves more elegantly than I. To return to Ortis : when Nieto heard him pronounce "Xibilla," he asked him who he was, and as soon as he replied, Ortis, he took him by the arm, lifted him upon the croup of his horse, and joyfully led him to Gallego, who quickly caused to be reassembled his peo- ple, who had given chase to the Indians. Ortis himself entered into tlie woods, called his companions, crying with all his strength, that they could return with all safety. But some frightened fled as far as the town of Muco§o, where they gave information of all that had happened, and others who were not so much frightened, and had not wandered so far, came, one after another, out of the woods at the call of Ortis. They all cursed his bad conduct, so that, but for the presence of our people, they would have abused him. But to satisfy themselves in some manner, they flew into a passion at tlieir inju- ries, which Ortis explained as well as he could to the Spaniards, MUCOCO VISITS THE GENERAL. 267 who also blamed him, and gave orders that they should take care of the wounded Indian. In the mean time he dispatched a man to the cacique Mucogo to extricate him from the trouble into which the fugitives had placed him, and then they all took the route to the camp. CHAPTER VII. MUCOCO VISITS THE GENERAL. The night was already far advanced when Gallego arrived at the camp. The general, surprised at so quick a return, imagined some great misfortune, but he was immediately reassured at the sight of Ortis, whom he kindl3' received, and to whom he gave a skirt of black velvet, of which Ortis could not make use, because he was ac- customed to go naked. He wore only a shirt, linen drawers, a cap, and shoes; and remained in this condition more than twenty days, until, by degrees, he recovered the habit of clothing himself. Soto also gave a favorable reception to the Indians ; and afterward he dis- patched a person to the cacique to thank him for having sent Ortis to him. He ordered him to say to him that he felt obliged for the offer which he had made him, of his desire to place himself under the protection of the Spaniards ; and that he accepted it with joy, in the name of his master, Charles the Fifth, the first of Christian princes. In the mean time the Spaniards came to see Ortis, embraced him, congratulated him upon his arrival, and passed the night in rejoic- ing. Afterward the general called him, to leain the peculiarities of Florida, and the life he had led under tlie caciques. Ortis told him that Harriga had cruelly tortured him. He showed him the marks of it, and it was seen that worms had come from the wounds which the fire had made. But that Mucogo had treated him civillj^ That, nevertheless, he had not dared to go out of the way, for fear of being killed by the subjects of Harriga ; so that he had scarcely any knowledge of the country, and that he knew only that the fur- ther they advanced into the country, the more fertile it was. Whilst Ortis was entertaining the general, notice was given that Mucogo, attended by many Indians, was approaching the camp. In fact, he was seen almost as soon as he was announced, and they conducted him to the general, whom he saluted witli respect, as well as all the ofHcers of the army, according to the rank which each one held, as Ortis made known to him. He returned after- ward to pay his court to the general, who received him with much friendship, on account of the kindness which he had had for Ortis. 268 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. But Mucogo showed that thej' were not under obligations to Iiim for what he had done, because, in his quality of cacique, it was his duty; that they were to consider it only in that light; and also that he had sent Ortis only to prevent the troops from laying waste his lands ; that thus his services were of little importance. That, however, he rejoiced that his conduct was favorably con- strued by the general, for whom he had a very special esteem. That he besought him, by that zeal and magnanimity which is so natural to the Spaniards, to take him under his protection. That henceforth he would recognize Charles the Fifth and Her- nando de Soto as bis legitimate lords; that, being their vassal, he was recompensed" beyond his merit, and that for the future he would serve them with all his power. Porcallo and the other cap- tains, surprised at the good sense of the cacique, paid him much honor, and even made presents to him and all his suite. CHAPTEB VIII. THE MOTHER OF MUCOCO COMES TO THE CAMP. Two days after the arrival of Mucogo, his mother, who was ab- sent when be left his home, and wlio would never have consented that he should deliver himself into the power of the Si)aniards, visited Soto. She had sadness depicted on her countenance, and appeared so much agitated by the uneasiness which she had for her son, that, approaching the general, she besought him to restore to lier Mucogo, for fear lest he should be treated as Harriga. That if he was resolved to go to this extremity, she was ready to die for her son. The general received her civilly, and replied to her, that, very far from doing anything unpleasant to Mucogo, he merited every act of kindness ; that he even wished that they should pay his mother great respect, on account of so generous a son ; that for tills reason she should fear nothing and expect everything from the generosity of the Spaniards. These words reassured a little the kind mother, and induced her to remain in the camp. But she had so much distrust, tiiat, eating at tlie table of the general, she was afraid lest they should poison her ; so that she would not taste anything until Ortis had, first of all, tasted it, and assured her that there was no danger ; which led one of tiie gentlemen of the suite to say that he was astonished that she had offered her life for her son, since she dreaded so much to lose it. This lady, to whom they explained that, replied that it was true that she dearly loved her life, but that she loved still more her son ; and that there PREPARATIONS TO ADVANCE INTO THE COUNTRY. 269 was nothing which she would not give to preserve him ; that in consideration of this, slie besought the general to restore to her the object of all her affections ; that she desired earnest!}' to take him with her J that in one word she could not overcome her distrust of the promises of the Christians. The general replied to her, that she was at liberty to go ; but as for her son, he would find some pleasure in remaining among the Spaniards, of whom the greater part were of his age ; that when he should wish to return, no one should oppose it; that finally, he declared that her son would have rather whereof to be pleased than to complain. The mother of the cacique left the camp upon this promise ; but first of all she begged Ortis to remember that her son had obliged him, and to do the same for him in the danger in which she was leaving him. The general and all his suite laughed at this distrust ; which JVIucogo turned with so much wit that he contributed to the diver- sion of tlie Spaniards ; and to show that he confided in them, he remained eight more days to converse with Soto and his oflScers. Sometimes he inquired about the emperor, sometimes about the ladies, and sometimes about the customs, and the grandees of Spain. After this he took a suitable pretext for returning, and politely left the Spaniards. But he returned to see them many times afterward, and made divers presents to them all. Mucogo was, at that time, between twenty-six and twenty-seven years of age ; he had a handsome countenance, a flue form, and an inexpressible air of grandeur in all his actions, which gained the love and esteem of those who approached him. CHAPTER IX. PREPARATIONS TO ADVANCE INTO THE COUNTRY. During these affairs, the general ordered everything: for after they had landed their provisions and munitions at Harriga, the town nearest to the bay of Espiritu Sai\;fco, he sent the largest of his vessels to Havana, and authorized his wife to dispose of them. He kept the others to make use of them in time of need, and gave the command of them to Pedro Calderon, a vigilant and experienced captain. He then tried to win over the cacique, Harriga, in hopes that he would have no troulile to propitiate the other chiefs of the country, who had not received any offence from the Spaniards; that, moreover, it would acquire credit for him among the Indians, 270 HISTORY OF TLORIDA. and increase his reputation among those of his own nation. Where- fore, when he had made some prisoners, he sent them to Harriga with presents. He sent him word that he ardently wished his good- will, and that he would give him satisfaction for the outrages that had been done him. But the cacique only replied that the injuries he had received would not permit him to listen to any proposition on the part of the Spaniards. However, the conduct of Soto did not fail to produce very good effects ; for as the servants of the army went every day for forage, escorted by thirty or forty soldiers, it happened, that not being upon their guard, the Indians charged upon them with loud cries, and put them in disorder, captured a Spaniard, named Graiales, and retired. In the mean time, our people rallied and dispatched to tlie general, who immediately sent the cavalry after tlie enemy; whom thej' surprised, at the distance of two leagues, in a place surrounded with reeds. Then, while these barbarians thought only of rejoicing with their wives and children, our soldiers entered with fury into this place, frightened them, put them to flight, and took women and children prisoners. Graiales, who in the confusion, heard the voices of those of his nation, ran and placed himself under their protection. He was not immediately recognized by them, because he was already dressed as an Indian, but very soon after they recognized him, and returned very joyfully to the camp with their prisoners. That pleased Soto exceedingly, who wished to know the details of their encounter. Therefore, Graiales told him that the Indians had had no design of injuring the Spaniards, and had drawn their arrows only to frighten them ; that as they had taken them in disorder it had been easy for them to have slain a part of them ; but that they were contented to make one prisoner; that, very far from having offered him any injury, they had treated him civilly; and tliat, reassuring him by degrees, they courteously pressed him to eat. The general immediately sent for his prisoners ; and, after having thanked them for the manner in which they had acted, he sent them back. He also declared to them that they had nothing to fear from the Spaniards; and he prayed them that it might be the same on their part in regard to his people; and that they might live in a good understanding with each other ; that he had not entered their country to draw upon himself their hate, but their friendship. The general accompanied these words with some presents, and they returned home well satisfied. Some time after that, these same Indians captured two Spaniards; to whom they left so ranch liberty that they were enabled to escape. These people were, without doubt, thus softened, only because of CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERY. 271 the courtesies of Soto to their cacique ; and, therefore, there is notliing which malies a greater impression upon men than the favors which are politely done them. CHAPTER X. CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERY. After Soto had been about three weeks in making his prepara- tions to advance, lie commanded Gallego to go with sixtj' lancers and as many fusileers, into the province of Urribaracuxi. Gallego left immediately and went to Muco§o, where he was received with joy by the cacique, who lodged the Spaniards one niglit, and fed them sumptuously. But the next day when they were ready to march they asked a guide of him, and Mucogo said to them that they were too civil a people to take advantage of his friendship in order to oblige him to do a thing against his honor. That, Urriba- racuxi being his cousin, he would be blamed by everyliody were he to give them anyone to lead them over his lands ; that, even if this cacique were not his relation, he ought not to serve them in this respect, because he would pass for a traitor to his country' ; that he would rather die than commit a crime so unbecoming a person of his condition. Ortis,who conducted the Spaniards, replied to him by the order of Gallego, that they did not wish to abuse his friendship ; that they requested of him only an Indian in whom Urribaracuxi had faith, in order to send to inform him that he should not dread their coming; that, even if he would have neither peace nor alliance, they were ordered not to ravage his province, on ac- count of the generous Mucogo, of whom thej"- were the friends and relations, and that for the love of him they had not committed any devastation in the countrj' of the cacique Harriga, their avowed enemy. Mucogo replied that he was very much obliged to the Spaniards, and that, understanding their design, he would give them a guide such as thej' wished. They tlien left'Mucogo, greatly satis- fled with the cacique, and in four daj's arrived at the country of Urribaracuxi, distant about seventeen leagues from the town of Mucogo. As Urribaracuxi and his subjects had fled away into the woods, the Spaniards dispatched to him their guide, who offered to hira their alliance, but after having politely listened to him, lie sent him back without having concluded anything. During the journey, which is twenty-flve leagues from Harriga to Urribaracuxi, they met with many grape-vines, pine, mulberry, 272 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. and other trees like to those in Spain. They also passed through certain countries where there were marshes, hills and woods, and ver^' pleasant plains, of which Gallego made an account, which lie sent to the general, and informed him that the army could subsist two or three days about Urribaracuxi. While they go to Soto it is well to tell what is passing at the camp. CHAPTER XI. THE MISFORTUNE OF PORCALLO. TJpoN the news that Harriga was in the woods near the camp, Porcallo resolved, notwithstanding the entreaties of the general, to go and take this cacique. , He therefore left, with cavalry and in- fantry, in the hope of bringing him back a prisoner, or obliging him to sue for peace. Harriga, informed of this enterprise, sent many times to Porcallo to tell him not to go any farther, because the marshes and other diflflculties of the route, which it would be necessary for iiim to overcome in order to reach him, would protect him ; that he gave him this counsel, not through fear, but in ac- knowledgment of the pleasure they had given him in not ravaging his lands and maltreating his subjects. Porcallo laughed at this advice, and believed that the cacique was afraid of him, and that he could not escape him. Wherefore, he doubled his speed, encour- aged Ills soldiers, and arrived at a marshy place, where, upon the objections which each one made to entering it, he spurred on, and by advancing obliged many of his men to follow him. But he did not go very far before his horse fell, so that he found himself encum- bered beneath him, with his arms, and because they could not go to him on account of the marsh being too deep, it was only by extra- ordinary good luck that he did not perish. Thus, when he saw that he was conquered without a combat, and even without the hope of taking the cacique, he returned to the quai'ters in a violent passion, making reflections upon the pleasures which he enjoyed at Trinidad, and upon the hardships which the Spaniards were going to suffer who were yet but at the commefacement of their conquest. Besides, as he considered that he had acquired enough glory, and that at the age at which he had arrived he ought not to expose himself so rashlj', he believed that it would be no discredit for him to quit the army, aiid leave the honor of the enterprise to young men, who had need of acquiring a reputation in arms. His misfortune really occupied him so much that he talked of it to himself, and sometimes with those THE EEPORT OP GALLEGO. 213 who accompanied him. He even pronounced aloud, syllable by syl- lable, the names of Harriga and Urriliaracuxi. He also, sometimes, transposed the letters. He said Huri, Harri, Siga, Siri, Barracoxa, Huri, and added that he would give the land to the devil, where the first words they heard were frightful, that nothing good ought to be expected from those who bore them ; that each one might work for his own individual interest, but that in respect to himself for- tune did not concern him. Porcallo, agitated in this manner, ar- rived at the camp, where, after having demanded his return to Trinidad, they gave him a vessel, but before embarking he distrib- uted his equipage to some soldiers whom he liked. He left to the troops the provisions and munitions which he had, and desired that Sanrez de Figueroa, his natural son, whom he equipped very well, should accompany Soto in his expedition. Figueroa obeyed with joy the orders of his father, and let no occasion of distinguishing his courage escape, but he liad the misfortune to have his horse killed and himself wounded by the Indians, and afterwards he marched on foot and would not receive anything from the general or any of his captains. This manner of acting displeased Soto, who urged him, many times, to take from him wherewith to equip himself. But Figueroa bore it very indignantly, and tliey could never prevail upon him. CHAPTER XII. THE RBPOET OP GALLEGO. Porcallo, in quitting the army, gave marks of imprudence, as he had given them of ambition, when, to follow the general, he abandoned his home and his repose. It is thus that in affairs of importance the resolutions that are not prudently taken, disgrace those who execute them. If Porcallo had maturely considered be- fore committing himself, he would not liave lost a part of his wealth and his reputation. But often persons of wealth imagine tiiat they excel others not less in the qualities of the intellect than in the advantages of fortune; and convinced of this error, they take counsel of no one. Porcallo had hardly left when the report of Gallego arrived. It rejoiced the camp, because it gave hopes of the conquest of Florida. It noticed, among other things, that three leagues beyond Urri- baracuxi there was a very dangerous marsh. But that only served to encourage the Spaniards, who said that God had given to men 18 274 HISTORY OF PliORIDA. courage and industry as their share to overcome the obstacles which they should encounter in their designs. Therefore, upon this news, the general published that tliey should hold themselves ready to leave in three days, and sent thirty cavaliers, under the command of Silvestre, to inform Gallego that he was about to follow him. However, he left a garrison of forty lancers and eighty fusileers in the town of Harriga, where, after having established Calderon to guard the vessels and munitions, he commanded him to keep peace witli his neiglibors, cultivate the friendship of Mucogo, and not to leave tlie place without his order. The general then left Harriga with the rest of his troops, and took the route to Mucogo; and on the morning of the third daj' of his march lie discovered the town. The cacique, informed of his coming, went out to meet him, received him with joy, and offered him his house. But for fear of incom- moding him, tlie general assured him that he was obliged to pass on ; and after having recommended to him the garrison at Harriga, he thanked him for all the favors he had done the Spaniards. Muco§o, kissing his hands with respect, said to him with tears in ills eyes, that he could not express wliich was the most affecting to him, the satisfaction of having known him, or the pain of seeing iiim depart without being able to follow him. He also begged him to remember him, and to give his compliments to the principal oflBcers of the arm}'. On leaving there, the general continued his march as far as TJrribaracuxi, without having met with anything worthy of notice ; and he marched always to the northeast. Nevertheless, I am obliged to say that his route is not so precisely known, but that some day it may be found that I have failed to trace it right. It is not because I have not tried to learn the distances of the country, but I have not been able to get as exact a knowledge of them as I would wish ; for the Spaniards did not think so much of learning the situation of places, as of hunting for gold and silver in Florida. CHAPTER XIII. PASSAGE OF THE MARSH. The general arrived at TJrribaracuxi, where Gallego awaited him, learned that the cacique was in the woods, and iramediatel}' sent for him to solicit him to make peace with the Spaniards. But as the barbarian would listen to nothing, Soto sent to examine a great wide marsh which was upon his route. He knew that the bottom PASSAGE OP THE MARSH. 215 at the borders of it was not good, and that it had such a quantity of water in the middle that it could not be passed on foot. How- ever, they searched so well, that at the end of eight days they found a passage ; where, the general having repaired with the array, he easily extricated himself from it ; but, because the defile was long, he spent a day in passing it, and camped at half a league beyond it, in a great plain. The day following he sent scouts to discover the road, and they reported that he could not advance, because of the waters which inundated the country. Upon this news, after having taken a hundred cavaliers and as many foot soldiers, and left the rest of the troops under the command of Moscoso, his colonel of cavalry, he repassed the marsh, and sent to search another passage. In the mean time the Indians, who were in a forest, charged upon Soto and his men, fired upon them, and imme- diately regained the woods. The Spaniards repulsed them, and also slew or captured some of them. Those who saw themselves captured, wishing to get out of the power of their enemies, oflEered themselves to guide them, and led them into the ambuscade of the barbarians, who pierced them with their arrows. This malice being discovered, they caused four of the most culpable of them to be torn to pieces by the dogs ; so that the others, being frightened, began in earnest to do their duty, and put the people of the general in a road, where, after having marclied about four leagues, they found themselves over the great marsh, in a passage, of which the entry and exit were dry. But during one league they had the water up to their armpits ; and the middle of the passage, a hundred feet long, was not fordable. The enemy, in this place, had made a wretched bridge of two large trees felled in tiie water, supported by some stakes fixed in the ground, and some cross-pieces of wood, after the fashion of a hand-rail. As soon as the general saw this bridge, he commanded Pedro Moron and Diego D'Oliva Metis, who were great swimmers, to go and cut the branches of the trees that encumbered tlie bridge, and to do all tliat they should find necessary for the convenience of the passage. They executed their orders, but with great diflBculty. The Indians, who were concealed among the reeds, came out in small boats, and fired upon them. So that Moron and his companion leaped from the bridge and dived into the water, where they were slightly wounded, and saved themselves. Nevertheless, the Indians, aston- ished at the resolution of these two men, dared no more to show themselves, and the Spaniards repaired the bridge. At the distance of two musket-shots higher up, they found a place for the cavalry to pass. The general gave notice of it to Moscoso, his colonel of 276 HISTORY on FLORIDA. cavalry, with orders to cause the rest of the army to march, and to quickly send him provisions. Silvestre, who was dispatched for that purpose, had charge to bring the provisions with an escort of thirty lancers, and to return toward evening, the next day. For Soto promised to wait for him, and told him that, although the route was long and diflScult, he hoped for everything from him. Silvestre then mounted an excellent horse, which they held ready for him, and met Lopez Cacho, whom he ordered, on the part of the general, to accompany him. Cacho excused "himself, because he was so fatigued, and begged him to choose some one else ; but as Silvestre pressed him more and more he yielded, mounted his horse, and left with him at sunset. CHAPTER XIV. . SILVESTRE CARRIES THE ORDERS OF THE GENERAL TO MOSCOSO. Silvestre and Cacho, who were each not more than twenty years of age, exposed' themselves, resolutely, to all that might happen to them. They made, at first, without difllculty four or five leagues, because the road was good, and they did not meet with any Indians. Afterward, on account of the marsh, they found themselves engaged in very wretched roads, from which they despaired of extricating themselves. As they had not any certain knowledge of the country they were obliged to march at hazard, and to endeavor to remember the places by which they had passed tlie first time with their gene- ral, and in that their horses rendered them very good service. For guided only by their instinct, they took the route which they had kept in coming,' and lowered their heads to scent the track. Cacho and his companion, who understood nothing of that, drew the reins, but their horses immediately sought the road after their fashion. They snorted so loud when they lost it, that it was to be feared that the noise which theymade might discover the cavaliers. The horse of Silvestre was the most certain to conduct them right, and he had very excellent marks ; he was a brown bay ; the near foot white, with a like mark in his forehead. The horse of Cacho was a burnt sor- rel, with the extremities black ; but he was not so valuable as that of Silvestre, who, after having understood the actions of his horse, let him go at his will. Such was the condition in which Silvestre and Cacho were ; and this condition can, without doubt, be better imagined than described. These cavaliers travelled thus all night without keeping any cer- SILVESTRE CARRIES ORDERS OP THE GENERAL TO MOSCOSO. 27 T tain route, overcome by labor and sleep, and tortured with hunger ; because they had not eaten anything during two days, except a little corn. Their horses were also broken down with fatigue ; be- cause they had travelled for three days without any relaxation, and they had not been unbridled, except to feed for a few moments. For the image of death, wlilch these two cavaliers saw before their eyes, obliged them to push on with diligence, and overcome every diffi- culty. There were on both sides of the road troops of Indians, whom they perceived by the light of the fires which these barbarians had kindled, and around which they were dancing and making everything echo with their cries. It was not known whether they were then celebrating some festival, or whether it was a simple di- version ; but their cries lasted all the night, and' prevented them from hearing the steps of the horses, or minding their dogs which barked louder than usual. For if they had discovered Silvester and Cacho they would have endeavored to capture them. After these cavaliers had travelled ten leagues, with much fear and trouble, Cacho begged Silvestre either to kill him or let him sleep, and declared to him that he could not go any farther, nor hold himself any longer upon his horse. Silvestre replied, bluntly, that he might then sleep, since, in the midst of the dangers which threat- ened, he could not resist sleep for one hour; that the passage of the marsh was not far ; that thej"^ could not avoid death if they did not pass it before daylight. Cacho, without hearing what he said to him, fell to the ground as if he had been dead. Silvester immedi- ately took the bridle of the horse and the lance of his companion, and at this moment there spread a great darkness, accompanied by a very heavy rain, which, however, did not awaken Cacho, so power ful is the force of sleep. The rain ceased, the weather brightened, daylight appeared, and Silvestre was in despair at not having dis- covered the light sooner. But whilst his companion reposed he had probably himself fallen asleep upon his horse. For I remember to have known a cavalier who travelled about four leagues asleep, and who did not awake, altl)ough they spoke to him, and who was even in danger of being killed by his horse. As soon, then, as Silvestre saw daylight, he called Cacho, pushed him with the butt of his lance, and finally awoke him, and told him that for being too sleepy it was almost impossible not to fall into the hands of the barbarians. Cacho remounted his horse, and spurred, with Silvestre, at a fast gallop ; but daylight disclosed them, and immediately they heard, on both sides of the marsh, nothing but shouts and horns, drums, and other instruments. The Indians came out from among the reeds in canoes, gained the passage, and awaited there the two 278 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. Spaniards ; who, very far from losing courage, reassured tliemselves by the remembrance of the peril to which they had just been ex- posed on land, and rushed boldly into the water through which they were to pass. They were then enveloped with arrows, but as they went rapidly, and were well armed, they escaped without receiving a wound ; which was great good luck, considering the multitude of arrows which were discharged at them. In the mean time, the noise which the savages made was heard by the troops, which were not very far from the swamp ; and because they suspected something, tliirty cavaliers were sent off, who repaired to the passage. Touar, advantageously mounted, spurred at their head. He was bold and ambitious ; for, although he knew that he was in ill-favor with Soto, and that his actions would not be esteemed, he did not cease to serve as a brave man. However, that did not restore him to the favor of the general ; it seemed, on the contrary, that he was chagrined to see so much virtue in a man for whom he had so great an aversion. It had been better that Touar had abandoned the service, than to have persisted in wishing to regain the friendship of Soto. It is rarely that the great pardon when they believe that they have been injured. CHAPTER XV. THE RETURN OF SILVBSTRE. As the Indians were pursuing the two Spaniards out of the water they perceived the succors, and for fear of being injured they re- treated ; so that Silvestre came to the camp, where he was received by Moscoso, who, having learned the orders of the general, had the supplies quickly brought, and commanded thirty cavaliers to escort tliem. In the mean time, Silvestre stopped about three-quarters of an hour to eat a little corn and cheese, for there was nothing else ; and when everything was ready he resumed his route, accompanied by his escort, and led with him two mules loaded with cheese and biscuit. Cacho, who had not orders to return, remained with Mos- coso, who commanded his men to hold themselves ready to leave: whilst Silvestre and his escort crossed the swamp without the enemy pretending to attack them ; and arrived, at two o'clock at night, at the place where the general was to have waited for them. But as they did not find him there, they were much troubled, and they camped in that condition. One part of the night, ten cavaliers scouted, and a like number watched, and fed the horses all saddled, THE PROVINCE OP ACUERA. 279 while the others were taking a little repose ; in order that each one might work and sleep by turns, and that they might not be surprised by the enemy. So soon as it was day, they discovered the route of the general through the swamp,which they crossed before the Indians had taken possession of the pass. If, at any time, they had seized them, the Spaniards would have Iiad trouble to take them ; because they would have been obliged to fight in the water up to their armpits, without being able to retreat or to attack with advantage: whereas the enemy, who had boats which they propelled very swiftly, could, at their pleasure, shoot near or at a distance. Nevertheless, they did not take advantage of the opportunity, and thej;^ did not know the cause of it, unless it was that they observed lucky days for bat- tle. • rinall3', after six leagues of travel, the escort found Soto in a valley full of corn so high that they gathered it on horseback. But, as they were very hungry, they ate it raw, and thanked God for their good luck. The general received Silvester witli joy; and when he learned the hardships he had suffered, lie praised him highly, and promised to reward his services. He then told him that he had not remained at the rendezvous, because his people could not endure their hunger, and that lie believed that the savages had killed him. When he finished speaking, he was informed that Moscoso had passed the swamp without the enemy having opposed him ; and that, having arrived in three days, at another passage, which was on the other side, they had taken tliree days more to extricate themselves from it ; because it was long, and there was a great deal of water. He was also informed that Moscoso and his troops were in want of provisions ; and he sent them corn, which greatly rejoiced them ; after which they repaired to the province of Acuera, where the general was. CHAPTER XVI. THE PROVINCE OP ACUERA. The country of Acuera is to the north, in regard to that of Urri- baracuxi, from which it is distant about twentj' leagues. But as the cacique of Acuera had fled from it, upon the arrival of the troops in his province, they dispatched to him some Indian prisoners. They had orders to induce him to make an alliance with the Spaniards, who were valiant, and who could ruin his lands and his subjects: that, however, up to the present time, they had not gone to that extremity, because their desire was to reduce by mildness, only, the inhabitants of the country to obedience to the king of Spain, 280 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. their master. That, for this purpose, they desired to speak to him, and to inform him of the orders whicii they had to treat with the cnciqnes. Acuera replied, "that the Spaniards having already entered the country, he regarded them as vagabonds, who lived by brigandage, and slew those who had done them no injury. That, with a nation so detestable, he would have neither peace nor inter- course. That however brave they might be, they would find men who would be as much so as themselves. That, from this very instant, he would declare war against them, without, however, designing to come to an engagement with them, but that lie would lay so many ambuscades for them that he would entirely defeat them. That he had even commanded them to bring him, every week, two Christian heads: a sure means of exterminating them; so much the more easily, as they had no wives. That as for the obedience which they wished him to render their prince, they should know that it was the extreme of baseness for a free people to place themselves under a foreign domination. That he and all his subjects would sooner lose their lives than their liberty, and that they should expect no other answer from a sovereign. That, therefore, they might depart in haste from his country. That they were wretciies who sacrificed themselves for the sake of others. That, thus, he esteemed them unworthy of his friendship ; and that he would neither see their orders nor suffer them an^- longer upon his lands." The general, surprised at this haughtiness, endeavored to win over the cacique, but in vain. The army sojourned twenty days in his pro- vince, which they found very good, and they took there provisions to go on. During this time, the Indians harassed the Spaniards so much, that a soldier could not stray a hundred steps from the camp without being killed. They immediately cut ofi" the head, unless they charged suddenly upon them, and carried it to their cacique. Thej' were, in fact, very active. They disinterred, by night, the dead Christians, thej^ quartered them, and hung them from the tops of trees; and executed the orders of their chief with so much courage that they carried to him the heads of eighteen soldiers, without mentioning those whom thej' put to death, and those whom they wounded with their arrows. As for them, after having at- tacked, they fled very often ; so that our people slew only about fifty. ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS INTO THE PROVINCE OF OCALT. 281 CHAPTER XYII. THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS INTO THE PROVINCE OF OCALY. The army left Acuera without having done anything except kill a few Indians. They took the route to the province of Ocaly, dis- tant twenty leagues from the other, and marched to the northeast. They traversed between the two_ countries a wilderness about twelve leagues long, filled with walnut trees, pines, and trees unknown in Spain, but arranged in such equal distance that they seemed planted for pleasure, so that they made a very delightful forest.* They did not find in Ocaly many- marshes and bad defiles, as in the other countries. As this country was higher and further from the coast, the sea could not reach it, and the otiier provinces being nearer it and lower, the sea entered them in certain places, sometimes thirty, sometimes forty, flftj'j sixty, and sometimes one hundred leagues. There were found there great marshes, which rendered the earth trembling to such a degree that it waS almost impossible to pass over. The Spaniards, in fact, found in these wretched roads that as soon as they set foot upon the land, it trembled twenty or thirtj"^ steps around ; sometimes it seemed as though a horse could gallop there ; one would never have believed that it was but har- dened mud, and that there was water and mire beneath. Neverthe- less, when the top happened to break, the men, with their horses, were swallowed up and drowned without resource ; so that they had much to endure when it was necessary to pass those places. To return to the country of Ocaly. The Spaniards found there more provisions than in tlie other provinces. The land was better, and the country more cultivated. They remarked also tiiat the farther these countries were from the sea the nfore populous they were, and the more abundant in all kinds of fruits. The troops had made seven leagues as they traversed the wilder- ness between the two countries. On the route they met with some houses here and there, and entered the capital, which was called Ocsily, where the cacique held his court. But he and his vas- sals had retired into the woods with the best of what they had. The town of Ocaly consisted of six hundred houses, where the Spaniards lodged because they found there large quantities of veg- etables, nuts, dried grapes, and other fruits. The general, at the * These were probably live oaks. 282 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. same time, sent some Indians to solicit the fi'iendsliip of the cacique But he excused himself because he could not leave so soon, and six days after he came to the army, where, although he was well re- ceived and had made an alliance, they did not cease to judge that he had bad. designs, which they conceailed for fear of frightening him. What I am going to say will sliow that they did not suspect him without i-eason. There was near Ocaly a deep river, the steep banks of which were about the height of two pikes. Nevertheless, it was necessary to pass this river, and because tiiere was no bridge they agreed that the Indians should make one of timber. The cacique and the gen- eral, accompanied by many Spaniards, selected a day to see the place where they should erect this bridge. As they were planning it some five hundred barbarians, concealed in the bushes on the opposite side of the river, advanced and commenced calling out to the Spaniards, "cowards," "robbers," "you want a bridge, but we will not build it for you ;" and thereupon they discharged at them their arrows, which obliged the general to sa^' that since they had sworn an alliance this action ought to be punished. The cacique, to excuse himself, replied that as soon as his subjects saw that he was inclined in favor of the Spaniards, he had lost all authority ; that it was not in his power to punish them, and that they could not, without injustice, impute their fault to him. At the cries which the barbarians made, a greyhound named Binitns, which a page of the general led in leash escaping, leaped into the water. The Spaniards commenced calling him, but that encouraged him to swim straight to the Indians, who pierced his liead and shoulders with more than fifty arrows. He, liowever, passed to the other bank, and fell dead on leaving the water. The Christians were sensibly touched at it, because he had rendered them much service, as I am going to relate. One daj' four Indians, through curiositj', came to the camp to see the troops, their arms, and principally their horses, which they dreaded above all things. The general, who knew their design, and that they were the principal men of their province, received them with civility. He made them some presents and commanded them to be regaled in a room to themselves. When they had eaten heart- ily and saw that they were not observed by any one, they fled with such speed that the Spaniards, despairing of overtaking them, did not follow them. In the mean time Brutus came. He pursued close upon the heels of the Indians, who fled in file, and after having reached them, he passed three of them without attacking them, and leaped upon the forejmost, whom he brought to the ground. In the mean THE PROVINCE OP VITACHUCO. 283 time be let' him approach who followed ; he floored him, and did the same to the others when they were near him, thus holding them all in the same place, he leaped npon the first who made an apj)earance to rise, and arrested him by barking. He finally embarrassed them to such a degree that he detained them until the Spaniards ran to and seized them, and brought them back to the camp.* They im- mediately separated them, and questioned them on the motives of a flight so unreasonable. They replied that they had fled only in the be- lief that it would be a glorious thing for them, among those of their own nation, to have thus escaped from the hands of the Christians, and that Brutus had deprived them of a very great honor. It is also said of this greyhound, that one day as the Indians and Span- iards were together upon the banks of a river, an Indian struck, with his bow, a Spaniard. That 'then the Indian leaped into the water with the other savages, and tliat Brutus, who saw this, pursued him, attacked him, and strangled him in the middle of the river. It is tlius that in the conquest of the new world the grey- hounds have done things worthy of admiration. Becerillo served so well in the island of Porto Rico that on his account the Span- iards gave to his master the half of all their earnings. Nugnes de Balboa also was willing to pay five hundred gold crowns to him to whom Leoncello belonged, on account of the good services which that dog had done in the discovery of the Pacific Ocean. CHAPTER XVIII. THE PROVINCE OF VITACHUCO. SoTO, who saw that the cacique remained uselessl^'^ at the camp, told him that if he remained there long he feared that his vassals would altogether revolt, or that, believing tiiat he was detained as a prisoner, they might become more and more irritated ; that he begged him to return home, and that wlien he should come to visit him again he would always pay him much respect. Ocaly replied that he wished to go to his subjects, only to induce them to submit to the general, and that if he could compel them to it he would not fail to return to show his affection for the whole army. Tiiereupon he went away and did not keep any of his promises. Afterwards, by means of a Genoese engineer named Francois, the Spaniards * The Elva Narrative relates this of a counterfeit caolque who attempted to escape ; the dog passed all the other Indians to take him, caught and held him. 284 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. madp a bi-idge of beams with puncheons across, secured by cords. As there was no lack of wood they succeeded so well in their design that the men and horses passed with great facility. But before crossing the river the general commanded some of his men to place themselves in ambush to capture some Indians. They took thirty of them, who by dint of promises and threats, conducted them into a province, distant sixteen leagues from Ocaly. The country through which they travelled was unsettled, but agreeable, level, full of trees and streams, and appeared very fertile. The army made eight leagues in two days, and on the third, after liaving marched until noon, Soto advanced with a hundred cavaliers and as many foot-soldiers, and continued his route the remainder of the day and all the night ; he arrived about morning at Ochile, which was one of the towns of the province of Vitachuco. This country contained nearly two hundred leagues, and was divided be- tween three brothers. Vitachuco, who was the eldest, bore the name of the province and the capital, and of the ten parts wliicli composed this extent of country he possessed five of them. The second, whose name is not known, had three of them. And the last whom they called Ochile, from the name of the town of wliich he was the chief, had two of them. The cause of this division is not known, for in the provinces which they had discovered, the eldest was the only heir. It may be that these parts had been united by some marriage, and afterwards divided among the chil- dren, or that relations who had died without heirs had left them to the father of these three brothers, upon condition that he should divide them in this manner among his sons, in order to preserve the memory of their benefactors, so natural to man is the desire to immortalize himself, and so powerful even over the minds of nations the most savage. The town of Ochile consisted of fifty houses, fortified to resist their neighbors, for the greater part of the countries of Florida are all enemies of each other. The general entered Ochile by surprise, sounding the bugles and beating the drums to astonish the Indians. In fact, many of them, wholly frightened at a noise so unexpected, left their dwellings in the hopes of saving themselves, and fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who after having made some prisoners, attacked the dwelling of the cacique. It was a very fine house, which had properly but one hall, one hundred and twenty paces long, by forty wide, with four doors, one at each corner, and many chambers round about, which were entered through the hall. (14) The cacique, who had enemies to deal with, was in this house with his warriors ; to whom were quicklj' joined the greater part of his THE BROTHER OF OCHILE SENDS TO VITACHUCO. 285 vassals, when they saw the Spaniards masters of their town. Im- mediately they all took their arms and pnt themselves in a state to defend themselves, but in vain. The Spaniards had already gained the entrances, and endeavored to oblige them to surrender, some- times by threatening to burn them, and sometimes by promising them kind treatment. Nevertheless, the cacique remained firm, until they brought to him several of his subjects, who had been made prisoners. Tliey assured him that there were so many Spaniards that he ought no longer to think of resisting them. That so far they had not maltreated any one, and tliat he would be acting prudently in trusting himself to their promises. The cacique suf- fered himself to be prevailed upon, and was kindly received by Soto ; who retained him and set at liberty all the other Indians. But when he saw, on the other side of the town, a valley filled with many houses, well inhabited and at some distance from one another, he believed that there would be no security for him to pass the night at Ochile; because, if these savages of the country should come and join themselves to their neighbors, they Could easily take from him the cacique. He therefore returned, witli haste, to join his troops, which were three leagues from there, and uneasy at not seeing liim. But their sorrow was changed to joy when they saw him returning bringing with him Ochile, accompanied by his domestics and many Indian warriors, who voluntarily followed his fortunes. CHAPTER XIX. THE BROTHER OP OCHILE COMES tO THE CAMP AND SENDS TO VITACHUCO. The day after that on which Soto had joined his troops they entered in battle array the country of Ochile, the drums and trum- pets at their head ; which made tlie whole neighborhood echo with their noise. The array lodged, the general begged Ochile to send to his brothers to induce them to peace. The cacique then made knoWn to his brothers that the Christians had entered upon their lands ; that they had for their object only the friendship of the people ; that if they should receive them they would make no devastation, and would content themselves with taking only pro- visions for their subsistence; if not, they would ruin, burn, and slaughter all; that therefore he begged them to ally themselves with them. The second brother replied that he thanked Ochile for his advice ; 286 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. that he desired to see and know the Spaniards; that, however, he would not go to their camp until about three days, because he wished to put himself in a condition to be seen ; but that he could always assure them of his obedience, and accept, on his part, the friendship which they offered him. In fact, three days after, this cacique came to the army, accompanied by the finest and most distinguished of his subjects. He politely saluted Soto, and entertained the officers with so much wit tliat they would have said that he had been a long time among them. The Spaniards, on their part, received him with great manifestations of friendship ; they neglected nothing that might gain the friendship of the caciques who sought their alliance; they supported, strongly, their interests, and would not suffer that there should be committed the least disorder upon their lands. Vitachuco, who was the third brother, made no reply ; and re- tained tli6se whom they had sent to him. His two brothers, at the suggestion of Soto, dispatched to him other persons, who entreated him to receive the peace wliich the Spaniards offered him. That he should not imagine that he could contend with thera. That they drew their origin from heaven, and were tiie veritable sons of the Sun and Moon. That, in one word, they rode certain beasts, so swift that they could not escape them. That they besought him to open bis eyes upon the misfortunes which threatened liim, and prevent the desolation of liis country and the ruin of his subjects. Vitachuco answered so proudly that never bombast approached the haughtiness of his words. But as they were not able to remember them, I will relate only the response which he made to his brothers. He ordered their envoys to tell them that their conduct was that of young men, who had neither judgment nor experience. That they gave to their enemies fictitious birth and virtues. That tlie Span- iards were neither the children of the sun nor so valiant as they imagined. That his brothers were cowards to put themselves into their power. That since they preferred servitude to liberty they spoke as slaves, and praised the men for whom they should have only contempt. That they did not consider that those, of whose merit they boasted, would not act less cruelly than the others of the same nation, whom they had seen in the country. That they were all traitors, murderers, robbers ; in short the children -of the devil. That they carried off' women, plundered their property, seized upon the habitable country, and basely maintained them- selves by the labor of others. That if they had as much virtue as they said, they would not have abandoned their country ; but they would have cultivated it, and would not have drawn upon them- selves, by their brigandage, the hatred of all men. That they might THE BROTHER OF OCHILE SENDS TO VITACHUCO. 287 say to thera, on his part, that they should not enter his lands ; that, otherwise they should never leave them; that they should all perish there, and that he would have them cruelly burnt. After this reply, Vitachuco sent many of his subjects to the camp of the Spaniards. There came sometimes two and sometimes four of them, who sounded the trumpet and made new manaces, more terrible than the first. For this barbarian thought to astonish our people by the different sorts of punishments with which he threat- ened them. He sometimes informed them, that when they should enter into his province, he would command the earth to open and engulf them; the mountains between which they, should march to close and crush them ; the winds to tear up the forests through which they should pass and overturn them upon them ; the birds to take poison in their beaks, and drop it upon his enemies, in order to consume them. At other times he would have the waters, the grass, the herbs, the trees, and even the air, poisoned in such a manner, that neither the men nor the horses would ever be able to protect themselves from deatli ; and that thus the Spaniards would serve as an example to those who should hereafter think of entering his lands without his consent. These reveries, which sufficiently show the character of Vitachnco, made the Christians laugh at him. However, they did not neglect to stop eight days in the country of the two brothers; who regaled them with emulation, and showed them the disposition which the}' had to serve them. But as those whom they had sent to their eldest brother could not persuade him, they resolved to go there themselves. They communicated this design to the general, who approved it, and who gave to them many presents for Yitachuco. This barbarian, moved by the presence of his brotiiers, who told him that the troops were advancing toward his countr}', and that they would be able to ravage it entirely, be- lieved that he ought to conceal his hale ; that some daj- he would find occasion to mariifest it openly ; and that, the Spaniards relying upon the alliance he would swear to thera, lie would exterminate them all, without incurring any danger to his person. For this reason, he said to his brothers, that up to tliat hour he had not been able to imagine that the Spaniards had so much valor, and so much merit ; that finally, since he was convinced of it, he would receive their alliance with joy; but, beforehand, he wished to know how long they would remain upon his lands, and how much provisions Would be necessary for them when they should leave it. The two brothers dispatched promptly to the camp to make known this re- ply. So soon as the general knew it, he begged tiiem to assure their 288 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. oldest brother that the troops would not remain in his country, and that he might furnish as much provisions as he chose ; for the Span- iards desired only the honor of his friendship, with which they ex- pected to have everything in abundance. CHAPTER XX. THE ARRIVAL OF VITACHUCO. ViTAOHuco was contented with the reply of the general ; so that, in order to conceal more adroitly his design, he asserted that he felt increasing in him a desire to see the Spaniards. He then com- manded the principal persons of his province to hold themselves ready to go to the camp, to collect provisions and the things neces- sary, and to bring them to the capital, in order to give there the Christians an honorable reception. Afterwards he left, accompa- nied by his brother and five hundred men well armed, and in very good Older. But after marching two leagues, he met Soto, who had advanced to receive him, and he rendered him his civilities with great marks of amity. He also begged him to pardon what passion had made him say against the Spaniards ; that he had been mis- informed of tlieir conduct; that for the future, he would render them the honor which was their due ; that, in one word, to repair the offence which he had committed, he would recognize the general as his lord, and that his subjects were ready to implicitly obej' him. At these words, Soto embraced him, and replied that he would for- get all that had passed ; that he would remember only the favor which he had done him of loving him ; and that, in recognition of this favor, he wislied to render him every service. The colonel of cavalry, and the captain,, came afterward to salute him, and to i-e- joice at his arrival ; and after some compliments on both sides, the troops entered, in good order, into the capital, wliicli was called Vitachuco. It had some two hundred large houses, very strono' and some others, smaller, which coitiposed the fauxbourgs. The army lodged in the strongest houses. The caciques, and the general with his guard and his retinue, took for themselves the dwelling of the cacique, where, when they had remained three days together and lived high, the two brothers demanded permission to return home. Soto granted it, and made them some presents so that they left well satisfied. Vitachuco was still four days en- tertaining tiie Spaniards, in order to keep them less upon their guard, and that he might the better succeed in what he meditated THE ARRIVAL OF VITACHTJCO. 289 against them. This design so prepossessed him that he was daz- zled with it ; so that, instead of taking counsel of his faithfnl friends, he avoided them, and communicated iiis idea only to those who flat- tered him. Such is the behavior of persons who trust too much to themselves ; and who also seldom fail to draw upon themselves the ,troul)le which their imprudence merits. Finally, Vitachuco, who could no longer resist his passion to de- stroy the troops, assembled, five daj'S after the departure of his brothers, four Indians who sei'ved as interpreters to the general. He revealed to tiiem that he had determined to massacre the Span- iards. That it was very easy for him to succeed in it. That they relied upon his friendship, and did not suspect anything. That he had assembled more than ten thousand of his subjects, all bold and enterprising men. That he had ordered them to conceal their arms in the neighboring forests.; to enter the town loaded with wood and provisions, and to leave it under pretext of rendering service to their enemies, so that, not doubting anything, they, might not be upon their guard lie added that, in a great plain, he would put all his subjects in battle array ; that he would entreat the general to come and see them ; that afterwards he would order twelve of the strongest and bravest of the Indians to accompany this commander, under pretext of doing him honor, and to kill him in the midst of the battalion, when they should see a favorable opportunity, for it; that, in the mean time, the others should fall upon the Spaniards, who, surprised at an action so bold, would not have time either to recover themselves, or to put themselves in a state- of defence. Thereupon, as if his design had already succeeded, he continued, he would make those who fell into liis hands suffer all the punishments with which he had threatened them, and that he would make use of fire, poison, and tortures. Finally, that tliere should not be any kind of death of which he would not think in order to torture them. After Vitachuco had spoken in this manner, he commanded the in- terpreters to tell him their opinion, and forbid them to discover his secret. And he promised them that, when he should have satisfied his vengeance, he would give them important offices, and very ricli wives if they should wish to dwell upon his lands. That if not, he would liave them escorted as far as their own country, and would load them witii favors ; that they should consider that the Span- iards held them as slaves; that they would drag them into regions so far that they would lose all hopes of ever seeing their country ; • that they would injure, not only them, but all the country; that their only aim was to deprive them of their liberty, their wealth, wives, and children, and to load them every daj' with some new 19 290 HISTORY OP FLOKTDA. burden ; that it was, therefore, necessary to bravely oppose their tyranny. That finally, since his designs regarded only the glory and the interests of the people, he besought them by all that they lield most dear to aid him with their counsel. The interpreters replied that his enterprise was lofty and worthy of a great soul ; that his measures appeared well taken ; that cer- tainly he would not be deceived in his hopes ; that the country would owe to him its preservation, and the people their honor, their for- tunes, and their lives ; that, with this view, they would swear to him not to divulge his secret, and to implicitly execute his orders; that, in one word, as they could contribute but their vows, for the success of an action so glorious, they would pray the Sun and Moon to favor it. CHAPTER XXI. THE RESULTS OP THE ENTERPRISE OP VITACHUCO. ViTACHUCO and the interpreters separated with much joy. The latter hoped to be very soon free, elevated to honors, and married to very rich wives ; and Vitachuco imagined that he had gloriously accomplished the object of his designs ; that his neighbors would adore him, and that all the people of the country would recognize him as their liberator. He even thought that he heard then the praises which they ought to give him for an action so illustrious, and saw the women, with their children, dancing and singing before him, according to the custom of the country, songs which pro- claimed his valor, and the fortunate success of his enterprise. Puffed up with these vain imaginations he sent for his captains, not to take their advice concerning what should be done, but to make them execute his orders. He told them that he was going to be crowned with an immortal fame ; that he even enjoyed it already, in advp,nce ; but that it depended upon their courage to cover him with glory ; that, therefore,, he entreated them to attack the Christians vigorously, and to make such a slaughter of tbem as he had imag- ined. His captains replied that they had so much respect for him that he had only to command, and they would obey him like brave men. The cacique, satisfied with their reply, dismissed them with a promise to inform them, in a sliorttime, what they should have to do. In the mean time the interpreters, to whom Vitachuco had disclosed himself, considering that his enterprise could not succeed, because'of the courage of the Spaniards, and of the vigilance of Soto, and besides, the fear of the dangers to which it would expose THE DEFEAT OP THE INDIANS. 291 them, prevailing over the hopes of being recompensed, they believed that their individual interest obliged them to violate their faith. They, therefore, went to Ortis and declared to him the treason, with orders to give notice of it to the general, who immediately assem- bled his council. It was decided that it was necessary to dissemble, and secretly to warn their people to hold themselves upon their guard with an apparent negligence, in order that the barbarians might not suspect anything. They believed that, to secure Vita- chuco, they should even employ the means of which he had resolved to make use in order to take the general. Therefore, they ordered twelve of the most robust soldiers to keep near the general, when, at the request of Vitachueo, he should go to view the Indians in battle array ; and that they should always be on the alert to observe closely all the movements of the barbarian. The day arrived when everything was to be executed, the cacique invited Soto to come and see his subjects in the country where they awaited him in battle array. That his presence would oblige them to act well. That he would see their numbers and their skill, and whether they understood warfare. As Soto dissembled and feigned not to give himself a guard, he replied, he would view, with much pleasure, the Indians under arms ; and that, to render the review more beautiful and contribute to their satisfaction, he would send out, in order of battle, the Spanish cavalry and infantry, that both might exercise and skirmish for amusement. Vitachueo did not wish that they should do him so much honor ; but his passion so much prepossessed him that he consented to everything. He relied upon the valor of his subjects ; and believed that, without difficulty, he would succeed in his enterprise. CHAPTER XXII. THE DEFEAT OP THE INDIANS. ( When, on both, sides, the troops were under arms, the Spanish cavalry and infantry left in order of battle, and the general marched on foot with the cacique. There was, near the town, a great plain, which abutted one side upon a forest and the other upon two marshes. The first of these marshes was a kind of pond, of which the bottom was verj' good, but the water so deep, that, at four paces from tlie shore, it was overhead ; the second was three-quarters of a league wide, and the length greater than the eye could view. The India,ns came and camped between this forest and these marshes ; 292 HISTORY OP FLOBIDA. they had these waters on their right and the forest on their left. There were nearly ten thousand, all men of the elite, and very at'tive, with plumes disposed in eueh a fashion upon their heads that they appeared larger tihan ordinary. Being camped, they con- cealed their arms, to make it appear that they had no evil design, and formed a very beautiful battalion in the form of a crescent. There they awaited their chief and the general, who came with the resolution to seize each other; accompanied, each, by twelve persons. The Spanish infantry marched on the side of the forest, and the cavalry in the middle of the plain, to the right of the general, who had no sooner arrived where Vitachuco was to have had him seized, than he anticipated him, and had a musket fired, which was the signal. The twelve Spaniards immediately seized the cacique, the Indians endeavoring to rescue him ; but their efforts did not succeed. The general, who was anned under his dress, had ordered that they should keep ready for him two of his best horses ; so that, after seizing the barbarian, he -mounted the horse named Azei- t-uno and attacked the battalion of Indians. It was his custom to encourage others by his example, find to go first, headlong, into danger: for he would not have found his victory glorious if he had not gained it at the peril of his life. He also passed for one of the four bravest captains who had gone to the West Indies ; but he did not take sufficient care of himSelf. The Indians, who had then taken arms, received him courageouslj', and prevented him from breaking their battalion. At the same time that he put the first line in dis- order, they fired upon him, and pierced Azeituno with eight arrows. This horse fell dead ; for it was at this that they had principally aimed, and even in all the other combats, they took more care to kill the horses than to kill the men ; imagining that the death of the one was more important to them than that of the other. The signal being given our men charged upon the Indians, and the cavalry followed so closely the general that it succored him before he could be wounded. But Viota, who was one of his pages, seeing his master's horse was slain, dismounted and gave him his own. The general immediately rushed upon the barbarians ; who, without pikes, could not resist three hundred cavalry, and all took to flight; they who had boasted of exterminating all the Spaniards. As the battalion was broken, the Indians, about ten o'clock in the morning, fled ; some into the woods and others into the pond. Those of the rear-guard scattered over the plain ; which was the reason why they slew more than three hundred of them and made many prisoners. Nevertheless, those of the advance-guard, who were the most valiant, were still worse treated : for, flying after THE INDIANS' EXIT FROM THE POND. 293 having sustained the first shock and the fury of the cavalry, tliey could gain neither the wood nor the marsh, which were the best- retreats; so that more than nine hundred threw themselves into the poild. In the mean time the Spaniards pursued the others as far as the forest ; but to no purpose, and they retraced their steps to the pond to harass, the remainder of the day, the barbarians who had escaped there. They flred upon them, sometimes arrows and some- times musket shots, merely to compel them to surrender; for since they could not escape our people did not wish to injure them. The Indians, on their side, defended themselves valiantly, and exhausted upon the Spaniards all their arrows. But as they had no footing, there were many of them who swam three or four abreast ; pressing one against the other, and who carried upon their backs one of their comrades who flred until he had no more arrows.* They fought in this manner, all the day, without any of them being willing to sur- render. The night come, our men invested the' pond ; the cavaliers placed themselves two and two at intervals, and the foot soldiers six and six at very short distances from each other ; for fear lest, by favor of the darkness, they should egcape from them. And when they heard them approach the shore, besides promising them every kind of good treatment, they would menace them and fire upon them to make them retire ; and fatiguing them by dint of swimming they soon constrained them to surrender. CHAPTER XXIII. THE FORTITUDE OF THE INDIANS AND THEIR EXIT FROM THE POND. They were the greater part of the night harassing the Indians, who, without any hope of succor, showed they would rather die than surrender. However, by the persuasion of Ortis, the most fatigued began to leave the pond, one after another, but so slowly that at break of day there were not yet fifty out. The others, who saw that their companions were treated well, surrendered in greater numbers. They came, however, so reluctantly, that the greater part, being upon the shore, leaped again into the water and did not leave it until the last extremity'- ; so that there were many of them who swam twenty-four hours. And the next day, when the day was already a little advanced, about two hundred surrendered ; but so swollen by the water which they had swallowed, and so overcome by hunger, * Garcilasso's imagination. 294 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. fatigue, and drowsiness, tliat they were lialf dead. Finally, the others left it, with the exception of seven, whom nothing could move, and who would have died in the water, if before evening the general had not commanded them to be drawn out of it. Twelve great swimmers then leaped into the pond, and taking them by the .legs, arms, and hair, brought them to shore. But the poor Indians were pitiable ; extended upon the sand more dead than alive, and in a condition in which you may imagine men who had foughj; thirty hours swimming in the water. Our people, touched with compas- sion and admiring their courage, brought them to the town, where they assisted them ; and they were more aided by the goodness of their constitution than by the virtues of their remedies. Afterwards, when they saw them a little recovered, the general had them called, and feigning to be enraged, demanded of them why, in the deplora- ble condition in which they saw themselves, they had not followed the example of their companions. Then four, about thirty-five years each, replied through one of them, that they had known the peril which threatened them, but that, in consideiiation of the com- mands which Vitachuco had given them as his troops, and of the esteem which he had for their valor, they had Ibeen obliged to show that they were not entirely unworthy of his favors, and that he was not mistaken in the choice which he had made of their persons. That besides they desired to leave to their children an ex- ample of fidelity and courage, and to instruct by their valor, all the other captains. That they were, therefore, to be pitied for not having done their duty, and that the compassion which they had for them was painful to their honor. That, however, they should not cease to have much gratitude for the kindness they had intended to do them ; but that they would increase the favors they had done them if they would take their lives; that not having died for the service of Vitachuco, they dared not appear before him or among his people. The general, who admired this reply, turned to the other Indians, who were young chiefs from eighteen to nineteen years of age each. He demanded of them what had constrained them to remain with so much obstinacy in the water, they who held no rank in the army. They replied that they had left their homes, neither in the view of destroying his troops nor in the hope of making booty, nor to gain tlie friendship of any cacique as a recompense for it, but to acquire a reputation in the.battle that was to be fought against the Christians. That they had always been taught that the glory that was to be acquired in battle was grand and enduring. That in con- sideration of this, they had exposed themselves to the danger in THE INDIANS' EXIT FROM THE POND. 295 which he had seen them, and from which he had so generously ex- tricated them. That now they would voluntarily sacrifice themselves for his service. Tliej' added, that fortune having declared for him, and having robbed tliem of a victory that would have covered them with glory, they beheld themselves in the sad state in which the vanquished ordinarily are. That, however, they had learned that if they should suffer their misfortunes with firmness, they would be able to render themselves commendable, because the vanquished who had fought only for liberty did not deserve less praise than he who governs himself wisely in victory. That, therefore, he should not be astonished if, instructed by these maxims, thej' had shown as much courage as the captains. They maintained, on the contrary, that they were more obliged than they to fight valientlj', because their birth destined them to higher employments than these officers. That, in this view, they had aimed to show that they aspired to succeed their fathers ; since they endeavored to imitate the noble examples which they had given them. That they had .even desired to show them that they were worthy to be their children, and to console them for their- loss by a glorious death. That finally, if these considerations could excuse them with him, they implored his clemency ; if not, they offered to him their lives, and that it jvas permitted to the conqueror to use his victory according to his will. This discourse, joined to the courage, the fine appearance, and the misfortunes of these young nobles, drew tears from the greater part of the Spaniards who were present. The general himself felt pity for them, and, embracing them, said to them that he judged of their birth by their actions; that men who had as much firmness as they had shown deserved to command other men ; that for this reason he had a special pleasure in having preserved their lives ; but that they need not grieve ; that the height of his satisfaction was to set them at liberty. In fact, the general, after having de- tained them only two or three days in order to show to them his affection, sent tliem away, accompanied by some of their domestics who were prisoners. He gave them divers presents for their fathers, with orders to offer to them his friendship, and to tell them the way in which he had treated th.em. These Indians, after many thanks, took the road to their country, well pleased with the general, who the next day summoned Vita- chuco and the captive captains. He told them that their conduct was criminal, since, under the appearance of friendship, they had conspired the destruction of the troops ; that such treason ought to be punished with death, in order that their example might hinder the other Indians of the province from rising; that, nevertheless, 296 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. to show that he preferred peace to vengeance, he pardoned them on condition that for the future they would return the affection wliich he had for them. He begged them also to forget the past, and to make no more attempts against the Christians, because it would inevitably bring only misfortune upon all tii,eir undertakings. He afterwards took the cacique aside and tried by every means to calm him, and -was pleased that he should return to eat at his table, from which he had expelled him on account of his perfidy. But these manifestations of affection, so far from obliging this barbarian to return to his duty, served only to preserve the aversion which he had conceived against the Spaniards, so that he let himself be carried away more and more by the violence of his hate, and finally destroyed himself and the greater part of his sulijects. CHAPTER XXIV. THE DEATH Or VITACHUOO. The Indians who went out of the pond were made prisonei-s anxl distributed for slaves to the Spaniards, and Vitachuco' had his dwelling for a prison. Tlie general ordered it so, to punish these barbarians for their treason, and to retain them b^' fear in their duty. However, he had resolved that on leaving the province he would give them all their liberty. , But the cacique, who did not know this design, and who saw his subjects slaves, again meditated means of destroying the Spaniards. He flattered himself that the nine hun- dred prisoners, who were the bravest of his troops, would execute alone what they had not been able to do together ; that, being as numerous as tiie Spaniards, each one would slay his master ; and that, choosing the hour of dinner, his design would so much the more surely succeed, as the Spaniards would suspect nothing. This design, which should have been conducted with much prudence, was precipitated ; and he believed that his subjects with their arms only could make away with their enemies. He, therefore, commanded four j'oung Indians, who were left for his individual service, to in- form the principal prisoners of his resolution, with orders to have it adroitly communicated to the others, and to hold themselves ready about noon of the third day, in order for each one to slay his man. He also sent them word that at the same hour he would take the life of the commander; and as a signal, he would make, whe'n he should be engaged with him, a shout so loud that the whole town should hear it. Vitachuco gave this order to the Indians the same THE DEATH OP VITACHUCO. 297 day that Soto, forgetting his crimes, caused liim to dine at his table. Bnt it is ordinarily thus that traitors and ingrates recognize the favors that are done them. The subjects of the barbarian, informed of this second enterprise, S8,w clearly that it would not be more fortunate than the first. However, they replied that they would all obey him or die, for the Indians of the new world have so rniich love and veneration for their princes that they consider them as divinities. If their sovereign desired it, they would cast themselves as freely into the fire as they would into the water ; and, without considering the danger in which they placed themselves, they would regard only their duty and the obedience they had pledged them. Finally, seven days after the first rout of the Indians, when the general and the cacique had dined, the barbarian bent his whole hody, turned himself from one side to the other, closed his fist, extended his arms, drew them back even to reversing therh upon his shoul- ders, and brandished them with such great violence that his bones cracked with it, ah ordinary custom of the Indians when they would _ undertake anything which required vigor. Then he raised himself upon his feet with an inconceivable haughtiness; he closed with the general, pressed his left arm around his neck, and with his right hand gave him so violent a blow with his fist upon his face that he knocked him to the ground, fell upon him, and made so loud a cry that it was heard more than a quarter of a league. The officers who had assembled for dinner, seeing the insolence of the barbarian, pierced him ten or a dozen times with their swords, and he fell dead with rage in his soul and curses in his mouth because he had not succeeded in his undertaking. But for the officers, he had finished the general with another blow, for that which he had already given him was so great that he remained senseless for half an hour. The blood flowed from his eyes, his nose, and his mouth. He even had some teeth broken, and the others so much injured that for twenty days he was unable to eat anything but hash. His lips, his nose, and his face were swollen to such a degree that it was necessary to cover them with plasters, so violently had Vitachuco struck him.