Hfvl '] 3 45 I f • /\ 6 Cornell IKutvmitg Attain BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Henrs 191. Sage 1S91 A../i^.5:Tf ^.^/^/..^ THE THBOEY OF SOCIALIZATION A Syllab^ts op Sociological Ekdsjoiples JOE THE USE OP COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY CLASSES FRANKLIN HENRY GIDDINGS, M.A. PBOFBSSOB OF SOCIOIiOGY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YOBK AUTHOR OF "THE PRINCIPLES OF SOOIOLOQY " WITH SEFERENCES TO THE THIRD EDITION OF " THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY" Neto gorfe THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 1897 All rights reserved H Cornell University M Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://archive.org/details/cu31924030235091 THE THEOEY OF SOCIALIZATION ■>^ THE THEORY OF 80CIAUZATI0N A Stllabus of Sociological Pbinoiplbs FOR THE USE OF COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY CLASSES BY FRANKLIN HENRY GIDDINGS, M.A. PROFESSOK or SOCIOLOGY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITT IN THE CITY OF NEW YOKK AITTHOB OF " THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY " WITH SEFERBNCES TO TEE THIRD EDITION OF "THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY" Weto gotfe THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 1897 All rights reserved ^. [ oz^ 1 COPTBIGHT, 1S97, bt the macmillan company. J. S. Cashing & Co. — Berwick Se Smith Norwood Mass. U.S.A. To titlje aponor^ of 1^. i}* ^cott PEINCIPAL OP THE GREAT BAEEINGTON, MASS., HIGH SCHOOL, 18T2-187T TEACHER, FEIEND, AND COMRADE IN PHILOSOPHY " When I compare the modem with the ancient world, I am assured as to the future of man. I am far from denying that legislation and political changes have been the direct means of great good, but every good change in legislation or in government has been preceded or brought about by an increase of intelli- gence, of reasonableness, or of brotherly kindness on the part of the people at large. . . . Congeniality or similarity of manners is what has drawn social lines ever since man began to consort with his fellows. . . . Birds of a feather have flocked together since civilization began, and probably will do so till it per- ishes." — E. L. GopKiN, Social Classes in the Bepublic. PEEFACE Mt volume on "The Principles of Sociology" is described in tlie preface as an attempt to combine the principles of sociology in a coherent theory. In plan and method the book is on the whole concrete rather than abstract. Consequently, the theoretical propositions that it contains are scattered through many pages of descriptive and historical matter, and are nowhere brought together in a didactic series. It is therefore possible that not every reader of the volume has perceived the coherence of its theory, and that classes using the book as a text have experienced a degree of difl&culty in arranging its theoretical propositions in a consecutive order. The theory assumes that certain adaptations of the individual to the physical world, certain eco- nomic experiences, ideas, and activities, and certain ethical experiences, ideas, and tendencies, precede social life (see "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 41-45, 100-103, 239). The theory itself, as distinguished from these pre- suppositions, comprises the following propositions. X PREFACE namely: first, certain affirmations about the modes of aggregation wMcli bring individuals tbat are more or less alike into contact and acquaintance; second, certain propositions about the more important modes of resemblance which may be observed in any aggre- gation of individuals ; third, propositions about a consciousness of similarity or of kind, which, it is alleged, is the true cause of social phenomena ; fourth, propositions about the reactions of associar tion and of the consciousness of kind upon individual motives, conduct, and character; fifth, propositions about the organization of the consciousness of kind into a social mind, and about its expression in social purpose and control ; sixth, propositions about the laws of social choice ; seventh, propositions about the establishment of definite social relations and institutions by the social mind ; and, eighth, propo- sitions about the persistence of social choices and institutions. Of these propositions the ones about the modes of resemblance and the consciousness of kind are of chief importance. They contain or involve the entire theory. Three modes of resemblance or of kind are recog- nized. They are (1) kinship, in its various degrees of family, nationality, race, and color (see " The Principles of Sociology," pp. 18, 89, 90, 230-239, PREFACE xi 256-298, 309-313, 388-340) ; (2) mental and moral similarity (see " Tlie Principles of Sociology," pp. 18, 125-128, 171, 172, 175, 176, 180, 182, 183, 186, 187, 190, 196, 325-329, 341) ; (3) potential similar- ity or capability of assimilation (see " The Principles of Sociology," pp. 109-111, 322, 359, 360). Kinship or homogeneity of blood is shown to be the ■ basis of conservatism (see " The Principl«SLof . Sociology," pp. 319-321). Mental and moral resemblance is explained as consisting in a like responsiveness of two or more individuals to the same stimulus or stimuli (see " The Principles of Sociology," pp. 134, 135, 388) ; and mental and moral likeness as thus understood is shown to be the basis of practical cooperation (see " The Principles of Sociology," pp. 171, 172, 196). Potential resemblance is shown to be the basis of much that is best and most beautiful in companion- ship ; the basis also of social idealism and of the more spiritual phases of progress (see " The Princi- ples of Sociology," pp. 108-111, 322, 323, 345, 355, 356, 359, 360). The consciousness of these different modes of resemblance is shown to comprise both perception and feeling. On the intellectual side the conscious- ness of kind is the apprehension of resemblance. On the emotional side it is sympathy, liking, affection. xii PREFACE and a desire for recognition, whicli develops into the love of approbation and tlie passion of ambition (see " The Principles of Sociology," pp. 18, 19, 106-109, 122-124, 127, 128). In the following pages these propositions, and many lesser affirmations which are connecting links in the theory, are abstractly stated in brief, explicit terms, and are arranged in a consecutive order. It is my hope that this arrangement will be helpful to teachers and students of sociology, and will con- tribute to a better understanding of sociological theory. Many of the illustrative examples are new, as are also the preliminary propositions about the processes of appreciation, utilization, and characterization. New Toek, February, 1897. CONTENTS CHAPTER I THE MODES OF PURPOSIVE ACTIVITY FAGB 1. The Conception of Socialization 1 2. Appreciation 2 3. Utilization 3 4. Characteeization 3 5. Socialization 4 6. The Psychological, Economic, Moral, and Social Sciences 5 CHAPTER n AGGREGATION 1. The Physical Basis of Society 7 CHAPTER in ASSOCIATION 1. Conflict and its Motives 8 2. The Modes of Resemblance .... .10 3. The Consciousness of Kind 12 4. The Socializing Forces 17 5. Cooperation 20 6. Personality and Social Classes 22 ziii xiv CONTENTS CHAPTER IV THE SOCIAL MIND AND SOCIAL CONTROL PASS 1. The Social Mind 25 2. The Social Forces 26 3. The Laws op Social Choice 31 CHAPTER V SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 1. Institutions 33 2. Authority and Liberty ....... 34 CHAPTER VI THE SURVIVAL OF INSTITUTIONS 1. Natural Selection in Society ..... 37 2. The Law op Survival 39 APPENDIX 1. Degree op Kinship in the Population of the United States 41 TEE THEOET OF SOCIALIZATION CHAPTER I THE MODES OP PURPOSIVE ACTIVITY The Conception of Socialization I. The Theory of Socialization is the most impor- tant part of the Theory of Sociology. Dr. Georg Simmel seems to have been the first writer to use the ■word "socialization" in a definition of soci- ology. In his opinion, " the investigation of the forces, forms, and development of socialization, of cooperation, of association of individuals, should be the single object of sociology as a special science.'" This definition is substantially equivalent to the conception of sociology as the fundamental social science.