mm Hnqlidh Collection THE GIFT OF 3ami^s Morgan Hart Cornell University Library PB 1220.054 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026507974 PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER CELTIC SERIES No. II. The Language of the Annals of Ulster Printed by The Aberdeen University Press Published by Sherratt & Hughes Publishers to the Victoria University of Manchester Manchester : 34 Cross Street London : 33 Soho Square W. THE LANGUAGE OF THE ANNALS OF ULSTER tomAs 6 mAille, M.A., Ph.D. Professor of Irish at University College^ Oalway MANCHESTER At the University Peess 1910 UNiVERstTY Of Manchester PosucATroNs No. LIII. TO THE MEMORY OF JOHN STRACHAN PREFACE. Although the grammatical system of Old Irish is now fairly well established, very little systematic work has as yet been done at the grammar of the later periods of the language. It had long been my intention to undertake some investigations on the history of the Irish language, and accordingly, when, on the lamented death of the late Professor Strachan, Professor Kuno Meyer suggested to me to take up " The Language of the Annals of Ulster " as a subject for a dissertation for the M.A. degree of Manchester University, I thought it well to treat the material at my disposal from an historical point of view. Whilst keeping this before me, I have not in the present volume deemed it advisable to deal with the whole of Old- and Early Middle-Irish grammar beyond comparing the material of the Annals with that of contemporary documents. In the course of the work, I endeavour to show that the Annals, from the early eighth century onwards, consist of a chronicle taken from contemporary records, and so may be expected to afford a means of dating various Irish documents from the eighth to the eleventh century. Before proceeding to thank those from whom I have re- ceived kind assistance and encouragement, I wish, first of all, to place on record my indebtedness to the great scholar to whose memory this book is dedicated, for a valuable training in the scientific study of Old Irish, and for his many important papers on Irish grammar which have served as my guide. My best thanks are due to Professor Kuno Meyer, of viii PREFACE. Liverpool, who suggested to me the subject of this disserta- tion, and whose great knowledge of Irish has always been at my disposal. He has also been so kind as to read through the proofs of the book, and to make many important correc- tions. I have further to record my sincere thanks to Professor Thurneysen of Freiburg i./B., and Professor Zimmer of Berlin, both of whom read a considerable part of the manuscript, and made many valuable suggestions. To the work of these scholars in the department of Irish philology I have in the course of the book often referred. As the present volume was in the hands of the printer before the former's " Hand- buch des Alt-irischen " appeared, the references to this in- valuable book are much fewer than would otherwise have been the case. Last, but not least, I wish to express my very especial thanks to Dr. E. C. Quiggin, of Caius College, Cambridge, who has read carefully through nearly the whole of the manuscript and all the proofs, making several important cor- rectibns and suggestions. I have also to thank Professor Tout for kindly taking charge, on the part of the Publication Committee of the University of Manchester, of the printing of the thesis, and for his solicitude for the success of the work. I have .further to thank the authorities of the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, and of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, for their kindness in placing the MSS. of the Annals at my disposal. Whilst thanking the above-mentioned for a good deal of valuable aid ungrudgingly given, I deem it my duty to state that, for the general accuracy of the work and for any theories put forward, I am alone responsible. TOMAS 6 MAILLE. Galway, July, 1910. LIST OF WORKS REFERRED TO. Archiv Ascoli BB. CZ. Eriu Fel. Oen. Hogan Im. Brain KZ. L. Ardm. LL. LU. Macal. Pedersen Quiggin RC. SR. Thes. Thurneysen Trip. Life Wi. YBL. = Archiv fiir Celtische Lexicographie, ed. K. Meyer. = Glossario dell' antico Irlandese. = Book of Ballymote. = Zeitschrift fiir Celtische Philologie, ed. K. Meyer and L. C. Stern. = The Journal of the School of Irish Learning, ed. Meyer, Strachan, and Bergin. = Felire Oengusso, ed. Stokes (Bradshaw Society). = Outlines of the Grammar of Old Irish, and Treatise on Irish Neuter Substantives (Cath Ruis na Rig). = Voyage of Brain, ed. Meyer. = Papers by Thurneysen, Zimmer, Pedersen, Zupitza, etc., in Kuhn's Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung. = The Book of Armagh. = Leabhar Laighneach (The Book of Leinster). = Leabhar na h-Uidhre. = Macalister, Studies in Irish Epigraphy. = Vergleichende Grammatik der Keltischen Sprachen. — A Dialect of Donegal. = Revue Celtique, ed DArbois de Jubainville. = Saltair na Rann, ed. Stokes. = Thesaurus Paleohibernicus, ed. Stokes and Strachan. = Handbuch des Alt-irischen. = Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, ed. Stokes. = Windisch, Irische Texte. = Yellow Book of Lecan. CONTENTS. PAGE I. Introduction, §§1-5 - - - - - i The Manuscripts - - 2 II. The SoxmcES of the Annals, §§ 6-17 - 5-19 Mag Uidhir's death 5 — System of dating - - 7 Sources quoted 7 — The Book of Cuanu - 8 The Book of Dubdalethe 9-10 - 10 A detailed examination of the years 434-700 - 11-19 Atmospherical phenomena - 17 III. Orthography, §§ 18-53 - 20 Vowels — Sfi for iS - 21 de for 6i 22 — an for -ain 23 -€a 24 — a before palatal consonants 25 u and o before a palatal consonant 26 — ea for e 27 ai, i 27 — palatalization 28 — uae for ua' 29 ae for e 29 — i for iu 29 — oa of various origin 30 au for u 31 — variation of au, e, i 31 Doubling of vowels 32 Diphthongs 32 di 32 — ae before palatal aad non-palatal con- sonants 33 — di before consonants - 35 de 35 — de for ae - 36 Consonants - 37 I. Gutturals 37— gg for g - 37 ^^ for c 38 — cc for c - 38 II. Dentals 39 — dd for t 39 dd for d 40 — tt for t 40 III. Labials - 40 IV. Liquids 41 — 11 for 1, rr for r 41 V. Nasals 42 — Doubling of n and m 42 xii CONTENTS. IV. Phonology, §§ 54-i34 , - " 43 Aspiration - - - - - 43 General remarks 45. Arrangement of subject - 46 Vowel changes - - - - - 47 (i) e>a47 — Phonology of aue - - - 49 -e>-as6 — (2)ie, io>ia- - - - 56 (3) ue>ua58— (4) o>a- - - 58 (5) -O > -a in genitive singular - - - 62 (6) The diphthong au 69 — (7)e>ia - 71 (8) o>ua 72 — (9) eu>eo - - - 76 • Final Vowels - - - - 79 (io)-ae>-a79 — (n) -ai>-a, -i>-e - 84 Consonant changes ------ 90 (12) mb>mm 9°— (13. 14) mr>br, ml> bl - - - - 95 (15) Id > 11 97 — change of dl to 11 - - loi (16) ln>llioi — (17) nd>nn - - - 105 (18) th>dh in unaccented syllables - 114 (19) to- > do- in pretonic position - - 116 (20) y > f 1 1 7 — Iqss of intervocalic u - 117 Consonant changes — general remarks - - 118 Vowel changes — general remarks - -120 Development of diphthongs ia, ua - - 121 V. Declension, §§ 135-167 .... 122 Arrangement of subject - - - - 122 Declension of the article - - - - 123 Nominative plural masculine - 124 Neuter article - - - - - 1 24 -ib in dative plural of article - - - 125 -ib in dative plural of adjective - - - 125 u in dative — instances - - 126 U in dative non-instances - - 127 Neuter n- - - - 129 Accusative n- - ---131 O-stems 134 — uch in dative - 134 lo-stems 137 — Declension of aue - 137 CONTENTS. xiii PAGE The usage of Irish surnames — with O, Mac, Mael 139 A-stems 140 — names in -gal - 140 la-stems - - . 142 I-stems — instances of change ... j^j I-stems - . - 144 U-stems 145 — change of declension ... i^g Guttural stems - - . - -146 Dental stems - - - -, 147 Nasal stems - . 148 Irregular declension - - 149 S-stems ... i4g Dual - - - .150 Change of Declension - 150 Change to guttural stems 150 — Change to s- and dental stems - - - - -151 Change to nasal stems - - - 152 VI. The Verb, §§ 168-201 - - 153 Material — The Copula - - - iS3 The Substantive Verb - - - - - -iS5 The Verb — Indicative present 156 Passive — Imperfect — Perfect - - 157 Reduplicated and various perfects - - 160 T-perfect — S-preterite - - 162 T-preterite — Reduplicated preterite 163 Future 164 — Subjunctive - - 165 Remarks on the verb 166 Infixed ro- - - - 169 The reduplicated preterite and perfect - 170 T-preterite and perfect - - - 172 S-preterite and perfect - - 173 Present — Absolute for conjunct endings - -174 The infixed pronoun - - 175 Afifixed pronouns - 176 Remarks on the infixed pronoun - - - 177 Infixation with ro- - - - 177 Remarks on the affixed pronoun - 179 The independent pronoun 180 THE LANGUAGE OF THE ANNALS OF ULSTER. I. INTRODUCTION. § I, In the following dissertation I propose to give some account of the language of the Annals of Ulster from the earliest entries down to about A.D. 1050. Professor Kuno Meyer was the first to draw attention ^ to the importance of the Ulster Annals as a help in dating the various changes that took place in Old Irish, inasmuch as these Annals are taken from contemporary documents from the seventh century onwards, and represent more or less faithfully the Old and Early Irish 2 sources from which they were compiled. Hence, when care- fully investigated, the Annals will show the development the language underwent during the Old and Middle Irish periods. In this way they serve, so to speak, as a history of the Irish language as well as a history of Ireland. Dr. Meyer was preparing a collection of the nominal forms to form the nucleus of a history of Old and Middle Irish declension. The late Professor Strachan was, at the same time, engaged in working at the language of the Annals, when, to the great grief and loss of all Irish scholars, death so abruptly took him away. Dr. Meyer suggested that I should take in hand the treatment of the whole subject. He kindly lent me the material he had collected, and Dr. Strachan's notes ^ and collections were also, through the kindness of Mrs. 1 See " Triads of Ireland," p. *. " By Early Irish I mean the language before a.d. 700 ; cf. Thurneysen, Celt. Zeitschrift, iii. p. 47 ff., in his article on the age of the Wiirzburg glosses. 2 Dr. Strachan's notes consist of a collection of verbal forms from the Annals down to a.d. 1536 and of sundry collections of material from a.d. 800 I 2 INTRODUCTION. [§ 2. Strachan, placed in my hands. Thus it became my mournful privi- lege to continue the work of my former teacher, Professor Strachan. §2. I have arranged the work in the following order: (i) The sources of the Annals, (2) Orthography, (3) Phonology (an in- vestigation of the dates of the various vowel and consonant changes in Old Irish), (4) Declension, (5) the Verb (including Infixed Pro- noun), (6) Syntax.'^ In addition, I propose to add as an appendix a critical edition of the quotations in verse scattered throughout the Annals, together with a translation. THE MANUSCRIPTS. § 3. In preparing the thesis, I have collated Hennessy's editioA down to A.D. 1000 with its two sources : — (1) H I. 8, a vellum MS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, to which I refer as H. (2) The Rawlinson MS. B 489, a vellum MS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. This I indicate by R. In the Trinity copy^ it is possible to distinguish three different hands : A, the original hand in which the bulk of the entries are written ; B, a second hand in which some of both the interlinear and marginal glosses are written ; ^ C, a continuation of the paragraph in a late hand. The entries in this (C) hand are, as a rule, very late. The scribe of C is also responsible for some of the marginal and interlinear to 1 100, which he intended to arrange later. The verbs from 800 onwards he had collated with the MSS. ^ The syntax I do not deal with in the present part. " I only refer here to the portion of the " Annals " prior to a.d. 1050. 3 Hennessy often prints the whole text consecutively, both original hand and glosses, without drawing any distinction between the different hands though he occasionally refers to them in the notes. In making this remark, I do not wish to belittle Hennessy's edition which has a good many excellent points, but which, from a scientific point of view, leaves much room for improvement. An edition of the earlier portion to about iioo showing in different type the glosses, and later additions in H i. 8, with expansion of contractions indicated, is greatly to be desired. § 4] INTRODUCTION. 3 glosses. I treat only of such entries as are in the original hand (in H), except that I sometimes use the other entries for purposes of comparison. In the Rawlinson MS. the entries corresponding to A and C (of the Trinity MS.) are, as a rule, written in one continuous hand, and there are, in addition, a few interlinear and marginal glosses. Some of the marginal and interlinear glosses of H are also written in the body of the text in R.^ As R contains many old forms ^ not pre- served in H, I conclude that R was based on H, with, however, the help of some of the original sources for checking the correctness of the work, although it is possible that the scribe of R may have corrected some of the scribal blunders of H by a comparison of the entries themselves. § 4. The text of the Annals is drawn from different sources. Sources actually mentioned are the Book of Cuanu, the Book of Dubdalethe, and a writer, Mochta. To these for the present I shall merely refer.^ It is clear that these different sources are, in part, responsible for the variation of the language of the entries in the earlier periods. Another source of confusion is the occasional modernization* of the entries by the Middle Irish scribe. The Middle Irish scribe who was familiar with a certain form of a name in the language of his own time would be liable to write down inadvertently this late form when copying Old Irish entries. He would, as in the case Amalngado referred to, be less liable to tamper with a name, with the form of which he was not familiar. ' For instance the entry at the year 752 mil mor dorala dochum tire, which in H is added on the margin in a different hand, is written in R in the same hand as the rest of the entry. ^For example at 717, 721 (gloss), H has g. Aedha, R has Aedo. Cf. also the writing nares 810. ^ The Book of Cuanu is mentioned at 467, 468, 471 and down to 628. See Zimmer, " Nennius Vindicatus," p. 250. I shall endeavour to deal more fully with this subject in the next section (v. " Sources of the Annals "). * A striking instance of this modernization is the entry Mors Aengusa mic Amalngado at the year 592. Here Aengusa is a very late form (O. Ir. Oengusso, Oingusso), whilst the other part of the name Amalngado might be taken as the correct form of the name at the beginning of the Old Irish period. Such modernization, however, as will be seen, is very rare and seems to occur only in the case of very common names. Cf. further diphthongs oe, ae, and writings such as Ceallach, etc. 4 INTRODUCTION. [§ 5- In view of this possibility of confusion of forms one must check the evidence of the Annals, step by step, by the various Old and Middle Irish documents which can be approximately dated. Even where it is not possible to work out from the text an ap- proximately exact date for a certain change, as in the case of -o and -a in the genitive singular of u- and /-stems, I hope the material collected and arranged will still be of value as showing what was actually written and what was possible in the orthography of the Annals, and other Old Irish documents at a particular date. When all the various changes here discussed are taken into account it will be possible to decide with more or less certainty the date of Old or Early Middle Irish texts and to estimate with greater accu- racy their relative value or authenticity. I have in the course of the work compared forms from various sources, but it is for the present impossible to note all the instances which occur of an interesting Old Irish form. A careful considera- tion of the Old Irish texts in LU such as Compert Conculaind and Fled Bricrenn, and Longes mac n-Usnig, Tain Bd Fraich, etc., in LL. with a view to deciding how far the text has been tampered with by the compiler, would be sure to yield valuable results. § 5. I give, throughout, the dates of the Annals themselves, which are antedated by one year from 486 till 1013 (cf. MacCarthy, Intro- duction to the Annals, xcvi. seq^ and not the corrected date. The years 891 to 1012 are corrected in the MS. (H i. 8) and 1013 is a blank, after which they bear the correct date. II. THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. § 6. The Annals of Ulster are compiled from various sources. The investigation of the sources is a difiScult problem, and though a. good deal of light can be thrown on the subject by a consideration of the language itself, still much remains that is not clear. The Annals, as we have them, were compiled by Cathal Mac Maghnusa Mheg Uidhir,! who died in 1498 at Senaid, L. Erne, and were taken from earlier compilations. After his death they were continued to 1504 in the MS. H i. 8 and to 1588 ^ in R 489. At 1498 they contain the entry of Mag Uidhir's own death : " Mac Maghnusa Mheg Uidhir do ig in bliadkain-si idon Cathal og Mac Cathail . . . in nech robui Ian do rath 7 do ecna in gach uile eladhain co haimsir a eitsechta eter dlighedh 7 diaghacht, fhisighecht 7 fhellsaime 7 ealadhain Gaedhilge airchena 7 nech ro chumdaigh 7 ro theglaim 7 ro thinol an leabhar-su a leabhraibh ilimdai ailtbh. . . . Ocus tabrad gach nech dia leghfa ind lebur-sa 7 dia foighena a bennacht for an anmain sin mic Maghnusa.^' " Mac Maghnusa Mag Uidhir died this year, that is Cathal Og son of Cathal ... a man full of good qualities and knowledge in every science, both law and divinity, physic and philosophy, and a scientific knowledge of Irish besides, who planned out and compiled and collected this book from several other books. . . . And let every one who will read this book and to whom it will be of service bestow a blessing; on the soul of Mac Maghnusa." This eulogy was certainly deserved, for Mag Uidhir succeeded remarkably well in an extremely difficult task and did his work in a scientific ' H I. 8 from fol. 49 (a.d. 1 1 15) onwards is written in a different hand to the earlier portion. From 1051 to 1115 some of the entries are either re-inked or written in different ink, which gives the appearance of a different hand. The earlier portion was presumably written by Mag Uidhir himself, who when he had got to the twelfth century probably considered the matter plain sailing and handed over the writing to some scribes. 2 With several intermissions. 5 6 THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. [§ 7- manner from the point of view both of language and history, which reflects credit on the Irish scholarship of his time. § 7. The book, as said, is a compilation, and moreover makes use of an earlier compilation or compilations. This double com- pilation would naturally be a source of confusion, but when we come to compare the forms from year to year and from decade to decade it is surprising how remarkably free from errors the work is, and how clearly the development of forms can be seen as time goes on. But thisjs not the case from the first. During the very early period the language is comparatively late, and can be shown in some cases to belong to the late ninth century — some entries at least being as late as this and others not later. After a time, towards the end of the sixth century, the language becomes distinctly older, and during the seventh century we have occasional old entries side by side with later ones. The obvious conclusion from this is that when, during this early period, the compiler had old entries for a year he left them unchanged, hence when we come to the period where all the entries belong to the language of the time it is clear that the compiler was drawing alto- gether from contemporary chronicles or documents. Further, we must conclude that MagUidhir, during the Old and Early Irish period, re- produced what he had got before him with occasional slips, some of which are corrected in the R manuscript. How far Mag Uidhir is responsible for the later form of a familiar name ^ during the Early Old Irish period is not clear. § 8. The period when the language of the consecutive entries for each year ^ begins to be contemporary is, as will be seen, the last few years of the seventh century. This can be proved by a com- parison of the language of the entries of this and the following decade or so with texts which can be dated with comparative accuracy, such as Adamndn's Life of Columba and Muirchu Maccu Machtheni's Memoirs of St. Patrick, and ^ Tirechan's notes in the Book of ' The writing of Cellach as Ceallack and the marking the aspiration of the mediae I refer to under Orthography. The various possible instances of modern- ization I deal with separately under their separate heads. ^ Of course such an entry as at 941, natiuitas Briain mic Cennetig,'v/a.s not inserted for at least thirty years after this date. ^ Cf. V. Stokes and Strachan, Introduction, Thes. Pal. Hib., Zimmer, K.Z. xxxvi. 