* This savage was then ahout thirty-five years of age. He had a robust bodj', handsome shape, and a countenance sombre, haughtj', and altogether cruel. * The Elva narrative makes mention of this occurrence, and of the insurrec- tion of Vitachuco and his men ; hut the place was Napetuca, and the cacique Caliquen. 298 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA. , CHAPTER XXV. THE CONSEQUENCE OF THE DEATH OF VITACHUCO. The cr\' of Yitachuco heard, each Indian attacked the Spaniard he served, and tried to kill him ; some with firebrands, others with whatever they met with, for they had not weapons. Nevertheless, they did not fail to make a v^ry great confusion. Some struck the Spaniards in the face ; others on the head, sometimes with the iron pots in which they cooked the meat, with which some of our men were burnt, and sometimes with pots and plates. However, they did more mischief with the firebrands than with all the rest ; as the most of them had some, they injured many of our people. Some had tiieir arms broken, others had their eyelids burnt, their faces dis- figured, and their noses broken. There were even four' slain, of whom one, being knocked down with a firebrand, three savages fell upon him so cruelly that they knocked out his brains. It happened also in this confusion, that after an Indian had, with a blow of a stick, struck down a Spaniard, and broken his teeth with a blow of his fist, he fled from some of our men who rushed upon him, as- cended to a chamber wiiich faced the court, took a lanee'which was against the wall, and defended the door with so much courage that no one could enter tliere. In the mean time, Diego de Soto, a rela- tion of tiie general, liastened there, and commenced firing from the court with a crossbow. When the Indian saw this new enemy, he placed himself directly in the door, and, determined to sell his life dearlj', he threw his lance at the same moment that Soto fired ; but it touched, only with the wood, the shoulder of the Spanish cava- lier ; and having staggered him, it entered half a yard into the earth. The shot of Soto was more fortunate ; it struck his enemy in the breast and'slew him. In the mean time the report spread that Vi- tachuco had injured the general, so that the Spaniards, irritated more and more, and principallj' those who had been wounded, avenged therasejves upon the savages whom they encountered. There were, however, cavaliers, who, being ashamed to acknowledge tliat they had been beaten, believed that it was unbecoming them to take the lives of slaves. Therefore, they had some of them slain by the Indians themselves, who served them in the army, and placed the greater part of them into the hands of the archers of the gene- ral's guard ; who pierced them, with the halberts, in the middle of the public square of the town. Among others, Saldagna, who would THE PROVINCE OP OSSAOHILE. 299 not himself put this slave to death, tied a cord around his neck, and led him to deliver him to the guards. But when the'savage entered the square, and saw what was passing there, such a rage seized him, that, with one hand, he took his master by the neck, and with the other under the thigh, lifted him up, turned him upside down, and let him fall so, violently that he stunned him. He immediately mounted him witli his two feet upon his belly with so much vio- lence that he would have crushed it if some fifty Spaniards, sword in hand, had not come to his assistance. However, the savage was not confounded, and received them ''so courageously that he was a long time without being either wounded or taken! He seized the sword of Saldagna, and whirling it around, thus kept his enemies at a distance, so that they were obliged to kill him by shooting him with fusees and pistols. Such was a part of the disorders which happened the day that Yitachuco struck the general ; and, without donbt, they would have been greater if the greater part. of tlie Indians had not been chained. Thus, there were but few Spaniards killed, but many wounded. As to the Indians, because they were brave, and attacked and defended themselves vigorously, there died more than nine hundred of them, who were the flower of the subjects of Vitachuco ; whom this bar- barian unfortunately hurried headlong to destruction. He was also the cause of the death of four captains, whom they had drawn from the pond, who were involved in the misfortune of the others. It is thus that the foolish and the rash destroy the wise who believe them and obey their orders. CHAPTER XXYI. THE PROVINCE OF OSSAOHILE. After the defeat of the prisoners, the general remained four days in the town of Vitachuco, and had dressed his own wounds and those of the others; and on the fifth he took the route to Ossachile. The troops made four leagues the first day's journey, and camped upon the borders of a great river which separates the province of Ossachile from that of Vitachuco. But as this river was not ford- able, it was necessary to build a bridge. The Spaniards, therefore, quicklj'^ collected timber, and they already began to work on it, when the Indians appeared on the other side of the river to defend the passage. So that they abandoned it, and made six large rafts of man J' pieces of wood, upon which crossed a hundred fusileers and 300 HISTORY OF FLORIDA, crossbow-men, with fifty cavaliers who carried tlie saddles of their horses. Then Soto ordered that fifty horses should be made to swim across, and that they should be saddled as soon as they reached the other shore. Thej' then began to march into the plain, and the Indians quitting their position, gave time to erect the bridge, which was made in a day and a half. The troops passed over. Afterwards they found the lands planted with corn and other sorts of vegetables, and began to see houses which were here and there in the country, and which extended four leagues from there to the capi- tal. This place was composed of two hundred houses, and was called Ossachile, from the name of the cacique who lived there. From the town of Vitachuco to this one there are ten leagues of very pleasant plain. The Indians at first had not dared to resist the Spaniards ; but when they saw them on their cultivated lands they turned upon them and, concealing themselves in the corn, fired a great number of arrows at them and tried to defeat them. They also wounded many of them ; but the Christians, irritated at seeing themselves attacked, beat them back, made some of them prisoners, pierced tlie greater part of them with their lances, and fought them for four leagues. As the Spaniards found the capital of Ossachile abandoned, and that the cacique and all his people had fled, the general dispatched some of his Indian subjects to him, to beg him to make peace with the Christians. But he did not make any reply, and even those who had been sent to him did not return. In the mean time, the troops, which sojourned two days in the country, placed themselves in ambuscade, and captured many barbarians who rendered them ver3'' good service, and who being taken manifested for them as mucli kindness as they had before shown aversion. These are the most important things that happened in the provine of Ossachile. CHAPTER XXVII. CONCERNING THE TOWN AND HOUSE OF THE CACIQUE OF OSSACHILE, AND THE CAPITALS OF THE OTHER PROVINCES The town and the house of the cacique Ossachile were like those of all the other caciques of Florida. Therefore, without making a particular description of this place and this house, it seems prpper to give only a general idea of all the capitals and all the houses of the chiefs of the country. I will say then that the Indians endeavor to place their towns upon elevated places. But because, in Florida, THE ATJTHOE ANTICIPATES SOME DIFFICULTIES. 301 they rarely meet with this sort of place where they can find the n6cessar3' conveniences to build, they raise themselves eminences in this manner. They choose a place where they bring a quantity of earth which they elevate into a kind of platform, two or tliree pikes high; the top of which is capable of containing ten or twelve or fifteen or twenty houses to lodge the cacique with his family and all his retinue. They then trace, at the bottom of this elevation, a square place conformable to the extent of the village which they would make; and around this place the most important persons build their dwellings. The common people lodge in the same raan- uer; and thus they all environ the house of their chief. In order to ascend to it they draw, in a straight line, streets from top to bottom ; each one fifteen or twenty feet wide, and unite them to each other with large posts, which enter very deep into the earth and which serve for walls to these streets. Then they make the stairs with strong beams which they put across; and which they square and join in order that the work may be more even. The steps of these stairs are seven or eight feet wide; so that horses ascend and de- scend tliem without diflSculty. However, the Indians steepen all the other sides of the platform, with the exception of the stairs, so that they cannot ascend to it; and the dwelling of the chief is sufficiently strong.* CHAPTER XXVIII. THE AUTHOR ANTICIPATES SOME DIPFICULTIES. ^ Before proceeding farther it is proper to anticipate those who should say, that in the other histories of the West Indies they have not seen that the Indians have said or done things worthy of memory, as \hese which I have reported appear to have : that gene- rally they even believe that these people are stupid, and that they have not any policy, either in peace or in war ; that, therefore, I have either had a particular design to praise the Indians among whom I have been born, or that I am vainly emulous to show my wit at the expense of truth. I reply, that the belief of certain persons that the Indians are not intelligent, and that they do not know how to govern themselves in affiairs of importance, is ill founded, and contrary to what Acosta i-elates of them ; an author very worthy of confidence."}" Besides I advance nothing but upon the relation of an * See Appendix, notes 17 and 18, t Joseph D'Acosta, a celebrated Spanish Jesuit. This great man, after hav- ing resided some years in both Americas, and informed himself, from experienced 302 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. ocular and accurate witness, who carefully reviewed his account ; who added to it what he had forgotten, and retrenched the things of which he had not seen all the particulars; so that, only copying hira, I can assert that there is in this history nothing but truth. Moreover, I have been tlie enemy of fiction and of all that which they call romance. As to that which thej' may say — that I enthusi- astically praise those of my own country, it is an error ; for very far from exaggerating anything, it is impossible for me to put in their proper light the facts which here present themselves in crowds. But I lay the defect of my inferior abilitfy upon the civil wars which existed in the Indies during my youth. Letters were then no longer cultivated, and we applied ourselves only to arms. We learned horsemanship, and I abandoned myself to this exercise with some of ray companions who have acquired much distinction there and have become excellent horsemen. But as things have since changed their appearance, letters now flourish in the Indies; and the Jesuits have established so many colleges there that they can easily do with- out the universities of Spain. Besides, to continue to show that I. write nothing but what has really happened, I will saj' that, one day, speaking of the replies full of good sense, which the Indians made to the general, I made known to him who had given me this relation, that they would hardl}' believe it. He replied to me, that it was important to disa- buse the public in regard to the people of the West Indies ; and tliat I mj'self knew that there were in these coimtries persons of sound judgment and excellent mind, who conducted themselves wisely, in war and in peace, and who reasoned very well on all sorts of affairs. That I might therefore write boldly the things of which he had assured me, and that, though I should speak with the elo- quence of the most famous orators, my words would never equal tlie magnanimity, the courage, nor the glorious deeds of the In- dians. That whether they believed or not what I should say, I could never, without doing injustice to the inhabitants of the Indies, conceal through a cowardly complacency, their valor from posterity. My author told me these very things, and I repeat them to make known to honorable men that thus far I have written with much sincerity ; and that, in the course of this history, I shall ad- vance nothing but the truth. persons, of the customs of those nations, wrote in Spanish The Natural and Moral History of the Indians, which was printed first in Seville, in 1589, reprinted after- wards in Barcelona, in 1591, and from thence circulated into the various lan- guages of Europe. — Clavioeko. THE ARRIVAL OF THE TROOPS AT APALACHE. 303 BOOK THIED. WHAT HAPPENED BETWEEN THE SPANIARDS AND THE INDIANS IN THE PROVINCE OP APALACHE. CHAPTER I. THE ARRIVAL OF THE TROOPS AT APALACHE. Upon the assurance which the Spaniards had, that they were not far from the province of Apalache, of which thej' had been told so many marvels ; that its lands were admirable for their fertility, and its people very valiant, they begged the general to lead them into winter quarters in this country, which he readily granted. They therefore marched towards Apalache, and after having made, in three days, twelve leagues, without finding any habitation, they arrived the fourth, about noon, near a marsh half a league wide, and its length greater than the eye could reach. It was, besides that, bor- dered on both sides with a forest, where the brambles and bushes, joining togetiier with the trunks of great trees, rendered the entry to it diflflcult. In fact, they could not go to the marsh but by a road so narrow that two men abreast had difficulty to pass it. Before arriving there the troops encamped in a plain ; but as it was early the general commanded two hundred foot soldiers and thirty cavaliers to go and reconnoitre the passage. He also ordered twelve excellent swimmers to trj' the depth of the marsh, and to notice well the places, so that they might, with safety, venture there the next day. All the soldiers obej'ed immediately, but no sooner were they in the forest than the Indians disputed with them the passage, and as the place was narrow, there were only the two first of each party who could fight. Therefore, the two best armed Spaniards, drawing their swords, passed to the head of the others ; and being supported by two fusileers and two crossbow-men, vigor- ously charged the barbariang, drove them along the forest, and forced them to leap into the "water. There the Indians stood firm and fought courageously ; so that on both sides there were many wounded and slain, which prevented them from reconnoitring the marsh. They informed the general of it, who came with the best of his troops. The enemy also were re-enforced, and the combat grew 304 HISTORY OF FtOElDA. obstinate ; the Indians and the Spaniards up to their waists in water, and among the brambles, the bushes, the trees, and rocks, which they encountered everywhere. Nevertheless, our men, determined to reconnoitre the passage or die, took courage more and more, and surmounting every obstacle, they drove the barbarians as far as the other side of the water, and found that it was easy to ford it, ex- cept in the middle, where, for about forty paces, they crossed on timbers. They dlso saw, oft the other side of the water, a very dense forest, which they could not pass but through a defile, and it had as much of marsh as of forest, which were here and there a league and a half across. When the general had reconnoitred the route, he returned to his troops to encourage them to conquer the diflaculiies which presented themselves. He took the counsel of his captains, on the manner in which he should act, and ordered a hundred cavaliers to dismount and all take their shields, and march in front ; and two hundred men, as many crossbow-men as fusileers, to support them, and each one have an axe, in order to clear a place of the wood which was on the other side of the- marsh, for the Spaniards were obliged to defile through a place where they could easily close the passage ou them. He believed that it was impossi- ble for them to traverse the two forests that day ; wherefore, he made them camp in the second, so as not to be exposed during the nijfht to the ambuscades of the barbarians. CHAPTER II. THE PASSAGE OF THE MARSH. As soon as the general had given his orders, each soldier took some parched corn for a day, and then marched about two hundred of the bravest of the army. As they had a design to surprise the barbarians, they slipped away, without noise, two hours before day by a path which conducted them as far as the bridge; which they passed without resistance ; the Indians not having had the precau- tion to seize it, in the belief that the Spaniards would not expose themselves by night in the woods. But wlien the day dawned, and the Indians saw their enemies passed, they advanced with loud shouts, and, in despair at not having sooner seized the passage, they charged with fury upon them, in order to defend a quarter of a league of marsh which remained to cross. The Christians, on their side, received them with courage, and they both fought in the water. THE PASSAGE OF THE MARSH. 305 Our people pressed them so vigorously that they drove them out and shut them in the defile which was on the other side. The Spaniards, who saw that the Indians annoyed them, resolved that a hundred and fifty soldiers should make an esplanade for to camp ; and there being no other route than this defile, that the other fifty should defend it and hinder the Indians from coming to attack the workmen; they executed immediately this resolution. In the mean time, the Indians who could not fire upon the soldiers endeavored to frighten them by their yells; but the Spaniards did not cease to do their duty. Some defended the passage of the defile, some cut down the woods, and others burnt what had been cut, in order to clear the place. The night having surprised them at this work, they remained each one at his post, and could not sleep because of the continual yells of the barbarians. When it was day^ the rest of the troops began to march without the enemy opposing them. But the difficulty of the road and the briers which they encountered there incommoded them so much, that, being obliged to defile, they could reach only the place where they had cut down the woods. It was there that the Indians tormented them all the night with their cries and, above all, gave alarm to those who defended the passage, to whom they had taken care to forward provisions from hand to hand. As soon as day dawned they all marched with diligence bythe defile of the forest, and drove before them the Indians, who, after having discharged their arrows, re- treated little by little, and yielded only as much ground as could be gained by the sword. The Spaniards traversed in this manner this second forest; after which they entered another, not so dense, where the enemy, having room to extend themselves, incommoded them very much ; for they took them on all sides. Some attacked, others prepared for combat and did not engage until their companions had retired, so as not to wound one another with the multitude of arrows which they showered. But, although the trees of this last forest, where the Indians and Spaniards fought, were not so close as those of the first, the horses, for all that, could not run but in certain places ; and this made the enemy bolder. That, also, which increased their courage, was the almost incredible rapidity with which they discharged their arrows. One Indian had shot six or seven times before a Spaniard had fired and reloaded. The Indians, in fact, are so adroit in handling the bow, that no sooner have they fired than they are ready to recommence. The places of the forest where the horses could run were small eminences ; but the barbarians had obstructed them with long pieces 20 306 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. of wood, and had made, at places where it was impossible to get at them, entrances and outlets in order to fall upon the Spaniards without the possibility of being injured by them. The Indians had some days before thought of all these things. They knew that the forest of the marsh was dense, and that there they could not much incommode' the Spaniards. However, they considered that in the woods where they were they would gain some advantage over the Christians, and with this view they had recourse to ruses, to wound or slay them all. Our men, on their side, endeavored to shun the ambuscades which they made for them ; and seeing that their horses were useless to them, they thought only of defending themselves. The Indians, who discovered that, exerted themselves more and more to put them to rout. They were, moreover, encouraged by the remembrance of what had taken place ten or twelve years before. They had defeated, in the same place, Narbaez, and they threatened to treat the troops of Soto in the same way. Our men were tor- mented in this manner during two leagues, and afterwards arrived in an open country, where, after having given thanks to God for having delivered them from danger, they fought on horseback with much courage and success. Tor, in two other leagues of march through an open country as far as the cultivated lands, they did not encounter an Indian that was not either taken or slain. Espe- cially they did not give any quarter to those who made a show of resisting them ; so that, on that day, there died many of the enemy; and the Spaniards avenged gloriously the defeat of the people of Narbaez.* CHAPTER III. THE MARCH OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE CAPITAL. After all these things, the general, with his troops, camped on a plain near a village, where commenced the habitations and culti- vated lands of Apalache. But the barbarians, who thought only of tormenting the Christians, did nothing but shoot and shout all the night, so that both were continually upon their guard. Tlie day arrived, the Spaniards marched through lands planted with corn, which were two leagues in extent, where they met with many houses, distant from one another, without any form of a village. The Indians who were in these houses furiously rushed out upon the Christians and tried to kill them ; but our men, irritated at the * See page 97. THE MARCH OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE CAPITAL. 307 boldness of the barbarians, drove them across the fields, and pierced them with violent thursts of their lances. They went to tliis ex- tremity with them, in order to subdue them ; but very uselessly ; the more the Spaniards showed their valor, the more the courage of the Indians increased. Finally, after two leagues of travel through cultivated lands, our men arrived at a very deep stream, bordered on both sides with a very thick forest. The enemy, who were fortified in this place, awaited there to defeat the troops. But it happened otherwise than they expected. The Spaniards, having reconnoitred the post of the enemy, the best armed cavaliers dismounted, gained the passage sword in hand , and cut with axes the palisades which covered the barbarians and hindered the horses from advancing. The Indians then violently charged our men, of whom many were wounded and some killed. The passage was difHcult, and tlie In- dians, who hoped to conquer, made a last effort because of the advantage of the place. Nevertheless, they were unfortunate ; the Spaniards attacked with so much order and courage that they broke through them with the loss of but very few of their men. Then they made two more leagues through cultivated lands ; but the In- dians, who dreaded the horses, did not attack them. The Span- iards, therefore, lodged in the field, hoping that, finally, during the night, they might take some repose. They were, however, dis- appointed. The Indians, under favor of the darkness, gave them continual alarm, in order to sustain their reputation, and to pass for braves, in the estimation of their neighbors. In the morning as the troops were marching, they were informed by the prisoners that they were but two leagues from the capital, and that the cacique, with a great number of his subjects, awaited there the Christians, in order to fight them. The general immediately detached two hundred horses and a hundred foot soldiers. He advanced toward the town and commanded that upon the route they should put all to the sword. He arrived at the place and found it abandoned, and tlie chief run away. But upon information that he was not far, he be- gan to search for him, hunted two leagues around the village, slew and made many Indian prisoners, without being able to capture Capasi. It is thus that the chief of the Apalaches is called, and he was the first, up to this time, who had not borne the name of his province. The general, despairing of taking this barbarian, rejoined the army, which was in the capital. Tiiis place had two hundred and fifty houses. Soto took for himself that of Capasi, at the end of the town, and more elevated than the others. The province of Apalache has, besides a great number of habita- 308 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. tions scattered here and there through the countrj', many villages of fifty and sixty houses each, of which some are a league distant from the others, and some, two or three. The situation of the coun- try is very agreeable. There are there, many ponds. They fish there all the year, and the inhabitants make provision of flsh for their support. The country does not cease to be fertile in every other respect. Soto and his men felt, also, a manifest joy at having arrived there; for, without speakingof the provisions which they found there, they acquired much glory in the conflicts which they fought there. I shall relate them, to make known tlie boldness of the In- djans and the valor of the Spaniards. CHAPTER IV. THEY RECONNOITRE THE COUNTRY. After the army had refreshed itself some days, Soto sent troops, . under the command of Tinoco, Vasconcelo, and Aniasco, to explore the province of Apalache and the neighboring countries. Two of these captains went by different routes, fifteen or twentj'' leagues toward the north. Thej' returned, the one at the end of eighteen days, and the other at the end of nine, and said tliat they had seen many towns, well populated. That the land was fertile, and that there were neither forests nor marshes. Aniasco* reported entirely the contrary ; that it was very difficult to travel in the country ; that there were but forests and swampy places ; and that the more they advanced the more diflBcult the roads were. Nugnez,f in his commentaries, says nearly the same thing ; that the province of Apalache is full of marshes, covered with woods, sterile, and badly populated. That is really true of places in the vicinity of the sea, but not of the places which the general sent to discover. What confirms me in this belief is, that the greater part of the relation of Nugnez, iiav- ingbeen given by the Indians, they have maliciously described their country as a country frightful and inaccessible, in order to deprive the Spaniards of the idea of conquering it. I may add, that the people of Narbaez, of whom Nugnez relates the adventures, having been beaten at Apalache, and even the greater part having died there of hunger, they could not entirely discover this province. Therefore, I relate nothing but what is certain of the part of Apa- lache where Soto was ; and that which Nugnez relates of the places of this country which are in the vicinity of the sea, is also very true. * Aniasco went toward the south, t Alvaro Nugnez Cabeza de Vapa. THE DISCOVERY OF THE COAST. 309 CHAPTER V. THE DISCOVEEY OF THE COAST. When Aniasco went to discover the sea-coast, which was not tliii'ty leagues from Apalache, he took fifty foot soldiers and forty cavaliers. He also took with him Arias Gomes, a valiant and ex- perienced soldier, who gave good counsels, swam very well, and found means to give success to enterprises which were undertaken by sea or by land. Arias had been a slave in Barbary, and had so well learned the language of the country that, escaping from the power of the infidels, he repaired to the frontier, where the Chris- tians were, without the Moors, whom he met and to whom bespoke, discovering that he was a foreigner. This cavalier and his com- panions set off about noon, guided by an Indian wlio had volun- taril^' offered himself for that purpose, and who manifested much affection for them. They made in two days twelve leagues. They passed two small rivers and safely arrived at the town of Ante, which they found abandoned, and filled with all sorts of provisions. They took enough of them for four days, and continued their march by a fair road. But finally the guide, conceiving that it was wrong in him to guide them faithfully, led them out of the way into a forest where there were many large fallen trees, and where they did not find anyroad. He also caused them to go by certain places which were without wood, and so full of mire that the horses and tiie men could hardly extricate themselves from it. That which incommoded them most was the great quantity of large brambles which ran upon the ground, and which gave them much trouble. However, they marched five days in these ways, where they suftered incredible hardships. But when they had exhausted their pro- visions they returned to Ante to get others^ in order to continue their route, and upon the way experienced toils which cannot be described, because, repassing the same places liy which they came, the earth there being already trodden, they sank deeper than before. Besides, while they were wandering among the woods, thej^ found themselves at times so near to the sea that they heard the noise of the waves. But immediately their guide led them away and tried to entangle them in places from which, not being able to extricate themselves, they might all die of hunger. As for himself, he did not care to perish so that he involved them in his ruin. However, 310 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. in spite of his malice, they returned to Aute, overcome with fatigue and hunger, having lived during four days upon roots only. They there refreshed themselves a little, took provisions for five days, and continued their discovery by routes still more detestable than the first. One night, as the Spaniards reposed in the woods near a large fire, the Indian who guided them, wearied with being so long a time destroying them, took a firebrand and struck witli it a soldier in the face. The others, who saw this insolence, would without doubt have slain him if Aniasco had not represented to them tliat thej' could not substitute a guide, and that it was necessary to bear with this one. Afterwards they went to sleep again, and the Indian had still the boldness to maltreat another soldier, but they chastised his rashness by beating him with a stick. Nevertheless, he did not return to his duty, and before day he even beat another. This last insolence drew upon him violent blows, and caused him to be chained; after which they gave him in keeping to one of the most robust of the troop, with orders to watch him closely. The day come, they began to march, displeased with the diflBculty of the route and the conduct of their guide. This barbarian, seeing himself not in a condition to lose them nor to escape, fell in des- paration upon him who guarded him, and, seizing him behind, threw him to the earth and maltreated him with violent kicks. The Spaniards, finally exasperated at this madness, gave him several tliriists with the sword and lance, of which not one hurt him more than a switch, and they said that he was charmed. Aniasco, sur- prised at that, raised himself in his stirrups, took his lance in both hands, and gave him with it a blow with all his force. Still, not- withstanding he was very robust, he only slightly wounded him. Then, despairing of being able to take his life, they abandoned him to a graybound, and it was in this manner that the perfidious wretch deserved to be treated. Scarcely were they fifty steps from him when they heard the dog howl as if they were killing him. They returned and found the guide, who, with his thumbs, held the two sides of the chaps of the grayhound and tore them so that tlie dog could not defend himself. One of the soldiers immediately gave the barbarian so many thrusts with his sword that he killed him ; another with a knife cut off his hands, which, being separated from the body, still held firmly to the chaps of the dog. After- wards our men continued their route, and commanded, under penalty of deatli, an Indian whom they had taken when they returned to Ante, to conduct them faithfully. This savage, while the first was living, had never intended to serve them. He pretended to be deaf THE DISCOVERY OF THE COAST. 311 •when they spoke to him, because the other had threatened him with death if lie replied. But when he saw himself delivered from his companion, and as he feared some bad treatment, he made known by signs that he would conduct the Spaniards to the sea at the same place where Narbaez had built his ships ; that, however, it was first necessary to retrace their steps to Aute, and from there they would take the route. But as the Spaniards gave him to understand that they were near the sea, since they heard the waves, he made known to them that, by the route which they held, it was impossible to arrive there, because of the woods and the marshes. They then returned to Aute, where they, with much trouble, arrived in five days. That which disturbed them, besides, was tlie uneasiness which they im- agined the general would experience because they remained too long at their discovery. During the march. Arias and Silvestre went be- fore and captured two Indians, of whom, having demanded by signs if they could lead them to the sea, they made known that in that re- spect they would serve them with fidelitj', and they coincided in opin- ion with the guide. Our people, full of joy and hope to succeed in their discovery, passed tranquilly the night, and when it was day they took their route across large stubble fields by a very agreeable road which enlarged by degrees. However, they met with one bad defile, but they easily extricated themselves from it; so that, at the end of twelve leagues, they found themselves upon the shores of a vast gulf, which they coasted and finally arrived where Narbaez had landed. They saw the places where he made the iron-works for his ships, and found much charcoal around, with the troughs which had served to feed the horses.* Then the Indians showed the place where they had slain ten soldiers of Narbaez, and made known by signs and by words the principal adventures of that captain, for the inhabitants of this coast had retained some words of Spanish. They even tried each day to learn more of them. In the mean time, Aniasco and his companions searched with much care upon the bark and in the hollows of trees to see if they could find some memorial or some writing, for always it is the custom of those who have the first discovered a country to leave instructions, which sometimes have been of great importance. But seeing that they discovered nothing, they followed the coast of the gulf as far as the open sea, which was but three leagues from there. Afterwards, when the tide was down, twelve of the best swimmers entered into boats half stranded. They sounded the entrance of the gulf, and found it navigable for the largest vessels. They left signs of it * See page 98. 312 HISTOEY OF FLORIDA. upon the highest trees, in order that those who should come into these quarters might take their precautions. Then Aniasco re- turned to the camp, where the general was very glad to see him and to learn that he had discovered a good port. CHAPTER VI. A PARTY OF THIRTY LANCERS FOR THE PROVINCE OF HIRRIGA. Whilst they were occupied with discovering the coast, the general, who saw winter approaching, put his soldiers in garrison ; and as he knew that Calderon did notliing at the capital of Harriga, he sent him orders to come and join him. In the mean time he had provi- sions gathered, and houses built to lodge his men more comfortably.- He also commanded the town of Apalache to be fortified, in order to place himself under shelter from the assaults of the barbarians; and he dispatched persons to Capasi, with presents, to induce him to peace. But this cacique would not listen to any propositions ; and fortified himself in a very intricate forest. As Soto lost all tiiought of gaining him, he ordered Aniasco, who had courage and good luck, to leave with thirty lancers for Hirriga. This command was severe, for the route was about one hundred and fifty leagues, and they ran the risk of very great dangers. It was necessary to pass among a people, bold and valiant, and declared enemies ; to cross rivers and very difficult swamps. However, notwithstanding all these considerations, the thirty Spaniards courageously under- took the expedition, and performed very brilliant actions. But I pity them for having only an Indian to relate them. Nevertheless, to render them what I can, I shall report the names of those who have come to my knowledge. Juan de Soto, Aniasco, Arias, Cacho, Atiensa, Cordero, Silvestre, Espinosa, Fernande, Carillo, Atanasio, Abadia, Cadena, Segredo, Argote, Sanchir, Pechado, and Moron. This last had a scent so fine that he scented better than a hunting dog. For, many times in the island of Cuba, going with his com- panions to hunt the Indians who had revolted, and who had taken to flight, he traced them in the bushes, in the hollows of trees, and in the caverns where they had concealed themselves. He scented, also, Are for more than a league ; for often, without having seen either light or smoke, he said to those who accompanied him, that there was a fire close by, and they found it at half a league or a league from there. These thirty lancers left Apalache the twentieth daj' of October A PARTY OF LANCEES FOR THE PROVINCE OF HIRRIGA. 313 of the year 1539. They were well mounted, and had their helmets on their heads, their corslets over their clothes, and their lances in their hands, and some provisions in their valises. In tliis state, they went out before day, in order that the Indians might not perceive them and go and seize upon the passes. Tliey travelled with speed ; they even galloped very often, and slew, upon the route, some barbarians by whom they feared to be discovered. They continued thus their route, and arrived at the swamp of Apalache, which they safely crossed. As they had made more than thirteen leagues this day, twenty cavaliers reposed, and the others watched for fear of surprise. Afterwards they travelled twelve leagues through the uninhabited country, from the swamp of Apalache to the town of Ossachile. But in the fear of being seen, and lest they might win the passage from them, they made a halt towards the evening, and about mid- night passed Ossachile at a fast gallop. One league beyond they left their road, to take, during the rest of the'night, a little repose ; and held themselves upon their guard according to their custom. At break of day they started again at a fast gallop, because there were persons in the fields, and they feared to be discovered. They trav- elled five leagues from the place where they reposed, to the river Ossachile, and exceedingly fatigued their horses. But when they approached this river, Silvestre took the lead ; and as he saw that the water was not so high as when the troops crossed it, he rushed into it, and fortunately gained the other side. Aniasco, and all the others, followed him, and as soon as they had crossed they ate. They afterwards continued their journey at a slow pace, and made four leagues from this river to Vitachuco ; where, fearing to be obliged to fight against the Indians, they resolved to spur on with all speed. But when they reached this town, the con- dition in which they found it, reassured them. It was abandoned, the houses entirely ruined, and the streets strewn with slain barba- rians. The Indians destroyed, in this manner, this place, in the be- lief that it was unfortunate. They also left the dead without burial, because they regarded them as miserable beings, who had not been able to execute tiieir designs, and who ought to be the prey of wild beasts: a chastisement with which they punished those who had failed in war. The party were hardlj' out of Vitachuco when they met two In- dians who were hunting, and who had the air of people of rank. When these barbarians saw the Christians tliey retired under a wal- nut tree ; but one of them, not believing himself in safety, fled to a forest on the side of the road. Two cavaliers overtook and cap- 314 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. tnred him. As for the other Indian, who had courage, fortune favored him. For, holding the arrow in place upon the bow, he op- posed the cavaliers, and threatened to fire upon them if they ap- proached. Some, irritated at this boldness, wished to go and pierce him with their lances. But Aniasco told them that it was unbe- coming them, to wish to take the life of this rash person ; that in the situation in which they were, they ought not to expose tiiem- selves to be either wounded or slain. Therefore he turned them aside from the road, which was near the walnut tree, and commanded them to advance at a hard gallop. The barbarian, in the mean time, presented at them his bow as they defiled. Then he began to cry out to them that they were cowards for not having dared to attack him; and he said to them many other insults, accompanied with arrogance and threats. At his cry, the Indians on both sides of the road flocked together, and began to call to each other to cut thera off fi-om the passage. However, the thirty Spaniards extricated themselves from these, and arrived in a plain where they took a little repose. They made, this day, which was the third of their journey, seventeen leagues; and the fourth, as many through the province of Yitaehuco. But the people of this country, indignant at what had passed, endeavored to avenge upon them the defeat of their men. They dispatched persons to give notice of the route of the Chris- tians, in order that they might seize upon the avenues. The cavaliers, who discovered this, rode at full speed, captured the messengers, and slew seven of them, with their lances. They arrived that day, about evening, in a very beautiful plain, where, not hearing any noise, they reposed for some time. They left there after midnight, and, at sun- rise, had made five leagues, and had reached the river Ocaly. They expected to find it not so high as ordinaril3-, but they found the waters over the banks, and rapid, which whirled in many places, and marked the gulf which it covered. Besides, the enemies assembled upon the borders of the river, and encouraged each other, by their cries, to defend the passage of it. The Spaniards then, considering the danger which menaced them, and that to escape, it was necessary not to lose time in vain deliberations, appointed twelve among them to gain the other shore, in order to assist them when they should cross. They also ordered fourteen to cut branches with which they made floats on which to place their accoutrements, with those who could not swim ; and that the others should resist the barbarians who assembled to hinder their crossing. This order given, the twelve cavaliers re- solved to die or accomplish the object of their design. They urged THE CAPTURE OP CAPASI. 315 their horses into the river, and with helmets on their heads, coats of mail over their shirts, and lance in hand, eleven safely gained an opening on the other side; only Cacho could not reach it, because his horse had not strength enough to break the force of the water. He was therefore constrained to let himself go along the river to search some outlet. When he found none, he saw himself forced to implore tlie succor of his companions, who were cutting wood. Four leaped into the water and saved him. But let us leave these cavaliers, and consider what the general did at Apalache. CHAPTER YII. THE CAPTURE OF CAPASI. SoTO, wearied at seeing these savages at his heels, believed that if he could take Capasi, he could reduce them without trouble. He therefore carefully inquired concerning his retreat, and learned that he was eight leagues from the army, in a dense forest, where he expected to be in security, as much on account of the situation of the place as of the swamp and of the people whom he had to defend it. Upon this news, the general took as many soldiers as he had need of, and went, in person, to seize the cacique. After much labor, he reached, in three days, the place of the forest which the Indians had fortified. It was a place of which they had cut down the trees, and to which they could not approach except by a very narrow avenue, half a league long. But at every hundred paces they had good palisades with stakes, and each palisade was well defended. Such was the place where Capasi had retired with a great number of his subjects who had resolved to perish rather than see their lord in the power of his enemies. Finally, Soto having arrived at the avenue which led to the intrenchment where the cacique was, he found the people determined to defend the entrance against him ; and at the same time he made the attack. But as the way was narrow, it was only the foremost who fought, who, after enduring some discharges of arrows, gained, sword in hand, the first and second palisades. They pulled up the stakes and cut the bonds which tied them. The barbarians fired, and wounded some of them. The Spaniards, encouraged more and more, rushed head- long, as far as the third barricade, which they forced, gaining thus all the others ; and advancing step by step, in spite of the resist- ance of the enemy, as far as the place where Capasi was. Then the Indians, who saw their cacique in danger, redoubled 316 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. their eflforts, rushed among the swords and lances, and fought to desperation. Our people, on their side, attacked with vigor, and did not lose sight of Oapasi, for fear lest he might escape them. The general, above all others, showed his courage; fought, like a true captain, at the head of his men, and animated them by his example and by his words. Finally, the barbarians failing of de- fensive arms, gave way ; tlie Spaniards made a last effort, and cut them nearly all in pieces. The cacique, who saw the carnage which they made of his sub- jects, and that those who resisted could no longer defend him, com- manded them to lay down their arms, and at the same instant they came and embraced the knees of Soto, and besought him with tears to pardon their lord, and to oi-der that they should rather take their lives than to do him any injury. The general, touched by this generosity, yielded on condition that they should remain in subjec- tion. Capasi came to salute Soto, who received him very civilly, very- glad to have him in his power. This cacique was supported by some Indians who aided him to walk, because he was extraordi- narily large. He could neither make a step, nor hold himself upon his feet; so that they carried him upon a handbarrow wherever he wished to go, and in his house he went upon all fours. This weight was the cause why he could not retreat very far. CHAPTER VIII. CAPASI GOES TO QUELL HIS SUBJECTS, AND ESCAPES. After the capture of Capasi, the general returned to the quarters, in the hope that the Indians would no more harass the troops ; but it happened quite otherwise. Irritated at the confinement of their cacique, and not being any longer occupied with protecting him, they made more disturbance than usual. Soto, enraged at this, complained to Capasi that his subjects were ungrateful for the good treatment that was given him ; that in respect to themselves, they were obliged to use another sort ; that he had neither seized their goods nor ravaged their lands ; and that if they had not at- tacked him, he would never have permitted any one to have been wounded or slain ; that therefore he commanded them not to lay- any more ambuscades for the troops ; that otherwise he would make open war upon them, and put all to fire and sword ; that flnallj', he should consider that in the state in which fortune had reduced him, CAPASI GOES TO QTJELL HIS SUBJECTS, AND ESCAPES. 317 the Indians were treating the Spaniards so cruelly, that they would compel them to some violence towards him, and to carry desolation into his province. Capasi replied with respect, and apparently with gratitude, that the condnct of his subjects displeased him so much the more, as, since his confinement, he had sent them orders not to do any injury to the Spaniards. But that all the care he had taken for that purpose had been useless. That they doubted the messengers which he had sent to them, and could not believe tlie good treatment which they had given him ; that, on the contrary, they rather imagined that he was loaded with chains and exposed to all sorts of insults ; that, therefore, he prayed the general to command some of his soldiers to accompany him as far as six leagues from the camp, to a forest where he would find all the bravest of his vassals ; that there he would call them by their names ; that they would come at his call ; that having related to them the favors which he had received, they would cease all acts of hostility; and that this was the only means of reducing them. The general, moved by these reasons, had the cacique escorted by a company of cavalry and of infantry as far as the place where he asserted that his subjects were ; and he ordered the captains, above all things, to take care of the barbarian. Afterwards they left before daj', and after six leagues of travel they arrived, towards noon, at the forest where the Indians had retired. The cacique immediately sent three of his people there. But hardly were they there than the^^ returned with twelve others; whom he commanded to notify his principal subjects to join him, and to present themselves before him the next day, as he had to communicate to them things which concerned their glory and their interest. The Indians immediately entered the forest with this order. In the mean time, the Spaniards placed sentinels everywhere; they reposed during the night, satisfied with the conduct of Capasi, and in the expectation of returning with honor to the camp. But when the day svppeared they experienced that the most flattering hope is often disappointed. They no longer found the cacique nor one of the savages who had accompanied him. Surprised at this extraordinary event, they inquired of each other how the thing had happened ; and, as they replied that It was im- possible that he had fled, because the sentinels asserted that they had watched all the night, they believed that Capasi had implored the succor of some demon, and that he had been carried away by him. What is certain is, that the Spaniards being fatigued fell asleep, and that the savage, who saw a good opportunity to escape, dragged himself, without noise, on all fours ; that whilst he fled, 318 HISTOEY OP FLOEIDA. he found in ambush some of his subjects who carried him off. Heaven, without doubt, favored on this occasion tlie Spaniards ; for if, at the time they slept, the Indians had come to attack them, they would have slaughtered them. But, all transported with joy, they thought only of putting their chief in safety. As they concealed him very well, the Spaniards searched in vain for him all the day. Besides the Indians contented themselves with ridiculing the Spaniards and insulting them. So that they returned to the camp, without jeopardy, but in the greatest confusion in the world for having let their prisoner escape. They excused themselves, because in the night in which he had escaped they had heard an extraordinary noise; and that, having been guarded with so much care, the devil must have carried him off. The general, who saw that the error was irreparable, would blame no one. ■ He feigned to give faith to all that they told him ; that the Indians were great sorcerers, and that they did very wonderful things. Nevertheless, however good a face he put upon it, he was sensibly touched at the negligence of his officers. CHAPTER IX. THE CONTINUATION OP THE MARCH OP THE THIRTY LANCERS. When the raft was made, the soldiers' launched it into the Ocaly with long cords, and two swimmers carried one of them to the other shore to eleven of their companions. In the mean time the Indians assembled with loud cries ; but those who had ci'ossed resisted them vigorously, and after having pierced the foremost of them with their lances, the others dared not await them ; so that the Spaniards were masters of the field. Because the enemies were not in great number on this side of the river, there were only four cavaliers who opposed them. Two caracoled up, the others down ; for the barbarians ap- proached from these two sides. These cavaliers engaged them so adroitly that the rafts had opportunity to cross several times. The first time they carried the clothes of those who were on the other shore; for, having but tlieir coats of mail over their shirts, there blew a north wind which chilled them. The second time, thej' crossed the equipage and the valises with those who could not swim. The greater part of the others, impatient to fight, crossed the Ocaly by swimming ; and in order as they passed they joined those who were engaged with the Indians. So that there remained on this side of the river only two cavaliers CONTINUATION OF THE MARCH OF .THE THIRTY LANCERS. 319 of the four who sustained the enemy, and who passed in this man- ner ; whilst one made his horse enter the river and accommodated himself on the raft, the other drove back the barbarians. When he had chased them sufficiently far, he returned at full speed, ujitied the rope which held the raft to the shore, and crossed the Ocaly wiih his companion. The Indians charged with fury upon them, but iii vain ; everything conspired in favor of the cavaliers. About two hours after midday, as all the Spaniards had crossed, they took the road to the town of Ocaly, to comfort Cacho, frozen with, the cold and overcome by fatigue ; the Indians, who perceived them, proposed to oppose their entry into it. But they resisted only in order to favor the retreat of their people ; and when tliey knew that thej' had fled into the woods, they retired. The cavaliers immediately entered the town, and stationed themselves in the middle of a great square, for fear of surprise if they lodged in the houses. Afterward, they kindled four great fires at some dis- tance from each otlier, and in this space they placed Cacho. They covered him with clothes and gave him a shirt, from which he re- ceived much comfort, and thej' remained there the rest of the day. But as Cacho was not yet in a condition to follow, and as it was dangerous to stop there longer, because the barbarians were able to assemble to cut them off from the road, they redoubled their care, in order to promptly restore their companion. They fed their horses, repaired the harness, took some plums, grapes, and other dried fruits, which they found in abundance. Afterward, when it was night, they posted videttes, and scoured the environs ; and about midnight two cavaliers heard a noise as of people who were marching. One of them put spurs to his horse and came to inform the troops of it. In the mean time, the other remained to discover more certainly what it was, and perceiving by the light of the moon, a body of Indians who were advancing toward Ocaly, he hastened, with all speed, to give notice of it. They immediately placed CaCho on horseback, and because he could not well hold himself there, they tied him to the saddle and ordered a cavalier to take care of him. Thereupon they left and travelled with so great speed, that, at break of day, they had already made six large leagues. They travelled in this manner when they passed through very populous places ; they even slew those whom they found, in order that they might not disclose their route ; but through places unin- habited, they went at a slow pace, in order to rest their horses, and to gallop in case of necessity. This day, which was the sixth of their journey, they made nearly twenty leagues, both through the 320 HISTOET OF FLORIDA. country of Ocaly, as well as through the province of Acuera. The next day Autiensa was taken ill, and a few hours after he died on the route, upon his horse. His companions, who had not stopped to relieve him, not believing his sickness dangerous, were sensibly touched that, on an occasion so sorrowful, death had taken from them this cavalier. As grief, under these circumstances, is of no avail, and as they were obliged to advance rapidly, they made a ditch, where they interred Antiensa, and continued their route. They marched, this day, twenty leagues, and at sunset, arrived at the great swamp. These long journeys are, without doubt, surpris- ing things, and those who have not been present at the conquest of Florida, would hardly have believed them. Nevertheless, there is nothing more certain ; the cavaliers made, in seven days, one hun- dred and six leagues, which there are from Apalache to the Great Swamp.* They found it so swollen that the waters flowed in and out of it, with an impetuosity like to that of an arm of the sea. For my part I am so surprised every time I consider the labor of the liorses to pass through such places, that I believe that they would not have been able to endure so much fatigue, if they had not been fed on corn. The use of it is indeed excellent, and gives new forces to the animals which eat of it. It is the reason why the inhabi- tants of Peru, who make use of llamas for beasts of burden, nourish them only with this kind of grain, which renders them vigorous and able to bear the weight of a man. The cavaliers then passed the night, upon the borders of the swamp, and were so cold that they were compelled to kindle many fires, and that made them fear lest the Indians should perceive them, for only twenty would have prevented them from crossing. They even would have easily killed them, because, with their boats, they would have been able to fire upon them without danger. Besides, our people had neither pistols nor crossbows, and it was impossible for them to aid themselves with their horses. Thus they passed the night in a continual dread, and prepared for the labors of the following day. * The Ugua or league, of Spain, contains 7680 I'aras or Spanish yards. The vara is about 33 inches English. 1920 varas make an English mile of 1760 yards. CONTINUATION OP THE JOURNEY OP THE THIRTY LANCERS. 321 CHAPTER X. THE CONTINUATION OE THE JOURNEY OP THE THIRTY LANCERS TO HIRRIGA. The night that the cavaliers were upon the borders of the swamp, Juan de Soto, one of their companions, died suddenly. Another, at the same instant, fled, saj'ingthat since they died so quickl3', the plague was among them. But as he was leaving, they cried out to him that he carried this malady with him ; that it would not leave him, in whatever place he might go; that besides, he was far away from his country, that he could not stop there, and would do much better to remain with the others. These words induced him to join those who prayed to God for Juan de Soto ; however, in the belief that he had died of the plague, he dared not assist in putting him in the ground. When the day appeared the cavaliers prepared to cross the swamp, and saw with joy that the water had fallen. Eight among them mended the bridge, which was narrow and wretched, and passed over, carrying the saddles of their horses. As the horses could not pass upon this bridge, all were stripped and led into the water as far as the place where they no longer had footing; but, because it was too cold, the horses would not commence swimming. To compel them, they attached to them halters of long cords which four or five of the most excellent swimmers drew as far as the middle of the water, whilst the others struck them with switches. However, it was useless, for they drew back, and they would rather have let themselves be killed than advance. A few, nevertheless, hy force of blows, began to swim; but they quickly retraced tlieir way, dragging with them tiie swimmers, without Arias and the others who were behind being able to arrest them. Finally, the horse of Aniasco passed with that of Silvester, and as those to whom thej' belonged were on the other side they saddled and mounted them, to be in a state to oppose the enemy should they come to an encounter. Arias and his companions had already been eiglit hours in the water suffering from cold and making useless efforts, so that they found themselves exceedingly enfeebled and began to despair of their lives. Aniasco, irritated at this delay, approached on horseback near the bridge and abused Arias, who could not make the horses advance. Arias, who knew that it was not his fault nor that of his com- 21 322 HISTOEY OF TLOEIDA. panions, and who .thought it very strange that, after the evils he had suffered, tliey should act thus, replied that it was unbecoming him to speak in that manner; that Aniasco ought to consider that they were unfortunately freezing in the water without being able to do anything with all their efforts; that he himself might dismount and thej' would see what wonders he would do. Arias pushed still further his resentment, for when once one is in a rage he can hardly restrain himself. Finally, the liberty of the cavalier brought Ani- asco to himself, and obliged him to condemn his brusque temper, whose violence had many times destroyed the respect which was due him. This instructs those who have some power in the arm}', and teaches them that it is necessary to win the soldiers by mild- ness ; that in matters of command example is more powerful than all discourses; and that, if they are forced to reprimand any one, they should do it in terms which are not insulting. Aniasco and Arias being then reconciled, they continued to urge the horses, and about the middle of the day, when the sun had more force, and had tempered the coldness, they began to cross, but so slowly that it was more than three o'clock in the afternoon before they were all on the other side. The Spaniards then excited pity : fatigued, languishing, deprived in general of everj'thing. Kever- theless, they took courage, in consideration of the dangers they had passed, and of which they had had such great dread ; for if the enemy had attacked them in the passage and had obliged them to flght, they would have been lost. But, by good luck, the savages did not appear, because, going nearly entirely naked, they seldom left their houses in winter. Finally, when our people "Were out of the swamjj, they camped quite near in a plain ; they made great fires, for 'they were exceedingly cold; they recovered by degrees their strength, and rejoiced that thence to Hirriga they had no more bad roads. When night came they reposed, and before day they continued their journey, upon which, having met five Indians, they slew them with their lances, for fear of being exposed by them. They made this day thirteen leagues, and stopped at niglit in a beautiful plain. But the next day, before the smi had risen, thej' decamped, and passed, while it was morning, near Urribaracuxi, which, for fear of the inhabitants, they would not enter. They marched fifteen leagues this day, which was the tenth of their journey, and reposed a part of the night at three leagues from Mucogo. About midnight they recommenced their march, and at the end of two leagues they saw Jire in a wood on the side of their road. Moron, who had scented CONTINUATION Or THE JOURNEY OF THE THIRTY LANCERS. 323 this fire, had given them notice of it before, find even after having again spolien to them of it, they perceived it almost imraediatel3-. The Spaniards, surprised at a thing so extraordinary, went di- rectly to this fire, and found around it several Indians with their wives and children, who were roasting fish. They were the subjects of MUC090 ; nevertheless they took them, to know if their lord had kept the peace ; for it was resolved that if there were found any complaints against him, they would send his subjects to Havana. They therefore rushed upon them at full speed, and captured nine- teen of them. The others went into the thickest of the forest and escaped by favor of the darknCss. The prisoners cried out Ortis, and endeavored to make the Spaniards remember the good services they had done them in his person, but it was to no purpose. In the mean time the cavaliers, seeing that they could take no more Indians, began to breakfast upon the fish that were there, and which the hunger with which they were pressed made them find excellent, although thej' had been covered with the dust whieli the horses had thrown upon them. Afterward, taking a by-road, they went away from. Mucogo, and at the end of five leagues Caeho had recovered his strength. Tlie alarm which the enemy had given when they were at Ocaly, had made such an impression upon his mind, that, aided by the vigor of his age, he found himself cured of the sickness which the cold and fatigue had caused him, and he served as vigorously as the others. But his horse could go no fur- ther, and thej' left him in a meadow, after having taken from him the saddle and bridle, which they placed upon a tree, in order that if any Indian wished to use them, he might have everything that was necessary to do so. Afterwards they continued to travel ; but when they approached within a league of Hirriga, where there were forty horse and eighty foot soldiers, fear seized the cavaliers at seeing that they met with no traces of eitlier men or horses. They could not imagine that Calderon, who was at this place, had not made excursions in the neighborhood. They therefore believed that either the garrison had been massacred, or that they had retired upon the ships which they had left with iiim. In this belief, they were both afraid and sad ; considering themselves so far from the army, deprived of pro- visions, and of vessels to retire by sea. They reflected upon the evils they had suffered on their journey, and despaired of ever re- turning to Apalache. However, in the midst of such sorrowful uneasiness, they resolved that if they did not find tlieir people at Hirriga, they would camp at a place in the forest, nearest to where they might have grass. That whilst they should rest, they would S24 HISTOET OF FLORIDA. kill the horses least useful, and after having cut them in pieces for food upon the route, they would attempt to return. They flattered themselves that if they were killed, they would have, in dying, at least the consolation of having put themselves in a condition for doing their duty ; and that if fortune should favor them they would have satisfaction and honor. Thereupon they boldly continued their route, and went to Hirriga. CHAPTER XI. THE ARRIVAL OF THK PARTY AT HIRRIGA. The cavaliers, arrived at a little marsh half a league from Hirriga, found some horse tracks, at which they were exceedingly rejoiced. Even their horses, which could hardly sustain themselves, recovered courage ; they scented the tracks which they met, and went caper- ing as though they had just come out of the stable ; so that the Spaniards travelled with speed, and arrived at sunset within sight of Hirriga. Some cavaliers of the garrison were then going out on horseback to scour the environs of the place, marching two and two, with lance in hand. Aniasco and his companions, perceiving them, put themselves in the same order, and, as if it had been to race at the public rejoic- ings, they spurred at a canter to meet one another, which was very agreeable. At the noise which they made, Calderon and the rest of the garrison left the town. They were pleased to see the races of Aniasco and his men, and received them with every mark of a sincere affection. Aniasco and his companions also manifested to them their joj', and on both sides thej' remained a long time em- bracing each other. Afterwards the garrison, without inquiring after the health of Soto or the state of the army, oa\j asked if there was much gold found in the province of Apalache ; so greatly had the love of this metal prevailed over the minds of the men, and made them easily forget their duty. The journey of Aniasco and those who accompanied him lasted eleven days. Tliey passed two of them in crossing the Ocaly and the great marsh ; so that in nine days they made more than one hundred and fifty leagues, which there are from Apalache to the town of Hirriga. But by the hardships which these cavaliers suf- fered, we can easily judge of the difficulties of the other Spaniards who have conquered the rest of the New World, so vast in its extent, and so redoubtable for the valor of its inhabitants. However, there THE ARRIVAL OP THE PARTY AT HIRR16A. 325 are persons who enjoy the fruits of the labors of those who have ac- quired for the crown of Spain so many rich kingdoms, and who laugh at the labors which they have had to subjugate them. As they possess the wealth without the trouble, they think that they themselves have won them, and stupidly deceive themselves. Aniasco, arrived at Hirriga, inquired if the Indians of the province of Muco§o and of tliat where thej' were had not broken the peace. And at the same time that he learned that they were satisfied with their conduct, he sent back the prisoners with orders to the cacique to come to the quarters, and to bring with him people to carry away the provisions and the other things of which they wished to make him a present. He also charged them to take care of the horse wiiich they had left in their country: and, thereupon, they set out for their country, full of joy at recovering their liberty. Three days after Mucogo arrived with the horse; the bridle and saddle of which some Indians carried, because they.had not been able to put them on him. He affectionately embraced Aniasco and those of his suite ; he politely inquired after the health of tlie general, and asked them to relate to him the success of their conquest, the circumstances of their journej', the battles they had been compelled to flght, the adventures they had had, and the hunger and hardships tliej' had suffered. That it would be fortunate if he could compel the caciques of the country to render obedience to the Spaniards; because they could never live under a government milder or more illustrious than that of so warlike a nation. Aniasco, having contrasted this courteous manner in which Mu- C090 had received them with that of his companions who at first had inquired only concerning the wealth they had discovered, thanked him, in the name of all, for the affection which he bore the Spaniards, and complimented him upon the subject of the peace which he had preserved. But the cacique replied to these civilities with so much intelligence that he acquired the esteem, friendship, and admiration of everybody. Mucogo possessed also very excellent qualities ; for, without speaking of his physical advantages, he had prudence, generosity, and a particular manner which charmed the Spaniards. Therefore lie was tenderly beloved by them ; and, in my opinion, they should have adroitly induced him to be baptized. According to the natural intelligence which he had, it would not have been very diflScult to have converted him to the Faith, and this had been a happy commencement. But the Christians wished not to preach the Gospel to the inhabitants of Florida until they had first conquered the whole. After that, and during four days that Mucogo was with the 326 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. Spaniards, he sent away more than five hundred quintals of cassava, which is the bread that is made in Cuba of the root of the manioc, many cloaks, sacks, drawers, pantaloons, hempen shoes and other things, with coats of mail, lances ; in one word, all sorts of arms. They gave him, moreover, sails, cordage, anchors, cables, and other things of the vessels. Onr people had all these in abundance, and they were very glad to leave some of them to Mueogo and his sub- jects. CHAPTER XII. THEY EXECUTE THE ORDERS OF THE GENERAL. When Mucogo had caused to be taken away that which they had left him, they looked at the orders of the general. They imported that Aniasco should take the brigantines remaining in the bay of Espiritu Santo, and coast to the west as far as the Gulf of Aute, which he himself had discovered. Aniasco therefore inspected the vessels, put them in order, filled them with all kinds of provisions, and chose the men to accompany him. He was seven days getting ready ; and when he had given the orders of the general to Calderon concerning his route, he made his adieux, set sail, and took Ms route for the gulf of Aute. But let him sail at the mercy of the winds, and let us see in what manner Arias executed what he had to do. He was commanded to take the caravel, and go to Havana to Isabella de Bovadilla, and inform her of the details of the discovery. He was also charged to treat of some aflairs ; but they do not regard this history, and I shall not speak of them. Arias then, to discharge that which was enjoined him, had the caravel repaired, equipped it, put to sea, and, in a few days, arrived at Havana. He was received with much joy by the wife of Soto and all the inhabitants of the island, who made great rejoicings because of the news which he brought them, and of the health of the general, whom they loaded with benedictions and praises. CHAPTER XIII. WHAT HAPPENED IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF HIERIGA DURING THE ABSENCE OP SOTO. During the sojourn of Calderon at Hirriga, his people made many gardens, where they planted a great many radishes, lettuces, and other herbs. They collected divers seeds for their need, in case WHAT HAPPENED DURING THE ABSENCE OF DE SOTO. 327 they should settle in the country. Also, the Indians captured some of the Spaniards, which happened by the fault of the Spaniards themselves, in this manner: the barbarians had made, upon the borders of the bay of Espiritu Santo, large places inclosed with rude stones, for to fish for rays and other fishes which went into these places when the tide was high and which, when it retired, remained there almost aground. This fishing was excellent, and the soldiers of Calderon enjoyed it with the Indians. Therefore, Lopes and Galvan one day took a fancy to go a-fishing without the orders of the captain. They got into a boat and took with them Mugnos, page of their commander. As they were fishing, there arrived in small canoes some barbarians, who, approaching them, said, partly in Indian and partly in Spanish, that the fish sliould be in common. Lopes, who was brutal, replied to them that they should serve for food for tlie dogs; that he had notliing to divide with them ; and immediately he drew his sword and wounded an Indian who was near him. The others, exasperated at this inso- lence, fell upon the three Spaniards, dispatched Lopes with the oars, left Galvan for dead, and carried off Mugnos, to whom they did nothing, in considei'ation of his youth. Some soldiers of the garrison wiio were not far from there, attracted by the noise and suspecting the difficulty which had happened, came in a boat to give assistance to Lopes and Galvan ; but they found them sense- less and Mugnos in the power of the Indians. They immediately interred Lopes, and as Galvan still breathed, they assisted him so promptly that they restored him. However, he was more than thirty days recovering, and the same time remained stupefied by the wounds in his head; for when he recited this misfortune he said: When the Indians killed us, Lopes and me, we did such things. His companions, who diverted themselves with his dreams, replied to him that only Lopes was killed, and that, as for him, he was not dead. But he persisted with warmth that he was dead and living at the same time, because God had restored him to life. Some time afterwards the Indians took another soldier, who was called Vintimilla, as he was fishing for crabs at low tide, at the end of a forest between the town of Hirriga and the bay of Espiritu Santo. The barbarians concealed in the woods, seeing him alone, approached and said to him mildly that they should divide the fish. Vintimilla, who thought to frighten them, replied fie I'cely that he had no division to make. The Indians, indignant that a single man should dare, with so much arrogance, to speak to them who were ten or twelve, carried him ofl", but, however,did him no injury. Mngnos and Vintimilla were ten years among them, with liberty to go where 328 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. they pleased. But finally they escajjed in this manner: A Chris- tian ship, pursued by the subjects of Hirriga, was overtaken by a storm, and to escape its fury it retired to the bay of Espiritu Santo. The storm ceased, it put into the high sea, and the Indians began to give it chase. Vintimilla and Mugnos, who accompanied tliem, were alone in a boat, and, as thej^ designed to escape, fortune pre- sented them a fine o[)portunity for it. A north wind suddenly arose; the Indians, fearing lest it might increase and drive them too far to sea, exerted themselves to gain the land. In the mean time the two Spaniards gradually desisted from rowing, and feigned that they had not strength to go against the violence of the wind. But when they saw the Indians at a distance, they turned the prow of their vessel toward tlie ship, rowed with all their might, and called to them to wait for them. The Christians, at their call, lowered the sails and received with joy tlie two Spaniards, to console themselves for those whom they had lost. CHAPTER XIV. DEPAETURE FROM THE TOWN OF HIRRIGA. After Apiasco and Arias had left, the one for the gulf of Ante, and the other for Havana, Calderon took the route for Apalache, with fifty foot soldiers and seventy lancers, and arrived the second day at Mucogo. The cacique came to meet him, and lodged him in the town, entertained them all well, and accompanied them the next day out of his territory. And, when he was readj' to leave them, he told tliem, with tears in his ej-es, that he lost all hopes of. ever seeing the general again ; that, whilst they were at Hirriga, he had flattered himself that ho would return some day to the country, where he would still have had the honor to offer him his services ; but that now, as he saw himself condemned to deplore his absence, he begged them to make known to him tlie affection which he had for him ; and with tliese words, embracing them, he returned home quite dejected. In the mean time the Spaniards continued their route, and came as far as the Great Swamp without encounter- ing any tiling ; except that it happened one night tliat, being camped in a plain near a wood, there came out of it man}"- Indians, who kept them In continual alarm ; for they had no sooner recognized them than they all became enraged, especially one among tliem, who, showing much boldness, was attacked by Silvestre. The DEPARTURE FROM THE TOWN OF HIRRIGA. 