^ By socialization, however. Dr. Simmel apparently means chiefly the formation of social groups and the development of the 1 "Das Problem der Soziologie," im SchmoUer's Jahrbuchfur Gesetz- gebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im Deutschen Seiche, 1894 ; and "The Problem of Sociology" In Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. VI., No. 3, November, 1895, p. 57, note. 2 "The Province of Sociology" in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. I., No. 1, July, 1890; and "The Principles of Sociology," Book I., chapters 1 and 2. B 1 2 THE THEOET OF SOCIALIZATION forms of association. In the following pages, socializa- tion is conceived as the development of a social nature or character — a social state of mind — in the individu- als ■who associate.^ Socialization, as thus conceived, is furthermore regarded as an effect of association, and of the formation of social groups, and as a cause of the developed forms of association. II. Socialization is one of four great processes whicli, together, make up tlie practical activities of life. Appreciation m. The first business of life for every conscious individual is to get used to the world that he lives in. The infant begins to get used to the ■world when it draws its first breath. It then gradually gets used to the taste of food, to the touch of objects in contact ■vri.th the skin, to light, and to sound. Later on, as it begins to take an interest in various colors and sounds, it tries to get them repeated over and over again. For a long time its attention is chiefly occupied ■with efforts to ob- tain from external things the greatest possible amount of knowledge and pleasure. rV. Getting used to the world by attempting to obtain the utmost knowledge and feeliug from exter- nal things is the process of appreciation. 1 It was this thought that was emphasized in my first published con- tribution to sociological theory, "The Sociological Character of Political Economy," Publications of the American Economic Association, Vol. III., No. 1, March, 1888. THE MODES OP PURPOSIVE ACTIVITY 3 Utilization V. The second great practical business of life is the attempt to adapt the external world to ourselves. As the child learns to appreciate things, he discovers that by putting forth effort he often can get possession of pleasure-giving things that would not otherwise come to him or stay with him ; or that he can sometimes put things together in new arrangements that afford him pleasure, when otherwise they would yield him no pleasure, or might even cause him pain. The adult man spends a major part of his time and strength in such efforts. VI. The deliberate and systematic adaptation of the external world to ourselves we call utilization. Characterization VII. The third great practical business of life is the attempt to adapt ourselves to the external world. While trying to adapt the external world to himself, the child makes further discoveries. He learns that often he is obliged to change the plan by which he begins to try to utilize things ; that he has to adopt a different course of action from the one that he thought would answer his purpose. Presently he learns further that it will not do to yield to every disappointment or to be too easily discouraged. Yet later on he begins to understand that if he wishes to succeed ia his pur- pose he must control his temper, instead of giving way to an infantile rage at every stick or implement which proves to be intractable or awkward in his hands. 4 THE THEOKY OP SOCIALIZATION Here, then, are three further facts of great importance in our daily lives. First, the accommodation of our- selves to the external world, a process which is the opposite of the process of utilization. Second, the persistent putting forth of power, in spite of discour- agement. Third, self-control. All these processes to- gether brrag about changes in ourselves. They develop character. VIII. In its entirety tlie process of adapting our- selves to the external world may be called character- ization. Socialization IX. The fourth great practical business of life is the attempt to adapt ourselves to one another. At the moment when the child begins to get used to the world, he begins also to get acquainted with the people that live in the world with himself. Begin- ning with mother and nurse, father, brother, and sister, he presently becomes acquainted with family friends and relatives, and then, at length, with school- mates and teachers. Upon leaving school, he has before him the enormous task of getting acquainted with a vast number of persons, in business and profes- sional life, in politics, and in a hundred other spheres of activity. While getting acquainted, he begins to notice differences and resemblances among people, and in close connection with these observations to establish likes and dislikes, antipathies and friendships. He then discovers that he enjoys meeting and associating with the persons that he likes, and that when he and they have the same tasks to do, it is agreeable and helpful to work together. THE MODES OF PURPOSIVE ACTIVITY 5 X. The process of getting acquainted with one another, establishing sympathies and friendships, learning to enjoy association and to cooperate with one another in our work, we may call socialization. Socialization begins as early as appreciation, but we do not greatly occupy our minds with it, or enter upon a serious effort to develop it, in the purpose to derive the utmost pleasure and profit from it, tmtil after we have made some progress in appreciation, in utilization, and in characterization. The Psychological, Economic, Moral, and Social Sciences XI. Each of these four great practical processes of life is analyzed and formulated by a distinct science. Xn. The process of appreciation is analyzed and formulated by psychology. Psychology, however, as a concrete science, includes more than the abstract theory of appreciation. XIII. The process of utilization is analyzed and formulated by economics. XIV. The process of characterization is analyzed and formulated by ethics. "^ XV. The process of socialization is analyzed and formulated by sociology. THE THBOEY OS" SOCIALIZATION Sociology includes more, however, than the abstract theory of socialization, as psychology includes more than the theory of appreciation. Sociology is a con- crete, descriptive, and historical science of societies and of social evolution. It is traversed by certain abstract sciences which formulate its theoretical or explanatory propositions. These are economics, ethics, and ccenonics (koivuvikos, social), or abstract politics. Coenonics is the theory of socialization. See the dia- gram and explanation, "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 48-51. CHAPTER n AGGREGATION The Physical Basis of Society XVI. Before socialization can begin there must be an aggregation of individuals capable of establishing mutual acquaintance and association. The chief conditions of aggregation are found in the physical environment. The causes of aggregation are found in genetic and congregate modes of grouping. A sociologically important complication of aggregation is the demotic composition. The degree of homoge- neity or of heterogeneity of the population determines the process of socialization. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 79-100. The extent and modes of aggregation and the activity of a population are phenomena that conform to the laws of physical evolution. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 363-375. 7 CHAPTER m ASSOCIATION Conflict and its Motives XVII. Unless there is some degree of homoge- neity (similarity) among aggregated individuals, there cannot be a begimiing of socialization ; all relations must be antagonistic. This is because all active relations are modes of con- flict. Conflict is primary — i.e. an original conflict, so violent that it ends in the destruction, death, or sub ordination of one of the conflicting bodies or creatures or secondary — i.e. a relatively mild contention in' duced or produced by a primary conflict, and result- ing only in a rearrangement of parts, or in a modifica tion of structure or of nature, or in a change of motion or of activity. The conflict of creatures that prey upon one another is primary; and where creatures are so unlike in kind and so unequal in strength that one can live upon the other, their normal relations are hostile. Therefore it is only among creatures of the same kind, and of approximately equal strength, that primary conflict is relatively infrequent. Consequently, it is only among such that socialization can occur. Sociali- zation is a secondary conflict consequent upon the primary conflicts of a population with the species on 8 ASSOCIATION 9 whicli it preys and with various enemies of its own spe- cies. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 100-103. Among individuals that are much alike but very unequal, primary conflict continues through the opera- tion of the motives of appreciation, utilization, and characterization. A partial analysis of these motives is as follows : Appreciation Chief Motive or Motives. Sensory pleasure Admiration Curiosity Utilization | Appetite Characterization Integral Self-satisfaction Chief Method or Methods. Imitation Attack Impression Imitation Invention r Accommodation ■j Persistence [ Self-control The word " imitation " in the foregoing analysis con- notes all the meanings attached to it by Baldwin (" Mental Evolution in the Child and in the Eace ") and by Tarde ("Les lois de 1' imitation"). The word "attack" con- notes the exertion of muscular force against an object or living creature, as well as the correlated feelings and ideas. The word " impression " denotes the mental as distinguished from the physical power of one individual over another. Possibly it is essentially hypnotic in its nature. The word " invention " includes the meanings attached to it by Tarde ("Les lois de 1' imitation" and "La logique sociale"), as well as those that are more familiar. The term " integral self-satisfaction " is in- tended to denote a conception of the ethical motive 10 THE THEORY OF SOCIALIZATION ■which differs from the utilitarian conception as the lat- ter is commonly presented. The utilitarianism that identifies the ethical motive with particular pleasures, or with a degree" of pleasure (as, for example, in the "greatest happiness" notion), confounds ethics with economics. The ethical motive is the satisfaction of the entire self rather than the pleasure resulting from the activity of any particular organ ; the rational self no less than the sensational and emotional self; the sympathetic no less than the egoistic self; the aspiring, ideal-creating self, the self of to-morrow and of the long future, no less than the self of to-day. Integral self-satisfaction often requires the sacrifice of partic- ular and immediate pleasures, or even the sacrifice of all individual happiness except that of fidelity to a principle, an ideal, or a conception of duty. The Modes of ResemMance XVm. The similarities of kind that are found in aggregates of conscious individuals are of vari- ous modes or sub-kinds, and within each mode they are of various degrees. The important modes of likeness are three ; namely : 1. Kinship. The degrees of kinship are : family, nationality, race, color. In statistics of population the degrees of kin- ship that are given are: the native born of native parents, the native born of foreign parents, the foreign born, the colored. Degree of kinship may be denoted by Ic, and the several degrees by Tt', k", k'", and k"". ASSOCIATION 11 2. Mental and Moral Similarity. In the last analysis, mental and moral similarity is the like responsiveness of different individuals to the same stimulus or stimuli. For example, if two children are pleasurably excited by the color red, they are so far mentally alike. If a hundred men are moved by rumors of war to sell their securities on the stock exchange, they are so far men- tally alike. If a thousand men are moved by a political abuse to attempt to accomplish a needed reform, they are so far mentally and morally alike. A like responsiveness to the same stimulus is dis- covered in three easily distinguishable stages of develop- ment: (1) Initial responsiveness ; i.e. a first interest, which may or may not last. (2) A persistent responsiveness, which becomes or- ganically established; i.e. an acquired habit or manner. (3) A rational responsiveness, which involves the complex activity of all the powers of mind and will, and the varied adaptation of means to end, and which differs in different individuals according to their mental and moral power. Complete similarity in mental and moral responsiveness involves a substantial equality of mental and moral power. Degree of mental and moral similarity may be denoted by m, and the several degrees by m', m", m'", and m"". 3. Potential Likeness. This is the capacity of somewhat differing indi- viduals to become more alike under exposure to the same conditions and to each other's influence. It is capacity for assimilation and for a common approach to a type or to an ideal. 12 THE THEORY OP SOCIALIZATION Potential likeness may be designated by v. Kinship has importance for the individual or for the community chiefly in relation to the past, mental and moral similarity chiefly in relation to the present, and potential resemblance chiefly in relation to the future. The Consciousness of Kind XIX. If in an aggregation of individuals there is in each individual a sufficient development of intelligence to enable him to perceive differences and resemblances, his attention will at first be occupied chiefly with differences between himself and others. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 104, 105. XX. If, however, there is as much mental and moral similarity as is normally found in individ- uals of the same species, yet more i£ there is as much as is normally found among individuals of the same racial stock, there will presently be a general perception of these general resemblances. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 105-108. XXI. Also, since by hypothesis the individuals of the aggregation respond in like ways to the same stimuli, and since in all conscious individuals the psychological processes in course of time estab- lish habitual relations between stimulus and action ASSOCIATION 13 and between action and feeling, these like indi- viduals will feel alike under like conditions. More- over, the actions of one, perceived by another, will, through the various processes of psychological association, awaken in the one perceiving some degree of the feeling that is experienced by the one acting. That is, there will be sympathy be- tween like individuals. See Spencer, "The Principles of Psychology," Part VIII., chapter 5, and cf. James, "Psychology," Vol. II., pp. 410-411. XXII. iVom the same premises it follows that there normally must be a stronger degree of liking for one another between like individuals than between those who are very unlike. Potential resemblance, however, may be quite as important as actual resemblance, as a basis of liking or affection. That strong affection often springs up be- tween individuals that apparently are most unlike is a familiar observation. In these cases, we say that the unlike friends or lovers "supplement" one another, each giving to the other something that the other lacks. If we pushed our explanation a step further, we should discover that when two persons do actually give some- thing to one another and take something from one another, they thereby become alike. Individuals who can thus give much to one another are in a high degree capable of assimilation; they have a high degree of potential resemblance. That such potential resem- blance, and not difference, is the cause of affection in 14 THE THEORY OF SOCIALIZATION the cases described, is readily proven. A missionary's love for those whom he would convert cools rapidly when he discovers that they cannot be converted. Love between a man and wife who are mentally and morally very unlike commonly turns into indifference or hatred if their differences prove to be irreconcilable. XXIII. Finally, the individual who perceives that another individual resembles himself in race and in mental and moral qualities, who feels sym- pathy with him and a degree of liking for him, must inevitably feel a desire for recognition by him, and for sympathy and liking from him. The desire for recognition is the source of vanity and pride, of the love of praise, of the desire for esteem and for honor, and of ambition. XXIV. The state of consciousness in which a perception of resemblance, sympathy, and liking, and a desire for recognition, are combined, may be called the consciousness of kind. The consciousness of kind may be diagrammatically represented thus : ' Perception of resemblance Sympathy, including liking or affection Desire for recognition Consciousness of Kind XXV. The consciousness of kind is a social as distinguished from all non-social or anti-social states of miad. ASSOCIATION 15 See "The Principles of Sociology," Preface to third edition, p. xii. XXVI. Tlie consciousness of kind is tlie sim- plest or the elementary social state of the mind. In other words, the simplest known or conceivable social state of the mind is a sympathetic appre- hension by the self of its own image in the not- self. See "The Principles of Sociology," Preface to third edition, p. xii. XXVn. The consciousness of kind is necessarily an ever-changing state of mind, and varies in degree with variations in its conditions. It loses intensity as it expands, and it becomes intense as it becomes exclusive. See "The Principles of Sociology," Preface to third edition, p. xiv. XXVIII. Using the word "sympathy" as a col- lective term for aU the feelings that are included in the consciousness of kind, the law of sympathy is: The degree of sympathy decreases as the gen- erality of resemblance increases. Thus, for example, there is normally a greater degree of sympathy among members of a family than among all members of a nation, and a greater degree of sym- pathy among men of a common nationality than among all men of the same race or color. 16 THE THEOKT OP SOCIALIZATION In like manner, there is greater sympathy among Protestants than among Protestants and Eoman Catho- lics taken together, and more sympathy among Protes- tant and Eoman Catholic Christians taken together, than among all Christians and all devotees of all other religions taken together. XXIX. The degree of sjionpatliy is a variable of all the modes of likeness combined, and not of any one mode alone. Expressed mathematically it is: S = ^{h, m, v). In this formula the symbol <^ expresses that relation between S (sympathy) and Tc, m, v, which accounts for every variation of S. The actually observed variation of /S is a progressive diminution of sympathy as we pass from k' to Qc' + k") and from (k' -f k") to (k' + k" + k'"), and so on, and in like manner pass from m' to (m' + m") and from (m' + m") to (m' + m" + m'"), and so on. Therefore, <]> is an algebraic function expressed in terms of dimin- ishing resemblances, and symbolizing a progressive diminution of sympathy. Now resemblance is a variable that approaches but never reaches the limit identity, as the fraction ^ -t- i + ^ + Y^ and so on, approaches but never reaches the limit 1. Sympathy, diminishing as resemblance diminishes, in like manner approaches but never reaches the limit 0. The fraction given above is the numerical variable that most rapidly approaches the limit 1, and in the succes- sion of fractions ^, -J, \, etc., we have the most rapid approach to the never-reached limit 0. Sympathy di- minishes with great rapidity as we pass from the closely related to the remotely related. Graphically repre- sented, the hyperbolic curve has a sharp descent thus : ASSOCIATION 17 native born of native parents native born of native parents native born of foreign parents native born of native parents native born of foreign parents foreign born native born of native parents + native born of foreign parents + foreign born + colored It is therefore probable that the succession of fractions h h h etc., very closely represents the diminution of sympathy with diminishing resemblance. If so, our complete formula is as follows : ^ „ ,,. (k'+k") , (A;'+fc"+fc'") , (Jc>+Jc"+]c"'+k"") b-k+ 2^ + ^+ g , (m' + m") (m' + m" + m"') -t- '" -t- 2 "^ 4 , (m' + m" -i- m"' + m"") ■*" 8 The Socializing Forces XXX. The consciousness of kind is the chief socializing force. It modifies and restrains all of the individualistic forces. 1 For further explanation, and an example of the use of the for- mula in ascertaining the heterogeneity of the population of the United States, see the Appendix. 18 THE THEORY OP SOCIALIZATION A socializing force is any power or influence that acts toward social ends, that creates association, that creates a social nature and perfects social organization. It may arise outside of society or within it. See " The Principles of Sociology," Preface to third edition, p. XV. XXXI. The consciousness of kind modifies appe- tite and desire. Pew if any of our appetites and desires are what they would have been if each individual had lived by him- self in contact only with the physical world and lower forms of life. When a strange food is first tasted, it is usually on the recommendation of one in whom we have confidence, and whose tastes in many other re- spects we know to be like our own. To a great extent we cultivate certain appetites and repress others merely because our associates do so. Most of the consumers of tobacco "learn" to like it. Our clothing is chosen with as much reference to our "class" or "set" as to our comfort. In general, the standard of living is largely determined by the consciousness of kind. XXXII. The consciousness of kiad modifies the ideas and the desires that enter into the conscious- ness of integral self-satisfaction. Fortitude in bearing pain and disappointment, cour- age in facing danger, and persistence of purpose are greatly strengthened by fellow-feeling and the desire for esteem and praise. Besides thus fortifying the original moral motives, the consciousness of kind con- tributes a new one, the very names of which are sig- nificant of its origin; to wit, kindness, affection, love. ASSOCIATION 19 This motive manifests itself in a new mode of conduct, namely, self-sacrifice. Affection and self-sacrifice prob- ably originate in a psycho-physical sympathy. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 105-108. XXXIII. The consciousness of kind modifies impression. Impression produces two very different effects: (1) fear, which may become terror and terminate in paralysis; (2) fascination and pleasure. The one mode of impression is the cause of submission, sur- render, and the abject obedience of fear. The other mode of impression is the cause of loyalty, fealty, and the voluntary attachment to a leader. The effect of the consciousness of kind upon the fear- inspiring mode of impression is reflected in the saying that "familiarity breeds contempt." The sense of difference, and its accompanying sense of mystery, is a large element in fear. These disappear with the discovery of resemblances. Eulers and dignitaries who wish to inspire fear invariably surround themselves with an air of mystery and foster the public delusion that they are not as other men are. The effect of the consciousness of kind upon the fascination-producing mode of impression is to intensify devotion. The more " in touch " our leader is with us, that is to say, the more like us he is in every respect except his superior sagacity and power, the more blind and unswerving is our allegiance. XXXIV. The consciousness of kind modifies imitation. We do not imitate one example as readily as we imitate another. Other things being equal, we imitate 20 THE THEORY OF SOCIALIZATION the example that is set by an originative mind in our own class or circle. The Bowery boy who wants to be good and great does not imitate any uptown exemplar of adolescent sweetness and light; he imitates "Chim- mey Fadden." The "practical" politician does not imitate Lincoln and Sumner; he imitates the "Boss." " Bapid " young men in business do not imitate Amos Lawrence and Stephen Girard; they imitate "plungers" and "Napoleons of finance." Impressionists do not imitate Da Vinci, and realists do not draw their inspiration from Cervantes and Dumas. Thus, as I have elsewhere contended, imitation is not the distinctive social phenomenon. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 16, 17. As a social factor, it is largely determined and directed by the consciousness of kind. XXXV. The individual motives as thus modified by the consciousness of kiud become sociahzing forces. With the foregoing analysis compare the account of social forces given by Ward, "Dynamic Sociology" and "The Psychic Factors of Civilization," and by Patten, "The Theory of Social Forces." Cooperation XXXVI. In every aggregation of individuals in which there are many differences but also some positive resemblances and some consciousness of kind, there is communication, the first step towards further socialization. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 108, 109. ■S.SSOCIATION 21 XXXVII. If communication is indefinitely con- tinued, association is established and assimilation begins. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 109-113. XXXVni. Conflict, nevertbeless, continues untU, through the elimination of the extremely different and imequal members of the group, such approxi- mation to equality and such diminution of difference is brought about as to produce the equilibrium of toleration. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 113, 114. XXXIX. When likeness, a consciousness of kind, and toleration exist, there can be cooperation and mutual aid; but cooperation cannot precede the consciousness of kind. This is because cooperation presupposes : (1) A common interest in a common object or end, which, as we have seen, is a like responsiveness to the same stimulus. (2) A perception by each that all are responding in like ways to the same stimulus, and this perception is a consciousness of kind. (3) Communication, one motive of which is the con- sciousness of kind. (4) Some degree of confidence in one another, which presupposes a consciousness of kind. Whenever it is proposed to organize an association for any purpose, the consciousness of kind manifests itself in the first step that is taken, namely, the can- 22 THE THEORY OF SOCIALIZATION vassing of a tentative list of possible members. The test applied to each proposed individual is the question, " Is he interested, or will he become interested, in this undertaking, and will he cooperate harmoniously with the other members?" Cooperation develops under the influence of the motives and modes of action that have been described above through various stages of coordination (i.e. through imitation, through leadership, and through rational comprehension); it develops also through various degrees of intimacy and of definiteness; it is more or less voluntary in form, and it is more or less enduring, according to the elements of likeness and of difference, and to the strength of the consciousness of kind, from which it arises. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 114-116 and 386-394. XL. When there exist a sufficient degree of simi- larity and a sufficiently developed consciousness of kind to establish cooperation, association becomes pleasurable. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 116-121 and 376, 377. Personality and Social Classes XLI. Associated individuals modify each other's natures, and association, if continued, creates the unified personality, with its powers of psychical determination and its desire for a cumulative hap- piness. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 121-124 and 377-386. ASSOCIATION 23 XLII. Different individuals are, however, modi- fied by association in very unequal degrees. See "The Principles of Sociology," p. 124. XLIII. A population is therefore always differen- tiated into classes, exhibiting different degrees of vitahty, of mental and moral power, and of sociali- zation. Association, controlled by the consciousness of kind, governs the combinations of heredity and of circum- stance in the life of each individual, and so creates the inequalities of vitality which appear in three great vitality classes, namely, the high vitality class, which has a high birth rate and a low death rate; the medium vitality class, which has a low birth rate and a low death rate; and the low vitality class, which has a high birth rate and a high death rate. Association, in like manner, governs the combina- tions of heredity and of circumstance, which produce three conspicuous grades of personality, namely, the geniuses and talented; the normally endowed; the defective. Association, yet further, through its control of both heredity and education, moulds some individuals into a perfect adaptation to social life, and ia a less degree socializes others. It thi^*creates four great social classes, namely, the social, composed of those in whom the consciousness of kind is highly developed, and whose dispositions and abilities impel them to make positive contributions to the sum of helpful relations; the non-social, iu whom the consciousness of kind is normal but undeveloped, and who therefore cling to a narrow individualism; the pseudo-social (congenital 24 THE THEORY OF SOCIALIZATION and habitual paupers), in wliom the consciousness of kind is degenerate, and who therefore simulate the qualities of the social, posing as victims of misfortune; the anti-social (instinctive and habitual criminals), in whom the consciousness of kind is approaching extinc- tion, and who detest society and all its ways. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 124^128. CHAPTER IV THE SOCIAL MIND AND SOCIAL CONTROL The Social Mind XLIV. On its conscious or subjective side, the simultaneous like responsiveness of like minds to the same stimulus, is the social mind, m its generic and simplest mode. There is no social ego, no mysterious transcendental being, -which, manifests the phenomena of the social mind. The term " the social mind " is merely a con- venient name for a concert of the feeling, the thought, and the will of associated individuals. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 132-134, and Preface to the third edition, pp. xv, xvi. XLV. In its further development the social mind is a reciprocal consciousness of kind. The consciousness of kind is reciprocal when it exists not only in the mind of A when he is in the presence of B, C, and D, but also, at the same time, in the minds of B, C, and D. 25 26 THE THBOKY OP SOCIALIZATION The Social Forces XL VI. The reciprocal consciousness of kind is a social force. A social force is one that originates in association. See "The Principles of Sociology," Preface to the third edition, p. xv. From all the preceding reasoning, it follows that the reciprocal consciousness of kind is a unification of the feeling, thought, and purpose of two or more associat- ing individuals. This unified volume of feeling and thought, expressing itself in a common attitude or action, is a force superior to any individual force. XL VII. An intended social force is always a reciprocal consciousness of kind. According to the preceding reasoning, an intent or purpose simultaneously held by two or more individuals is a mode of resemblance. A purpose that many indi- viduals simultaneously form becomes a common purpose when each individual becomes aware of its existence in all of his associates, and not otherwise. This discovery by each is obviously a reciprocal consciousness of kind. XL VIII. The reciprocal consciousness of kind further modifies the motives of characterization. It develops self-sacrifice by bringing to bear upon it the intoxication of praise elicited by a feat undertakeii at first out of exuberance or bravado or sympathy, but in its consequences socially useful. It thus creates altruism. THE SOCIAL MIND AND THE SOCIAL CONTEOL 27 XLIX. The reciprocal consciousness of kind further modifies impression, by further mitigating intimidation and fear, or by further heightening the influence of the sympathetic leader. L. Therefore a reciprocal consciousness of kind of increasing volume, accompanying an increasing resemblance, tends to convert coercion and submis- sion into domination and fealty, and to convert domination and fealty into influence and agreement. LI. Therefore when in a social group there is a general resemblance, as of race or of nationality, with which, however, there coexists great personal inequality; and a general consciousness of kind which, however, is limited by a strong sense of personal differences, the relation of superior and inferior is one of intimidation and submission or of domination and fealty, and the character of the association is coercive or authoritative. When there are only slight personal differences and the reciprocal consciousness of kind is strong and specific, the form of social organization is contractual. Tlie -word "contractual" is here used in the broad meaning given to it by De Greef. See his "Introduc- tion a la sociologie." LII. Therefore the order of sequence in social relations is not 1, liberty ; 2, equality ; 3, fraternity ; 28 THE THEOBY OP SOCIALIZATION but 1, likeness ; 2, equality (ia some or many par- ticulars) ; B, fraternity ; 4, liberty. LIII. The