474. § lo.] THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. 7 Armagh, etc. After this the gradual and regular changes of the forms from time to time show by abundant examples that we are dealing with the language of contemporary chronicles. This is further borne^^ut by a comparison of the entries with various Old Irish documents whose forms show them to be written at different periods, and which have already been approximately dated. To make this clearer I shall deal in full with the forms from 700 onwards. During the seventh century we have occasional entries which possibly go back to the time at which they are inserted, i.e. about the middle of the seventh century. I give a list of these, and shall deal with them later. Only in one case (viz., §§ 128, 129) do they serve to give an approximate date for a change. Outside this they are too rare to be of much value and cannot serve to fix an inferior limit. § 9. Up to the end of the Old Irish period, with the exception of the verse quotations, the great bulk of the Annals are in Latin. The names, as in the case of the Vita Columbae and the Book of Ar- magh, preserve in most cases the Irish declension. The Annals are dated according to the Anno Domini system. This points to the first compilation as being later than the time of Beda who was the first to use this system in Western Europe. This does not prevent the record of the events themselves belonging to a much older period written according to Anno Mundi and transferred according to some well-known landmark to the new system. § 10. Among the books and writings made use of in the compila- tion of the Annals are the following : those of a writer, Maucteus or Mochta, who is also mentioned in Adamndn's Vita Columbae : ^ " quidam proselytus Brito, homo sanctus, sancti Patricii discipulus Maucteus nomine". His death is mentioned at 534 which seems late. Foreign works mentioned are the histories of Isidorus, Marcellinus and Beda. These are all quoted in reference to foreign events except the coming of St. Patrick to Ireland. Isidorus is mentioned at 432, 583, 616, Marcellinus at 432, 449, 456, 536. Beda's " Chronicle " is mentioned at 432, 440, 460, and he is quoted at 565, 583, 605, a reference to his "great book" at 711 and his death is 1 Ed. Reeves, p. 6 ; Stokes, Tripartite Life of S. Patrick, 227, 498 ; Thes. ii. 272. 8 THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. [§ ii. entered in a late hand at 734. Cf. also quatrain a.d. 1060, do reir ro-Beid robuilid. § II. The Book of Cuanu is mentioned for the first time at 467 as an authority for the entry Cena Temhra la h-Ailill Molt (and possibly also for the preceding entry quies Benigni episcopi). Sic in libro Cuanach invent. The following entry is not in H and is added in a late hand in B. The use of the first person " inueni " points to the compiler Mag Uidhir himself as having the book in his possession unless he was directly quoting an older compiler. At 468, bellum Dumai Achir. i. for Aillill Molt, sicut inueni in libro Cuanach. This battle is given in a late hand at 474, and also at 476. St. Mochtae or Maucteus is mentioned at 471 as the source of the statement that " the second prey of the Saxons from Ireland was carried off in this year ". This the compiler also found in the Book of Cuanu. From this it would appear that Cuanu himself made use of the writings of Maucteus. The Book of Cuanu is next mentioned at 475, as the source for the entry Bellum Breg hEile re n-Ailill molt. At 482 ut Cuana scripsit is cited in connection with the battle of Oche in Meath and the death of Ailill Molt thereat. At 489, Cuanu is cited as the source of information regarding the " battle of Cenn Losnado in which fell Oengus, son of Nadfraich ".1 At 544, we find : Diarmait regnare incipit secundum librum Cuanach. At 552 : sic in libro Cuanach inveni i. Reiki ^ Patraic do tabaxat i serin tri fichit bliadnsie iar n-etsecht Patraic la Colum Cille, etc. It is clear that the language of Cuanu has been altered here.^ At 598, " Ailitfier ab clono maccu JVbis. Quies Cainnigh in Achaid bo, ut Cuana dock." At 600, " Sic inveni in libro Cuanach : bellum Slemne 7 bellum Cuile coil 7 pausa Comgaill 7 mors Oddach mic Aeda in isto anno perfecta esse ". This is a good instance of the treatment of his sources by the com- piler. These entries the scribe does not give in the language of the Book of Cuanu, but collects them and gives them in his own. He writes Aedo, Aeda, but Oddach he leaves unchanged. All these are 1 King of Munster. 2 Reliquie, R. 'Cf. rofhoghail, O. It. forodil, fein, dogarar, soiscela, etc. It is possible, however, that Cuanu may have written the entry in Latin. The first part of the entry may be old. § 12.] THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. 9 given from a different source, and in different spelling in the following year. At 602, the writer states '■'■omnia que scripta sunt in anno subsequente invent in libra Cuanach in isto esse perfecta ". At 610, " quies Colmani'^ Elo. Sic est in libro Cuanach Aed Roin 7 Aedh Laighen." The Book of Cuanu is referred to for the last time at 628 where the Book of Dubdalethe commences. It is noticeable that Cuanu is spelled Cuana in all these entries 482, 489 721, which form is at least as late as the tenth century, while it is ■spelled Cuanu at 777, 817, 824. The spelling Cuana may be due to MagUidhir himself Who this Cuanu was remains undetermined. 2;immer (Nennius Vindicatus, p. 250, 1888) was of the opinion that he was the same as the King-warrior of Fermoy whose death is mentioned in the Chron. Scottorum, 641.^ He draws this con- -clusion on the ground that citations from Cuanu deal mainly with Munster affairs. This, as we see, does not hold good, as the entries for which Cuanu is cited deal also with Meath and Leinster and Colum- cille (north of Ireland). The death is mentioned of a Cuana of Druim Cuilinn (King's Co.) at 721. At 738^ there is an entry Cuanu nepos Bessain scriba pausat. This latter Cuanu is more likely to have been the author of the chronicle than the one who died at 641, and even he seems rather early for some of the language* attributed to the Book of Cuanu. It is certainly very remarkable that where the Book of Cuanu ceases to be quoted the Book of Dubhdalethe begins. Another Cuanu " sapiens et episcopus " is mentioned at 824. § 12. The Book of Dubdaleithi is mentioned at 628, 962, 1003, a,nd for the last time at 1021. At 749 is entered the death of Dubdalethe, Abbot of Cill Scire. His obit is given at 745 by the Four Masters who call him " of the writing," and Hennessy suggested that he was probably the compiler of the book mentioned at 628. However, under 962 he suggests as compiler of the Book of Dubdal- ' Cf. g. Columbani, 667. See also 675. - " Bas Cuanach mic Cailcin i. laoch Liathmhuine Ri Feriimaighe." This in ■Chr. Sc. is a mistake for Fermuighe. For a story of this Cuanu, cf. LL. 274a40, 275A20. 2 For other Cuanu's v. Guttural stems. * Part of the entries may have been in Latin in L. Cuanach and translated into Irish in quotation. lo THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. [§ 13. etheithe warlike Abbot Dubdalethe of Armagh from 1049 to 1064, and this latter seems more correct if we are to judge by the last entry at 1 02 1. But very often a chronicle was continued after the death of the writer or compiler. Witness the Annals of Tighernach who died A.D. 1088 which were continued down to 11 64. And further the Annals of Ulster which were continued after MagUidhir's death. Moreover the Dubdalethe of Armagh (1049-64) was a very warlike personage and not the kind of man one would expect to compile such tedious work as a chronicle. If we could imagine the first Dubdalethe (dx 749) as having begun the book and brought it down to the time of his death after which it was continued till 1021, and that it was afterwards used by the compiler of the present Annals, this hypothesis would well suit the character of the language of the Annals of Ulster. A Dubdaleithe introduces the "Canon of Patrick " into Cruachan in 782, and another Dubdalethe became Abbot of Armagh in 964 (A. U.), who is probably the one referred to in Saltair na Rann (a.d. 987) : ocus Dubdaktha loir . . . siii cosaidbri segtai rainn osmur maigni tneic Alprainn. Hence in the absence of some' special reference it is difficult to decide the question. § 13. As regards the language in the early periods, I shall, to make the matter clearer, consider in detail the various entries from the beginning of the Annals down to about 700. As already stated, it will be seen that with the exception of a few rare words and entries, the language during that period cannot as a whole be shown to be older than the last decade of the seventh century, whilst during the same period for the most part it can be proved to be later than the eighth. The first Irish entry ^ is cetna brat Saxan di Ere, 434. The non- nasal form of the dative is used for the last time at Ere 901 but dat. iar n-Erinn at 916,^ Er- 964, Er- 979 (H and R). Cf. Fiacc's Hymn where both MSS. have dond Erinn {Erind). The n-dative seems to have disappeared ^ in the tenth century. Dat. h-Ere ^ I do not take account of the history previous to a.d. 431 in the first few folios of H I. 8 which is in Irish not earlier than the eleventh century, and which was obviously added at a later time. ''■ Sic Hennessy. H has Erinn. The readings of R I have not noted. ^ But see K-stems, § 161. § 14.] THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. n occurs Fel. Oen. Jul. 31, d. Ere in Tochmarc Etaine, and Compert Conculainn. For Ere, Poem 1 on death of Maelsechlabn, 862. The next consecutive entry in Irish is at 438, Senchus mor do scribunn, where nn should then be nd? At 444, Ard Macha fundata est, very late for Ard Mach\a\e, at least as late as second half of the ninth century,^ identical with the entry in LL24a. At 445 is entered the death of Nathi mac Fiachrach Mhaighe Tail which is placed with more probability * by the Four Masters at 428. The Annals of Innisfallen also place the event at 446, hence we may conclude that for this entry the Annals of Ulster and the Annals of Innisfallen drew from a common source different from that of the Four Masters. The entry as it stands is written in late Irish ortho- graphy, e.g. mhaighe, ag, og, etc. But with slight emendations for old Irish orthography there is nothing in the entry which would not go back to the Early Irish period, except Fiachrach? The fall of Coerthin[n], son of Coelub, at 446 corresponds to the entry in the Annals of Innisfallen at 448. § 14. The birth of St. Brigid is given both at 452 and 456, but in the Annals of Innisfallen at 455. The entry at 453 cathroineadh ria Loeghaire is Middle Irish in orthography and language. The entry cena (alias feis) Temhra apud (alias Id) Loeghaire filium Neill at 454 is in the old hand.^ If the entry in the original hand was not altered by the compiler of the Annals we have here the language of the ninth century, as the change of o to a took place orthographic- ally during the ninth century.^ It cannot be much later, as g. Temra gave way to Temrach in the early tenth century.* The older g. Temhro occurs at 461. A similar g. Ailella at 463, and cena Temhra again at 467. At 458 is the entry Cath atho Dara for Laighaire re Laighnibh, ' Meyer, Selections of Old Irish Poetry. ''■ Cf. change of nd to nn. Phonology. ^ v. change of -ae to -a. ^ He succeeded at the death of Niall of the Nine Hostages in 405 and reigned twenty-three years. 5 Cf. " Vitae Columbae ". ^ To avoid confusion in this portion I only deal with such entries as are in the original hand in H i. 8. ' See change of -0 to -o in gen. sing, of i- and w-stems. There are a good many instances of gen. in -a during the 8th century. * See guttural stems. 12 THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. [§ 14. all in correct Old Irish. The -aire of Laighaire is instead of older -uire. The gen. Dara for Daro side by side with Atho must be either due to tampering by the scribe or else written at a time when the final -o and -a were confused, i.e. during the ninth century. The entry at 459 is in a late hand. 462. Eriu 7 Albu.^ The last sentence in late hand. 464. Ha Laighnibh in different ink. 465. Eog&vi. mac Neill, belongs at the earHest to about the middle of the ninth century.^ The change of -I to -a in second syllable shows that the entry did not belong to the very early period. 467. in libro Cuanach? 468. Isserninus, called at 439 Serninus. 469 in late hand. 471. Maucteus (i. Mochtae), R. Mocteus. 470. Feis Temra la Ailill Molt. 473. Dornghal, etc., in a late hand. Correct gen. ^''^g, 47S> 477- 476- ria late. 477. g. Tocco. 479. lanair iox the: first time, no entry. Before this always len-. 481. g. larlathi.'^ 482. Bellum Oche, at least in early eighth century orthography. la Lugaid, etc., in old hand over line. Cuana, notice final a.^ This may be due to MagUidhir himself. LL. 24a has bellum Ocha, hence the present entry cannot have been borrowed from it. 482. Cormac {<*Corp-maquos,^ * Corbo-maquos) is not the old form. 483. Ennai older Endai, Endi. 484. g. Lugdech fairly old. Cf. Oghum Lugudeccas. R has Lug. 485. Fincaih (R Finchat) with final -th in unaccented syllable ^ preserved. 487. in Ard-Achuth, an old form. 489. Cuana? 491. Scoiti. 492. Bellum Srotha which the An. Innisfallen have at 485 as Srath Conaill. 493. Cath Taillten a late spelling, cf. 495 Talten ; ria also late. 494. Eochu, earlier Echu. 496. g. Ardmacha, very late, at least late ninth century. Mochoei, old, later Mochuae. Cf. Mochoe 498. 497. i crich oa n Gabhla? 1 Not identical with the entry in LL. 24a. ^Cf. change of ea to eo, but instance Eogain 786. In LL. 24a the entry is Eogan mac Neil. ^ For other references to Cuanu see above. ■* Identical with entry in LL. 24a. ^ Final -« did not become -a till after the end of tenth century. See Final Vowels. ^ Cf. Corbmac, L.Br. p. 220, col. 2. 'See-tt>-dA in Phonology. The form cannot be much later than the middle of eighth century. 8 Probably by Mag Uidhir himself from a gen. Cuanach. ' See declension aue for possible date. § I4.j THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. 13 501. Daui (glossed DuacK) tinga-umhai. Daui with au preserved is a very old form, and may be as old as the time for which it is entered, though it is also possible orthographically a good deal later.^ 502. (in old hand) ria Laighniu (R Laighnib) for Huibh (R ibJi) Neill, with confusion of cases is very late. 503. Ferti CherpainP' 505. g. espuic a very late form, again (espuc) 512. 511. Ciarani doubtless a Latin form. 512. g. Aird Machai, confusion of -ae, -at. 515. Droma derge, cf. LL. 24a29. 516. Poem by Cennfaelad (R Cgnn-). His death is at 678. 518. g. Coluim Cille at least eighth century,^ also 522 Colum Cille. 519. Detnae. Final -ae points to date between 700-850. in Drumbaibh Bregh is remarkable. Mac Erca is late,*^ cf. 527. Cath Dethna 522 in a somewhat later hand. 525. Dor- mitatio sancte Brigite corresponds to LL. 24a3i. 525. g. Ard Macha (R ArmacA-), see above. 527. £rce, early orthography. Librum Mochod^ in a later hand. 533. g. Ailbe Imlecha, ninth century or later, cf. LL. 24bi6. 534. Dormitatio Muchti, i.e. Mauchteus. 535. Aird Macha. 536. Tuaihal, cf. again at 538. 537. g. Cloenlocha. 542. g. Torten, an old form in which e between non-palatal consonants is preserved in unaccented syllable. R has Tortan. The saLme entry has JErce filius Ailella Moll. The following entry has Eugen bel^ with unaccented -e- preserved. 543. mac Setna and ma.c Setni. 545. g. Coluim. 546. Eugen. 548. g. Cluana Eois? At 836 we find Cluaen Eoais which is the next time the spelling eo occurs in this word. Hence the form is at least as late as ninth century. 547. g. Ard Macha (R Arda). There are some very late Irish entries during this period. Cf. again at 551 g. Ard Macha. 549. i Ceru, etc. Cf. LL. 24b for a similar entry. 552. Colum Cille and a long passage already referred to quoted from the Book of Cuanu, which contains such late forms as rofhoghail,^ fein, etc. 554. Achid, an old spelling. 556. Mors Fergna . . . Uloth. Fergna is a very late form (cf. again at 581 but g. Fergnai 622) and Uloth though apparently old is a spelling still common in the ninth ' See development of o!(. ^ ggg j.gt^ems. ^ See change of ot6 to mm. * See -ae (-«)> -u.. ^ Hennessy equates this with the reference at 511. * LL. 24b has Eogan hel ri Connacht. ' Clones, Co. Monaghan. ^In O.Ir. we should expect forodil, ci.forodail, perf. ol fo-dalim, LU. 53ai3. For date of this change see position of ro in verbs, § ig8. The last two sentences at least are probably an eleventh century translation from the Latin. 14 THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. [§ 14. century. 557. Ceana (R cend) Temra la Diarmait, Diarmata, Cluain Ferta may be taken as ninth century ^ forms ; cf. 559, Feiss Temhra. It is also possible that they may be due to scribal corruption. 562. g. Mona for Monae ; ^ re n-uib for auib. In poem at 562 nauch (?) rhymes with Duach (leg. DaucK). This seems old. Except where the rhyme comes to our aid much cannot be dated from the forms in the poems. 563. Chluana Ferta. 564. Diarmato . . . Erce : these are eighth or early ninth century forms. 565. g. Earca, but Setni an old spelling. 565. Gabrae Liphi, LL. 24b has Gabra. 567. Diar- mato. 568. g. Setna. 569. Oena, LL. 24b has Oenu, hence perhaps a misreading of a for u. 569. Gillas ( = Gildas) sic LL. 24b. Id became // about the middle of the ninth century. 571. g. Ferta. G. dual (/a aeu (R du). 572. g. Diarmato, Gabrae (R Gabhre). 574. Drama Ceata (Ceta R). In these instances R preserves the earlier forms. Colum Cille. 575. Duncath, g. Telocho, mic Setna. 576. g. Bren- dain Clona Ferta. Clona, Ferta have late endings, but Clona appears to be due to scribal corruption as the change of to ua was on the whole earlier than that of -o to -a. 576. g. Uloth, Gillas, cf. 569. 577. g. Uloth, g. Boetan, notice gen. -an. g. Ardmacha. 578. g. Aedha mic Geno. We have here the preservation of -o in the gen. of the non-familiar word. 5 78. Uinniani^ the initial u if not due to Latin influence is a very ancient form. 579. Droma mic Erce. 580. Ercae {Erce R). 583. Cill Biein, a seemingly old form; Fergus so ; Cj/-i!^(?, an old spelling. 585. Ninnedho, Temro. Here the language seems to become somewhat older. 587. epscd\^. 588. espuic Aeda, g. Tethba, very late. 593. romebaid, n. Fiachna (bis). 594. Coluimcille. 595. g. Ratho. 596. Brannub written after change of nd to nn. Cf. 589 where R has Brandubh. 596. 1 See change of -o to -a. ^ See i-stems. ' Finnian of Maghbile, see change of nd to nn. Columban of Bobbio (615) in a letter written (a.d. 600) to Pope Gregory wrote Vennianus. Cf. " Monumenta Germaniae Epistolae," iii. 156. Printed by Mommsen, " Chronica Minora," iii. 21. This refers to Finnian or Finnio of Clonard (v. 548). As Latin i in passing from popular Latin to O. French became e ferm^, Columban may have written n under this influence. As regards nn, Professor Zimmer considers change of nd to nn in inlaut as being earlier than that of nd in auslaut, and compares W. cant but cannoeth. The dat. pi. dendib 726 is against this. Cf. also Thurneysen, CZ i. 347 for an explanation of nn, and see below, change of nd to nn, Phonology. § 14.] THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. 