329 Indian stood firm at first, but afterwards took to his heels. The Spaniard pressed him ; but the barbarian, seeing himself about to be pierced, resisted, and at the moment that the cavalier gave him a thrust with his lance which brought him to the ground and Isilled him, he shot an arrow which piei'ced and prostrated the horse of Silvestre, so that the barbarian, the horse, and the rider fell one upon the other. The Spaniards, surprised that a single shot of an arrow fired so close had slain a horse so vigorous, had the curiosity to see, in the morning, the effect of tliis shot. They found that the arrow had entered the breast, and, after having pierced the heart, had stopped in the intestines; with so much force do the Indians shoot. Also, from their earliest years, they have no other exei'cise. When the infants begin to walk, they study to imitate their fathers; they handle arrows and ask for bows, which, if they refuse them, they make them themselves of small sticks, and declai-e war against the mice of the dwellings ; but not meeting with anything upon wliich they can fire, they hunt the flies, and out of the house they hunt the lizards, and when these animals are in their holes thej' will wait for them five or six hours until they come out of them. Thus, by a continual exercise, they shoot with surprising skill. But since it has become proper to speak of the extraordinary shots of the Indians, I shall relate an instance of them. Moscoso, in one of the first skirmishes with the Apalaches, received, in his right side, the shot of an arrow, which pierced his buff and his coat of mail with- out killing him, because the shot went aslant. The Spanish officers, astonished that a coat of mail of the value of a hundred and fifty ducats should be pierced bj' a single shot, wished to prove theirs, in order to know if they could depend upon them. As they were then in the town of Apalache, those who wore coats of mail took a cane bas- ket, strongly woven, and adjusted around it one of the finest coats of mail. They then unbound one of the Indian prisoners, gave him a bow and arrow, and commanded him to fire, at the distance of one hundred and fiftj'^ paces, upon this coat of mail. At the same time, the barbarian, having closed his fist, stretched himself, extended and bent his arm to awaken his strength, shot through the coat of mail and basket with so much force that the shot would still easily have pierced a man. Our people, who saw that a coat of mail could not resist an arrow, adjusted two of them to the basket. They gave an arrow to an Indian whom tliey ordered to shoot, and he pierced both of them. Nevertheless, the arrow remained fixed, as much on one side as on the other, because it had not been fired with sufficient skill. The barbarian requested that he might be permitted to shoot 330 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. another, upon condition that if he should not pierce the two coats of mail with as much force as the first, he would forfeit his life.* The Spaniards would not grant his request, and afterward they held their coats of mail of no account, which they, in mockery, called Holland cloth. Therefore they made, of thick cloth, doublets four inches thick, which covered the chest and the croup of the horses, and resisted an arrow better than anything else. But as in this rela- tion, I shall again speak of some surprising arrow shots, I return to Galderon. CHAPTER XV. CONTINUATION OF THE MARCH OF GALDERON, AND HIS ARRIVAL AT THE CAMP. The Indians, seeing one of their men slain, did not return any more to harass the Spaniards, who arrived the day following, at the great swamp, where they remained all night. They crossed it the next day, without being attacked by the enemy ; and travelled, by long stages, through the province of Acuera. To relieve one another, the cavaliers dismounted, preferring, through fear of fatiguing their horses, rather to give them to the foot-soldiers, than to carry these behind them. They finally arrived at Ocaly, which they found abandoned, and when they had taken provisions there, thej- crossed, on rafts, the river which passes near this town. Afterwards, they entered into Ochile ; from there they went into Vitachuco, then to the river Ossachile and to the town of the same name, from which the inhabitants had retired. They took there provisions, and con- tinued their journey through an uninhabited country between Ossa- chile and the'swamp of Apalache, without the barbarians attacking them but a single time ; they made more than a hundred and thirty leagues, from the commencement of their route to the place where they were. Having arrived at the wood which borders the swamp, they camped all the night in a neighboring plain, and at break of day, when they had marched through the defile, entering the waters, they advanced as far as the bridge, and mended it. The people on foot passed over without the enemy opposing them, and those on horseback safely crossed by swimming the deepest water. Then' Calderon gave orders for crossing the remainder of the swamp. He commanded ten cavaliers to place behind them five crossbow-men ■* See Appendix, note 2. CONTINUATION OF THE MARCH OF CALDERON. 331 with as many men armed with bucklers, and to seize the jDass which was on the other side. They then prepared to cross the water, and quickly gain the other shore. The Indians in ambush sallied out at the same time, attacked them with loud cries, enveloped them with arrows, slew the horse of Alvar, and wounded five others. The rest, frightened at the noise and the shots of the barbarians, kicked, reared, retraced their steps, and threw into the water those whom they carried behind, who were nearly all wounded ; for when the horses turned back, the Indians, seeing the foot-soldiers down, picked them out. They even prepared to go and kill them in the water, calling their companions to aid them and to be witnesses of their victory. This attack astonished even the Spaniards. Their horses were disabled, and it was necessary to fight in the marsh. They saw themselves in disorder, and the enemy rushing upon them ; all that, made them dread being all cut to pieces. The barbarians, on the contrary, who noticed the trouble of our men, became more audacious, and redoubled their efforts against those who were in the water. In the mean time, Villabo and other valiant soldiers advanced to the assistance of their companions, and checking the Indians, arrested their fary. In the mean time the other barbarians of the country, informed that the Christians were routed, hastened to take part in the victory. To the left of the Spaniards who were crossing the marsh, there came a large troop of barbarians, and some paces in front, marched an Indian with tall plumes upon his head, clothed superbly after the fashion of the country. This captain, seeing that the Spaniards were approaching, wished to get possession of a large tree which was equally distant from them and him, and from whence he would have greatly incommoded them. As Sylvestre had discovered his design, he called Galvan, who hastened to him; they gained the tree before the barbarian, who, through rage, shot at them three arrows. The buckler of Sylvester received them and resisted the violence of the blows, because it was wet. Galvan, who had orders to fire only upon that Indian, waited until he was within reach of his crossbow. He took his opportunity in such a manner that he struck him in tfie middle of the chest, and pierced him, because he was covered only witli a small skin. However, he was not prostrated by the blow ; he only made a pirouette, and cried out that these Christian traitors had killed him. There was immediately heard a great noise ; there were but cries and howls among the barbarians. They rah to their captain, took him in their arms, and passing him from hand to hand, carried him off by the way he had come. 332 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. To the right of 'our men, advanced, all infuriated, a crowd of In- dians, against whom Manassas, accompanied by ten others, marched to oppose tliem. Tiie barbarians briskly charged them and wounded Manassas in the thigh, on account of him not having his buckler ; and the four arrow shots which they fired at him in this place were so violent that they precipitated him into the water. Five of his com- panions had the same misfortune. The Indians, animated by this action, and in the hope of gaining the victor3-, made new efforts to achieve it. The Spaniards then, reduced by necessity to flght for their lives, defended themselves like lions. In the mean time, the report circulated among the barl)arians that their chief was mor- tally wounded ; and they began to give way by degrees and t.o re- treat. Our men immediately reunited in very good order, and not to lose an opportunity which fortune presented them, they pushed the enemy and drove him into the defile which was on the other side of the marsh ; and without difficulty, made themselves mas- ters of the place in the forest which the troops had opened in going through. The barbarians who had fortified it, and who had retreated there, abandoned it again on the wounding of their chief. The Spaniards camped in this place, which was very difficult of approach, and very easy to guard. They passed the night there to dress the wounds of the wounded who were in very great numbers, and they were always on the alert on account of the continual yells of the enemy. When it was daj', they began to march, driving the Indians before them as far as another forest, about two leagues through. In this wood, which was not so dense as that whicli they had passed, the barbarians had made, here and there along the road, good palisades, from whence they fired and attacked with so much order, that when one of the ranks engaged the other did not fight, for fear of injuring themselves with their own arms. The Spaniards bravely traversed this forest, and had twenty wounded without ever being able to kill a single Indian. They believed that tliey even did well to protect themselves from their shots. Afterwards they en- tered into a vast plain, where the barl)arians, fearing the cavalry, dared not to attack nor to await them. At the end of five leagues, as the wounded were generally fatigued, our men camped in a plain, and during tiie night tlie enemy fell upon them from all quarters. Then the cavaliers advanced to oppose them, and charged vigor- ously into the thickest of the barbarians, who retreated, and tried to shoot the horses; however, they wounded only one of them. Nearly all the, night they did but cry out to the Spaniards that they had killed the otiiers, that they had quartered them, and hung them to the highest trees; that they would do the same thing CONTINUATION OP THE MARCH OF CALDERON. 333 to them before they should arrive where they wished to ; that they ■were not so cowardly as to endure their tyranny, and that if they did not leave the country Ihey would cut them all in pieces. When it was day our men continued their route, and arrived at a deep stream, and so much the more difficult to cross, as it was for- tified on the other side with palisades. Calderon sent to reconnoitre the passage, and prepared to attack. He commanded tliirty cava- liers to dismount ; to go with sword in one hand and an axe in. the other, and cut down the stakes ; that those who were the least in a condition to fight should place tiiem selves in the middle with the equipage, and the best armed in the rear, so that from all sides they might be able to sustain the enemy. In this order they entered into the wood, which was in front of the stream. When the barba- rians saw them enter into a place where the horses could not be used, they began to make loud cries, and charged them with so much fury tliat they expected to cut them all in pieces. Our men, deter- mined to pass or die, rushed impetuously at the entrenchments. The contest was obstinate. Nevertheles, in spite of the resistance of the Indians, they gained the palisades, and cut them down with the sturdy' strokes of tiieir axes. There were a few wounded, and one horse killed. They afterwards marched through the plain with- out the enemy attacking them, except when they met with thick bushes upon the route, for the Indians, being in ambush, fell unex- pectedly upon them, crying out that they would exterminate them as they had done the others. The Spaniards began to be concerned at these menaces, for, from the town of Apalache, whence they could easily have heard the noise, no succor came, and likewise they did not see any horse tracks. However, thej' advanced at a slow pace towards the place, where they entered at sunset. Some days after, there died twelve of their wounded, and among others, Manassas, who was a very brave cavalier. Calderon and his soldiers were received by all the army with so much the more joy, as they believed them dead ; for the barbarians came every day to cry to our men that they had slain them on the route, which appeared very likely ; for the general having seen himself, with nine hundred men, in great peril in these defiles, it was easy to believe that Calderon, with one hundred and twent}', was there destroyed. But when the general fortunately found him- self mistaken, the satisfaction which he had at receiving Calderon and his companions cannot be imagined. He embraced them all many times, and courteously inquired of the particulars of their journey. He ardently praised and spoke of their fatigues, their courage, and commanded that they should take the greatest care of the wounded. 334 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. CHAPTER XVI. THE DISCOVERY OP THE COAST. When Calderon arrived in the town of Apalaclie, Aniasco liad alreaidy been there six days, having debarked at Ante, without hav- ing met with anything worthy of relating. He had safely landed at this port, because, to make it secure for him, they had sent there, twelve days before his arrival, two companies, one of cavalry and- the other of infantry. They were relieved every four days, and during their sojourn at the port, they hoisted their colors, in order that they might discover them from a distance. Aniasco, who saw them, came and landed at Aute ; whence, after having sheltered two vessels, he set out for the camp, with those who were ordered to escort him. But when Calderon arrived there, and the Spaniards saw themselves all together, they believed that there was no danger which they could not overcome. They were therefore always in good spirits, and passed the winter pleas- antly in their quarters. In the mean time the general, who applied himself wholly to the discovery of the country, sent for Maldonado, a valiant captain who had served well upon all occasions, and commanded him to leave the care of his company to Gusman, and to go to the gulf of Aute; that there he should take two brigantines which they had left there ; that next he should follow the coast a hundred- leagues to the west ; that he should notice particularly the bays, the harbors, and the rivers, and should make an exact account of them ; that this' discovery would be very important, and that he would give him two months for the voyage. Maldonado went to the gulf of Aute, and wheij he had sailed along the coast, he returned within the prescribed time. He rcr ported that he had found, at sixty leagues from the gulf, a port which they called Achussi.* That this port was very fine, shel- tered from all the winds, capable of containing many ships, and of so good a depth that it was easy to approach the land and leap upon it without assistance. He brought from there two Indians who were relations, and of whom one was a cacique. But he took them in a manner very unjust. When he had entered the port, the inhabitants received him civilly ; thej^ invited him to land, and said that they would give him provisions. Maldonado, who did not * Pensacola. THEY SEND TO HAVANA AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVERT. 335 Gonflde in them, dared not accept their offer ; but the Indians, dis- covering his distrust, took the first steps to dispel his suspicions. They came on board the vessels by twos and fours to pay him a visit. Tliey brouglit him provisions, of wliich he was in need, and by degrees the Spaniards, becoming reassured, sounded the port. Then, after taliing all that was necessary, they hoisted the sails and put to sea, taking with them the two Indians, who, trusting to tlie marks of amity which were given on both sides, were basely be- trayed. CHAPTER XVII. THEY SEND TO HAVANA AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVEKY. The Spaniards learned with joy the discovery of the port of Achussi and all the coast. It seemed to them that they would finally be able to settle in Florida. That the principal thing de- pended upon finding a port. Thej' had found one in which the vessels could land, with everything necessary for an establishment. There- fore Maldonado received orders to go with the two brigantines to Havana, to Bovadilla, and relate to her the details of what had happened, and spread the news of it through the island of Cuba. He was also commanded to repair, in the month of October fol- lowing, of the year fifteen hundred and forty-one, to the port of Achussi with the brigantines, the caravel of Arias, and some ves- sels loaded with muskets, lead, powder, and all sorts of munitions. He was, moreover, ordered to bring back Arias, a man of sage counsel and great discretion in war. The general had given these orders, because he believed that at the time set for Maldonado, he on his part would have discovered the interior of the country, and have taken all his measures for establishing himself there; and that afterwards he would repair to the port of Achussi. But, first of all, it was necessary to seize this port ; for, with the view of settling in Florida, it was a thing of which they absolutely could not do without. Maldonado then left the gulf of Aute and repaired to Havana, where, for the good news which he brought, and his good fortune in all his enterprises, he was well received by the wife of tlie gen- eral and by all the island. After they had communicated the success of the discovery, there was nothing but rejoicing and prayers in the behalf of Soto. The rich themselves, in particular, contributed with all their power, to his designs. They sent, or 336 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. bronglit, what they had of the most valuable, because they ex- pected some profit from it, and that they would show that they shared in the interest of their governor. But while the inhabitants of the island make their preparations, we will return to the people of Apalache. CHAPTER XYIII. THE INTREPIDITY OF AN INDIAN. Aniasco mounted on horseback one day, and, having ridden with six of his companions tlirough the streets of Apalache, thej' all took a fancy to make a tour of the town on the outside. As they had no intention of going very far away, because the barbarians placed themselves in ambush behind the bushes and the country was not safe, they left without other arms than their swords, except Pe- gado, who carried a lance. Whilst they were riding at a slow pace, and pleasantly conversing on different subjects, they perceived an Indian and his wife, who were collecting beans, in a field near a wood. They immediately spurred straight towards them, and the woman, wholly beside herself, not being able to escape, the Indian took lier, carried her into the forest, tiirust her against the first thicket, and forcibly pushed her into it. Then, instead of saving him- self with hei", he boldly returned to where he had left his bow, and advanced against the cavaliers with as much resolution as if he had but one to contend with. The Spaniards, surprised .at tliis action, and believing that it would be a shame for seven men to slay one, wished only to capture him. They charged so suddenly upon him that he had not time to shoot. They overthrew him and held him to the earth, crying out to Mm " quarter " and tliat he should surrender. But the more they pressed him the more he showed courage, for quite struck down as he was, he wounded them all in the legs, and stuck with arrows, the bellies of their horses ; finally, he escaped once from under their feet, arose, took his bow with both hands and gave with it, so violent a blow upon the forehead of Pegado, that the blood flowed down his visage, and he was quite stunned by it. This cavalier, enraged at seeing himself thus treated, urged his horse upon the barbarian, gave him some thrusts with his lance, struck him in tlie breast, and laid him dead at his feet. The Spaniards at the same time examined their horses, and found that thej' all were slightly wounded. They retraced their route to Apalache, ashamed that a single man had given them so much trouble. OFFER TO CONDUCT THE SPANIARDS TO GOLD AND SILVER. 337 CHAPTER XIX. THEY OFFER TO CONDUCT THE SPANIARDS TO PLACES WHERE THEY BELIEVE THERE WERE GOLD AND SILVER. During the wintering of the Spaniards at Apalache, Soto resolved to visit the countries of Florida situated towards the west. There- fore he inquired of the Indians who served in the army and of those whom they captured every day, if they had any knowledge of the western regions of the country. In the mean time, they brought to him a barbarian about seventeen years of age, who had been with Indians who went very far into Florida to barter merchandise. For monej' not being in use among the people of these countries, they make use of only exchanges. The general, rejoiced at this opportunity, had this young man interrogated concerning the places of Florida which he wished to discover. He replied to him, that he knew only the countries where he had accompanied his masters ; and that in twelve or thirteen da3's he could conduct the troops there. The general immediately placed him in the hands of a soldier, with orders to take care that he did not escape. But very far from fleeing he accommodated himself to such a degree, to the disposition of the Christians, that he evinced that he had no greater pleasure tlian to live among them ; and he also adopted all their manners, and one would have believed him a real Spaniard. A few days after the taking of this Indian, they captured another •who knew him, and who confirmed what lie had said. He even oflered himself to lead our men to the provinces where he had been, which he asserted to be of very great extent. But when they demanded of him, if in those quarters, there were found gold, silver, and pre- cious stones, all of which things they showed him to make him comprehend what they wished to learn of him, he declared that in Cofaciqui there was a metal lilie tiie yellow and white which they showed him. That the merchants whom he served, purchased this metal and trafficked with it in otlier countries. That there was also found in Cofaciqui a very great quantity of pearls ; and there- upon he pointed to one among the jewels which they showed to him. The Spaniards, full of joy at this news, thought only of the means of going to Cofaciqui and rendering themselves masters of the riches of this province. 22 338 HISTORY OF PLOKIDA. CHAPTER XX. CONCEENING SOME SINGLE COMBATS ; AND THE FERTILITY OF APALACHE. One day a party of fifty foot-soldiers and twenty cavaliers left the camp to search for corn at a league from there, where, on their ar- rival, they collected as much as they had need of. They then placed themselves in ambush to capture some barbaiians, and posted a sentinel on an elevated place. He almost immediately gave notice that an Indian appeared, who glanced from one side to the other as if he had an Intention to discover something. Upon this notice, Diego de Soto, one of the .brave cavaliers of the army, spurred to capture the barbarian, who, at first, attempted to escape. However, happening to consider that the horse would intercept him, he gained a tree, the ordinary refuge of the Indian. He prepared his bow? and awaited with firmness until his enemy was within reach of his arrow. As Soto had seen that he could not advance as far as under the tree, he passed close by and gave a thrust with his lance at the Indian, who had no sooner parried it than he fired and pierced the horse of the Spaniard with so much force, that afterwards he stag- gered about twenty steps and fell dead. In the mean time, arrived Velasques, who followed at a canter to succor Soto, and when he saw his companion's horse slain, he urged his own, advanced directly at the barbarian, and thrust at him his lance. The Indian, after having parried it also, fired and slew the horse of Velasques. These two Spaniai-ds immediately charged, with their lances, upon the barbarian, who, in retreating to the wood, turned his head, and said to them with disdainful pride, that if they had to fight on foot, they would see with whom would remain victory. He thus escaped from the cavaliers with his repu- tation, and left them in despair at being unfortunately dismounted. The party then retraced their route to the camp, sorry at what had happened to their comrades. A short time after this action, Rodriguez and Telves, on horse- back, left Apalaclie to gather fruit in a forest near this town. Hav- ing arrived they dismounted and climbed to the tops of the trees, in the belief that the fruit was better there than on the branches below. The Indians in ambuscade perceived them, and crawled quietly to surprise them. Yelves, who saw them, leaped down from the tree where he had placed himself. They fired at him an arrow which CONCERNING SOME SINGLE COMBATS. 339 prostrated him as he was running to his horse. The arrow struck • him in the shoulder and passed through his breast. As for Rodriguez, they shot him upon the tree as they would a bird, and having brought him down at the third shot, they took oflf his head, which they car- ried away as an evidence of what had happened. Yelves was not treated thus ; some cavaliers came to his assistance, to whom, after having related in a few words his misfortune, he asked for a con- fessor, and expired. The horses of Yelves and Rodriguez, being frightened at the noise of the barbarians, fled towards the camp. The soldiers, who were advancing, and who met them, perceived that there was one of them wounded in one of his hind legs. However, because the wound was not larger than that of a lancet, they neglected to dress it, and the next day they found the horse dead. The Spaniards, surprised that a wound so light should produce such an effect, opened the horse at the place where he was wounded, and following the trace of the arrow, they found that it had pierced the thigh, and had passed to the liver. I'report these particulars to show that during the sojourn of the troops at Apalache, the barbarians attacked them courage- ously, and did not lose any opportunity to injure them. The people of these quarters are brave and proud ; always on the alert, and always ready to fight. They also relate this of their courage : As the Spaniards, in the province of Apalache, ate sometimes small dogs, because they found tliem to their taste, seven cavaliers left the camp to seek them, and were perceived by five Indians,- who resolutely awaited them upon the route. These barbarians, seeing them near them, made a mark across the road, and told them that if they passed it they would kill them. The cavaliers, who laughed at these men- aces, advanced ; and immediately the Indians shot some arrows at them, by which they had two horses killed, and two wounded with one soldier. But there remained only one Indian upon the field ; the others took to flight and escaped, because they are very swift. The people of Apalache were not contented to skirmish with those who straggled ; but they attacked the army, day and night, without at- tempting to come to an engagement. They concealed themselves in the woods, and came and fell upon the troops whom they endeavored to destroy. The province of Apalache abounds in corn, pumpkins, and vege- tables. There are also found there divers sorts of plums and nuts, and such a quantity of mast that it is lost at the foot of the trees ; because the Indians do not raise herds. In one word, the country is so fertile, that the troops, during five months of winter there, had food in abundance ; and even to get it, they had never to go farther 340 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. than a league from the quarters. Notwithstanding, beside about three hundred and fifty horses, they numbered nearly fifteen hun- dred men, without counting the Indians in service. There are also, in that countrj-, many white mulberry trees, very good pastures, excellent water, ponds full of fish, marshes full of herbs, the buds of which are good for cattle, and of tliemselves sufficient to nour- ish then*. BOOK FOUETH. ADVENTURES OF THE SPANIARDS IN DIVERS PROVINCES.. CHAPTER I. DEPARTURE FROM APALACHE. After they bad dispatched Maldonado to Havana for provisions and other things necessary for the troops, the general left the town of Apalache about the end of March of the year 1540, and took his route towai-d the north. He marclied three days without being at- tacked by the enemy, and lodged in a village almost inclosed by a marsh which was more than a hundred yards wide, and where they sank over their knees. However, as in this marsh there were pieces of wooil from one side to the other, thej-- easily passed it, and from there, without diflBculty, they reached the town, situated upon an elevation, whence they discovered many villages here and there in a pleasant valley. The troops sojourned three days in this town, wliich was still a dependence of Apalache. During this time, five guards of the general loft the quarters with Aguilera and Moreno to reconnoitre the villages of the country. The guard carried each a halberd, and the others their swords. Aguilera had also a shield, and Moreno a lance. They passed, in this state, the marsh and the angle of a wood, and entered into a field planted with corn ; where, at about two hOndred yards from the camp, they were at- tacked by the Indians. They immediately cried out " to arms," the soldiers who heard them left the town, and not to lose time in search- ing a passage, they rushed into the marsh and ran in haste to their assistance. However, notwithstanding the speed they made, they found the guards slain, each one with ten or twelve arrows through his body, and the two others badly injured. Moreno had in his breast a wound which went through to his shoulder, and he expired DEPARTURE PROM APAX-ACHE. 341 ■whilst they were dressing it. Aguilera, who liad fought bravely, had his thigh pierced by two arrows, his body blaclc with blows, and iiis head wounded ; for tlie barbarians, having exhausted their arrows, took his shield, and with it, struck him such violent blows that they laid bare his head, even to his eyebrows. But as he was j'oung and robust, he did not die from it. In the mean time, the Indians, per- ceiving the succors, fled so quickly that they could not learn their number. The}- knew, however, from Aguilera, that there were more than fifty men ; and some time after, they learned, in this way, the manner in which the thing liad liappened. One day the Spaniards, through raillery, asked Aguilera, if he had counted the blows which he had received, and if, to avenge himself for them with honor, he would not challenge these bar- barians to fight him, man to man. He replied that the blows had fallen so thick upon his shoulders, that he had not been able to count them. That in regard to the injury they had done hitn, they would some day be able to give information when they should be in the hands of the enemy. That, nevertheless, to inform them in what manner his misfortune had happened, they should know that many Indians had met him and his comrades in the field, and that, having seen them only seven, on foot, they had detached from the main body a like number, who advanced toward them, and charged them vigorously, whilst the otiiers remained spectators of the com- bat. That his companions and he, having neither crossbow nor musket to repulse them, the seven Indians had approached them at their leisure, and had. fired upon them as upon beasts taken in a snare. That finally, they had put them in a deplorable condition ; that however, since he had not lost his life, he pardoned them the injuries they had done him ; and that, for fear of another misfortune, he would not think of challenging them ; at the same time counsel- ling those who railed at him, not to leave the camp without arms, for fear of being maltreated, and serving, in their turn, for the diver- sion of others. Those who were listening tb Aguilera remained sur- prised, for they had never believed that the Indians would dare to fight in equal numbers against the Spaniards. But this encounter made them acquainted with the boldness of these people, who, see- ing no horses, confided so strongly in their courage, that thej"^ did not think of yielding to the bravest Christians in either valor or address. 342 HISTORY or floeida. CHAPTER II. ARRIVAL IN THE PROVINCE OF ALTAPAHA AND ACHALAQUK The general left Apalache and repaired to the frontiers of the province Altapaha. He went there to reconnoitre, himself, with one hundred and fifty men, as raany of cavalry as of infantry, and entered the third day of his march into the first town of the conn- try. Tiie greater part of the inhabitants had retired from this place, so that they took but six of them, of whom there were two cap- tains, who had remained in order to make the last leave. They led them to the general, to get some knowledge of the country, but no sooner were they in his presence than these Indian chiefs boldly demanded of liim if he came to make war or treat of peace. He had them told that he demanded only peace and some provisions in order to go on. They replied that they ought not to arrest them ; tliat the demand which they made being reasonable, it would be granted without difficulty ; and that even throughout the l^rovince the troops would be favorably received. They dispatched two of their people to the cacique to inform him of all that had hai)pened, and ordered them to tell those whom they should meet, not to harass the Spaniards ; and to make known to each other that tiiese people only traversed their country without devastating it. The general, who had these orders interpreted to him, began to hope that everything would succeed according to his wishes, and commanded that they should regale the two chiefs and set them at liberty. In the mean time, the Indians that were with the general counselled him to retrace his steps to another town, better than the village where he was, and offered to conduct him there by an agree- able route. Soto, allowing himself to be persuaded, sent orders to his colonel of cavalry to repair to this town. He marched tliere quickly with what troops he had, and was received there with the greatest dem- onstrations of joy. The cacique, informed of these things, came to salute the general, who appeared very much rejoiced at his arrival, and the inhabitants who had fled returned to their houses. In the mean time, the rest of the army arrived, one part lodged in the town and the others outside ; and during the three daj's that they so- journed there, they lived peaceably with the barbarians. After- wards they marched ten days, up along the river, where they saw fine mulberry trees, and remarked that the country was fertile, the CONCERNING THE CACIQUE COPA AND HIS PROVINCE. 343 people, .gentle and sociable. So that, on both sides keeping the peace inviolate, the Indians did not receive any offence ; because they contented themselves with what was only necessary. After- watds, the Christians departed from Altapaha and entered into Achalaque, a poor and sterile province where they found only old men, of whom the greater part had weak vision or were blind. As they judged of the number of young men by that of the old, and as in the country they had not met any young men, the Spaniards be- lieved that they had concealed themselves, and that they awaited them in ambush. But when they had investigated with care, they learned that they had nothing to fear, and in fact, there were no young men found in Achalaque, which surprised them still more. However, they did not put themselves to the trouble of learning the cause of it ; they thought only of going to Cofaciqui, where they all hoped to enrich themselves. They therefore made long journeys and as the country was beautiful, without rivers or forests, they traversed it in five days. When the general left Achalaque, he gave to the cacique, among other things, two hogs. He had ma,de a sim- ilar present to the chief of Altapaha, and to some others with whom he had made alliance; for he had brought into Florida more than one hundred of these animals, which, during the entire journey, were of use on divers occasions. But because sometimes they went astray upon the road, and the general gave away always as many males as females, it is very likely that if the barbarians have not slain them in hate of the Christians, there may be, at this time, many of them in Florida, which is a country very suitable for rais- ing them. CHAPTER III. CONCERNING THE CACIQUE COPA AND HIS PROVINCE. When the general passed from one province to another, he was accustomed to go himself openly, or to send notice of his coming; wherefore he sent to the cacique of Cofa to induce him to make an alliance, and to as.'sure him that his design was to gain the people by gentleness ; that he acted generously toward those who desired peace, of which the inhabitants of Apalache, their neighbors, were witnesses, whom the Spaniards had treated with every kindness. And as for him, if he would accept their friendship, he would be not less satisfied with it than the others. Cofa and his subjects replied that the general did them much honor, and that he and his troops would be received with joy ; that they could never see him too soon, 344 HISTOKY OF FLOEIDA. nor could lie enter their country too soon. The Spaniards, de- lighted with this response, quickened their march, and the fourth day after their departure from Achalaque they arrived at the first town of Cofa, where the cacique, in order to appear as a great lord, awaited them with the most active of his subjects, whom he had assembled from all of his provinces. But when he learned that the Christians were approaching, he went out a quarter of a league to meet them ; where, after having saluted Soto and fulfilled his promise to him, and finally made known to each other their satis- faction, the army entered into the town in very good order. The cacique lodged Soto, distributed the quarters, and retired to a town about two musket shots from the troops. The Spaniards, rejoiced at this reception, remained five days in the country, and, at their departure, gave in custody to the cacique the only piece of cannon which they had. And to show to him the esteem which they had for him, by the importance of the thing which the3'- had confided to him, the general ordered the cannon to be fired at a large oak, which was upset at the second shot. The cacique and his subjects, surprised at an effect which appeared to them so extraordinarj-, showed that it was truly a great mark of esteem and confidence to leave with them so important a trust. Afterwards the troops took the route to the province of Cofaciqui, and the cacique with his people accompanied them. But after one day's march, they besought him not to go any further. He there- fore took leave of the Spaniards with a thousand declarations of kindness, commanded his suite to embrace them, and sent to liis brother, Cofaqui, to inform him that the army was approaching his country, and that it deserved to be favorably received. Soto, at the same time, sent to seek an alliance with Cofaqui ; and after six days of travel he left the province of Cofa, which is a country suit- able for cattle, very productive in corn, and very deliglitful. There they met with great forests, beautiful rivers, plains, mountains, and, above all, people very sociable. CHAPTER IV. COFAQUI RECEIVES THE SPANIARDS. Having learned- that the Christians were coming upon his lands, Cofaqui had everything prepared to give them an honorable recep- tion, and dispatched to the general four of the most distinguished of his vassals, accompanied by a number of others, to assure him of COPAQXIl RECEIVES THE SPANIARDS. 345 his obedience. Soto, rejoiced to see them, treated them with great kindness, and went with them as far as the first town, which is called Cofaqni,from the name of the chief and the province. While he was approaching this place, the cacique, who was within, had information of it, and went out to meet him, followed by many of his subjects equipped with bows, plumes, and mantles of marten skins. Cofaqui saluted him with respect, and after some compli- ments he confirmed him in what they had said in respect to him- self. The general, on his part, received him in a very courteous hianner, and promised him every favor, in gratitude for the recep- tion he had given him. The Spanish officers and the Indians, fol- lowing their example, also paid each other great civilities, and our people went into the town full of joy and satisfaction. Cofaqui at the same lime distributed the lodgings, and for fear of incommod- ing his new guests, retired, with his own people, to a neighboring village. But the next day he came to pay his respects, and he asked the general to tell him if he would remain or go on further, in order the better to take his measures to render him every service. Soto replied that he would take the route to Cofaciqui, and would not stop until he had reached that country. Thereupon the cacique replied that it was separated from the province of Cofaqui by a wilderness of seven days' journey. That for that purpose he offered him provisions and soldiers, and that, if it pleased him to give his orders, he would have them punctually executed. The general made known that he was obliged to him, and requested him to do on this occasion what he judged necessary for the march, and that thus he hoped the troops would not lack anything, and that he would arrive safely at Cofaciqui. The cacique, delighted that the general confided in him, ordered the troops to be immediately raised. In four days there were four thousand men to escort the army, with a like number to carry the baggage and provisions. Nevertheless, for fear of some surprise on account of the number of Indians, the general commanded his men to hold themselves more than ordinarily on their guard. But these barbarians were very far from undertaking anj^thing. They thought only of gaining the friendship of the Spaniards, in order that thej' might assist them to avenge themselves upon the people of Cofaciqui, with whom they were at wai-. Therefore one day, be- fore the departure of the Christians, the cacique had Patofa, his lieutenant-general, called, and said to him that a good occasion pre- sented itself of resenting the wrongs which the inhabitants of Cofa- ciqui had done them all. That to have satisfaction for it, he sent him into the country with the army of the Spaniards ; that it was 346 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. his interest to cherish its friendship by every service, because it was by the assistance of these invincible troops he would avenge him, in a great degree, on his enemies ; that this, besides, would give him an occasion to deserve well of his prince and country, and would increase his reputation ; that knowing his ardor for glory, his zeal for his country, and his valor upon all occasions, he would say no more, convinced that he would gloriously respond to the hopes they had of him. After Patofa, who was handsome, and whose visage indicated something noble, had received this order, he took off a mantle of cat skins which he had upon his shoulders, took a palm branch which one of his servants carried for him, and made, before his lord, many gambols and leaps, with so much grace that he was admired. Then advancing towards his chief witli the palm branch in his hand, he saluted him in a manner but little different from ours, and assured him' that he would sacrifice himself for his service ; that since his force was seconded by the Spaniards, he pledged him his word of honor that he would avenge him of his enemies; that even his ven- geance should be illustrious, and capable of making him forget the insults which he had received : adding, that if fortune should be- tray his courage, and that. if he did not fulfil the expectation which they had conceived of him, his misfortune should be. followed by his death. At these words the cacique embraced his lieutenant, and said to him, that upon the assurance of the success of his enterprise, he would recompense him in advance. Thereupon, he took a mantle of marten skins, which he wore, and which our people valued at two thousand ducats, and invested Patofa with it : which is, among the Indians, the greatest mark of honor that a subject can receive. CHAPTER V. THE ADVENTURE OF AN INDIAN. The night before the Spaniards left for Cofaciqui, their guide, who was one of the Indians they had taken in Apalache, and whom they named Pedro, without, however, having baptized him, began to cry for help, and that they were killing him. The troops imme- diately seized their arms in the fear of some treason, and put them- selves in order of battle. But not seeing anything, and having in- quired the cause of alarm, they learned that it was their guide, whom they found quite frightened, and almost half dead. When the general demanded of him what had made him utter such loud cries. THE MARCH OP THE TROOPS. 347 he replied that the devil, with a frightful visage, accompanied by many little demons, had appeared to him ; that he had threatened to kill him if he led the Christians to Cofaciqui; that, thereupon, he had trodden upon his belly; had dragged liim through the room, and had given him so many blows that he could not move ; that if he had not been succored by two Spaniards the devil would have killed him ; but that the moment he perceived them he fled away with all his attendants; that, therefore, since the demons feared the Christians, he begged that tliey would baptize him immediately, in order that the devil might not come any more to maltreat him. The general and his officers, who judged of the truth of the adven- ture by the wounds, sent for the priests ; who, after having inter- rogated this poor Indian, baptized him, and did not abandon him the rest of the night nor the following day. He was in such a pitiable condition that it was necessary to restore him, and the army could not decamp until the next day ; yet it was necessary that this Indian should mount on horseback. Cofaqui accompanied the general two leagues, and afterwards paid him some compliments upon the sorrow he had at leaving him. He again commanded Patofa to obey the Spaniards in all things, and he reminded him that he was engaged in very important affairs ; that they would judge of the merit of men, but by the brilliancy of their deeds. Then he returned to the town,, and the troops went on to Cofaciqui, where they ardently wished to arrive. CHAPTER VI. THE MARCH OP THE TROOPS. The Indians and Spaniards formed two separate armj' corps, and marched every day in this manner : Patofa and the general, each at the head of liis troops, the baggage and servants in the middle. When night drew near, the Indians distributed provisions to the Spaniards ; the armies encamped and posted sentinels, and put themselves in such a manner, upon their guard against each other, that one might have believed tliem enemies. The Christians, espe- cially, were always watching the deportment of the barbarians, who only wished to show that they understood warfare. The Spaniards also prided themselves upon the same thing; each one emulously observed discipline. At the end of two days' journey they arrived in very good order at a wilderness between the provinces of Cofaqui and Cofaciqui. The Spaniards marched six days, without much 348 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. trouble, throngh this desert; because its woods and ways were favorable. Besides some rivulets, they crossed two rivers, not deep, but very wide, and so rapid that they were obliged to place many horses in a file in order to break the rapidity of the water, and favor the passage of the persons on foot, who could not keep them- selves erect unless the horses supported them. On the seventh day, about noon, they found themselves at the end of the road which they had followed till then, and met with nothing but paths which went here and there into tlie forest, and which lost themselves almost immediately. So that, no longer knowing what route to take, the general began to suspect the barbarians. He told Patofa that, un- der the appearance of friendship, he had wished to destroy them. That it was not credible that among eight thousand Indians whom he commanded, there was not one who kne~w the road, considering that they had always been at war with the people of Cofaciqui, and made incursions on each other. Patofa replied that he had never been so far, and not one of those who accompanied him ; that they could not call war, the skirmishes which had taken place between them and their enemies ; that in the desert they had fought only in the divers encountei-s in hunting and fishing, where they had killed and made prisoners on both sides ; that, as the inhabitants of Cofa- ciqui had always gained the advantage, they feared them, and had not dared to enter their country ; that, therefore, since neither he nor his people knew where they were, he begged that he would entertain, in their favor, other sentiments than those which he had expressed ; that the people of Cofaqui were not capable of any baseness ; be- sides, the cacique and he had too much honor. to falsify, bj' an in- famous treachery, the good reception tliey had given the Spaniards; that, for the guarantee of his word, they might take such hostages, and as many as tliey pleased ; that he would even pledge his life and those of his soldiers, who would all devotedly sacrifice them- selves to maintain the honor of their cacique and their own glory. Soto, moved by this discourse, feared lest their commander might go to some extremity to show the innocence of his conduct, and replied to him, that, very far from believing that he had mali- ciously misled the Spaniards, he was now convinced to the contrary, and that the manner in which he had spoken, sufficiently justified it. They then called the Indian, Pedro, who had guided them so cor- rectly, that, at the close of the day, he marked the route for the fol- lowing day. But he avowed that he liad entirely lost the way, and excused himself, because it had been a long time since he had been to Cofaciqui. The Spaniards, who imagined that he dreaded being again maltreated by the devil, and that it would be in vain to entreat THE MARCH OP THE TROOPS. 349 him, continued the remainder of the day to march tlirough tlie most open parts of the forest, and arrived at sunset at the borders of a large river which was not fordable.* As tliey Iiad nothing to cross it with, and as they had consumed tlielr provisions, this in- creased their misfortunes, and they were all the night in great con- sternation. At the break of day the general, in order to reassure them, promised not to continue the march until they had first dis- covered some road. He therefore commanded Gusman, "Vasconcello, Aniasco, and Ti- noco, captains of cavalry and infantry, to take each their men, and ordered some to coast the I'Lver upward, others to do the same down- ward, and all the rest to advance a leagne into the country, and to return in five days to the camp, to report there what they should have discovered. Aniasco went up the river with the barbarian general, the guide Pedro, and a thousand Indians. The other cap- tains had each as many of them, in order to spread themselves through the woods and be able the more easily, to discover some road. In the mean time, Soto awaited them upon the borders of the river, and endured all that one could suffer of famine. He and iiis soldiers ate, ordinarily, only the tilings which the four thousand barbarians who remained, brought to them. These Indians left the quarters as soon as it was morning, to search for provisions, and did not return until night, some with herbs, roots, and some birds which they had killed ; others with fish ; in one word, with what- ever they had met with, which they gave entirely to tlie Spaniards, who were three days only partially nourished by the provisions which the Indians furnished tliem. But as our people left them the better part of it, and as Soto saw that tiiey could no longer subsist upon it, he had some hogs killed, and distributed half a pound of meat to each Spaniard, which rather irritated than appeased their hunger. Nevertheless, to show their gratitude to the Indians, they divided with them what tliey had. The general, who persuaded the'm to this, sufiered as the plainest foot-soldier. He concealed his dis- tress ; he caressed the soldiers, and encouraged them with a gayety that charmed them and made them forget a part of their troubles; so that, in their turn, they showed a countenance as contented as if they had everything in abundance. * This river probably was the Ogeeche. Thny, according to the Elva Narra- tive, crossed it ; and then took place what is related of searching for the road. 350 HtSTORY OF FLOEIDA. CHAPTER YII. CONTINUATION OP WHAT HAPPENED IN THE WILDERNESS. The fifth day that the army marched in the desert, an Indian of those who had the care of the provisions ran away ; either that he desired to return to his wife or that he feared to die of hunger. Patofa, who was informed of it, dispatched four of his men in close pursuit of him, who, after having overtaken him, led him back to the quarters with his hands bound, and presented him to him. Then he began to reproach him for his baseness, and represent to him. the injury which his flight was doing the Indians, the disrespect which he had for the orders of his cacique ; and swore that his crime should not remain unpunished, but that he should serve for an example to retain the others in their duty. Thereupon, he ordered that they take him to a rivulet and then make him take oflf what covered him, except his di-awers. He commanded them to bring many sprouts, a yard long ; he had the water muddied, and ordered the deserter to lie down in it and drink it all. Four of the stoutest Indians had charge to take the switches and strike, with all their force, this mis- erable man if he ceased to drink. This poor Indian drank at first as much as it was possible; but when he came to take breath, they gave him so many blows that they forced him to continue. In the mean time, some of liis friends ran to find Soto, cast themselves at his feet, and conjured him with tears, to ask Patofa to pardon the unfortunate man. Soto, who knew that they would not cease to torment the Indian until he had lost his life, requested Patofa to be contented with the punishment the deserter had suffered. He consented, and they drew from the stream the poor barbarian all swollen with the water which he had drunk ; in one word, half dead. It also happened that one of the days when they suffered the most from famine in the desert, four soldiers, the most courageous and the most honorable men of the army, resolved to divide what provisions remained to them in common. As they found but a handful of corn, they had ft parched to swell it, they divided it among themselves, and each one had eighteen grains of it. Three "ate their parts, and there remained but Silvestre, who wrapped his in a handkerchief. Afterwards, another soldier whom they called Troche, asked him if he had anything to eat, and he replied very StJCCESS OP THE CAPTAINS SENT OUT TO EXPLOKE. 351 pleasantly that they had sent him some good macaronis • from Seville. Troche began to laugh. In the mean time, another of his com- panions arrived, who begged them to give him some food. Silvestre also pleasantly replied to him, that he had a very excellent cake ; that he was ready to share it. This last, turning this into ridicule, Silvestre replied that he had asserted nothing but what was true, and drew out his handkerchief, in which were the eighteen grains of corn. He gave to each of his companions six, and kept the rest for himself. Tliey regaled themselves immediately with this before any one might surprise them. They then went away to drink at a stream, and passed the day thus, without eating. Such is the way in which the other soldiers endured hunger, and it is by such suflfering that they won the new world, whence they draw, every year, twelve or thirteen millions of gold and silver, and a great quantity of precious stones. When I consider also that it is prin- cipally from Peru that come these riches to the Spaniards, I esteem it very glorious for me to be the son of one of the conquerors of that kingdom. CHAPTER VIII. THE STJCCESS OF THE CAPTAINS SENT OUT TO EXPLORE. During these things the oflScers who had been sent to find out the route, did not suffer less from hunger than the general. During three days of the five of their march they had nothing to eat. They did not even succeed in their discovery, except Aniasco, who met with a village on the borders of the fiver which he c#&,sted. There were few people in this village, but so much provisions that in a sin- gle lodge they found five hundred measures of corn-meal, besides a quantity of corn in the grain. The people of Patofa and Aniasco rejoiced at this good luck, visited the rest of the houses, ascended the highest, saw on both sides of tiie river many habitations and cultivated lands. Afterwards they took their meal, and about mid- night the Spaniards dispatched four cavaliers to Soto, who, to assure him of the things , which they should tell him, took samples of corn and some cow horns. Up to that time they had not seen cattle in Florida ; yet they had found the fresh meat, which often induced them to urge the Indians to tell them where they should meet with these cattle. But neither by entreaties nor by threats had they ever been able to draw anything from these barbarians.(i5) 352 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. The same night that the cavaliers were sent to the general, the people of Patofa learned that they were in a village of the province of Cofaciqui, and they sacked it. They pillaged the temple, where were the riches of the place, and, without consideration of sex or age, slew those whom they could capture, and took off' their heads to carry them to their cacique, to show him the vengeance which they had taken upon his enemies. This disorder continued until day; and about noon Aniasco and Patofa, with those who accom- panied them, apprehending that if they remained longer at the vil- lage, the people of the country might assemble in great numbers, come and attack them, and cut them all to pieces, resolved to de- camp and go and rejoin Soto. CHAPTER IX. ARRIVAL OP THE GENERAL AT COPACIQIII, AND THE DISCOVERT OF THE COUNTRY. The general, having learned the particulars of the discovery of Aniasco, decamped, and took for guides the cavaliers whom they had dispatched to hira ; but, because the troops which had accom- panied him were sufi'ering greatly from hunger, they thought only of repairing to where there were provisions. So that, without keep- ing any order in their march, they advanced with so much speed that, after having made in one day and a half more than twelve leagues, they arrived where their companions were. They there refreshed themselves seven days, and during this time the three otlier captains whom they had sent on the exploration returned to tlie place wlltnce tiiey had departed, without having met with a single village or taken any Indian, although they had seen many pass. But as they no longer found Soto, tliey followed the route which he had taken, and repaired to the village where he had pro- ceeded.* There they related to him the details of their expedition, and recuperated themselves, of wliich they had great need; for they were overcome with fatigue, and during eight days they had eaten only roots. In the mean time Patofa and his people spread themselves four leagues around the quarters ; they slew indifferently men and women, sacked the towns, and pillaged the temples where they could enter. The general, informed of this, and that the barbarians were going to push their resentment still further * Soto had marked a tree, and at the foot of it buried a letter for thein, which they found. ABRIVAL OP THE GENERAL AT COPAOIQUI. 353 believed that it was liis interest to stop tliis disorder ; because, being contrary to the design wliich he had of gaining the people by mildness, they would be to iiim in the future cruel and powerful enemies. He therefore sent to request Patofa to curb his people. This captain obeyed, and at his return from the pursuit of his ene- mies, Soto gave him, for his cacique and for himself, some silk stuffs, linen, knives, mirrors, and other like things ; and after having thanked him for his kindness, be entreated him not to go any fur- ther, but to return to his province. Patofa, delighted with the presents which they had made him, returned with so much the more joy, as he had bravely avenged his chief. Soto, after his departure, remained two days more at the camp ; but as soon as he saw his men ready, he marched up along the river, where he found much provisions and many Indians mas- sacred, which had compelled the other inhabitants of the quarters to retire into the forest. And at the end of three days' journey he encamped in a place filled with mulberry trees and many trees loaded with fruit. The quarters made, he commanded Aniasco to follow, with thirty soldiers, the route which they had held thus far, and to endeavor to capture some Indians, in order to get some knowledge of the country and of the cacique of the province. That, at all events, he should take great care to notice everything which he should see, in order that the army might continue its march in safety ; that he relied on his discretion, and hoped that the good fortune which had always accompanied him would not abandon him on this occasion. A little before night Aniasco, with his compan- ions, secretly left the camp. They followed the road which they had directed them, which gradually enlarged ; but after two leagues they heard a confused noise, like that which is made in a town. There- upon continuing their route until out of the forest where they were, they saw a light. They, heard the dogs barking, the children crj'- ing, and persons speaking, and knew that they were not far from some town. They therefore prepared to capture some Indians ; and, with this design, they silently crept directly toward the vil- lage, each emulating the other. When they had gone a little way they perceived the town on the other side of the river along which they had come. They turned and ran here and there to discover a crossing ; but not finding one, they stopped in an open place upon tlie borders of the river at a place where boats landed. They rested there for some time, and then returned before day. They related to the general their dis- covery, and as soon as the sun had risen he took a hundred horse and as many foot soldiers and went to reconnoitre the town. When 23 354 HISTOEY OP FLORIDA.. he arrived at the crossing, Ortis and Pedro the Indian cried out to the inhabitants tliat they came to make an alliance with their cacique, and that the people whom they perceived were the retinue of the ambassador. The barbarians, surprised at what they saw, quickly retired into the village to carry there this news. CHAPTER X. THE CONDUCT OP THE LADY OP COPACIQUI. The arrival of the Spaniards being made known throughout the town, six of the principal persons of the place, good looking and aged about forty-five years each, entered a boat with other Indians and crossed the river. When they were in tiie presence of the general, they turned to the east, and bowed to the sun ; then to the west, and bowed to the moon ; then to Soto, who was gravely sitting upon a seat which was always kept ready for him to receive the ambassadors who were sent to him. They, according to the custom of the inhabitants of Florida, first asked if he wished peace or war, and he replied peace, their alliance, and boats to cross the river ; that he also asked them to give him a passage through their lands, and some provisions to proceed further; that he was sorry to beg them, but that necessity compelled him ; that, therefore, the favor which they should grant him would be very gratifying to him ; that he would endeavor to acknowledge it, and should so act that they would have as much reason to be satisfied with his conduct as he with their generosity. The Indians replied that they accepted the peace, but that there were but few provisions in the country ; that, with the exception of tlieir town, the pestilence had desolated the province ; that the greater part of the inhabitants had been taken off by the malady, and that the others, having retired into the forest, had not planted ; that even since the pestilence ceased they had not returned to their homes. Nevertheless, he ought to hope for the best, since they were the subjects of a young lady who was not less prudent than generous; that they were going to render her an account of everything, and return to bring her answer, which, ac- cording to all api:(^arances, would not fail to be favorable. There- upon they took leave of the general and returned to the village, and made to their princess a faithful recital of all that they were charged to say to her. Hardly had they spoken and told their opinion con- cerning the measures which ought to be taken on this occasion, than their lady commanded that they should hold ready a boat, and that THE CONDUCT OP THE LADY OP COPACIQUT. 355 they should deck it in the best manner possible. She afterwards entered it with eight women, the most eminent of the province. This boat was towed by another, where were seated the six Indians who had returned from the Spaniards, and with tliem many rowers who managed the boats and who crossed them to the side where the general was. As soon as the young lady approached the general, she paid her compliments to him, and, having sat down on a seat which they had brought for her, she related the things which her men had told her. She added that, although the misfortune of the year had deprived her of the means of assisting Soto as she would have wished, she would, notwithstanding, offer him six hundred measures of corn ; that in two houses of the town, which were hers, they w^ould find this quantity in each ; that she had amassed these pro- visions to succor those of her subjects who had been preserved from the pestilence, and provided the general left her the one-half of her provisions, because of the poverty of the country, she would cheer- fully abandon the other ; that, if he desired any more, she would command to be opened the granaries of a village quite near ; that she had two thousand measures of corn,* and he might take as much of it as he should judge necessary; that to lodge more comfortably the general and his officers, she would quit her own house and abandon to them half of the town ; that, as for the soldiers, she would have huts built ; that, even if all this was not sufficient, she would command the inhabitants to go away into a neighboring village ; that, in order to facilitate to his army the passage of the river, she would take care that the next daj' they should have there rafts and boats all ready, in order to show the general with what ardor she endeavored to serve him. Soto replied that he was under the greatest obligations to her; that the offers which she had made were more than he merited ; that they appeared to him so much the more important, as her subjects were suffering on account of the misfortune of the year ; that she deprived herself of many things to oblige him; that, under this consideration, he should have the provisions carefully hus- banded, and should incommode her as little as possible; that, touching the lodging, all should be regulated with prudence ; and that he was so charmed with her generosity that he desired to be favored by fortune only to testify to her some day his gratitude for the * This word "measures" conveys no correct idea of the quantity, and is very vague, but from the context it appears that there was a great abundance of corn. 356 HISTOKY OP FLORIDA. favors she conferred upon the Spaniards. Afterwards, Soto adroitly drew her into conversation about the province of Cofaciqui and the neighboring countries, and she replied in a manner that marked much intelligence and knowledge. They observed, also, that the people of Cofaciqui and of the two last provinces were more gentle, independent, and polite than the inhabitants of the other countries; for, although those of the countries which they had discovered might have demanded peace, and even might have kept it, they remarked, nevertheless, something inexpressibly rude, stiff, and insincere in their conduct. But as for those of Cofaciqui and their neighbors, it seemed as though they all their lives had had inter- course with the Spaniards. Besides, having much esteem for them, they obeyed them in all things, and endeavored by every way to show to them their affection, which required that they should treat their friendship with much discretion. CHAPTER XI. THE AKMT CROSSES THE COFACIQUI RIVER. Whilst the Lady of Cofaciqui was speaking to Soto, she unstrung, one after another, large pearls from a chain, which made three tours around the neck, and descended to her waist. Then she made a sign to Ortis to take them and give them to the general ; but when he showed to her that by presenting them herself, her pearls would receive a new lustre, she said to him that the modesty of persons of her sex forbade her this liberty. Soto, who knew what she said, replied to her that really iier hands enhanced the value of her pearls, and that since she presented them only with the view of making peace, she was acting contrary neither to decorum nor her dignity. These words inspired her with a becoming confidence. She imme- diately arose, and gave the pearls to the general, who very politely approached to receive them. He, himself, took from his finger a very beautiful ruby, of which he made her a present as a sign of peace. She accepted it, and put it upon her finger with remarkable grace. Afterwards she took leave of the general and retired into the town, after having filled the Spaniards with admiration. Her beauty and her intellect had captivated them to such a degree that they did not even think of inquiring her name.* In the mean time, to give orders for the passage of the army, the general remained * This story of the queen of Cofaciqui is very much like what the Elyas Nar- rative and Biedma relate ; though each gives some different particulars. THEY SEND FOR THE MOTHER OE THE LADY OP OOPACIQUI. SSt upon the borders of the river, which the sailors believed to be the same as that ■which, upon the coast, is called Saint Helena, and commanded the colonel of cavalry to quickly forward the rest of the troops and repair to him. Also, during this time, the Indians made rafts ill very great numbers, and brought many boats ; so that the next day they crossed the river. Some persons relate that the Spaniards had four horses drowned, and others seven ; which grieved them so much the more sensibly, as this misfortune had happened through the fault of those who conducted the horses. In fact, they drove them, so heedlessly across the river that they got them into a gulf where they were lost.* The others having safely crossed with the army, one part of the troops lodged in the half of the village which the Indians had left for them, and the others under huts of branches ; for the country is full of wood, fruit trees, and mul- berry trees, more beautiful than those of which we have spoken heretofore. CHAPTER -XII. THEY SEND FOR THE MOTHER OF THE LADY OF COFACIQTII. The day after the passage of the troops, Soto carefully inquired about the province of Cofaciqui, and he learned that the land was very good for cultivation, and for raising herds. He learned, more- over, that the mother of the lady of the country was a widow who dwelt twelve leagues from the quarters. Therefore, he entreated her daughter to send for her, and immediately she dispatched to her twelve of the principal Indians, with orders to entreat her to come to the camp to see, there, strangers well worthy of admiration, and also unknown animals. But nothing could move the mother, who blamed her daughter's imprudence, and manifested much re- sentment at her conduct. She also found great fault that the envoys had not opposed their lady, and she showed, by her con- duct, a great contempt for the Spaniards. The general, upon this news, commanded Aniasco to descend along the river with thirty foot soldiers to a place distant from the communication with the vil- lage; that there he would meet with the mother of the lady of Cofaciqui, and that he should lead her, with much gentleness, to the quarters; because he wished to gain the country in this way, in order that he might be able, some day, to establish himself there * This river was the Savannah ; they had crossed the Ockmulge, Oconee, and Ogeeche ; which is evident in the Elvas Narrative. 358 HISTORY OF PLOBIDA. without much trouble. Aniasco left with his comrades, and took a young Indian of rank, whom the lady of "the province had given to accompany him. This Indian was followed by some of his domes- tics, and had orders to march in advance, when they should arrive near the place to which they were going, in order to give notice of the coming of the Spaniards, and to beseech the good moti)er, in tiie name of her daughter, and the inhabitants of the country, to come to the camp; that she would have pleasure and honor there ; that, in a word, she would be received there with much joy and affection. The lady of Cofaciqui had sent this j'oung lord, because, iTaving been raised by her mother, he was tenderly loved by her ; and in consider- ation of this, there was reason to believe that he would render iier more favorable to tlie Spaniards. Besides, he alone was able to make the scheme succeed : for he had address, besides an attractive form and mien, and was very spruce after the fashion of the country, with plumes of divers colors upon his head, a beautiful mantle of skins, a painted bow in his hands, and a quiver full of arrows upon his shoulders. This was the state in which the young Indian marched, who thought-only of gaining the friendship of the Span- iards, and who, in all things, manifested that his greatest pleasure would be to oblige them. CHAPTER XIII. THE DEATH OF THE INDIAN CHIEF, AND THE RETURN OP THE ENVOYS. After Aniasco and his companions had marched about three leagues, they rested themaelves, during the heat of the day, under great trees. In the mean time, the Indian lord, who was in the midst of the troops, and who, until then, had agreeably- entertained them concerning Cofaciqui and the neighboring country, began sud- denly to muse. He negligently rested his head upon his elbow, and at times uttered profound sighs. Nevertheless, for fear of afflicting him more, they dared not ask him the cause of it. Afterwards, when he ceased sighing a little, he took his quiver and emptied it of nearly all the arrows, one after another. They were extremely beautiful ; because the most distinguished inhabitants of Florida pride themselves on the beauty of these sorts of arms, especially on those which served them for ornaments. That one may have the pleasure of learning the manner in wiiich they are made, I shall speak of the arrows of the Indian who accompanied the Spaniards. The arrows of this chief were of reed, furnished with feathers, and every THE DEATH OF THE INDIAN CHIEF. 359 one had something remarkable. Many were armed with stags' horns or fish bones, and a few, of palm wood, sliarpened at the end, and indented at the side with so much neatness that nothing could have been made more exact with steel. As the Spaniards found them so well made, they took some of them to examine them closely ; and all agreed that of this kind, there was nothing more finislied. During this time the Indian, who saw that our men did not observe him, drew quietly from his quiver an arrow, the point of wliich was flint and like that of a poniard, stabbed himself with it in the throat, and fell dead. The Spaniards, astonished at this event, and sorry not to have been able to prevent a blow so fatal, called the valets of this Indian and demanded the cause of this misfortune. They replied, with tears in their eyes, that they supposed their master had killed himself in the belief that the services which he was rendering the Christians would be very disagreeable to the lady to whom he was conducting them. Tiiat since she had not come the first time, it was to be believed that she was offended. Tliat thus he was illy requiting the love she bore him and tlie care she had taken of his education. They added that he was thus convinced that if he executed the orders of the young lady, he would grow out of favor with her. That finally he would be compelled to retire ; and they asserted that seeing that he could not avoid disobliging either the daughter or the mother, he had generously resolved to show to them that he preferred death to the misfortune of displeasing them. The Spaniards found these con- jectures very probable, and continued the journey. But after three leagues, they inquired of the servants of the Indian, if they knew the retreat of the lady whom they sought, and how far they were still from it. They replied that only their master knew it, but that nevertheless, they would endeavor to find it. Our men did not tire of travel, and at the end of four leagues they perceived some Indians. They immediately placed themselves in ambush, and captured a man and three women. They requested them to direct them to the road which led to the mother of the lady of Cofaciqui ; and these barbarians replied that the report was current that she had left her ordinary dwelling, and that even they did not know exactly where she had retired. That, however, if they would follow them, they would inquire about it ; and that, without searching very far, she might perhaps be found veiy near. As the Spaniards were deliberat- ing concerning the resolution they ought to take upon this reply, one of their companions said, that, the first envoys not having had any success in their enterprise, there was no appearance that they would be more fortunate. That the lady whom they were going to seek 360 HISTOET OF FLORIDA. showed a particular aversion to the Spaniards ; that she having persisted in not coming, she had perhaps assembled troops to cut them all in pieces in case they should wish to carry her off; and that, without horses, they could not defend themselves nor attempt anything ; that after all, this good woman was very useless to them for their conquest, and that it was suflacient to have her daughter, with whom it was requisite to make a durable peace. Besides, they did not know what route to take to go to the dwelling of the mother, because they lacked faithful guides ; and that, without speaking of the young chief whose death was a bad sign, their fatigue ought to make them return to the general. They all unani- mously concurred in this opinion, and retraced their route to the camp, where they rendered an account of their adventure. Three days after that an Indian offered to conduct them, by descending the river, to where was the mother of the lady of Cofaciqui; and Aniasco took two boats with twenty of his comrades, and followed his guide. . The first day they found the four horses that were drowned at the crossing of the river Cofacique, and this renewed the regret which they had had for their loss. But the five other days which they continued their voyage they did not make any dis- covery ; and after much trouble they returned to the quarters with news that the lady whom they went in search of, having known that they would return for her, had concealed herself in a forest, whence they had no means of drawing her. The general then, despairing- of taking her, turned all his thoughts elsewhere. CHAPTER XIV. THE METAL WHICH THEY FOUND IN COFACIQUI. During the expeditions of Aniasco, the other Spaniards, who all expected to make fortunes in Cofaciqui, carefully inquired about the riches which are found there ; and the general commanded to be called the two young Indians whom they had brought from Apa- lache. He sent them to the lady of Cofaciqui to entreat her to pro- cure the pearls and the white and yellow metals with which trafficked the merchants whom they had served, assuring her that if she obliged the Spaniards in that, she would succeed in loading them with her favors. This lady immediately dispatched some of her subjects to fetch these metals, and they brought back copper of a very golden color, with some white slabs like silver, an ell long and wide, from three to four inches thick and yet very light. But when TEMPLE AT COEAOIQTII. 