reciprocal consciousness of kind, acting upon common possessions, interests, and ideas, con- verts tbeir images, symbols, and names, into social emblems and shibboleths, and converts many social emblems and shibboleths into social idols. See Tarde, "La logique sociale," and Le Bon, "The Crowd." Examples of social emblems are the totemic devices of savages, armorial bearings, religious symbols, and the flags and banners of states. Among shibboleths are the words "family," "home," "class," "altars," "the gods," "the fathers," "country," "native land," "the king," "the army," "the party," "our cause," "the right," "liberty," "fraternity." Such objects and names are not converted into emblems and shibboleths merely by meaning the same things to many individ- uals, or even by being thought of by many individuals at the same moment. They become emblems and shib- boleths only when each individual is conscious that at a given moment they mean to his associates what they mean to him and arouse in them the same feelings that they arouse in him. That is to say, they are prod- ucts of a reciprocal consciousness of kind. Social emblems and shibboleths become social idols when, with an increasing volume of feeling in the con- sciousness of kind, they become objects of superstition or of profound reverence, veneration, or devotion. THE SOCIAL MIND AND THE SOCIAL CONTEOL 29 LIV. Social emblems and shibboleths combine the thoughts and passions of individuals into a social control. The emblem or shibboleth not only calls the atten- tion of an individual who sees or hears it to the object or fact which it symbolizes, and awakens in him cer- tain feelings ; it also fixes his attention upon the feel- ings which it arouses and the conduct which it incites in other individuals. The feelings and conduct of others, of which he is thus made aware, at once begin to act upon himself as an influence which merges with the original effect of the emblem or shibboleth. It intensifies or diminishes the initial power of the symbol over his mind, and quickens or restrains his responsive action. Thus, through the agency of the social symbol, the entire volume of thought and feeling which it incites in the community becomes a controlling power over each individual. LV. In its simplest mode the social control is effected through impression, sympathy, and imita- tion. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 135-137. See, also, Tarde, "Les lois de I'imitation" and "La logique sociale," and Le Bon, "The Crowd." LVI. In its further development the reciprocal consciousness of kind becomes the social self-con- sciousness. This term, like the term "the social mind," has no transcendental or metaphysical meaning. It is merely a convenient name for the highly complex phenomenon of a comparison by many individuals of one another's 30 THE THEORY OF SOCIALIZATION self-conscious states. In a true social self-conscious- ness, eacli individual makes the feeling or the opinion of his associates an object of his thought at the same instant that he makes his own feeling or thought such an object; in this comparison he discovers that his feeling or thought is in agreement with the feeling or thought of all others, and he then acts in a full con- sciousness that he and his associates have come to like conclusions and will act in like ways. See " The Prin- ciples of Sociology," p. 137. LVII. The social self-consciousness is developed by discussion and is expressed in public opinion. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 137-140. LVIII. The public opinion of many generations is conserved in tradition. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 140-145. LIX. The social self-consciousness combines tra- dition and new thought in products that are known as standards, codes, policies, ideals, tastes, faiths, creeds, and "isms." See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 145-147. LX. The social self-consciousness combines these intellectual products of the social mind with vari- ous moods of desire into social values. It also converts social idols into rationally conceived social values. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 147-150 and 404-407. THE SOCIAL MIND AND THE SOCIAL CONTROL 31 The Laws of Social Choice LXI. Social values determine rational social choice. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 401-404. LXII. The social mind decides rationally only when the crowd or the assembly alternately con- venes and disperses, so that each individual mind comes under varying influences, and new ideas interpose themselves between suggestion and act, preventing impulsive conduct or mere imitation. See "The Principles of Sociology," p. 151. LXni. The laws of social choice are : 1. The law of preference among ends to be achieved, as follows : In all social choice, the most influential ideal is that of personal force, or of virtue in the original sense; the second in influence is the hedonistic or utilitarian ideal; the third is integrity; the least influential is the ideal of self-realization ; but if mental and moral evo- lution continues, the higher ideals become increas- ingly influential. 2. The law of combination and of means, as foUows : A population which has only a few inter- ests, which, however, are harmoniously combined, is conservative in its choices. A population which 32 THE THEOKT OP SOCIALIZATION has varied interests, which are as yet inharmo- niously combined, is radical in its choices. Only the population that has many, varied, and har- moniously combined interests, is consistently pro- gressive in its choices. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 408-412. By a process of derivation, the ideal of personal force becomes the ideal of social or national power (Eome). The hedonistic ideal becomes the ideal of national pros- perity (England and the United States). The ideal of integrity becomes that of social or national righteous- ness (Israel, Geneva, the Covenanters, the Puritan Common-wealth, the New England Colonies). The ideal of self-realization becomes that of civic or national supremacy in art, science, or literature (Flor- ence, Venice, Siena, Bologna, Paris). A distinctly thought-out combination of all these ideals is the characteristic ideal of France, — glory. CHAPTER V SOCIAL OKGANIZATIOK Institutions LXIV. For the conservation and perfection of social relations, and for the realization of ideals, the social mind creates iastitutions. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 153-196. An institution is a social relation or form of organi- zation that is socially authorized and sanctioned. The institutions of social grouping and purposive association are combined in two great forms of social organization, which may respectively be called the social composition and the social constitution. The social composition is a combination and recom- bination of small groups into larger and yet larger groups, in which each group is so far complete and self-sufficing that it could, if necessary, lead an inde- pendent life for a time, e.g. family, horde, tribe, folk; or family, village, township, commonwealth, nation. The social constitution is the organization of society on the principle of specialization or division of labor. It includes all associations or societies for carrying on definite activities in politics, industry, religion, and education. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 73, 153-196. D 33 34 THE THEOBY OP SOCIALIZATION Authority and Liherty LXV. Social control manifesting itself in the authoritative organization of society as the state, and acting through the organs of government, is sovereignty. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 285-314. LXVI. Institutions, whether political or other, in their relation to the individual are coercive, i£ in their membership there is great diversity of kind and great inequality. This principle has always been clearly exemplified in ecclesiastical polity. The congregational polity has never been successful in a heterogeneous population, which can be organized only in an authoritative system. In like manner, political democracy invariably evolves the tyrant or the boss if the population becomes ex- tremely heterogeneous. In American cities the old forms of deliberative government have broken down with the influx of foreign immigration, and we have adopted the theory that cities are business corporations, for which even by-laws and ordiaances should be made by state legislatures, and in which administra- tion should be the one-man power of an elected dictator. In short, without the highly developed consciousness of kind of a relatively homogeneous population, there can be no successful experiment of democracy. LXVII. Institutions can be liberal, conceding the utmost freedom to the individual, if in the SOCIAL OKGAOTZATION 35 population there is fraternity, and back of fra- ternity an approximate mental and moral equality. LXVIII. Mental and moral likeness and fra- ternity can be secured only if certain similarities of external condition and certain modes of equal- ity of condition can be maiatained. The modes of equality that enter into the modern democratic ideal, and that, on grounds of sociological theory, are necessary to the success of the democratic experiment, are the following : 1. Political equality; universal and equal suffrage. 2. Equality hefore the law; neither wealth nor privilege, nor vice nor ignorance, to control legislation or to receive consideration in the courts. 3. Equality of opportunity to serve the public according to the measure of ability; men of equal ability to have absolutely equal chances of appoint- ment to office under impartial civil service rules, irre- spective of party service or allegiance. 4. Equality of rights in public places and in public conveyances. 5. Equality of sanitary conditions; all streets to be equally cleaned and cared for, tenement houses to be made decent and wholesome. 6. Equality of opportunity to enjoy certain means of recreation and culture; in public parks, libraries, museums, and galleries of art. 7. Equality of elementary educational opportunities, through a well-administered public-school system. 8. Equality of fair play; especially in all bargaining between employer and employee, and in the relations of workingmen to one another. 36 THE THBOKX OP SOCIALIZATION 9. Equality of courtesy; ricli and poor to be treated with equal politeness. 10. Equality of good -will to all men. LXIX. Institutions react for good or ill upon all social functions, and especially upon the supreme social function, the development of personality. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 394-399. CHAPTER VI THE SURVIVAL OF INSTITUTIONS Natural Selection in Society LXX. Not all objects of social choice are long- enduring. Many ^cial rules and forms that were once sanctioned by the social miud have become only a memory ; thousands of laws and institutions have become extinct. Existing social values and arrangements are survivals. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 20, 412. LXXI. Social products sometimes disappear through the extinction of races, communities, or classes. Usually, however, the relations, forms, laws, and institutions that perish fail through the indifference and defection of those individuals who have imdertaken to maintain them. A political, industrial, religious, or other association commonly ceases to exist through a decrease of its membership. A law becomes a dead letter because the community ceases to care or think about it. 37 38 THE THEORY OF SOCIALIZATION LXXII. Conversely, the social forms, laws, and institutions that survive, persist through their power to hold the iaterest and the allegiance of individuals who are able to enforce or to support them. In the long run all such power to iaterest and to hold allegiance springs from utility. It is when the law or the institution ceases to benefit that its power over men fails, and it ceases to exist. LXXIII. As thus brought about, the survival and the extinction of forms, laws, and institutions is a true natural selection. Natural selection is commonly thought of as a sur- vival of individuals through some superiority of or- ganization. This, however, is an inadequate conception of the process that actually goes on. In the struggle for existence, an organism perishes if its food-getting, food-assimilating, or other vital organs fail to perform their functions, or perform them in mal-adjustment to environment and conditions. A race, in like manner, perishes if the reproductive organs fail in function. Conversely, any superiority of function, whether due to a beneficial .variation in organization or to any other cause, ensures survival. Natural selection, therefore, is survival through a superior adaptation and performance of function, in a competition in which non-adaptation or non-perform- ance of function is fatal. And this is exactly what happens among social forms, laws, and institutions. The failure to benefit, to interest, and to hold alle- giance, is a failure of function, and the selection that THE SURVIVAL OP INSTITUTIONS 39 results among laws and institutions from successes and failures of function is therefore a true natural selection. The Law of Survival LXXIV. The successful performance of functions by institutions, as by vital organs, depends upon an increasing nicety of adaptation to an ever-compli- catiag environment. "The environment" is an ever-changing group of relations. Like the thing or organism environed, it is undergoing ceaseless evolution, and is heooming more and more diversified through differentiation. See "The Principles of Sociology," p. 413. LXXV. Accordingly the law of the survival of social interests and relations, — forms, laws, and institutions, — is as follows : Those social valuations and relations persist which are component parts of a total of values and rela- tions that is becoming ever more complex through the inclusion of new interests and new relations, and at the same time more thoroughly harmonious and coherent. See "The Principles of Sociology," p. 412. LXXVI. Thus social causation is a process of psychical activity conditioned by physical processes and cosmic law. See "The Principles of Sociology," pp. 416-419. APPENDIX DEGREE OF KINSHIP IN THE POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES The formula for degree of social sympathy given on page 17 could be filled out with numerical values for the United States, and we could get an approximately accurate table of degrees of resemblance, and therefore of social solidarity, if our Fed- eral Census material were properly compiled and promptly published. Por the values of 7c (kiaship), vre have the statistics of the native born of native parents, the native born of foreign par- ents, the foreign born, and the colored. The values of m (mental and moral resemblance) might be obtained by combining religious, political, and industrial sta- tistics. Tor example, one phase of mental and moralresem- blance is shown in religious beliefs. An approximate value of m, therefore, might be obtained by making the number of Protestants equal m'; the number of Protestants plus the number of Roman Catholics equal m" ; the number of Protes- tants, plus the number of Roman Catholics, plus the number of nomioal Christians, equal m'"; and the number of Protes- tants, plus the number of Roman Catholics, plus the number of nominal Christians, plus the number of all who belong to non-Christian faiths, equal m"". This approximate value could then be corrected by a similar use of political statistics. Finally, a last correction could be made by means of the sta- tistics of occupations, in which the categories would be : the percentage of the population employed in agriculture ; the per- centage employed in trade and transportation ; the percentage 41 42 APPENDIX employed in mamifacturing and mining; and the percentage employed in professional and personal services. The value of v (potential resemblance) is given in the sta- tistics of occupation. The chief assimilating influence in a population is contact and acquaintance; therefore, trade and transportation, manufacturing and mining, and professional and personal services are the occupations that ensure assimilation. At present, however, it is impossible to fill out the formula with these values, because the Tenth Census omitted the statistics of religions, and the Eleventh Census statistics of occupations have not been published. All that can be done, therefore, to illustrate this method of determining degrees of resemblance, is to present tables and maps showing degrees of resemblance in the single point of kinship, in the United States. The five columns of Table I. have been obtained as follows : The column " Native White of Foreign Parents " is obtained from the Compendium of the Eleventh Census, Part I., page Ixxxviii, column 3. The column "Foreign Born" is obtained from the same table, column 2. In the same volume of the Compendium, page c, is given (column 1) the percentage of whites to the total population ; by subtracting it from 100 per cent the percentage of "All Colored" is obtained. The column " Native White of Native Parents " is obtained by subtracting the sum of the other three elements (i.e. native born of foreign parents, foreign born, and all colored) from 100 per cent. The Index Number = /The native born of native\ /The native horn of native parents + the^ \ parents / i \ native bom of foreign parents / + ■ - + - The native horn of native par- ents -H the native horn of foreign parents -f- the for- eign born The native bom of native par- ents + the native born of for- eign parents + the foreign bom + all colored 8 APPEiroiX TABLE I. 43 Native Native State ■White of White op FOESISN Ail Col- Index Native FoBSiaN BOEN OBED NUMBEE Pakents Paekhts Alabama . . . 