15 Mumen, an old form, but n. Fic^chna in the same entry. 597. Eocho abb Aird Macha. The form Machae occurs hardly at all during the early period. G. righmedho 7 Aedha, preservation of ending of less familiar word. Beacc mac Cuanach. 598. Clono. 599. g. Colmaen, a ninth century ^ spelling. 600. Mors Oddach mic Aeda, which Hennessy equates with mors hUatach'^ mic Aedko aX 601. In one respect {Aedho) the latter is the earlier entry, but o for ua shows that the former is really the oldest, the form Aeda to be attributed rather to scribal corruption. 602. Finntain. 603. poem, ce du for later eta du. G. Aedho twice, Aedha once. g. Locha. 604. g. Branduib, Lagen. Triginta annis, etc., is in small writing in a different hand, and the poem is a continuation of this hand. 605. g. Beugnai, an older form than g. Beognai of Vit. Columb.^ 608. Lugdach maccu Ochae {H.'S^. 609. Aird Macha ; Sillani.^ 610. Uloth ; g. Colmani Elo (L. Cuanu). 611. Aedo Alddain ; Temro. The entries in this year are old except Maelcobha. 614. Aedho; g. Tueth, LL. 24b Toad. 617. int immairecc in Eiluuin, g. Colggen. 617. (poem) mui ' if ' which is possibly the oldest form of this word, hua leg. aue ; ° g. gono Fergusso where the final -o rhymes with oi do. 617. Epscop ; Eogan Ratha ; g. Macha. 618. Sillani. Cf. Silnanus, Vita Columbae 8 from an earlier Sinlanus and Mosinu. 620. Duncath ma.c Eugain [Eougain, R). 621. Mors Mailembracho mic Rimedho. This was obviously written at the period of transition of mr to br. This change had not taken place at 729 ^ but had taken place at 834, hence this entry is in the language of about the year 800, i.e. either late 8th or early 9th century. G. Colggen is also fairly old. 622. G. Uinei abbatis Neir. The initial u of Uinei must be very old and points to y^- not having become / at this time. 623. G. Aedho Alddain. 624. g. Comgellain, a very early form. 624. (poem) forsriadhat rhymes with Fiachach. 626. Guaire. Cf. Goreus, Vit. Columb. 626. Furseus. 627. g. Laegen, ae ninth century orthography ; * g. Luatha (Luatho R), g. Eogain, g. Colum- bani^ g. Clorw ; Lagen. 628. The Book of Cuanu and the Book of 'See Orthography, -aen. ^ Called Uadu, " Chron. Scot." 592. 3 Thes. ii. pp. 273, 278. * Cf. 618. 5 See section on Poetry Appendix under 617. °Thes. Pal. Hib. ii. 282. ' See change of mr to br and cf. mbleguin, 732. * See Orthography, § ig. 'See change oimb to mm. Later Colmain. i6 THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. [§ 14- Dubdalethe, cf. § II. G. Fiachna. d^,^. %. Aedho Alddain. 636. g. Euagain. This word may possibly be very old, but the value of the first a is not clear. Cf. further eu > eo. G. Muman. 642. Loscoth. 646. Uloth, Duncath aue Ronain, an old entry ^ not later than the middle of the eighth century; it may belong to the period for which it was entered. G. Colgan, and gen. plur. huae are con- siderably later. 648. Raghallaigh, late ninth century.^ 649. g. Maelcobka {Maelcobho, R). This points to the scribe of R as having some of the older sources at his disposal. 651. G. Aidlogo, imairicc (cf. immbairecc 709). 652. G. Totholain. 653. maccu Delduibh, Lochre H {Lochx&.e, R), not later than eighth century. ^ 653. Fergusso, Rogaillnigh, Aedo, Sratho, Duncath. This year contains several fairly old entries. 657. Fiachrach Telnain,^ Alo Cluathe, Ronain mic Coluimb. This latter entry was written before change of mb to mm and may possibly belong to this period. 659. G. Finnani, Glinne da locho, Euganan mac Tothalain, eighth century.^ 662. ma.ccu Ckumd (H and R), probably earUer than change of nd to nn (which see). G. Morgaind, Tothalain. 663. Comgan ma.ccu Teimne.^ 664. filii Silni. 666. Eugen, eighth, or perhaps seventh, century. 667. Columbani. Cf. LL. 25a which corresponds as far as " Sanctorum " ; also change of mb to mm. G. Erend, confusion of nd, nn. 669. Duncha.Ao hui"^ Ronain. N. Columbana, 675. 676. g. Cuandai. 677. ma.ccu Retai. 679. Diich" (Dune" , R). 681. Colgen. 682. na g. f. article. 683. Concoluim. 685. Rotachtaigh, otherwise Rotechtaigh with « preserved. 687. g. Ardmachae. In poem, cro rhymes with Imblecho. Notice mbl. 688. Tuathalain. 690. Cronan ma.ccu Chualne. ^ 691. Conchadh, with final th (?) having become dh. Euganain. 692. G. Faelaen. This gen. in -aen does not occur at all during the eighth century nor until the year 800 when we have the next instance, hence it indicates ninth century orthography. The genitives nieth Neill and Boendo " are however very old forms and Nectin is I See Declension aue. "- Possibly later, see change of In to II. 3Seeo>Ma, and -a«>-a. «SeeZM>Z/. ^See o>Ha, e>a. * See dialogue between Comgan and Cummene Fota in YBL. ' See Declension, io- stems, aue. * Cf. Tighernach corres. to 6go, Cronan maccu Caulne. "The MS. (H i. 8) may be either read Boendo or Boento; cf. Boanta. § i6.] THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. 17 an old spelling. 693. mac Auin} Alocluathe, Balni, Cluana. 696. immarecc, g. JLockair.'^ 697. Duin Onlaigh, and again at 700, the last instance of the word in this form. 697. Iiorannain, Daro, Muirguisa (Muirgisa, R). 698. Fiannamla. 699. All entries ex- cept g. Suibne appear to be contemporary. 700. Auae, Muman^ imbairecc, Cuandai. § 15. The above are examples from 432 to 700 to illustrate the language of the entries. Here, and perhaps somewhat earlier, as has been already pointed out, we come into touch with contemporary language. Thus we see that in these entries up to 700 we have a good many instances which can be shown to belong to the ninth century, some tenth century or later,^ whilst others point to the eighth century and may go back even to 700 or before it. Ancient forms occur before 700, but decisive instances are rare. The following are the most striking: Daui, 501, g. Uinniani,^ 578, i.e. Finnian of Magh Bile (Chron. Scot. Finniani, 578). Cf. Finnio, 548, 858 (g), g. Finnen, 972, and at 775 Uiniaui (H), Finniaui^ (R). Eiluuin, 617, mat 'if 617, g. Uinei 622, g. Euagain 636 (cf. Euogain, R 620), Duncath aue Ronain 646, Nem ^ (?) 654, Ronain mic Columb 657, maccu Chuind 662, g. Columbani 667, n. Columbana 675, d. Laind abae 675, Cuandai 676, maccu Retai 677, Imblecko 684, Duin Onlaig 697, 700. These ancient forms are mostly from the early seventh century onward. Some instances in this early period (cf. Mailembrachd) can be fixed as the language of about 800. § 16. The following entries regarding meteorological, atmospheri- cal, and sundry natural phenomena may be referred to. These phenomena must have been noted by an eye-witness, or one who had lived through them : Nix magna 587, not said where ; aestas torrida 588, matutina tenebrosa 591, terremotus in Gallia 617, nix magna ' Cf. Oan, 724. ^ Leg. Lochrae {Luachia, R). ' For instance Cuana. This I think may safely be attributed to Mag Uidhir himself who had the gen. Cuanack before him. ^ Cf. also Finnani, 659. The origin of nn in this word is doubtful. See Zimmer, KZ. xxxii. p. 160 ; Thurneysen, CZ. i. 346 ; and note on the word above at 578. ' The final -am of this word may have been taken as the g. oiaue, ' grandson, descendant,' placed after the noun as in Corbmac. ' Should we read e ? 2 i8 THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. [§ i7: occidit multos in campo Bregh 634, cf. 669, 747. 759. etc Oscolt mor 669. 688. obscura est pars solis. 691. Luna in sanguinem colorem, etc. 699. Fames et pestilentia in Hibernia. 706. Duo terremotus in mense Decembri in aquiloni parte Hiberniae. 719. Murbrucht mor. 720. Terrimotus in Octimbre. 724. Luna tene- brosa. 733. Eclipsis lunae. 747. Nix insolitae magnitudinis . . . Hibernie. 748. Naues in acre uisaesunt; a mirage. 734- Draco ingens^ . . . cum tonitru. 745. Dracones in coelo. § 17. It is evident that from the latter part of the seventh century onwards, chronicles in contemporary language, or containing con- temporary forms, were available. There is then the possibility that, side by side with the contemporary forms, for the first few decades of the eighth century an occasional ninth century ^ form may have been inserted. Such possibly are i%?i^« /fe^/a 714, cf. Fland Feblae 739, Ard Macha 718 and several of the genitives in -a for -e, but 1 think if we begin with about a.d. 740 or 750 (cf. § 12) that we shall be absolutely safe in concluding that we are dealing with bona fide contemporary language' from that onwards. To make the matter clear, I shall consider in detail every instance between 700 and about the middle of the eleventh century, in an endeavour to date the various phonological changes which took place in Old and Early Middle Irish. These are given under their various heads in the section on Phonology. By the year 900 all the phonetic changes enumerated (under Phonology) had taken place with the exception of the change of -u and -ai to a. The date of the latter change, however, is owing to the orthography, not clear. 901 is the last instance of d. Ere in the Annals. At 912 the entries begin to be almost consecutively in Irish instead of in Latin. At 914 the guttural genitive Temrach ^ V. Du Cange, draco . . . Draconis Anglicani originem ab ipso Uter Pen- dragone accersit Matth. Westmon. ann. 498 qui cum stellam Draconis ignei effigie horridam in caelo conspexisset, etc. ^ The later forms are generally added in later hands and can thus be dis- tinguished. Thus at the year 803 is added in the margin, in what I have desig- nated as the C hand : Tabhairt Cheanannsa cen chath do Cholium chille cheolach, which is a quotation from Gilla Coemain's poem. See LL. 131a (printed by Stokes, Tripart. Life S. Patrick). 3 We must also in case of final vowels allow for the possibility of slips on the part of the scribe. Cf. Wb. igbi2 nitat gnima. § I7.J THE SOURCES OF THE ANNALS. 19 occurs for the first time. By 917 we have the loss of the -ib of dat. plur. of article. With all these changes we come to the end of the Old Irish period at about the first quarter of the tenth century. It is, however, difficult to draw a hard and fast line as to when Old Irish ceased and Middle Irish began. The Old Irish verbal system survived this period, but if we are to include this then we must add at least another half a century. Professor Zimmer would place the end of the Old Irish period at the break down of the neuter,^ and this is a good criterion. ' The neuter article a is used in the Annals for the last time at gii but may have survived for some time longer. For the fall of neuter »-, v. Declension. III. ORTHOGRAPHY. § i8. In dealing with orthographical peculiarities it will not be necessary to do more than refer to such well-known Old Irish methods of orthography as the writing of tenues for unaspirated mediae in the interior of a word. For instance, / for 3 in dianepred, ' of which was said,' 771, 798. A better representation of the sound is given at the year 928, viz, Abbred nechfri Donnchad donn. The sound was, of course, b^ < Jber-. In Old Irish there were several cases where mediae g, d arose out of the loss of n before tenues c, t, as, to give a common example, cet (pr. ced) W. cant, L. centum, < *centom, fr. *k'mtdm ; tet. Mod. Ir. tiad, cf. L. tentus > *tjitos, etc. The Latin alphabet, which was adopted into Irish, had no sign to express the spirants bh, dh, gh ; so for these in Irish b, d, g were reserved. This usage spread to forms where the mediae originally began a word. Thus from moa + de was formed mbite ;^ modern, mbide. Lugu + de became lugaite ; modern, lughaide. In some words borrowed from Latin — for instance, opair, from an oblique case of Latin opus — the intervocalic tenuis was pronounced as a media when the word reached our language. The tenuis, however, continued to be written, and thus we have opair written but obair pronounced. In the same way L. sacerdot- ^ gave sagart, written sacart. Both these words must have been incorporated into the language after the law of the aspiration of an intervocalic consonant had worked itself out. The writing of the mark of aspiration over the mediae is a relatively ' Consonants were often written double to show non-aspiration. It is un- likely that bb denoted sound distinct from un-aspirated b. ^ In Modern Irish the phrase ce is muite " except " is often analysed as ci is mo + de. It may be a contamination of this and the O. Ir. cen-motha. ' The final t in sagart must be due to the falling together of the d and t. If the word were borrowed from the nominative sacerdos the final -d would have remained. 20 § 19.] ORTHOGRAPHY. 21 late innovation in Irish, and its appearance in the Annals, even in the earliest periods, is presumably due to the scribe or compiler Mag Uid- hir himself. He may have thought it necessary to prevent ambiguity by indicating the pronunciation, and this restoration is often very important. I should, however, prefer to make the whole question of Old Irish pronunciation a subject for a separate investigation, and shall, for the present, confine myself to a few remarks on the material. Vowels. (a) Simple. ae for at. § 19. At the year 599 we find the first instance of this peculiar spelling of ae for ai^ (likewise oe for oi), which occurs mostly in the genitives of derivatives in -an < * -agnos, e.g. g. Colmaen moer, 599. The origin of this spelling is not clear to me. It has sometimes been attributed to Latin influence, i.e. that the Irish scribe in endeavouring to avoid combinations {ai, oi) not existing in Latin may have changed at to ae. These sounds were, however, not diphthongs, but equal to a and respectively, the i (as in Modern Irish) being the vowel glide before a palatal consonant. A more probable explanation is that when the older diphthong di was changed into ae a number of the a} and 0^ forms were treated in the same way by mistake. This also happened in the middle of a word, e.g. g. Maeni 626, 676. Cf. Mane 711, 712, Maini 721, Maine R. The instances of ae for ai are : *Cairlaen 587, g. Meccnaen 603, g. Stellaen 623, g. Mani 626, 676, Coelten 634, Cridan 638, mac *Adthcen^ 685, g. Foelxn 692, g. Ronaen 800 {= Rdnain), g. Quiaraen 808, g. lellaen 825, g. Aerdd Machae 835 (cf. Cluaen 844), g. Mael 848 (= Mail), g. Dubaen 851 (cf Dubain 804), g. Tommaen 870. Compare aei for ai in Mac Aedhaein ( = Aeddin) 806. Not to be ' With long a. ^ Doubtful instances I mark throughout with an asterisk. 22 ORTHOGRAPHY. [| 20. confused is Libraen'^ 585 { = Librin, Chr. Scot.). It is noticeable that, so far as I can detect, no instance of this a= for a' occurs during the eighth century. It is common in the entries for the sixth and seventh centuries and reappears again abruptly at the beginning of the ninth. For the later periods I have not noted any instances. This would go to show that several of the entries up to the last decade of the seventh century are practically ninth century in orthography and language. The instance Colmaen 599 obviously does not belong to the writing of the early period as it contains the change of mb to mm} After 870 the genitive in -an becomes common. Side by side with this spelling we have the more usually -ain in g. Aedain 628, 691, 700, g. Ultain 676, Moelain 677, Mongain 697, Comain 704, Colmain 706, 735, Faelain 718, Brecain 718, 735, Broccain 724, Moudain 726, Corcrain 735, Ciarain 742, etc. The instances quoted of a^ for a' all occur before n with the exception of a' before r in Aerdd (Machae) 835, ae before / in g. Mael{ = Mail) 848. Short (?) a^ occurs in g. Laegen, Aenmire [ = Ammire) 876, Mceni 676. In Faelbei 672, 677, 694, Faelbe 675, 736, but Failbhi 709, Foelbeus 712, Faelbi 799, the quality of the ae, ai\s not clear. 6e for 6i. § 20. The spelling o"" for 2 and -«>z occur. We find names in -e;2« having later this genitive (and nominative also) in -en, -in, e.g. g. Daimeni 608, 784, but g. Daimen 868, Daimin 1127 (cf. Ossene 705) ; g. Osseni 778, Alene mac Ossene 1019, but An. Loch Ce, Alen mac Oissein, Mod. Ir. O hOisln. '' ^ N. Slana occuis once with non-palatal n. The question of palatal and non- palatal consonants did not seem to be clearly decided during the eighth century, at least so far as orthography was concerned. For instances of i for ai after dentals, cf. ai, i below, § 26. 2 A Pict. ^ N. Len -< *Lecnos, Gaulish Licnos ; » > e before loss of c. * N. Alien (cf. Gormghal in Ard-ailean 1017). ' CUirchen gii, sic leg. (?) ^ Laidgnein, R. ' Oissen, ' a fawn,' occurs in Acallam na Senorach, 1. 6283 (Ed. Stokes). § 23.] ORTHOGRAPHY. 25 a before a palatal consonant (later at). §23. g. Slane 658. g. £rnani 661, Critani^ 668, g. Ernaine 661. alaliu^ 668, Lagenorum 679 Maini 683, Gaimide 694, imbai- (cf. 717, 718), immarecc 686. ^-^cir 700, immbairecc 709. g. »S/a«« 711; n. Mane 711 (g.), 712, ^/«« 713, Za^(?« 714. Bairche 711, Laigen 708, 720, 721. Talten 716, Laghen 720 [Lxgen, Maige 719, Maini "j 21, 722. R). ^/a«« 736, 786, 788, 801, 813, Tailtae 112, Maigi 735, 824, etc. 824, 833, 866, 876, 889. Galeng 'jT,'], Ernani i\o. Laignin 731, 817, etc., T^a/f/z /^ac;^ 733. Mani T^^, 777, 786, 817, 821. Maini 742, Saighrae 743, Slaine Zagen 758, 759, 807, 810. 750. Rathin 756, 762, /5ai^« 758. Mane j-}4 Maine 774, 783, Muaide 784. -A/a^;4tf« 793 (but WiZ^a« 801,831). Laigen 792,803, 826, 836,837, 852. Darii ^11, Dari S2e^. Tailten Sio, 830,872, 876,888, Cainnigh, 821, 888. Taillten 826, Laigen 827, 833, 869. Tailtin 877, Laigin 840, sochaide^ (mora) 830. Manistrech 833, Siane-S^T, 848. Mainisdreach^ %t,o, Alddailed&T,^ (sic H). draighnibh 840, ateT? 844. ro-badis 845. baislicce 845, maithi 850, teV^/ 850. mathe 858. Caisil 847, 852, etc. ; d. Taillte 856. 1 The usual Latin form. * Ci. alaile 844, alailiu Sg. 28bi, alaailiu 32b5. ' Cf. sochude Wb. ga4 ; d. sochudi iic6, but sochide Carls. Beda 32b3. For change of «(s) in unaccented syllables to aj I have no special collections. ■* The spelling seems late. 26 ORTHOGRAPHY. [§ 24. Cluathe 869, Cluade 871. Mainisdrech 865, 877, Saighre 866. Galengaibh 883, dunetathe 884. /««?-« 884, maithibh 886, W2a2«- istrech 890. The spelling a/ (^ao/ /« cao/) grows commoner as time goes on, and eventually becomes regular. The spelling a (before a palatal consonant) becomes very rare in the late ninth century, except in a few fixed forms. The above list is not complete, and the conditions require further investigation (cf. change of -ae to -a, and i, at, § 27 below). u and o before a palatal consonant. § 24. With the foregoing may be compared the spellings of o, u, e before a slender consonant. The following are examples : — g. Lurggeni 667 ; n. Aurthulae Oirggnech 679, Loingsich 695, 67s, ^//^^/- 693, Cuie 6^1. Aurthuile 699, Muirsce 706, Becce 713, 729, etc. Loingsigh 706, shleibhe 716, Oithin 717 (cf. g. Othnae 724). Rubin 724. Buiti '] 22, 763, 865, 875. Mume^ 734. Cuirrigh 12,'i., oircnich ']T,\. Mursce 734. Luighne 733. Fobrigh T^ijforbthe 747. foirtbe ']\\,foirddbe 757. »«(7/-e 756, 799, 851, «/« 776, chuile 758, Muime 775. f^«/i? 794. Turges 844, ^wifz 845. The above list may be largely added to. becomes u in lunge before e of genitive.^ This is not the case in Loingsech. I hope to deal with the subject more fully in a separate article on z<-infection. We may also com^axe genntib 831, 832, 833, 841, etc. ; g. Celt 715, etc. For u before a palatal consonant cf. sochude Wb. 8ai7, etc. Such spellings were preserved pretty late. ^ Cf. change of -e to -a. ' This indicates a palatal ng, but the word appears later with non-palatal ng. §26.] ORTHOGRAPHY. ea for e. § 25- There are several instances of this spelling in common words such as Ceallach 802 ; (g.) 803, 813, 815 ; (n.) 846, etc., also Caireall 800, cealtrae 836, mainisdreach 830, etc. (cf. conrusleachta Ml. 53dii, coineas io2a23). For pronunciation we may compare O. Norse Kiallakr ( = Cellack), etc. The actual date of its introduction and the change of pronunciation it represents I have not investigated. ai, -1. § 26. The following is a list of the writings -ai, -i from the late seventh to the early ninth century : — g. Riati 628, 699. *Finntin 686, Balni 693. Nectin 692, Moling 694, 696. Riaiti 703 {Riati, R), Lothri 709. Riati 710, 716, 730, 740 ; g.fotti 718. Mrachidi 726, Maelrubi 736. Petir 733 ; g. Ostich 742, Lucridh 752- Osrigiu 753, Foling 759, Fabri 761 (Faibri, R). Finsnechti 760. Lothri ■] 62, 787, 89r. Eochaidh 665, Riatai 672, g. Cuanai 669, Maelrubai 670, 672. Cuandai 676, Osraigi 677, ^r«- .ffl// 684, iPeZizz 677, -umai 681, Nechtain 685, -riadai 694, .