361 they handled it they reduced it to powder as they would a dry clod of earth. Afterwards, she sent word to the Spaniards, that at the end of the village, in a temple where were interred the most distinguished persons of the place, thei'e were all sorts of pearls in abundance ; that they might take as many of them as they thought proper ; that if they wanted more they would find some at a league from the quarters, in the capital of the country ; that this town, the residence of her ancestors, had a temple where they would see a great quan- tity of pearls, which she abandoned to the discretion of the general and his troops ; and that, if they were not satisfied with all that, they could even have more of them, by means of the fishing that was practised in the country. This news consoled the Spaniards for not having met, in Cofaciqni, with the gold and silver with which they had flattered them. They also rejoiced to see that many believed that there might be gold in the copper, but as they had neither aqua-fortis nor quicksilver they could not assay it. CHAPTER XV. THE TEMPLE WHERE WERE INTERRED THE MOST DISTINGTJISHED INHABITANTS OH COPACIQUI. When they knew the riches of the temple where were interred the most distinguished of the inhabitants of Cofaciqui, they had it guarded, and, at the return of Aniasco, the general and the captain went there. They found in this temple great wooden boxes without locks, and they were astonished that, without tools, the Indians had been able to make them so well. These boxes were around the wall upon benches two feet from the ground, and inclosed the dead,(i6) embalmed in such a manner that they had not an offensive odor. Besides these great boxes, they had smaller ones, and cane baskets very well made. These last boxes were filled with clothing of men and women, and the baskets with pearls of all sorts. The Spaniards were rejoiced at so much wealth ; for they found there more than a thousand measures of pearls. They examined twenty measures, and took only two, with as many of the seed pearls, to send to Havana, where their value was known.* In fact, the general * Biedma mentions the temple as a 'burial place of tlie chiefs of the country ; that the Spaniards took from it a great quantity of pearls, six or seven arrobas, but that they were spoiled hy being buried in the ground. He says they dug up two Spanish axes, a ohaplet of wild olive seed, and some small beads resem- bling those brought from Spain for the purpose of trading with the Indians. 362 HISTOEY OF FLOKIDA. did not wisli that they should encumber themselves with many- things, and he even would have had the rest of the pearls replaced in the baskets, if they had not begged him to distribute them. He therefore gave them liberally to the soldiers and the ofiacers, with orders to make chaplets of them, for which they were suited. After- wards the Spaniards left the temple, and' Soto, two days after, took three hundred men, the principal of his troops, and went to Talo- meco. Both sides of the road, from the camp to this town, were covered with trees, of which a part bore fruit, and it seemed as though they promenaded through an orchard, so tiiat our men arrived with pleasure and without difficulty at Talomeeo, which they found abandoned on account of the pest. Talomeeo is a beautiful town, and quite noted, as it was the residence of the caciques. It is upon a small eminence near the river, and consists of five hundred well- built houses. That of the chief is elevated above the town, and is seen from a distance. It is also larger, strongei*, and more agree- able than the others. Opposite this house is the temple, where are the coffins of the lords of the province. It is filled with riches, and built in a magnificent manner ; but as I despair of describing it properly, I conjure the worthy persons who shall read this history to supply the defects of my description in forming to themselves a grand idea of the things with which I am going to entertain them. CHAPTER XVI. DESCRIPTION OP THE TEMPLE OF TALOMECO. The temple of Talomeeo, where is the sepulchre of the caciques, is more than a hundred steps long, by forty broad. The walls are high in proportion, and the roof very elevated, to supply the want of tiles and to give more slope to the water. The covering is of canes, very thin, split in two, of which the Indians make mats which resemble the rush carpets of the Moors, which are very beau- tiful to view. Five or six of these mats, placed one upon the other, serve to prevent the rain from penetrating and the sun from enter- The Elvas aooount says, that about a league and a lialf around Cofaoiqui were great towns dispeopled and overgrown with grass ; that there were, in store- houses, great quantities of clothes, mantles of yarn made of the barks of trees, and others made of feathers, white, green, red, and yellow ; deer skins made into hose, stockings, and shoes. He also says that in this town were found a dagger and beads that had belonged to Christians. DESCRIPTION OF THE TEMPLE OF TAIOMEOO. 363 ing the temple ; which the private people of the country and their neighbors imitate in their houses. Upon the roof of this temple'are many shells of different sizes, of divers fishes, ranged in very good order. But they could not comprehend whence they could have brought them, these peo- ple being so far from the sea, unless they had taken them in the rivers and streams which water the province. All these shells are placed with the insides out, to give more brilliancy, putting always the great spiral sea-shell between two small shells, with the interval from one piece to the other filled with many strings of pearls of divers sizes, in the form of festoons, from one shell to the other. These festoons of pearls, which extend from the top of the roof to the bottom, joined to the vivid brightness of the mother-of-pearl and the shells, produce a very beautiful effect when the sun shines upon them. The temple had doors proportioned to its grandeur. There were seen at the entrance twelve statues of giants, made of wood. They are represented with an aspect so ferocious and menacing that the Spaniards stopped a long time to consider these figures, worthy of the admiration of ancient Rome. They say that these giants were placed there to defend the entrance of the door ; for they are in a row on each side, and gradually diminish in size. The first are eight feet high, and the others proportionally a little less, in the order of the tubes of an organ. They have arms conformable to their height, the first on each side have clubs ornamented with copper, which they hold elevated, and seem ready to bring them down with fury upon those who may dare to enter. Tlie second have maces, and the third a kind of oar; the fourth, copper axes, the edges of which are of flint ; the fifth hold a bended bow with the arrow ready to leave. Nothing is more curious to see than these arrows, the lovver end of which is a piece of stag's horn very well finished, or a flint stone as keen as a dagger. The last giants have very long pikes, ornamented with copper at the two, ends, and are in a menacing posture as well as the others, but all in a different manner, and very natural. Tlie height of the walls of the temple within is adorned conform- able to tlie exterior of the roof; for there is a kind of cornice made of the great spiral sea-shell, placed in very good order, and between these are seen festoons of pearls which hang from the roof. In the intervals of the shells and pearls, there is seen in the arches a quantity of plumes of divers colors tied to the roof, and very well arranged. Besides this order which reigns above the cornice, many plumes and strings of pearls hang from all the other parts of the 364 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. roof, retained by imperceptible threads tied above and below, so that it seems as though these works might be ready to fall. Beneath this ceiling and cornice, there are around the four sides of the temple two rows of statues, one above the other, the one of men and the other of women, of the height of the people of the country. Bach one has his niche joining another, only to adorn the wall which had otherwise been too naked. All the men have arms in their hands, on which are rolls of pearls of four or five rows with tassels at the end, made of very fine thread, and of divers colors. As for the statues of the women, they hold nothing in their hands. At the base of these walls there are wooden benches very well worked, where are placed the coflBns of the lords of the province, and of their families. Two feet above these coffins, in the niches of the wall, are seen the statues of the persons who are buried there. They represent thera so naturally that we can judge how they were at the time of their death. The women have nothing in their hands, but the men have arms. The space which is between the images of the dead, and the two ranks of statues, which commence under the cornice., is decorated with bucklers of divers sizes, made of reeds so sti-ongly woven that there is no arrow of a crossbow, nor even shot of a musket that can perforate them. These bucklers are all adorned with pearls and with colored tassels, which greatly contribute to their beauty. In the middle of the temple there are three rows of chests upon separate benches ; the largest of the chests serve for a base to the medium size, and these for the smallest, and ordinarily, these pyra- mids are composed of five or six chests. As there are spaces be- tween the benches, they do not prevent going from one side to the other, and seeing, in the temple, all that one wishes. All these chests are filled with pearls, in such a manner that the largest contain the largest pearls, and thus, in succession, to the smallest which are full of seed pearls onlj-. Besides, the quantity of pearls was such, that the. Spaniards avowed, that even if there had been more than nine 'hundred men and three hundred horses, they all together could not have carried off" at one time all the pearls of this temple. We ought not, however, to be too much astonished at this, if we consider that the Indians of the province convej^ed into these chests, during many ages, all the pearls which they found, . without retaining a single one of them. And hence we can judge by comparison, that if all the gold and silver, which they have brought from Peru to Spain, had not been transported felsewhere, the Spaniards would now be able to cover with gold and silver many churches. DESCRIPTION. OF THE TEMPLE OF TALOMECO. 365 Besides the innumerable quantity of pearls, there were found many packages of chamois skins, some of one color and others of another, without counting many raiments of skin with the hair variously dyed ; many garments of cats', martens', and other skins, as well dressed as at the best places in Germany and Russia. About this temple. Which everywhere was very clean, there was a great magazine divided into eight halls of the same size, which added much ornament to it. The Spaniards entered these halls, and found them filled with arms. There were, in the first, long pikes, mounted with very beautiful copper, and ornamented with links of pearls, which made three or four turns. The place where these pikes touched the shoulder was embellished with colored cha- mois ; and at the extremities there wiBre tassels with pearls, which contributed greatly to their beauty. There were, in the second hall, maces, like those of the giants, furnished with links of pearls, and, in places, with tassels of divers colors with pearls roundabout^ In the. third were found hammers, em- bellished as the others ; in the fourth, pikes decked with tassels near the blade and at the handle ; in the fifth, a kind of oar adorned with pearls and fringes ; in the sixth, very beautiful bows and arrows. Some were armed with flint, sharpened at the end in the form of a bodkin, a sword, a pike blade, or the point of a dagger with two edges. The bows were adorned with divers brilliant colors, and embellished with pearls in divers places. In the seventh hall there were bucklers of wood and of cow-skins, brought from a distance, decked with pearls and colored tassels. In the eighth were bucklers of cane, woven very skilfully, and decked with tassels and seed pearls. Such is the description of the temple and magazine of Talomeco ; which the Spaniards, who had been in Peru and in other parts of America, admired as the wonder of the New World. Afterwards, they asked the Indians, what had led them to amass so much wealth ; and they replied that all the chiefs of the country, and principally those of their province, made their grandeur to consist in the magnificence of their temples.(i7) Our people con- tented themselves with this reply, and immediately the controllers of the emperor, who attended the array to receive the fifth of all the wealth it should find, deliberated upon taking the claims of their master. Bat Soto told them, that they ought not to burden themselves with anything ; that they were sufficiently encumbered with the arms and provisions which they carried; that after the conquest of Florida they would divide it, and that he to whom should fall the province of Cofaciqui should pay the fifth of the 366 HiSTOET or floeida. treasure which should be found in the temple of Talomeco. Every- body approved this sentiment, and they retraced their route to the quarters.* CHAPTER XVII. DEPARTURE FROM COFACIQUI, AND WHAT HAPPENED ON THE MARCH AS PAR AS CHOVALA. As soon as the general had arrived at the quarters, he employed ten days in inquiring about the neighboring provinces, and, upon the assurance that they were fertile and popiilated, he commanded his men to hold themselves ready to leave, and went with the ofDcers to take leave of the lady of Cofaciqui and the principal Indians. •He thanked them for their kind reception, and particularly the young princess, to whom he promised every acknowledgment for the kindness she had had for the Spaniards. Then the troops de- camped ; but because they had not enough provisions to march in a body, they divided. The general ordered three of his captains to take a hundred cavaliers and two hundred foot soldiers and advance twelve leagues into the country, aside from the route to Chovala, whither they were going ; that they would find in a village six hundred measures of corn ; and that, after having taken as much as they could, they should rejoin the i-est of the army on its march. Tliese captains departed immediately, and the general took the route he had resolved upon. He arrived in eight days at Chovala, which bounds the province of Cofaciqui, and his oflBcers at the town wliere they had been ordered to repair. Thej' found there a great quantity of corn. They took two hundred measures and went to resume the route of the general who had passed. The greater part of them (who did not know how far they were from him, and who, in this uncertaintj', feared to fail of provisions on the route) muti- nied and would not obey, and doubled their pace in order to over- take him. The captains, who wished to go slowly on account of three sick horses, endeavored to restrain these mutineers by the consideration of the services they would draw from these animals; but they replied fiercely that they must not prefer three horses to the lives of three hundred men ; and they began to march faster and in greater disorder than before. Thereupon one of the captains, who was at their head, told them that he was astonished at the recklessness with which they went ; that in two days at the most they would rejoin the general at Chovala ; that he had too much * Neither the Elvas Narrative nor Biedma mentions these marvels. GENEROSITY OF THE LADY OP COFAOIQUI. 367 honor, and was too well versed in war, to leave them in an enemy's country; thatj therefore, it was not necessary, through a ridiculous fear of provisions failing, to abandon the horses which were sp' useful against the barbarians ; that, without doubt, their conduct would cover them with shame, and would give great displeasure to Soto, who loved them ; that, therefore, they ought rather to return to their duty and die like brave soldiers, than to be disobedient and live without glory. These words arrested them a little ; and ,the next day at noon there arose, as they were marching, a storm, accompanied with wind, thunder, and hail, so destructive that, had they not met with some large trees, they^ould have all perished, for the hail was very large. But forttTffately it did not last long ; so they continued their march, and the third day arrived at a small village which was called Chalaques, whence the inhabitants had re- tired, excepting some old men, of whom the greater part were blind. At three days' journey thence they rejoined the general, who had waited for them two days in a valley of the province of Chovala, distant from the capital about five leagues by the route which they had taken, and which they found quite pleasant, for they marched almost always through a country level and intersected, every three or four leagues, b^' small streams which flowed pleasantly through the, country. They also met with some mountains with very gentle slopes, covered with herbs very suitable for cattle, and saw during their journey very good lands. However, from Apalache to Chovala the route was about flfty- seven days' journey, and almost always toward the north or north- east. What is somewhat remarkable, the Spaniards found in the villages which were subject to the lady of Cofaciqui many slaves, Indians of other countries, that those who went hunting and fishing had made prisoners. These slaves served to cultivate the lands, and had been very badly treated to prevent them from escaping. Some had the tendons of their insteps cut, and others that of their heels. When I shall again have something to say of the lady of Cofaciqui, I will relate the most important things that happened or were seen in her provinces. CHAPTER XVIII. THE GENEROSITY OF THE LADY OF COFACIQUI. The Spaniards sojourned fifteen days in the capital of Chovala, situated between a town and a very rapid little river. They were very well received there, because the province was subject to the 368 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. lady of Cofaciqui. Afterwards they decamped, and marched the first day through cultivated lands, and five others over uninhabited ^•mountains which were twenty leagues across. They were full of dak and mulberry trees, good pastures, and small streams which flowed among valleys very cool and agreeable. To yeturn to the lady of Cofaciqui. She had not been contented to have the Spaniards conducted as far as Chovala ; she even com- manded the inhabitants of this province to furnish them with as much provisions as they should wish, and even to give them Indians to serve them duriri.g the twenty leagues of mountains which they had to cross before r^'eiching Guachoula. She also took care, in order that everything sUfculd work the better, that the Indian servants should be commanded by four of the chiefs of the country, and made to keep this order while the Spaniards marched through her lands. But this is the manner in which she conducted herself in respect to them when they left her dominion : She ordered the four Indian commanders that, as soon as they should arrive at the country of Guachoula (which borders on her provinces), they should march in advance ; and that, in the quality of ambassadors, they should go and solicit the cacique to favorably receive the Spaniards in his kingdom ; that, in case of refusal, they should declare war against him, and threaten to put fire and sword to everything in his country. The general knew nothing of this order until after tliey had passed the mountains. Then, when the four Indians asked him that they might take the lead, they discovered to him the business with which they were charged. Our people, surprised at this generous conduct, retained the opinion which they had, that the lady of Cofaciqui ardently desired to serve them. In fact, when in her province, she zealously served them ; she begged them always to pardon her if she did not render them all the favors that were ex- pected of her. The Spaniards, to convince her of the contrary, com- plimented her upon the manner in which she acted. This lady was not only liberal to our people, but even to her subjects, whom she loaded with favors. She also deserved to rule kingdoms; and to be an accomplished princess she only needed to be enlightened with the light of the faith.* * This is very different from what the Elvas account relates of this Indian princess. It relates that she was forced to accompany Soto ; that, one day stepping aside in the forest with one of lier servant-women, she escaped with three slaves that fled from the camp ; and that, in Xualla, she and a slave of Vasoouoellos lived as man and wife. WHAT HAPPENED TO THE TROOPS IN THE WILDERNESS. 369 CHAPTER XIX. WHAT HAPPENED TO THE TROOPS IN THE WILDERNESS. The day that the Spaniards left Chovalathey missed three slaves, of whom two were negroes and the other a Moor. The love of women rather than any bad treatment had caused them to flee and live among the Indians, who were so delighted to have them, that they could never recover them whatever haste they made for that purpose. As the negroes loved their masters and passed for good Christians, they were surprised at their crime ; but no one was astonished at the conduct of the Moor, who was crafty and wicked. Two days after this flight, when the troops were marching through the wilderness, Juan Terron, one of the stoutest soldiers of the army, toward noon, drew from his saddle-bags about six pounds of pearls, and pressed a cavalier, one of his friends, to take them. The cavalier thanked him and told him that he ought to keep them, or rather, since the report was current that the general would send to Havanna, send them there to buy with them horses, and go no longer afoot. Terron, offended at this answer, replied that " these pearls then shall not go any farther," and thereupon he scattered them here and there upon the grass and through the bushes. They were surprised at this folly, for the pearls were as large as hazel- nuts, and of very fine water, and because they were not pierced they were worth more than six thousand ducats. They collected about thirty of these pearls, which were so beautiful that it made them regret the loss of the others and say, in raillery, these words which passed into a proverb with them, " These are not pearls for Juan Terron." TerrOn would never disclose where he had found so many large pearls, and as his companions often laughed at him for his conduct, he begged them, one day, to spare him, and said that every time he remembered his folly he took a notion to hang himself. Such are the prodigals that foolishly spend their wealth, and afterwards are in despair for it. On the contrary, those who are liberal have cer- tain secret joys which they feel better than they can express. 24 PART SECOND. BOOK FIEST. THE KECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS IN DIVERS PROVINCES, AND THE BATTLES WHICH "WERE FOUGHT THERE. CHAPTER I. HOW THE CACIQUES OF GTJACHOTJLA AND lOIAHA RECEIVED THE TROOPS. When the Spaniards had traversed the wilderness of which I have spoken in the last chapter of the first part of this history, they entered into the capital of Guachoula, situated among many streams which pass on both sides of the town and come from the mountains which are round about. The lord who bore the name of the province left the capital half a league, to meet the Spaniards, accompanied by five hundred of the principal persons of the country, very gayly dressed after their fashion. In this state he received the general with great manifestations of friendship, and conducted him into his village which consisted of three hundred houses. Then he lodged him in his house which he had prepared for that purpose, in consid- eration of the lady of Cofaciqui, and provided the Spaniards with everything necessary. His lodge was upon a mound, with a terrace around it where six men could promenade abreast.(i8) During four days that the general sojourned in this place, he in- quired about the character of the country. Then he took the route to the province of Iciaha, and bj'' making every day five leagues he arrived the sixth at the capital which bears the name of the cacique and the country. To go there, he descended along the many streams which pass by Guachoula, and which unite at some dis- tance from there and make a river so powerful, that, in the province of Iciaha, distant about thirty leagues from tlie other, it is larger than the Guadalquivir, which passes by Seville. The capital of Iciaha is at the point of an island of more than five leagues. The cacique, on the arrival of the general, left this village, and received him with every appearance of great joy. The EXTRACTING PEARLS FROM THEIR SHELLS. 371 Indians who accompanied him did the same thing in regard to the other Spaniards, and they ferried them over in boats and upon rafts, ■which they held ready to render them this service. Afterwards they lodged them in their houses, and regaled them the best they could, and tried by every means to show to them their good-will. The general inquired, according to his custom, what in particular was found .in that country ; and the cacique told him that at thirty leagues from the capital, there were mines of the yellow metal of which he inquired, and that, if he wished to send people there, he would have them safely conducted there and back. Villabos and Silvera offered to make the journey. Soto consented to it, and they left immediately, on foot, with Indian guides.* CHAPTER II. THE MANNER IN WHICH THE INDIANS EXTRACT PEARLS FROM THEIR SHELLS. The next day the cacique visited the general, and gave him a string of pearls of about two fathoms. This present had, without doubt, passed for beautiful, if the pearls had not been pierced ; for they were all alike, and large as filberts. Soto, in acknowledgment of this favor, gave him some pieces of velvet and cloth which were particularly esteemed by tlie Indians ; of whom he inquired where they fished for pearls. He replied that it was in his province; that in the temple of the town of Iciaha, where his ancestors were buried, there was a great quantity of them, and that they might help themselves at their discfretion. The general replied that he was obliged to him, but that he would not carry away anything from the temple, and that he had received his present only in order not to displease him ; that his design was only to know in what manner they extracted the pearls from the shells. The cacique replied that he would have them fished for all the night ; and that the next morning at eight o'clock he should have the satisfaction he wished. He, therefore, immediately commanded them to send four boats to fish for pearls, with orders to return in the morning. In the mean time he took care that they should burn a great deal of wood upon the shore, in order to make there a great bed of live coals, that at * DaUonega, or Talonioa, as it was originally named hy the Indians, is in Lumpkin County, in the heart of the gold region of Georgia, not far from the northern boundary of that State. It is probable that the Indians procured their gold from this region. They " ascended to the sources of a great river" (Co9a or Chattahooche) . 3Y2 HISTOET OP FLORIDA. the return of the boats they might put thereupon, the shells, which would open with the heat. They found, at the opening of the first shells, ten or twelve pearls of the size of a pea, which they took to the cacique, and to the general, who was present, and who found them very beautiful, except that the fire had deprived them of a part of their lustre. When the general had seen what he wished, he returned to dine ; and immediately after, a soldier entered, who instantly said to him that, in eating oysters which the Indians had caught, his teeth had encountered a very beautiful pearl of a very lively color, and that he begged him to receive it to send to the governess of Cuba. Soto politely refused this pearl, and assured the soldier that he was as obliged to him as if he had accepted it ; and that some day he would try to acknowledge his kindness, and the honor which he did his wife ; and that, nevertheless, he was of the opinion, that he pre- serve his present to purchase with it horses at Havana. The Span- iards, who were then with the general, inspected the pearl of this soldier ; and some of them, who prided themselves upon their knowl- edge of jewelry, valued it at four hundred ducats ; and as they had not made use of fire to extract it, it had not lost any of its lustre.(i9) While the Spaniards sojourned in the capital of Iciaha, a cavalier, whom they called Louis de Bravo, taking a walk upon the bank near the river, with a lance in his hand, saw a dog passing, and threw his lance at him with the intention of killing him to eat, for the want of better meat. But he missed him, and the spear struck the temple of Juan Mateos, who was fishing with a line, and killed him. Bravo, who had not seen him, and who did not suspect the misfor- tune, ran to get his lance, and found that he had pierced the head of Mateos — the only person of the troops who was gray -headed ; wherefore they called him their father, and as they had much re- spect for him, his death sensibly affected them. While these things were passing, those who had gone to exploi'e, returned at the end of ten days, and reported that the mines were of a very highly- colored copper ; that, likely, if they had searched with care, they might have met with gold and silver ; that, besides, the land through which they passed was good for grazing and for tillage ; that, through the towns which they had passed, they had welcomed them ; that even, every night, after having regaled them, they sent them two very pretty young girls to sleep with ;(2o) that, nevertheless, they had not touched them, for fear that if they had taken any liberties with them, the barbarians the next day might have avenged themselves for it by shooting them with arrows. But the Indians, perhaps, made use of them in this manner, with the RECEPTION OP THE SPANIARDS IN AOOSTA AND COCA. StS idea of better diverting their guests, wliom they saw young and vigorous ; for if they had wished to kill them, they could easily have done so without seeking any pretext. CHAPTER III. THE RECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS IN THE PROVINCE OF ACOSTA AND COCA. After the return of Silveraand Villabos, the general commanded that they should hold themselves ready to leave, and they left the following day, with the friendship of the Indians of the country. The troops marched along the island, and at five leagues from Iciaha (where the river of this country unites with that of the country into which they were entering),* they came to the capital of Acosta, which bears the name of the province. The cacique received them at first in a manner very different from that of his neighbor ; for when they entered Acosta there were more than fifteen hundred men under arms, all resolute and determined to fight, who did not disarm during the whole day, and who treated the Spaniards with so much pride and insolence that many times they were ready to come to blows with them. But the general prevented it, to preserve the peace they had kept ever since they had left Apalache. They obeyed ; but they were all night under arms, as well as the savages, who, the next day, acted with less defiance and more civility. And the cacique, accompanied by the leading men of the country, came obligingly to offer corn ; and our people believed that he was calmed by the recommendation of the cacique of Iciaha, who had sent to plead in their favor. The general accepted the provisions and paid for them. The troops immediately decamped, and passed the river in boats and on rafts, delighted that the afiair had terminated with- out battle. From there they entered into the province of Coga, the inhabitants of which came to meet them, and received them with aflection. They also furnished them with provisions, and with guides to conduct them from one town to another. Coga is a province of a hundred leagues through. The land is good and the country is well peopled, for within a single day, with- out counting the "villages on each side of the route, the Spaniards passed through ten or twelve small villages, the inhabitants of which gave them provisions, and also those of one place conducted them to another and introduced them. They accompanied them in this * The junction of the Etowah and the Oostenaula, which make the Co9a. 374 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. manner during their march, which was from four to five leagues per day ; so that, according to the occasion, our people encamped sometimes in the villages and sometimes in the fields. While they were marching, the cacique, who held his court at the other extremity of the province, dispatched each day to congratu- late the general upon his coming, and to request him to advance wholly at bis leisure ; that he was awaiting him at the capital, where he and all liis troops would be well received. The Spaniards, after twenty-three or twenty-four days of travel, safely arrived at this town which was called Coga, from the name of the chief and the country. Tlie cacique, on the tidings that they were approach- ing, advanced a league to meet them, followed by more than a thousand men, well formed and gayly dressed with habiliments of skins, many of which were marten skins which were fragrant. They marched in order, each rank twenty abreast, witli great plumes of divers colors upon their heads, which was pleasant to see. Thus did the subjects of Coga receive the Spaniards and evince to them the esteem which tliey had for them. Afterwards, they all came to the capital, and they lodged Soto in one of the houses of the cacique, made as those of the other chiefs of Florida. The town of Co9a is upon the borders of a river, and consists of five hundred houses, of which the chief had one-half vacated to lodge the troops coramodiously. They sojourned about two days in this place, where they received from Coga and his vassals, every mark of sincere friendship. CHAPTER IV. THE POLITENESS OP CACIQUE COCA, AND THE DEPARTURE OF THE TROOPS. One day, after Co§a had dined with Soto, and had been convers- ing of the conquest of the country and of the manners of the people, he arose and made his obeisance to him, turning slightly toward the officers who were present. Then he said to him, that in considera- tion of the kindness which 'the Spaniards had manifested for him, he begged that, if he sought to establish himself in the country, he would prefer the province of Co§a to the others. That he had seen of this province, only the places the least fertile ; but that if it pleased him to send to examine the whole of it he would find that its land was very good and the abode very agreeable ; that he might choose the best and most beautiful part ; that he would populate it, have villages built, and a town where he might hold his court ; that THE POLITENESS OP CACIQTIB COCA-. 315 at least, if he refused this favor, he besought him, since winter was approaching, to pass it with him ; that during this time, he raiglit, at his leisure, inquire into everything and be served with much aflfection. The general thanked the cacique for so much friendship, and replied that he could not settle in the country until he had first secured some port where he could land the ships of Spain with the things necessary for a settlement. That when he should see the time favorable for a settlement, he would heartily accept of his offer, and that he should not forget it. That nevertheless, he begged him to always preserve, for him; this good intention, and that very soon he would return into his province when he would comply with it in every respect. The cacique, rejoiced at this reply, said to Soto that he took his woi'ds for the pledge of his promise, and that he should remember them until he should have accomplished it. Co§a was then twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age, handsome, intellectual, gen- tle, wise, so polite that one might have believed him raised among pol- ished and intelligent people. The Spaniards refreshed themselves ten or twelve days in the capital of his province, and continued their journey toward the sea, for as soon as they left Chovala they struck straight for the coast and turned in the form of a curve, to arrive at the port of Achussi. The general had thus decided with Maldo- nado, who was to bring soldiers, cattle, and provisions there. The cacique accompanied Soto as far as the frontier of tlie prov- ince, and was followed by many of his soldiers, subjects, and Indian porters. At the end of five days, they arrived in good order at the town of Talisse, which is the key of the country. This town was palisaded, invested with very good terraces, and almost surrounded by a river.(2r) It did not heartily acknowledge the cacique, because of a neighboring chief, who endeavored to make the people revolt against him. However, Coga was not at war with this lord, but Tuscaluca, it was thus that the neighboring chief was called, was artful, bold, and enterprising, and took pleasure in making mis- chief. Coga, who, for a long time, knew the design of Tuscaluca, was very glad to accompany the general as far as Talisse ; not more to serve him than to intimidate the inhabitants and make them re- turn to their duty by means of the Spaniards. Whilst the troops were leaving the town of Coga, a Christian who was not a Spaniard, concealed himself in this place that he might not follow the others, but as he was not of importance, they did not miss him except at Talisse, where they endeavored to make him come, but in vain. He sent word to the general that he would re- main with the Indians, and that his captain having quarrelled with him, he therefore wished never to see him or the Spaniards. There- 376 HISTOKY OP FLORIDA. upon the general asked the cacique to deliver this deserter to him. But Coga pleasantly replied, that since they all had not wished to settle upon his lands, it was just that there should remain at least some one of them, and that he would take very particular care of him ; that therefore he begged him to pardon him, if he did not com- pel his soldier to rejoin the troops. Soto, who then reflected that he would obtain nothing from the cacique, did not urge him further^ I have forgotten to say that a negro, a very good Christian and a very good slave, remained sick at Coga, and that he was recom- mended to the cacique, who promised to take care of him. These particulars are of little consequence, but I report them in order that if some day, they make the conquest of Florida, they may in- quire of the inhabitants of the country, if they do not remember the strangers who had established themselves among them. CHAPTER V. THE MANNEK, IN WHICH TUSCALUCA RECEIVED THE GENERAL. The general sojourned ten days at Talisse, where he inquired about the neighboring provinces and the journey he had to make. In the mean time the son of Tuscaluca visited him. He was a young man, about eighteen years of age, but so tall that he exceeded in height, by nearly half of his body, all the Spaniards and all the Indians of the army. He had in his suite, many important persons, and came, in the quality of ambassador, to offer to Soto the friendship of his father, his person, and his province. Soto received him also with much politeness ; as much for the personal merit which he seemed to possess, as for his appearance which had something noble. After- wards, when the young lord learned that the general wished to visit Tuscaluca, he told him that his father was but twelve leagues from the camp, and that they could go there by two routes ; that he begged the general to send some soldiers to reconnoitre them, with orders to go by one and return by the. other ; that he would have tbem conducted there and brought back in safety, and that afterwards they could march by the route the most agreeable and . the easiest. Villabos, who expected that the expedition would be fortunate, offfered to go with one of his companions to Tuscaluca. On his return, the Spaniards bade adieu to Co§a and his subjects, and took the route that Villabos indicated to them. They crossed the river Talisse* upon rafts and boats, and at the end of three days they arrived in view of a little village where Tuscaluca awaited * Tallapoosa River wliioli with the Co9a forms the Alabama Kiver. MANNER IN WHICH TUSCALUCA RECEIVED THE GENERAL. STI them. But when he learned that they were approaching, he went to meet them, and stopped upon an eminence, the better to see them. He was surrounded by a hundred of his principal subjects, all standing while he was seated, upon a wooden chair about two feet bigh, without back or arras, and all of one piece. Near to this chair there was an Indian with an ensign of chamois skin ti-aversed by three azure bars of the sliape of a cavalry ensign. Our people were surprised at it, for they had not yet seen flags among the Indians.(22) Tuscaluca was forty years of age or thereabouts, and two feet higher than those who accompanied him, so that he appeared a giant. His face, his shoulders, and the rest of his body corresponded with his height, and he was large in proportion ; a handsome man, of proud and noble mien ; the best formed and greatest that they had yet seen in Florida. While he was awaiting Soto upon the emi- nence, some Spanish officers proceeded as far as to him without his deigning to look at them or show them the least civility, and he pretended as though he did not see them. But on the arrival of the general he arose and made fifteen or twenty stepsto receive him. Soto, on his part, dismounted and embraced him. They conversed together while the soldiers were taking lodgings in the village and the environs. Afterwards, they went hand in hand to the house which was prepared for the general, where the cacique took leave of him and retired. The army refreshed itself two days in the village, and the third it left. Tuscaluca, under pretext of friendship and service, wished to accompany it during its march over his lands. Therefore, Soto commanded that they should have ready a horse for this cacique, the same as they had done, until then, for all the other Indian lords, which I had forgotten to mention. But as Tuscaluca was large, they had trouble to find a steed for him. Nevertheless, when they had searched well, they found a large pack-horse. They put him thereupon, after having given him a scarlet dress, and cap of the same color, but his feet lacked very little of touching the ground. The general, rejoiced that they had found wherewith to mount the cacique, gave his orders to march, and the army made four leagues each day, and on the third day arrived at the capital, which is called Tuscaluca, from the name of the lord of the province. This town is strong because it is in the middle of a peninsula, which is formed by the river which passes by Talisse, and is mucli larger and more rapid at Tuscaluca than at that town.* The next day they * It was tlie Alatama Eiver. 3^8 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. crossed the river ; but because thej' had not rafts enough, thej' con- sumed the whole day in crossing, and could not camp but at half a league from there, in a very pleasant valley. There the Spaniards missed Villabos and another cavalier, without being able to learn what had become of them. Only then they suspected that, having gone astray, the Indians had killed them. Villabos, in fact, loved to leave the camp and travel over the country, but from this kind of excursions there ordinarily happened only misfortune. They began from that time to have a bad opinion of the friend- ship of Tuscaluca ; and that which confirmed this belief was that, when the Spaniards manifested to the Indians their astonishment at the loss of their companions, the barbarians replied, with inso- lence, that they had not given them to their keeping, and that they were not obliged to render them an account of them. The general would not push the affair further for fear of disquieting the cacique ; and because he believed that Villabos and his companion were slain, he deferred avenging their death until fortune should furnish him an opportunity. The next day Soto sent to Mauvila, which was a league and a half from the camp, Gon9al Quadrado Charamillo and Diego Vasques, cavaliers experienced in all kinds of encounters, and ordered them to reconnoitre the town and await him there. CHAPTER VI. THE DISCOVERY OF THE TREACHERY IN MAUVILA. At the same time that Quadrado and his comrade left, the general took a hundred horse and as many foot soldiers to go as a vanguard with him and the cacique, and gave orders to the colonel of cavalry to promptly follow him. Nevertheless, the rest of the army did not leave until late, and in the belief that they had nothing to fear, they scattered themselves here and there to hunt. The general arrived about eight o'clock in the morning at Mau- vila, which consisted of eighty houses, in some of which they could post fifteen hundred men, in others a thousand, and in the smallest about six hundred. These houses, however, have but one main room, for the Indians do not make them otherwise, and each main room is in the form of a hall, with some small chambers. Besides, as Mauvila is a frontier place, its houses are strong, beautiful, and indicate sufficiently the power of the cacique. The greater part also belongs to him, and the' rest to the most important of his THE DISCOVERT 0! THE TREACHERY IN MAUVILA. 379 subjects. The town of Mauvila is on a very agreeable plain, and surrounrled with a very high rampart, palisaded with large pieces of wood fixed in the earth, with beams across on the outside, and attached within with strong cords. To the height of the pieces of wood was plastered with loam mixed with long straw, which filled the void between the pieces of wood in such a manner that it ap- peared a wall of masonry. There were, every fifty paces, towers capable of holding eight men, and embrasures four or five feet from the ground. There were but two gates at Mauvila (one to the east, the other to the west), and a great square in the middle of the town, surrounded with the principal houses.(23) Soto arrived with the cacique at this square. Tuscaluca immediately dis- mounted, and called Ortis to show him the lodges of the general and his officers. He told him that the valets and other servants should take the house nearest to the lodge of the general, and that the troops should camp outside at the distance of an arrow- shot, where very good huts had been made. The general replied that he must wait until his colonel of cavalry joined him, and thereupon the cacique entered into a house where was his council of war. However, the soldiers who had proceeded with the general remained in the square, and sent their horses out of town until they had seen the place which was destined for them. In the meanwhile, Quadrado, who had been to reconnoitre Mauvila, came to the general. He told him he must beware of the chief, and that he feared treachery ; that there were, in the houses of the town, nearly ten thousand warriors, all young men, brave, and well armed, the flower of the vassals of Tuscaluca and the neighboring chiefs ; that many lodges w.ere full of arras ; that there were in Mauvila only j'oung women who could fight, no children ; and that the in- habitants were free and unembarrassed ; that, to the distance of a quarter of a league around the town, they had laid waste, which showed that they intended to fight ; that every morning they went out into the field and exercised in very good order ; that to this they should add the death of Villabos and the pride of the bar- barians ; and that, therefore, he was of opinion that they should hold themselves upon tlieir guard. The general immediately com- manded that they should secretly advise those of the men who were in the town of the treason, in order that they might hold themselves ready in case of alarm, and ordered Quadrado to relate to the colonel of cavalry what he had seen. Carmoua says the general was received at Mauvila with great rejoicing, and that at his entry, the Indians, the better to conceal their evil design, had ordered many women dances which were 380 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. pleasant to see, for the Indian women are beautiful and well made. In fact, that which Moscoso took from Mauvila to Mexico was found so charming, that the Spanish ladies in that kingdom often besought him to send her to them that they might see her. As to the cacique, when he had entered the house where his coun- cil awaited him, he said to his captains that they had no time to lose, and that they must promptly decide whether they should kill the Spaniards who were in the town or wait until they were all assem- bled. That he did not doubt of the success of the enterprise, what- ever resolution they might take, because they had^o do with but a small number of cowards and inexperts. But as to them, that besides being eight to one, they were valiant and experienced. That they might therefore boldly declare what they found proper to do, and that he awaited but that to destroy his enemies. CHAPTER VII. THE DECISION OF THE COUNCIL OF THE CACIQUE, AND THE BEGINNING OF THE BATTLE OP MAUVILA. The opinions of the council of Tuscaluca were divided. Some maintained that they ought not to wait to attack the Spaniards until they should be united, because their defeat would be more diflQcult. Others, that it would be cowardly to attack them when they were so few ; that they ought to defer the attack until they all should be in Mauvila, and that then they would have more glory in conquering them. To that, the first replied tliat they ought to hazard nothing ; that the Spaniards being united, would defend themselves with more vigor, and might be able to slay some Indians. That the death of their enemies would be bought too dear if it cost them the loss of any of their men ; that therefore it was important to attack them without further deliberation. This opinion prevailed, and it was decided that they should seek a pretext for a quarrel, and that in case they did not And one, they should not defer it, inasmuch as they had always a right to destroy their enemies. While these things were passing, the valet of the general who had prepared the dinner, informed him that they were going to serve it, and he commanded them to tell Tuscaluca, who had always eaten with him, that he awaited him in order to dine. Ortis,.who had received this order, went to the lodge of the cacique to invite him to dinner, but was refused admittance, and they told him that Tuscaluca was going to leave. He returned a second time and had THE DECISION OF THE COrNOIL 01 THE CACIQUE. 381 the same answer, and the third time he said that Tiiscaliica might come if he pleased, that the dinner was upon the table. Then an Indian who had the appearance of an officer, replied that he was astonished that brigands dared to utter the name of his lord with so little respect, and to call him Tuscalnca without giving him the titles which were due to him. He swore by the Sun that the inso- lence of these scoundrels should cost them their lives, and that it was necessary to begin from that day to chastise them. Hardly had this Indian spoken, when there came another who gave him a bow and arrows to begin the battle. The barbarian immediately threw back the borders of his mantle over his shoulders, made ready his bow, and put himself in position to shoot upon a troop of Span- iards in the street. Gallego, who by chance met him at the side of the door through which he had gone out, seeing this treachery, struck the barbarian with the edge of his sword, such a blow upon his shoulder, covered only with his mantle, that he clove him even to the entrails, and he fell dead upon the spot, as he was going to discharge the arrow. This captain just slain, had, on going out, commanded the Indians to charge the Spaniards. Therefore the Indians rushed from all sides upon our men, and attacked with so much fury that they drove them more than a hundred paces out of town. Nevertheless, not a Spaniard turned his back; all fought and retired like brave soldiers. Among the barbarians who attacked the first, was a young man of distinction, eighteen years of age, who casting his eyes upon Gal- lego, discharged six or seven arrows at him, but in vain ; so that through rage at having neither wounded nor killed him he closed with him, and discharged with his bow, three or four blows with so much force upon his head that the blood flowed from it. Gallego, who anticipated the second attack, pierced him with two thrusts of his sword, and laid Mm dead at his feet. Tliey were convinced that the person killed was the son of the Indian captain who had lost his life ; and that the strong desire to avenge the death of his father had irresistibly impelled him to Gallego. But it was not only this young man who fought courage- ously, the others attacked with the same ardor, for the sole aim of them all was to exterminate the Spaniards. The cavaliers who had sent their horses out of Mauvila, ran im- mediately to recover them. The swiftest mounted, the others had not time, and cut their halters that they might escape the fury of the barbarians ; but the last, who could neither mount nor set them at liberty, saw them severely wounded with arrows, for the Indians who had formed two battalions, attacked vigorously : one battalion. 382 HISTORY OF FLORIDA, the Spaniards, the other the horses and baggage that was there. Afterwards they carried the booty into their houses, and the Span- iards had only their lives left, which they defended like brave men. They in fact did on this occasion, all that brave soldiers could do. CHAPTER VIII. CONTINUATION OF THE BATTLE OF MAUVILA. The cavaliers, who had ;mounted their horses, being joined by those who had arrived in file, opposed themselves to the fury of the barbarians, and advanced to succor the infantry, which was hard pressed. The enemy gradually giving way, our men assembled and formed two bodies, one of infantry, the other of cavalry. Then they fell upon the Indians with so much order and courage, that they drove them back even into their fortifications, where they would have entered pell-mell, if those who were within had not showered upon them, from all sides, arrows and stones. Therefore our men retired, and the Indians sallied so quickly that many leaped down from the walls and approached the Spaniards so near, that some of them seized the lances of the cavaliers. However, they did not gain any advantage. Our soldiers, who fought in good order, having adroitly drawn them more than two hundred paces from the town, redoubled their efforts, and briskly drove them back. But as the barbarians incommoded our men from the tops of the ter- races, the Spaniards had recourse to ruses to induce them to sally, and give the cavaliers an opportunity to pierce them. They there- fore made many feints to draw them out, and as they succeeded, they repulsed them many times, but not without loss on both sides ; for they vigorously opposed and attacked our men. Captain Gallego, in the skirmishes, was followed by a Dominican, his brother, well mounted, who begged him to accept his horse ; but the captain, who was foremost in the fight, and who was passion- ately fond of fame, would never quit his rank. Meanwhile his brother, who was spurring on with another after him, was shot by an Indian, who wounded him slightly in the shoulder, because he had on two hoods, with a large felt hat that flapped above. In these attacks there were a number killed and wounded. Among others, died Don Carlos Henriquez, who had espoused the niece of the general, and was loved by all the army. This cavalier, among many excellent qualities, was generous toward everybody, and personally very brave. Nothing touched the Spaniards more CONTINUATION OF THE BATTLE OP MATJVILA. 383 than his death, which happened in this manner. His horse, in the last attack, had an arrow-shot in his breast, and immediately Hen- riquez stooped to draw it out ; but as he turned his head a little to his left shoulder, he exposed his throat, and received in that place an arrow armed with flint. He fell to the ground, and died the next day. Thus the Spaniards and Indians fought; but there perished more on the side of the barbarians, because they had no defensive armor. Therefore, after thej' discovered that the horses prevented them from conquering, they retired into the town, of which they shut the gates, all resolved to die upon the ramparts with arms in their hands. The general at the same time commanded the cavaliers to dismount, because they were better armed than the foot soldiers, and ordered them to take bucklers and axes, and rush headlong to crush in the gates of Mauvila, which they bravely did, but not without suffering. Then they entered this town, and in the mean time the foot soldiers, who were in the environs, ran there in a great crowd. But as they all could not pass through the gates because they were narrow, and moreover, as they would not lose the opportunity of distinguishing themselves in the battle, they struck down, with the sturdy strokes of their axes, a part of the palisades, and, sword in hand, entered the town to the assistance of their comrades. Then the Indians, who saw their enemies masters of the town, fought with desperation in the middle of the streets and from the ram- parts, whence they incommoded our men very much ; so that, to prevent the barbarians from taking them in the rear, and from re- gaining the houses which we had seized, we set fire to them, and as they were only straw, there was in a moment seen nothing but flame and smoke, which served to increase still more the number of the dead and wounded. As soon as the Indians had retired into the town, many of them ran to pillage the lodge of the general; but they found there per- sons who repulsed them — three crossbow-men, a well armed Indian friend of the Spaniards, two priests, as many slaves, and five of Soto's guards. Whilst the priests prayed, the others fought courageously, so that the enemy, not being able to gain the door of the house, endeavored to enter by the roof, and made openings there in three or four places ; but the crossbow-men shot all who presented them- selves. In the mean time the general and his men arrived. They fell upon the barbarians who were besieging the house, put them to flight, and delivered those who were within. Then the general, who had already fought four hours on foot, left the town and mounted his horse, in order to increase the fright 384 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. of the Indians and the courage of the soldiers. Then he re-entered Mauvila accompanied by Tovar, and crying " San lago," they cut through the enemy, put them in disorder, and pierced them with many thrusts of their lances. In the melee, as Soto raised himself in his stirrups to pierce an Indian, he was shot behind. The arrow broke his coat of mail and entered quite deep into his buttock. Nevertheless, for fear that the wound might abate the courage of his men, and elevate that of the barbarians, he concealed the wound that be had received and did not extract the arrow, so that he could not sit down. But he did not cease to fight valiantly until the end of the combat, which lasted five hours. Certainly this action alone marks sufficiently his courage and his horsemanship. Tovar, also, had an arrow-shot which pierced through his lance above the handle. But because the wood was good, the arrow made only its hole, so that the cavalier made use of his lance as usual, after the arrow was cut. This shot is of little importance ; however, I related it because the like of it seldom happens. In the mean time, the fire which they had set to the houses in- creased more and more, and incommoded the barbarians even upon the ramparts, whence the greater part fought ; therefore they were constrained to abandon them. The fire, ■which they set to the doors of the lodge, each of which had but one, also did great mischief. Those who were within, not being able to get out, were miserably burned up. Many Indian women who were shut up in the houses where the fire was at the doors, all perished there in this manner. The fire excited not less disorder in the streets than in other places. Sometimes the wind drove the flame with the smoke upon the In- dians, and favored the Spaniards ; and sometimes the contrary, so that the enemy regained what they had lost, and there were many persons slain on both sides. The battle so disastrous and so stubbornly contested during seven hours lasted until four in the afternoon. Then, when the barbarians saw the number of people they had lost by fire and sword, and that their forces began to grow weaker and those of the enemy to in- crease, they implored the assistance of the women, and induced them to avenge the death of many brave Indians or all nobly perish. When they called the women to assist, some of them were already fighting by the sides of their husbands, but as soon as they were commanded they ran in a crowd, some with bows and arrows, others with swords, halberts, and lances, which the Spaniards had dropped in the street, which they skilfully used. They all put themselves at the head of the Indians, and full of anger and hate, braved the CONTINUATION OF THE BATTLE OF MAUVILA. 385 peril and showed a courage above their sex. But -vrhen the Span- iards saw that they were no longer flgliting except merely against women, and that these brave Indian women meant rather to die than to conquer, they spared them to such a degree that they did not wound one of them. In the mean while the rear guard, which was advancing and amusing itself on the march, heard the noise of the drums and the sound of the trumpets, and, conjecturing what had happened, marched rapidly and in good order ; so that they arrived even in time to give assistance. But no sooner had they arrived and Diego de Soto, nephew of the general, learned the death of Don Carlos, his cousin, ■frhom he dearly loved, than he wished to avenge him. He leaped from his horse, took a shield, drew liis sword, and entered the town in the height of the melee. He was there immediately struck by an arrow which passed through his eye to the back of his head. He fell to the ground, and languished till the next day, when he died without they being able to extract the arrow. This misfortune was distressing to the whole army, and above all to the general ; Diego de Soto was a cavalier truly worthy of being his nephew. The battle was not less sanguinary in the country than in the town. As soon as the Indians discovered that their numbers impeded them in such a small place as Mauvila because their skill was almost useless, many of them glided down the ramparts and gained the country, where they fought like brave men. Never- tiieless, they had not more good fortune there than in the town. The advantage which they gained over the foot-soldiers the cavaliers had over them, and pierced them easily with the thrusts of their lances because the barbarians had no pikes. They also broke them many times ; and then when the rear guard joined Soto, they finally put them to rout, and very few escaped. At the time the sun was about to set and the cries and noise of those who fought in Mauvila increased, there entered there a party of cavaliers. Until then no person except Soto and Tovar had entered there on horseback to fight, for they could not there con- veniently manage their horses. Therefore, as soon as these cavaliers were there, they divided into many small squads and raced through all the streets, where they slew many Indians. Twelve &f these cav- aliers spurred through the main street where there was a battalion of men and women whom despair had forced to fight. These cava- liers took them in the rear, and when they had broken them they briskly drove them, at the same time overthrowing, pell-mell, some of our men who were fighting on foot, and killing these brave Indians, nearly all of whom died with arms in their hands, preferring death 25 386 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. to servitude. It was by this last battle, which took place the day of St. Luke in the year one thousand five hundred and forty * that the Spaniards, after having fought nine entire hours, without ceas- ing, succeeded in completely conquering their enemies. CHAPTER IX. SOME PARTICULARS CONCERNING THE BATTLE. When the Indians attacked our men so courageously that they drove them from Mauvila, a Spaniard, of very little importance, took to flight ; and when he had escaped from danger, he fell on the ground and arose immediately. However, because he did not be- lieve that he was entirely safe, he began again to flee, and fell. What appeared surprising, they found him dead without the vestige of a bruise or wound ; they believed he was frightened to death. That is one of the events which happened during the battle, and tliis is what happened immediately after : Men-Rodriguez, a Portu- guese cavalier, who had served well in Africa and on the frontiers of Portugal, fought nearly all the day and did very noble deeds ; but after the battle, when he had dismounted, he remained immov- able, without the power to speak or to eat, and died in this con- dition at the end of three daj's, although he had received neither wound nor bruise. They believed that the extraordinary efforts which he had made against the barbarians had caused this accident to him, and they said that he died of excess of courage. Finally, after the battle, there was found in Mauvila an Indian, who had charged the Spaniards with so much fury that, during the heat of the battle, he had not perceived the carnage they had made of his companions ; but when the rage with which he fought had passed, and he dis- covered tlie peril in which he was and the misfortune of Iiis party, he gained in haste the ramparts to endeavor to escape to the country. However, seeing the Spanisli cavalry and infantry spread here and there, he lost all hope of escape. He took the cord from his bow, attached one end of it to a branch of a tree which they had' left between the pieces of wood of the rampart, the other to his neck, dropped from tlie top of the rampart, and strangled himself. Some soldiers ran to his- assistance, but when they arrived he was dead. This action shows the courage and desperation of the Indians, since the only one who had survived the battle preferred destroying himself to falling into the hands of his enemies. * Monday, the 18th of October, 1540, is the date the Elvas Narrative gives. THE CONDITION OF THE SPANIARDS AFTER THE BATTLE. 387 CHAPTER X. THE CONDITION OF THE SPANIARDS AFTER THE BATTLE. The day of the battle, the general rendered the last duties to the dead, and the next day he took care to have all the wounded at- tended to, but there died many of them beforehand ; for they found seventeen hundred and seventy dangerous w.ounds, some in the breast, others in the head, without speaking of the slight wounds, the number of which they could not tell. There was scarcely any soldier who was not wounded, and sometimes with ten or twelve hits. Therefore, many surgeons were needed ; nevertheless, there was but one, very slow and very unskilful. Besides, everything was wanting — oil, bandages, lint, clothes — because the Indians had car- ried off the baggage and the fire had consumed everything; also, there were neither huts to cover them during the night nor pro- visions to refresh them. The soldiers themselves could not go in search of them because of the darkness and their wounds ; so that, not hoping any solace from men, they implored the aid of Heaven, and discovered that by prayers their strength and courage gradually increased. Thus they gloriously extricated themselves from the de- plorable condition to which the fortunes of war had reduced them. The least wounded first took care of those whose wounds were mortal. Some brought straw ; others, boughs of the huts which the Indians had made outside of the town, and made lodges of them, which they rested against the ramparts, and under which they placed the sick. Several opened the bodies of the dead barbarians, from which they drew the fat and made of it an unguent for the wounds. Some took the shirts of their dead companions, and even stripped them- selves of their own, to make of them bandages and lint, and kept those of flax for the dangerous wounds ; for the slight wounds were dressed witli coarse linen and the linings of pantaloons. Others skinned the horses which had been killed, and gave their flesh to the most feeble ; and the rest were under arms to oppose the enemy in case he should appear. Thus the Spaniards rendered every service to one another during the four days that they attended the mortally wounded, and yet they lost twenty-two of their comrades for want of their being well treated ; so that, with thirteen who expired immediately after the battle and , forty-seven who were 388 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. slain (of whom eighteen died of arrow-shots in the head), there died eighty-two of them, without counting forty-five horses, which they regretted as the principal force of the array. CHAPTER XL INDIANS KILLED IN THE BATTLE. The Indians lost nearly eleven thousand persons in the battle. There were slain, in the environs of Mauvila, more than two thou- sand five hundred, among whom was the son of the cacique ; and in the town more than three thousand, besides a like number who were burnt ; for in a single house there were a thousand women stifled by the fire, which drew the compassion of everybody-. At four leagues around the town, among the woods, in the streams, and other like places, the soldiers, who went out in parties, found more than two thousand barbarians, some dead and others wounded, who made every place echo with their cries.* But they could not learn what had become of the cacique. Some asserted that he had cowardly fled, and others that he had burnt himself, as he well deserved the fire because he had caused all the misfortunes that had happened on both sides. In fact, as soon as he learned that the Spaniards were to pass over his lands, he determined to exterminate them there. Therefore, before they entered them, he sent his son, accompanied by some of his subjects, to the general, in order that, under pretext of peace, they might observe the practice of the Spaniards in war, and that, upon their report, he might take measures to accomplish his designs. They learned also that one day, when the inhabitants of Talisse complained to him that their cacique compelled them to give to the Spaniards men and women for slaves, he told them that they might obey him without reluctance, for that very soon he would send their people back to them, and even the Spaniards them- selves, of whom they might make use to cultivate the land. The Indians whom our men captured in battle confirmed the same things : that, by the persuasion of Tuscaluca, the inhabitants had assembled with the view of killing the Christians. As for them, the greater part, under great promises only, had been drawn from the neighboring provinces ; that to some they were to make presents of scarlet capes, and of satin and velvet aprons, in order to appear at the public dances and feasts ; and to others they had agreed to give the horses to ride before the Spaniards. Some said that they * Indians killed, in tlie town, were about 2500; Christians, 18 died, 150 wounded ; horses, 12 killed, 70 wounded. — Elvas. THE CONDUCT OF THE TROOPS AFTER THE BATTLE. 389 had promised them several soldiers for slaves, and all declared the number they were to have ; that, as many of them had their hus- bands, they had come by their orders, and others at the solicitations of their parents, who caused them to hope that they would have great rejoicings, in order to render thanks to the Sun for the defeat of their enemies. Finally, some avowed that they were at the battle at the request of their lovers, who ardently wished that they should be witnesses of their valor, which suflSciently showed that Tuscaluca had a long time meditated his treachery. But it was fatal to him, as well as to the Spaniards, who, without counting the things I have mentioned, lost many chalices, many altar decorations, chasubles, and other ornaments, the wine, and some measures of flour which they kept for mass ; so that, not being able to hear it, the clergy and the monks who served the armj' assembled to learn if they could consecrate it with corn-bread. But all agreed that bread of pure wheat, and real wine were necessary. As, there- fore, they could no longer consecrate it, they erected, every Sunday and every festival, an altar ; and then a priest dressed in a kind of chasuble of buckskin said the Introite, with other prayers of the mass, without consecration, and the Spaniards called that a dry mass. He who celebrated it, or else some other clergyman, ex- plained the gospel, and accompanied it with a short exhortation. Thus our men consoled themselves a little for not being able to adore Jesus Christ under the sacramental elements of bread and wine. But that? which grieved them was, that they remained in this state more than three years, until, leaving Florida, they entered into Christian lands. CHAPTER XII. THE CONDUCT OF THE TROOPS AFTER THE BATTLE, AND THE MUTINY OF SOME SOLDIERS. The Spaniards were eight days at the lodges which they had made around the ramparts of Mauvila, and fifteen more in healing them- selves in the huts which the Indians had prepared for them. In the mean time, those who were the healthiest went four leagues round- about in search of provisions in the villages, where they found much corn and many wounded Indians, without meeting with any one who took care of them. They only learned that, by night, persons came to attend them, who, by day, retired into the forest. Our- soldiers, touched with compassion, shared their provisions with these poor barbarians. But, as the other Indians were concealed, and as they 390 HISTOKY OF FLORIDA. wished to know what was passing in the country, the cavaliers hunted here and there to make some prisoners, and took eighteen or twenty Indians. They demanded of them, at first, if they were assembling to attack the troops. They replied that the bravest of their men having been slain in battle, there was no longer any one who could bear arms. They believed this without any difQculty ; for while the Spaniards sojourned in the environs of Mauvila, they had this good fortune in their misery; that their enemies gave them no alarm, which would have very much incommoded them in the condition in which they were. During these events, Soto learned that Maldonado and Arias had brought over the ships, and that they had safely reached the coast. He knew, also, from prisoners, that the sea, and the province of Achussi, where he wished to go, were not thirty leagues from Mauvila. This news rejoiced him in the hope of putting an end to his journey, and of establishing himself in Achussi ; for he had re- solved to build a town at the port which bears the name of this province, where he could receive all the ships ; to make another, twenty leagues in the country; to compel the inhabitants to em- brace the Catholic faith, and to reduce them by degrees to the domination of Spain. In consideration of such good news, and that they could easily go from the camp to Achussi, the general released the cacique of that province, whom, for some time, he had retained very civilly about his person. He begged him to preserve the honor of his friendship; and, after telling him that he had not sent him back sooner for fear that, being so far from his country, some misfortune might happen to him upon the road, he assured him that it would not be long before the Spaniards would repair to his lands. The cacique showed much joy at this, and after some compliments which he made to Soto on the manner in which he had treated him, he promised that he would endeavor to respond, by his services, to the obligations under which he had placed him ; and, there'upon, he set out for Achussi. In the mean time, discord, that pest of nations and of armies, destroyed all the designs which the general had formed of peopling this province. For, as there were among the troops soldiers who had aided in the conquest of Peru, and who re- called to mind the riches wiiich they had gained there, and con- sidered that they had notliing of the like to hope for in Florida, it was impossible for them to resolve to settle there. Besides, dis- couraged by the fatigues, and frightened at the last battle, they said they ought to despair of ever conquering a people so fierce and so warlike as the inhabitants of the vast regions they were every THE CONDTICX OF THE TROOPS AFTER THE BATTLE. 391 day discovering; that tliese barbarians too ardently loved their libertj', and would rather lose their lives than submit to the yoke of the Spaniards ; that after all, the most fertile of their countries were not worth the suffering which unfortunately was consuming them ; and that, since neither gold nor silver was found there, they should, when tliey arrived at the coast, take the route to Peru and Mexico, where it would be easy for everybody to make a consider- able fortune. These discussions were repeated to tlie general ; but, being unwilling to believe them, unless he should hear them him- self, he, all alone, began to rove around at night in disguise. He heard that a treasurer of the troops, and some others, were declaring that if, on their arrival at the port of Achussi, they found vessels, they would sajl for New Spain; that they were tired of sacrificing themselves for the conquest of a miserable country. These words troubled Soto with the belief that, at the first opportunity, the army would disperse ; that he would have the same misfortune in his plans that Pizarro had in the conquest of Peru, who remained with only thirteen soldiers upon the island of Gorgonne ; that afterward it would be impossible for him to raise new troops, because he would have lost his labor, his authority, his honor, and, finally, his fortune. All these considerations compelled the general, who was jealous of his reputation, to take resolutions precipitate and full of despera- tion. Therefore, for fear that the soldiers should execute what he had heard them say, he gave his orders, with dispatch and address, to advance into the country; desiring to put himself at a distance from the coast, and to take from the malcontents the means of de- priving him of his glory, and making the rest of the army mutiny. But this conduct was the cause and commencement of his destruc- tion, and afterwards he always had misfortune. For, sorry to see all his plans fruitless, his hopes disappointed, he wandered, as through spite, here and there, until he lost by his death, all the fruits of his labor, his fortune, and the glory of having founded a kingdom for tlie enlargement of the faith and the crown of Spain. Nevertheless, if, instead of wandering from the coast, he had, at first, taken the counsel of his wise friends, and chastised the princi- pal authors of the mutiny, he would have, without difficulty, re- tained the others in their duty, and successfully terminated his enterprise; but as he followed only his passion, he failed in an undertaking which, to him, was of the greatest importance. Thus, he who neglects to consult his friends when he should do so, often fails in his affairs. 