52.64 1.50 0.98 44.88 105.96 Arkansas . 69.23 2.10 1.26 27.43 135.51 California . 35.18 26.52 30.32 7.98 101.54 Colorado 58.38 19.36 20.38 1.88 134.28 Connecticut 47.81 25.87 24.60 1.72 121.72 Delaware . 64.87 10.45 7.81 16.87 135.81 Florida . . 47.58 4.03 5.86 42.53 100.25 Georgia 51.52 1.07 0.66 46.75 103.63 Idaho . 51.43 25.07 20.69 2.81 126.48 Illinois 49.17 27.31 22.01 1.51 124.53 Indiana 77.44 13.81 6.67 2.08 160.05 Iowa . 55.64 26.84 16.95 0.57 134.24 Kansas 69.52 16.58 10.36 3.54 149.19 Kentucky . 75.69 6.69 3.19 14.43 150.77 Louisiana . 36.85 8.62 4.45 50.08 84.57 Maine . . 76.61 11.17 11.94 0.28 157.93 Maryland . 55.23 15.01 9.05 20.71 122.67 Massachusetts 42.51 27.09 29.35 1.05 114.55 Michigan 43.73 29.30 25.97 1.00 116.01 Minnesota . 23.86 39.80 35.90 0.44 93.08 Mississippi . 40.33 1.30 0.62 57.73 84.21 Missouri . . 69.26 16.34 8.77 5.63 148.15 Montana . . 40.26 23.43 32.61 3.70 108.69 Nebraska . 56.08 23.65 19.13 1.14 133.16 Nevada . . 26.16 27.11 32.14 14.59 86.65 New Hampshir 3 67.33 13.28 19.21 0.18 145.09 New Jersey . 48.14 25.74 22.77 3.35 122.74 New York . 41.94 30.64 26.19 1.23 115.42 North Carolina 64.55 0.45 0.23 34.77 125.86 North Dakota 20.42 34.67 44.58 0.33 85.39 Ohio . . . 63.55 21.56 12.51 2.38 143.01 Oregon . . 61.98 15.92 18.27 3.83 137.47 Pennsylvania 61.55 20.28 16.08 2.09 139.44 Ehode Island 39.73 27.29 30.77 2.21 110.19 South Carolina 38.66 0.93 0.54 59.87 80.99 South Dakota 38.63 83.22 27.69 0.46 111.94 Tennessee . 72.61 1.88 1.13 24.38 141.26 Texas . . . 62.96 8.30 6.84 21.90 1.30.62 Utah . . . 32.48 41.04 25.52 0.96 106.50 Vermont 67.74 18.70 13.26 0.30 148.39 Virginia . . 58.97 1.52 1.11 38.40 117.12 Washington 52.02 19.68 25.76 2.54 124.74 West Virginia 87.85 5.38 2.48 4.29 170.90 Wisconsin . 25.75 43.09 30.78 0.38 97.58 Wyoming . _ _ 49.15 23.92 24.57 2.36 122.60 44 APPENDIX In Table II. the States are grouped according to low, me- dium, and higli index numbers. It ■will be observed that the States -which are distinguished for a rather pronounced " Americanism " in politics and legislation are chiefly found, as might be expected, in the third column. TABLE II. Index below 110- 110-189 130 AND Oyi:e Alabama Connecticut Arkansas California Idaho Colorado Florida niiaois Delaware Georgia Maryland Indiana Louisiana Massachusetts Iowa Minnesota Michigan Kansas Mississippi New Jersey Kentucky Montana New York Maine Nevada North Carolina Missouri North Dakota Bhode Island Nebraska South Carolina South Dakota New Hampshire Utah Virginia Ohio Arizona Washington Oregon Wisconsin Wyoming Pennsylvania Tennessee Texas New Mexico Oklahoma Vermont According to the reasoning of " The Principles of Sociology," pp. 95, 96, 324, 325, we should look for progress and social leadership to those communities where the population is neither perfectly homogeneous nor excessively heterogeneous. From this point^of view, Table III., showing the relative posi- tions of the Northern States that have index num.bers between APPENDIX 45 105 and 125, is interesting. The relations indicated by Table III. and column 2 of Table II. are well shown in Map II. TABLE m. 105 106 107 108 109 110 Ill Utah Montana Rhode Island South Dakota iia 113 114 115 116 117 •118 Mass. N.Y. Mich. 119 120 lai isa 183 124 125 Conn. Md. N.J. Wy. m. "Wash. 46 APPENDIX MAP I. APPENDIX 47 MAP n. IN PREPARATION. THE ELEMENTS OF SOCIOLOGY. Prof. FRANKLIN HENRY GIDDINGS, M.A., Professor of Sociology in Columbia University, in the City of New York, " The Elements of Sociology " will be a text-book for the use of high schools and colleges which are unable to devote as much time to sociology as is demanded by " The Theory of Socializa- tion " and " The Principles of Sociology." " The Elements of Sociology " will be arranged in accordance with the analysis pre- sented in "The Theory of Socialization," and will contain abun- dant descriptive and illustrative matter. In this book the elements of the subject will be presented in the simplest and most straight- forward manner, and will be brought within the comprehension of all students who are capable of pursuing any studies dealing with such subjects as Economics, Government, Morals, and Legis- lation. It will direct attention to the chief practical problems of morals and expediency that are arising from the growth of population and the complications of modem social life. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, 66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK. THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY. An Analysis ot the Phenomena, of Association and of Social Organization. By FRANKLIN HENRY GIDDINGS, M.A., Professor of Sociology in Columbia University, in the Cify of New York. 8vo. Cloth. $3.00, net. "The book is especially valuable because of the clearness and fulness with which it discusses the psychical elements in social evolution. " Professor Giddings has done good service by his clear exposition of the pres- ent stage of sociology, and he has made a distinct and valuable contribution to the subject. The book is also timely, and will doubtless have wide reading and com- mand the attention of all students of the subject, not only because of Professor Giddings' acknowledged standing as a sociologist, but because of its intrinsic value. The style is particularly lucid, and the tone of the book is judicial throughout." — The Bookman. " This is a book which has long been awaited with eager expectation by students of sociology. We have a valuable treatise which will, we believe, for many years to come be the text-book on this subject. ' " Professor Giddings' work has in a high degree that most valuable character- istic of a contribution to human thought, suggestiveness. His discussion of the evolution of culture and tradition in his chapter on ' Demogenic Association ' is especially rich in suggestion. " Professor Giddings' book is highly stimulating. He is a vigorous thinker and a strong writer, and he has a broad knowledge of his subject and its various afiilia- tions which is as refireshitig as it is unusual in this day of scientific specialists and non-scientific sociologists. " The book is well indexed and is accompanied by a valuable classified bibliog- raphy, — valuable, but by no means exhaustive." — The New Unity. " Is of great interest. Students of the comparatively new science of sociology will give a hearty welcome to Professor Giddings' book." — Boston Daily Advertiser. " His volume is a brilliant, fascinating, and important contribution to a subject which is engaging the sustained labors of our foremost scholars, and the attention and interest of our publicists." — The Philadelphia Evening Bulletin. " The work is on an entirely new basis. There is nothing like it in literature. A glance at the table of contents will convince any one that it is a model of method. We feel convinced that as soon as it becomes known it will be accepted as an authority ; and its value, coming in all its completeness at this early stage of the study of this science, cannot be exaggerated." — Minneapolis Tribune. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, 66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK. Cornell University Library HM68 .G45 The theory of socialization oiin 3 1924 030 235 091 ^