<412. rubhai 802; g. Achaidh 804, («■«) «///«■ 817. w2//a« 808, Umhaill 81 1, CKwa? g. rari5^' 821, ?■;?(? i^^cM 821, 817, ;zo/'/fl?V 817, CnodbaiSiT, Achidh 829, /««/«■ 874; g. Mochtai%\l, Delbnai%2\; 'g. Finsnechti 836, Delbhni 842. Finsnechtai 828. For a further list of forms in -a?, -?, see -a/, -z > a, -«• I have noted no instance of -?' for -az' before a final ^^, but cf. in L. Ardm. Feradig, etc. The -az? of genitives of compounds of ual-^ e.g. Cathal, W. Cadwal, is never -z7 (cf. Tuathail, Bresail). The above instances of -z for -az' are mostly after tenues,^ unaspir- ated mediae and /, n, r ; for i instead of z^z' after mhsX 786, 81 2 Umill cf. cosmil Wb. 2aii, 2020, cosmilius 3ai4, but cosmulius 3ai5, Ml. 5 ia8 fochosmailius. Sg. has both writings. In L. Ardm. -z not -ai is written after a non-palatal consonant, as Calpdi, Machi, Cetni, Achid, Dumi, etc., but Chungai, Humail and the later notes, which have also -ai. § 27. With the above may be compared the writing of a and o before a palatal consonant. In general it may be noted that slender .y with or without a consonant is always indicated by a palatal vowel on both sides. This is usually the case with palatal r, also in Wb., but cf. Dari 82^. The devblopment of slender ^ in Irish must be very early. A similar slender s (J) before palatal vowels {e, i) occurs in Russian (cf. Sievers, "Phonetik," p. 102), and palatalisation oi s is common also in Portuguese. We find the guttural group {c, g) early split up into front and back qualities (palatal and non-palatal j. ^ Later palatal. 2 Compounds oiual- do not show M-infection in dative. 3 Cf. rechtidi Wb. 2h2^, fochricc 2b26, Finsnechti 760. The cht would not be easily palatalized. § 30.J ORTHOGRAPHY. 29 We have the slender dentals distinguished from the corresponding broad ones in Wb. in the middle of a word, thus creitem 4d32, creitfess 4d2i, rochretti 537 {ft for slender at 953 (and in gen. plur. at 881), and bcu 912. We may compare here the spellings of {Cluain jnaccu) Nbis. It is spelled Noois at 723, Noais at 664, 739, Nois 849, 874, etc. This word was probably in the first place dissyllabic and later had long o. At 730 it is spelled Nuts (R Nois) that is iJ > z? in connection with a nasal as sometimes in Modern Irish as in niH for no, m'ii for mb, trathnbna, pron. trathnuna with nasal quality of u. For o before n see note on don. The of Nois does not become diphthongised to ua. lA I sing. pres. subjunctive in Wb. 14317, gaao. '^'LzXs.x cuach. ' Cf. Mac Uag of Modern Irish. ^Cf. (Ath) da Loan, L. Ardm. (Thes. ii. p. 266). § 33-] ORTHOGRAPHY. 31 au for u. § 32. mac Caunga 664, g. Caustantin ^ 899 ( = Constantine) *Maelchaurarda 871, 880, 884. The pronunciation of these words is not clear. Custantin (789, 819, etc.) goes back to Constantlnus, already *Kdstanttnus in Latin, Gr. KwaTavTivof;, Gothic Kustanteinus. It is probable that the u (au) was short. Cf. W. Cystenhyn. As to Maelchaurarda we may compare Maelchererda LL. 338g4, Maelcairarda BB. 75d, and cf. next paragraph. Variation of au with e, i. § 33- S- Craumtain (Craumthairi), 483,^ 548, 725, 731, 737. Craumthainn 741, cf. Cremtann 632, 718, Craumthain 849, Aur- thulae 675, Aurthuile 699, Aurtaile 726, cf. Erfuile^ 718, Dairtaighe 718, daurthige 817 (891), dairthighe 835, daurmes 835, derthach 850, derthaighi (873), 894, ernaichti 894. The variation between er-, aur- in Aurthuile corresponds to the variation of er-, ir-, aur-, ur- in words like erchor, aurchor, irchor, irgal, aurgal where the er-, aur-, etc., may be due to the want of accent * on these particles in the early period. Instances generally occur in connection with r, th. As to Craumthan(n), Cremtann the vowel must have been originally r <,*krm• oe >■ a in Latin. Cf. ottt, L. iinus, v. oj. ' O. W. cein corresponds to Ir. cdin, caoin. ' Cf. tnael under atie. 0. W. mail. § 37-] ORTHOGRAPHY. 33 {c) Final. g. lai 1020 (mod. /ae). Cf. in Toai 1020. (Campi) Ai 701, and passim, is dissyllabic. Cf. Aii 753, and LL. iSibg, LU. S7bs. This «/ corresponds to Indg. *ai. CL -catch 628, 640, W. coeg, Lat. caecus, Gothic fiaihs, Aid 731, L. Aedui. We have, however, oi and ai confused in main ^ 742, corresponding to Latin micnus?' As instances such as Aid, g. Aido are very rare in the Annals the change of ai to ae must have taken place very early. Cf. dis, Wb. 2ibi3, but bis 21C4 for confusion of ^« and di. Some of the forms in ail-^ are doubtful. In L. Ardm. (Muirchu's Memoirs) ai and ae are found, e.g. -mail, -mael. In the later editions to Tirechan's notes di is general but also Aed. In Vit. Columb. di is the general form : Aido, etc. ae (from di, di). § 36. (a) Before a non-palatal consonant (Mod. ao) : g. Baetain 572, g. Aedo 603, 650, 653, 664, 694 (R), mael 682 (bis), muc Aedain 6gi, Aedho 690, 704, 710, 711, 741, 778, g. Faelaen 692, g. Aengusa 695, Aed 697, g. Cinnfaelad 681, 701, *mac Maelcon 702, n. Faelchu 715, 723, Faelchon 717, Faelan 721, 726, n. yl/ae/ 721, (TafiT^ 723, Maelduin 727, Faeldobur 730, ^e^f^ 732, Laechraid 763, g. Maelrubi 736, Aedgaile 763, 809, Saerghal 780, ^i2«//4 776, tef^ 867, Braen 882, OTa^r 881, 893, (Tfl^C/^ 915, ardmaer 923, Faelan 942, Maenaig 991, Maelan 1008, 1018, d. /fl«i5 1012, fhaesamh 1015, aenach 1021, a«« 1024. ae. § 37- ('^) Before a palatal consonant (gen. Mod. Ir. a*??) : g. Maeletuile 679, Maele* 679, g. «(Z Craeibhe 682 (Modern a«), 1 Cf. also Mainaigh 720. '' Cf. Priscian and note in St. Gall 1901, ardofuasalcat Greic oe in « sic Latini. ^ Such as Ailchon y22, y26. With Ailgal 790, etc., cf. Algaile 798. As to Ailngnad 780, cf. Failngnad, L. Ardm. * For a full list of maele, maile 700-950, see ma«/, under awe. 3 34 ORTHOGRAPHY. [§ 38. mac Crunnmael 655, 687, Maeleduin 689. Cf. g. Maeilduin 689, Maele 718, 720, 724, 735 (bis), 862, etc., /;^rf. shaer 766, *Aedgen 770, a«ra.92V (fasted) 771, Aedan 791, -gaedhelaibh 856 (etc.), »?««/■ 887, g. Crunnmhaeili']?!, Aeddeid 894, laei gi6, Formaeile 966, g. Braen 988. Some of the above instances of «f go back to an earlier bi, as well as to di and, after a time, ae comes to be written for earlier oe. Cf. § 43- 01. § 38. (fl) Before a non-palatal consonant, later oe . g. Loighaire 641, Noindrommo 642, n. doirad 677, Noindromo 683, Doirgarto 709, 711, Ointribh 727, oinaigh 730, Noindromma 734, 754, Moinaigh 751, 752, 775, n. Mainan 778, Moinach 782, Moinaigh 782, 785, 786 {MbinaigK), g. C/«(5(? 786, Loigaire 796, Loighaire 799, 812 (cf. Laigaire 4^S), /on oin cumai 818, g. Mbinaigh 821, oinaig 826 (cf. oenaigh, next entry), Coimhan 867. This (?/ comes from Idg. *? 818, Lat. unus; mbine 850, Goth, ga-mains, L. munus ; cf. OTe« 971, 982, ^oeM 1006, Cloenloch 1009, Coencomrac loii, Oentrubh 1018. ^From to-uess-acos, W. tywyssawg. The Mod. Ir. word for 'front,' ^ beginning,' is toisech (beside tosach). ^From ro-memaid. It becomes later co remaid 995, 998, 1003, 1005. ' Modern claon, earlier c/oJK. ^ Cf. Mainaigh 720. 36 ORTHOGRAPHY. [§ 41. oe. § 41, [b) Before a palatal consonant : *Coeddi 711, Oegedchar^ 734, g. *roen'^ 783, *toesch 855, g. Broen 861, oc Croeb 884, ^<7««/i5 960, roeniudh 973, (foe/iw 986, 5tf«re loii (cf. oeigedh 1003, R has oeidhedh), coeciighas'^ 1023. oe for ae. § 42. g. Oeda 804, 914. n. Moedhoc 834, 976 (= m'Aed + British ending -i?(r[^^]), Foelan 941, Moedhoic (?) * 1002 (R Moe), etc. § 43- O" ^'^s whole we see by the foregoing that oi before a non- palatal consonant became early oe, whilst as a rule 0/ before a palatal consonant was preserved till it became ai which writing became general towards the end of the tenth century. In some cases during the period of the change we find the writing oei. About the same time oe became ae. Cf. oin at 786, 8r8; oen 771, 882, 973; aen 1024, similarly oinaigh 730, oenaigh 776, 783, 807 {918), (1006), aenach 102 1. This, in Modern Irish, is written aonach but pro- nounced in Munster with an e-quality, in Connacht with an i-quality and in Ulster with an ii-quality^ (approx.). For the development of o/in the reduplicated perfect as -roimid, -reimid, -retnaid, see § 191- 1 Cf. n. pi. degid Wb. 2ibi4. 2 cf. roin 818, but it may be a gen. pi. ^ Mod. Ir. coicthighis is pron. both caighcighis and cocaighis. * Leg. Moedhoc. Declension of names in -oc is unusual. I have not noted the reading of H, and it may also be written with a contraction. * For a description of the Donegal pronunciation v. Quiggin, A Dialect of Donegal, p. 10. IV. ORTHOGRAPHY— CONSONANTS. § 44. Some peculiarities in the writings of consonants have a certain phonetic significance, such as gg to express unaspirated g, bb for unaspirated b, and so on. Others, however, such as cc in coccadh 776, 777 (cf. cocath 648) have no such significance, as cc generally re- presents c in pronunciation, c represents^ and t, d. For an exhaustive article on this subject, with a large number of examples, cf. Zupitza, KZ. xxxvi. 206 seq. I. Gutturals. gg for g (unaspirated). §45. Instances: Colggu 579 (cf. Colgu 519, 622, 780, etc.), g. Colggen 609, 621, 677, 721, 730, 731, 735, 737, 745, 769, 775 (cf. g. Colgen 702, 714, etc.). g. Lurggeni 667, g. Builgg 646, Oirggnech 679, Deilggden 621, 723, Dimerggo 718, g. Laidggin 721, g. Dromo Dergg 728, in Muirbuilgg 730, d. Delggenis 732, *Ferggus 745, Tadgg 757, 809, g. Arggamain 763, g. Taidgg 759, Dubcalggaid 768, g. LaidggTien 768 {Laiggmn R), g. Cairgge 775, in bolggach 11Z, g. Taidhgg 781, 782, 799, n. Soerbergg'^ 790, Dubdibeirgg 786, g. Deilgge 798, g. Muirggusso 809, g. LuirggZw, Orggan 820, Orggain 823, 831, g. &«7^j?-823, Orggan 826 (cf. organ ?>26). Colggu ie^o, Tadhgg 899, Tolairgg 907. Initially, g. na ggiallne 720 (doubtful). Rule. — Further examples might be given for the later periods, but they would merely be a repetition of the same phenomena as the 1 i.e. ' free robber' or 'freebooter ' 37 38 ORTHOGRAPHY— CONSONANTS. [§ 46. preceding. It will be noticed that g- is dotibled after /, r and dA (aspirated d). This seems to be regular during the period from which the material is taken. For the ^^ initially in na ggiallne, 720 compare la gglais, cu bbrath in L. Ardm. It may probably be written on the analogy of the other spellings above of gg for a. g which was not aspirated. ^ 1 may point out that in Modern Irish between /, r and a following g, an obscure vowel has developed. Perhaps gg was written to denote the unaspirated character of g in this position. I have one instance of ^^ after r where the g is aspirated. Ferggus 745. The scribe was doubtless led into this blunder by the proximity of the r. There is also one instance of ^ {= g) after a vowel : Daimliagg 724. For doubling of ^ after I cf. St. Gall, 23b2, do omalgg g\. mulsi; hi coindeulgg ih. 2Sb2, 40320 and passim. gg for c (pron. c). § 46. The first instance I have is the corrupt entry ei legg (leg. ec leic ?) in Riaddai 614 ; Ruargg 842, cf. Ruarcc 861, etc. gc for c. bolgcach 679. The c took the place of the second^ which would have given the ordinary spelling after / (see above, § 45). CC for c (pron. g). § 47' g- Liacc 6-]T, TS?>,coccadh 776, 777 (cf. cocath 648), Maedhoicc 624 (Chr. Scot. Maodkog), doimliacc 782, 838, 899, occ 783, 826, occo 870, g. daimliacc 831, i ccaisiul 855, occo 862, cf. oco 890, Taidhcc 900. 1 If we take giallne as gen. pi. then gg would represent ng. This would be difficult if we are to take -«« as a singulative ending. Cf. gg for ng next pa^e. § 48.J ORTHOGRAPHY— CONSONANTS. 39 CC (pron. c). Blaimicc 650, etc., Beccan 676 (C.S. Becan), Becce 645, 769, anaiccenta 812 (cf. anaiccenta 812), Muccirt 786, wazV^ Rime 791, Patraicc 797 (cf. Phatraic 813), 845, 850, ^«fl[/-]ir(; 845, Ruarcc 861, -patraicc 884, 887, 893, maccaibh 900. CC for ng. g. ConaiVf ^ 732 (= Conaing). Cf. Loigsich "j^^i [g. oi Loingseck 799)- gg for ng. No instance. I may here point out that in Modern Irish ng in words like sreangdn, a string, is sometimes denasalized and pronounced g {gg). Ct for cht. Nectan 712, 725, 12Z, Indrectach ']\o, Maileoctrig']^\ (cf. Aithecdai 741), Rectabrat 751, 758, Fectach 780, Ectgaile 787, Airectach 793, Rectlaiten 782, Finsnecti Z\d,, Ciannactai %2)^, 838, ca^^ 835. This spelling of the sound c^/ possibly finds its explanation in the desire of Early Irish orthographers to avoid combinations of letters not familiar from Latin. Our instances are not sufficient to establish anything definite with regard to the date of the aspiration of the c. qu for c. Lex Quiarani^ 813, utsque^ 617 (poem), is written ui^qj in H. The g is here written in Quiarani probably on analogy of Latin quia, etc. The c of Ciaran was originally qu, but it could have been preserved in pronunciation so late as 813. In both the above instances qu represents a palatal c. As regards the early develop- ment of qu to c, cf. macci menueh on Inchagill stone. We may also compare the use of qu for c in comparatively late documents. II. Dentals. dd for t (pron. d). § 48. g. Deilgdden 620 (Chron. Scot., Deilgteri), more usual spelling Deilggden.^ Foirddbe {usuaWy foirtbe (741) = for-di-ben-) 743, 751 1 R has also Conaicc. ^ See above, gg for g. ' v. above gg for g. 40 ORTHOGRAPHY— CONSONANTS. [§ 49. (bis). This last instance may be taken as a doubling of a. d after r, cf. below. d for th. fridguin 748, do brid 820 ( = mm below. I I prefer to consider it in this light, rather than as the doubling in writing of a consonant after r as in the case of the mediie, i, g, d. V. PHONOLOGY. Aspiration ^ — Nouns. § 54- ^^ should expect aspiration after an original final vowel, such, for instance, as in nouns after the nominative feminine (a- and ia-stems), genitive masculine (o- and io- stems), dative singular (all genders) and nominative plural (masc. and neuter o-stems), nomina- tive dual, etc. The rule may have spread by analogy to the same cases of other stems. As is well known the aspiration of mediae is not shown in Old Irish orthography. Hence if a media is found aspirated it is due to late orthography, and accordingly is not so reliable. In our text, however, we find mediae commonly written aspirated in the interior of a word, even when the correct old form of the word is preserved in other respects.^ On the other hand aspiration of initial tenues is not marked in many cases where we should expect it. The foregoing causes considerably reduce the value of the available material. This material I have collected and arranged, but as it does not serve to throw light on any point of interest beyond the cases already sufficiently established, I do not print it here. A few spfecial instances may be discussed. ^ Cf. Pedersen, Aspir. i Irsk and K.Z. xxxv. " Even when the aspiration oi the media in internal position was not marked we can decide whether it was aspirated or not by the modern usage and by the rule that every intervocalic consonant was aspirated. We have, moreover, the col- lateral evidence of Irish names occurring in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, such as n. Aedan 599 which is referred to as Aegthan in the Saxon Chronicle at 603. The combination -gth- to represent Irish (aspirated) d would indicate that the pronunciation of Irish (aspirated) d was at that time somewhat the same as g'th' in O. English aegther. The original termination of the nominative must have fallen by this time. We must not lay too much stress however on the foreign representation of an Irish word. The writer may have had the word from written sources. Witness too the Mod. Ir. representation of Engl, th by Irish t. For reproduction of spelling cf. Mac Carthy Ir. Mac Carrthaigh. 43 44 PHONOLOGY. [§ 55- § 55. As regards the aspiration after nominatives, I find the following cases after masculine nouns. Cath Cind Ailbhe'^ 500, Cath Dhroma Lothmhuidhe 592; Cath Skleibke Cua 602 ; n. Ultan macu ^ Chonchubair 662 late (R has i / Chonchubair), n. Cronan maccu Chualne 690 (R maccu). After Latin nominatives : lugulatio Chraumihain 493, bellum Chuik Uinsen 561, quies Bhrenuinn 582; quies Choluim Chille 600, mors Chonaill Chuu 603, iugulatio Dhoir 623, iugulatio Conaill Choil^ 680. Mac Oncon scriba Chille Daro 729 (R has Cille) mors Fhlainn 753 {Flainn, R) sapiens Chille Maighnenn 786 (07/e R), episcopus Chille Daro 786 {Cille R). The cases of non-aspiration I have not collected. The aspiration after cath, bellum, etc. must be due to late Irish * when aspiration of genitive of proper names became general. As regards aspiration after quies, mors, iugulatio, it is noticeable that the Irish of these substantives would be either masculine or neuter, thus bas, n., ec, (m.) ? guin, n. In this respect there is an exception to the usual law that the Irish writer had the Irish gender of the substantive in his mind. Scriba, as it belonged to the a-declension may have been considered a feminine noun, but compare the correction of R in this and two other cases of aspiration after a masculine noun. As to forus chano Patricii ii2,forus is a masculine noun, read with H ^ I. 8 forus cano (without aspiration). § 56. I have the following instances of aspiration after ocus :■ — 7 Choblaith 689 ; ocus Chaiss Chobo 724 ; Commotatio martirium Petir ocus Phoil ocus Phatraicc 733 ; Abbas Findubrach abae 7 Chille moinni 808; eitir brith 7 mharbad 7 slat^ mor S6S. 7 Finnein 7 Chronain 7 Fheichin 1015. 1 Late Irish. Notice nd of Cind, g. Ailbe, and Ha Cnirbre at end of sentence. Cf. aspiration after bellum. 2 Gender ? For aspiration after this word compare Luguid Mocu Themne (v. Thes. ii. 281), gente Mocu Curin (id. 274), but Chonrii Moccu Cein (ib.) and at A. U. 663, Macu Teimhne, Maccu Cormaicc ; g. Segain Maccu Chuind 662 ; g. Ultain Macu Ckonchobair (R has Macu Concubair). ^Aspiration not marked in noun. Aspiration of adjective is not marked in g, m. Colmain Cutlaigh 743. g. m. Fercair Fotti 718. * There are instances of such aspiration in Acallam na Senorach. 5 Hennessy also prints abbas Chluana 800, but both R and H have Cluana. * Aspiration prevented by s of ocus. § 57-] PHONOLOGY. 45 Aspiration of, and in connection with verbs, I shall deal with under verbs. Aspiration after etir : etir theirt 9r6, etir fhiru 1050. General Remarks. § 57- ^ great number of important changes took place in the language within the historic period, at least as far as orthography is concerned. Of these changes a large number are the result of the working of the laws of accent. It might be concluded that several such changes took place at the same time, e.g. the change of th to dh, and the weakening of s to a in unaccented syllables, though there may be slight divergencies in the time in which they fully worked out. It is best however to deal with the evidence regarding such change separately, and afterwards to generalize where generalization is possible. The question (of dating) resolves itself into : first, determining when a change took place orthographically, and then, from various indications in the writing and in chance forms where the writer was off his guard, to determine when the phonetic change took place. As is obvious, the changes did not take place in- stantaneously or even in a year or two, but usually took a longer time to develop. When we come to deal with persons' names it may be pointed out that, as a rule, an individual does not change the spelling of his name ^ during his life-time, that is, a man of seventy-five would continue to write it as he wrote it fifty years before. Still it will be seen that in Old Irish the phonetic change is in most cases quickly followed by the general orthographical change. In some instances we have to deal with the possibility of moderniza- tion of well-known names by the scribe and this is often a source of difficulty. This modernization is for the most part confined to very common names. The worst case is that of the vowels in the genitive of i- and u-stems. Thus side by side with the genitive Aedo we 1 Cf. § 76. 