392 HISTORY OP FLOEIDA. CHAPTER XIII. CONCERNING INDIAN ADULTERESSES. Before leaving the province of Tuscaluca, it is proper to relate the manner in which the laws of this country and of that of Coga, punish adulteresses. There is, in this last province, a law which decrees, upon penalty of death, that if any one has sufficient indi- cations to believe that a woman is an adulteress, he has to inquire into it and impeach her before the cacique, or, in his absence, before the local judges. These judges upon the report that is made to them, secretly hold an inquest against the person accused, and arrest her if they find her guilty. Afterwards, at the first festival, they order to be published that the inhabitants, on going out from their dinner, repair to a certain place outside of ilie village, and that there they all arrange themselves in a row. Then come the judges, of whom two place themselves at one end of this file, and two at the other. They first decree that they bring to them the adulteress, and then they say to her husband who is present, that she is convicted of a lewd life, and that he must deal with her according to the rigor of the law. The husband strips her entirely naked, and shaves her with a kind of razor of flint ; a disgraceful punishment and common among the Indians of the new world. Then to show that he repudi- ates her, he leaves with the clothes of his wife, and abandons her to the power of the judges. Two immediately command the criminal to pass in front of the persons who are in a row, and to go and de- clare her crime to the other two officers. She obeys, and as soon as she draws near to them she tells them that she is convicted of adul- tery and condemned to the penalty with which the law punishes that crime ; that she is sent to them in order that they may do with her what it shall please them for the welfare of the province. The judges immediately send her back with this answer : that it is just that the laws that are made with a view to the preservation of pub- lic virtue should be inviolably observed ; that therefore they confirm the sentence which they have rendered against her, and order her in the future not to relapse again into her crime. Thereupon she returns back to the first judges, and the people who are in a row hiss her, and endeavor by means of insults, to increase her shame. In the mean time the people who come in a crowd and see her naked, yell at her. Some cast clods of earth at her, and others straw, and others old rags and pieces of mats and other like things, the law CONCERNING INDIAN ADULTEEESSES. 393 ordering it so, and they regard this poOr woman only as the dis- grace of her sex. After all these inflictions, the judge banishes her from the country and places her in the hands of her parents, with orders, upon pain of exemplary punishment, not to permit her to enter into any place of the province. The parents receive her, and as soon as they cover her with a mantle they lead her away into a place where she is never seen by any Indian of the country; and at the same time the judges permit the husband to take another wife. Thus they punish, in Coca, the Indian women who violate the faith which they owe to those whom they marry. But in the province of Tuscaluca they punish them with still greater rigor. The law of this country decrees that if, at an unseasonable hour, they see any one enter and leave three or four times a house, and that they suspect the mistress of the lodge of adultery, they are obliged, by the religion of the country, to inform the husband of the conduct of his wife, and to prove, by three or four witnesses, that they assert nothing but the truth. The husband, at the same time, assembles the witnesses, and interrogates them one after another, with horrible imprecations against him who lies, and great benedictions in favor of him who discloses the truth. Afterwards, if he finds his wife suflflcientlj' convicted of having violated her faith, he leads her out of the village, ties her to a tree or to a post which he fixes in the ground, and shoots her to death with arrows. Then he goes to the cacique, or, in his absence, to the justice of the place. He tells them that, in such a place outside of the village, he has just killed his wife, upon information that she had committed adultery; that he petitions them to summon the accusers, in order that, if the crime of which they charged her is true, he might be formally acquitted, and, if the contrarj^, he might receive the punishment decreed by the law of the province. In the latter case, the law commands that the parents of the wife shoot the husband to death with arrows ; that he be the prey of dogs and birds, and that his wife, as a mark of her innocence, be honorably interred ; that if the witnesses persisted in their evidence and did not contradict thepiselves, in a word, if they verified by good proofs the crime in question, they acquitted the husband, with the liberty to take a wife, and forbid, upon pain of death, the parents of the criminal from drawing a single arrow from her body, or even in- terring it^ because it was necessary that she should serve as an example and be devoured by beasts. We see by this that, in all Florida, they punished very rigorously adulteresses. But we do not know in what manner they punished the men who debauched the wives of others. The laws perhaps favored them there, as among 394 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. other nations. I remember what a lady of my acquaintance one day said upon this subject : that only the men were regarded when they made laws against adultery, and that the fear which, without foundation, they had of the infidelity of woman had made them treat her cruelly ; but that, if the persons of her sex had decreed the penalties against this crime, they would have been governed in it without passion, and with so much prudence that they would not have had, on either side, any i-eason to complain. CHAPTER XIV. THE ENTRANCE OP THE SPANIARDS INTO THE PROVINCE OP CHICAOA. To return to Soto ; after tlie Spaniards had remained twentj'-four days about Mauvila, and recovered enough strengtii to continue on, they left Tuscaluca, and arrived, at the end of three days, in the province of Chica§a, through, places unpopulated but very pleasant. The first town which they found in the direction in which they were advancing, was on a river, large, deep, and with high banks. The general immediately sent into the town to ask an alliance, but they haughtily replied that they wished war. In fact, when our men were approaching this place, a battalion of about sixteen hundred men came to attack them. However, after some skirmishes, the enemy yielded, and retired with their most valuable things towards the river, with the design of defending the passage of it. Our men drove them briskly, so that some leaped into the water, and others passed it in small boats, and many bj' swimming, and joined their troops, which amounted to nearly eight thousand men. They bor- dered about two leagues of the other side of tlie river, and strove courageously to prevent us from crossing it ; for in the night they crossed it in boats, and came and fell upon the Spaniards, who, tired of being harassed with impunity, secretly made some ditches opposite the places where the enemy landed. Then they concealed in these places crossbow-men and fusileers, with orders not to flre until the Indians should be at a distance from their boats, but then to charge them vigorously, and, sword in hand, to rush headlong upon them, which was executed with success. Three times they drove them back as far as their vessels ; so that, without putting themselves to the hazard of crossing the river, they defended only the passage. But while they were acquitting themselves very well, and Soto was despairing of crossing this river, he commanded a hundred of those most expert in carpentry to go into the woods at ENTRANCE OP SPANIARDS INTO THE PROVINCE OF OHICAOA. 395 a league from the camp and make there two large boats, capable of holding many persons. They executed these orders, and in twelve days the boats were made, and two carriages, on which they placed them, and which they caused to be drawn by mules and horses. The Spaniards themselves aided them during the journey, and for- tunately reached before day a part of the river where they found a very convenient crossing. In the mean time, the rest of the troops joined them. And then, after the general had had the boats launched, he commanded ten cavaliers and forty foot-soldiers to enter into one, and as many into the other, and to cross quickly, for fear of the enemy, and commanded the footmen to row while their companions should remain on horseback, in order to be ready to fight on leaving the fiver. In the mean time five hundred In- dians, who were scouting, heard the noise of those who were cross- ing the river, they ran to the passage, showered upon them arrows, sent for assistance, and gave the alarm everywhere. Nevertheless, without losing courage, the Spaniards arrived at the other border, the greater part wounded ; for the Indians shot them at their ease. The second boat deviated a little from the way, and could not gain it but by dint of oars. But those of the first, which was already landed, leaped ashore ; Silvestre and Garcia, bold and valiant cavaliers, left the first, and vigorously charged the enemy. They drove them four times, more than two hundred paces from the river, and when they returned to tlie charge they were seconded by the other cava- liers, which began to lessen the fury of the barbarians and favor the foot-soldiers, who, hors de combat on account of their wounds, re- tired into a village on the borders of the river. In the mean time the second boat made the passage, the soldiers leaped ashore, and joined those who were fighting in the field. Nearly at the same time the general, who, at the entreaty of his troops, had not em- barked on account of the danger, crossed with eighty Spaniards, and redoubled, by this reinforcement, the courage of the others. The Indians, who saw the number of their enemies increase, and who feared to be cut in pieces, gave way, and gained a forest quite near, and from there their main body, whicli was advancing to their assistance. But upon the assurance that the Spaniards had nearly all crossed the river, they together returned to the quarters, where, on their arrival, they fortified themselves with palisades. Our men followed tiiem in the rear, and persistently harassed them, in order to hinder their work. However, they did not cease to continue it, and the boldest even sallied out to skirmish ; but the cavaliers, swifter than they, gave them many thrusts with their lances. They HISTORY OF FLORIDA. employed the day in these sorts of combats, and at night they re- mained quiet, because the enemy no longer appeared. In the mean time the rest of the troops safely crossed. CHAPTER XY. THE BATTLE OP CHICACA. After the passage of the river the troops broke up the boats and preserved the iron works to make use of them in case of necessity. Then they continued their march, and after four days of travel through a level country, strewed with villages, they arrived at the capital of Chicaga, This town, situated upon a hill which extends from north to south, has two hundred houses, is watered by many small streams clothed with walnut, chestnut, and like trees. Our men entered into this place at the beginning of December of the year 1540 ; and as they found it abandoned, they went into winter quarters there. They' also built there, to lodge themselves more comfortably, houses, with wood and straw which they brought from the neighboring villages. Then they scoured the country and made many prisoners. But with the view to makepeace, the general sent back some of them with presents for the cacique, who, amusing him with hopes and excuses, dispatched, in his turn, to him, and sent him fruits, fish, and game. However, every night Indians came to harass our men, but as soon as they saw them they retired, mani- festing fear and weakness to render the Spaniards more negligent to fight them, through the contempt which they bore them, and to con- quer them with more facility when they should attack them in earnest. Finally, ashamed of all these feints and of having so long concealed their courage, thej' resolved to give evidences of it by the defeat of our troops. Therefore, one night, about the end of Jan- uary of the year 1541, when the north wind favored them, they advanced three battalions abreast to within one hundred yards of the Spanish sentinels The cacique, at the head of the middle one, commanded the attack on the town, and there were heard, at the same time, fifes, horns, and drums. Everything echoed with the yells of the barbarians, who, flambeau in hand, charged upon our men. These torches, wliich seemed to be of wax because they illu- minated well, were made of a certain herb which grows in that coun- try, which, when it is twisted and lighted, preserves the fire like a •wick, and shaken emits a very brilliant flame. Besides these torches which were very useful to them in the fight, they kindled, at the THE BATTLE OF CHICAOA. 397 end of their arrows, this herb of which I have just spoken. Then they discharged them upon the town, and set Are to it without diffl- culty because the houses were of straw and the wind was very favor- . able. Therefore, an attack so extraordinary and so unexpected surprised our men ; but it did not shake their eonrage ; they made resistance everywhere. Soto gave what orders he could in this horrible confusion, mounted his horse, his helraet on his head, his - lance in hand, and with his coat-of-arms, and boldly sallied from the town to oppose the barbarians. But in a little while he is seconded by ten or twelve brave cavaliers and then by many foot-soldiers, who, in spite of the flames and smoke which the wind drove upon them, showed their courage. Some, on all fours crawled under a torrent of flame which rolled in the place where they were, and safely joined the general. Others ran to the sick and made their escape to tlie country with a part of them, while the rest were burnt before they could be succored. The cavaliers, on their part, endeavored to extricate themselves from this danger. Some, in the fear of not being able to save them- selves, abandoned their horses. Others mounted them without sad- dles and went to the general, who, the first had had the honor to slay a barbarian with his own hand. In the mean time, the Indians, except the battalion of the cacique, entered into the place by the favor of the fire, and cruelly slew men and horses. Forty or fifty foot-soldiers, frightened at this fury, cowardly took to flight, a shameful thing which had not yet been seen since the troops had entered Florida. Tovar, who perceived them, ran, sword in hand, after them, and cried out to them with all his strength to return immediately against the enemy ; that there was no retreat for them, and that only their courage could save them. In the mean time Gusman, at the head of thirty soldiers, sallied from another quarter of the town, intercepted these fugitives, blamed their cowardice, and urged them so strongly to recover their honor that compunction seized them. They returned to their duty, going round the town with him and Tovar, and courageously driving all the barbarians whom they encountered. Yasooncelos at the same time also sallied with twenty-four Portuguese cavaliers, and from his side, fell upon the Indians. Finally, both attacked them and pressed them with so much vigor that they forced them back even into the bat- talion of the cacique, where was the height of the melee, and where those who seconded Soto fought like true soldiers. However, on the arrival of assistance, they made a new effort. The general attacked an Indian who was distinguished among all in the fight. He closed with him, wounded him, and redoubled his blows, for he 398 ^ HISTORY OP TLOEIDA. had not taken his life. But as he raised himself in his stirrups to completely finish him, the weight of his body joined to the violence ■ with which he bore himself, turned the saddle of his horse, which they had forgotten to girt, and he fell in the midst of the enemy. The Spaniards, who saw him in danger, rushed headlong to the rescue and fought with so much courage that they saved him. They immediately placed him upon his horse and he recommenced to fight. In the mean time, the Indians, noticing our men chargihg upon them from all quarters, began to yield ; and, except occasion- ally, no longer obstinately contended. But finally, in view that they were going to succumb, they called out with loud cries to one another to retire, and took to flight. The general closely pui-sued them with his cavalry, and followed them as far as the fire could liglit them. Then he had the retreat sounded, and re-entered the place to see the disorder that the barbarians had made during more than two hours of fight. He found forty soldiers dead with many horses wounded and fifty slain, of which some that they had not had leisure to untie, had been burnt at the mangers to which they had been fastened with the iron chain of their halters. Besides the hogs, except some which escaped from the pen which inclosed them, were consumed by the fire, which was felt so much the more, as, in the need in which they were of meat, they were reserved for the sick. Carmona, who relates this particular, adds that each Indian brought three cords, one to tie a hog, another a horse, and the third a soldier. That which also grieved, very sensibly, our men, was the death of Francisca Henestrosa, the only Spanish woman who followed the army. She was the wife of Fernando Bautista, and ready to ac- couch when the enemy gave the alarm. Her husband, who was brave, then thought of repulsing them, and on his return from the fight, he saw that his wife, not having been able to protect herself from the fire, had perished in it. Francisco Henriquez, a poor foot-soldier, was much more fortunate in his affliction. All wasting away as he was, among the sick, he saved himself from the conflagration. But as he was fleeing, an Indian shot him with an arrow near th^ groin, and extended him on the ground, where he remained more than two hours. However, he was fortunately cured of his sickness and his wound, which was believed mortal. Sti-ange thing that a wretched man should escape from all his ills whilst so many brave men should perish I WHAT THE SPANIABDS DID AFTER THE BATTLE. 399 CHAPTER XVI. "WHAT THE SPANIARDS DID AFTER THE BATTLE. When they had rendered the last duties to the dead, and given orders for the wounded, they went upon the field of battle where, they saw a large horse with an arrow that passed through his shoulder and four inches on the other side. They also found many other horses with their entrails pierced with arrows, and fifteen pierced in the middle of their hearts ; of which four had each two arrows through them. And three days after, in fear of a new attack, be- cause the enemy had lost but a hundred men, the general ordered an advance of a league, and commanded the soldiers to go in search of wood and straw, and to build a town which they called Chicacilla. They there quickly fitted up a forge with bear-skins and musket-bar- rels, and made lances, shields, and other arms of which they had need. It was in this, place that the general gave the office of Mos- coso to Gallego ; for when he had investigated the conduct of the field officers he knew that Moscoso had badly discharged his duty, and that he was partly the cause why the Indians had surprised and almost conquered the Spaniards. In fact, but for a monk and some 'ivates, who compelled the fugitives to return to the melee, the Oarbarians, who fought for the honor and for the liberty of the country, had gained the victory. Therefore, the Indians, ashamed of having run away, returned three days after their fliglit, to attack us ; determined to conquer or gloriously die. But at two musket shots from the camp, there fell so heavy a rain that it wet the cords of their bows and compelled them to retrace their steps. Our men, informed of this design by an Indian whom they took the next morn- ing, again dreaded the fire, and placed themselves in battle array outside of the burgh, with sentinels here and there. N(5twithstand- ing, the barbarians did not cease to come every night, by divers places, to fall upon them with loud cries. They constantly killed some soldier or wounded some horse. The Spaniards, who stoutly repulsed them, also did not fail to pierce many of them ; but for all that the Indians did not lose courage. Soto, who wished to secure himself from their assaults, sent every morning into the country parties of cavalry and infantry who slew all the Indians they met, and returned at sunset with the assurance that four leagues around the camp there would not be found any inhabitants of the country alive. But what was astonishing, the enemy's battalion, some hours 400 HISTORY or FLORIDA. after, returned to harass us, with loss on both sides. Nevertheless, during these skirmishes, nothing of more importance happened than that one night the quarter of Gusman was attacked by a bat- talion of Indians. This captain, with five cavaliers, immediately went out to oppose them ; he commanded his infantry to follow him, and at the same instant that the enemies lighted their torches, our men charged them. Gusman attacked the standard bearer, made a violent thrust at him with his lance ; the Indian avoided it, seized the lance, wrested it from the hands of Gusman, and without aban- doning his standard, with his left hand pulled him down from his horse. Our soldiers ran to his assistance, rescued him, and put the enemj''s battalion to rout; but not without loss. They had two horses wounded and as many slain, which moderated the joy which they had of extricating their captain from peril. CHAPTER XVII. AN INVENTION AGAINST COLD. Notwithstanding the continual attacks of the Indians, the Spaniards remained until the end of March at their post. They suffered much from cold, because they passed the nights under arms, and the greater part were without shoes, with wretched doub- lets only, and miserable buckskin pantaloons. Therefore, to all appearances, they would have died of cold, but for Juan Vego, of whom I shall here say something before coming to the good services which he rendered them. Vego passed for a rough soldier, but, nevertheless, sometimes agreeable. Therefore they amused them- selves with making meri-y with him, and playing him some petty tricks. Porcallo de Figueroa, especially, loved to ridicule him, for he had played him such a joke at Havana that, to satisfy him for it, he gave him a horse, for which they offered him- in Florida seven thousand crowns, to be paid upon the first smelting of gold that they should make there. But Vego refused this condition, and no smelting was ever made. This is what he invented for himself and his companions. As he perceived that thej' all were going to suffer from cold, and that there was a great deal of very good straw at the quarters, he set himself to making a mat four inches thick, and long and wide in proportion ; so that one-half served him for a mattress and the other for a covering. He knew that this inven- tion would protect him from the cold, and he speedily made many other mats on account of the soldiers who assisted him to work, THE ATTACK UPON FORT ALIBAMO. 401 each one priding himself upon putting his hand to the work ; so that by means of these mats, which tiiey carried to the guard-house and to the parade, the Spaniards easily resisted the cold. Also, with the exception of the mischief which the barbarians did them, they passed the winter without inconvenience ; for they had fruits and corn in abundance, and needed none of the necessaries of life. BOOK SECOND. THE ATTACK ON FORT ALIBAMO ; THE DEATH OF MANY SPANIARDS ; THE ARRIVAL OF THE TROOPS AT CHISCA ; PROCESSION IN WHICH THEY ADORE THE CROSS ; THE WAR BETWEEN THE TWO CACIQUES ; AN INVENTION TO MAKE SALT ; THE INHABITANTS OF TULA ; AND THE TROOPS WINTERING IN UTIANGUE. CHAPTER I. THE ATTACK UPON FORT ALIBAMO. The general and his captains, after four months' sojourn in the province of Chicaca, left it with joy at the beginning of April, of the year 1541, and made, the first day of their march, four leagues through a country with many villages of fifteen to twenty houses each. They camped at a quarter of a league from these habitations, in the expectation of finally taking a little repose, but it happened otherwise ; f«r, after the scouts wliom they had sent out to. explore had reported that quite near the camp there was a fort where there appeared about four thousand men, the general, with fifty horse, went immediately to reconnoitre them, and at his return he told his captains that it was necessary to drive away these barbarians before night. That it was provoking be- yond measure that they should pursue and brave tliem with so much presumption; that, therefore, they were in honor bound to chastise them, and teach them at the cost of their lives, the valor of the Spaniards ; that, in one word, they ought to bear themselves with so much the more courage to cut off their retreat, as they would harass the troops all the night with continual skirmishes. All the officers approved the opinion of their general, who left a part of the army to guard the camp, and marched with the others against the fort, which was called Alibamo.(24) This fort formed a square with four lines of palisades, each four hundred paces long, and two others 26 402 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. within. The first of all had three gates, so low that a cavalier could not enter ; one in the middle, and the others at the angles ; and only opposite to these entrances they had, in each line of palisades, three others, so that if the first were won, they defended themselves in the next. The gates. of the last palisades faced a small river, with wretched bridges, which in certain places was very deep, with bor- ders so high that one conld hardly cross on horseback. The In- dians thus had built the fort in this place in this manner, in order to secure themselves against the horses, and oblige the Spaniards to fight on foot ; for they did not fear our infantry.* When they approached this place, the general ordered a hundred of the best armed cavaliers to dismount; and, after having formed three bat- talions of them, he commanded the attack, and ordered the infantry to support them. Gusraan marched straigiit to the first gate, Car- deniosa to the second, and Silvestre to the third, each at the head of his men. The besieged immediately made through each gate a sortie of a hundred men, with great plumes upon their heads, and, in order to give more fright, their faces and their arms painted with streaks of divers colors. They vigorously attacked the Span- iards, and wounded first Diego de Castro and Pedro de Torres, who were at the side of Silvestre, whom Peinoso seconded very promptly. Louis de Bravo, at the head of another battalion with Gusman, was also struck with an arrow in the lower part of the thigh. Cardenioso saw fall near him Francisco de Figueroa wounded in the same place as Bravo. The Indians generally aimed from the thigh downward, because elsewhere tlie Spaniards had wherewith to protect themselves from their shots. Nevertheless, because they fired upon our men with arrows armed with flint, and as these arrows did much more injury than the others, Cardenioso and his companions pursued them so closely that th*ey prevented them from making use of their arrows, and drove them before them as far as the gates. Thereupon the general attacked with fifty cavalry, and received upon the front of his helmet so violent a blow that the arrow bounded at least to the height of a pike. How- ever, without being disconcerted, he drove the Indians so briskly that he compelled them to quickly throw themselves into the fort. But, as the gates were so narrow that but two at a time could pass, they made great slaughter of them, and they also entered pell-m«li with them. The Spaniards then, reanimated by the re- membrance of the injury they had done them, charged them with * In equal numlDera on foot, the Indians had the advantage of them by water and by land. — Elvas. THE DEATH OP MANY SPANIARDS I'OR WANT OF SALT. 403 ardor, and put a great number to death. The enemy, in disorder, abandoned the fort. Some leaped from the top of the palisades, and fell into the power of the cavaliers who had not dismounted, and who pierced them with their lances ; others passed upon the bridges, but they crowded each other to such a degree that they fell into the water. Many who could not gain the bridge because tiiey pushed them so closely, leaped into the river, crossed it by swimming, and ranged themselves in order of battle upon the bank. And immediately one of. these Indians came out of the battalion and challenged the bravest of the Spanish crossbow-men to fight with him. Juan de Salinas boldly accepted the challenge, left the main body that was behind trees, under shelter from the arrows, and went and posted himself upon the edge of the river opposite his enemy, who, as he, was unprotected by any shield. They made readj' for the battle, and fired. The Spaniard strucls the Indian in the breast, and the Indian, the Spaniard a little lower than the ear, and pierced his neck in such a manner that the an-ow projected as much from one side as from tlie other. The Indians, who saw that their man staggered, ran to him, and carried him off. In the mean time, the general, annoyed by their resistance, crossed the river at a ford above the fort, assembled the cavalry, rushed upon them, and pursued them until night. ,So that counting those who perished in the fort, there were slain on the side of the enemy more than two thousand men, but on that of the Spaniards only three soldiers, Castro, Torres, and Figueroa, for whom they had much sorrow, and moreover there died of their wounds a few after the battle. But there were so many wounded, that at the return from the pursuit of the barbarians they were obliged to remain four days in the fort to treat them. CHAPTER II. THE DEATH OP MANY SPANIARDS FOR WANT OF SALT. Before going further it is proper to relate that at the time that the Spaniards entered Tuscaluca, they lost many of their com- panions for want of salt. At first a malignant fever seized those who had most need of it, and putrefied their entrails, so that at the end of three or four days they were so offensive, that at fifty paces one could not endure the stench; thus, after languishing some time, this disease got the better of them beyond remedy. The greater part of the others, astonished at so strange an occurrence, 404 HISTOET OP FLOKIDA. fortunately had recourse to the preservatives of the Indians which saved them from this putrefaction by means of a certain herb whicli they burnt, and mingled the asiies of it among the things which served to nourish them. But as for the other Spaniards who con- temned this receipt, and who fancied that it was a disgrace to them to employ for their preservation the same remedies as the barba- rians, they unfortunately died, for although during their illness they gave them this preservative, it was of no benefit to them because it was only fit to prevent the corruption and not to expel it ; and in the course of a year that they lacked salt, there perished more than sixty of these vain persons. It also seems necessary to say here that they spoke a language entirely different from all the other countries of Florida, and that Soto had, besides Ortis, thirteen or fourteen interpreters in order to communicate with the caciques. These interpreters, when there was business with these lords, placed themselves in a row according as they understood one another, and the word went from one to the other to Ortis, who was at the end and who reported everything to the general.* Thus our men had much trouble to inquire about the particulars of these provinces through which they passed. The Indians, on the contrary, had not any to understand the language of the troops, for after two months of frequent visiting they conceived what was said to them, and partly explained themselves upon subjects the most ordinarj", but when they had remained five or six months along with the army, they served as interpreters. They understood the Spanish and expressed themselves_ in it with facility, which greatly aided the general to inquire about everything, and that showed that the inhabitants of Florida had a reasonable amount of understanding. CHAPTER III. THE TROOPS ARRIVE AT CHISCA AND MAKE PEACE WITH THE CACIQUE. I RETURN to where I was in my history. The Spaniards, on leav- ing Alibamo, marched through a wilderness always towards the north, in order to go away, more and more from the sea, and at the end of three days tliey saw the capital of Chisca, which bears tlie name of its province and of its chief. This town is situated near a river which the Indians call Chucagua ; the largest of all those which our men had seen in Florida. The inhabitants of Chisca, who * This was in Tula, west of the Arkansas. The Alibamos were somewhere between the Yallohusha and the Mississippi. THE TROOPS ARRIVE AT CHISOA. 405 ■were not informed of the coming of the troops because of the war vhich they had with their neighbors, were surprised. The Span- iards pillaged them and made many of them prisoners. The rest fled ; some into the woods between the town and the river, and others to the house of the cacique, built upon an eminence whence it commanded all the place. This chief was old and then sick in bed, almost without strength, of so small a size, and so poor an ap- pearance, that they had not yet seen any such in the country. Nevertheless, at the noise of the alarm and upon the report that they pillaged and seized his subjects, he arose, left the room with a battle-axe in his hand, and threatened to slay all those who had en- tered upon his lands without his orders. But as he -was going to leave his house to oppose himself to the Spaniards, his wives, aided by some of his subjects who had fled to him, retained him. They represented to him, with tears in their eyes, that he was weak, ■without troops, his vassals in disorder and not in a condition to fight ; and those with whom thej' had to do, vigorous, in good order, in great numbers, and the greater part mounted upon animals so swift that they could never escape them. That it was therefore necessary for him to await a favorable opportunity to avenge him- self, and in the mean time to deceive his enemies by fair appearances of friendship in order to prevent his ruin and that of his subjects.. These considerations arrested Chisca, but he was so much irritated at the injury the Spaniards had done him, that without deigning to listen to the envoys of the general who demanded peace of him, he declared war upon them, adding that he hoped in a short time to kill their captain and all those who accompanied him. Soto, nevertheless, without being surprised at this, dispatched other per- sons to him, who apologized for the disorder they had made at first and continued to demand peace of him, for he saw that the troops were disheartened by continual fighting, and embarrassed with sick men and horses ; that in less than three hours there had joined the cacique about four thousand men very well armed ; that probably he would assemble a still greater number of them; besides, that the situation of the place was very favorable for the Indians and very inconven- ient for the Spaniards, because of the woods which was around the town, and which prevented them from making use of their horses ; that finally, instead of progressing by war, they were daily ruining themselves. Such were the considerations, which led the general to make peace. But the greater part of the Indians who had assem- bled to deliberate upon this subject had views quite to the contrary. Some desired war, in the belief that they had no other means to re- cover their goods, and to deliver their companions from the power of the Spaniards ; that such people were not to be feared ; that the 406 HISTOBY OF FLORIDA. peace ■which they demanded with so much eagerness was a sure mark of their lack of courage ; that it was therefore necessary to teach them by a battle, the courage of those whom they came to attack, in order that no foreigner should, for the future, have the boldness to enter upon their lands. But the others maintained that peace was the only means to repossess their goods and to recover the prisoners ; that if they came to blows, they would have to apprehend a greater misfortune than the first ; fire, the loss of their com which was still standing, the entire ruin of the province, and the death of many of their people ; -that since these enemies had come so far to them, through so many difficult perils and brave people, they could not reasonably doubt their valor ; that therefore, without having other proofs of it, it was necessary to declare for peace ; and that if it was not beneficial, they could then break it much more advanta- geously than they could now make war. This opinion was the strongest, and the cacique, concealing his resentment, demanded of the envoys of the general what they expected in consideration of the peace for which they had manifested so much desire. They re- plied, their lodgings in the town and provisions to proceed. Chisca consented to everything on condition that they should set at liberty those of his subjects whom they had taken; that they should restore all the plunder, and should Viot enter into his house ; that otherwise they would have but to prepare to fight to the last extremity. The Spaniards accepted the peace upon these conditions. They released the subjects of Chisca because they did not lack Indian servants; and restored all the booty, which was poor buckskin and some man- tles of very little value. Then the inhabitants abandoned the town and what provisions they had, and the Spaniards remained there six days to treat their sick. The last day Soto obtained permission of Chisca to visit him in his house, where, after having thanked him for the favors which he had done to the troops, he retired and con- tinued, the next day, his discovery. CHAPTER IV. WHAT HAPPENED TO THE SPANIARDS FROM CHISCA TO OASQCIN. On leaving the province of Chisca the troops again marched up the river.* They made, in four days, only twelve leagues on account of the sick, and arrived at a place where they could cross the river, because it was easy to approach it ; and elsewhere, on both sides, * The Chucagua, now the Mississippi. WHAT HAPPENED FROM OHISCA TO CASQUIN. 407 the river was bordered with a very thick forest, and the banks so steep that they could neither ascend nor descend them. They re- mained to make boats at this place, where, at their arrival, there appeared on the other side of the river about six thousand Indians, well armed, and with many boats, to dispute the passage of it. But the next day, four of the most eminent of the troop came on the part of the cacique to visit the general ; and after the customary ceremonies they complimented him upon his arrival, and demanded of him peace and his friendship. Soto received them with joy, and sent them back well satisfied. Therefore, during twenty days that the Spaniards were upon the borders of the river, these four Indians served them with all the forces that were with the cacique. Never- theless, it was impossible to induce liim to come to the camp, and he always excused himself in one way or another. So they believed that he had sent to the general only through fear, and to prevent the devastation of his province ; for as the time of the harvest, which looked remarkably fine, was near at hand, that caused him much uneasiness. The Spaniards finished two large boats in fifteen days, because everybody worked at them. And they guarded them night and day for fear lest the Indians should burn them, for they came from all quarters, in boats, to range themselves against our men ; then they ad- vanced against them with loud cries and showered upon thepi arrows. But they were repulsed with musket shots from the entrenchments which were upon the bank of the river. So that, in spite of all their efforts, the Spaniards launched four boats, which could hold one hundred and fifty soldiers and thirty cavaliers, and rowed in the presence of the enemy, who, despairing of hindering them, retired each into his burgh ; so that our men safely crossed the river in these boats and in the pirogues which they had taken from the enemy. Then, after having detaciied the iron works from their boats, because it was indispensable to them, they continued their route, and at the end of four days of travel through unpeopled places, they discovered, on the fifth, from the top of an eminence, a town of about four hundred houses, upon the banks of a river larger than the Guadalquivir which passes by Cordova.* They also saw that the lands about it were covered with corn and a number of fruit trees. The inhabitants of this place, who were informed of their coming, went out to meet them, and offered to the general their property and their persons, and put themselves under his protection. Some time after, there came to him on the part of the cacique, tvfro * St. Francis River, about eighty miles below Memphis. The Mils border the old bed of the Mississippi from Helena, and then oontinue up the St. Francis. 408 HISTORY OF FLORIDA, pf the principal persons of the country, who confirmed what the Others had said. Soto received them with all the tokens of great kindness, and sent them back to him well pleased. The capital, the province, and the cacique were called Casquin. The Spaniards stopped six days in the town, because of the pro- visions which they found there. And after two daj's of marching they arrived at some small villages where the lord of the country held his court, and which were distant four leagues from the capital, in ascending the river. The cacique left these villages, accompanied by his principal subjects, and came to receive Soto, to whom he offered his friendship and his house ; for at one side of his dwelling he had still ten or twelve lodges where dwelt his family with many women and servants. The general received with joy the friendship of the eaciqne. Nevertheless, for fear of incommoding him, he thanked him politely for his house, and lodged in a garden, where the Indians promptly made huts with the branches of trees, because of the heat of May, in which month they then were. So that the troops commodiously camped, one part in the village and the other in the neighboring gardens. CHAPTER y. A PROCESSION IN WHICH THEY ADORE THE CROSS. The army had been at Casquin three days when the cacique, who was about fifty j'ears of age, accompanied by the most important of his subjects; came to the general. When he had made a verj' pro- found reverence he said to him that since the Spaniards always vanquished the Indians he was compelled to believe that they were the favorites of a greater God than theirs. That therefore he had come with the most distinguished of his vassals to b^ the general to ask rain of his God ; because the fruits of the earth had need of it. Soto replied that although he and those of his suite had been very great sinners, nevertheless they would pray to God, who was the Father of Mercy, to send rain ; and at the same time he charged the ship carpenter to make a cross of the highest pine tree that could be found in the province. In fact, the}' chose one so large and so high that even after having made it round, a hundred men Could hardly raise it. In two days they made of it a cross, without taking anything from its height ; and they placed it upon a very high knoll* on the borders of the river. Afterwards, Soto ordered * Artificial, according to Biedma, aud on the east side of the St. Francis. A PROCESSION IN WHICH THEY ADORE THE CROSS. 409 a procession for the next day ; and for fear of a surprise, he com- raanded that the rest of the army should be under arms. The cacique and the general marched in the procession by the side of each other, followed by many Spaniards and many Indians. They amounted to about a tliousand persons. The priests and the monks went before chanting the litanies, and the soldiers responded. They advanced in this order towards the cross, where, as soon as they arrived, they fell upon their knees, and after some prayers, they went with much zeal and humility to adore it, the clergy first, then Soto and the cacique and the rest of the troops. On the other side of the river there were about fifteen or twenty, thousand persons of all ages and sexes ; they raised their hands and eyes to heaven, and showed, by their posture, that tliey prayed God to grant to the Christians the favor which they desired. There were also heard among them cries as of people who wept, to obtain from heaven, as soon as possible, their demand. So that the Span- iards had much joy to see their Creator acknowledged, and the cross adored in a country where Christianity was unknown. Afterwards, the clergy sang the " Te Deum," and the Spaniards and the Indians returned to the village in the same order that they had come. This lasted, in all, more than four hours. In the mean time our Lord was pleased to show the subjects of the cacique Casquin that he heard the prayers of his servants ; for, towards the middle of the following night, it began to rain. Some say that it rained during three entire days, and others six; so that the inhabitants of the province, rejoicing at the favor which God granted them through the means of tlie Christians, came with the cacique to render thanks to the general for it. They assured him of their service, and de- clared to him that they held it aii honor to depend, absolutely, on him. Soto replied to them, that he was very glad to see evidences of their kind sentiments ; but that they were under obligations only to God, the Creator of heaven and earth, and that it was He whom they ought to thank. After that, when the troops had already so- journed nine or ten days in the villages, they left them to continue their discover}-. Casquin begged the general to permit him to go with him, and to bring soldiers and porters ; the one to escort the army and tlie other to carry the provisions ; because he would have to pass through places where they would find no habitations. The general consented to what Casquin desired ; who immediately com- manded the bravest of his subjects to hold themselves ready to ac- companj' the Christians as far as the province of Capaha, of which the cacique and the capital bear the same name. 410 HISTORY -OP FtOEIDA. CHAPTER VI. THE MARCH OF THE TROOPS TO CAPAHA. The lords of Casquin and Oapaha had, at all times, been at war with one another. Therefore, the caciques who governed these pro- vinces, at the arrival of the Spaniards, were embroiled. As that of Capaha was the most powerful, he had always had the advantage of the other, who was shnt up within the bounds of his country without daring to leave it for fear of exasperating the cacique Ca- paha. But when he saw an opportunity to free: himself from re- straint and to avenge himself on his enemy, by the help of the troops, he levied five thousand men, very active, and in good order, without counting three thousand Indians, loaded with provisions, and very well armed. Then they went forward, in order of battle, towards Capaha, under pretext of discovering some ambuscade, and to take care to choose a good post to lodge the two armies. The Spaniards followed at the distance of a quarter of a league, and continued their route all the day. Then, on both sides, the}' camped in very goo/i order, and in such a manner that the cavalier scouts passed . between the Indian sentinels and the Spaniards. They marched three days in this manner ; and early on the fourth, thej' arrived at a swamp which separated the provinces of Casquin and Capaha, and of which the bottom was so bad at the borders, and the water so deep in the middle, that they had to swim more than twenty paces. The men on foot passed it upon wretched wooden bridges, and the horses by swimming. But because of the mud of the shores, the}' had so m ucli trouble that they remained the rest of the day to cross it ; so that the Spaniards and the Indians went but half a league from there, where they camped in very pleasant pastures, and arrived, at the end of three days, upon an eminence from which they saw the capital of Capaha, very well fortified, because it was the key of the province. This town is upon a small eminence, and has some five hundred good houses, and a ditch of ten or twelve fathoms, fifty paces wide in most places, and forty at others. Besides, it was filled with water by means of a canal which they had extended from the place to the Chucagua. This canal was three leagues long, at least as deep as a pike-staff, and so wide that two large boats abreast could very easily ascend and descend it. The ditch, which is filled by the canal, sur- rounds the town, except in a place which is closed by a palisade of large posts fixed In the ground, fastened by other cross-pieces of wood , PURSUIT OF THE OACIQTJE OAPAHA BY THE CASQUINS. 411 and plastered with loam and straw. There were, besides, in this ditch, and in this canal, such a quantity of fish that all the Span- iards and Indians, who followed the general, fished from it without it appearing that they had taken a single fish from it. The cacique Capaha was in the town when the Indians, who ac- companied the troops, discovered it. But as he lacked people to defend it, he retired into an island which the Chucagua makes. Those of the inhabitants who were able to have boats followed him ; a part of the others gained the woods, and the rest remained in the place. Nevertheless, there yet escaped some of them, because the vassals of Casquin apprehended that those of Capaha had laid am- hushes for them ; and remembering that they had been many times vanquished by them, they feared them, and did not enter at first but cautiously into the town. But upon the certaintjr that there was no danger, they ran in crowds into the place ; slew more than a hundred and fifty inhabitants ; took off' their heads as a mark of their victory, and pillaged the town — particularly the houses of the cacique. They took, besides many j-oung men, two of his wives, who were very beautiful, and who had not been able to escape with the others, on account of the confusion in which the arrival of the enemy had placed them. CHAPTER VII. THE EXCESSES WHICH THE CASQUINS COMMITTED IN THE TEMPLE OF CAPAHA, AND THE PURSUIT OP THE CACIQUE. After the vassals of Casquin had pillaged the town, they called one another, and, with the design of barbarously offending Capaha, who was high-spirited and proud, they entered the temple where was the sepulchre of his ancestors, and carried off all its riches. They overthrew the trophies which had been erected of their spoils, broke the coffins, and scattered on all sides the bones of the dead. Then, through rage, they trampled them under their feet, took away the heads of their people that were upon the ends of lances at the doors of the temple, and put in their places those which they had cut from the inhabitants of Capaha. Finally, they omitted nothing that could mortally oflTend their enemies. They even deliberated about burning the temple and the houses of the cacique, and were pre- vented only because they feared to offend Soto, who arrived after this disorder. When he learned the retreat of the cacique, he dispatched to him some of his subjects, whom they had taken, to solicit peace 412 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. and his friendship. 3ut the barbarian showed that he breathed but vengeance for the wrong which they had done him, and that he assembled troops to have redress for it. Wherefore, the general commanded the Spaniards and the Indians to hold themselves ready to march towards the island ; and thereupon Casquin begged him to wait three or four days, whilst he should bring boats up the Chucagua, which also passed by his lands. Soto consented to this j and immediately Casquin ordered his subjects to come and join him with sixty boats, in order to completely avenge themselves of their enemies. In the mean time, Soto sent each day to Capaha, with the view of making peace ; but as he despaired of succeeding, and as he knew that the boats were advancing, he went with his troops to' receive them and repair to the island where Capaha had retired, after having remained five days in the town of the cacique. The Casquins immediately followed the general, and the better to devastate the lands of their enemy they extended themselves, on the march, about half a league. They found many slaves of their proV' ince, the tendons of whose insteps were cut in order to prevent them from escaping ; and they sent them back to their country, more to show their victory than to derive any service from them. Then they arrived, with the Spaniards, at the island which the Chucagua forms, where the cacique had fortified himself with good palisades, and where it was difficult to take him because of the woods which were there, and of the brave men who accompanied him, all well armed and resolved to defend themselves courageously. Neverthe- less, in spite of all tliese obstacles, the general made two hundred Spaniards embark in twenty boats, and three thousand Indians in the otliers, and ordered the attack on the island. But at the moment when they were going to debark, there was drowned a Spaniard named Francisco Sebastien, who had served a long time in Italy. This soldier, wishing to have the honor of being the first to leave the vessel, placed the large end of his lance in the ground and tried to reach the shore. In the mean time, the vessel recoiled ; he fell into the water, and went to the bottom because of a coat-of- mail whidli he wore. Sebastien had never appeared more joyful than the day he lost his life ; for, some hours before his misfortune, he agreeably entertained his companions. He told them that his bad luck had led him to America ; that he had much more happi- ness in Italj', where he was treated with great respect, and where he was in need of nothing ; that if by chance, in tliat country, he slew some enemy, he had his spoils, and often a good horse, Iq place of which, in Florida, he gained by the death of an Indian only a bow, some arrows, and worthless feathers. He added that nothing grieved him more than the prediction of a famous Italian astrologer, THE OASQTJINS FLEE AND SOTO MAKES PEACE WITH CAPAHA. 413 who had assured him that water would be fatal to him. It was therefore, he said, that his destiny had driven him into damnable regions, where he was always engaged in the midst of waters. In this manner, before his death, Sebastien entertained his companions, who were greatly concerned at his loss. Nevertheless, they landed and fought like true men of courage. They forced the first palisades, driving the enemy as far as the second, which frightened to such a degree the women and servants who were on the island that they ran, with loud cries, to embark, and rowed with all speed along the river. But those who guarded the second palisades defended them- selves like lions ; for, encouraged bj' the presence of the cacique, the remembrance of their noble deeds, and the glory of their an- cestors, they fought with desperation, and wounded so many Span- iards and Casquins that they prevented them from advancing further. CHAPTER VIII. THE CASQUINS FLEE, AND SOTO MAKES PEACE WITH CAPAHA. When the people of Capaha had sustained the attack of their enemies, they recovered courage, and cried to them that they were cowards; that they ought to bravely prosecute their design and lead them prisoners, since they had had the insolence to sack their village and insult their cacique ; but that they should remember the injury thej"- were doing them, and should know that some day they would have redress for it. These words frightened the Casquins, who remembered that they had many times been vanquished by those whom they attacked ; so that they abandoned the fight and fled to their boats. Neither the entreaties of the general, nor the threats of their cacique, could retain them. They all, therefore, embarked in disorder, and even wished to carry off the vessels of the Spaniards, that their enemies might not find any to pursue them ; but they were prevented by some soldiers who guarded them. After a flight so shameful, the Spaniards knew that they could not resist the multitude of enemies, because they lacked horses.* They began to make their retreat in very good order ; and as soon as the Indians of the island saw them in small numbers, they came, all in a rage, to attack them. But Capaha, who was wise, and who wished to gain the good-will of the general, in order to hinder, by his means, the Casquins from making more devastations, and to oblige him afterwards to pardon the contempt which he had shown * See note, page 402. 414 HISTOEY OP FLORIDA. for his friendship, ran, with loud cries, to his subjects and forbid them to do anything to the Spaniards ; so that our men safely retired, satisfied with the conduct of Capaha ; for, without him, they would all have been cut in pieces. And the next day there came to the general four of tlie principal Indians, who, after having de- manded peace, ofi'ered to him their services and their friendship, and entreated liim not to suffer their enemies to make more disorder in their country. They also begged him to return to the town of Capaha, and that immediately their cacique himself would come to assure him of his obedience. Such are, in a few words, the speeches of the envoys, who made a bow to tlie sun, another to tlie moon, and the third to Soto ; but they did not render any civility to Casquin, who was present. The general replied to the Indians, that Capaha might come when he pleased ; he should be well re- ceived ; that he accepted with much joy his friendship, and that lie would prevent tliem in the future from ravaging his lands ; that their cacique was the sole cause of all the disorder, because he had always refused peace ; but as, for his part, he had generously for- gotten all that had passed, he would beg him to do the same. The envoys, contented with this reply, returned to their lord. In the mean time, Casquin was in despair at all this, for he wished that his enemy might be obstinate, in order to have the means of de- stroying him liy the assistance of the foreign troops. After the departure of the envoys of Capaha, the general resumed his route to the town, and had published that not an Indian nor a Spaniard should, during the march, take anything that should prove prejudicial to the inhabitants of the province; and, when he had arrived at Capaha, be commanded the subjects of Casquin to return to their country, and that there should remain but those whose services were necessary to the cacique, who would not leave the army. About the middle of the day on which the troops marched, Indians on the part of Capaha came to learn how the general was, and assured him that their cacique would very soon pay his respects to him. At sunset, as Soto was at the village, Capaha dispatched other persons who congratulated him upon his virtues. All these envoys made the accustomed reverences and said what they were ordered to. Soto answered them with civility, and took care that they should be treated very politely, in order that they might know the esteem which he had for them. The next day, at eight o'clock in the morning, they saw Capaha accompanied by a hundred of his principal subjects very spruce in their way. As soon as he had entered the town he went to the temple, where, concealing his dis- PEACE BETWEEN CASQUIN AND CAPAHA. 415 pleasure, he himself collected the bones of his ancestors, which the Casquins had cast upon the ground, and after having kissed them, he replaced them in the coflSns. Then he went to the lodge of the general, who left his room to receive him, and embraced him with much affection. The cacique assured him that he came to place himself and his province under his authority. Soto rejoiced at that, kindly thanked him for it, and then he inquired about the nature of the country and the neighboring lands. Oapaha replied with intelli- gence, and showed wisdom in all his remarks. This cacique was then twenty-flve or twenty-six years of age, and very handsome. When the general had ceased to inquire concerning his province, Capaha broke out against Casquin who was present, and told him he ought to be henceforth satisfied to see what he had not imagined and what he had not dared to hope from his own forces ; that he was finally avenged of his enemy, and had effaced the disgrace which he had had in the war ; that in truth he was indebted for it to the valor of the Spaniards, who would very soon leave his province, and that then he should suffer for all the outrages received. CHAPTER IX. PEACE BETWEEN CASQUIN AND CAPAHA. Upon the knowledge which the general had of the hate of the caciques, and that after his departure the war would rekindle with intensity between them, he showed them that it was sad that they should destroy one another, and that he was firmly determined that they should agree. He therefore tried at first to calm Capaha, and said that if they had ravaged his lands, he ought to impute the fault to himself; that if he had sent persons to meet the Spaniards, they would have prevented his enemies from making any disorder, and they should not have entered his province ; that therefore, he ought not, on his part, refuse to make peace with Casquin; that he en- treated them, for his sake, to stifle their resentment; that even should it be necessary, he should command them to obey him upon this occasion, and would regard as an enemy him of the two who should insist upon war. Capaha replied to Soto that the greatest mark he could give of his obedience, was to do what he requested of him, and that he was ready to willingly unite in friendship with Casquin ; and thereupon the two caciques embraced each other, but apparently their caresses were constrained. Nevertheless, they did not omit to converse ingeniously with the general concerning Spain 416 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. and the provinces of Florida. Their conversation lasted until thej' came to inform him that it was time to dine, and immediately they passed into another room, where the table was set for three. The general placed himself at the upper end, and Oasquin at his right, but Capaha civilly remonstrated with Casquin, that as the most distinguished, most powerful, and of a more illustrious nobility, that place belonged to him. Soto, who saw this contest, wished to know the cause of it, and when he had learned it, he said tliat without having regard to the advantages which the one had over the other, Capaha ought to have respect for the white hairs of Cas- quin, and accord to him the place the most honorable ; tliat it was becoming a young lord, well-bred, to have consideration for the aged. Capaha replied that if Casquin was his guest he would willingly concede the first place to him without even having regard to his age, but that eating at the table of a third person, he ought not to lose his rank ; and that if he were not jealous of this honor, all his sub- jects would complain of it ; that for these considerations, if the general wished that he should eat with him, he should not suffer him to derogate from his rank nor from the glory of his ancestors ; that otherwise it would be better for him to go and dine with his soldiers, who, knowing his conduct, would love him the more for it. Casquin, who wished to appease Capaha, and who knew that this lord was right, arose and said to Soto that Capaha demanded noth- ing but what was verj' just, and that he begged him to invite him to take his place; that as for him, he esteemed himself so honored to be at his table, that it was of no importance on which side he sat. As he thus spoke, he passed to the left of the general and calmed Capaha, who, during all the time of dining, did not show any resentment. These circumstances show that even among barbarians, the rank which gives title is something of importance. The Spaniards were astonished at the proceedings of these two chiefs, for they never would have believed that the Indians would have been so sensitive upon the point of honor. As soon as the general and the caciques had dined, there were brought in the two wives of Capaha, who, the preceding daj', had been set at liberty with the other prisoners. This cacique received these two ladies very civilly, and then begged the general to accept of them for himself, or at least to give them to some of his officers, because they must no longer live in his house nor upon his lands. The general, who did not wish to refuse Capaha for fear of offending him, replied that he willingly accepted the agreeable present which he made him. These women were indeed very beautiful, and because of that they were so much the more surprised at the conduct of the THE SPANIAEDS SENB TO SEEK SALT. 417 cacique, who was in the bloom of life. But they believed that he had an aversion to these ladies because he suspected that they liad been defiled by his enemies, whose prisoners they had been. CHAPTER X. THE SPANIARDS SEND TO SEEK SALT, AND GO TO THE PROVINCE OP QUIGUATE. The general inquired of the caciques and of their subjects where they could find salt, because many soldiers died for want of it, and by good luck he met with eight Indian merchants who traded it through the provinces, and who asserted that there was some in the mountains at forty leagues from Capaha. They also said that there was found there that yelloV metal of which they had spoken to them. Our people rejoiced at this news. Moreno and Silvera, who were careful and wise, offered to go with the merchants and find out the truth of all these things. The general immediately dispatclied them with orders to notice the qualitj' of the land through which they should pass ; and Capaha had them escorted by Indians, and gave them pearls, deer-skins, and beans to purchase gold and salt. Then they left, and at the end of eleven days they, returned with six loads of fossil salt, clear as crystal, which gave great joy to the Spaniards. They also brouglit back some copper, very yellow, and said that the country whence thej' came was sterile and very poorly populated. Upon this report Soto resumed the route to the town of Casquin, in order, from there, to direct his course towards the west and to explore its lands, for from Mauvila he had alwaj's marched directly to the north, in order to place himself at a distance from the sea. He refreshed himself five days at Casquin, and then marched four days down the river through a country fertile and populated, and arrived at the province of Quiguate. The cacique and his subjects came to meet him, and received him courteously. But the next day they begged him to advance as far as the capital, with the assurance that he would be much better served there. The general believed what they told him, and continued five days his journey, descending along the river through places abounding in provisions, and on the fifth arrived at the capital named Quiguate, which gives the name to the province. JThe town was divided into three quarters. The Spaniards lodged in two, and the Indians in the tliird, where was the house of the cacique. Two days after the arrival of the troops, these barbarians ran away without the cause 27 418 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. of it being known, and returned at the end of a couple of days to ask pardon for tlieir fault. The cacique excused himself in regard to it, that he expected to return the same day. But they believed that he had returned only through fear that the Spaniards, on their departure, would set fire to the town and to the corn ; for evidently he had left with a bad intention, since his subjects, during their flight, caused all the mischief they could. They placed themselves in ambush and wounded two or three Spaniards. However, the general, who did not wish to break with the Indians, did not man- ifest to them any concern about it. One of the nights while the Spaniards remained at Qniguate, an aide of the sergeant-major went out at midnight to seek the general, and told him Juan Gaitan, whom he had commanded to patrol a part of the second watch, had refused to obey, under pretext that he was the treasurer of the emperor. This disobedience piqufed. Soto so much the more as Guitan was one of those who, at "Mauvila, had formed the plan to abandon Florida. Then Soto, quite enraged, went to the middle of the court of his lodge, which was elevated, and whence he could easily be heard by the soldiers who were in the neighborhood. There he said that it was a shame that they should mutiny every day, and that they would not do their duty under pretext that they were treasurers of his majesty ; that besides he could not comprehend these people who desired to return to Spain or to Mexico, never being able to appear there but as cowards ; that they knew that, on the point of rendering themselves masters of a vast and fertile country, they had basely abandoned him ; that, as he could not endure that they should make tliem a reproach so injurious, because it would recoil, in part, upon himself, they therefore must not think of leaving Florida whilst he lived, because he had resolved either to die there gloriously or to conquer it completely ; that no one must any longer, under pre- text of his office, imagine himself exempt from doihg that which should be ordered him, that otherwise he would cut off the head of the first who should disobey. These words, pronounced in an imperious tone full of resentment, made the mutineers a,nd disaffected return to their duty, for they knew that the general was strict and severe, and that after having publicly expressed himself, his menaces were to be feared. THE raOOPS ARRIVE AT COLIMA. 419 CHAPTER XI. THE TROOPS ARRIVE AT COLIMA ; THEY MAKE SALT, AND GO ON TO TULA. The Spaniards sojourned six days at Quiguate 1(25) tliey left the seventli, and after marching five days down along the river, which passes by Casquin, they arrived at the capital of the province of Colima. The cacique received Soto with the greatest manifesta- tions of affection ; and this reception rejoiced our men, who were extremely concerned about what had been told them— :tliat the in- habitants of Colima poisoned their arrows. They despaired of being able to resist them ; for without using poisoned arrows these bar- barians were already too strong in battle. But they learned, with joy, that they did not shoot poisoned arrows, and they esteemed the more their friendship, which, however, did not last but a very short time. For, two days after the arrival of the troops, they mutinied without cause, and retired into the woods with their cacique. After this retreat, the Spaniards remained another day in the town of Colima; whence, when they had collected provisions, they continued their journey through fertile fields, pleasant forests, easy to pass, and at the end^ of four days arrived at the borders of a river, where the army camped. Afterwards, some soldiers, who went to walk upon the borders of the river, perceived there some sand of an azure color. One of them took some of it, tasted it, and perceived that it was salty. He informed his companions of it, and said that he believed that they could make saltpetre of it ; of which there could be made very good powder. They, therefore, collected this sand with this intention, and endeavored to select only that which appeared azure. When they had enough of it they threw it into the water ; where, after having washed it, they pressed it between their hands in order to strain it. They then cooked it with a great fire, and converted it into a pale yellow salt, but very suitable for salting. Tlie Span- iards, rejoiced at this new discovery, refreshed themselves eight days at Colima, and made a supply of salt. But there were some of them who, notwithstanding the entreaties that were made them, eat so much of it that nine or ten of them died of dropsy. Thus some lost their lives from having an abundance of salt, and others for want of it. After our men had furnished themselves with salt, they left Colima and marched two days in order to leave the country which they 420 HISTOEY OF FLORIDA. called the Province de Sel. From there they passed into that of Tula. They made three days' travel through an unpeopled country; and about noon on the fourth they camped in a very pleasant plain at half a league from the capital, where the general would not go, because the troops were tired ; but the next day he took sixty foot soldiers, and a hundred horse, and went to recon- noitre this town, which was situated in a flat country between two streams. The inhabitants, who knew nothing of his coming, armed themselves when they saw him ; came out against him, and were assisted by many women, who fought very valiantly. Our men im- mediately broke the enemy, and drove them. even into the town, where they entered pell-mell. The Dght then grew warm, for the In- dians and their women fought to desperation, and all showed that they preferred death to servitude. ReinoS'o, during the melee, entered a house and mounted to an upper room. There were, in a corner of it, five Indian women, to whom he made known that he would not do them any injury; but these women, who saw him alone, sprang with fury upon him ; some took him by the arms and the legs, some by the neck, and some even by the privy parts. Reinoso, in order to disembarrass himself, struggled and shook himself with violence, and kicked so forcibly that the floor, which was hut of cane, gave way ; and as one of his feet passed through the hole, he fell upon the floor, where the In- dian women treated him cruelly. However, he would not cry for assistance, in the belief that it would be disgraceful for him when it should be seen that women had caused him so much trouble. While the Indian women were thus outraging Reinoso, another Spaniard entered the room below, and because he heard a noise above, he looked and saw a leg projecting through a hole in the floor. He took it at first for that of an Indian, because it was naked, and raised his sword to cut it ; but in the doubt that it might be some disaster, he called two soldiers. They mounted to the room, where, seeing their comrade in a pitiable condition, they attacked the Indian women, and slew all five of them, because not one of them would ever stop biting and striking Reinoso. Thus tliey saved his life, which he would have very soon lost if he had not been rescued. This year, 1591, as I finish the History of Florida, I learn that Reinoso still lives, and that he is in the kingdom of Leon, where he was born. It happened, towards the end of the fight, that Paez, captain of a company of crossbow-men, a very poor horseman, attacked an In- dian, who fled. He first thrust at him with his lance. The Indian THE INHABITANTS OP TULA. 421 parried it with a large sticlj, with which he gave Paez so severe a blow upon the face that he broke all his teeth, and, leaving him completely stunned upon the field, retired witli honor. Then, as it was already growing late, Soto had the retreat sounded, and returned to camp, much surprised at the courage of the Indians, and especially of the Indian women, who fought witli- more obstinacy than the men. There remained upon the field many barbarians ; but on the side of our men there were only the wounded, whom they took to the quarters, and for whom Soto was very sorry. CHAPTER XII. THE- INHABITANTS OP TULA. The day after the battle the Spaniards entered the capital of Tula. As they found it abandoned, they lodged there, and towards evening the general sent out, in different directions, some cavaliers to scout. They took some Indians who were on watch, but they were unable to draw any answers from them concerning the things which they demanded, nor to make them walk, because they threw themselves upon the ground and let themselves be dragged. De- spairing, therefore, of leading them to the camp, thej' killed them all. The Spaniards found in the town of Tula many cowhides dressed with the hair on, and made use of them in the place of bed covers. They also found there hides undressed and the flesh of beef, with- out having seen any cattle or discovered whence the barbarians had brought so many hides.* The men as well as the women of Tula are very defonned. The}' have. the head extraordinarily long and pointed, and they shape theirs in this manner from their earliest infancy to the age of nine or ten years. They also have very ugly faces, because they dis- figure them with the points of pebbles, and particularly the lips, which they blacken after having punctured them. Thus they ren- der themselves so frightful that one can hardly loOk upon them without dread. In addition to this, their minds are even worse formed than their bodies. The fourth night that our men were at Tula, the Indians in great numbers approached it before the break of day, and so silently that the sentinels did not perceive them until they fell upon them. They immediately attacked the camp in three places, and entered with so * Of course these were the rugs, hides, and meat of the buffalo. 422 HISTORY OF TLOEIDA. much fury and speed the quarters of the crossbow-men, that, with- out giving them time to prepare their crossbows, they compelled them to retire in disorder to the post of Gusman. This captain immediately rushed out and charged the barbarians, who fought with so much the more ardor, as they thought that the resistance which Gusman made might deprive them of the victory. The Indians and Spaniards fought courageously at the other places, and nothing but shouts were heard everywhere. Besides, the confusion was so great on account of the darkness, that they hit as often upon those of their own party as upon those of the other. Our men, in order to recognize and not wound one another, gave quickly for watchword Santiago, and the Indians Tula. The. most of these barbarians in place of arrows had sticks from live to six feet in length, because the Indian who previously had broken the teeth of Paez had told them what he had done with a stick; so that many of his comrades, hoping a like good luck, armed themselves with sticks, and severely beat with them some Spaniards. Juan Baeca, one of the halberdiers of the general's guards, was especially abused ; for two Indians having seized him, one broke his shield with the first blow of his stick, and the other discharged such a blow upon his back that he stretched him at his feet, and they would have beaten him to death but for some sol- diers who hastened to him. There happened many other accidents of the same sort, at which the soldiers afterwards laughed, because they were only the blows of sticks. Tiie cavalry, whom the enemy feared, broke their battalions, but they did not cease to stubbornly contend ; for although the cava- liers pierced them with many thrusts of their lances and put them many times in disorder, they courageously resisted until daylight. But then they retired into a wood adjacent a stream which passed near the town. The Spaniards were very glad of this retreat, for the Indians fought to desperation, and ardently desired the defeat of their enemies. The combat ended with the rising of the sun. Then our men re-entered the camp to cure the wounded, which were in very great numbers ; and nevertheless they lost but four men. CHAPTER XIII. THE COMBAT OF AN INDIAN WITH FOUK SPANIARDS. After the battle some Spaniards went, according to their custom, to see the dead and wounded ; and in the mean time Gaspard Caro, who in the melee had lost a horse, mounted that of one of his friends THE COMBAT OF AN INDIAN WITH FOUR SPANIARDS. 