46 PHONOLOGY. [§ 58. find written g. Aeda ^ Tiy, 738, g. Fergusa jog, etc., and genitives in -a all through the eighth century, whilst on the other hand we find the final -0 of the genitive of i- and u- stems preserved as late as 941, 959 (Fergusso), 979 {athd). But even the earliest collection of glosses (the Wb. codex) has the -o and -a forms side by side. Changes which are clearly orthographical ^ such as Ceallach for Cellach in the earlier periods are easier dealt with. In the case of consonants the confusion due to the scribe is not so great, and with correct readings is almost reduced to nil. I have already referred in the Introduction, § 3, note 2, to Hennessy's habit of sometimes printing in the body of the text both the glosses which were written over the line, or on the margin, and the continuation of entries in a later hand, without at the same time always drawing attention in the notes to this distinction. As far as Hennessy's edition is concerned this blunder effects such important matters as the change of In to II and the change of a word from one declension to another, and this has made a careful collation necessary. For example, he writes the ■entry mac Rogallaigh at 704 whilst both in H and R it is wac Rogallnig. His writing of the entry Aedh Alddan ri Temrach at 737 might lead one to suppose that the guttural declension of Temair was then beginning, whereas in H the word [Temrach) is not in the body of the text at all, but over the line is written a word of which one can now read the final ach. R has here Rex Temoriae? § 58. As far as the language of the Annals throws light on the subject, I have dealt with the following points in phonology as being •of importance in helping to fix the date of an Old Irish text : — (i) Weakening of « to a in unaccented syllables. (2) Change of ie to ia. (3) Change of ue to ua. (4) Weakening of o to tz in unaccented syllables. (5) Change of final d* to a in gen. sing, of i- and u- stems. (6) Treatment of the diphthong au. (7) Change of i to ia, ei. 'At 717, 723 (gloss in H) we find it corrected to Aedo in R. At 738 H has g. Aeda, R has only g. Aedh. Cf. above under diphthong ai. At 738 there is a writing oi Ath for a genitive in the previous line to Aedh, R has At. 2 But cf. § 25. 3 For change of declension of Temair see Declension, Guttural Stems. § 59-] PHONOLOGY. 47 (8) Diphthongization of b to ua. (9) Change of eu to eo. (10) Treatment of vowels (ae, ai, i) of final open ^ syllables. (11) Change of final u to a. (12) Change of OT^ to mm. (13) „ mr- „ br-. (14) „ ml- „ M-. (is) „ Id „ II. (16) „ In „ II. (17) „ nd „ nn. (18) „ th „ d" in final position of unaccented syllables. (19) „ pre-tonic to- to do-. {20) J! >/ (instances of initial ^). (a) VOWEL CHANGES. e > a, § 59- With regard to the treatment of e between non-palatal consonants in unaccented syllables, I have the following material. For the present I include only one or two instances (such as aue of final ?). For the sake of clearness I shall afterwards deal with this case separately : — Non-Weakening. Weakening. g. Lugdech 484. g. Lugdach 506, 608. g. Torten 542 {Tortan, R), n. g. Muman 551, 589, 636. Eugen 542. g. Mumen 596, g. Colggen 609, (g. Eugain 562, 593, 610, 699, 621, 677. 726, 729, always with a.) g. *Comgellam 624. g. Rechrann 634, g. Colgan 646. n. aue 646, n. Eugen 666. g. Rogaillnigh 653, g. Muman 664, 677, 695, 700, 712, *g. Cualann^ 703, 708, 714. ' I use "open " syllables to mean syllables which end in a vowel. 2 Cf. Lat. Coolennorum in L. Ardm. 48 PHONOLOGY. [§ 59- Non-Weakeninq. Weakening. g. Colgen 68i, 702, 714, 734, g. Rogallnigh -joi,, Fogartach ^it,, auae 700. 716, 723, (737). g. Bethach 727, Mumhan 724, 727, 734- g. Rogellnaich 721, g. Fortrend'^ g. Cinadon 729, 748. 724. g. Colggen 721, 730, 731, 735, g. Colgan'^ 737, n. aua 742, g. 737 (bis), 745, 748, 769. 77S> *NoiscanTii,Ti.Robartach'i(>j g. Colgen 746, 784. (sic R), n. oa 762, 795, etc. g. Fogertaig 747, 750, 760. n. Eugan 111, 11^. Foghertaigh 766, 768. n. Cumuscc ={Cum-mesc) 776. g. Rogellnigh 769, Fogertaig 770 (bis), ace. Muitne 775. immelle (together) 771, 9 pi. hue g. Lugadon 780, 800. 771. g. Mumen'^ 778 ('of the Munster- Fogartach 786, g. Desmuman 778 men'). {cL mac Oac i^T <*oec). d. Colggen 779, n. Fogertach 780. Focartaigh 784 (FM. Focartai). g. Colgen 784, g. Colggen 790. Fogartach 785, 788, Fogartaigh g. Lugedon"]^!)* Rotechtack^ T^G. 796 (cf. Finnubrach 718, 798), g. Mumen']g2,cene ']<)'] { = cen + e). imrubart^ 809. a. 5i?^« 802, ?Vze(S?8 803. *Congaltach 812 (cf. g. Sogain 815)- g. Colggen 813. n. Rogaillnech'&\^, n. Eugan 833 lar-mumen 832. (cf. /«a^ 834). g. Fogertaigh 824, g. Colgen 831. Desmuman 832. g. larmumen 834. Finnubhrach'' ?i'^T„Robartach?>d,^, g. Colgen 848. derthach 849, g. * Focartai 864. n. Fogertach 849, 851, derthech Rogaillnich 872. 85s. 1 The iJ- of Fortrend is probably palatal, and the word is always so written. 2 A gloss. ' Cf. accus. Muime 775. Cf. also Latin ace. pi. Mumanensis 774, Mumhan- enses 756. ^ Cf. Rotochiaigh 685. " = ' plied '. From imb-ro-bert. * /wed may equal JK +/«d (later feadh), ' a space '. ' Cf. Findubrecc of L. Ardm. § 6i.J PHONOLOGY. 49 Non-Weakening. Weakening. Rogaillnech 883, g. Colcan 885. Fogertaigh 881, 886. Fhoghartach 894. Sloged 881, 914 (cf. sloiged 821, 859)- § 60, As the weakening of e would not be noticeable after palatal consonants we must, in discussing the instances, leave out of account those consonants and consonant groups which would become palatal- ized by following e. From the foregoing mass of rather conflicting evidence it is difficult to decide at what date the change of « to a in unaccented syllables took place. At the outset, I think we may for the present leave out of consideration all instances occurring before a.d. 700. Reliable instances of e before this time, and which afterwards were weakened, are n. Eugen 542, g. Colggen 621, 677, and (in final position) aue (descendant) 646. § 6l- aue. Taking the instances in detail we find the final -e of aue broadened to -ae in auae^ at 700 (and written in the MSS — both H and R as au§).^ There is no other instance of the word in the nominative till 744, by which time it has become aua. The writing of the initial a ^ which does not occur after 763 * shows that the spelling of the form is well preserved and may be taken as reliable. Hence I should be inclined to take the weakening of this -e to -a as a separate case from -ae to -a ( < -e) and to place the date of the change at about this time. That this is not too late is borne out by nom. dual auae ^ 743 (Aug R) which is the last instance of the final -e {-ae) of this word aue in its full form with -e following an accent. Aua occurs again at 763 and its equivalent oa at 762, 795, etc. The word atte is, however, exceptional inasmuch as it contains no consonant. An original semi-vowel u which, between vowels, either ^Tighernach corresponding to 700 has aue. '^ g is the usual way of writing -ae in the MSS. of the Annals. 'Initial a occurs commonly till 744, a. pi. auu, 742 ; u. dual auae 743, after- wards g. sing, aui 747, 749 ; d. pi. aicib 743, 756, last instance aua 763. At 762, 895, etc. oa, g. pi. at 740, 748, 794. For a full list of the forms of aue see below, Declension, io-stems. * Except in the very archaic dative auib 877. * The broadening to -ae might denote the transition period, but cf. auae 700. 4 50 PHONOLOGY. [§ 62> disappears in Irish (after a long vowel) or becomes a diphthong in con- junction with the preceding vowel is retained before j.^ As its develop- ment is interesting and is very fully shown in the Annals, a discussion of its phonology may not be out of place here.^ Aue comes from *auios < *aiiitos. The a below. Note. — Mael. The following are the occurrences of the genitive of mael during the Old Irish period: g. Maelmbracho 621, g. Maelduibh 626, g. Mael- cobha 649 (cf n. Maelcobho 646), g. Maelodrain 650, Moelcobha 653, g. Moel- cobho 653, Maelecobha 657, Maelefuataigh 651, Maelecobha 663, Maeleduin 664, 668, 675, 681, 682, 688, Crunn mail 666, 670, Maelcobho 66g, Maelefothartaigh 669, 735, Maeletuile 671, Maelduibh 673, 682, 696, Maelejithrich 680, mac Crunnmael 687, Maeleumai 6S1 , Maeilduin 6Sg (H, Maeleduin, R) Maeleditraibh 691, Maeleodrae 692, 693, Maeledoith 696, Maeleduin 697, 705, 706, 711, 717, 740, 777, 787, 818, Crunnmail 6gg, Maeletuile 699, 735, Maeleracho 700, g. Maelcon 702, Maeleanfaid 709, Maileduin 715, 821, Maelfothartaigh yiS,Maele- fithrich 721, Maeleanfaith 724, 745, Maelrubi 736, Maeleaithcen TiT, aui Maeluidir TiT, Maileoctrigh 741, Maeleimorchair 750, Maelemanach 775, Maele- tolai 778 (cf. 11. Crunnmail 792), Maelruain 802, Maeleniain 810, Maelehumai 815, Maeleduin 822, 824, 862, 867, 881, Maelefothartaigh 832, Maelchonoc 834, Maelcron 837 (cf. d. Maelsechnaill 838), Maelruanaidh 838, 842 (cf. a. MaeUech- tiaill 840, 844, 845, 858), g. Maele tuile 842, 847, 870, 885, Maelebresail 844, 852, 857, Maelruanaig 844, 846, 855 (cf. d. Maelsechnaill 847, 850), Maelpatraic 846, Mailbrigtae 849, g. Maelsechnaill 849, 859, Maeluidhir 851 (cf. n. Maelsechnaill 8531 855, 857), Maelbrigti 854, u. Maelsechlainn 857, 913, 914, Maeleruain 869, g. Maelsechnaill 876, Maelecothaidh 871, Maelecorcrai 878, Maelchaurarda 880, Maelsechlainn (g.) 881, Maelteimin 883, Maelecaurarda 884, Maelghualai 894, Maelsechnaill 904, 912, 913, Maelphatraicc gog, 943, Mailmorda gii, Maeldom- naigh 911, Maelfhind 912, Maelbrighte gi2, 914 (cf. Jm Maelmbrighti 913), Mael- sechlainn 914, gi5, 918, 920, 937 (947), M aelshechnaill gig, Maelbrigte g34, 954, Afae/mjiire 938, g. Maelmithig g4i (g47, g55), Mailmithidh 943, Maelmordai g43 (g46), Maelfiachrach gsi, Maeldoid, g57. It will be noticed that the declined forms of mac/ get scarce at about 850, when the g. mo^Zc seems to be replaced by ma«Z (matZ) with aspiration, and have gone out by g5o. MaeZ however appears as a full word followed by eclipsing m (of accusative) at gi3, cf. Maelmbuad gj-}. In Modern Irish maeZ (mMi'/) is not aspirated after i« (and kj) in surnames. 1 The at 737 which Hennessy translates as the gen. pi. of ui (Faelain) is the preposition ' from '. The entry is co rucc giallu Faelan (not Faelain) " and § 64.] PHONOLOGY. 53 e > a (continued). § 64. The genitives Muman 695,1 700, 712, 724, 727, 734. N. Fogartach 713, 716 (ace), 723, 737, g. Cinadon (a from ??) 729, 748, and the genitives of the guttural stems Bethach 727, Finnur hrach'^ 718, (798), Rogallnig 704, slogad^ 706, 714, are our oldest instances of weakening between consonants. If we may place any reliance on the spelling of these instances, which are all written thus, in full, in H, we should be inclined to put the weakening of e between consonants early in the first half, or at the very beginning, of the eighth century. Moreover, as we shall see continually as we go along, the Annals are very fond of preserving archaic forms, and the gen. Colgen (with one g) is preserved till 848. When a particular spelling was established for a certain word it was liable to be kept on without change for a considerable period, as was the e in this case, without the weakening of the vowel being noticed or taken into account. In this instance for the e in the genitive from nominative Colggu^ 701, 721, etc., compare in Vita Columbae g. Colgion side by side with Colgen, as if from a nom. *Colgiu. The genitive Colggene, 777, is probably a diminutive (leg. Colgg'eni). A more helpful word is Eugen = Eu + gen} It is noticeable that no instance with -e- occurs after Eugen 666, the next instance, Eugan IT^t showing the change to a. N. Eugan occurs again at 775, and Eugen does not reappear. Cumuscc,a.t 776, which I ts.V.e = cum + mesc, also shows a weakening, the u being used in connection with m (a labial). N. Aedgen occurs at 770, and again at 863. The group dg appears to be one easily palatalized by following slender vowel, and there is no sufficient evidence that it is not so here. Cf. g. Aedgein LL. 35ig26, etc. Moreover, Aedgen Britt 863 is given in Chron. Scotorum as Edged Brit, which is probably more correct. took hostages from Faelan'' This Faelan died in the same year. For con- stiuction, cf. CO tucc giallu o Domnall, jyS. G. pi. o occurs as early as 88i. Cf. also ocu gi2. 1 Instances also occur — 636, 664, 677 — but they may be influenced by late handling. ^Cf. Findubrec L. Ardra., Theo. Palhib ii. 261. The present instance has nn for nd. ^Slogad 706, 714 appears as staged 881, 914, sloiged 821, but it is doubtful. * This seems to indicate a palatal nature of-;;, but that is unusual. 5 Lat. Eiigenius, Gr. Eiyeyios, but cf. Pedersen, Vergl. Gram. p. 73. Gaul. Esugen{ns). 54 PHONOLOGY. [§ 64. Another instance of weakening is at 761, Robartach, if it is, as I take it, from Ro + bertach. No earlier instance of the word appears. In g. Rogellnaich'^ 721 occurs the last instance of « in a possible non-palatal position in this word, as the -lln- is here non- palatal. This, moreover, is the form which gave the dialectical Raghallaig, which continually occurs in the later years in the Annals side by side with Raghaillig? In all these questions, where con- siderations of palatalization or non -palatalization are involved, there is a tendency for separate dialectical forms to develop, all of which were liable to get thrown together in the Annals. It seems to me that we have in this word an instance of this. In the g. Rogellnigh 769 the -Un- is palatal, as is general in Modern Irish. The instances n. Rogaillnech 814, 883, g. Rogaillnich 872 are not much to the point.' The -lln- is palatal, and in all such positions ai occurs in other words,* e.g. g. Eugain 699, 726, 729, etc., g. Comgaill 600, and sometimes i (v. Orthography ai, i). N. Rotechtach, which appears at 796, seems to be the same word as g. Rotachtaig 685. The instance of this word occurring at 720 has unfortunately the vowel of the second syllable omitted. There seems to be what one might call a revival of the e sX about 800 ; for example, a. Sogen 802 is followed by ined,^ ' a place,' 803, but the latter is doubtful. The genitives Mumen, 778^ {'of the Munstermen ') at 778 and later at 792. larmumen '' 834, we should also probably regard as a mere archaic preservation * of a well-known spelling. Compare larmuman, Desmuman 832. In this connection, I would call atten- tion to accus. Muime ^775, with a clearly palatal m (cf. also dat. de- ^ From Ro-gell-nech. ^ Cf. Annals of Loch Ce for usage with palatal -11-. ^ The last instances are in any case obviously archaic, as -lln- would then have become -11-. " But cf. immelle together, 771. This form occurs in Ml. 53bi5, 68dg, beside immalle. Strachan, CZ. iv. 50. * This would be a bad spelling, if we could derive from in +fot. The deriva- tion in + fed (later feadh) is more likely. Cf. § 59 note. * At 774 the Latin has both ace. Mumanenses and g. pi. Muminensium. Cf. further Muminensium, Vit. Col., Thes. ii. 276. ' Here, however, notice e is in third syllable. *Cf. Thes. Pal. Hib. ii. xxxiv. note 3. But g. Muman occurs from 700 on, and I have no very early instance of g. Mumen except the instance at 596 which may be due to the copyist. * -Accusative generally Mnmain, cf. 734 ; for Muime, R has Muimnecha.. § 66.] PHONOLOGY. 55 Mume ''of the Munstermen," 775), and we must not forget that in the derivative Muimnech, a Munsterman, the mn is palatal. The modern g. Mumhan (cf. Muman 724, 727) has a non-palatal mh. The non-palatal m is also shown in the dat. Mumae 825. Cf. Tuad- mumu. Notes in Book of Armagh (Thes. ii. p. 365). I have now dealt with all the instances except the ubiquitous Fogertach (modern Foghdrtach, pron. Fdghartach) who appears first as Fogkartach 713, 716, 723, 737, then Fogertach 747, 750, 760, 766, 768, 770 (bis), 780, 824, 849, 851, 881, 886, which is the last appearance. It is noticeable that Fogertach does not appear from 780 till 824, and in this interval Fogartach is common at 785, 786, 788, 796, 894, etc. Here again a palatal g is possible,^ and dialect may be in part responsible for the preservation of the e of Fogertach though different authors or sources may also help to account for it. § 65- As regards the evidence of other texts L. Armagh has nearly all instances of e in unaccented position preserved, as ached, atropert, clocher, Findubrecc, but weakening in adopart, contubart which latter may be due to scribe who wrote after a.d. 800. The prima manus in the Wb. glosses preserves its unaccented ?, 's without weakening. So also does the Cambray Homily. In Life of St. Columba, about 700, e (and 0) are preserved : ached, Lathreg, etc. The final -ech of genitive of guttural stems, such as Lugdech < Lugudeccas seems to have become weakened very early. Our text has no instance after Lugdech 484. § 66. On the whole, making allowance for some obviously archaic spellings, there are no significant instances in the Annals to show that the change of -e- to -a- (between non-palatal consonants) did not take place very early in the eighth century. Nearly all the words which show -e- later have weakened forms in the earlier years of the eighth century. The treatment of -e- in Vita Columbae and Book of Armagh fixes the superior limit. There are, however, in the Annals, some remarkable instances of-e- throughout the eighth and up to the middle of the ninth century (cf. § 76). ^Cf. O. Ir. slogad which becomes by dialect sloiged 821, 859, written sloged 914, written sluaiged in Chron Scot. 56 PHONOLOGY. [§ 67. {i) -e > a. § 67. I give here for special consideration instances ^ of final -e following a non-palatal consonant in the nominative singular of io- and dental stems, and in a few other words. Sometimes -e stands for -ae, as in inso/e 735 for insolae, etc., and, vice versa, d. Tailtae 732, and the quality of the consonant preceding the final -e is not always clear. In § 92 below, I consider the whole question of the weakening of -ae (-«) to -a, of which the largest number of instances are from the genitives of a-stems.^ (g. *lunge 672), amne (thus) 687 (poem), Chualne 690, n. Rechta- brae 733 {Rechtabre, R). n. Oitechde 729 (cf. g. Aiteckfai 721), n. Tole 737 (cf- g- Tolai 764, g. Toli 792), g. Delmne ^41, g. S/ana 757, g. *Dochre 769, a. isin Fochla 770, 778, olchena 776, n. Flannabra'^ 777, n. Rechtabra 786, c«we* 797, ^fa/A? 813, but daltae 869. The final -« of Rechtabre 733 (from earlier e) has become -a by 786; similarly /7(Z;^i^ai5;>-a 777. \x\ Slane, when the n became non- palatal, we find -e becoming -a at 757. We have -e without weaken- ing in cene 797, but olchena 776. The -e is here from e ; cf. -e, ae of genitive of a-stems from -e- or -zo-.^ Fochla 770, 778, 'north,' goes back to n. '''fochlae < *fo-chle " ; cf. W. gogledd. On the whole this case seems to be parallel to the weakening of e in aue, but this material does not offer sufficient evidence to show that the change took place before the last quarter of the eighth century. wS} >ia7 § 68. Finmo 548, g. Bietn 583 (cf. Biai?i 589) iar ^ 687, g. liac d-ji (of n. lie). ^The instances of aue are given above. 2 The final -e of a-steras is not Indo-Germanic, but is an innovation in Irish. It comes from -ias or es. There are certain analogies for both: Ogham g. Ercias (Macalister, iii. p. 152), g. of Ere; cf. g. Erce 560. As to -es there is an Ogham Avitmiges. 3 Cf abre, abrae of Rechtabrae 733. » c«m + e, ' already ' » cf. note above. " ' On the left,' i.e. north. ' Cf. vifeakening of « to a in unstressed syllables. *Cf 'L. A.i&m.iersuidiii,iersin. But it probably goes back to *c/ero-m : Goth. afar. Sans, apara. Cf. Pedersen § 54. § 68.] PHONOLOGY. 57 590, Nieth'^ 692 (cf. niadh Maccnia 701. 494), cf. Dermato 703, 714, Flaithnia 714, 754, 777. Macnio, 708, 779. Diarmoda 723 {Dtarmata, R), /za^724. %.Triein" iT,-j,{Imlecho)Fea T^(,. (Imlechd) Fia 736, Flaithniadh Ferfio 761, Cathnio 769. 