423 to go and hunt his own, which had fled away into the country. Caro found his horse, and driving him before him, arrived at the battle- field where he met four foot-soldiers, one of whom, named Salazar, wished to show his skill in riding, and mounted the horse which Caro drove. In the meanwhile Juan de Carranca, one of the four foot-soldiers, called out that he had seen an Indian in the bushes near them. The cavaliers immediately advanced, the one on one side and the other on the other, to prevent the barbarian from escaping. Carranca ran to the place where he had seen him, and was followed by his companions, of whom one went with haste after him and the other slowly. The Indian, who saw himself intercepted on all sides, left the bushes and ran at Carranca with a battle-axe which he had won in the attack on the arbalisters. This axe was very well sharp- ened, and had a handle more than half a fathom long. The Indian took it with both hands and struck so furious a blow upon the shield of Carranca, that he cut half of it away and wounded his arm to such a degree that he put him hors de combat. He then rushed upon another soldier and treated him in the same manner. Salazai', who was on Caro's horse and wlio had seen his two com- rades maltreated, attacked with fury the Indian, who, for fear of the horse, gained an oak that was there. Salazar pursued him, ap- proached as near to him as he could, and, with liis sword, struck at him several blows in vain. But as the barbarian saw that he could not make use of his bow because of the branches, he left the tree, placed himself to the left of the cavalier, and with his axe discharged such a blow upon the shoulder of the horse that he cleaved it in two. In the mean time, Gongalo Silvestre arrived, who followed at a slow gait in the belief that his companions would easily van- quish the Indian. When he was near, the barbarian advanced boldly, directly at him, and discharged at him a blow with all his force ; but Silvestre avoided it with so much skill that the axe only glanced upon his shield, and immediately he gave tlie Indian a stroke with his sword, the blow of which wounded his breast, face, and fore- head and cut off his left wrist. Then the barbarian, enraged at having only one hand, threw himself upon his enemy. Silvestre parried with his shield, and with his sword gave him so powerful a stroke at the waist that, encountering neither arms nor clothing, it cut him in two so that he fell dead at his feet. At the same time Caro arrived, who, sorry to see his horse in the condition in which he was, led him to the general, and, quite in a passion, told him that an Indian, with three blows of an axe, had put hors de combat three Spaniards who prided themselves upon 424 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. their skill and courage, and that he would have even taken their lives but for Silvestre who had gallantly slain their enemy. The general, and those who accompanied him, admired the hardi- hood of the Indian and the valor of Silvestre. But as Caro was too much transported with rage against the three Spaniards, Soto, who knew their merit, told him that their misfortune was the effect of chance, which, in war, favored sometimes one and sometimes another ; that he ought not to be so much enraged at the wound of his horse, for that, was trifling ; that, besides, he wished to see him whom Silvestre had killed ; and thereupon he went, with many of his oflflcers, to the place where was the body of the Indian, whose valor surprised them anew after having heard, from the wounded, the particulars of the fight. CHAPTER XIV. THE DEPARTURE TROM TULA, AND THE WINTERING OP THE TROOPS IN UTIANGUE. Whilst the Spaniards sojourned at Tula they made divers excur- sions through the province and found it very populous. They cap- tured manj' Indian women and many Indians of everj' age. But they could neither by force or gentleness lead them away, for when they wished to compel Ihem to follow they threw themselves upon the ground and only made known that they should leave them or kill them. Our men, who were provoked at their brutal obstinacy, slew the men who were capable of fighting and released the women and children. However, Juan Serrano, through artifice, brought away an Indian woman ; but she was so savage that if he cautioned her of her duty she threw at his head the pot, the fire-brands, or whatever she met with. She would have them either leave her alone or kill her, and said that she was not born to obey. Wherefore her master suffered her to do everything according to lier fancj'. Never- theless, she ran away, whereat Serrano was very glad. At the very name of Tula thej' quiet the children that cry, and the brutal disposition of the inhabitants of this province causes them to be feared by their neighbors. When the Spaniards left this province they carried away a young boy of nine or ten j'ears of age ; and when, in the towns which they afterwards discovered, and where they were well received, the children made small companies to fight one against the othei", our men ordered the young Indian of Tula to choose one or the other of the parties. Those of his troop THE DEPARTURE FROM TULA. 425 immediately took him for tlieir captain, and at the same time he arranged them in order of battle, and with loud cries attacked the opposite part}', which he made fly when he happened to cry Tula 1 The Spaniards who were present then commanded him to go over to the side of the vanquished and to charge the conquerors. He obeyed, and as soon as he began to cry Tula! his enemies fled, so that on whichever side he placed himself, he always gained the victory. After the Spaniards had remained twenty days at Tula, on ac- count of their wounded, they left it, and at the end of two days' travel they entered the country of Utiangue, with the resolution of passing there the winter, which was approaching. They marched four days through this province, and found the lands of it very good, but poorly populated, and the inhabitants bold ; for upon the route they continually harassed the Spaniards by attacks and alarms every half league. At first, they fired at them, from quite a distance, a quantity of arrows, and then fled. But, as they fought in the open field, the cavaliers pur.sued them and easily pierced them with their lances. However, without losing courage, as soon as they could rally only twenty or twenty-five men, they returned with loud cries to fall upon our men, who charged them vigorously. They also sometimes concealed themselves among the tall grass, the better to surprise the Spaniards. Nevertheless, nothing availed them ; they were always" beaten. The troops arrived at the capital, which bears the name of the province, and lodged there, for it was abandoned. The general dispatched Indians of the country to the inhabitants of this place, but they would have neither peace nor alliance with the Spaniards. The people of the province of Utiangue are bold, proud, daring, and much better made than those of Tula, for they have neither the disfigured visage nor the monstrous head. When Soto and his ofHcers saw that there were provisions in the town of Utiangue, that it was situated in a fertile plain watered on both sides by a stream, with pastures around it, and inclosed with palisades, they resolved to take up their winter-quarters there ; for, besides that it was already the middle of the month of October, of the year 1541, they did not know whether they should meet else- where with so much convenience as in this place. Therefore, they fortified it, and laid in a supply of wood, corn, dried grapes, plums, and other fruits, which they found in abundance. They also killed, hunting, many rabbits, stags, and roebucks, with which they re- galed themselves ; and they would not have been better off in Spain, nor more comfortable, than in Utiangue. It is true that the winter was severe there, and that it snowed so much that they 426 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. remained a month and a half without being able to go out; but the good fires which they made easily protected them from the cold. Indeed, when I come to consider all these conveniences and the excellence of the land of Florida, I cannot approve the conduct of the Spaniards, who would.not settle there because they found neither g'old nor silver there. But they did not reflect that they did not meet with any of these metals because the inhabitants of the coun- try did not give themselves the trouble to search for them, and did not make any account of them. In fact, they assert that ships having perished upon the coast, and the Indians having found purses full of gold, they cstrried off the purses, with the view that they might be serviceable to them, and left that which was within them because they did not know the use of it. CHAPTER XV. THE STRATAGEM OP THE CACIQUE OF UTIANGUE, AND THE DISCOVERT OF THE PROVINCE OF NAGUATEX. The cacique, who knew that the Spaniards were making their winter-quarters at TJtiangue, took the resolution to drive them away; For this purpose, he tried to divert the general with some men whom he dispatched to him by night, and who assured him that the cacique would very soon come to the town. But, under this pretext, they had orders to reconnoitre the troops, in order that, upon the report whicli they should make of it, they might deliberate upon the means of attacking them with safety. The Spaniards, who did not suspect these Indians, showed them the horses, the arms, and the guard which they kept in the place. In the meanwhile, Soto, informed of the design of the barbarians, told their envoys that they must not enter any more, except by day, into Utiangue. But, as thej' persisted in coming there by night, they believed that they ought to teach them by force to obey, since, in regard to them, gentleness appeared useless. Therefore, Bar- thelemy d'Argote, who had the order of the general, being one night on guard at the gate of the town, slew one of their envoys who wished to enter to speak to the officers. This action was approved by everybody, and particularly by Soto, for he gave great praise to Argote, who afterwards passed for a brave soljJier ; and the Indians, who knew that their design was discovered, returned no more to our people. During the wintering of the troops at Utiangue, some guarded THE ENTRY OF THE TROOPS INTO NAGTJATEX. 427 the place, and others, when the snows had melted, set out to capture Indians, because they needed servants. But because, after seven or eight days of travelling, they returned with but few prisoners, the general chose two hundred and fifty men, as many of cavalry as of infantry, and advanced twenty leagues into the countiy as far as Naguatex, a fertile and populous province. In this country he surprised, befpre day, a town where the cacique lived. He took there a sufficiently large number of men and women, and returned afterwards to .Utiangue, where the rest of the army awaited him, and began to fear for him. because it was fourteen days since he had left. But his return dissipated their fear, and they thought only of rejoicing and sharing the prisoners. BOOK THIED. THE DISCOVERY OF MANY PROVINCES, "WITH THE ADVENTURES OF THE SPANIARDS IN THESE COUNTRIES, AND THEIR PREPARATIONS FOR MEXICO. CHAPTER I. THE ENTRY OP THE TROOPS INTO NAGUATEX. After five months' sojourn at Utiangue, the general left it at the beginning of April of the year 1542, and marched towards the capi- tal of Naguatex, which bears the name of the province. He made in seven days twenty-two or twenty-three leagues in order to go to this town, and passed through very good and very populous lands. Nothing happened to him on the route except that the barbarians attacked him at the passes of the woods and streams, but they fled the moment they opposed them. Our men, therefore, safely arrived at Naguatex, which they found abandoned, and where they remained fifteen days, during which time they traversed the whole province and seized the provisions which they needed with but feeble opposir tion from the inhabitants. The Spaniards had been six days in Naguatex when the cacique sent to Soto to apologize for not having awaited him at the town in order to receive him with honor. He also sent him word that he was so ashamed of his conduct that he dared not visit him at present, but that as soon as he should recover from so much confusion, he would not fail of his duty ; that nevertheless, he would command his vassals to strictly.obey his orders, because he recognized him 428 HISTORY OF rLORIDA. as his sovereign. The general replied that he was obliged to the cacique for the favor which he did him ; that they might assure him that he should be very well received, and that he would be rejoiced to see him. Thereupon the envoys returned, well satisfied with Soto, and the next day, very early in the morning, there came others of them who brought with them four of the principal Indians with more than five hundred servants. They told the general that they presented to him the most important pei-sons of the province to serve him, and to be kept as hostages until the arrival of the cacique. Soto thanked them for this favor, and commanded that no more Indians should be made prisoners. Nevertheless the cacique did not come to see him, and they believed that he had sent these men to the Spaniards only to prevent them from ravaging his lands and seizing his subjects. In the mean time the principal Indians and all the others served the troops with ardor, and only aimed im- plicitly to please them. The general, who knew their zeal, and also the soldiers who were about to leave, inquired of them concerning the country of Naguatex, and marched as far as another province accompanied by many other Indians whom the cacique sent to him with provisions. CHAPTER II. THE PLIGHT OP GT3SMAN. At the end of two leagues, the Spaniards missed Diego Gusman, a brave cavalier, but a great gamester, who had come to Florida well equipped with everything. The general immediately ordered a halt, and the principal Indians* to be arrested until they should hear from Gusman. There were then made, among the Spaniards, inquiries where this cavalier could be, and it was discovered that the day before that in which they searched for him, the3' had seen him at the quarters ; that four days before, he had gambled away at cards his arms and baggage ; that being excited at playing, he had lost a very charming Indian girl about eighteen years of age, who had fallen to his lot when they divided the prisoners of the province of Naguatex ; that he paid all the rest of what he had lost, but that in regard to this beauty, he had said to him who had won her, that in four or five days he would send her to him ; that never- theless he had broken his promise, and that neither he nor the In- dian woman appeared any more ; so that they suspected that he had retired among the barbarians because of the shame which he * There were four, according to what follows. THE FLIGHT OP GUSMAN. 429 had for having played for his equipage, and lost this young woman whom he loved ; in fact, they no longer doubted it, when they knew that the Indian woman was the daughter of the cacique. Therefore, Soto, who esteemed Gusman, ordered the chief Indians to send for him in haste ; that otherwise they should believe that they had had him assassinated ; and that he, in order to punish so blaclc a crime, should put to death them and all their people. These poor Indians, for fear of losing their lives, sent promptly where they thought they might learn some news of Gusman ; and their messenger, who went and returned in a day, reported that he was with the cacique, and that he had sworn to them that he would never return to the Spaniards. Thereupon the general replied that he could not give faith to that, and that assuredly the leading Indians had killed him. One of them then gravely replied, and said, in a tone quite unlike that of a prisoner, that he had too much honor to lie ; that in order to be more certain of that Which they had reported to him, they begged him to set at liberty one of their companions who might go to the Indians. That they would promise him that his cavalier should return to the camp with their comrade, or that he should declare his final resolution. That he might take only the trouble to order him, by letter, to return or reply by a note ; and tliat he might judge by that whether the cavalier was living. They added, that, if their companion did not return in the manner in which they as- sured him, the three others would submit to lose their lives ; but that they had so high an opinion of the prudence of the general, that they were convinced that he would not carry his resentment against the others, but upon them ; and that even he would never consent that three persons. of rank should die for a soldier who had cowardly deserted without being compelled by any inhabitant of the province. Soto and his captains agreed to all that the Indian had proposed, and ordered him to go to Gasman ; and Gallego, who was loved by this cavalier, to write to him his sentiments concerning the impru- dence he had committed, and to induce him to return ; that they would restore to him all his equipage ; and that, in one word, he should never want for anything. The Indian, at the same time, left with the letter of Gallego, and the order of the general, who requested the cacique to return to him his soldier, or that he would vow to destroy everything, and to kill all the Indians who were in his power. When Gusman had seen what was commanded him, he wrote his name with charcoal to make known that he was living ; and desired the envoy to assure the Spaniards that he would never return to them. And immedi- ately the cacique replied, that as Gusman was free to remain upon 430 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA. his lands, he, therefore, would not force him to leave them ; that in consideration of tlie favor which he had done him in having brought back to him his daughter, he would always treat him very kindly, and would conduct himself in the same manner towards the Span- iards, who should settle in his province; that, after all, Soto would never be praised for putting to death the subjects of a person who received his people with friendship ; that, nevertheless, he should speak to him no more on the subject, and that he might do with them as he pleased. The general, who knew the obstinacy of Gusman, and that the cacique spoke like a man of honor, determined to con- tinue on, and to release the principal Indians and the porters when they all had accompanied him as far as the other province.* How- ever, it must be agreed that love and gambling blind men greatly, since they oblige them to abandon themselves to their own enemies. CHAPTER III. CONCERNING THE PROVINCE OF GTJAOANE. Our men marched five days through the country of Naguatex, and arrived at the province of Guacane, of which the people were very different from their neighbors. Those of Naguatex were gentle, civil, and friends of the Spaniards ; and the inhabitants of Guacane, barbarous, and their sworn enemies. In fact-, instead of making an alliance with them, they showed, on every occasion, that they hated them, and many times offered them battle. But our men always declined it, because they had lost more than half their horses, and because they did not wish to expose the others to the fury of the enemy. Therefore, in order not to have any occasion for coming to an engagement with them, they doubled their march, and traversed, in eight days, the province of Guacane. They saw, in this province, wooden crosses upon most of the houses ; because those of this pro- vince had heard of the great things which Nugnez and his compan- ions had done in the name of Jesus Christ in the regions of Florida, where they had been whilst they were in the power of the Indians. Nevertheless, neither Nugnez nor his companions ever penetrated as far as Guacane, or into many other countries where their repu- tation was known. IBut fame had published, from one province to another, the miracles which they had worked by the power of God * The Elvas Narrative mentions this as having happened on Moscoso's expe- dition westward, after the death of Soto, MARCH OF THE TROOPS TO THE PROVINCE OP ANILCO. 431 in favor of the sick whom they cured with the signs of the cross. Thus the inhabitants of Guacane, astonished at these marvels, im- agined tliat b}' putting crosses upon their houses they would guar- antee themselves from every danger ; and by that we may learn what facility there is to convert to the faith the people of Florida ; and that example is more powerful than force and. violence to lead them to virtue. CHAPTER IV. THE MARCH OP THE TROOPS TO THE PROVINCE OP ANIL'OO. The general left Guacane with the intention of returning to the Chucagua by a different route from that which he had taken, and to make a longer tour, in order to discover other provinces. The object which he had was, to establish himself in Florida before diseases and battles -should entirely ruin his army. He was, be- sides, vexed not to have reaped any fruits from the trouble which he had taken, and was still taking every daj-, to make new dis- coveries. Therefore, he ardently desired that Florida, which is vast and fertile, should be inhabited by the Spaniards, and especially by those who accompanied him. He was of opinion that if he should die without commencing his settlement, there could not be assembled in many years as brave troops as his own. He, therefore, repented of not having settled himself in the country of Achussi, and wished to repair the fault which he had made. But as he was far from the sea, and would lose time in seeking a port, he resolved that upon his arrival at the Chucagua he would build a town upon the banks of that river ; that he would build two brigantines, the charge of which he would give to faithful persons, who would descend the river as far as the sea, in order to go and inform the inhabitants of Mexico, Cuba, and other countries, that in Florida they had dis- covered vast regions abounding in everything. He hoped that, by this means, the Spaniards would flock there from all parts, and would bring what was necessary for a colony ; which could easily have been executed if death had not interrrupted such glorious designs. The general, on leaving Guacane, traversed seven other coun- tries to arrive at the Chucagua, and to begin in the spring to settle himself. But, because they progressed by long journeys, the Span- iards did not inquire the names of the provinces, of which four abounded in provisions and were very agreeable, because of the orchards and streams which they met with there. As for the three 432 HISTORY OF FLOKIDA. Others, tliey were neither fertile nor pleasant, and it was believed, also, that the Indian guides had led the troops through the worst and least attractive iilaces. The general was very well received through all this extent of ciountry, so that our men passed very successfully through these provinces, which were probably at least one hundred and twenty leagues across. Finally, they arrived at the frontier of the country of Anilco, and accomplished thirty leagues, as far as to the capital, which bears the name of the prov- ince and of the cacique. It is upon the borders of a river wider than the Guadalquivir, and has about four hundred good houses, with a beautiful square in the middle. The dwelling of the cacique is upon an eminence which commands the town. This lord was, at the arrival of the troops, in front of this place at the head of a battalion of fifteen hundred men, the elite of his subjects. The Spaniards, who observed the deportment of the Indians, made a halt to await the soldiers, who followed in the rear, and promptly arranged themselves in order of battle. In the mean while, Anilco ordered that the women should retire, and tliat each one should save the most valuable things he had, and at the same time our armj' advanced to attack, but the barbarians fled without shooting an arrow. Some entered the town, and the greater part crossed the river in little boats and upon rafts, and a few by swimming, for they had no intention to fight, but only to arrest the enemy, to favor those who carried off tlieir goods. Our men, when they saw that the Indians fled, charged upon them and captured a few upon the banks of the river, and took in the town many women and children who had not been able to escape. The general afterwards sent to ofler peace and his friendship to Anilco, and to request of him the honor of his good offices. But he would not replj', and onlj' made with his hand a sign to the envoy that he might retire. The Spaniards lodged in the town, where they remained four days. In the mean time, they furnished themselves with little boats and rafts, and crossed the river without having been interrupted by the Indians. Then they marched four days through unpeopled lands, and entered the country of Guachoia. CHAPTER V. CONOEENING GUACHOIA, ITS CACIQUE, AND THE WAR OF THE INDIANS. After the crossing of this wilderness, the first habitation which the Spaniards found was the capital of Guachoia. It bears the name of its province, and is upon the banks of the Chucagua [Mis- OONOERNING GtJACHOIA.' , 433 sissippi], situated upon two eminences separated by only a level platform, ■which serves for the public square of the town, consisting of three hundred houses, half upon one of these hills and half upon the other.* The house of the cacique is upon the highest of these two eminences. Our men surprised Guachoia, because those of Anilco, who were at war with the inhabitants of this town, did not inform them of the march of the troops. The cacique and his sub- jects, astonished at the sight of the armj', and seeing that they could not resist, took to flight and retired to the Chucagua, which they crossed in Ijoats, with their women, children, and the best of what they had. The Spaniards took possession of the town, whei-e they took lodgings, because there was there a quantity of fruit and corn. As I have already said that the greater part of the provinces through which they passed were the enemies of one another, I am going to relate here in what manner the inhabitants of these divers countries make war.. The Indians of one province do not fight those of another through an unruly ambition to seize upon their countrj', nor raise an army to deliver battle. They onl}' lay am- buscades for one another, and plunder while fishing and hunting ; in a word, everywhere where they meet with an advantage. They also sometimes kill and sometimes take prisoners ; but of those who are taken, some are exchanged for others, and the rest remain slaves, the tendons of the instep of one of whose feet the}- cut, in order to prevent them from escaping. And if, by chance, war suddenly breaks out, they lay waste the lands of their enemies, set fire to the towns, and retire. Such is the way in which the inhabitants of Florida fight, province against province, and become valiant and bold, because they are perpetually at war, and always under arms or in practice. But because divisions prevail among them, and ordinarilj- the cacique of one countrj' is embroiled with all his neighbors, it is certain that the conquest of the whole country will be on account of it the more easy, and that the discord which they entertain will some day cause their ruin. To return to our men. After thej"^ had refreshed themselves three days in the town of Guachoia, tlie cacique, whom they call from the name of his country, having learned that Anilco had re- fused to make peace with the Spaniards, wished to profit by the opportunity which fortune presented to him of avenging himself of his enemies. He therefore dispatched to the genpral four of the principal men of his province, with many porters loaded with fruit * These eminences, on the west bank of the Mississippi, below the Arkansa, might now mark the site of Guachoia. 28 434 HISTOBY OP FLORIDA. and fish. They entreated Soto to pardon their cacique the error he had made in not having awaited at Guachoia to receive him with honor ; that now he acknowledged him for his lord ; and that if he obtained permission to come in person to assure him of it, he would repair in four days to the quarters. Soto, rejoiced at this news, charged the envoys to say to their master that he was obliged to him ; and that, as he particularly esteemed his friendship, he might give himself the trouble to come and see hira when it pleased him, and that he would be welcomed. The Indians, satisfied with this answer, returned with it to the cacique. During three days that he deferred repairing to the camp, he sent, each day, seven or eight persons to pay his compliments to the general; that through them he might artfully discover whether the Spaniards change their dis- position, and whether it would be prudent for him to visit them. But when he .knew that they would treat him well, he came about noon to the quarters, accompanied by his principal subjects, all decked with plumes, and very gayly dressed, after the fashion of the country. CHAPTER VI. THE VENGEANCE OE GUACHOIA. When the general learned that Guachoia had arrived in the town, and that he was coming to visit him, lie left his room to meet him at the door of the lodge. There he paid his respects to him and all those who accompanied him ; then he passed with them into a hall, where he and the cacique, by means of an interpreter, conversed regarding the neighboring provinces, and all that which might re- tard or advance the conquest of the countrj'. During which time the cacique sneezed, and immediately the Indians of his suite, who were ranged against the walls of this hall, bowed and extended their arms ; they also showed their respect to the cacique in several other ways, and all said politely : " May the sun be with you, en- lighten, defend, and preserve you." The Spaniards were surprised that they had as much politeness among barbarians as among the most polished people, and believed that there were certain customs which were generally observed by all the world. Then when they had conversed enough, dinner was served, and the cacique dined with Soto, the Indians standing around them until the end of the repast. These Indians then went to dine in another room which they had prepared for them,; and towards evening they gave an apartment to the cacique, with some men to serve him. The others retired to the other side of the river, and returned to pay their THE VENGEANCE OP GUACHOIA. 435 court to their lord, and never failed to do it whilst the Spaniards sojourned at Guachoia. During these affairs tlie cacique, who was artful, told the general that he ought to return to the province of Anilco, abounding in every convenience. That he offered himself to accompany him there with the greater part of his subjects. That to facilitate the passage of the river, which bears the name of this country, he promised to send for more than eighty boats which would descend [ascend] seven leagues by the Chucagua to the mouth of the Anilco [Arkausa] which empties into this river. That then they would ascend by the Anilco as far as the town of the same name.* That in all there would not be more than twenty leagues ; and that while the vessels descended and ascended, the rest of the troops might go by land and that they all would arrive together at their destination. The general suffered himself to be persuaded, because he wished to know if the province of Anilco would be convenient for the design which he had. He wished, besides, to establish himself peaceably between this country and that of Guachoia, in the belief that this place would be favor- able to him to wait for the news from Mexico, whither he had re- solved to send. But Guachoia had very particular views which were not known. He intended, by the assistance of the Spaniards, to avenge Iiimself of the cacique Anilco, who, in all of the engagements, had gained the advantage of him. So that when he had engaged the general to return to the province of Anilco, he caused to be brought all the boats which he had promised; and then Soto ordered Gusman and his company to embark with four thousand Indians and many rowers armed with bows and arrows. This captain there- fore entered into these boats with all these troops, and descended the river. Immediately the general, with all the other Spaniards, and Guachoia, with two thousand of his subjects, marched by land accompanied by a great number of Indian porters, and all arrived at the same time, in view of the town of Anilco where the cacique was not at that time. Nevertheless, the inhabitants bravely dis- puted tlie passage of the river, but when they saw that it was im- possible for them to resist longer, they took to flight and abandoned the place. The subjects of Guachoia entered with fury, pillaged and ransacked the temple where was the sepulchre of the lords of the province, with the wealth of Anilco. In this temple were the arms>and the ensigns which the subjects of Anilco had won from their neighbors; and at the doors were seen, upon lances, the heads of the most important vassals of Guachoia. But the people of this * Here it is seen that Garoilasso places the Guachoia ahove the mouth of the Arkansa ; hut it was below, as is plainly seen in the Elvas Narrative. 436 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA. cacique took off these beads and. quickly put in tlieir places those of some of the subjects of Anilco. They recovered the ensigns, over- turned the coffins, trod upon the dead in revenge of the outrages which they had formerly received from them, and slew all without sparing age or sex. But they principally exercised their cruelty upon the suckling infants and upon the old men; they first tore from the latter their clothes, and shot them to death with arrows which they generally aimed at the parts which show the difference of the sex." As for. the infants they threw them by the legs into the air, and shot them to death with their arrows before they fell to the ground. CHAPTER VII. THE EETURN OF THE GENERAL. TO THE TOWN OP GUACHOIA, AND HIS PREPARATIONS FOR MEXICO. Soto, informed of the cruelties which the people of Guachpiadid, was extremely offended at it, for the design which he had of return- ing to the'prOvince of Anilco was very contrary to this barbarity. In order, therefore, to arrest the devastation, he had the retreat im- mediately sounded,. cursed the cacique for all the misfortune, and commanded the interpreters to publish that, under penalty of death, none should make a conflagration or maltreat any more the subjects of the cacique of Anilco. Nevertheless, because the general feared that the vassals of Quachoia might secretly execute all that rage inspired them to, he left the town of Anilco and took his route to the river, and ordered the Spaniards to make the people of Guachoia advance in haste, for fear lest they should loiter behind and put to death their enemies. When he reached the river he embarked with all the troops for the town of Guachoia. But hardly had he pro- ceeded a quarter of a league when he perceived the town of Anilco on fire, for the barbarians, who had not dared to burn it after the prohibition of the general, had maliciously put burning coals to the corners of the houses, which were only of straw, so that at the least gust of wind the fire took there, and in a moment all was in flames. The general would have returned to prevent the town from being entirely consumed, but when he saw that the Indians of the neighborhood ran there, he continued his route and went to •Guachoia, where he discharged all the care of the troops upon his captains, in order to apply himself wholly to his designs. He then commanded to be cut timber fit for vessels; and to be collected cordage, gum, and iron works, in order to construct the brigantines. But as he hoped God would do him the favor to preserve him until THE DEATH OF SOTO. 43t he had accomplished what he desired, he had already fixed upon the officers and soldiers in whom he confided the most, for the manage- ment of the vessels which he should send to Mexico. He had also resolved that after the departure of the brigantines he would pass with the boats of the cacique of Guachoia to the other side of the river, into the countiy of Quigualtanqui. Hfe knew through the means of his couriers that this country was fertile and populous, and that the capital, which consisted of some five hundred houses, was not very far from the camp. He had already sent to the cacique who held his court in this town which bears the name of the pro- vince and of its lord. But this cacique had insolently replied to the envoys who requested peace of him, that very soon he would exter- minate all the Spaniards ; that they were robbers and vagabonds ; that he would have them hung to the highest trees to be a prey to the birds ; and that he had sworn by the sun and by the moon, his divinities, never to contract an alliance with a nation so detestable. Soto, who was, wise, had this barbarian sijoken to with amity, so that he obliged him to change his language knd sentiments. How- ever, Soto, being informed that all the appearances of the friendship of this cacique were deceitful, and that he, with the lords of the neighboring provinces, conspired against the Spaniards, held him- self upon his guard in the hope of some day chastising this perfidy. For he still commanded more than six hundred men, cavalry and infantry. He had resolved to lead them into the town of Quigual- tanqui, and to live there the remainder of the summer and the next winter until he had received the assistance which he expected from Mexico, and which they could easily send by ascending the Chuca- gua, calpable of bearing all the vessels that might h^ve come. CHAPTER YIII. THE DEATH OP SOTO. * At the time when Soto thought only of the means of settling him- self and drawing some fruits from his labors, he was attacked the 20th of June, 1542, by a fever which at first appeared a small aftair, but which increased so very much that he himself judged it mortal. He therefore began, the third day of his sickness, to resign himself entirely to the will of God. He made his will, and confessed him- self with much devotion and sorrow for his sins. Then he took the precaution to have summoned his officers, and when he had ap- pointed in their presence Louis de Moscoso d'Alvarado as general. 4 '3 8 HISTOEY OF FLORIDA. he coiriinandedthem,in the name of the emperor, to obey him whom he had chosen in order to command them until his majesty should send them orders to the contrary. Thereupon he took their oaths according to the forms, and added that Moscoso possessed the quali- ties of a great captain. Afterwards he commanded them to bring to him by threes, the soldiers whom he esteemed the most, and the others by thirties. He commanded them to labor as much as they could for the conversion of the infidels, and to sustain the honor of the crown of Spain, and above all to preserve peace among them- selves. As soon as he finished these words he embrace* them and bade them adieu with much emotion on his part and tears on theirs. He passed five days thus conversing with one and another, and on the seventh, when he rendered up his spirit, he began to invoke the Virgin and to pray to her to intercede for him with her Son. Soto died, aged forty-two years, after having expended in the conquest of Florida, more than a hundred thousand ducats. He was born at Villa Nueva de Barca-Rotta, and was of a very nable family. He was a little above the medium height, had a cheerful countenance, though somewhat swarthy, and was an excellent horseman ; fortu- nate in his enterprises, if death had not interrupted the course of his designs ; vigilant, skilful, ambitious ; patient under diflBculties ; severe to chastise offences against discipline, but ready to palrdon others ; charitable and liberal towards the soldiers ; brave and daring, as much so as any captain who had entered the new world. So many rare qualities caused him to be regretted by all the troops. CHAPTER IX. THE FUNERAL OF SOTO. The Spaniards, who ardently loved Soto, very much regretted not being able to give him an honorable funeral. They considered that if they should inter him with pomp, tlie Indians who would learn the place of his burial, would come to disinter him and would commit upon his body all the barbarities which hate would inspire. They bad indeed thus acted toward many soldiers and committed upon them all sorts of indignities. They had hung some and put others, quartered, upon the highest trees, and very probably they apprehended that they would be transported with more cruelty against the general than against the others, in order to highly insult the troops in his person. Therefore the Spaniards, in order to prevent them from knowing the place where he should be in- terred, resolved to bury him by night. They chose, near Guachoia, DECISION or TROOPS AFTER DEATH OF THEIR GENERAL. 439 a place in a field where there were many ditches which the inhabit- ants of this town had made in getting dirt ; and they put in one of these trenches the body of Soto, over which they again shed many tears. The next day in order to thoroughly conceal the place of his sepulchre, and to disguise their sorrow, they spread a report that the general was better. They mounted their horses as through joy that he had recovered his health, and, as in public festivals, they caracoled a long time over the trench, in order to conceal it from the barbarians, and hide from them, in some manner, the body of their commander. In order the better to succeed in their design, they even directed that before the races, they should, after having filled all the trenches to the same level as that of the general's, east a quantity of water there upon pretence of preventing the horses from raising a dust in running. JSTevertheless, notwithstanding all these precautions and feints, the Indians suspected the death of Soto and the place where he was, for when they passed over these trenches, they suddenly stopped and fixed their eyes upon the place of his burial. Our men began again to fear for the general, and agreed to take him from the trench and give him, for a grave, the Chucagua, of which beforehand they wished to know the depth ; therefore, one evening, Aniasco, Cardenioso, and others, in order to sound the river, pretended to go a-fishing, and reported that there were nine fathoms of water in the middle. They immediately re- solved to put there the body of Soto, but as there were no stones in the province to sink it to the bottom, they cut a very large oak which they sawed, and hollowed on one side to the height of a man ; and the night following, Aniasco and his companions disinterred the general without noise and put him in the hollow of this oak over which they nailed a covering. They then carried it on the river to the place where they had sounded, and it went immediately to the bottom. Carmona and Coles, who relate tliis circumstance, add that when the barbarians no longer saw Soto, they inquired for him, and that in order to deceive them, they answered that God had sent for him in order to give him orders for important affairs, and that at his return, which would be in a short time, he would bravely execute them. (26) CHAPTER X. THE DECISION OF THE TROOPS AFTER THE DEATH OF THEIR GENERAL. After the death of Soto not one of his officers had the courage to prosecute tlie design which he had of settling in Florida. There- fore they resolved to abandon the country where the love and 440 HISTORY OP ELOEIDA. respect which they bore their general had retained them all. But the most blamable are those who ought to have opposed so cowardly a resolution, and who, nevertheless, were the first to support it- In fact, Aniasco, who had fortunately contributed to the discovery of many provinces, and wiio was bound in honor to achieve a conquest so illustrious and so useful to all Spain, offered himself to lead all the troops to Mexico. As he prided himself upon being an excellent geographer, he flattered himself that he would easily conduct them into that kingdom, and dreamed not of the forests and deserts which it would be necessary to cross before reaching there. For the desire which he had of leaving Floi'ida rendered all things easy to him. The other Spaniards, whom he had offered to lead to Mexico, also believed that nothing would arrest them on their journey ; because the eager desire which they had to abandon tlieir conquest blinded them ; and because they hated Florida on account of not having found there either gold or silver. They were likewise led to quit their enterprise because of a report which the Indians had circulated, that not far from where tlie army was, there were other Spaniards who were subjugating the provinces which were to the west.* Our men, who too easily gave faith to these reports, said tliat these strangers, of whom tlie barba- rians spoke, were troops from Mexico, and. that they ouglit to go and join them to assist them in their design. Thereupon they left Guachoia, the fourth or fifth of July [1542], and took their course towards the west ; determined not to go out of their way neither to the one side nor to tlie other. They imagined that following this line they would come straight to Mexico; not considering that they were in different latitudes. They made, by long journeys, more than a hundred leagues through new provinces; and did not inquire the names nor the quality of tlie land of these regions. Biit it is certain that they were not fertile nor populous as the other countries of Florida which they had before discovered.(27) CHAPTER XI. THE SUPERSTITION OF THE INDIANS. I SHALL here quit for a moment the course of my history in order to report a thing very remarkable concerning the superstition of the barbarians. When the Spaniards left Guachoia they were followed by an Indian from sixteen to seventeen years of age, handsome as * Coronadcv's expedition. THE ARRIVAL Of THE SPANIARDS AT AUCHE. 441 are ordinarily tlie inliabitants of this province. The valets of General Moscoso, whom he had joined, for some time, determined to hinder him from continuing on, and even prepared to drive him from their company. But when they saw that they could not get rid of him, they apprehended that he was a spy and informed their master of it. He therefore sent this Indian to the presence of Ortis, who demanded of him, by command of the general, what induced him to leave his parents to follow strangers. He replied that they saw a poor j'oung man, who had been abdndoned from his infancy, and to whom neither father nor mother had left anything ; so that one of the principal lords of the province, moved with pity, had received him into his house and had raised him with his children. But that, when this generous benefactor. had taken sick and died, they chose him to be buried alive with him ; because they said that he was loved by him so much that he ought to accompany him to the other world, in order to serve him there in his wants. That as for him, he acknowledged that he was truly obliged to this lord, but not to such a degree as to suffer that they should put him alive with him in his tomb. That, therefore, in order to escape so cruel a death, he had followed the troops; preferring to be a slave to dying so cruelly. Tlie general, and those who were present at this narra- tion, learned that the custom of rendering the last duties to persons of rank was observed in Florida as in the other countries which they had discovered in the new world. In fact, under the reign of the incas of Peru, they ordinarily interred with the sovereign and the great lords the wife and the servant whom tbey had loved the most. All these people believe in the immortality of the soul and an- other world, where virtuous people are crowned with glory and rewarded for their good deeds, and the wicked punished for their crimes. They call the heaven Hamampascha, from a word which siguiQes the upper world; and hell, Ucupacha, from a word which means the lower world. As for the devil, they call him Cupai, to •whom, they said, went the wicked. CHAPTER XII. THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS AT AXICHE, AND THE DEATH OF THEIR GUIDE. I RETURN to where I left off my history. The Spaniards, after a journey of more than a hundred leagues, arrived at the province of. Auche. The cacique of this country gave them quarters, and 442 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. received them apparently with great manifestations of friendship. They recruited themselves two days in the capital, whicli bears tlie name of tlie province ; where, when they were informed of the route that they should take, they learned that at two daj's' journey from this town, there was a desert of four days' passage. The cacique, therefore, gave them porters loaded with corn for six days, with a guide wliom lie commanded to lead the troops by the shortest route to the inhabited lands. Tliey left Auche with these Indians, and fortunately arrived at the wilderness; through which they marched by a highway which gradually diminished until it was entirely lost. Nevertheless, they did not cease to advance six days without keeping any i"oad ; for tlie Indian who guided them made tliem believe that he led them in this manner in order to shorten the route. But when they saw that they were not getting out of the woods, and that for three daj's they had eaten nothing but herbs and roots,. they noticed more closely their guide, and discovered that he maliciously conducted them sometimes to the north, sometimes to the west, then to the east, and sometimes to tlie south. The general immediately commanded this Indian to be called, and to he asked what had caused him to mislead the Spaniards eight days ; he who at Auche had promised to put them, in four days, out of the wilderness. To that, at first, he replied so unreasonably, that Mos- coso, angrj- to see his troops in so pitiable a condition, had him bound to a tree, and ordered the greyhounds to be let loose upon him. When he saw that he was aibout to be devoured, he begged that they would take off the dogs, and that he would disclose all that he had kept concealed. They granted his request, and he declared that he had done nothing but by the command of his cacique, who had told him, that not having suflScient forces to fight openly the Span- iards, he had determined to make way with them by artifice ; that to succeed in this undertaking he had chosen and ordered him to mislead them iu such a manner tliat they might perish with hunger in the forest ; that if he succeeded in his object, he had promised him great rewards ; if not, he might rely upon being unmercifully put to death ; that he was, therefore, thus forced to obey his cacique, and to do that which they themselves would have' done in like circumstances; that, therefore, his crime was excusable; but that it would be much more worthy of pardon if they would con- sider the little trouble they had taken to inform themselves of their route ; that if they had at first spoken to him of it as they had now done, he would have declared everything to them, and would have placed them in the right road. Nevertheless, if they would spare his life, he would in a short time extricate them from the wilderness ; and WHAT HAPPENED IN THE PROVINCE OF HERDSMEN. 443 that if he failed in it he would submit to any punishment. The gene- ral and his ofBcers, indignant at this treachery, would not receive his excuses, and all believed that they should no longer trust him. So they let loose the dogs, which tore him in pieces and ate him. But immediately Moscoso and his captains were sorry for it, and saw themselves more in trouble than they had yet been, because they did not know where to find another guide, having -then sent back the Indian porters. to Auche. However, as they knew that they must perish, or get out of the woods, they took their course towards the west, and marched three days without any provisions, after hav- ing been three more with nothing but roots to eat. Afterwards, from the top of a small mountain, they discovered land, inhabited but very sterile. The inhabitants had taken to flight, and aban- doned the wretched cabins, scattered four and four through the country; for the villages of this country were not like those which, until then, they had seen in Florida. The troops, on their arrival in the province, found the fresli meat of beef, with which they ap- peased their hunger. They called this country the province of Herdsmen, because of the quantity of cow-hides which they met with there, without, however, having been able to discover this sort of cattle living, or where the Indians of the country caught them. CHAPTER Xlir. • WHAT HAPPENED IN THE PROVINCE OP HERDSMEN. While the Spaniards were in a plain of the province of Herds- men, there came out of a forest, near the camp, an Indian, with tall plumes upon his head, bow in his hand, and quiver on his shoulder, who advanced directly towards them. Our men, who saw .him in this state, allowed him to approach in the belief that he was an envoy of the cacique to the general. But at some fifty yards from them he put an arrow to his bow and fired upon a company of sol- diers who were looking at him However, no one was wounded by it, some having gotten out of the way, and others lain down upon the ground, the arrow passed and struck among five or six Indians who were preparing dinner for their masters. It hit one of them in the middle of the back, and after having pierced him through, con- tinued on, wounding in the breast another who was opposite that man, and stopped in his body. This poor Indian fell dead, as well as his companion. At the same time the barbarian fled, with all his might, to the forest. The Spaniards cried To arms! Gallego, who 444 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. by chance was on horseback, perceived the Indian who fled. He understood that they said kill. He spurred after him, reached him near the wood, and gallantly put him to death. Three days afterwards, when the troops were taking refreshments, two Indians, superbly dressed in the fashion of the country, came in the morning within about two hundred steps of the camp, and there they walked near a walnut tree, one on one side,, and the other on the other side, for fear of a surprise. Moscoso, informed of that, forbid them to molest them, because they were fools and rash fellows who ought to be ridiculed. They therefore let them walk near the walnut tree until towards evening. The idea of these Indians was that two Spaniards would take a notion to come and attack them. In the mean time,'the cavaliers who had set out in the morning returned to the camp a little before night; and as they perceived these Indians near their quarters, they inquired why it was, and learned the order of the general. They all obeyed except Paez, who, wishing to show his -courage, said, since these barbarians were fools and rash fellows, it was necessary that one more foolish than they should punish their folly ; and thereupon he spurred towards the walnut tree. The Indian who was walking on the side on which the cavalier was advancing marched straight at him, whilst his companion retired under the tree, in order to make known that they desired to fight man to man. Paez rushed against his enemj', who shot so vigor- ■ ously that, beside his coat of mail which he broke, he pierced his left arm through and through, so that the reins, of the bridle of his horse fell from his hands. His companions, who saw this accident, and who had not yet dismounted, ran at full speed upon these two barbarians, who fled when they saw so many men charge upon them. However, they were taken befoi-e they could gain the woods. But on this occasion the Spaniards disregarded the laws of war ; since the Indians would not put themselves two against one, it was rea- sonable that they should have treated them in the same manner. After these things the troops marched more than thirty leagues through this province of Herdsmen, and when they had succeeded in crossing it, they discovered, to the west, high mountains and dense forests which were solitudes.* But the general and his offi- cers, whom fatigue and hunger had made wise, resolved not to pro- ceed until they should have first found a sure route to conduct them into an inhabited country. Therefore he commanded four companies of cavalry* of twenty-four men each to go by three passes * This was in Texas. THE RETURN OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE CHUCAGUA. 445 towards the west, in order to explore the countrj', and ordered them to enter it as far as possible, to go at a distance from each other, and endeavor to learn the character of the land and the disposition of the inhabitants. For that purpose he gave them the most capable interpreters that they could find among those who served the Spaniards. Then they left, and, at the end of fifteen days, when they returned, they all said that they had entered more than thirty leagues into the country, and that they had met with lands very sterile and poorly populated ; that the more tliey advanced the more wretched they were ; that the inhabitants of these parts ' cultivated nothing, and lived only on, fruits, herbs, and what thej' caught by hunting and fishing; finally, that they marched by companies, and wandered from one country to another. Carmona adds that the Indians asserted that on the other side of their pro- vince there was a vast extent of level country where fed the cattle whose skins the troops had seen ; and that there was, in these quar- ters, a great multitude of cattle. CHAPTER XIV. ,THE RETURN OP THE SPANIARDS TO THE CHUCAGUA, AND THEIR , ADVENTURES. On the report of the cavaliers who had been on this exploration, the Spaniards lost all hopes of going to Mexico by the route which they had taken. Therefore, for fear of getting too far into the wilderness where they all would have died of hunger, they were of opinion to return to the Chucagua, in the belief that the shortest ^nd safest route to get out of Florida was to descend this river and to reach the gulf of Mexico. Therefore they inquired their route to reach the Chucagua. They knew that the shortest was to turn to the right of the route which they had taken in coming; but they would have to traverse many great solitudes ; and that, on the contrary, if tbey turned to the left, it was longest, but they would march through fertile and populous lands.* They therefore took the former route, and turned towards the south, taking care not to involve themselves in diflflcult places and not to commit any ravages on their route, for fear of irritating the Indians. Nevertheless these barbarians harassed them night and day ; for they placed them- selves in ambush in the woods near the road, and when there were * According to this, it appears that they had made a circuit northward, and to turn to the right would be to turn to the south, the direction they went. 446 HISTORY or flokida. no woods they laid iipou their bellies in the grass, and when the Spaniards were passing they suddenly rose and fired. so manj' arrows that they alwaj's wounded some of them. But as soon as they went at them they took to flight, and immediately there came others to the charge, who took the troops on all sides, alwaj'^s with the loss of men and horses; so that, without coming to an engagement, our men were worse treated in this province of Herdsmen than in all those through which they had passed, and especially the last day, because they crossed streams and places which were real cut- throats, where the ba,rbarians sallied out in fury upon them, and where they retreated without the possibility of being injured. The Spaniards lost in this day's journey several of their men, Indian porters, and horses, and had a great number of soldiers dangerously wounded. One of the most important of these was Saint George, of whom I am going to speak. As this cavalier was crossing a stream where the troops were attacked, an Indian, concealed behind a bush, discharged at him an arrow so violently that after having broken his coat of mail, it pierced his right thigh, passed through thfe saddle-bow, and entered into the body of the horse, which, quite furious, rushed out of the stream, bounded over the plain, and tried, by kicking, to disen'gage the arrow, and throw his rider. The Spaniards who were then engaged near this soldier ran to his assistance, when they perceived that the arrow had pinned him to the saddle, and as the troops were camped quite near the stream, they led him to the quarters. Immediately they adroitly raised him, and cut the arrow between the saddle and his thigh. They also unsaddled the horse, and the Spaniards were surprised that a cane arrow, armed only with a cane point, had penetrated so far. Afterwards they laid Saint George upon the ground, and left him to dress his wound himself. Besides the many qualities which he pos- sessed, he had that of- curing wounds with oil, raw wool, and words which his companions called charms. He had actually treated some wounds with so much success, that it seemed that God espe- cially favored him in the cures which he made. But when the oil and the raw wool were consumed by the fire at Mauvila, he would no longer cure any one, and even persisted a long time in not taking care of his wounds ; for though afterwards he had received a stroke from an arrow, which entered under the foot and carne out at the heel, and though by another blow he had been so dangerously struck in the knee that the point of the arrow had remained there, never- theless he never undertook to attend to himself but at the last mo- ment, imagining that for the want of oil and raw wool he could not cure himself. I return to the wound which he had received in his THE RETURN OP THE SPANIARDS TO THE CHTJOAGtTA. HI thigh. As he knew that he Tvas on ill terms with the surgeon, who had done him much injury in extracting the arrow from his linee, and as he rememhered that he had told him that another time lie would sooner die than call him, to which the surgeon had replied that although he should be certain of pi-eserving his life, he should not do it until he had first sent for him; I say, as he remembered that, and as he did not expect any assistance from any one, he took, instead of oil and wool, hog's fat with the lint of an old In- dian cloak, and used it very fortunately for his. wounds ; for during four days that our men recruited themselves near the stream, he was entirely cured, mounted his horse the fifth, when they continued their march ; and in order that they might not doubt of his cuie, he began to spur from one side to the other about the troops, cry- ing out that he deserved to lose his life, because, for not having consented to treat the wounded in the belief that he would labor in vain, there had died more than one hundred and fifty soldiers. Finally, the Spaniards left the province of Herdsmen, after having suffered there many misfortunes. They marched twenty days, by long journeys, through other countries, the names of which they did not inquire, and went inclining toward the south. But because they believed they descended more than they ought, to reach Gnachoia, where they wished to return, they took to the east, taking care to ascend always a little to the north, and happened to cross a road through which they had passed in going. However, they did not recognize it. They were then in the middle of September, and they had already travelled nearly three months, from the time of their leaving Guachoia, without having failed a single night or day of being attacked. The barbarians during the day placed themselves in ambush and fell upon those who strayed ; and during the night they came and alarmed the camp. It happened also that one time, by favor of the darkness, they dragged themselves upon all fours as far as the camp, where they fired upon the horses and slew two sentinels. A few daj'^s after- wards, twelve cavaliers and as many Spanish infantry, who had need of porters, put themselves in ambush to capture some Indians of tliose who, at the instant the troops decamped, came to carry off what was left. Thej"- posted themselves behind large' trees, and upon the highest a sentinel, with orders to give them notice as soon as he discovered anything, which he successfully did ; for they took fourteen Indians, whom they divided among themselves. But after- wards, when they desired to rejoin the armj', one of the company, who was not satisfied with having only two Indians, besought his 448 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. comrades not to return until they should have taken one more of them for him. His companions, who were not of this sentiment, told him he must defer that to another time, and they each oflTered him the Indian they had in the division. Nevertheless, seeing that they could not prevail upon him, they stopped again. In the mean while, the sentinel gave notice that he saw an Indian, and Paez, wliom misfortune ought to have made wise, immediately spurred directly toward the barbarian, who, seeing himself dis- covered, fled under a tree. Paez approached and gave a vigorous thrust at him with his lance, but did not strike him. The Indian, who held his arrow ready, fired, and wounded in the flank the horse of this cavalier ; so that, after having staggered about twenty paces, he fell dead. Bolanios, who followed Paez, at the same time charged upon the barbarian, and was as unfortunate as- his companion. Juan de Vega, wlio came next at a slow pace, surprised to see his comrades dismounted, spurred towards the Indian; his companions, lance in hand, also, ran at the barbarian, who boldly advanced straight at Vega to slay his horse and escape at. the same time. But the cavalier, who was wise, had beforehand taken precautions that there should not happen to him a misfortune like that of Paez. He had put upon the breast of his horse a cowhide in three folds ; and it was thus that most of tlie cavaliers who took care of their horses made use of it. Some covered the breast of tlieirs in this manner witli deer- or bearskins. When the Indian was within arrow-range, he fired upon the horse of Vega and pierced the cow- skin, so that the arrow entered about three inches into the breast. Immediately, Vega rushed with fury upon the barbarian and slew him. Then the party turned back again, cursing him who had obliged them to remain, and admiring the courage of the Indian, whose appearance did not correspond with the deed he had done. As soon as they had arrived, the general marched to the province of Guachoia, and our men had during their route quite favorable weather, until the end of October. But then, because of the rains it became so wretched that most times they camped soaking wet ; and without provisions to such a degree that they were compelled to hazard themselves to seek them. In addition, their labors in- creased in proportion as the winter advanced. The snows and rains which fell raised the rivers extraordinarily, and caused the streams to increase to such a degree that they could not cross without rafts. Moreover, it was necessary to stop seven or eight days to cross some of them ; for, besides not finding wood proper for rafts, they always had their enemies on their hands, and suffered extreme hardships, because the counti'y being nearly inundated, they often THE TROOPS TAKE POSSESSION OF AMINOIA. 449 saw Ijhemselves forced to camp in the water, covered only with a wretched buckskin dress, always wet, which served them for shirt and cape ; for which reason many Spaniards, overcome with cold and sleep, fell sick ; and there passed not a day that there did not die two or three of them. They also lost every day horses and Indian porters. However, without allowing themselves to be de- jected by misfortunes, our men continued their journey. But they were fatigued to such a degree that they lacked even strength to bury those who died upon the road ; so that they were pitiable. Besides, the most of their horses were sick, the cavaliers dismounted, the infantry so feeble that they could scarcely stand up. Never- theless, all being resolved either to die or return to the Chucagua, the most vigorous mounted the horses that were yet serviceable, and resisted the enemies who harassed the troops upon their march. Afterwards, when they were camped, they posted guards and senti- nels, and the next day they advanced in the same order, which lasted from the month of September until the last day of November, of the year 1542, when they arrived upon the banks of the Chu- cagua. Then, as the Spaniards believed that their misfortunes were ended, they all gave to each other little presents to testify their joy. Their journey, counting the route which they made in returning, was more than three hundred and fifty leagues. When they were returning they met with a sow which they had lost in going, and which had brought forth thirteen pigs, all differently marked in the ears. Hence, we may believe that the Indians had divided these aninials among themselves, and that they are now reared in Florida. CHAPTER XV. THE TEOOPS TAKE POSSESSION OF AMINOIA. The Spaniards, on their return from their journey, arrived within sixteen leagues of the town of Guachoia, and met with two villages, one near the other, which were called Aminoia from the name of their province. These villages consisted of two hundred houses, and were each surrounded with a ditch, the water of which came from the Chucagua, which made an island of each of these two villages. Moscoso, who had still, besides seventy horse, about three hundred footmen, resolved to take possession of it, and to pass all the rest of the winter there. He therefore put his troops in order of battle, and attacked so courageously the two towns, one 29 450 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. after the other, that the Indians, astonished at the valorof our men, abandoned them without resistance, so that the Spaniards made themselves masters of them ; and in order not to be separated in case of alarm, they some time after destroyed one of them, and carried into the other the provisions and things they required. Afterwards they fortified this post and were twenty days in putting it in a state of defence ; because being greatly harassed, they could not work but with great difficulty. Whilst the Spaniards were in this town, an old Indian woman, who had not been able to escape, asked them where they were going ; and being answered " into winter quarters," she told them that every fourteen years the river overflowed so much that the inhab- itants were compelled to take to the tops of their houses, and that the current year was the fourteenth, in which the town ought to be inundated. Our men, who knew the design of the old woman, laughed at her reveries. Carmona, who relates this circumstance, adds that the Spaniards found in the town of Aminoia, eighteen thousand measures of corn, with a great quantity of nuts, dried l^lums, and some other fruit unknown in Spain. Therefore they restored themselves by degrees, for besides these provisions they were very conveniently lodged, and even the barbarians did not come either by day or night to trouble them, which contributed greatly to restoring them to health. When Moscoso saw that his men had nearly recovered their strength and tliat the month of January, of the year 1543, had passed, he ordered wood to be cut to make the brigan tines, and cordage, sails, and other things necessary for his design, to be collected. Finally, while the Spaniards re- mained in Aminoia, there died about sixty of them. Of this number were Ortis, Touar, and Vasconcello. But during the whole journey there perished more than one hundred and fifty of them, which was found so much the more grievous as the death of so many brave soldiers had happened through the imprudence of the captains who had enlisted the troops in the journey. CHAPTER XVI. THE CONDUCT OF TWO OAOIQUES TO THE SPANIARDS. As SOON as the report was spread that the Spaniards had returned from their journey and that they were passing the winter at Aminoia, Anilco, fearing lest by their assistance the subjects of Guachoia might come again to invade his lands and commit there their cruelties, THE CONDUCT OF TWO CACIQUES TO THE SPANIARDS. 451 sent an envoy to Moscoco with orders to offer him peace and his friendship, and to assure him of his obedience ; that there was no kind of service which he might not expect from the people of his country ; and that for proofs of it he had but to order it. He whom Aniico had charged to say this was his lieutenant-general. He had, in his suite, beside two hundred Indians in service, twenty of the most active and important of the province, followed by twenty others with fruits and venison. This captain acquitted himself very well of his duty, and neglected nothing to gain the favor of Moscoso, who received, very obliginglj', him and all the principal persons of his suite, and requested him to assure Aniico that he thanked him for the honor of his friendship, and that he would hold it in particu- lar esteem during the remainder of his life. They immediatel}' com- municated this reply to the cacique, and in the mean time, the envoy and those who accompanied him remained with the Spaniards, to whom they showed their friendship by the fidelity of their services. The subjects of Aniico had been two days at the quarters when Guachoia, followed by many of his vassals loaded with fruit and fish, arrived there to confirm his alliance with the troops. The general received him very well. But the presence of the captain of Aniico, his enemy, and the honor which they paid him, gave him a mortal offence. Nevertheless, he concealed his displeasure, resolved to show it only upon an opportunity. During the wintering of the Spaniards at Aminoia, the two ca- ciques rendered them all sorts of good services, and made them, every eight days, new presents. In the mean while, Moscoso and his officers, who thought only of leaving Florida, ordered the superintendent of the vessels to see how many brigantines were necessary for the embarking of the troops, and when he replied seven, he commanded that everything necessary for that number should be prepared. They first made four sheds under which they worked for fear of being incommoded by the rains. Some sawed planks, others planed them; several made nails and iron works; some, charcoal ; and others, oars and cordage. Thus they all applied themselves bravely to the things they did the best, and were em- ployed three months at that. During this time the captain of Aniico showed his zeal for our men, who on their part also esteemed him much; who besides having a noble aspect and being capable of winning affection, possessed rare qualities. He was correct, faithful, obliging, gracefully anticipating all wants, and even giving more than they would have dared de- mand of him ; for without mentioning many cables and other cord- age proper for the brigantines, he furnished the Spaniards more old 452 HISTORY OF, FLORIDA. and new cloaks than they could have reasonably expected, because they found scarcelj"^ any of them in the province. The new cloaks served to make sails, and the old to calk the vessels. These mantles are made of a certain herb resembling mallow. This plant has as small fibres as the flax, so that the Indians make thread of it, and they give to these cloaks whatever color they please, but generally a gay and brilliant one. CHAPTER XVII. THE LEAGUE OF SOME CACIQUES. Whilst the Spaniards labored at these brigantines, Quigaltaiiqui believed that they prepared for their ■. return only to go and relate in their country, the excellence of the regions which they had dis- covered, and afterwards to return in greater numbers and conquer it. That then they would drive away the true lords of the province, and establish themselves there independently, so that, in this belief Quigaltanqui resolved to anticipate such a misfortune, and to exter- minate all the Spaniards who were in Florida. He therefore assem- bled the chiefs of the country, to whom he expressed himself upon that subject, and all assured him that his design was glorious, and that they would die to serve him in so noble an enterprise. He im- mediately dispatched messengers on both sides of the Chucagua, to ten of his neighboring caciques, and sent them word to engage them in his favor, that they must stifle the animosity that existed be- tween them, and all unite for the destruction of their common enemy ; that if they neglected the opportunity for it which fortune presented them, they would deplore the misery with which they would be over- whelmed.; that the Spaniards were going home only to return to the country with greater forces, and that after having cruelly seized upon it, they would hold them all in a wretched slavery. The caciques received with joy, the envoys of Quigaltanqui. They ap- proved his design because they found it worthy of a great captain, and praised his courage, the extent of which was already known to them. Therefore they agreed that each lord should raise troops in his province, and prepare boats to attack their enemies by water as well as by land ; that in the mean time, the better to surprise them and deprive them of every suspicion, each one in particular should feign to seek their friendship,and should send to them deputies with presents. Quigaltanqui, as chief of the conspiracy, sent the first to Moscoso, and all the others followed his example. Moscoso re- QUARREL OP GUACHOIA WITH THE LIEUTENANT OP ANILCO. 