754, g. macniadh 751. Dermait 777, Macnio 779. //ac^ 758, a«'/4a C/w/y% 769. ^2if (samnae) 780. /w^ 775, ^/a 775. Flaithniadh 780, n. Rechtnia 783. Diarmait 790, n. Cathnia 793. Dermait 822, 838, 850. , {Imlechd) Fia 797, -//a^f 809. wac lellaen * 825, Abnier 826. {Imlechd) Fio 842, Diermait 847. Diarmitius 810, 813. lercne^ 851, g. Finnio 858. Diarmait, 847, (848), etc. ^r^ ca/>4 868, g. lergni 882. OTac lallain 859. cf. g. Ergni 885. Dermait 952. In discussing this change it is important to bear in mind that zls was often merely a way of writing the diphthong later expressed by /a. Vadum C7/«^ = a/'/4 Cliath occurs in Adamnan's Life of Columba (v. Thes. ii. p. 277), but another MS. '' has vadum Cleeth, which is obviously the older form. Even so, the occurrence of the form Clied at this period (early eighth century) is important, and together with Dermato ^ at 703 points to the confusion of ie, ia and e at that period. In like manner we have Maccnia at 701, though Macnio occurs at 708, 779. The writings of ie in the ninth century must be taken as a method of expressing the diphthong ia, and have hardly any dialectical significance. The spelling Fio 842 must be also an archaism, as we find Fia at 736, 797. On the other hand Finnio occurs at 858. ^ A dental stem. Nom. 'nie ua. § 69. Apart from the forms of aue in ue at 771, 780, we have no instance of ue except Tueth 614 and *Catkrue 785. In Chron. Scot, it is Toath vel Taetk ; in Four Masters and LL. it is Toadh. In R Tueth is written Cu \ (i.e. Tu + h over the contraction for et). Tuenog = Tu + en + og does not occur again, and is hardly a genuine instance. In Maelruanaig 798 (802, Z\6) ruan- may come from ro-dn, or shall we analyse ruanaid = ro-fheinid, ' a great warrior ' ? Mochonno Chuerni (?) 714 is probably corrupt. We might also compare Mathruae 773, but in this case the e is final. (4) O > a. § 70. In the following section on the change of 5 to a in un- accented syllables, I arrange the material in two main classes : — (i) the change of 5 to a between consonants; (2) the change of ^ to a in final position. The latter, which will consist mainly of the genitives of i- and u- stems, I shall deal with separately. Amongst the first group I include all the possible instances of original and shall afterwards discuss such of the instances as may not be valid. g. Telocko 575. g. Illannon 585, Illandon 586. g. pi. Uloth 556, 576, 577. 610. Canonn 620, 672. Rigullon 628, Cinedon 630. loscoth 642, Aidlogo 651. n. Cathusach'^ 667, 681 ; Uloth''' 6']T,,fota 696. g. Canonn 705. Ulath 701, 734. 1 But V. Meyer Contrib. cathas. i. cath-fesach. H 3. 18, p. 67. 2 It is Ulod in the place names in the Book of Armagh. §7o.] PHONOLOGY. 59 g. Manonn 710, Diccolan 710. Amhalngaidh'^ 717. g. Bodbchoda 725. g. {dromd) Fornocht 726. g. Feroth 728. n. (Cochul) odhor 729. *Tetomun 729. g. *Fallomuin 732. Talorggan^ 733. anacol^ 742, poem. g. Cinadon 748. g. Biror 749. g. Dunchodha'-' 757. g. Mugdhorm 758. n. *Fallomon 764. g. J/uriTodha 764 (sic Rj. n. Encorach 768. flee hod h 776. Forbosach 778, Murchodha 779. g. Cinadon'' ill- g. Cenond 784. n. Aoran 782. n. *Febordaith 785 ( = Faebur- daith, Raw). B. 502). g. Lugedon 789. hodur 796, Murchoda 796. g. £^(?/;4 809, g. Loch Echoch 817. g. Nodot 817, n. loscuth 824. g. Bodbchada 824, Sechonnan 858. Forbasach"^ 713. (cf. g. Diarmoda, 723). g. *r«/f/4a 730. (Cf. g. r«/<9^,%«> 575. 576.) (H has Delocho.) g. ;//«//% 734. g. Amalgada 741. g. {Becc) Baili mic Echach 748. g. Nuadhat 750. g. Noiscan^ 753. n. ascalt 763. cf. g. Follamhain 765. Bodbchad 773. g. Forbasaig 785. g. Follamain 796. g. Lugadon 800. g. Uladh 808 (poem), Forbusaich 821, g. pi. Wa/^8 826. , Fallomhan cadha 834. 829, g. Bodhb- ' Amolngid occurs thus three times in L. Ardm. ^ Probably from /orbas, but cf. Forbosach 77b. " A foreign name. * More usually anacul. ^ From a n Dunchath, Dunchad. '' Original vowel of final syllable doubtful. ' A king of the Scottish Picts. * To rhyme with ulach, bearded. * The instances where would be preserved owing to m, 6, I mark with an asterisk. 6o PHONOLOGY. [§ 71. g. Donncodha, 832 a. Matodan Loscadh 834 {bis) 839. 850,1 Maelodor 869, a. i^^^^^wz g. pi. Ulath 852, 856, 869 ( dh. ' Cf. Dimchado 700, 705, 734, etc. 3 Cf. Moccu Echach in the Book of Armagh. ^ Cf. also the gen. dual in Glinne da locho 903, but Glinne da locha 774. This use of after ch may help us with the forms Murchoda, etc., referred to above. The spellings Donnchoda, Bodbchoda, etc., become very common during the ninth century. 5 Cf. change of th to dh in an unaccented syllable. The accentuation of Feroth 725 is doubtful. Possibly both changes took place about the same time. 8 If L. Arm. has the correct spelling where Amolnged occurs three times. "' Cf. Forbosach 778, and note on § 70 above. 62 PHONOLOGY. [§ 72. its -n early (741), seems pretty reliable. Thus we see that the evidence of the earliest appearances ^ of weakened forms, together with the somewhat unreliable evidence of confusion between -a and -d, indicate that the change took place in the early part of the eighth century. § 72. With regard to the evidence of other texts, unaccented o is preserved between consonants, with a few exceptions, in the Book of Armagh. This book was transcribed in the early ninth century, but the language of Muirchu's memoirs and Tirechan's notes, as is pointed out by the editors (Stokes and Strachan) in the Introduction to the Thesaurus Paleohibernicus, vol. ii., belongs to the end of the seventh century. The exceptions referred to must be due to later annotators or to the scribe Ferdomnach, who wrote the book. Instances,^ such as Fochluth for earlier Fochloth, show weakening. In the place names in Adamnan's Life of Columba (about 700) unaccented o is preserved. In the prima manus of the Wiirzburg glosses (unaccented) between consonants is preserved. These considerations bring the superior limit of the change up to about the year 700, and, as already pointed out, the Annals preserve no significant instances of the preservation of d much later. (5) > a in Gen. Sing, of i- and u-stems. § 73- The material offered by the Annals is abundant but suffers from the same defect as in the last instance — perhaps even more so — that is, the very late survival of obviously archaic forms. In addition, we have here the opposite error of writing genitives in -a even in the very early periods. Beginning with the year 687 where the -0 in g. Imblecho is estab- lished by the rhyme,^ we have the following instances of gen. -o of 1 G. Cinadim 748, 777 > Cinadon, and Lugadon 789 > Lugadon 800 (e>a)- I have not discussed. In both words the o is in the third syllable. The former, probably foreign, is the name of one of the Pictish kings. 2 For further instances cf. Thes. ii. Introduction. 3 For further instances of final -0 established by rhyme cf. poetry in Cath. Cairn Conaill, ed. Stokes, Frag. Ann. (the Cummene story), etc. §730 i- and u-stems. For the purpose ui tuuvci: give the writings in -a in the opposite column g. Aedko 689, 699, g. Boendo 1 Moelcobho 653, 663, 692 (cf. g. hn f\c t\ PHONOLOGY. 63 of convenience of comparison I te column. Aedha 717 (Aedo _jj, — J, „^^ ^^^.. g. Moelcobho 653). g. Maeleracho 700, g. Tr^^o 699. [^««^i9 783, 788. Fochlado 784, Z>a^ia 1 873). 7>OTr« ^ 886, (??«gw«<7 884, Z>aw Cluana 870, 879, 880; ^ae/- 884, 917. c/%■]■], flatha 877, ^w^a 878. oco 890). ^/■/^o 892, 894 ; g. da locho 903. Cluana 881, 883 ; fota 890. ^?^(? 907 (bis), 909, 911, 912, Atha {Cliath) 901, Soergusa 902. 913- 914, 917- Murchado 920, ^/V^t? 930, Aedo 932. ^//4t) {Cliath) 941, 979.' Fergussa 959. § 74- The above are instances of i- and u-stems from about a.d, 700 to 979. The genitives in -0 before 700, with the exception of the few quoted, I have not thought it necessary to put down. I have, however, given instances of the writing of genitives in -a in the early periods, because even though they afford no help in fixing the date of the change,* they may be of value as showing how far the influence of the scribe and late orthography are responsible for the condition of the earlier entries. From the material we see genitives in -o and -a written side by side during almost the whole of the Old Irish period. On the one hand we find genitives in a- in the early years of the eighth century, whilst on the other we find genitives in -0 so late as Murchado 920, Atho 946, Fergussa 959, Atho 979,^ which is the last instance of -0 in the genitive of an u-stem occurring in the Annals. ^Change of declension : cf. g. Rois. ^ The last instance before change to guttural declension. 3 The last instance of -0 in gen. sing. ^ Cf. discussion in the chapter on the Sources of the Annals above. 5 Sic H i. 8. 66 PHONOLOGY. [§ 74- An explanation of the genitive in -a in the earlier entries might be sought in the carelessness of the scribe who, for example, made Oengusso, Oingusso into Oengusa 702, through ignorance of Old Irish forms.i A further instance is Aedha at 717 in H, which is corrected to Aedho ^ in R. The scribe of R also corrected the gloss Aedha at 723 in H to Aedho, probably on the analogy of the entries of Aedo previous to this. Mistakes of -a for -a in the early entries may also possibly be due to wrong expansion, and we must not place too much reliance on contracted forms. It is, however, more likely that the scribe should make the slip of writing the genitive of such a familiar word as Aeda for Aedo at 717, than that he should interfere with or mis-write the form of a less usual word. Whether the spelling of such a word as Aedo (918), Atho (941, 978), is attributable to the scribe or to the material he had before him is not clear. In any case, we are justified in attaching more importance to the form of an unusual name ^ such as g. Boanta 839, g. Ruamlusa 832, 841, or g. Fochlado 784, Bochallo 790, Muirmkedho 797, than to that of a fre- quently recurring name, as the scribe being less familiar with these unusual words would be more careful in writing them. Another cir- cumstance, as already pointed out,* which must not be lost sight of in these discussions, is the different sources * from which the Annals have been taken, and the probability of dialectical and individual peculiarities in those sources. In considering this question it is well to recollect that whilst in the early stages represented, as in Modern Irish, a mid back rounded vowel,^ that later on it became weakened to a more or less indeterminable mixed vowel 9 which may have been considered to lie between o and «, and to which different value ^ But cf. final -a for -o in Wb. Airddsratha, L. Arm., or were the sources of these instances somewhat later ? ^ If he had the real old form before him we should expect Aido. ^ Cf. also the entry Aengusa mic Amalngado already referred to (Introduction). * Introduction, and Sources of the Annals. ^ It is also possible, as pointed out in the chapter on the Sources of the Annals, that the compiler may have, in these cases, used sources written somewhat later during the period of confusion, but we cannot build much on this change of -o to -a, which is perhaps the most indecisive of all the Old Irish changes. Further, most of the cases concerned are very common names ; cf. § 76. As regards possi- bilities of dialect, it is difficult to determine anything decisive. ' Cf. rhyme cro : Imblecho, etc., referred to above. § 76.J PHONOLOGY. 67 was attached by different writers, or by the same writer at different times. § 75, It will be noticed that at about 8io the genitives in -o become very scarce. In the five years, 805-809, there are twelve genitives in -a (of i- and u-steras), and only three instances in -0 in the same period. In the five years, 810-814, there are twelve instances in -a, inclusive of Aido, and none in -0. In the ten years, 815-824, the genitives in -a and -o are pretty evenly balanced, there being no marked instance on either side. All are familiar names, such as in -o — Ratho, Murchado, Mugrcado, Ailello, Atho, Fergusso, Dunchado (R has "ounctiA) ; in -a — Aeda, I *ausis,^ Lit. ausis). This change (of au to o) had, in most cases, taken place at the beginning of the O. Ir. period — the end of the seventh century. After this we have instances of the au of aue < *auios, the last of which aua occurs in the Annals at 763, with the exception of the very late auib 877 ; oa appears from 740 on- wards. § 81, The long diphthong d. Idu 916 is an instance of a and u placed side by side. This also becomes in lo (1088). Compare ddu, do < '^duou, and atdu becoming hitb, Ml. gabS, etc. Dative Flaunn occurs at 863, 876, 9r3, but the au resulting from M-infec- tion I prefer to consider separately. § 82, Another development of au (which does not take place till a later period) is the fall of the a. Thus Augaire"^ 916, 957 becomes Ugaire 973, etc., Augran 916, Ugran, Frag. Ann. 908, where the phenomenon occurs before g. Compare ^ Mod. Ir. ughdar, L. auctor, g. pi. Auctor, Wb. 3C4, Mod. Ir. ci'ds, L. causa, O. Ir. cois, and the u-infection in baullu (Wb. 3b2 6), which sometimes results in -u as in bullu ; further, Maugdornu { = Mugdornu) in L. Ardm., in the Annals always Mug-. au occurs before r in Aurchath 944, Maelchaurardda 871, 880, 884, and Aurthulae 675, 699, 726, where it varies with er-, ir-. This I have already referred to under Orthography, § 33. We cannot build much, however, on forms the pronunciation of which is not clear. For the usual Cluain auis we find Cluaen Eoais 836, which seems to be the Cluain Eois of later times. The Danish name, Auisle 862, 866 is Oisle in the Fragments of Irish Annals 866. Unfortunately several of these words in au do not occur in other Irish Annals and documents, hence their later development is not clear. ' Intervocalic j was lost in Celtic. ' The pronunciation was probably nearer to & than au. 3 Also Ir. nue, nua<^naue, from ''Hoidios, nouios, Gr. j/e (F)os, Sans, navyas, but this is hardly an exact parallel, as here a diphthong remains. For an older form naue, ' new,' cf. St. Gall, p. 217, margin. The archaic character of some of the entries in the St. Gall glosses I have already referred to elsewhere. § 84.J PHONOLOGY. 71 (7) e > ia. § 83. The following list includes all the possible instances of onginal long /which became ia, together with some cases, for purposes of comparison, of non-original e written e. g. Fiatach 578, Fiachna 593, 601 ;i g. Fiachrach'^ 602, ce du 603 (= ua. §86. Clono'' 548, 598, 627; Mochoei hUatach 601. 496. Oddach 600, g. Lochre (H) 653. tuathaib . . . Tuathail^ 624 (poem). 1 Cf. note 4, preceding page. 2 cf_ Ceannachte, Vit. Colurab. 56a. = Cf. the condition of e in Vita Columbae, and the Book of Armagh. The word Dermato at 703 points to confusion between ie, ia and e. J See A. U. 712, Zimmer, KZ. xxxii. 199, xxxvi. 476, and Thes. ii.. Introduc- tion xxxi. and remarks on vowels below. ° See Life of Columba, ed. Reeves. " See Thes. ii. Introduction xv, for a list of instances. ' Cf. Clono, Auiss, L. Ardm. Thes. ii. 262 ; Cloni, Vit. Col. Thes. ii. p. 280.' « Cf. Tothail, Vita Columbae. i 86.J PHONOLOGY. 73 g. Tottialain 622, 652, 659. g. Clona ^ 664 ; (Cluano, R). (Moling) Lochair 696. slogadh 706 ; (Teclae) Olaind 710; g. * Condi 710. sloglmdh 714; C7i!»«a 722, 736. Moudain ^726. Irlochrae 732 ; Slogad 737. Tomae^ 739 ; Bochaill 744. 7iw«« 748 ; Tomae 750. j/ eo. § 90. I include instances of eo not from earlier eu. g. Beugnai 605, g. Euagain * 636, g. Euganain 616. Eochaidh^ 66e,. Eu i20,Eughain^ 726, 729, 731. iLudus 727 ; Eutighirn 761. Eugain 763, 773, 775, 788. Maighi h-Eu 782, Eudus 797, Eogain 786. 821. Euginis 801, Eugain 802. Neutir 809, (Europae 812). Euchu^ 822, Eugain 822, 826, *Eochaid^ 823, *Deoninni 836, 830. beos 841, leo 841, 862 ; Echu EuganacAt S4T, {Europae^ S^i). 850. 1 Cf. Mochoei, A.U. 496, but Mochuae 789. As has already been pointed out by Strachan, part of the St. Gall glosses are very old (cf. Thes. ii. Introduction xxiii). 2 Cf. na tragi, Ml. giai3. 8 But cf. the phrase ostn, 92ai4, osme, 92b7, 'even I,' ho londas, 92012. * Cf. Lat. Eugenius, Gr. EJycVios, and W. Owein ; Gaulish Esugenos Meyer, Festschr. fur Stokes, and Pedersen, Vergl. Gram. p. 73. ^ In these words Euchu, Eochaid a vowel develops before ch. In both cases the vowel eo is short. ^ Eorpa 1021. § 9I-] PHONOLOGY. jy leu 851, Indeuin 853. Eugain 865, 870, 876, 889. *Eachach 866. *Eochaccan 882, Eoloir 885. Eogain 892, 904, 907 ; *.£(?£■/%- acai/i 894. Eoganachta 895, ,^w 902 (poem). ^r«o 902 (poem). Eugain 907, 961. /«(? 907, 913, *seola 911. /(?«! 922, 923. Eochacain 913, 914, 918. beos 914, 915. Eoganacht 916. ^z<^a?« 961, 963, 966, 974. Eogain 946 (bis), 963, 980, 988, 99°, 992- g. Leogan 992. § 91. I have included above instances of eu from all sources. The evidence of the Annals on this point is clear. There is only one instance of eo for earlier eu in the eighth century. In the ninth century we find the first instances, beos, leo at 841. From this onward we find both forms eu, eo till what we may term the end of the Old Irish period (about 920). The last instances of eu (with the exception of Eugain — a fixed spelling) are leu 922, 923. The isolated form at 786 of a common word Eogain might not mean much by itself, but when we compare it with such forms as Wb. leosom'^ iod6, etc., it seems reliable for the period. Cf. also bitkbeo ib. 3b2, 4, beo 3C27, which are not quite parallel. The Milan glosses have however regularly eu : 63b2 a n-eulas, 65C3 leu, 6508 beus, 65C16 leusom, S7Cii ho eulassaib, 63bi2 leu, 87b6 feutdai, 87b9 beuidbart, 87C3 455, 88b4, gobii, 92d6 leu, dungneu gzSLij, etc. This agrees with the evidence of Annals which has only one instance of eo until close on the middle of the ninth century. More- over eu appears to be the standard literary form till the end of the Old Irish period. Of the St. Gall glosses I have made no collections, and Strachan ^ le + u, cf. lethu, L. Ardm. Thes. ii. 241. 2 Compare also g. Beognai, Vit. Columb. Thes. ii. pp. 273, 278, which is Beugnai 605 in the Annals, but leu, Wb. 5b42. 78 PHONOLOGY. [§ 91. has not dealt with the point in his articles on the Ml. and Sg. glosses, CZ. iv» pp. 48, 470. The Felire has eolais Prol. 317, eo Ap. 10 (one MS. has eH). In Prol. 197 we have eobail rhyming with Eogain which may both have had ««, cf. breo Ap. 15, Aug. 20, p. 258. At Jan. 22 we find Beognae, dignae, ceoldae. The date of the phonetic change I have not investigated. Cf. Remarks on Vowels, § 133. Judging from the occurrences of eo forms in Wb. the change in certain words at least must have been very early. FINAL VOWELS. (lo) -ae >-a. § 92. The following instances of final -ae are mostly genitives singular of fenainine, a- ia- and i- stems, '^ together with a few instances of nominatives singular of io- and dental stems, and various forms in •ae added for purposes of comparison : — g. Oche SS2, 553, g. Free 560, g. Gabrae 564, 565, 572 (cf. g. Gabrai 735), g. Ciannachtae 571, 615, g. Tola 572, g. Ochae 608, g. pi. Mogdornae 610, g. Torchae 616, g. Fiachae ^ 635, g. Fiachna 627, 646, g. Fiachnae 651, corre 651, g. Lochrae 653, g. Machae 671, 689, g. Ardmachae 660, 687, g. lunge 672, Finechta 674, Finechtae 675, 676, Finshnechta 687, 694, amne 687 (poem), g. Crannchae 696, g'. Selggae^ 708, g. Telchae 710 (Telcg, R), n. Cuchercae 712, Singittae(^) 713, g. i-(fe 748, Ciannachte 747, Machae 749, Lecnae 750, (Lecng, R), g. Tethbae 751, g. Fiachna 751, g. i^«r/a 752, g. Delbnae 755, g. Gronnae 755, g. Slana 757, g. pi. Mughdhorne 758, g. Emnae 758, g. Ci'/%«a« 761, g. jE^^a« 762, 796, g. Sruthrae 765, g. (^aZ/z^ 768, g. Dochre 769, g. Tethbae 770, g. Dochae 770, g. r^Ma 770, g. Lamcomarthae 771, g. ^r/a 772, g. *Cruachna 773, n. Flathruae 773, 788, g. (9//%«ae 773, g. .Si^^^* 773, g- ^''^^ 775, c/'f/^^^a 776, 1 For gen. of a-stems v. final -e > a, § 67, note 2, and § 133. 2 Cf. g. Fiachach. i* Notice non-palatal g-g-, and cf. g. Deilgge 742, but g. D«/ca (867), 887. * i.e. Taz'/ie ; cf. i. Tailti 790, and dat. Tdlte, Vit. Columb. 5£yc« may have represented a palatal, c. 79 8o PHONOLOGY. [§92. Mugdorne 778, g. pi. Locha 777, n. Flannabra '^ 111, Ochae •]■](), n.pl. srotha (rhymes with ocha, poem ^ 779), Die Samnae 780, Tommae 780, 781, g. Edargnae 780, g. Ferta 782, g. Fernae 782, g. Senchuae 782, g. Aird^ Machae 782, 783. a. Fiachnae 783, Irlochre 784, i^r/a 784 (-/a a contraction). Celtrae 784. Cugamnae 783, g. pi. Mugdornae g. Ciannachta 785. 785- Ardae 785 (ar(^«, R], n. Cathrue Rechtabra 786. 785, g. crichae 786. n. Fiachnae 788, g. Bertae 788, g. 5/a«e 788. Ablae 788, 790, Mochuae 789. Techbae 790, rathae 792. Machae 792, 795, g- pi- Mugdorne 793- Cernae 793, Earcae 796 (cf. g. £r« 560, 775). Connlae 779, g. Fiachnae 799, 808, 809. g. /j'/ae 803, Mugdorne 801, 802. Machae 806, CVa^ 806, J/z<^- dornae 811. g. Tamlachtae Z\o, g. Tome 812. (Glinne da Locha 789, cf. g. ^3 lachae 867, g. i/a /ci<:^ 903)- g. Tamlachtai "jqi. Finsnechta * 796 (cf. g. Finsnechte 802). g. /^r/rt 801 (-/'a a contraction in R). g. r^/f/^a 5 808 (bis). g. Tamhlacta 810, g. Tamlachtai 810. ^r/a '' 812, n. ^aZ/a 813, cf. g. *Dudubtae 813. Ardae 816, z«(f lochae (n. pi.) 817. Rectabra ^817. g. Coccae' 817, g. Delbnae 817, iarmae 817. ' Compare -abrae, -abre of Rechtabre 733. 2 Not printed by Hennessy. The prose, however, has Ochae. ' Cf. g. pi. Ardae 718, g. Airde, Ardda 748, a. pi. airtiu 823. ■• Original final «; cf. g. Finsnechti 836, g. Finsnechtal 828. 'Cf. Telchie 710. " Cf. rf. Fccij, L. Ardm. Thes. ii. pp. 259, 263, Fertae, Thes. ii. p. 260. ' This appears to represent original final -«. Cf. however, Rechtabrae 733. § 92.] FINAL VOWELS. 8i Fothnae 8i8, g. Fiachnae 8i8. n. pi. Locha 821. g. Tethbae 822, 823, 825, 827, g. baga 823 (poem). g. Tamlachtae 824. Machae 822, 825, martre 824, 827. d. (rf/) Mumae ^ 825, n. pi. adomnae 825. Arddae^ ardae 827, Ciannachtae Ciannachta 827, g. Delbna 827, 823, 827. 828. Cumbae 829, Ercae 829. Machae 830, 831, 832, 833, 835, Rechtabra 832, /« ^r^ Macha^ 838. 834. Mugdorne 833, ^iJae 833, 837 n. d. Maelcerna 835. (macu JBlae 831). g. Innseo Cealtra 836 ; /«fo> Flaithroa 836 (cf. Flathruae Deaae 835. 913); CV«a 838. g. Linnae 841 ; ^ri'a 843. n. Fiachna 844 ; g. pi. Mugdorna 848, 849. Machae 844, 845, 847, 851, 859 ; Ciannachta 850 ; ««a ('besides ') Ciannachtae 849 ; Lindae 851. 854 ; sneachta 854. Othnae S^i. Locha 854; prim-locha 855; g. ^«V Cz-ea 858. Machae 862. ' Macha 861 ; Tamlachta 864. g. Glinne da lachae 867. Tamlachtae 867, 869. g. ^«>^ y)/a<:^a 868. g. pi. Mugdorne 868. Daltae 869. C///e Z)«/^a 867 ; Rechtabra 867. i:/%e«a 868 ; Foghla 868 ; g. Ca^a 869 ; Macha 869, g. (/a /(9^;^a 874. Tamlachtae 873, 874; Machae g. Macha ?>tt, Macha 878,881, 876. 882, 887. J/a^ «a CVri?/ca 887. ^ Cf. g. Mumaii 825. 2 Cf. g. ^i»-(i« Ciannachtae 748, g. Ardda Oa Cennfaelad 748. s Cf. in- Ard Machae 847. 6 82 FINAL VOWELS. [§ 93. g. Macha 892, 894, 896, 898. Eoganachta 895 ; Emna 902. g. Da locho 903 ; g. Ferna. Tamlachta 914 ; amra 917. g. ^/>-rf Machae 902. «a congbala 914 ; Macha 914, 915. ^m CrtJa^f 917. n. pi. /i?(:/4a 916 ; g. lunga ^ 920 (cf. ace. lungai'^ 920). Macha 920, 921 ; Mugdorna 954. § 93. After a time the final -e split up ^ into -e and -a^, the former to be used after palatal consonants, the latter after non-palatal con- sonants. Thus after groups of consonants not easily palatalized the result of the change was that a- and i-stems fell together in the genitive with i- and u-stems. Strachan (RC. xx. 192) pointed out that this splitting up had taken place in the Fdlire as in primary rhyme -e rhymes with -e * but not with -ae. The cases where the -e was accompanied by palatalization of the final consonant do not belong here, as weakened -e after a palatal consonant is not represented as different from -e and hence cannot be further investigated. In some words e falls away before palataliza- tion is effected, thus Slana 757. The word however afterwards appears with palatal n as Slaine, Slane 786, 788, 801, etc. Some groups again appear as palatal in the early period and become non- palatal afterwards towards the end of the Old Irish period. Thus maige lunge^ 672, Maighe Luinge 774, g. lunga 920. Cf. (Cille) Deilgge 742, 763, 778, 798. Deilge 757, but {Cille) Delga 867, g. Delca 887. Sometimes we find -ae after a palatal group or the nature of the ' Cf. maighe luingi 774. 2 A change to the i- declension in this word. ^Cf. Strachan, Middle Irish Declension, p. 5. Cf. such forms as g. pl.ferte Wb. I2bi5, but fertae Ml. 17C9. * Later on (RC. xx. 297) he instances g. Machae as rhyming with a word con- taining a palatal consonant, viz. Pr. 165 (g. p.) flathe : Machae. But the th in this word is not necessarily to be taken as palatal. Again, however. May 28, sathe : Machae. ^ The change of to u indicates palatalization of ng. Forms like the modern g. luinge might be better regarded as a survival of the palatal beside the non- palatal form than as a new analogical development from the nominative. § 94-] FINAL VOWELS. 83 group unsettled, e.g. d. Tailtae 732 = Tailte, cf. d. Tailti 790, g. Feilk 745 (H, R), Saighrae 743 H (Saighre R), Saigre 787. Cf. Sg. 2 7b3 cheillae, 66b 15 deirbbm. The instances in the Annals of the change of a palatal to a non- palatal consonant or vice versa are perhaps not decisive enough to be brought into connection with the dating of the change of -ae to -a and the subject requires further investigation. § 94. The material of the Annals shows change of final -ae to have been taking place from 800 onwards. The isolated example Febla 714 seems too early to be genuine, cf. Feblae 739. Yox Rectabrae 733 we find Rechtabra 786. This change of -? to -a in the third syllable evidently took place earlier ^ than the change of -ae (-«) which comes from an original -e fr. *-es, *-ias in the genitive of a-stems and in the nominative plural of u-stems, and is more in the nature of the change -e to -a in unaccented syllables. The instance in ArdMacha ^ 718 is presumably nothing more than a scribal blunder.^ In a poem* at 779 we find n. pi. srotha rhyming with Ocha but then both may have ended in -ae though not so preserved by the manuscript. The prose, moreover, has got -ae. The g. Fiachna at 751 is im- probable as Fiachnae is preserved till 885. After 800 the entries -a from ae begin to get numerous and at 810 we find beside the g. Tamlachtae two other forms Tamhlachta and Tamlachtai. If not due to scribal corruption the first would indicate weakening of -ae to -a, the second confusion of -ae, at. This latter aspect would point to -ae as having a value distinct from -a, unless we could take both -ae and -ai as having become levelled to -a which is too early for the latter.^ The orthographical change is decisive. The g. pi. Mugdornae which regularly ends in -« * till 833 becomes Mugdorna 848, 849 and final -e in this word does not recur. The g. Machae is regular till 1 The change of aue to aua at 744, 763 already dealt with, I have included in this category. ^This phrase in Ard Macha occurs again at 834. We find the two parts of this word declined together, thus g. Ardmachae 660, 687, 757. Is this a Latinised form, or was the word Ard at that time not fully accented ? Also g. Ard Macha at iog6. 3 But cf. § 16. * Not printed by Hennessy. ' Cf. -ai';>-a. ^ -rn- is palatal in Moghdairne, 749. 84 FINAL VOWELS. [§ 95. 862, after which g. Macha becomes regular. Before this, Macha occurs at 834 and afterwards Machae at 876 with an isolated survival at 902. We see from these instances that the orthographical change of -ae to -a is practically complete by about 860. § 95. In the St. Gall and Milan ^ glosses final -ae is often confused with -a, though in the genitive plural of i- and u-stems -ae is pretty well preserved in Ml. In a poem^ composed by Fingen mac Flainn (about 850) we find arddae^ rhyming with gorge. The Imram Brain preserves final -e, -ae in all the best MSS. : e.g. amre 10, amrae 33 (R, H).* Some of the MSS. of this text have the orthography of Wb., cf. bledne, 5 (R), etc. As regards the Fflire -ae can in most cases be restored from the rhyme. We find instances however where the rhyme shows the change of -ae to -a as having taken place. This has been pointed out by Strachan (RC. xx. 295) where he gives the examples : nua (= nuai) in primary rhyme with subjunctive ronglea, and with Duibrea, Ep. 38 arnach nera (2 sg.) with ban, dera, and concludes that the change was beginning to make its way into the language of poetry. Moreover -ae and final -0 had fallen together, e.g. Pr. 177, 182, buada (= buadae') to rhyme with Cluana (= Cluand). Cf. § 77 above. Still as -ae was used in so many cases to rhyme with -ae it must have had a distinct phonetic value in the standard speech of the time. (10) {b) -ai^ >-a. -i > -e. § 96. Instances from the end of the eighth century onward are : — 1 For instances see Strachan, CZ. iv. p. 477, Thes. i. Introduction, and RC. XX. 303. ^ See Meyer, Archiv f. Celt. Lex. iii. p. 293. 2 The BB. version has arda, garga, so have both versions at strophe 55, etc. *See The Voyage of Bran, ed. Meyer, for further instances and variants. I give the paragraphs as numbered by Meyer. ^ This -ai is mostly from an earlier writing -i in the genitive of io-stems. The Wb. glosses have also generally -i for later -ai : v. ai, -i, Orthography, § 23. §96.] FINAL VOWELS. 85 g. Segeni 800 ; n. Macoigi 800 ; g. Fhinsnechti 814, 836 ; g. Moch- tai 817 ; ind fochli %2\ ; Delb- nai 821 ; Dari 825 ; g. Tarbgi 821; Liphi 831, 836; cumai 832 ; g. FinsnechH 836 ; d. Delbni 842. Zz/? 846 ; d. Tethbai 839. g. Comardai 844 ; g. Comarbbai 850. g, Tarbnaii^i ; g. Dumhai S^q. g. Midhi S60, 861 ; a. a cennlai 7 a «-«/'«■ 7 a i^<>(/a 865 ; indfhochlai 867, 871. In 877, poem, g. cridhe, d. azVis, g. ^?7« may be restored to -/; a., dolmai S"] () ; g. Liphi 883 ; muiniir Jnni 890 ; g. Lothri 891 (sic leg.). g. Fethgnai 892 ; otsi: Maelgualai 894 ; ace. Delmnai 895 ; ace. martrai 895 ; g. Turbi 902. zW fhochlai 913, 914, 918 ; ?W g. {f)ochla 920 ; ace. z'ra lungai 920 ; m^z 923. d. f. cednai, 934. g. Fethgnai 952. d. Tethbai 953. g. y»/a 798; Moenmaighi 800.; g. Tamlachtai 791, 810; g. Finsnechte 802 ; g. Aidhne 809 1 (cf. g. Dudubtae 814) ; d. Berba 814 ; n. pi. cnama 823 (poem) ; g. Breibne'^ 821 ; g. ^zii^ 829, 839 ; J/az^' 830 ; g. Finsnechta ^828. g. ?■«««■ 824 ; g. Tethbai 840. g. Luibnighi 847 ; n. Finsnechtai 854- g. J/zz«« 872, 881, 883 ; muighi 873 ; g. taighi 866 ; Ainmeri 878 ;. g. 7«/M/ 878; g. Maighi Bile 889. derthaighi 894 rhymes with «r- naichti and in both -1? may be restored, n. *Dublachtnai 2>()^ ; g. leithi?i<)6. Midhe 914; g. Brighti 915; d. m. chetnai 916. g. «(:?za/ 978 ; »?«<: Riadai 979. g. Dubdai 981. g. loingsi 944. g. /a*;?-^?; 952, 963 (/a?^/). g. /5z7f 953. g. '''Lachtna 957. g. Brigti 963. ^ Cf. d. in-Aidniu 783. ^Cf. g. Breifni 791. ^The nom. had become Finsnechta 796, and may have been regarded as indedinable. But cf. u. Finsnechtai 854, g. Finsnechti 836. '' Cf. g. Cernai 661, poem. But as a rule, in the poems, the endings are not well preserved. 86 FINAL VOWELS g. Dal Riatai 988. g. Ciardai 992 ; Im;? Lethglaisi 1016, a. ^z> «- Enna 1019. g. Dermaighi 1019. g. (?j««f 1020; d. (fo luaidhe 1020. g. tuaithi 1020 ; g. eclaisi 1020. me (about him), 102 1 ; forsind arce 1022. g. /'«««' 1022. g. Darmaighi 1022; g. Fern- tnuighi 1022 ; n. erchrai 1023. «i» rrmz 1024 (and poem)*; maisi^ 1024. d. Tebtha 1024. g. Daire 1025. g. Mochta 1026. g. 7(?/a 1056. § 97. As these are two similar changes I have taken them together. From 800 on * we find confusion, particularly in the case 'Probably a ia-stem. See g. Fiachnae 651, 799, 808, 809, 818. 2 Cf. g. Lothri 762. ^ i.e. Odba, near Navan, n. Odbde. * In the poem at 1024 croisi rhymes with n. taisi and n. maisi. 5 We find instances of -i for -e even early in the eighth century, g. Maighi Bile 742, 746 ; g. Dermaighi 763, maighe luingi 774, g. Rigi beside Rige 780, g. g. mothlai 1014. d. in Fkodbai^ 1017. d. tuighi 1020. g. /a/ (' of a day,') 1020. g. escai 1023. g. ind escai cednai 1023. cen taisi 1024 (poem). Ennai 1036. § 97-J FINAL VOWELS. 87 of i-. The genitives Mide, Maigi need, however, not be too strongly dwelt on. Mide ^ was a common word, and one likely to be cor- rupted by the scribe. As for maigi, muigi, -i seems to become regular in the genitive singular of neuter s-stems. This may be due to the analogy of the genitive of masculine io-stems. Final -ai appears to be much better preserved. We find it confused with -ae as early as 791, 810, 821 ; witness the genitives Tamlachtai 810, Delbnai?>2i, Tethbai 839. This form in -ai can hardly be considered as a weakening of final -ai but rather as a confusion of declension. At any rate we find the gen. -ai (of io-stems) pretty well preserved in writing till 1 000, after which there are several cases of writing of the weak form (in -a), and the confusion becomes complete. Thus g. inachnai'^ 990, g. Aedai for Aeda 1003, bachlai loii, side by side viiXhfhochla xoT.^, Lothra \oi^, Enna loig. On the other hand we find g. -ai preserved as a traditional spelling to a much later period, as g. Ua Ciardai 1077, 112 8, g. Ceniuil Ennai 1078, but g. Einne Arann 1114, g. Dubdai 1119, 1120, 1126. Strachan, Cormac's Rule, Eriu, vol. ii. part i., points out that final -e and -/ were then distinct — that is towards the end of the ninth century. Of the nom. pi. in -ai I have no instance after cnama 823 (poem). But the forms in the poetry are, as a rule, much more corrupted than the prose,' and we cannot draw conclusions from a single example. Thus though the changes seem similar in some respects the chronological difference is considerable.* In the poetry in Imram Brain, which, according to other evidences,* goes back at least to the early ninth century, we find (at par. 13 ") the rhyme combindi with g. (fino) oingrindi^ which is best construed as a feminine genitive. Rigi, digi in poem may be restored to Rige, dige ; Maighi 782, g. Loigaire 783, g. Finnghlaisi 790, 795; g. Maine 798; g. Corcaighi 791, g. duine 792; but g. maighe, tige 783, etc., Mani 790, Ailbhi 792. ' The g. oi Mide was written Mide much earlier. Cf. g. Mide 714, 748, 750, 752. Cf. also g. Guaire 751, 793, etc. ; g. Midi 765. h\so sochaidi (sing.) 7C9 for sochaide. 2 This might simply be a change of declension. 3 Cf. the poem at 779, which has Ocha, but prose Ochae. * But cf. the preservation of the distinction in Cormac's I^ule, Eriu, vol. ii. part i. if this was not a survival in poetry alone. ' See the change of mr to br, ml'^bl, ldy>ll. * Meyer's ed. ' The MSS. H, R have -grinde. 88 FINAL VOWELS. [§ 98. (11) Final -u. § 98. Instances of final -u in the nominative and dative singular and accusative plural : — d. daire (cf. Dairiu 847). CO tuc giallu 855, uisciu 863. a ngialla {do tabairf) 853, [Cuana 804). do indarbu^ 864, 970. ■&.. giallo 865. aicsiu 867, a. Dubhghallu 874. Temru . . turn, muru : marbu : amru ?>Z(i, firu 907, 912, 948. d. ala laithiu 916, eturru 916. isind lau <)i6,for Goidhelu 918. g. pi. Airgiallu 918 (v. u-stems). culu 916, h-Eiriu 918, d. deir- ghiu 926. d. rubu 932, etarru 948. fo7- Afidiu'^~]for Bregu 948. Saxanu 951, Bretnu q^i, Mock- i Connachtu^ 954 (a. Connachta utu 952. 912, 984). ^a//« 954, 964, 978, 997, looi, 1025. la h-Albanchu fein * 966, Moch- utu 978. tadbsiu 991, /«'« bliadain-siu 992. i/o innarba 993. iarsuidhiu 998, rempu 999, ^/z«/m ace. Connachtu 997, (? Laigniu 999, 1001, 1004. 999. firu ^qi, 1000, 1008, 1012, forglu [inaidm re) Connachtu 997^ . . • 1003, C/"//« 1005. for'^ soeraib 1008. «'ot/m 1014, ^i2//m 1014, 1022, n. *Clotkna 1008, 1048, etorra firu 1018, 1019. 1014. ind retlu 1018, a. Gailengu 1019, Cuana 1023. etarru 1021, giallu 1026. (TCI h-Osraigiu^ 1026, f 1026. Gallu). Eire (poem, fol. 26 over 1020). 1 Cf. n. indarba goi. ^ By analogy with plural forms Latg-nJM, etc., but it may simply be an instance of confusion of cases after prepositions; cf. n. 5. 3 Probably by analogy with Laigniu. * But 3 s. m.fesin 963. ■i Confusion of cases after prepositions. " Cf. accus. Osraige 785. § 99-J FINAL VOWELS. 89 itnpu 1029, 1034 (ace. Cuanu^ isinbliadain-si 102,1, treotho \q\\. i°37)- a. Albanchu etarru 1045. imBregu 1047, /rw 1050, 1053, i°54- Airghiallu 1058. do imiarbad {sic) 1051. £:tru 1056. I Ceara 1063 (cf. / Ceru 559). 67/z^ 1071, g. muru 1074. g.bachlu"^ iQ^T,, for Feru Manack, 1077, 1080.^ 7&-« 1076, 1087, 1092, Colcu 1077. a.cc. feru 1084. »?a^Z(! 1087. giallu 1088, 1090, 1 1 01, 1104. ZTZZ/a 1089, 1103, Mochutu 1090. Connachtu 1093. yferzi! 1 100, 1 103, Mura iioi. § 99. We find instances of the accusative -u weakened to -0 at 998 {/orro), and to -a at 1024, 1026. Final -o occurs again at 1041. We find conclusive proof of the change at 1077, 1080, 1084 where the older _/?/•« becomes yer«. Though -u is written, the change of i to e shows that the change of « to a had taken place. In Saltair na Rann (a.d. 987) there is only one example of -a for -u where -a was established by the rhyme, i.e. fora cMa to rhyme with dura 3560. Strachan, Mid. Ir. Decl. p. 216, had not noted any examples of -a from LU., but this depends on the nature of the texts copied. The ace. plur. catha (bis) 917 is probably a question of declension. The -u in nominative singular of n- and guttural stems seems to have been preserved equally long, e.g. h-Eriu 918, ind retlu 1018, Etrii. 1056. The final -u of Eriu^ had fallen by about the middle of the eleventh century, but the Annals do not furnish any evidence on this point except the instance Eire in the poetry on fol. 26 which is not so reliable. This and the whole question of ^-infection I intend to return to and to deal with in greater detail later on. 1 i.e. Kuono or Kuonrad. ^ cf_ g_ bachlu 758, B. ' Feraib, R. *Cf. ^ire in poem on death of Aed Mac Domnaill (a.d. 1004), Archiv f. Celt. Lex. iii. 304, where it rhymes with greine. {b) CONSONANT CHANGES. § 100- The evidence for consonant changes is, as a rule, more definite than that for vowel changes except that the conditions under which the change operated were somewhat different. Thus when a certain phonetic development came about, such as the change of Id to //, the change conlinued to operate wherever combinations of Id came together so long as the law was a living force.^ Thus it is possible that a certain development may take place in different words at different times. The position of the letters with relation to the neighbouring syllables i.e. whether they belong to the same or different syllables, has also a considerable effect on the development. For example, whilst as a rule ml becomes bl, the ml of Mod. Ir. domlas < *dus- mlass- does not become bl at all. Compare also doomlacht 732, where probably the change did not take place. Further Mod. Ir. cuimligkeann, cuimleochaidh ' rubs ' from con-meil-. On the other hand, the w and / of unaccented Mael coming together at the begin- ning of a name become bl, e.g. Maelsheachlainn > Bkachlainn. (r2) mb > mm. § lOI. / n Drumbaibk^ Bregh 519. / n Drommaibh Bregh 522. g. Coluim 545, 560, 562. Colum 552, im chnass 562. ' d following II in modern Irish would not assimilate with it, as gallda, foreign. Cf. miondaigheacht, but grhnna = gran + da. Compare Haldai, Sg. 3434, coldde = colurnus, Sg. 35bio and other examples in St. Gall Glosses. Etaldai ft. etal + da adjectival suffix. Acaldmaiche Sg. 28ai. Also 2834. ^ If this spelling Drunibaibh has any value, which is doubtful, it would dis- prove the etymology of druim from *drosmen ; cf. Latin dorsum. L. Ardm. has dronimo. In the plural it becomes later an n-stem though it is not so here. 90 § lOI.] CONSONANT CHANGES. 91 g. Columhe 573. Colman 572, 585, 586, 601, 624, Colmaen 599. Colmani 610, 623, /«^ immairecc 617 (Colmain 603, 611, 612, 627 bis). aihcumai 626 (poem). *in-Druimm 640, Colmain 641, 659- %. Coluimb 6$"] , g. Columbani 6(>^ . g. Imlecho [Ibair) 660, Colman 664, 679. g. *Ruimm, 676. g. Concoluim 683, g. Imlecho (sic) 687. n-imm.arecc 696. Colman ^ 700, 702, Colmain 706, wzaiT *Concoluinn 708 (leg. Ci?« coluim ?). imesecA 713, Dromma 721 (and passim). Imlecho 729, 736, *Tomae 739. *Cormaicc 745, n. pi. cimmldi 745. Imlecho Fea 748, g. Colman 750. *Tome 748, *Tommae''' 750, 780. n. Imairecc 759, 774. (lex) Columbae Cille 756 (Latin; g. Cohdm']^2,*Tomae ']6']. Col, R). g. Columbani 621 (Latin) n. Columbana episcopus, 675. g. Imblecho 687. Imbairecc 700. immbairecc 709. Concumbu 729. !^2>Z 732. g. (cuaiti) caimb 747. g. Duibhchombair 771, 786. Maelcombair 789. g. Concumbu'^ 791. Columbae cille 806 (Latin). dimbaigh 814, cumbae 829. Fiambur 830, Imblecho Fio 842. immelle, 'together,' 771, g. Coluim 777. imdai 776, g. cathimairecc 776. /w(fa 777, chaimm 778. '''Commain 779 (cf. 640 poem). '''Dimman 810. /»? ( = m^) 836. ^ Cf. Colman in Vita Columbae. ^ Cf. L. Ardm. Tomme. See Tlies. ii. ; obviously not a case of mi. ^ F.M. has Concumba. * Doubtful instances I mark with an asterisk. 