453 ceived them with all the more pleasure and kindness as the few troops that remained to him desired only peace. In the mean time, Anilco, who had refused to enter into the league because of the fidelity which he had sworn to the Spaniards, believed that he was bound by his honor to inform them of the conspiracy of the caciques. Therefore he ordered his lieutenant to disclose the treachery to the general, and to assure him that nothing should happen of which he would not inform him. Moscoso took care to thank the cacique for his good advice and the continuation of his friendship, and after- ward he had an especial esteem for him and his lieutenant ; never- theless Anilco would never come to the camp, and always excused himself on the plea of indisposition, but really it was because he would not trust himself to the Spaniards. It is not positively known whether Guachoia, who manifested friendship for our men, entered into the league, but they suspected that he was in correspondence with it ; piqued solely by the esteem which they showed the lieutenant of Anilco. In fact he was offended because the Spaniards rendered more honor to this captain who served them promptly, than to him who worked very slowly for them and also endeavored to discredit him in the opinion of Moscoso. But they believed that Guachoia, knowing that Anilco had not con- sented to league himself with the others, acted in this manner in order that if, by chance, this lieutenant should happen to discover the conspiracy, they would not give faith to what he should say. CHAPTER XVIII. THE QUARREL OP GUACHOIA WITH THE LIEUTENANT OP ANILCO. When Guachoia knew that he labored in vain to ruin his enemy in the opinion of the Spaniards, he flew quite into a passion, and told Moscoso, in the presence of several oflBcers, that for a long time he had suffered with pain the honor which he and his troops paid to the lieutenant of A.nilco ; that he had always thought that honor was due to those who had the most credit and distinction of birth, that nevertheless, the Spaniards acted quite contrary to that, since they esteemed only the lieutenant of Anilco, who had neither wealth, power, nor nobility, and who deserved to be considered only in his condition of vassal ; that as for him he had subjects who excelled in every respect him to whom they gave so many marks of esteem ; that therefore he begged them to reflect upon their conduct, and to be convinced that the actions of the lieutenant of Anilco were artful 454 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA. and tended only to deceive them. The lieutenant of Anileo, who had patiently listened to what was said against him, replied, with- out appearing enraged, that they wrongfully reproached him with his birth ; that his ancestors having been caciques, he yielded to no one in nobility ; that he confessed that his father had not left him great wealth, but tiiat he had supplied that defect by his courage, since, in the war which he had made against Guachoia and other lords, he had gained a support according to his condition; that therefore he could now place himself among the number of the rich whom his enemy wished that they should esteem so much, and that a vassal like himself would always greatly excel a cacique like Gruachoia ; that after all he was not properly a A'assal, because Anileo, did not consider him so, but as one of his nearest relatives, and that with this consideration, he had made him lieutenant-general of the prov- ince ; that afterwards he had gained many battles, defeated the father of Guachoia, and occasionally his captains ; that ever sinc@ Guachoia had succeeded to his father, he had cut in pieces all his forces and made prisoners him, his two brothers, and the most distinguished persons of his state ; that then he had been able to despoil him of his province and to take possession of it without diflQcnlty, there being no one to resist him, but that very far from undertaking any- thing, he had taken very particular care of him while he was a priso- ner ; tliat he was even his security to set at liberty him, his brothers, and his vassals. Nevertheless, as Guachoia had not kept his word, he awaited only the departure of the troops in order to recapture him ; that the boldness which he now had to endeavor to make him pass for a hypocrite would then cost him dearly, and he would teach him not to again rashly attack his reputation ; that even not to defer it longer, it remained only with Guachoia whether they should terminate their differences now ; that they both had but to enter a boat to light upon the river; that if Guachoia slew him, he would satisfy his hate and would be avenged of the injury which the Spaniards had done him in rendering honor to his enemy ; that as for him, if he had the advantage in the fight, he would show that the merit of men did not consist in tlie splendor of riches, nor in the possession of many vassals, but in virtue and the distinction of courage. Guachoia replied nothing to all that, and showed his con- fusion in his countenance. Moscoso and the Spaniards were con- firmed in the confidence which they had in the lieutenant of Anileo, and every day rendered him more honor. CONCERNING AN INDIAN SPY. 455 CHAPTER XIX. CONCERNING AN INDIAN SPY. Moscoso, considering that, if the hate of Guachoia and the cap- tain of Anilco should lead them to make war upon each other, they would not furnish him anything for his brigantines, told them that, as they were equally beloved by the Spaniards, they could no longer see them embroiled ; that, therefore, he entreated them to smother their resentment, and to live for the future in perfect harmony. The two Indians replied to Moscoso that they .were ready to do what he wished, and that, for his sake, they would generously forget everything. Four days after, the quarrel was settled, and upon the departure of the lieutenant of Anilco to return home to his province, the general, who did not trust the word of Guachoia, and who feared that, in order to avenge himself on his enemj', he miglit lay some ambuscade in the route, ordered thirty cavaliers to accompany him until he should be out of danger. The captain at first politely declined the offer of Moscoso, and informed him that Guachoia was not much to be feared. Nevertheless, for fear of offending the general, he took the escort which he offered him. But, afterwards, he many times came from and returned to his country with only ten or twelve Indians. In the mean while, Quigaltanqui and the other caciques of his party dispatched, night and day, persons with presents to Moscoso, and with orders to their envoys to observe the conduct of the Spaniards, their guards, their skill in handling their arms and managing their horses, in order to see in what they were defective, and to make use of it against them at the proper time and place. The general, who was informed of that, forbid the deputies of the hostile caciques to come to the camp at night ; but these prohibitions were useless. Therefore, Silvestre, who knew the ordfer of the general and the disobedience of the barbarians, being one night on guard at the gate of Aminoia, and seeing by the light of the moon two Indians very spruce, who were crossing the ditch upon a tree which served for a bridge, let them advance to him ; and as he was on duty, he struck in the face with his sword the first who crossed the wicket of the gate without asking his permission. From the blow, the barbarian fell to the ground ; but he immediately arose, seized his bow, and took to flight with all his might. Sil- vestre did not wish to finish him, because he believed that that was sufficient to make the Indians cautious. The companion of the 456 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. wounded man, wbo had heard the blow, also took to flight, repassed the bridge, regained his boat, crossed the river, and gave tlie alarm everywhere. In the mean while, the wounded man, his face full of blood, leaped into the river, crossed it by swimming, and called to his comrades. The barbarians, who were on the other side of the river, and who heard him, ran to him and took him out. The next day, at sunrise, four of the principal Indians came, on the part of the leagued caciques, to complain to the general that his men were breaking the peace; that they had grossly abused one of the most distinguished Indians of the country ; and that they begged him that he would do justice for this insolence, because the person was mortally wounded. About noon, four others repaired to the camp, where, after having made their complaints, they said that the wounded man was dying ; and at sunset there came four more, who said that their companion was dead, and demanded that they should put to death the Spaniard who had caused it. The general each time replied to the envoys that, desiring peace, he had not com- manded what had been done ; but that the soldier who had wounded their man had not acted contrary to his dutj' ; so that if, to please them, he should wish to punish him, his captains would never con- sent to it, because the Indian ought not to have entered without speaking to the sentinel, nor the caciques to have sent him, contrary to the prohibition, at an unreasonable hour ; that, therefore, since in that it was their fault, it was necessar}"- to forget all that had passed, and to do business hereafter iil the proper order, so as to deprive both sides of every pretext for a rupture. The envoys returned home very much dissatisfied with this answer, and endeavored, but in vain, to induce the caciques to avenge in- stantly the insolence of the -Spaniards ; for the caciques agreed to still dissemble for some time, and to carefully seek the means to execute their design. Yet among the troops there were captains who supported the complaints of the Indians ; that it was necessary to, punish Silvestre; that he had acted indiscreetly; and that his conduct would give occasion to the caciques to mutiny and to take arms against the Spaniards. If these remarks, which jealousy in- spired in some of the ofHcers, had not been stopped by the more wise, they would, without doubt, have produced mischievous effects. THE PREPARATIONS OP THE LEAGUED CACIQUES. 457 CHAPTER XX. THE PREPARATIONS OP THE LEAGUED CACIQUES, AND AN OVERFLOW OP THE OHUOAGUA. During these things, the Spaniards worked vigorously at the brigahtines, and were assisted by the captain-general of Anilco, without whom they would never have been able to aceomplish their design. Those who were not employed on the vessels sought pro- visions for their companions ; and, as they were then in Lent, they went fishing in the Gliucagua. They made for that purpose hooks, which, after having baited, they attached to long cords, and threw them at dusk into the river. In the morning they drew them out, and ordinarily found on them such large fishes that there were some of them whose heads alone weighed forty pounds, from fifteen to sixteen ounces ; so that our men had at Aminoia everything in abundance. In the mean time, Quigaltanqui and the allied caciques each raised troops upon his lands, and they ijrepared to put thirty or forty thousand men in the field, with the idea of slaying all the Spaniards, or of burning the timber which they had collected for the caravels. They believed that, in preventing them from leaving the country, they would make perpetual war upon them, and would so much the more easily exterminate them, as our men were few, had but few horses, and had lost a very brave and experienced captain. The barbarians, animated by these considerations, im- patientlj' expected the day which they had appointed for the attack, and which, in fact, was very near, as they learned through the envoys, who, finding themselves alone with the Indian women who served the Spanish officers, told them that they might be patient, and that very soon they would deliver them from the servitude in wliich the Spanish thieves held them ; that they were going to cut their throats and put their heads upon lances at the entrances of the temples, and hang their bodies on the highest trees to be a prey for birds. No sooner had the Indian women learned that than they went and disclosed it to their masters. The troops were imme- diately informed of it ; and they were so much the more easily con- vinced that the barbarians were ready to attack them as, during the night, they heard some noise on the other side of the river, and saw fires here and there in the vicinity. They, therefore, prepared to bravely defend themselves ; but, by good luck, in the mean time the Chucagua happened to overflow. It began about the tenth of March, 458 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. of the year 1543. It gradually filled all its bed, and immediately after it impetuously spread itself over its border, then through the country, which was immediately inundated, because there were neither mountains nor hills. And the day of Palm Sunday, which was that year the 18th of March, tiiat the Spaniards celebrated the triumph of Jesus Christ at Jerusalem, the waters violently entered through the gates of Aminoia, so that, two days after that, they could not go through the streets except in boats. This overflow did not appear in all its extent until the twentieth of April. They then had the pleasure to see that that which but lately was a vast country, had become, nearlj' all at once, a vast sea; for the water covered more than twenty leagues of the adjacent lands, where were seen only a few of the highest trees ; and that made our men remember the prediction of the old Indian woman at their entrance into Aminoia. CHAPTER XXI. THEY SEND TO ANILOO. Because of the inundations of the Chucagua, the Indians who in- habit both sides of this river, place themselves, as much as possible, upon eminences, and build their houses in this mannei\ They erect, in the form of a square, enough large posts in the shape of pillars, upon which they place many beams which take place of floors. Then they make the house which they surround with galleries, where they lay up their provisions and furniture. Thus they protect themselves from the inundations, which probably occur on account of the rains and snows of the preceding year. During the overflow they embarked for the town of Anilco, which is twenty leagues from Aminoia, twenty soldiers and some Indian rowers in four boats tied two and two, for fear lest they might upset them in passing over the trees which were in the water. They had orders to request the cacique to send to the general cordage, pitch, and old mantles for the brigantines ; and were commanded by Sil- vestre, to whom, as will be seen directly, the cacique had a short time since been obliged, and it was, therefore, on this account that they dispatched him. When the subjects of Gruachoia, with the assistance of the Spaniards, ravaged the town of Anilco, Silvestre took an Indian of twelve or thirteen years of age, who was the son of the cacique, led hira with him through the province of Herdsmen, THEY SEND TO ANILOO. 459 and brought him back into the province of Aminoia. So that the cacique Anilco learned that his son, whom he sought so long, was with the troops. He, therefore, immediately sent to demand him ; and Silvestre, through kindness, restored him to him, in considera- tion of what he had done for the Spaniards. Silvestre and his companions safely arrived at the town of Anilco, and found that the Chucagua had overflowed much farther, and that it had inundated, on that side, more than twenty-five leagues of land. Our men being arrived, they gave notice of it to the cacique, who called his lieutenant-general, and commanded him to show by his reception the affection which they bore the Spaniards, and to furnish them what they demanded on account of Silvestre, who had gener- ouslj* restored to him his son. Afterwards he commanded them to send for Silvestre only, and he went out of his house to receive him. There, after having embraced him and thanked him for the obliga- tions under which he had placed him, he conducted him into his apart- ment, and was not willing that he should leave it until his compan- ions should be ready to return home. For Anilco, to whom his son served as interpreter, inquired of the Spanish captain the adventures of the troops since their entrance into the country. But when he had learned the details of it, he made known to Silvestre the afllic- tion he suffered from the cruelties of Guachoia to his ancestors who were in the grave ; that very soon tliis coward would not be assisted by any one, and that then they would see to resenting the indigni- ties which he had committed. Anilco, by that, showed that the affection which he manifested for our men was founded only in the fear that, should they remain longer in the country, they might again assist Guachoia, and prevent him from avenging the injuries he had received. For this reason, and with the view of hastening their de- parture, Anilco commanded to be given them, promptly, everything; and to furnish them a boat, with several Indians, who should con- duct them safely to where they should wish to go. When every- thing was ready, he embraced Silvestre, and requested him to assure the general of his friendship, and that nothing should happen of which he would not inform him. Silvestre immediately resumed the route to Aminoia ; where, as soon as he had arrived, he rendered an account of his journey to Moscoso. 460 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. CHAPTER XXII. CONDUCT OP THE SPANIARDS DURING THE OVERPLOW, AND THE NEWS OP THE CONTINUATION OP THE LEAGUE. The overflo-w lasted forty days ; during which time the Spaniards retired upon certain elevated places, where they worked on their vessels. But as they lacked charcoal to forge the iron works, they made some by cutting off the tops of the trees which appeared out of the water. Francisco and Garcia Ozorio, distinguished cavaliers, signalized themselves on this occasion, as well by their skill as the pains they took to forge and to calk ; for they applied themselves, to it with resolution, and their example alone excited the others to imitate them. Whilst the water covered the country, the people of the leagued caciques did not appear ; for as soon as they saw the overflow they returned in haste to their homes to save what they had left there. However, Quigaltanqui, and the other lords, the better to conceal their evil designs, did not cease to send always to the general ; who, without showing that he suspected them, took care to keep upon his guard. About the end of April the water diminished by degrees, and was as long in falling as it had been in rising. For on the twentieth of May they could not yet go through Aminoia except bare-footed, be-, cause of the water and mud that were in the streets. But at the end of the month the river retired within its bed ; and the leagued caciques recommenced the campaign, resolved to execute promptly their design. In the mean time, the captain of Anilco, who had notice of it, came to the general and disclosed everything to him. That on a certain day, which was near, all the caciques in detail would send persons to him ; that each envoy would speak to him in such a way and' make him such a present; that some would arrive in the morning, others about noon, and the last towards the even- ing ; that this would last four entire days ; that they would finish by assembling their troops, and that at the same time they would attack ; that their design was to exterminate all the Spaniards, or at least to burn their vessels, in order that they might not be able to leave the country, and that they might put them wretchedly to death by degrees. He added that, in order to avoid that, he, on the part of his cacique, offered to them himself and eight thousand choice men, by the assistance of which they might easily resist their OONOEENING THE ENVOYS OF THE LEAGUE. 461 enemies ; that even should they desire to retire upon his land, he would receive them there with pleasure ; that they would be there perfectly safe ; and, moreover, that they would not dare to come there to attack them ; that they might take their measures deliber- ately for to think maturely on the course they ought to pursue. Moscoso replied to the Indian captain, that he was obliged to his cacique for the offers which he made him ; but that, for fear that in the future he might be hated by his neighbors for having openly assisted him, he declined the assistance which he wished to give him ; that, besides, as he was upon the point of leaving for Mexico, he thanked him, with all his heart, for the retreat which he Offered him ; that for this reason also he did not wish to engage in a baitle, although he might expect everything from the Indians who would aid him, and especiallj' from their commander whose valor was known to him ; that, moreover, neither he nor the other Spaniards would forget the obligations they owed to the cacique ; and that even the King of Spain, the first of Christian princes, to whom they would relate the good services which he had rendered them, would never forget it, and would recompense him for so many favors if some day the Spaniards should return to his country. Then the Indian captain took, leave of Moscoso, who bravely prepared for everything that might happen. CHAPTER XXIII. CONCERNING THE ENVOYS OP THE LEAGUE, AND THE PREPARATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS TO EMBARK. At the beginning of June of the year 1543, the envoys of the hostile caciques came to the quarters at the same time, in the same order, and with the same presents as the captain of Anilco had in- dicated. Therefore they were arrested by the order of the general, who commanded them to be separated and to be interrogated upon the subject of the conspiracy. They frankly avowed what was tak- ing place and the measures they were to take in order to accomplish their design. The general, upon their confession and without waiting until they all should have arrived, immediately caused to be cut off the right hand of thirty whom they held. These poor people endured their pains with so much patience that no sooner had one of them had his hand cut oflf than another presented his upon the block, which drew the compassion .of everybody. This punishment broke the league. The enemy believed that the Spaniards, being informed of 462 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. the enterprise, would hold themselves upon their guard. Therefore, each cacique returned to his province, very sorry not to have ex-, ecuted their design. But as they were all resolved to endeavor to succeed by some other means, and as they found themselves stronger by water than by land, tbey agreed to assemble troops and boats in order to attack the Spaniards when they should descend the river. In the mean while, Moscoso and his officers, seeing that they were going to be continually harassed, hastened more and more their work, finished seven brigantines ; but because they had not nails to fasten together the deck, they covered them only at the two ends, and put planks in the middle without fastening them, from where they had but to raise one of them in order to bail the brigantines. Then they collected provisions, and requested of Guachoia and Anilco corn, fruits, and other things of that sort. They killed some hogs of those which tliey preserved for food, and reserved only a dozen and a half of them in case they should settle at some place near the sea. Tliey gave to each of the caciques, their friends, two of these animals, a male and a female. They salted those which they had killed for themselves, and made use of their fat, in the place of oil, to soften tiie rosin with which they calked their vessels. Besides that, they furnished themselves with small boats to carry thirty horses that remained. They had them tied two and two, in order that the horses might have their fore feet in one and their hind feet in the other. Each brigantine had also, at the stern, one of these boats which served for a tender. Carmona relates here, that of fifty horses which remained to the Spaniards, they tied to stakes about twenty of them that could no longer be of any service ; that they opened their veins and let them bleed to death ; that to preserve their flesh they dried it in the sun ; that the day of Saint John the Baptist, they launched the brigantines, embarked- the horses and equipage, and furnished their vessels with planks and skins to protect themselves from arrows ; that then they appointed the captains who were to command the vessels, and concerned themselves no further except to embark after having taken leave of Guachoia and recommended him to live in peace with Anilco. THE CAPTAINS OF THE CARAVELS. 463 BOOK FOUETH. CAPTAINS OF THE CARAVELS ; RAFTS OF THE INDIANS ; THEIR FIGHT UPON THE "WATER ; DEATH OF SEVERAL SPANIARDS ; THEIR ARRIVAL AT THE SEA ; THEIR ADVENTURES AS FAR AS PANUCO AND THE RECEPTION WHICH WAS GIVEN THEM IN THE CITY OF MEXICO. CHAPTER I. THE CAPTAINS OP THE CARAVELS, AND THE EMBARKATION OP THE TROOPS. Moscoso embarked in the first caravel ; Alvarado and Mosquera in the second; .Aniasco and Viedma in the third; Gusman and Gaitan commanded the fourth; Tinoco and Cardeniosa the fifth; Calderon and Francisco Ozorio the sixth ; and Vega and Garcia the seventh. Each caravel had seven oars to the bench, and there were in each, two captains, in order that if one was obliged to land to oppose the enemy the other might remain in the vessel to give the necessary orders There embarked under the directions of these famous cap- tains about three hundred and fifty men of more than a thousand who had entered Florida, and some thirty Indians, men and women, of eight hundred whom they had led from the difierent countries, into tlie province of Herdsmen. As these poor people were far from their country, and as they had a singular attachment for the Span- iards, they would never quit them, showing that they would rather die with them than live away from the place of their birth. The Spaniards, therefore, took them with them in the belief that, after having derived very good service from them it would be ungrateful to abandon them. And they started with all their sails and oars the evening of the festival of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. But it was an unfortunate day for them, for, leaving Florida, they lost the fruits of all their labors. All rowed except the captains who took care to relieve them hourly, and coasted during a night and a day, all the province of Guachoia without the enemy having come to harass them ; so that they imagined that, in consideration of the cacique of this country who loved them, they had not attacked them ; or that the barbarians, judging of the success of their enter- prise by the course of the moon, had observed that then they should 464 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA. not fight. But the second day their fleet appeared in the morning. It consisted of more than a thousand boats, tlie largest and the best that had been seen in Florida. Therefore I shall say something of it after I have spoken of the boats and rafts which the Indians make use of to cross rivers. CHAPTER II. THE BOATS AND BAFTS OF THE INDIANS. The people of the New World, who live on islands or in places near the sea, make their boats large or small according to the con- venience of the wood they have. They seek the largest trees that they can find ; they hollow them in the form of a trough, and make their boats all of one piece ; for they have not yet the faculty to fasten planks together with nails, nor to make sails. They also do not know how to forge,, nor to, calk; so that, in places where they do not find trees fit for boats, as on all the coast of Peru, the Indians make rafts of a very light wood which is found in the neighboring provinces. of Quito, and which they bring from there on the most navigable rivers of the country. These rafts are composed of five beams, tied to each other, the longest of which is in the middle ; the others gradually diminish, in order the better to cut the water. I remember to have passed, in the times of the incas, upon these kinds of rafts, which were then in use. The Indians make, also, others of them in this manner : They take a quantity of reeds, which they very firmly tie together, and which they raise in front in the form of a prow, the better to cut the watei*. Then they enlarge it by degrees, and in such a manner that they easily place in it a man or any other burden ; and when they cross any rapid river they lay down in the raft the person whom they cross, and advise him to hold fast to the cords, and, above all things, not to open his eyes. I was yet very young when one day I passed, in this manner, an extremely rapid river ; but when the Indian who managed the raft advised me to close my eyes, such a fright seized me that, had the heavens fallen or the earth opened, I could not have been more frightened. However, when I had a little recovered, and felt that we were very near the middle of the river, I could not resist the temptation to look. I therefore raised myself ever so little and looked at the water; but it seemed to me that I was falling from the clouds, because the rapidity of the water and the swiftness with which the raft cleaved the river had made my head THE VESSELS 0! THE PLEET OF THE ALLIED CACIQUES. 465 dizzy to such a degree that I closed my ej'es and acknowledged that not without reason they had advised passengers not to open them. A single Indian governed the raft. He placed himself flat upon his belly at the end of the stern, with a leg on each side, and rowed with his hands and feet, and let himself go with the current even to the other side. The inhabitants of Peru, moreover, make rafts of a different construction from these. They tie together several gourds in a square from four to five feet long, more or less, according as they have business for them ; and put in front of this assemblage a kind of poitrel, whore, as soon as the boatman has put his head, he leaps into the water and swims with his charge to the other bank of the river or gulf which he crosses ; also, if it is necessary, he has men who push behind. But when the rivers are full of rocks, when they have neither entry nor exit, and are so rapid tliat they cannot cross them with rafts, the Indians pass from one side of the river to the other a large cable, which they attach to rocks or to trees. This cable passes through a great basket, to which there is a wooden handle. This basket glides along the cable, and can easily hold three or four persons. It has a cord to each side, with which they draw.it to either side. But because the cable is long and swags in the middle, thej' let the basket go gently as far as that; then, as the cable ascends gradually, they quickly draw it with all their strength. There are persons at the crossings of rivers who have orders for that ; and the travellers themselves who get into the basket often take the cable with their own hands and assist themselves to cross. I remember, at the age of ten years, to have crossed a river two or three times in these sorts of baskets ; and that they carried me along the road upon their shoulders. They cross in these baskets only persons and small animals ; the large are too heavy. Besides, the places where these baskets are are not the passages of the highways ; and, moreover, they do not cross rivers in this manner except in Peru ; for in Florida, where are found very large trees, the inhabitants make very fine boats and easily cross the rivers. CHAPTER III. THE VESSELS OF THE FLEET OP THE ALLIED CACIQUES. I RETURN to the fleet of the enemy. The size of some of these vessels surprised the Spaniards ; for they saw some of them with twentj'-flve oars to the bench, which had each about thirty soldiers, 30 466 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. without counting many rowers, armed with arrows ; so that, in some of the boats, there might be as many as seventy-five or eighty warriors ; but in the others there were not so many people, because they always diminish in size. The least had fourteen oars to the bench, and all, whether great or small, were of a single piece. Their oars appeared very suitably made ; they were about a fathom long, the most of which entered the water, and when one of these vessels went with all its force, a horse urged at full speed would hardly have overtaken it. But that which is somewhat remarkable, the enemy sang divers songs, which, according to the nature of the air, sad cir gay, made tliem row together in very good order, slowly or swiftl3', as at the time it was necessary. These songs contained the heroic actions of their ancestors ; so that, animated by the remembrance of these things, they bore themselves courageously to battle, and thought only of winning the victory. And that which also deserves to be considered, the boats of the fleet were painted within and without, yellow,blue, white, green, red, orsome other color, according to the fancy of him to whom the vessel belonged. Even the oars, and the plumes which the soldiers wore upon their lieads, their caps, as well as their bows and arrows, were of the color of the vessel ; so that, the river being very wide, the enemy could easily extend themselves, and tliere was nothing more beautiful to see than this fleet, because of the diversity of the colors of the boats and the order in which the Indians rowed. On the second day, about noon, they appeared in this state in the rear of the Spaniards, to show the power and the beauty of their army ; and with their songs they encouraged themselves to battle. It was known, by the means of interpreters, that in these songs they called our men cowards, telling them that they fled in vain ; that, since on land they had not been the prey of dogs, on water they should not fail to be devoured by sea monsters ; that, finally, the people of the country would very soon be delivered from a troop of brigands, and such things ; and at the end of the song they gave loud yells tliat made the whole neighborhood re-echo. CHAPTER IV. THE BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS UPON THE RIVER. When the enemy had been some time following us in order to reconnoitre, they separated their fleet into three divisions. The troops of Quigaltanqui put themselves at the head, but they could ADVENTUEES OP THE SPANIARDS. 467 not really learn whether he commanded them himself, although they often heard him mentioned in the songs of the barbarians. After- wards, all the vessels of the fleet advanced to the right towards the bank of the river, and got the lead. Those of the first division im- mediately attacked our caravels, in crossing to the otiier side of the river, and covered them with arrows, so that there were several Spaniards wounded. The first division was no sooner on the left than it recrossed and came and recovered its place ; nevei'theless, always advancing beyond the brigantines. The second division, which crossed after having attacked witli fury, returned to tlie right and placed itself at the head of the first. The third passed in the same manner, and having showered a quantity of arrows upon the soldiers, they rejoined those of their party and came and posted themselves in front of the second division. In the mean time, as our caravels did not cease rowing, they arrived at the position of the barbarians who had first attacked them, and who began to attack them in the same manner as before. The others also attacked, each in their order and their accustomed manner, and harassed the Span- lards all the day. Even during the night they tormented them, but not with so much persistency, for they made but two attacks, tlie first a little before sunset, and the other before daybreak. Our men, on their part, defended themselves verj"^ well on this occasion. They first placed soldiers in the boats where the horses were, in order that if the barbarians approached them, they might be able to repulse them and prevent the horses from being killed. But as the Indians fired from a distance, and as the Spaniards who were in these boats found themselves incommoded, they regained the car- avels and abandoned the horses, which were under a shelter of wretched hides and some shields. Therefore, during ten days and ten nights of fighting, all these horses perished, except eight. And our men were all wounded, notwitiistanding their shields and all the resistance they could make. They had then for arms to fight at a distance only crossbows ; for of their muskets they had made nails. Besides they had not even the ability to make use of them, and since the battle of Mauvila, they lacked powder. CHAPTER V. ADVENTURES OF THE SPANIARDS. After ten daj's of fighting the enem3'^ fell away from the caravels a little more than half a league. In the mean while the Spaniards continued to row, and discovered, at some three hundred paces from 468 HISTORY OF PLOEIDA. the river, a village of about eighty houses. As then they believed that they had made two hundred leagues, and because the river turned to neither side, that therefore tliey were near the sea, they resolved that it was necessary to land and send to the village for provisions. The general therefore made a hundred men land under the conduct of Silvestre ; and ordered them to go and fetch corn from the village, and to lead there the horses to recruit them in oi'der to flight in case of necessity. These soldiers immediately landed, but no sooner did the inhabitants perceive them than they took to flight, scattered through the country, and, making every- thing echo with their cries, demanded assistance on all sides. In the mean time the party arrived at tlie village where they found a quan- tity of corn, dried fruits, many deer-skins diversely painted, cloaks of diflferent skins very well prepared, and one piece of marten's skin about eight ells long by three wide. This piece was double, alike on both sides, and decorated in places with clusters of seed pearls. Tliey believed that it was used as a standard by the Indians in their festivals ; for according to appearances it could not be destined to any other use. Silvestre, who admired it, took it for himself, and his com|)anions all loaded themselves, some with corn and fruits, and others with deer-skins. Then they returned speedily to the caravels, where the trumpets were calling them, because a part of the Indians of the fleet, attracted bj- the cries of tlie Inhabitants of the village, had landed, joined them, and were all advancing with fury, together, to give battle But whatever haste our men could make to regain the brigantines, they were obliged to abandon their horses, for the peril in which they saw themselves prevented them from embarking them. And without doubt, not a soldier of the party would have been able to save himself if the Indians had been advanced only a hundred paces farther. Therefore, all furious to see our men escape, they turned their rage against the horses. They pulled off their halters, unsaddled them, made them run through the field, and fired upon them until they had slain them all. Thus perished the remnant of three hundred and fifty horses which had entered Florida. The Spaniards were so much the more grieved at it as they saw them miserably perish. But considering that they could not protect them from the fury of the barbarians, and that Silvestre and his companions had fortunately escaped, they continued their voyage with all sail. A STRATAGEM OP THE INDIANS. 469 CHAPTER Yl. A STRATAGEM OP THE INDIANS, AND THE RASHNESS OF A SPANIARD. The Indians, despairing of succeeding in their design, because the Spaniards rowed in good order, had recourse to stratagem. They, therefore, stopped and pretended to abandon the pursuit of the caravels. They believed that when our men no longer saw them in their rear, the vessels would fall away from one another ; and that then they would fall upon them and put them to flight. The event happened in part as they had imagined. One of the caravels left the ranks, and remained some time behind the others. The Indians immediately advanced with fury, attacked this caravel, and endeav- ored to capture it. The other vessels which discovered the danger in which it was, ascended by rowing against the current to succor it. They found their people hard pressed, defending themselves with their swords, and that they had not been able to prevent some barbarians from leaping into the caravel. Many of the enemy were even ah'eady seizing it; but upon the arrival of help they retired, after losing thirty of their men, and carried off a boat in which were five hogs, which were reserved to breed from in case a settlement was made. The Spaniards thanked God that they had lost but this boat, which was at the stern of the brigantine ; and afterwards they took care to go in very good order. In the mean time the Indians did not cease to follow them, always hoping that there would be some of them who would abandon their ranks. They were not disap- pointed in their expectations. Esteban Agnez, who had tlie ap- pearance and strength of a coarse peasant, and who had fought in all the battles without having, tlirough good luck for him, been wounded, wished, as he was rash, to undertake something that might make him conspicuous ; for until then he had executed nothing of importance. He, therefore, descended from his caravel into a boat, which was at the stern, under pretext of going to speak to the gene- ral, who was proceeding at the head. Agnez was accompanied by five young Spaniards, whom he had won by the hope of acquiring glory by some bold deed. The natural son of Don Carlos Henri- quez was of this number. He was about twenty years of age, very handsome, and very well formed ; besides, so brave and so virtuous that one might easily have judged from whom he was sprung. When this cavalier and his companions were in the boat, they fell 4T0 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. away from their caravel, and rowed directly at the Indians, attacked them, calling out "let us fight, they fly." The general, who saw this rashness, made haste to sound the retreat, and to recall them ■with loud cries. But Agnez became more and more headstrong, and made signs that they might go on. Moscoso, irritated at this disobedience, commanded forty Spaniards to take boats and bring to him this foolhardy fellow. He had determined to hang him as soon as he should have him; but it had been much better not to have sent any person after him, and to have left him miserably to perish. As soon as the general had given these orders, forty Span- iards leaped into three boats, under the direction of Gusman, who was followed by Juan de Vega, brother of another of the same name, who commanded a caravel. These boats immediately rowed with all their might after that of Agnez. In the mean time, the Indians, who saw them advancing towards them in the rear of that of Agnez, retired slowly in order to draw them away from the caravels. Agnez, who saw the enemy recede, was encouraged, approached, and cried louder than before, " Let us attack, they flee." The other boats which heard him, hastened more and more to reach him, and to hinder him from destroying himself, or to succor him in case of necessity. When the Indians saw them near them they opened in the form of a crescent, and retired gradually to induce them to ad- vance farther. And when they knew that these boats were suffi- ciently involved, they attacked tliem with fury, taking them in the flank and upsetting them all in the water ; so that of the fifty-two Spaniards who were in them, there escaped but Moron, Nieto, Coles, and Terron ; all the others were either drowned or knocked in the head with oars. Moron, who was a great swimmer, and very adroit in managing a vessel, fortunately regained his boat. Nearly at the same time he drew into it Nieto, who alone bravely defended it against the barbarians whilst Moron endeavored to direct it. But these brave soldiers, notwithstanding their valor and their skill, would have finally succumbed to the efforts of the enemy if the caravel of Gusman, which had advanced at the head of the others which came with assistance, had not snatched them from the rage of the barbarians. This same caravel saved Terron; but he was no sooner out of peril than he expired in the arras of those who had drawn him into the vessel. He had in his head, face, neck, and shoulders more than fifty arrows. Coles, from whom I have taken a part of this account, says that he escaped after having received two arrows ; and that the Spaniards who perished on this occasion were, for the most part, gentlemen, and the most valiant of the THE RETURN OP THE INDIANS TO THEIR COUNTRY. 471 troops. Moscoso was also very sensibly grieved at it. Neverthe- less, without desponding, he quickly reassembled his caravels and continued his voyage in very good order. ft CHAPTER YII. THE RETURN OF THE INDIANS TO THEIR COUNTRY, AND THE ARRIVAL OE THE SPANIARDS AT THE SEA. The Indians, after this defeat, harassed the Spaniards the rest of the day and all the following night, and at sunrise, after having uttered loud cries and made everything echo with the noise of their instruments to thank the sun for the victorjr they had won, they abandoned the pursuit of the caravels and retired, full of joy, to their own country, for they were very far from it, and had followed our men four hundred leagues without giving them, day or night, a single moment of repose. During this long journey they always named Quigaltanqui in their songs, and did not speak of any other, their design being to make known to our men that it was this prince who made war upon them. Therefore when the Spaniards had arrived at Mexico, and Mendo9a, who was viceroy of it, had learned the evils that Quigaltanqui had done them, he derided them for it, and praised this cacique with an air that showepl that it was to joke them. When our men observed that the Indians were no longer in their rear, they the more readily believed that they were approaching the sea as the Chucagua began to be about fifteen leagues wide, so that they could not discover land on either side. They saw, towards the borders of this river, only a number of reeds so high that it seemed that they might have been trees ; and perhaps their vision did not deceive them. But they would no farther enlighten themselves on the subject for fear lest, quitting the current, they might strike upon some sand-bank ; and besides, no one yet knew whether they were at sea, or really upon the Chucagua. In this uncertainty our men rowed three days, very successfully ; and the fourth, in the morn- ing, they plainly descried the sea, and saw to their left a multitude of trees heaped up one upon the other, which the river, at high water, bore to the sea. And this mass of wood appeared a great island. A half a league from there, there was a desert island like those which great rivers make at their mouth. Therefore the Span- iards no longer doubted they were upon the sea. But because they did not know how far thej' might be from Mexico, they resolved, 472 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. before going farther, to inspect tlieir brigantines. When they saw- that, they had no need of calking nor of repairing, they killed ten hogs which they had remaining, and were three days recruiting them- selves, for they were. overcome by fatigue and loss of sleep on account of the continual alarms which the barbarians had given them every night. For this same reason also they did not know exactly the number of leagues the Spaniards had made in nineteen entire days and nights of navigation on the Chncagua until their arrival at the sea. In fact, when Ihej- conversed about it at Mexico, with persons capable of judging of it, some said that the Christians had made, in one day and night, twenty leagues ; others, thirty, and several, forty, and some, more. But finally they agreed upon twenty-five leagues, both day and night ; for the brigantines had had favorable winds, and went with sails and oars. Upon this basis they found that from their embarkment to the sea there were about five hundred leagues. Coles counts some seven hundred of them, but his opinion is single. CHAPTER VIII. THE NUMBER OP LEAGUES WHICH THE SPANIARDS TRAVELLED IN FLORIDA, AND A FIGHT "WITH THE INDIANS OF THE COAST. The Spaniards penetrated into Florida as far as to the fountains where the Chncagua takes its source.* This river, to ascend from Aminoia, where was made the first embarkment, as far as these fountains, is three hundred leagues ; and from this province to the sea five hundred. So that there extends altogether the distance of eiglit hundred leagues which our men travelled. (28) During the three days that the Spaniards recruited themselves, they saw on the last day about noon, coming from a place full of reeds, seven boats which advanced towards them. Tliere was, in the first, a very large and very black Indian of an aspect very different from those who inhabit the interior of the country. The barbarians of the coast are black in this manner, because the sun is there warmer than elsewhere, and because they are continually in the water, which is salt. For the land being dry and sterile they are obliged to fish in order to subsist. When the Indian had approached the caravel near enough, he placed himself on the prow of his vessel, and in a voice full of haughtiness told the Spaniards, according to * The Chuoagua is the Mississippi River ; the Spaniards crossed it about one hundred miles, by the river, below Memphis. THE VOYAGE OF THE SPANIARDS AND THEIR ADVENTURES. 4Y3 what the interpreter asserted, that they were robbers ; what did they come to seek upon the coast ; and that they should leave it in haste, by one of tlie mouths of the Chucagua ; otherwise he would burn their brigantines and put them all to a miserable death. This barbarian, without waiting for an answer, returned to whence he had come. In the mean while, the Spaniards, reflecting upon the threats of this Indian, and why they sent every little while boats to recon- noitre them, resolved to attack him, for fear that, by favor of the night, he might come to attack them and set fire to the caravels, in which he would more easily have succeeded than by day, because of the advantage which he had of being better acquainted with the sea than our men. Therefore a hundred men entered into Ave boats, under the conduct of Nieto and Silvestre, and went to seek the barbarians. They found a great number of them posted behind reeds, with good boats equipped with everything. Nevertheless, with- out being surprised, they surrounded them, fell upon them, wounded many, slew ten or twelve, and put the rest to flight. But the most of the Spaniards were maltreated, especially Nieto and Silvestre. There was also a soldier who had his thigh pierced through and through by a dart about one fathom long, which the Indians threw with so much force that they pierced through a man armed with a coat of mail. The Spanish soldier died of the stroke which he had received, because they made too great an incision to draw out the point of the dart, and he had nearly as much to complain of our men who dressed his wound as of the barbarians who had wounded him. CHAPTER IX. THE VOYAGE OP THE SPANIARDS AND THEIR ADVENTURES. Before coming to the details of the voj-age of the Spaniards, it is necessary to tell the manner in which the Indians right their boats when they are capsized either in flshing or in battle. When these barbarians, who are verjf robust and very excellent swimmers, see one of their vessels upside down, they put ten or twelve, more or less, about righting it. But because it is full of water, they all together give it three or four jerks so adroitly, that at the last they entirely empty it and re-enter it. The Spaniards admired this promptitude of the Indians in getting the water out of their boats, and endeavored in vain to imitate them. When our men who had been to attack the enemy had rejoined the caravels, they embarked for fear of some misfortune, and went 474 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. with all speed to the desert island which they had seen in the vicinity of the mouth of the Chucagua. When they reached it they landed, walked everywhere, and found nothing remarkable. After- wards they retired to their caravels, where they passed the night, and the next day at daybreak they raised anchor. A cable broke, and the anchor was lost because it had no buoy ; but in the neces- sity they had for this anchor, their best swimmers leaped into the water, where, notwithstanding whatever trouble they took, they did not find it until about three o'clock in the afternoon. Then they set sail, without daring to go into the open sea, for they knew neither the place where they were, nor even their course. Con- vinced, however, that if they kept along the coast towards the west they would safely arrive at Mexico, they sailed the remainder of the da3-, the following night, and the next day until about evening, and found during this journey the water fresh, being astonished that the Chucagua should go so far into the sea. Then Aniasco took the latitude; but because he had neither compass nor marine charts, he made a compass of a ruler and a marine chart of parch- ment, and they governed themselves by these as well as they could. The sailors, who knew that Aniasco had no great knowledge of sea affairs, ridiculed him, and through spite he threw the chart and coinpass into the sea. The brigantine which followed recovered them ; they sailed still seven or eight days, until a storm forced them to gain a little cove. Afterwards, when the weather changed, our men sailed fifteen days, and supplied themselves with water five or six times, inasmuch as thej- had but small pitchers to put • the water in.* On account of that also, and because they had not the things necessary for the navigation, they dared not cut across to the islands, nor go far from land. Besides, every three daj's they had to refresh themselves ; and, as very often they found neither fountain nor river, they dug two feet into the earth, at ten or twelve steps from the sea, and found plenty of fresh water. Finally, at the end of these fifteen days, thej- arrived at five or six small islands, nearly filled with innumerable sea-birds, which made their nests on land. They loaded themselves with these birds and witli their eggs, and returned to the caravels. But these birds were so fat, and tasted so of the sea, that they could not eat them. The next day they anchored at a strand, which was very pleasant on account of the great number of large trees at a distance from one * The Elvas Narrative relates that a cooper " made for every brigantine two half liogsheadB, which the mariners call quarterets, because four of them hold' a pipe of water." THE ADVENTURE OF TWO CARAVELS. 475 another, which made a very beautiful forest. At the same time some soldiers landed to go a fishing along the shore, and found many lumps of pitch which the sea had driven ashore,* and which weighed, some eight, others ten, and some from thirteen to fourteen pounds. The Spaniards rejoiced to find this pitch, because their caravels leaked ; they repaired tliem all. Each day, by main force, they drew one of them on land, calked it, and replaced it in the sea in the evening. But in order that the pitch might flow more freely, they mixed it with hog's grease, preferring to employ it in this use to eating it, • because their lives depended upon their vessels. D wring eight days that the Spaniards recruited themselves on this shore, they were three times visited by Indians armed with bows and arrows, and each time they received from them corn. To requite them for this favor, our men made them a present of deer skins, and then left this shore without even inquiring the name of the country, so greatly were they engrossed with the design of reaching Mexico. They coasted during their voyage, for fear lest the north wind, which prevails on all this coast, should drive them into the open sea. However, some stopped sometimes two or three days to fish, because there remained nothing to subsist upon but corn, and others landed from their caravels and went to seek pro- visions. They managed in this waj' thirteen days, and made many leagues without being able to say positively the number; for they had not reflected on it, and had thought only of reaching the river of Palms, wliich they believed they were not very far from. This thought of itself encouraged them to endure their hardships. CHAPTER X. THE ADVENTURE OE TWO CARAVELS. ThE Spaniards had been thirty days at sea when about evening tliere arose a north wind, which forced five caravels to approach nearer to shore. In the mean while, the sk}"^ became overcast, the wind increased, and there arose a furious storm. The caravel of Gaitan and tliat of Alvarado and Mosquera, which had kept too far to sea, were dreadfully battered by the tempest, and like to have perished, especially the brigantine of Gaitan came nearer being * Clavigero in his History of Mexico says tliat the gulf throws up bitumen on the Mexican coast, and that the Indians in parts of Mexico paid a tribute in bitumen. 476 HISTORY OP FLORIDA. ■wrecked by a flaw which sprung the mast ; so that these two ves- sels were in a deplorable condition during the whole night, and also nearlj' the whole of the following day ; for about noon they came near being submerged ; and then, perceiving the five caravels, which had gained the mouth of a river, which they ascended, they endeavored three whole hours to reach thera ; but their efforts were in vain, the wind was too impetuous, and the danger increased every moment. Therefore, without persisting further, they went close to the wind along the coast towards the west, in the hope of extricating themselves from the danger which threatened them. As they were nearly all naked, and tlie waves entered the brigantines, they were in great peril of losing their lives. They, therefore, labored with energy to save themselves. Some folded the sails, others bailed and managed the caravels, and all that without eating or resting, so eminent the fear of death appeared to them. Finally, after having been twenty-six hours agitated in this way, they dis- covered, yet a little before night, two coasts : the one white, to their right ; the other very dark, to their left. Then a young man of the brigantine of Alvarado said that he had sailed to that black coast, but tiiat he did not know the name of it ; that it was covered, with flint, and extended as far as the vicinity of Vera Cruz ; that, if they turned their vessel towards this coast, they would all inevitably perish ; that the white coast was of sand, soft and level, and that before dark they must land there, for if the wind cast them upon the black coast, they must expect nothing less than death. Alva- rado, at the same time, commanded them to warn the caravel of Gaitan not to run upon the black coast. But the waves rose so high that the brigantines could scarcelj' see one another, and they had diflSculty to execute this order. However, as at times the vessels saw one another, the caravel of Alvarado made so many signs and so many shouts that Gaitan conceived what they wished to make known, and the soldiers upon both sides agreed to land upon the white coast. Gaitan opposed this design in his caravel, but those who accompanied him stoutly opposed him, some even with abuse, and told him that tiiey would never sufi"er that fifty men should perish through his obslinacj'. Thereupon, some' laid their hands upon their swords, and others upon the helm, and bore the prow of tlie vessel towards the white coast, where, after much labor, they struck before sunset. As soon as Gaitan knew that the vessel had touched ground, he leaped from the stern into the water, be- lieving that on occasions of this kind it was the safest ; but when he rose to the surface of the water he badl}- hurt his shoulders against the rudder. His soldiers did not leave the caravel when the first THEY SEND TO SEEK THE GENEEAL. 47 1 shock of the wave drove it to land. Afterwai'ds, the wave retiring, left the vessel aground, and at its return it struck it in such a way that it placed it upon its side. Then the soldiers leaped into the water, one party lightened the vessel, some took hold of one side, and others of the other, and they all did their duty so well that, by the assistance of the waves, they drew it upon the beach. Alvarado and Mosquera, who had stranded theirs at the distance of two mnsket-shots further off, also labored with energy to draw their brigantine ashore, and they fortunately succeeded. The two cara- vels each immediately sent to seek the other ; but as their men met half way, they told to each other their adventures, returned and informed their comrades of them, who, after having thanked God for having delivered them from peril, dispatched in haste to get intelligence of Moscoso, concerning whom they were in very great trouble. CHAPTER XI. THEY SEND TO SEEK THE GENEEAL, AND TO EXPLOEE THE COUNTRY. The Spaniards of the two caravels, being assembled a little before night, agreed to send to Moscoso to inform him of their adven- tures, and also to get intelligence of him, and learn the condition of the five brigantines that accompanied him. But when they reflected that for twenty-six hours they had not rested, and that in order to go to the general, thirteen or fourteen leagues must be travelled that night through a country unknown, and perhaps full of enemies, they became doubtful about sending any of their com- rades there. Quadrado Charamilla, full of courage and zeal, seeing this irresolution offered himself to go there, because he was de- votedly attached to Moscoso, and promised that he would either be with him the next day or die; that if any one would accompany him well and good, if not, he would go alone. Francisco Mugnos, animated by this example, said that he was ready to follow Quad- rado, and that he would sooner lose his life than abandon him. The captains of the caravels, rejoiced to see the courage of these soldiers, immediately supplied them with provisions ; and these two brave Spaniards, taking each his sword and shield, left at one o'clock at night. But as they did not know the road which they ought to take, they followed, at all hazards, the borders of the sea, in the be- lief that it was the surest route. In the mean time their compan- ions returned each to his brigantine, where, after having posted sen- tinels, and rested all the night, they assembled the next morning. 4 '7 8 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. and chose for captains of companies Silvestre, Antonio de Porras, and Alonzo Caluete. They sent them each with twenty men, one towards the south, the other towards the west, and the third to- wards the north, with orders to try to discover in what country they were, and not to go too far, in order that they might be able to succor them in case of necessity. The captains who took the routes to the north and the south returned to the caravels after having inarched about a league and a half; one with the half of a dish made of tlie white clay of Talavera, the other with an earthen por- ringer, painted as they paint them at Malassa. Therefore, the^'' were certain that the places of the country which they had discov- ered, were inhabited by Spaniards, and that the porringer and dish which they had brought were sure signs of it. The party of Sil- vestre, which struck towards the west, on its return completely con- firmed this news, as shall now be seen. Silvestre and his company, being about half a league distant from the sea, and advanced be- yond a small eminence, discovered a pond of fresh water more than a league long. As the^' saw on this pond four boats of Indians who were fishing, they crept along the water a quarter of a league under the cover of some trees ; and in the progress, glancing here and there, they saw, at about three hundred steps, two Indians who were collecting fruit under a tree which they call guajac [guava]. Im- mediately they cast themselves upon the ground, some on one side and others on the other, and dragged themselves so adroitly upon their bellies that they surrounded the two barbarians without being discovered. Then they arose and ran at them. But notwithstand- ing all their speed one of them escaped, who leaped into the water. The Spaniards, rejoiced to have the other, returned in haste to the quarters, for fear lest the inhabitants of the country should assem- ble and make them release the boot}' they had taken. For besides the Indian prisoner, they brought away two baskets of the fruit of the guajac, corn, a Mexican turkey-cock, two Spanish hens, and a little of the juice of the stalk of the maguey. This tree puts forth stems nearly like cardoons, and which arc very good to eat when they have been exposed to the sun. The maguey serves the Indians of New Spain to make hemp, wine, honey, vinegar; they also make jelly of it by means of a liquor, very sweet, which the leaves throw out at a certain season of the year, and when they fall from the tree. Tliey employ the trunk of the maguey to build, but only in extreme necessity, and when they find no other tree. To return to our men. When they heard that their prisoner spoke but tlie word "Brecos," and as the}' did not understand this word, they asked him by signs and otherwise the name of the country THE SPANIARDS KNOW THAT THEY ARE IN MEXICO. 479 where they were. The Indian, who understood them by the means of their gestures, but who could not answer them, repeated in vain " Brecos," in hope of making them understand that he belonged to a Spaniard, whose name was Christobal de Brecos. The poor Indian troubled himself in vain, since omitting the word Christobal he was intelligible neither to Silvestre nor to his companions ; so that through vexation, being some time provoked even to abusing him, they hastened their march in order to rejoin the caravels, where they deferred to interrogate him quite at their leisure, and where they safely returned. CHAPTER XII. THE SPANIARDS KNOW THAT THEY ARE IN MEXICO. Silvestre and his men found, at their return, their companions in ecstacy on account of the things which tlie two other parties liad brought back from their exploration. But the joy increased at the sight of the booty of Silvestre's soldiers. There were in the cara- vels nothing but eaperings and songs. Each was transported witli joy: especially when the surgeon of the troops, who understood the Mexican language and even spoke it a little, showing a pair of scissors to the Indian prisoner and asking him to tell him what they were; the barbarian replied, " tisfeUis" for "tixeras.'' Our men, who heard how this Indian tried to speak Spanish, no longer doubted that the3' had reached Mexico. So that they all began again to rejoice. Some embraced the prisoner, and others, Silvestre and his comrades. They hugged and kissed them, raised them in their arms, and made everything echo with their applause. But after the first transports, they asked the barbarian, tlirough the surgeon, the name of the (Country where they were; and what they called the river which the general, with the five brigantines, had ascended ? He replied that the country appertained to Panuco, to which it was ten leagues by land ; that the general had entered the river which bears the name of this town, situated twelve leagues from its mouth ; and that twelve from the place where they were, this river entered the sea ; that, as for himself, he belonged to Christobal de Brecos, living at Panuco ; that at a little more than a league from the quarters there was a cacique who knew how to read and write, having been raised by a clergyman, who taught the Indians the principles of the Christian doctrine; that if they desired it he would go for this cacique, who would speedily come and inform them of everything:. 480 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. The Spaniards, rejoiced at this, increased their attentions to the Indian ; and, after having made hina some presents, sent him for the. cacique, with orders to pay their compliments to him, and to bring baclc paper and ink. The barbarian, pleased with the Span- iards, hastened so much that he returned to the caravels in less than four hours. The cacique, informed of what had happened upon the coast of his province, came himself to see our men, followed by eight of his subjects loaded with Spanish chickens, corn bread, fruit, and fish. He took care also to fetch ink and paper; for he prided him- self principall}' upon knowing how to read and write, and he believed that a great advantage. As soon as he reached the Spaniards he presented them the things which his eight vassals liad, and offered them his hospitality and his services. Our men, to show him their gratitude, gave him some deer skins. Then they dispatched an Indian to the general, with letters in which tliey related their adventures, and requested him to send them his orders. In the mean time the cacique remained with them to inquire the particulars of their discovery. He took especial pleasure in learning them. He was really astonished to see our men emaciated, hideous, and wearied in a pitiable manner ; which showed that during the voyage thej" had suffered terribly. Then, when night approached, he very politely took leave, and returned home. But the next day he returned; and duiing five more days that they refreshed them- selves upon his lands, lie repaired each day to the quarters; and brought, every time, wherewith to sufDciently feast the Spaniards. CHAPTER XIII. THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS AT PANUCO AND THEIR DISSENSIONS. While these things were passing, Quadrado and Mugnos travelled all night and arrived, late in the morning, at the mouth of the Panuco, where they learned that the general and the brigantines were ascending this river. They were so rejoiced at this news that without resting they continued their journey, and speedily repaired to the general, who apprehended that the two caravels had" been wrecked. But the arrival of Quadrado dispelled his fear; and the next dny the Indian, whom they had dispatched to him, delivered to him the letters with which he was charged. They gave him much pleasure, and he replied to what they wrote to him. He sent ordei's to the two brigantines to meet him at Panuco, where thej' went in haste to join him, and where they, as well as their com- THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS AT PANUCO. 481 panions, were received with great demonstrations of friendship. Thejf amounted in all to some three hundred men ; but they were in a deplorable condition, overcome with fatigue, sun-burnt, emaci- ated, hideous, and covered only with the skins of cows, lions, or bears, so that they might have almost as soon been taken for beasts as for men. When they had arrived, the governor of Panuco in- . formed the Viceroy Antonio de Mendoga, who held his court in the city of Mexico, sixty leagues from Panuco. Mendoga- immediately ordered them to be furnished with provisions, and to be conducted to Lim when they should be recruited. In the mean time he sent them, through tlie Mexican Society of Charity, shirts and shoes ; • and medicines and comfits, in case there should be sick among them. The Spaniards, praising God for this blessing, remained ten or twelve days at Panuco. But when the greater part had learned that the inhabitants subsisted upon only the things which the land produced; that many were employed only in planting Spanish mul- berry trees in the expectation of making silk; that the best off raised . but a few horses to sell to merchants from abroad ; that they were all poor, badly lodged, and the country wretched, they began to regret having abandoned Florida ; of which the land was very fertile, produced very fine trees, and where they had seen a very great quantity of furs of martens and many other animals. Their discontent still increased when they remembered the multitude of pearls which they had seen, and the hope with which they all had flattered themselves that each one of them would gain a great pro- vince in Florida. Thereupon they detested their conduct, — that they were cowards not to have settled in that country, and to have come to baselj' beg their bread of wretches ; that it would have been more profitable and more glorious to have died in Florida than to live like scoundrels in Mexico. The Spaniards who made these reflections had advised not to abandon Florida, when they deliberated about leaving it. Therefore, seeing themselves reduced to poverty by the faults of their captains who had induced the troops to come to Mexico, they were excited with rage against them, and against the others who had supported their sentiments. They pursued them with their swords, wounding some and killing a few; so that these officers and their companions dared not show themselves. The inhabitants of the town, grieved at so great a disorder, endeavored to appease it, but they could not succeed, and the discord increasing more and more, the governor informed Men- do§a of it. He immediately ordered tlie Spaniards to be sent to Mexico by tens and twenties ; and those to march together who were of the same party ; which was strictly executed. 31 482 HISTORY or flokida. CHAPTER XIV. THE ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS AT MEXICO. The report being spread that the Spaniards who came from Florida were going to Mexico, the inhabitants of the country, from every quarter, assembled upon their route. When they saw them in a deplorable condition, they kindly lodged and entertained them, even to Mexico. This city, which is one of the largest and best in the world, received them very well, and there was scarcely a gen- tleman who did not show them marks of kindness. Charamillo especially showed them much attention. He lodged in his house twenty of them, one of whom he found to be a relation of his. He even clothed the whole twenty, and furnished them with linen and other necessfiry things. The viceroy also gave them proofs of his kindness, for he would have them, indifferently, soldiers and officers, eat at his table; based on this, that all having equally shared the hardships of the expedition, it was but proper that they all should have a share in the favors which he did them. This prince did not content himself with feasting them. He took care to lodge them in one of his houses, and he had clothes distributed to those who had need of them ; and, as a provost of Mexico had put two of them In prison because they had fought each other, he had it published, that henceforth no judge should have cognizance of their differ- ences. He wished himself to terminate them, because he loved these poor soldiers. It displeased him that thej' should have recom- menced their old quarrels. Nevertheless, notwithstanding his con- duct, the quarrel broke out again, and there were some of them killed ; for the greater part, enraged to see the value which they put upon the pearls and furs which they had brought from Florida, and that they had unfortunately left these things, pursued with their swords those who had persuaded them to abandon a countrj"^ so rich. These furs, in fact, were very beautiful, and some of the inhabitants of Mexico, with pleasure, decked themselves with them, and lined their garments with them, after having taken out the pitch with which they were soiled in the vessels. Finallj', as the muti- neers became from day to day more and more Insolent, the viceroy appeased them by the promise that he would undertake with them a voj-age to Florida, since they were so much dissatisfied at having left it. Mendoga had. In reality, a design of going to these coun- tries, on account of the description they had given him of the excel- CONCERNING SOME PARTICULARS OP THE JOURNEY. 483 lent qualities of the soil. Therefore, in order to support a part of the officers and soldiers who had returned from Florida, he offered to some money, to others employment, whilst he should make his preparations to conquer it. Some accepted the offers of this prince, and others rejected tliem, resolved to leave speedily for Peru. One of the latter going one day through the city of Mexico dressed in very wretched skins, a citizen had pity on him, and told him that if he wished to serve him he would give him very good wages, and put him in one of his houses near Mexico, where he would pass an easy life. The Spaniard proudly replied to him that he made him the same offer ; that he possessed many fine estates in Peru ; that if he would accompany him there, he would give him one of them to superintend, when assuredly he would live happy. I relate this little circumstance to show that a part of the Spaniards thought only of going to Peru. CHAPTER XV. CONCERNING SOME PARTICULARS OP THE JOURNEY. On his return from Florida, Silvestre lodged in Mexico with Salazar. When he was relating to him the particulars of tlie expe- dition, the conversation fell upon the misfortune that like to have happened the first night that they had set sail. Salazar, who knew by the account of this adventure, that it was Silvestre who had ordered to fire upon his vessel, esteemed him very much for it ; for he said that he had acted like a man proficient in war. Salazar really had so favorable an opinion of Silvestre that he wished to know what he had done during the journey; and he informed him with pleasure. The viceroy and his son Francisco de Mendoga also learned with much satisfaction the fertility of the soil of Florida, the customs of its inhabitants, their laws against adultery, the gen- erosity of Muco§o, and the deeds of fortitude and courage of the Indians. They were astonished to hear of the riches of the temple of Talomeco and the quantity of pearls that was there. The con- duct of the ladj- of Cofaciqui and the courtesy of the cacique Coga delighted them. They were surprised at the account of the battle of Mauvila, of the fidelity of the lieutenant-general of Anilco, and of the league of the ten caciques who had so bravely pursued our men. They heard, with much admiration, the great deeds which Hernando de Soto had achieved. But his death, at the time when he expected to accomplish his enterprise, sensibly moved them. 484 HISTORY OF FLORIDA. And when they learned that he had determined to send to ask assistance of them, they blamed Moscoso and his captains for not having continued his designs. They declared that they would have speedily assisted them, and that they would liave led troops even to the mouth of the Chiicagua; that also, if they would return to Florida, they were ready to go there with an army ; but, as will be seen, those who had returned did not wish to accompany them there. CHAPTER XVI. THE SPANIARDS DISBAND. After our men had recuperated in Mexico, they acted in this way : Aniasco, Gaitan, Gallego, Gardenioso, Tinoco, Calderon, and some others returned to Spain. They preferred leading a poor and peaceful life in their own country to being wealthy in America, where they saw themselves hated by many, where they had en- dured great hardships, and unfortunatelj' lost their fortunes. Pig- iieroa returned home to, his father ; many entered the monastic order, after the example of Quadrado Charamillo, who chose the order of St. Francis, where he died, illustrious by his actions of piety. Some settled in New Spain with Moscoso, who married in Mexico a lady of rank and of great wealth, who was his relation. Others returned to Peru, where they served Spain as brave soldiers in the war which she waged against Giron and Pizarro, and acquired there riches and reputation. But tliey could never obtain any district nor distribution of Indians, which they could easily have had in Florida. CHAPTER XYII. WHAT MALDONADO AND ARIAS DID TO GET INFORMATION CONCERNING DE SOTO. To finish the History of Florida there remains only to speak of Maldonado, who, about the end of February of the year 1540, was sent to Havana to Bovadilla. Soto, on dispatching him there, or- dered him to repair the next year to the port of Achussi with Arias; and to bring with him vessels loaded with pro%'isions, munitions, and cattle; that he would be there at the time appointed. Maldonado punctually executed the orders of the general. He joined Arias at THE CHRISTIANS WHO HAVE DIED IN FLORIDA. 485 Havana, where they together purchased three ships, and loaded them, as also a caravel and two brigantines, with everything neces- sary for a colony. Afterwards they set sail, and safely came to anchor in the port of Achussi ; but because they did not meet the general there, the one sailed along the coast towards the west, and the other towards the east, to learn some news of him ; always leav- ing, where they landed, letters in the hollows of trees, in which they expressed that they were seeking Soto. They did so until the bad weather approached, which caused them to return to Havana with- out having learned anything. Nevertheless they did not despair on account of that ; they again put to sea in the spring. One sailed close along the coast of Mexico, and the other went as far as the lands of Bacallos. But as they could discover nothing, they re- turned to Havana, whence they departed about the spring of the year 1543, resolved to perish or to learn what had become of the general. With this design they, after much fatigue, arrived about the middle of October at Vera Cruz. There they learned the death of Soto, and that of the greater part of his companions; and immediately they returned to Havana, where they related to Isabella de Bova- dilla the misfortune of her husband. She was so sensiblj^ moved by it that she could not restrain her grief, and died a few days after this sorrowful news. CHAPTER XVIII. THE CHRISTIANS WHO HAVE DIED IN FLORIDA. Ponce db Leon equipped three large vessels in the year 1513, and landed with about a hundred men, upon the coast of Florida, where the Indians made way with them all. Aillon, followed by more than two hundred, had there the same misfortune as Ponce. Narbaez perished there with four hundred. Hernando de Soto also died there, and more than seven hundred of those who accompanied him. So that, counting from the beginning of the discovery to the arrival of Moscoso at Mexico, there died in Florida more than fourteen hundred Christians, without mentioning some clergj'men and many monks; all men illustrious by their virtue. The names of those whom I have been able to learn, are Dionysio de Paris, Diego de Vagnuelos, Francisco de Rocha, Rodrigo de Gallego, Francisco Delposo, Juan de Torres, Juan Gallego, Louis de Solo, and Cancel Balbastro. About sixteen years after the death of Balbastro, three Jesuits 486 HISTORY or floeida. went to Florida ; and, as at their arrival there was one of them slain, his companions hastily retired to Havana. Two years from that time eight other monks of the Society of Jesus undertook the same voyage, and took with them a cacique. But before saying anything of their adventures, I think it necessary to relate how this cacique had come to Spain. Pedro Melendez, from 1563 to 1568, went three times to the coast of Florida to drive from it the French corsairs, who hoped to get possession of it. The second time he brought with him from these countries seven Indians of their own accord, who were armed with bows and arrows. As soon as they had arrived in Spain, Melendez sent them on their way to Madrid, with the view of presenting them to Philippe II. In the mean time, he who gave me this account, living then in Castile, was informed tliat some Indians from Florida were on their way to the court, and he went in haste to meet them. At first, to show him that he had been in their country, he asked them, through their interpreter, if they were from Vitachuco, Apalache, or Mauvila ; and that he would like very much to have the news from these provinces. The barbarians, knowing that this Spaniard was one of those who had followed Soto, began to look fiercely at him, and replied that he mocked them by inquiring of those places which he and his companions had miserably desolated. They replied nothing more, and only said among themselves that they would much rather pierce him with their arrows than inform him of that which he desired. And there- upon two of these Indians fired into the air, and signified by that, that tliey would much rather have killed the Spaniard than have uselessly lost their shots. These Indians were baptized in Spain ; where, some time after, they all died except this cacique, who, sad for the death of his companions, asked to return home, promising to work for the conversion of the inhabitants of the country. The Jesuits, wlio wished to go to Florida, hearing him speak in this way, believed that he would serve powerfully to the design which they had. Therefore, they took him with them, and with much hardship arrived upon his territory. When he had been some time there, he left them under pretext of going to a neighboring town, which he named to them, to dispose the people there to hear the word of God ; promising them that, at the latest he would return in eight days. They awaited him fifteen days, then they dispatched two of their companions to liim, whom he caused to be massacred. And the following day he himself came at the head of a troop of In- dians, and fell upon the others. The good fathers, who saw them come all enraged with arms in their hands, threw themselves upon their knees, and were all killed. THE CHRISTIANS WHO HAVE DIED IN FLORIDA. 487 The barbarians immediately began some to dance about, and others to break a box in which was the crucifix and some ornaments to say mass, and they insolently scoffed them. The names of the Jesuits who were killed by these Indians are, Bautista Segura, Louis de Quiros, Bautista Mendez, Grauiel de Solis, Antonio Cavallos, Cristoval Redondo, Grauiel Gomes, Pedro de Linares. These monks, as well as the others of whom I have spoken, lost their lives in Florida at the very time that they prepared to preach the Gospel there. Therefore their deaths demand vengeance of God, or rather mercy, in order that the people of these countries, who are in dark- ness, may be some day enlightened with the light of the Faith ; and that their lands, sprinkled with the blood of Christians, may bear fruit worthy of the sanctity of blood so sacred.(2g) HERNANDO DE SOTO AND FLORIDA. VOLUME III. HERl^ANDO DE SOTO AND FLORIDA. CHAPTEE I. EVENTS FROM THE TERMINATION OP THE EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO TO THE SETTLEMENT OP THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 1543-1562. GuiDO DE LAS Bazares, with a large bark, galley, and shallop, manned with sixty seamen and soldiers, sailed from the port of San Juan de Ulua [Yera Cruz], New Spain, on the 3d of September, 1558, to explore the coast of Florida. On the 10th he arrived' at Panuco, and from thence he departed, and arrived on the coast of Florida, in 2t° 30' north latitude. Continuing along the coast he discovered a bay in 28° 30' north latitude, which he named St. Francisco, and from thence to the Alacranes ; the coast of which extends from northwest to southeast; but contrary winds having prevented him from approaching the coast where he desired, he landed in 29° 30' north latitude, and discovered an island which was, perhaps, four leagues from the mainland; he passed within this island and the mainland and other islands, and, after having ex- plored all the coast, he observed that it was bordered by marshy grounds, and was not in a favorable situation to begin a colony, as it was liable to be submerged in many places ; he gave it the name of Bay of Bas-Fonde. From thence he sailed ten leagues further to the east, where he discovered a bay which he named Filipina,* it being the largest and most commodious bay on the coast. The en- trance is in 30° 80' north latitude ; and on entering the bay he passed the point of an island seven leagues long, and steered east-southeast [B. N. E. ?]. On the other side of the bay lies the mainland, which is, perhaps, half a league wide from point to point. Of all the dis- coveries made from east to west, there is no bay so accessible and so commodious as this. The bottom is of mud, and the harbor is * The bay of Pensaoola. 492 EVENTS FROM DE SOTO TO BIBAULT. from four to five fathoms deep at low tide. The channel is from three to four fathoms deep, and at high water nearly one fathom more. The climate is very bealthj' and similar to that of Spain. It abounds in all kinds of fish and oysters. The pine forests are extensive. There are besides live-oak, cypress, ash, palmetto, laurel, cedar, and other trees, one of which yields a fruit resembling the chestnut.* All these trees commence to grcJw near the shore, and extend for many leagues into the interior of the country. Some rivulets of water fall into the bay, where there is a large opening, which appears to be the mouth of a great river. While in this bay he went to examine the water on the north side, where the trees are not so dense, and where cavaliers might hold their tournaments and find grass for their horses. In the rear of this bay, in an easterly direction, are hills of a reddish clay, from which eartlienware can be manufactured. Here at all times can be seen a great variety of wild game. On the shores of this bay he observed a large number of canoes, as well as huts surrounded with corn, beans, and pumpkins. This country is distant about two hundred and sixty leagues from San Juan de Lua (Yera'Cruz). Contrary winds now prevented him from advancing any farther, although he returned twice to the bay of Filipina, which he after- wards named Velasco. As the winter was now approaching, the pilots and sailors were of opinion the weather wonld not be favor- able for further explorations of the coast. He accordingly left the coast on the 3d of December, and arrived at San Juan de Lua on the 14th. The viceroy of New Spain fitted out an expedition which sailed from Vera Cruz in 1559, under the command of Don Tristan de Luna y Avellano, with fifteen hundred soldiers and a large number of friars [Franciscans], burning with zeal to convert the natives ; and on the 14lh of August they reached the baj' of Santa Maria Filipina ; and six days after he arrived a terrific gale wrecked a part of his fleet. He, however, dispatched four companies with two friars to penetrate the country as far as the province of Co9a, and with the remainder of the expedition he established himself at the port [Filipina]. The expedition reached a town on the river which they named Santa Cruz Napicnoca, where it was afterwards joined by Don Tristan de Luna, and from thence they proceeded on their march to other Indian towns on the banks of a river called Olibaka, where they procured a supply of provisions, and some daj's after the3- reached the famous province of Coga. There they remained some * Chinquepin. EVENTS FROM DE SOTO TO RIBAULT. 493 ■Weeks, but the obstacles they encountered with the natives and the scarcity' of provisions so discouraged them that they abandoned the expedition and returned to the bay of Santa Maria Filipiua, and afterwards to Vera Cruz. On the 2'7th of May, 1561, Don Angel de Villa Fane, governor and captain-general of the province of Florida, with two frigates and a caravel arrived at St. Helena and sailed up the river four or live leagues: but not discovering a convenient port, or land suitable for a colony, he returned to sea, and followed the coast in search of a port; and, having doubled Cape San Roman in 34° north latitude, he landed on the 2d of June, and ordered a ship to make soundings, and found the bottom good ; and from thence he went into tlie interior until he came to a large river which discharged its waters near the cape, and called it Jordan, and proceeded to sea. On the 8th of June he returned and re-entered the Jordan with two frigates, but not finding a suitable harbor he again returned to sea, and was annoyed with the discovery that the frigate San Juan had fouled her anchor and lost it near Cape San Roman. He continued his exploration along the coast with two frigates, and sent the treasurer, Don Alonzo Velasquez, with one of them to the river of Canoes in 34° 30' north latitude, which he ascertained to be one and a lialf fathoms deep at one and a half leagues from its mouth. He after- wards rejoined the governor who continued to examine the coast until the 14th of June, when lie reached Cape Trafalga in 35° north latitude. At ten o'clock at night a tempest arose, and the caravel was near being lost as well as botli the frigates. They were sur- rounded with shoals and a submerged coast, and being far away from any port, the governor and pilots decided to proceed on their voyage until they reached the port of Monte Christo, in the island of Hispaniola, where the governor landed on tiie 9th of July 1561. Don Gonzalo Perez, secretary of the Council of the Indies, at the same time he presented the above account of Don Angel's voyage, to the president, laid before him a memorandum from the king re- questing the council to give him their definition of the rights of the king to Florida, and whether tlie French can take possession of that country and build forts there. The council informed the king that his title to the county of Florida is clear and indisputable, and founded on the gift of Pope Alexander VI., and the taking posses- sion of that country by Governor-general Don Angel de Villafane, is the same country which the French have recently taken posses- sion of and built a fort there called Carolin, and the same country 494 EVENTS FROM DE SOTO TO EIBATJLT. which Guide de las Bazares took formal possession of in 1558, and which the fleets and ships of the king of Spain have at different times explored and taken possession of. Juan Ponce de Leon was the first to discover and take possession, and after him Lucas Yas- quez de Ayllon, and after him Pamfllo de Narvaez, and after Nar- vaez, Hernando de Soto, all of whom, and many others, were com- missioned by your majesty to explore and take possession of Florida, and therefore the French have no riglit to interfere, as they might hereafter build forts, interrupt commerce, and capture the ships of your majestj' coming from the Indies.* * From tlie " Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida," by B. F. French. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN EIBAULT TO FLORIDA. 495 CHAPTEE II. THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA. 1562. Whereas, in the year of our Lord 1562, it pleased God to move your lordship to choose and appoint me to discover and view a cer- tain long coast of the West Indies, from the head of the land called Florida unto the head of Bretons, distant from the said head of Florida nine hundred leagues, or thereabouts, to the end that we might certify and make you a true report of the climate, fertility, ports, havens, rivers, and generally all the commodities that we have seen and found in that land, and also to learn what people were dwelling there. When we had fulfilled j-our orders and made preparation, we de- parted on the 18th of February, 1562, with our two vessels out of the harbor of Havre de Grace, into the road of Caux, and the next day hoisted sail. Thursday, the last of April, 1562, we discovered and approached a fair coast stretching a great length, covered with an infinite number of high and large trees, we being seven or eight leagues from the shore. The country seemed to us a plain without any appearance of hills ; and arriving within four or five leagues of the land, we cast anchor in ten fathoms of water, the bottom of the sea being covered with osiers and fast hold on the south side, as far as a certain cape situated under latitude of nine and twenty degrees and a half, which we have named Cape Francois [in honor of France]. We could see neither river nor bay, wherefore we sent our boats, manned with men of experience, to sound the coast near the shore, who, returning to us about one o'clock in the afternoon, declared that they had found, among other things, eight fathoms of water at the hard bank of the sea, whereupon having weighed anchor, with a fair wind we sailed along the coast with unspeakable pleasure of the odorous perfume and beauty of the scene. And because there appeared unto us no appearance of any port, about the setting of the sun we cast anchor again. Then perceiving towards the north a leaping and breaking of the water, as a stream 486 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA. flowing into the sea, we lioisted sails again to double the same, while it was yet day, and as we passed beyond it, there appeared a wide entry of a fair river, which caused us to cast anchor again near to land, that the next day we might see what it was, and though the wind blew for a time boisterously to the shoreward, yet the hold and anchorage was so good, that one cable and one anchor held us fast without danger or sliding. The next day in the morning, being the first of May, 1562, we set out witii two barges and a boat well trimmed, to enter the river, where we entered a magnificent and great river, with thirty-six fathoms of water, which increased in depth and width. Having passed its mouth, we began to see a great many of the natives, who approached us without fear. One of the Indians entered the river, approached our boats, and showed us the best place to land. Seeing this we landed [on the north side], and rewarded him, and afterwards he ran to his chief who forthwith sent me his girdle made of red leather, in token of friendship,* and I began to go toward him, when he came toward me with all his men, and received me kindly and modestly\ And after we had congratulated him, we fell to our knees a short distance from them and gave thanks to God, beseeching him to continue his goodness towards us, and bring to the knowledge of our Saviour Christ this poor people. While we were thus praying, they sitting upon the ground, which was strewed with baj' branches, they beheld and hearkened to us attentively without speaking or moving, and as I made a sign lifting up my arm and pointing with one finger to make them look heaven- ward, he likewise lifted up his arm towards heaven, putting forth two fingers, whereby it seemed that he wished to tell us that he worshipped the sun and moon for their gods, as afterwards we un- derstood it to be so. In the mean time their number increased, and being assembled they cut a great many bay boughs, and therewith dressed a place for us, distant two fathoms from theirs, for it is their manner to talk and bargain sitting, and their chief or king to be separated from the common people. After we had tarried for the most part of the day on the north side of the river (which we called May because we discovered it the 1st of May), we made alliance and entered into amity with them. And they seemed sorry when we took our departui-e. But desiring to spend the rest of the day on the other side of the river, to be- * Probably a wampum belt. THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN EIBATJLT TO ELOEIDA. 497 come acquainted with those Indians we saw, we went there without difHciilty and landed among them, who received us kindly and gave us of their fruits. Soon after this came the king with his brethren and others. After we had entertained and presented them with like gifts, and clothed the king and his brethren with like robes, as we had given them on the other side, we entered and explored their country thereabouts, which is the fairest, fruitfulest, and pleasantest of all the world, abounding in honey, venison, wild game, forests, woods of all sorts, and vines with grapes. And the sight of the fair meadows is a pleasure inexpressible. The night approaching, it was necessary for us to return on shipboard ; we accordingly took leave of them. Very early the next morning we returned to land, accompanied by the captains, gentlemen, soldiers, and other persons, carrying with us a pillar or column of hard stone, with the king's arms engraven there- on, to plant and set the same at the entry of the port on some high place where it might easily be seen ; and being come thither before the Indians had assembled, we discovered in the south side of the river, not far from its mouth, a place very suitable for the purpose upon a little sandy hill covered with cypress, bays, palms, and other trees, with sweet-smelling and pleasant shrubs, in the middle whereof we planted the first boundary or limit of his majesty. When the Indians perceived our long stay on this side they ran to see what we had done in that place where we had set our limit. They viewed it a long time without touching it, or even speaking to us about it at any time afterwards. Howbeit we could scarcely part from them without great grief, and they continued to follow us along the river from all parts, presenting us with harts' skins painted and unpainted, meat, little cakes, fresh water, etc.; also lead, turquoises, and great abundance of pearls, which they told us they took out of oysters along the river-side ; and as fair pearls as are found in any country of the world ; for we saw on one of their men as we entered our boats, a pearl hanging to a collar of gold about his neck, as large as an acorn. He was one of the best-looking of the whole company. The day being well gone, and desiring to employ the rest of the day with tlie Indians on the north side, whom we talked with the day before, we crossed the river to their shore, where we found them patiently waiting for us, with new paintings upon their faces, and feathers upon their heads. One of them had hanging about his neck a round plate of red copper, well polished, with a small one of silver hung in the middle of it ; and in his ears a small plate of copper. 32 , 498 THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA. The night now approaching, we returned to our ships, for we durst not hazard our ship because of the bar of sand that was at the month of the river, notwithstanding, at full tide, there were at least two fathoms and a half of water, and it is but a leap over a surge to pass this bar, not exceeding two cables in length, and then afterwards there are six or seven fathoms of water every- where ; so that it made a very fair haven, and a ship from four to six hundred tons may enter therein at all tides, yea of a far greater burden if there were pilots. The situation is in thirty degrees north latitude, a good climate, healthful, good temperature, delight- ful, pleasant. The next day, being the 3d of May, being desirous to find out harbors to anchor in, we sailed again, and after we had ranged the coast as near shore as we could, there appeared to us, about seven leagues on this side (north) of the river May, a great opening or bay of some river, whither we sent one of our boats, and there found an entry almost like the river May, and, within the same, of as great depth and as large ; and dividing itself into great streams stretching towards the high lands, with many others of less size, which divide the country into beautiful and great lands, and small and fair meadows. Having entered about three leagues, we found a place commodious, strong, and pleasant of situation, and certain Indians who received us friendly. Nevertheless, as we ap- proached so near their houses it seemed to offend them. We after- wards went to their houses, but none of the natives would accom- pany us. It is a place of wonderful fertility, and similar and like unto the land we found upon the river May. Without coming into the sea this arm dOth divide and make many other Isles of May, as also many great islands, by which we travelled from one island to another between land and land ; and it seemed that men might sail without danger through all the country and never enter the great ocean. The people there live long, in great health and strength. We de- parted from them very friendly ; but the night overtaking us, we were compelled to lie in our ship (boat ?) all that night till it was day, floating upon this river, which we have called the Seine, because the entry of it is as broad as from Havre de Grace to Hon- fleni-. At break of day we espied out of the south side, one of the most pleasant meadow grounds that might be seen, into which we went, finding at the very entry a long, fair, and great lake, and an innu- merable number of footsteps of great harts and hinds, their steps being fresh and new, and it seemeth that the people nourish them THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBATJLT TO FLORIDA. 499 like cattle, in great herds ; for we saw the steps of Indians who fol- lowed them.* The channel and depth of the river Seine is on that side of the meadow which is in the Isle of May, After returning to our ships we continued to sail along the coast, as near the shore as we could, to know more and more of the coast. And, after we had sailed six or seven leagues more, there appeared unto us another bay, where we cast anchor and stopped all night ; in the morning we went thither, and finding, by our sounding, at the entry, many banks, we durst not enter there with our great ship, having named the river Somme, which is eight, nine, ten, eleven fathoms deep, dividing itself into many great islands and small meadow grounds and pastures ; and on the northwest side there is a great river that cometh from the country of great extent, and another on the east side which returneth into the sea, so that it is a country full of havens, rivers, and islands of the greatest fer- tility, t From thence we sailed about six leagues, and discovered another river which, after we had viewed, was named by us Loire ; and sub- sequently we discovered five others, whereof the lirst was named Gharente ; the second, (?aron?je ; the third, Oironde ; the fourth. Belle ; the fifth, Grande ; which being well discovered, with such things as were in them ; by this time, in less than sixty leagues, we had found out many singularities along nine rivers.J Nevertheless, not fully satisfied, we sailed yet further towards the north, following the course that might bring us to the river Jordan, one of the fair- est rivers of the north, and holding our wonted course, great fogs and tempests came upon us, which compelled us to leave the coast to bear toward the main sea, which was the cause that we lost sight of our pinnace a whole day and night, until the next day in the morning, which time the weather being fair, and the sea calm, * When Virginia was first visited, the Indians raised and kept tame deers near their dwellings. t Kibaiilt's Narrative in "Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida," by B. F. French. What follows is from Laudonniere. t The following, from a note to Kibault's Narrative, will giveprobahly a cor- rect idea of the rivers that now correspond with those discovered by Ribault, viz: "May, to the St. John's; Seine, the St. Mary's; Somme, the Santilla ; Loire, the Altamaha ; Charante, the Newport ; Garonne, the Ogechee ; Gironde, the Savannah ; Bellevmr, the May in South Carolina ; Grande, the Broad ; Port Royal, the Port Eoyal. ' ' The Broad river is supposed by some to be the Jordan. Ribault was of that belief. But see Jacobo Le Moyne's map of Florida, opposite page 495. 500 THE FIRST VOYAGE Or JEAN KIBAULT TO FLORIDA. we discovered a river, which, we called Bellevoir. After we had sailed three or four leagues, we began to espy our pinnaces which came straight toward us, and at their arrival they reported to the captain, that while the foul weather and fogs endured, they harbored themselves in a mighty river, which in bigness and beauty exceeded the former ; wherewith the captain was exceedingly joyful, for his chief desire was to find a haven to harbor his ships, and there to i-efresh ourselves awhile. Thus making thitherward, we arrived athwart the same river (which, because of the fairness and the big- ness thereof, we named Port Royal), struck our sails, and cast anchor in ten fathoms of water ; for the depth is such that when the tide rises, the largest ships of France may enter there. Having cast anchor, the captain with his soldiers went on shore. It was all covered over with mighty high oaks and infinite store of cedars, and with lentiskes growing underneath them, smelling so sweetly that the very fragrant odor only made the place to seem exceedingly pleasant. The river, at the mouth thereof, from cape to cape, is not- less than three French leagues broad ; it is divided into two great arms, whereof one runneth toward the west, and the other toward the north, and I believe that the arm which stretcheth toward the north runneth up into the country as far as the river Jordan ; the other arm runneth into the sea, as it was known by those of our company which were left behind to dwell in this place. These two arms are two great leagues broad, and in the midst of them there is an isle which is pointed towards the opening of the great river. Seeing the evening approach, and that the captain determined to re- tui-n unto the ships, we prayed him to suffer us to pass the night in this place. In our absence the pilots and mariners advised the captain that it was needful to bring the ships further up within the river, to avoid the dangers of the winds which might annoy us by reason of our being so near the mouth of the river, and for this cause the captain sent for us. Being come to our ships, we sailed three leagues further up within the river, and there we cast anchor. A little while after, John Ribault, accompanied by a good number of soldiers, embarked himself, desirous to sail further up in the arm which runneth toward the west, and to search the commodities of the place. Having sailed at least twelve leagues, we perceived a troop of Indians, wlio, as soon as they espied the pinnaces, fled into the wood, leaving behind them a young lucerne which they were turning on a spit, for which cause the place was called Cape Lu- cerne. Proceeding on our way, we found another arm of the rive; which ran towards the east, by which the captain determined to THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBATJLT TO FLORIDA. 501 sail and to leave the great current. A little while after, they began to espy divers other Indians. At our coming on shore divers of them came to salute our general ; some of them gave him deer- skins ; some presented him with pearls, but no great number. Afterwards they went about to make an arbor to defend us from the parching heat of the sun. But we would not staj' then ; where- fore the captain thanked them, and gave them presents. Tliey •wished him to stay a little longer, showing him by signs that they desired to advise a great lord which had pearls in great abundance. Notwithstanding, we returned to our ships, where, after we had been but one night, the captain in the morning commanded to be put into the pinnace a pillar of hard stone fashioned lilie a column, whereon the arms of the king of France were engraven, to plant the same in the fairest place that we could find. Tliis done, we em- barked ourselves, and sailed three leagues towards the west, where we discovered a little river, up, which we sailed so long that in the end we found that it returned into the great current, and, in its return, to make a little island, separated from the firm land, where we went ashore; and there, " on the 30th of May, on the south side, at the entrance of a great river, which we called Libourne, where there is a lake of fresh water, very good, and on the same side, a little lower down towards the entrance of the iiarbor, one of the fairest fountains that men may drink of, wiiich rushes down to the liver from a high bank out of a red sandy soil,"* we planted the pillar npon a hillock open round about to the view ; on which island we saw two stags of exceeding bigness. Before our dejiarture we named the little river that environed this isle the River of Libourne. Afterwards we embarked to search another isle not far distant from the former, wherein, after we had gone on land, we found nothing but tall cedars, the fairest that were seen in this country. For this cause we named it the Isle of Cedars ; so we returned into our pin- nace to go towards our ships. A few days afterwards John Ribault determined to return once again towards the Indians who inhabited the arm of the river that runneth towards the west, and to take with him a good number of soldiers ; for his design was to take two Indians of this place to carry them to France, as the queen had commanded him. With tiiis intention we again took our former course so far north that at last we came to the selfsame place whei-e at the first we found the In- dians ; from thence we took two Indians, by the permission of the king. As soon as we were come to our ships, every one thought to * Eibault. 502 THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA. gratify these two Indians, that they might perceive the good desire and affection we had to remain their friends. Then we offered them meat to eat, but they refused. A few days after, tliey began to bear so good will towards me that, as I think, they would rather have perished with hunger and thirst than have taken their food at any man's hand but mine. Seeing this, I sought to learn some Indian words, and began to ask them questions, showing them the thing whereof I desired to know the name, how they called it. They were very glad to tell me ; and knowing the desire I had to learn their language, they encouraged me, afterward, to ask them anything ; so that putting down in writing the words and phrases of the Indian speech, I was able to understand the greatest part of their discourses. Evei-y day they did nothing but speak to me of the desire they had to use me well, if we would return unto their houses, and cause me to receive all the pleasui-es they could devise, as well in hunting, as in seeing their very strange and supertitious ceremonies at a certain feast which they called Toya — which feast they observe as strictly as we observe the Sunday. They gave me to understand they would take me to see the greatest lord of this country whom they called Chigoula.* I began then to sliow them all parts of the heaven, to learn in which quarter he dwelt : and straightway one of them stretched out his hand toward the north, which makes me think that it was the river Jordan, and now I re- member that in the reign of the emperor Charles V. certain Span- iards, inhabitants of St. Domingo, who made a voyage to get cer- tain slaves, to work in their mines, stole away by subtlety the in- habitants of this river to the number of forty, thinking to carry them into their New Spain ; but they lost their labor, for they all died, save one that was brought to the emperor, whom a little while after lie caused to be baptized, and gave him his own name, and called him Charles of Chigoula, because he spoke so much of this lord of Chigoula, whose subject he was ; also he continually reported that Chigoula made his abode within a verj' great inclosed city. Besides this proof, those who were left in the first voyage have cer- tified to me that the Indians showed them by evident signs that further on within the land, towards the north, there was a great in- closure, or city, where Chigoula d welt. After they had stayed awhile in our ships they began to be sorry, and still demanded of ine when they should return. I made them understand that the captain's will * This word resembles some words further west, as Bayagoula and Mongou- laoha, on the Mississippi River (below Plaquemin), and Pasoagoula, which may liave been originally Chigoula (Indian) and Pass (English), making Pasohi- goula : for there are Pass Christian, Pass Manshao, and other passes. THE PIEST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA. 503 was to send them home again. But seeing he would not give them license to leave, they resolved with themselves to steal away at night, and to get a little boat we had, and by the help of the tide to sail home, which they failed not to do. The captain cared not greatly for their departure, considering that they had not been used otherwise than well, and that, therefore, they would not estrange themselves from the Frenchmen. Captain Ribault, knowing the singular fairness of this river, de- sired by all means to encourage some of his men to dwell there, •well foreseeing that this thing might be of great importance to France. Therefore, with this intent he caused the anchors to be weighed, and to set things in order to return unto the opening of the river, to the end that, if the wind came fair, he might pass out to accomplish the rest of his intention. When, therefore, we were come to the m'Outh of the river, he made them cast anchor, whereupon we stayed all the rest of the day. The next day he commanded that all the men of his ship should come up on dock. They all came up, and immediately the captain began to speak unto them. He had scarcely ended his oration but the greatest part of our soldiers replied : That a greater pleasure could never betide them. Therefore, they besought the captain, that before he departed out of the place, to begin to build them a fort, which they hoped after- wards to finish, and to leave them munitions necessary for their defence. Whereupon John Ribault determined, the next day, to search the most fit and convenient place to be inhabited. Where- fore he embarked himself very early in the morning, and commanded to follow him them that were desirous to inhabit there. Having sailed up the great river, on the north side, in coasting an isle, which endeth with a sharp point towards the mouth of the river, having sailed awhile, he discovered a small river which entered into the island, which he would not fail to search out, which being done, and finding the same deep enough to harbor therein galleys and galiots in good number ; proceeding further he found a very open place joining upon the brink thereof, where he went on land; and seeing the place fit to build a fortress on, and commodious for them that were willing to plant there, he resolved immediately to cause the bigness of the fortification to be measured out. And consider- ing that there stayed but twenty-six* there, he caused the fort to * We left there thirty gentlemen, soldiers, and marines ; and having left Captain Albert de la Pierria, an officer of experience, the first that offered to establish a settlement ... on the north side of an island, upon a place of strong situation, upon a river which we named Chenonceau, aud named the fort Charlesfort. — Ribault. 504 THE riEST VOYAGE OF JEAN EIBATJLT TO FLORIDA. be made, in length, but sixteen fathoms, aiid thirteen in breadth, with flanks according to the proportions thereof. The measure be- ing taken by me and Captain Salles, we sent unto the ships for men, and to bring shovels, pick-axes, and other instruments neces- sary to make the fortification. We labored so diligently that in a short space the fort was made in some sort defensible ; in which, meantime, John Rihault caused victuals and warlike munitions to be brought for the defence of the place. After, he had furnished them with all such things as they had need of, he determined to take hi-s leave of them ; but before his departure he addressed Cap- tain Albert, whom he left in this place. Having ended his exhortation we took our leave of each of them, and sailed towards our ships, calling the fort Charles Port, and the river we named Chenonceau.(3o) The next day [9th of June, 1562], we determined to depart from this place to discover perfectly the river Jordan. For this purpose we hoisted our sails about ten o'clock in the morning. After we were ready to depart Captain Ribault commanded to shoot oflE" our ordnance tp give a farewell to our Frenchmen, who failed not to do the same on their part. This being done, we sailed toward the north, and then we named this river Port Royal, because of the largeness and excellent, fairness of the same. After we had sailed about fifteen leagues from thence we espied a river, whereupon we sent our pinnace thither to discover it. At their return they brought us word that they found not more than half a fathom of water in the mouth thereof, which when we understood, we con- tinued on our way and called it Bas [S/ia?Zow] River. As we still went on sounding we found not more than .five or six fathoms of water, although we were six good leagues from the shore. At length we found not more than three fathoms, which gave us occasion greatly to rause, and without making any further way, we struck our sailSi partly because we wanted water, and partly because night approached. The morning being come. Captain Ribault proposed to all the company that every man should deliver his opinion what was best to be done, which thing being well and at large debated, we resolved to leave the coast, forsaking the north to take our way toward the east, which is the right way and course to our France, where we happily arrived the 20th of July, 1562. WHAT HAPPENED AFTER THE DEPARTURE OP RIBAULT. Our men after our departure never rested, but night and day did fortify themselves, being in good hope that after Charles Fort was THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBATILT TO FLORIDA. 505 finished, they would begin to discover further up the river. It hap- pened one day, as certain of tiiem were cutting roots in the groves, that they espied an Indian, who followed them to the fort. Captain Albert asked him of his dwelling. The Indian replied that it was further up within the river, and that he was a vassal of king Audusta. Certain days after, the captain determined to sail towards Audusta, where being arrived, he was so well received that the king told him he should have the amity of four other kings, Wayon, Hoya, Touppa, and Stalame, and prayed him to vouchsafe to visit them. The cap- tain willingly consented. Therefore they departed the next morn- ing very early, and first arrived at the house of Touppa, and after- vrai'ds at the other kings' houses, except that of Stalame. After he had remained certain days with these strange kings, he determined to return to the house of Audusta, and having arrived there, he commanded all his men to go aboard their pinnaces, for he was a mind to go towards the country of king Stalame, who dwelt toward the north, the distance of fifteen leagues from Charles Fort. There- fore as they sailed up the river they entered a great current which they followed so far till they came at last to the house of Stalame. He immediately presented Captain Albert his bows and arrows, which is a sign and confirmation of alliance between them. The captain seeing the best part of the day past, took his leave and re- tnrned to Charles Fort, where he arrived the day following. When the time drew near for celebrating the feast of Toya, Au- dusta sent ambassadors to our men to request them to be present ; whereupon they consented most willingly. They embarked there- fore and sailed towards the king's house, where he sought to enter- tain them the best he could. When the feast was finished, our men returned unto Charles Fort, where having remained a while, their victuals began to wax short, which forced them to have recourse to their neighbors, who gave them part of all the victuals which they had, and kept no more than would serve to sow their fields. I'liey gave them counsel to go to the countries of king Conexis, but before they came to his territories, they were to repair to Oude, the brother of Conexis. Our men, perceiving the good relation which the In- dians made of these two kings, resolved to go thither; wherefore, they put to sea, and sailed so far that they came into the country of ude, which they found to be on the river Belle. Being there arrived, they perceived a company of Indians. As soon as they were come near them, their guides showed them by signs that Oude was in this company, wherefore our men went forward to salute him. He led them to his home, where he sought to treat them very courteously. His house was hung round with tapestry of 506 THE FIRST "VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBADLT TO FLORIDA. feathers of divers colors, tUe height of a pike ; moreover, the place where the king took his rest was covered with white coverlets em- broidered with devices of very witty and fine workmanship, and fringed round about with a fringe dyed in the color of, scarlet. This good Indian commanded his subjects to fill our pinnaces with corn and beans. Afterwards he caused them to bring him six pieces of his tapestry, made like little coverlets, and gave them to our men. This being done, our men took leave of the king, and sailed towards Charles Fort, which from this place might be some twenty- five leagues distant. But as soon as our men thought themselves at their ease, and free from the dangers whereunto they had exposed themselves night and day in gathering together victuals here and there; lo ! even as they were asleep, the fire caught in their lodgings with such fury, being increased by the wind, that the room was con- sumed in an instant, without them being able to save anything ex- cept a little of their victuals. The next day by times in the morning, Andusta and Maccou came thither, accompanied with a very good company of Indians, who, knowing the misfortune, were very sorry for it, and every man began to exert himself in such sort, that in less than twelve hours they had begun and finished a house very near as great as the former, which being ended, they returned home, fully contented with a few cutting-hooks and hatchets which they received from our men. Within a short time after this mischance, their victuals began to wax short ; and after our men had taken good deliberation, they found there was no better way for them, tlian to return to the king Oude, and Conexis his brother. Wherefore they resolved to send thither some of their company the next day following, who, with an Indian canoe, sailed up into the country about ten leagues. After- wards they found a very fair aud great river of fresh water, which they failed not to search out. Thej' found therein a great number of crocodiles which in greatness surpass those of the river Nilus. Moreover all along the banks thereof, there grew mighty high cy- presses. After thej' had staid a short while in this place, they fol- lowed their journey, helping themselves so well with the tides that without putting themselves in danger of the continual perils of the sea, they came to the country of Oude, by whom they were most courteously received. When they had related to him the occasion of their coming, and the misfortunes they had suffered, he sent mes- sengers unto his brother Conexis, to request him to send him some of his corn and beans, which he did, and the next morning they were come again with victuals, which the king caused to be borne unto their canoe. Our men would now have taken their leave of him, THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA. 507 finding themselves more than satisfied with his liberality, but for that day he would not suffer them, and made them the best cheer he could devise. The next day, very early in the morning, he took them with him to show them the place where his corn grew, and said unto them they should not want as long as all that corn did last. After that he gave them a number of exceeding fair pearls and two stones of fine crystals, and certain silver ore. Our men forgot not to give him certain trifles in recompense for these pres- ents, and inquired of him the place whence the silver ore and the crystal came. He answered it came ten days' journey from his habitation up within the country, and that the inhabitants of the country did dig the same at the foot of certain liigh mountains, where they found it in verj'- good quantity. Being joyful to learn this good news, they took leave of the king and returned by the way they had come. But misfortune would have it that those who could not be over- come by fire nor water should be undone by themselves. They entered into partialities and dissensions, which began about a soldier, who, as I was told, was very cruelly hanged by his own captain, and for a small fault ; which captain, also, accustomed to threaten the rest of his soldiers which staid behind under his command was the cause why they fell into a mutiny, because that many times he put his threats into execution, whereupon they put him to death. And the principal occasion that moved them thereunto was because he degraded another soldier named Le Chere (whom he had ban- ished) and because he had not performed his promise; for he had promised to send him victuals every eighth day, which he did not, but said, on the contrary, that he would be glad to hear of his death. He said, moreover, he would chastise others also. The soldiers, seeing his tyranny increase daily, and fearing to fall into the dangers of the other, resolved to kill him. Having executed their purpose they went to seek the soldier that was banished, who was on a small island, distant from Charles Port about three leagues, where they found him almost half dead from hunger. When they came home again, they assembled themselves together and chose Nicholas Barre to be governor over them. During this time they began to build a pinnace, with the hope of returning to France, if no succors came to them. After it was finished, they thought of nothing else, save how to furnish it with all things necessary to undertake the voyage. As they were in these perplexities. King Audusta and Maocou came to them, accompanied with at least two hundred Indians, to whom they showed in what need of cordage they stood, who promised them to return witliin two 508 THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN EIBAULT TO FLORIDA. days and bring as much as should suffice to furnish the pinnace with tackling. Our men, being pleased with these good news and promises, be- stowed upon them certain cutting hooks and shirts. After their departure, our men sought all means to get rosin in the woods, wherein they cut the pine trees round about, and out of which they drew a sufficient quantity to pitch their vessel. Also they gathered a kind of moss which groweth on the trees of this country, to serve to calk the same withal. They now wanted nothing but sails, which they made of their own shirts and of their sheets. Within a few days after, the Indian king returned to Charles Fort with so good store of cordage that there was found sufficient for the tackling of the small pinnace. They, therefore, went forward to finish the brigantine, and a short time afterward they made it ready, furnished with all things. In the mean time the wind came so fit for their purpose, that they put to sea after they had put all things in order. But before they departed they embarked all their artillery and other munitions of war. They put themselves to sea wiih so slender victuals that the end of their enterprise became unfortunate. For, after they had sailed a third part of the way, they were surprised by calms, whicli did so much hinder them, that in three weeks they sailed not over twenty-five leagues. Their victuals failed them altogether at once, and thej'^ had nothing for their more assured refuge but their shoes and leather jerkins, which they did eat. Toucfiing their beverage, some of them drink the sea-water, others did drink their own urine, and they remained in such desperate necessity a very long space, during which a part of them died of hunger. Besides this extreme famine they fell every minute out of all hope of ever seeing France again. And every day they fared worse and worse ; for, after they had eaten up their boots and their leather jerkins, there arose so boisterous a wind, and so con- trary to tlieir course, that in the turning of a hand, the waves filled their vessel half full of water, and injured it upon one side. One of them having a little stronger heart than the others declared unto them how little way they had to sail, assuring them that if the wind held they should see land within three days. This man did so encourage them that, after they had thrown the water out of the pin- nace, they remained three days without eating or drinking, except it were the sea- water. When the time of his promise was expired, they were more troubled than ever, seeing that they could not descry any land ; wherefore, in this extreme despair, some among them made this motion : that it was better that one man should die than that so many men should perish. They therefore agreed that one should THE PIEST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA, 509 die to sustain the others ; which thing was executed in the person of Le Chere, of whom we have spoken heretofore, whose flesh was divided equally among his fellows. After so long a time and tedious travel, God of his goodness, using his accustomed favor, changed their sorrows into joy and showed unto them the sight of land, whereof they were so exceeding glad that the pleasure caused them to remain a long time as men without sense, whereby they let the pinnace float this and that way without holding any right way or course. But a small English bark boarded the vessel, in which there was a Frenchman who had been in the first voyage into Florida,* who easily knew them, and spake unto them, and afterwards gave them meat and drink. Im- mediately they recovered their natural courage, and declared unto him, at large, all their navigation. The Englishmen consulted a long time what were best to be done ; and finally they resolved to put on land those who were most feeble, and to carry the rest unto the queen of England [Elizabeth], who proposed at that time to send into Florida. Thus, in brief, you see what happened unto them whom Captain John Ribault had left in Florida. * That is, had returned to France with Ribault. 510 THE VOYAGE OF BENE LADDONNIEEE TO FLORIDA. CHAPTEE III. THE VOYAGE OF RENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 1564. After our arrival at Dieppe from our first voyage, we found that civil war had begun, which was in part the cause why our men were not succored as Captain Ribault had promised them. After peace was made in Trance, my Lord Admiral de Chastillon [Coligny] showed unto the king that he had heard no news at all of the men whom Captain John Ribault had left in Florida, and that it were a pity to suflfer them to perish. The king was content that he should cause three ships to be furnished, the one of one hundred and twenty tons, and the other of one hundred, and the third of sixty, to seek them out and to succor them. My lord admiral, therefore, being well informed of the faithful ser- vices which I had done, as well unto his majesty as to his prede- cessors, kings of France, advised the king how able I was to do him service in this voyage, which was the cause that he made me [R^nd Laudonniere] chief captain over these three ships, and charged me to depart with diligence to perform his commands. I embarked at New Haven the 22d of April, 1564, arrived on the coast of Florida Thursday the 22d of June, about three o'clock in the afternoon, and landed at a little river which is in 30° north latitude, and thirty leagues north of Cape Fran9ois, and about ten leagues south of the river of May. After we had cast anchor athwart the river I determined to go on shore to discover the same. I embarked about three or four o'clock in the afternoon. And having arrived at the mouth of the river I caused tlie channel to be sounded, which was found to be very shallow, although further within the same the water was reason- ably deep, which separated itself into two great arms, whereof one runneth toward the south and the other toward the north. Having thus searched the river I went on land to speak to the Indians who waited for us on shore. After they had made much of us, they showed us their porocoMs.s?/ (king or governor) to whom I presented cei'tain toys. Though they endeavored to make us tarry with them, THE VOYAGE OF RENE LATJDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 511 I would not stay on shore all night, but embarked and returned to my ships. Before my departure I named this river the riuer of Dolphins, because at my arrival I saw there a great number of dol- phins, which were plaj'ing in the mouth thereof.* The next day, the 23d of this month, because that toward the south I had not found any commodious place for us to inhabit and to build a fort, I weighed anchor and sailed towards the river May where we arrived two days after, and anchored. Afterwards going on shore with some gentlemen and soldiers, we espied the paracoussy of the country (the same that we saw in the voj'age of Captain Ribault), who, having espied us, came to meet us. The paracoussy praj'ed me to go and see the pillar which we had erected in the voy- age of Captain Ribault. Having consented, and having come to the place where it was set up, we found the same crowned with wreaths of bay, and at the foot thereof many little baskets full of corn. Then, when they came thither, they kissed the same with great reverence, and besought us to do the like, which we would not deny them, that we might draw them to be more in friendship with us. After we had sojourned a certain space with them, we took our leave of them, because the night approached, and I then returned to lodge in our ships. I failed not the next day to embark again, to return to the parar coussy of the river May, who waited for us in the same place where the day^ before we conferred with him. We found him under the shadow of an arbor, accompanied with eighty Indians. Then I informed the paracoussy Satourioua that my desire was to discover further up the river, but that I would come again to him very speedily. Departing from thence, I had not sailed three leagues up the river, still being followed by the Indians who coasted me along the river ; but I discovered a hill of mean height near which I went on land. I rested myself in this place for some hours. Now as I determined to search out the qualities of this hill, 1 went right to the top thereof, where we found nothing else but cedar, palm, and bay trees. The trees were environed round about with vines, bearing gi-apes. Touching the pleasures of this place, the sea may be seen plain and open from it; and more than six great leagues off near the river Belle, a man may behold the meadows divided asunder into isles and islets interlacing one another. * In Ribault's Voyage the latitude of Cape Fran9ois Is " atout 30°," and here this " little river" is also 30°. " It had two great arms. It was very shallow at the entrance, but reasonably deep within." It was the harbor of St. Augustine. 512 THE VOYAGE OF RENE IiATJDONNIEBE TO FLORIDA. After I had staid there a while, I embarked again to sail toward the mouth of the river, where we found the paracoussy, who, accord- ing to his promise, waited for us. We went on shore. Then he gave me a skin richly painted, and I recompensed him with some of our merchandise. I took my leave of him to return to our ships, where, after we had rested all the night following, we hoisted sail the next da}' very early in the morning, and sailed toward the river Seine, distant from the river May about four leagues, and there con- tinuing our course towards the north, we arrived at the mouth of th e Somme which is not more than six leagues distant from the Seine, where we cast anchor, and went on shore to discover that place, as we had done the r^st. There we were courteously received by the paracoussy of the country. After tliat the paracoussy had received us, he commanded his wife to present us with a certain number of silver bullets. For his own part, he presented me with his bow and arrows, as he had done to Captain Ribault on our first voyage, which is a sign of perpetual amity and alliance with those whom they honor with such a present. Then the paracoussy caused a corselet to be set up, and prayed me to make proof of our harquebuses and their bows. So soon as he knew that our harquebuses did easily pierce that which all the force of their bows could not hurt, he seemed to be sorry, musing with him- self how this thing could be done. He prayed us very earnestly to stay with him that night in his house. Nevertheless, we could not consent, but took our leave to return to our ships, where soon after I caused all my company to be assembled together to consult together of the place whereof we should make choice to plant our habitation. I let them understand that the part which was towards Cape Florida was altogether a marshy country, and therefore unprofitable for our inhabitation. On the other side, if we passed further towards the north to seek out Port Royal, it would be neither profitable nor convenient, at least if we gave credit to the report of those who remained there a long time, although the haA'en was one of the fairest in the West Indies, but that in this case the question was not so much of the beauty of the place, as of things to sustain life, and that for our habitation, it was much more needful for us to settle in places plentiful in provisions, than in goodly havens. In consideration whereof, that I was of opinion, if it seemed good unto them, to seat ourselves about the river May, seeing also that in our first voyage we found only the same among all the rest to abound in corn. After I had proposed these things, every one gave his opinion thereof, and finally all resolved, namely, those who had been with me in the first voyage, that it was expedient to seat them- THE VOYAGE OF RENE lAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 513 selves rather on the river May, tlian on any other until they might hear news from Prance. This point being thus agreed upon, we sailed toward that rivei', and used such diligence that with the favor of the winds we arrived there the morrow after, about the bi'ealc of day, which was on Thurs- day, 29th of June. Having cast anchor I embarked all my stuff, and the soldiers of my company, to sail right toward- the mouth of this river, wherein we entered a good way up and found a creek of a reasonable bigness, which invited us to refresh ourselves a little while we reposed there. Afterward we went on shore to seek out a place, plain without trees, which we perceived from the creek, but because we found it not very commodious for us to inhabit there) we determined to return unto the place which we had discovered before when we bad sailed up the river. This place is joining to a mount, and it seemed to us more fit and commodious to build a fortress than that where we were last. Therefore we took our way towards the forest, being guided by the young paracoussy. Afterwards we found a large plain covered with high pine trees ; then we discovered a little hill adjoining a great vale, very green and flat, whereon were the fairest meadows. More- over it is environed with a great number of brooks of fresh water, and high woods. After I had taken the view thereof at my ease, I named it the Vale of Laudonniere. Thus we went forward ; anon having gone a little forward we met an Indian woman of tall stature, who also was a hermaphrodite, who came before us with a great vessel of water, wherewith she greatly refi'eshed us. Being therefore refreshed by this means, and marching, we came to. ti»e place where we had chosen to make our habitation, whereupon, at that instant, near the riveir's brink we strewed a number of boughs and leaves to take our rest on them the night following. On the morrow, about daybreak, I commanded a trumpet to be sounded, that being assembled, we might give thanks to God for our favorable and happy arrival. Then we sang a psalm of thanks- giving to God, beseeching him that it would please him of his gl-ace to continue his accustomed goodness towards us his poor servants, and aid us in our enterprise that all might turn to His glory. Afterward having measured out a piece of ground in the form of a triangle, we all exerted ourselves, some to bring earth, some to cut fagots, and others to raise and make the rampart, for there was not a man that had not either a shovel, cutting hook, or hatchet, as well to clear the ground by cutting down the trees, as for build- ing of the fort, which we did hasten in such cheerfulness that within a few days the effect of our diligence was apparent. In the mean 33 514 THE VOYAGE OF RENE lAUDONNIEKE TO FLORIDA. time the paracoussy Satourioua, our nearest neighbor, and on whose ground we built our fort, came usually accompanied by his two sons and a great number of Indians, to offer to do us all courtesy. After that our fort was brought into form, I began to build a grange to retire my munitions and things necessary for the defence of our fort, praying the paracoussy to command his subjects to make us a covering of palm leaves, in order that I might unfreight my ships, and put under cover those things that were in them. The next day morning they dressed so great a number of palm leaves that the grange was covered in less than two daj's, so that business was finished, for in the space of these two days the Indians never ceased, some in fetching palm leaves, others in interlacing them. Our fort was built in the form of a triangle; the side towards the west, which was toward the land, was inclosed with a little trench, and made with turns [towers ?] made in the form of battlements, of nine feet high ; the other side, which was toward the river, was in- closed with a palisade of planks of timber after the manner that gabions are made. On the south side there was a kind of bastion, in which I caused a house for the munitions to be built ; it was all built of fagots and sand, save about two or three feet high of turf, whereof the battlements were made. In the midst I caused a great court to be made, of eighteen paces long and broad, in the midst whereof, on the side toward the south, I built a guard-house, and a house on the other side toward the north, which I caused to be raised somewhat too high ; for within a short while after the wind beat it down ; and experience taught me that we may not build with high stages in this country, because of the winds whereunto it is subject. One of the sides that inclosed my court, which I made very fair and large, reached unto the range of my munitions, and on the other side towards the river was my own lodging, roundabout which were gal- leries all covered. One principal door of my lodging was iu the midst of the great place, and the other was toward the river. A good distance from the fort I built an oven to avoid the danger of fire, because the houses are of palm leaves. 1 named our fortress Caroline in honor of king Charles IX. After we had furnished it with that which was most necessary, I charged De Ottigni, a man worthy of all honor for his honesty and virtue, to search up within the river what this Thimogoa might be, whereof Satourioua had spoken to us so often on our coming on shore. For the execution thereof the paracoussy gave him two Indians for his guides. Being embarked, and having sailed about twenty leagues, the Indians discovered three canoes, and immediately began to cry Thi- mogoa! Thimogoa 1 and spoke nothing else, but hastened forward THE VOYAGE OF RENE LATIDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 515 to fight with them. Nevertheless Ottigni would not let them do it, for while he deferred to board them, he gave tliem time to turn their prows towards the shore, and so to escape into the woods. Ottigni caused the bark to retire wherein were the two Indians, and went with his men toward the canoes, which were on the river side. Hav- ing come to them, he put certain trifles into them, and then retired a good way from them, which caused the Indians, who had fled away, to return to their boats. Wherefore being thus assured of us, they called to our men to come near unto them, which they did immedi- ately, and landed, and spake freely unto them. Ottigni demanded of them by signs if they had any gold and silver among them ; bnt they told him that if he would send one of his men with them they would bring him to a place where they might have some. Ottigni, seeing them so willing, delivered to them one of his men to under- take this journey ; this fellow stayed with them until ten o'clock the next morning. The captain sailed ten great leagues farther up the river ; he went so far up that he espied the boat wherein his soldier was, who reported to him that the Indians would have carried him three great days' journey further, and told him that a king named Mayara, rich in gold and silver, dwelt in those quarters. Onr men then returned towards our fort, after they had left the soldier with the Indians to inform himself more and more of such things as he might discover. Fifteen daj's after this voyage to Thimogoa, I dispatched Capt. Vasseur, and my sergeant also, to return to this country to seek out the soldier that remained there. Having embarked, they sailed two whole days, and, before they came to the dwelling of the In- dians, they found two of them on the river-side, who showed him by signs that tlie soldier was at that time in the house of king Mol- loua, who was vassal to another great king, named by them Olata Ouae Utina, and if the captain would sail thither he would reach there very quickly ; whereupon he caused his men to row thither, and arrived at the lodging of MoUoua after he had rowed not more than half a league. While the king was entertaining Gaptain Vasseur and his men, the soldier came in with five or six pounds of silver. The good cheer being ended, my men embarked again, with the intention of returning to Port Caroline ; but, after they had sailed a very long while down the river, and had come within three leagues of us, the tide was so strong against them that they were compelled to go on landj.and retire for the night to the dwelling of paracoussa Molona, who showed himself very glad at their arrival, and so satisfied that he could not devise how to gratify our men, whom he caused to come 516 THE VOYAGE OE BENE LATJDONNIEBE TO FLORIDA. into his house to feast there more honorably. They thanked the paracoussy for the good entertainment which they had received, and so setting sail they came to the fort.. On the 28th of July our ships departed to return to France; Within about two months after oar arrival in Florida, Satourioua sent certain Indians to me to know whether I would stand to my promise which I had made him at my first arrival in that country; which was, that I would show myself a friend to his friends, and enemy to his enemies;, and also to accompany him with a good number of arquebuses, when he should find a fit occasion to go to' war. I made him answer that it behooved me at the present time to make provisions for the defence of my fort; that my barks were not ready, and that this enterprise would require time ; moreover, that he might hold iiimself ready to depart' within two months, and that then I would think of fulfilling my promise to him. The Indians carried this answer to their paricoussy, who was little pleased with it; but, because he could not defer the execution of iiis expedition, he embarked and used such diligence with his boats, that, the next day, two hours, before sunset, he arrived on the territories of his enemies, about eight or ten leagues from their villages. Afterward, causing them all to go on land, he assembled his council, wherein it was agreed that five of the paracoussi'es should sail up the river with half of the troops, and by the break of day approach unto the dwellings of their enemies. For his own part, that he would take his journey through the woods as secretly as possible; and that when they came thither, as well they that went up by water as he who went by land, they should not fail by the break of day to enter into the village and cut them all in pieces, except the women and children, which was executed with as great fury as possible ; and, when they had done, they took the heads of their enemies, which they had slain, and cut off their hair round about with a piece of their skulls ; they took also twenty-four prisoners, wliich they led away, and retired immediately into their boats which waited for them. Having come thither they began to sing praises to the sun, to whom they attributed their victory. And afterwards they put the skins of these heads on the ends of their javelins, and went altogether towards the territories of Omoloa, who was in the company. Having come thither they divided their prisoners equally to each of the paracoussies, and left thirteen of them to Satourioua, who straightway dispatched an Indian to carry in advance the news of the victory to them that staid at home. The next day Satourioua came home, who, before he entered into his lodgings, caused all the hair-skulls of his enemies to be set up THE VOYAGE OF RENE 1A.TJD0NNIEEE TO. ELOEIDA. 51 1 befove his door. Straightway hegan lamentations and mourning, which, as soon as the night began, were turned into pleasures and dances. After I was advised of these things, I sent a soldier to Satourioua praying him to send me two of his prisoners, which he denied me, saying he was notliing beholding unto me, and that I had broke my promise ; which, when I understood, I commanded my sergeant to provide me twenty soldiers, and go with me to the house of Satou- rioua ; where, after I liad come and entered into the hall without any manner of salutation, I went and sat down by him, and staid a long while without speaking a word to him or showing him any sign of friendship, which thing put him deeply in his dumps ; 'besides certain soldiers remained at the gate, to whom I had given express orders to suffer bo Indian to go out. Having remained still about half an hour with this countenance, at length I demanded where the prisoners were, and commanded them immediately to be brought unto me ; whereupon the paracoussy, angry at heart, and astonished wonderfully, remained a long while without making any answer ; but at last he answered me very stoutly, that, being afraid to see us come thither in such warlike manner, they had fled into the woods, and, not knowing which way they were gone, they were not able by any means to briug them. Then I made as though I did not understand what he had said, and asked for his prisoners again,, and for some of his principal allies. ThenSatourioua commanded his alliore to seek out the prisoners and cause them to be brought into that place, which he did within an hour after. I resolved to send back these prisoners to Olata Ouae Utina, whose subjects they were ; but before I embarked them I gave them little knives or tablets of glass wherein the image of Charles IX. was drawn very lively, for which they gave me many thanks. After this they embarked with Captain Vasseur and with D'Arlac, my ensign, whom I sent on purpose to remain a certain time with Utina, hoping that the favor of this great paracoussy would serve my turn greatly to make any discoveries in time to come. I sent with him, also, one of my sergeants and six soldiers. Captain Vasseur, having embarked, about the 10th of September, to carry back the prisoners to Utina, sailed so far up the river that they discovered a place called Maquarqua, distant from our fort about eighty leagues^ where the Indians gave him a good entertain- ment. From this place they rowed to the dwelling of Utina, who, after he had feasted them, prayed Arlac and his soldiers to aid him in battle against Patanou, whereunto Arlac consented ; Utina re- solved to attack at daybreak. To do this, he made his men, about 518 THE VOTAGE OP BENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. two hundred, travel all the night. They prayed our French arqne- busiers to go in front, that the noise of their pieces might astonish their enemies; notwithstanding they could not march so secretly but that those of the village of Patanou, distant twenty-five leagues from that of TJtina, became aware of it ; but finding themselves charged with shot, a thing wherewith they had never been acquainted, also beholding the captain of the band fall down dead, in the beginning of the skirmish, with the shot of an arquebuse which struck him in the forehead, tliey left the place ; and the Indians of TJtina got into the place, taking men, women, and children prisoners. Eight or ten days after, I sent Captain Vasseur back with a bark to fetch home Arlac and his soldiers. While I thus labored to purchase friends, certain soldiers of my company were secretly suborned by one Roquette, who put it into their heads that he was a great magician, and that by art-magic he had discovered a mine of gold and silver far up within the river whereby every soldier should receive in ready bullion the value of ten thousand crowns, besides fifteen hundred thousand which should be reseryed for the king; wherefore they allied themselves with Roquette and another of his confederates, whose name was Le Geure, in whom I had great confidence. About the 20th of Sep- tember, as I came home from the woods to finish the building of my fort, I chafed myself into such a grievous sickness that I thought I would have died, during which sickness I called Le Geure often unto me as one I trusted above all others. In the mean while, assembling his accomplices, he spoke unto them to choose another captain besides me, to the intent to put me to death; but, not being able by open force to execute his intention, he got in with my apothecary, praying him to mingle in my medicine, which I was to receive, some drug that should destroy me ; or at least he would give me a little arsenic or quicksilver, which he himself would put into my drink. But the apothecary refused him, as did likewise the master of the fireworks. He, with certain others, resolved to hide a keg of gunpowder under my bed, and by a train to set it on fire. Upon these practices, a gentleman whom I dispatched to France, being about to take leave of me, informed me that Le Geure had given him a book fnll of all kinds of lewd invectives and slanders against me, De Ottigni, and the principal of my company; upon which oc- casion I assembled all my soldiers, and Capt. Bourdet with his, which had arrived in the road on the 4th of September, and had come up the river. In their presence 1 caused the contents of the book to be read aloud, that they might bear record of the untruths that were therein written. Le Geure, who had fled into the woods THE VOYAGE OF RENE LAtlDONNlERE TO FLORIDA. 519 for fear of being taken (-where he lived for a while after with the savages, with my permission), wrote to me often, and in several of his letters confessed to me that he had deserved death, condemning himself so far that he referred all to my mercy and pity. On the Tth or 8th of November I sent La Roche Ferriere and another toward King Utina, to discover every day more and more of the country, where he was the space of six months, during which time he discovered many small villages, and, among others, one named Hostaque. After these things, about the 10th of November, Captain Bourdet determined to leave me and return to France. Then I requested him to carry home with him some six or seven soldiers whom I could not trust, which he did. Tliree days after his departure thirteen mariners which I had brought out of France, suborned by certain other mariners which Captain Bourdet had left with me, put it into the heads of mine that if they had such barks as mine they might gain A'ery much in tlie Antilles, and make an exceed- ingly profitable voyage. Thereupon they devised tliat when I should send them to the village of Sarauahi, distant about a league and a half from our fort, and situated upon an arm of the river; whither I sent them daily to seek clay to make brick and mortar for our houses, they would return no more, but would furnish themselves with victuals, and then embark all in one vessel, which they did. And that which was worse, two Flemish carpenters, whom Captain Bourdet had left me, stole away the other bark, and before their departure, cut the cables of a bark and of the ship's boat, that they might go away with the tide, that I might not pursue them, so that I remained without either bark or boat, which fell out very unluckily for us, for I was ready to embark myself with all speed, to discover as far up the river as I could by any means. Now these mariners, as I afterwards learned, took, near the Isle of Cuba, a bark that was a patache of the Spaniards, wherein they found a certain quantity of gold and silver. And having tliis booty they la^' awhile at sea, until their victuals began to fail them, which was the cause that they came into Havana, the principal town of the Isle of Cuba; whereupon proceeded that mischief which hereafter I will disclose more at large.* When I saw my * Laudonniere alludes to the capture of his fort and the hanging of his men by Pedro de Menendez de Aviles, who, for the piratical acts of these mutineers, treated all the French colonists in Florida as pirates, though France at that time was at peace with Spain ; hut besides, they were Lutherans, which in the faith of Menendez was deserving of outlawry. S20 THE VOYAGE OF RENE I/AIJDONNIEEE TO FLORIDA. ibai-ks returned not at their wonted hour, and suspecting that which fell out, I commanded my carpenters, with all diligence, to make a little boat with a flat bottom, to search those rivers for some news of these mariners. The boat finished, I sent men to seek them, but all in vain. Therefore I determined to cause two great barks to be built, each of which might be thirty-five or thirty-six feet long in the keel-. And now when the work was veiy well forward, ambition and avarice took root in the hearts of four or five soldiers, who thenceforward began to tamper with the best of my troops, show^ ing them that they had the best occasion in the world offered them to make themselves all rich, which was to arm the two barks which were in building, and to furnish them with good men, and then to sail to Peru and the isles of the Antilles, whereevery soldier might easily enrich himself. This word riches sounded so well in the ears of my soldiers that finally, after they had ofttiraes consulted of their affairs, they grew to the number of sixty-six. They caused a request to be presented to me, containing in sum a declaration of the small store of pro- visions that was left to sustain us until the time that ships might return from France ; 'for remedy thereof they thought it necessary to send to New Spain, Peru, and all the adjoining isles, which they besought me to grant. But I made answer, that when the barks were finished, we would get victuals of the inhabitants of the coun- trj', seeing also that we had enough to serve us for four months to come ; for I feared greatly that under pretence of searching for victuals, they would undertake something against the subjects of the king of Spain which in the future might justly be laid to my charge, considering that at our departure out of France the queen had charged me very expressly to do no kind of wrong to tlie king of Spain's subjects, nor anything whereof he might conceive any jealousy. They made as though they were content with this an- swer; but eight daj-s after, as I continued working upon our fort and on my barks, I fell sick. Then ray seditious companions openly avowed tliat they would seize the fort, and force me also unto their wicked desire. My lieutenant came and told me that he suspected some evil practice, and the next morning I was saluted at my gate by men in complete harness. Tlie five chief authors of the sedition pressed into my room, sajMng that they would go to New Spain to seek their adventure. I warned them, but they replied that I must grant their request; that I sliould deliver them the armor which I had in my custody. I would not jneld it, but they took all by force, and carried it out of my house ; they laid hands on me, and carried me, sick as I was, prisoner into a ship which rode at anchor THE VOYAGE OP RENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 5.21 ill the midst of the river, wherein I was the space of fifteen days, at- tended upon by one man only, without permission of any of my servants to visit me, from every one of whom, as also from the rest that took my part, they took away their armor ; and they sent me a