92 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ 102. imbi 847 (along with him). imbechtair 865, 868, imbi 903, 949. Imbkach 1058, Cill Combair ime 1004, Imkacha 1058. 1031. § 102. I think the best results will be obtained if we divide the subject into three cases : (i) mb in pretonic position, (2) mb in the syllable following the accent, and (3) mb in the accented syllable. The results of (i) and (2) go closely together. We find the preposition im at 562 and imesech 713, and never imb, whilst imbi occMK at 847, 903, 949. Cf. imbi . . imbi, Wb. ioai2, but m when followed by a consonant zVwrfi? dia imdo . . 3bi5; ite immelotar immuanecUs, L. Arm. i8bi.'^ It is noticeable that there are no instances of Coluimb (with mb') in the Annals after 657, if we except the obviously Latin genitives Columbae 756, 806. Columbana episcopus 675 represents ^ an early derivative from Columb, with the final vowel in the -a stage.^ At 702 it is m in Colman, which is also the form used in Vita Columbae and Book of Armagh. At 709 we have a name, Concoluinn, which should probably be read Concoluim, as at 683. Adamnan's Life of Columba (a.d. 700) contains the nominative Columm once and Columb three times and Cambas (bis). The Book of Armagh pre- serves the mb as in d. Tmblitich, n. Colombcille, g. Coluimbcille. In our next instance of the word in the Annals we have g. Coluim 752. All this evidence points to the change of mb to mm in unaccented syllables as having practically taken place by the end of the seventh century. The name Colman at 702 is a good instance, as in this spelling the derivation was forgotten.* As regards mb in the accented syllable there is a possibility of different treatment according as mb came at the end of a word or ^ Also immrani, etc. ^ If the ending is not a Latin one to correspond to Columba. But the Latin genitive form occurs in Colnmbani 627, 667. Cf. Colman. Columban is common in Vit. Col. ^ Cf. Ogham Glassiconas, -a, etc. Columbana has the vowel u still preserved. According to the laws of Irish accentuation this u should disappear. In the modern form of Columb also the ti has fallen ; 11. Colm, g. Coilm, with palatal I, which is vocalic. ■* The spelling Colman during the sixth and early seventh century is presum- ably due to late compiler. § I03.] CONSONANT CHANGES. 93 was followed by a consonant or a vowel. We find the last instance of ?nb following an accented vowel in g. caimb ' 747 ( = crooked). In its next occurrence it is mm, g. m. chaimm 778. With the ex- ception of this word we have no instance of final mb (after an accented vowel) after 700. The material, however, is scanty. Imb before / practically disappears after 687, Imblecho.''' It is Imkcho at 729, 736, 748, though, strange to say, it reappears as Imblecho {JPio) at 842, and Imbleach 1048, but the latter two should probably be simply regarded as archaisms. § 103. The foregoing evidence would lead us to the conclusion that, in these two cases at least, the change of mb to mm had begun about the beginning of the eighth century, and had worked itself out at about 750,^ which I should be inclined to put as the inferior limit of the phonetic change. The genitive mblegum 732, though not coming directly under this head, is significant as showing that the combination mb was a familiar sound in the pronunciation of the period. If we may take immarecc * 696 as authentic we should be led to the same conclusion for mb when followed by a vowel, as in the last case. Imiairecc occurs at 700 and immbairecc at 709, which is the last instance ^ of this word with mb. The writing of immbairecc with two m'l, seems to be a provision for expressing the change which was taking place within the knowledge of the writer. We may look at immarecc from two points of view, as an ordinary noun or as a com- pound of imb + airecc. In the latter case, when imb had become imm, imiairecc would be rebuilt immairecc.^ Another instance is cimmidi 745, where mb has become mm. Cf. cimbid'va Wb. 27022. The bulk of the glosses in the WUrzburg codex preserve mb in medial position before vowels, as cimbid 27022, imb i . . imb i ioai2, but imm^rchor 5a5, romatar from rombatur, immib (' about ye ') 2 7bi6, but m before a consonant : timthirect 5d9, imrool 1 Goes back to *canibi. Cf. More-cambe, ' hook of the sea '. " Cf. Imbliuch, L. Ardm. 3 Cf. further Wb. 12317, imrool, ' a great draught,' ■< imb-ro-ol, but imbradud, 6a6, both cases of imb + r. *lmmairecc also occurs at 617. The present instance is rather early. ^ At 759, 774 it is imairecc. « Cf. do immirchor chore, Wb. 535, with mm for mb in accented position. 94 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ 104. { = imb-ro-6l) laai;, but timpne { = to-imb-ane) 1^6.21^, for n-imbradud 6b6. The phonetic writings, such as commimis in Wb. 6b2i, shows that the change had taken place then but was not in most cases orthographically expressed. In the prima manus it has adcumbe ^ (carnis) 23d2 2, with accent on the first syllable. The Cambrai Homily has imratib from imb-rddim, but membur, Latin, membrum. The St. Gall codex, p. 2 1 7 margin, has memmbrum jiaue, 'new parchment,' p. 195a, in memr'. § 104. As regards instances, such as cumbae 829 (fr. com + be), this represents the regular condition of things in ML, where the writing mb in accented position, followed by a vowel, is common. Thus imbed, imbiud s6ai3, 71C3, and at 56b9, s6b23, but followed by a consonant, chamdeicsin 55a8, n-imdae 62b23 ; mb h.a.s become mm in immaircide, 'fitting,' 6ibi6. That the change had taken place in Ml. is proved by mec ( = m,bec) 4oa2o, and we have such writings as ambus 75d8 for ammus (?) ; cf. Strachan, CZ. iv. 56. Such an instance of archaic preservation ^ of mb we have in the inscription ^ on the (lost) case of the Book of Durrow, g. Choluimb, which was written for Flann mac Mailsechnaill, who is for the first time men- tioned in the Annals at 876 (d. 915). As for Duibhcombair 771, 786, Maelcombair 789, compare Cill Combair 1031, where the mb is merely a way of writing mm. With regard to cen dimbaig 814, it may be pointed out that the writing of mb for mm in compounds with dim- extended into the middle or even Modern Irish period. Witness the corresponding •oiomt)Ai'6, Dinneen, Irish-English Dictionary, p. 243, and a long list -oiomtJAite^iC, •oiombuATi, etc., p. 244, which are of course pronounced with m{m) — that is written mb for m(m) at least 1,100 years after the change had taken place. In x)omt)tAf (ib. p. 256) ml, and not mbl, is pronounced. The writing imbi is kept late. It occurs in a passage in LU., i3obi9, 20, which con- tains g. Temrach twice, that is, after 914.* Imbirt, imberat occur in the Tain Bo Cuailnge (LU.). 1 Cf. athcumai 626 (poem). " Maelmbuadh 977 beside Maelmuadh may be a way of indicating unaspirated m after accus. Mael, Cf. im Mael mBrigkti. ' See Thes. ii. p. 289. ^ See Declension, Guttural Stems, for change of declension of Temair. § I05.] CONSONANT CHANGES. 95 (13, 14) mr > br ; ml > bl. § 105. Instances : — g. Maile mbracho 621 (cf. Imble- (ard) Breccain 718, 735 (Dom- cho 687, 688, 842). naill) Bricc 688. g. Mrachidi (H and R), 726 {*Brecc 724.) (Tigernach, Mbrachaighe). g. Mruichesaich 729. {^Brecc Berbha 730.) g. mbleguim 732, doomlacht 732. foirddbe * Brecrighe 751. (Cf. a. Corcumruadh 762.) Brecain 764, 780 (Breccan) 781, 821,1 848, etc. Cairge Brachaidhe 834. Ci!>i7ra z>2 Broga ^ (in poem on top of folio 39 b. circ. 850). *Bricc 858, g. Cairge Brachaide 880. g. Broga 878 (cf. Mruig, L. Ardm.), (Corcumbruad 1045). As there are two similar changes I take both together. The material is scarce but pretty valuable as far as it goes. The first instance — mbracho 621 belongs to the later period when the transition was taking place. The instances Mraichidhi 726 and Mruichesaich 729, establish decisively that the change had not taken place by that time. The origin of Brecrighe is doubtful and cannot, I think, be brought into line with mrecht^ brecht? It is, however, important to note that the kindred change of ml to bl was also taking place about this time, compare g. mbleguin 732. Further, it is clear that the change had taken place at Brachaidhe 834, also in g. broga 850 (?), 878. It is remarkable that the proper names in Brec- during the eighth century have no instance of initial mr-. Can it be that we had two roots mrec-, brecc- ? If not, we must conclude that they were, as familiar names, modern- ised by the scribe. Even if we could establish the change as having taken place in the early eighth century we should expect the transi- tion form mbr. Thus the Annals point to 729-834 as the period of ^Accus. corici Aird m- Byecan. ^Cf. im Mruig, L. Ardm. Thes. ii. 263 ; mruig mrecht, Imram Brain. ' Brecc, as far as I know, never occurs £is mrecc. 96 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ io6. transition, but from them alone it is not possible to narrow down the limit any further. § Io6. The Wurzburg glosses have always mr initially. I have not noted any instance of br'^ (for original mr), e.g. mratha i8a22, nirbo mraithem 32di5, mrechtrad 15C2. The St. Gall codex has n. mrechtrad i97aii, 16, g. in mrechtraid i97aii where the m is aspirated.^ Similarly the Ml. Glosses have tri mrechtrad 2d5. A poem in the Codex S. Pauli ^ has mrugaib in an alliterative line. For further instances,* cf. Ascoli under mr. Cath Cairnd Chonaill,^ LU. ii7a7 has moroga, leg. mrogo. The poetry in Longes mac n-Uisnig has mbrogtar (Windisch, i. 2, p. 68) in an alliterative line. The Voyage of Bran '° has mruig 23, 24 ; mroga 56, in the best MSS. In stanza 23 mbrecht in four MSS., brecht \x\orx.. In par. 9 mbrath is found in four MSS., mbradm one. Thus the text belongs at the latest to the period when mr was at the transition stage of mbr. § I07' The only one instance of change of ml to bl, g. mblegiun 732 shows the transition period, with a b developing between m and /. In doomlacht in the same entry (at 732) the change has not taken place,'' and probably did not take place as m and / may have been considered to belong to different syllables ; cf. § 1 00 above. Gorcumruadh occurs at 762, but Corcumudruadh (sic H) at 743 repre- sents an older form of the word which is also written Corcu medruad (with palatal ni). The b in the writing Corcumbruadh 1045 has hardly any significance. The instances g. Imblecho 687, 688, 842 are not valid as here 1 Wb. i8ai5 ar for mraith does not, by itself, count, but there are independent instances of the mr form. 2 This instance is valid as it would of course be possible to distinguish mh from bh. Cf. Mod. Ir. samhradh where the nasal character of the mh is quite distinct. 3 Thes. ii. 295. < The original form of various Irish words with initial br- is still obscure. 'Ed. Stokes, CZ. iii. 214, q.v. for variants. " For variants, v. Meyer, Voyage of Bran, and for further instances of this word cf. Meyer Contrib. bring. 'Compare also Modern Irish domlas < *do + mlas <; *dus-mlass- in which the change never takes place at all. § io8.] CONSONANT CHANGES. 97 the mb and / belonged to different syllables and the reverse change took place, i.e. mb became mm. In the Old Irish incantation in the Codex St. Pauli (Thes. ii. p. 293) mlicht occurs twice. Cf. mliuchtaib Ml. ioobi5, mlichtaib ioob2o. Cf. mblicht in O. Ir. Homily published by Strachan, Eriu iii. I. In Munich Glossary (Thes. ii. p. 43) bUn occurs. This is mleen (MS. m^leri) in Gloss. Philarg. lob (Thes. ii. p. 47). The text Longes mac n-Usnig has no mbligtis (Iri Texte i. 2). Cf. no mbrogtais referred to above where both changes are in the same condition. Imram Bran has mlas, par. 62,1 which seems to be the reading of all the manuscripts. The material from the Annals is not sufficient to indicate the period of the change more exactly than that it takes place sometime be- tween 729 and 834, whilst mbleguin 732 shows the transition stage. (15) Id 11- §108. n. Gillas (= Gildas) 569. g. Aedho Alddain 635, 611. Maccu Delduibh (sic MSS.), 653 ; (Chron. Scot. Telluibh.) Aldfrith 703. g. *Conmeldde 723 (cf lid 712). * Conmaeldae ^726 {Conmelde, R). Aldchu 724. [a. Aedh Allan ^ 733.] Alddan 736. \Aedh Ollan 733 in late hand.] Alddan 737, n. Olddain 742, g. {Allan j^j, a gloss.] Aldain 742. (Cf. dollotar 758, poem.) *Aildobur 756, 799. Caille (Tuidbig) 761. \*Edalbald (King of Saxons) 756.] [Alkellach 770.] Aldchu * 786, g. Alddain 786, 787. *Ellbrigh (abbatisa) 784. *Mael-doborchon 827 (cf. Notlaic 817). 1 Ed. Meyer. ^ G. of Cu-mael-de. 3 This entry is a gloss in late Irish and has not accus. n. Aedh Ollan is added in a late hand. Hennessy printed both without pointing this out. ^F. M. Aladhchu 782. 7 98 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ 109. Co h- anumaloit^ 835. g. Alddailedh (sic H) 835. Coille {Follamhain) 850, 884. Raith Aldain 851, Uamh Achaidh Alddai"^ 862. g. Aldniadh {innseo Clothranii) g. Duin Caillenn 864. 870. g. Duin Chaillden '872. (Cf. cadla 882.) '^Mac Allacain 913. Aeda Allain 914 (poem), Ragh- nall^ 913, 916, 917. (Cf. Adlai 947.) * Maelcallan 922, J/ac Allchon 953- *Gilla 976,982 (cf. ^7/(/i2f,Corm.). § 109. Evidence of other texts : — The Cambrai homily contains no instance of Id or //. The Wb. glosses: 8d26, umaldoit ; 2a23, maldactin ; 4C19, bes meldach less ;^ 3C4, accaldam ; 9di7, act mad melltach lass ; 4d4, accaltam ; c^d.2T„ diammaldackae, maldachad ; i2a25, is dildiu^ etc. There is no instance in the Wb. glosses of Id having become //, and the writings melltach and accaltam, in which t is written for d, prove clearly that the change had not then taken place. The St. Gall glosses contain the following examples : 38ai2, colde'' = hazel (gl. colurnus), 34a4, etaldai ;'' 35bio, coldde ; 33bs, muldae ; 2gai, 4, do accaldmaiche ; 3obio, inchernaldai. I have no instance of Id having become // in Sg. In the F^lire of Oengus the instances of Id are rare : geldu, Aug. 20 (in all MSS.) ; ceoldai, Jan. 22 ; at Ap. 4 Stokes restores dine, the MSS. have dlle, dille, alaind, of which I think the last is correct. ^Cf. Wb. 635, umaldoit. ^Cf. Alia, Meyer, Contrib. ; uaim Alia 1063, mac Altai LL. 394b; also R.C. xii. 58, p. 12. ^ Dunkeld in Perth. « King of the Dubgaill = Raginald, Reginald. ^ Cf. Goth, mildeis, ' mild '. ^ Cf. alind, Wb. 7CI, 22313, 3'^l>35. ' There are instances of adjectives formed from nouns with the adjectival ending -de (-dae), -da. It is doubtful whether in these instances d ever became assimilated to I. Cf. Gallda in Modern Irish. This latter word may, how- ever, have been formed at a time when the law had worked itself out. § no.] CONSONANT CHANGES. 99 At Prol. 133, n. pi. aim, MSS. ; aidbli L, alle F, aille LB, Jan. 9, dildi. At Ep. 83 the gen. aille is the reading of all the MSS. Com- pare mell, "an error," p. 10 (Introduction), where the //appears to be original. Cf. Pedersen, p. 85, who compares mellaim with Lett, me'ls-t. The Milan glosses: 5804, dobert maldachta ; 57d9, populdaib ; 62bi3, Cdldai ; 62bi6 na Cdld ; 68C14, z7/t/a/ ( = plural) ; 7oa8, 87b6, feuldae, immusacaldat, 62, etc. Ml. 63dis has lase nad reil- dissemni, for which read -reillissemni^ from *ro-iilnissem, cf. Ml. 74a3, asrulensat >■ as-ro-len- fr. aslena, ' he pollutes '. This in- stance points to confusion of Id, II. Strachan (CZ. iv. 55) con- sidered this the only proof that Id had become // in the Milan glosses. If we compare (in Ml.) gell, 'a pledge,' with O. Norse gjald, ' payment,' Ger. Geld, we have an instance of original Id having become // at the end of a word. I have not noted any other instances. Cf. ro-leldar. Ml. 96013, with LU. 43b22 co-ruildetar, for which H has co-ruileatar. The Voyage of Bran ^ has nuld, par. 34 (sic E), meld, 39 (sic MS. R, meallt, E), all the other MSS. have mell in these instances. Geldod (=gel-dathT) Tfo (sic RB, geltotW). Par. 61 accaldaim but nisnaicilled. These instances show that the change had not taken place by the time the Voyage of Bran was written down. In a poem ^ by Fingen macFlainn (circ. 850) aid occurs, but it is likely a misspelling for alt. § no. The material of the Annals shows that Id was preserved well into the second half of the 9th century. The last instance of Id is Dun Chaillden * 872. That the change had at any rate then taken place is shown by the occurrence of the same word. Dun Caillenn, at 864. One instance, and possibly two, indicate the phonetic change of original Id to // as having taken place much earlier, viz. caille 76 r, Allcellach 770. The latter instance is doubtful, as there is no evi- dence that the all- in Allcellach is from original aid-, since it does not so occur elsewhere. There is a possibility that it may be the same as aid- in Ald-chu 724, 786, in which latter instance it has not changed to all. The Id oi Alddain aXso occurs at 786, 787, 851, and 1 Cf. also Ml. 63ai4, arruneillestaar, * See Meyer's edition. ' See Meyer, Archiv iii. p. 293. * Dunkeld in Perth, Scotland. 100 CONSONANT CHANGES. • [§iii. all the earlier instances of this name with // are (in H i . 8) due to glosses in an earlier hand. If the original of caille 761 is not due to similar sources (which we have no sufficient reason to conclude, seeing the general accuracy of the Annals about this time), the phonetic change of original Id to // must have begun by the second half of the 8th century. The g. Coille occurs at 850. The dative of this word occurs in "The King and Hermit "^ as cw'/i^, which goes back to *kaldi (cf. Lat. calHs, Ger. holz, O. IceL, etc., holt), and which, if genuine (cf. §111 and n. i), points to this text as being very old. The instances gell and reildissemni (63di5) in the Ml. glosses and the evidence of the Felire point also to an early date of the change. It may further be urged that those words which show Id are mostly personal names where the old spelling would be longer preserved (cf. § 57)- § III. It would probably be best to consider the twoicases separ- ately : (i) the change of original Id to //, which took place first, and (2) that of syncopated IdXa II, which took place soon afterwards. Instances of Id by syncopation are accaltam Wb. 4d4, etc., umaldoit Wb. 6a5, omalldoit Turin 60. This word umaldoit, which comes (through British) from Latin (h)umilitat-, appears as [an-)umaloit 835, in which the d has fallen as in Mod. Irish. The disappearance of the d (here in an unaccented syllable) is hardly parallel with the change of Id to //, but I give it for purposes of comparison. It is noticeable that Id is (with the exception of nd) the only one of the O. Ir. consonant groups which is extensively preserved in the Mid. Ir. manuscripts of O. Ir. texts, e.g. aildiu maigib LL. 2 7sb43 (Story of Mor Muman), /?« cailde (?), CZ. iii. 239, Tochmarc Emire. Such instances probably induced the scribe (Gilla Riabhach O'Clery) to use Id in words which ought to have // as Colum cilde, etc.; meild Sla^n Seiss LL. 49bi6; aid hh. soa, 21, 29, etc. Id has become // in Serglige Conculaind, e.g. illdnach (Wi. i. § 33), ' of many gifts ' ; fr. il-ddn-. § 112. In fixing an inferior limit for the date of the change we must bear in mind that Id became // in foreign borrowings, such as O. Norse. * Reginald- (cf. O.H.G. Raginald, Regenald, later Icel. 1 Ed. Meyer, from Harleian MS. 5280 (Brit. Mus.), written by Gilla Riabhach O'Clery. § 114.] CONSONANT CHANGES. loi Rognvaldr), with which the Irish could not have become familiar before the middle of the 9th century, has changed Id to // in Ragnall (913), and which shows that the law was a living force in the second half of the 9th century. I have no instance of Gilla as a personal name before 976, Gilla colaim, and 982 Gilla Patraic mac Imhair, after which it is common; cf. LU. S5a36, 6ob36, 663.2. The de- rivation of ^lla, gilldae is uncertain ; some have suggested O. Norse gildr, " of full worth," " one serviceable ". The word gilla also occurs commonly in Fled Bricrenn, Serg. Conculaind. § 113. The change of Id to II shows an important development in O. Ir. pronunciation. The resulting sound was probably, as in Modern Irish, //, a single sound. It is not clear whether original // was pronounced as one (" double " //) sound or no. It is probable in any case that it had fallen together with // from Id and // from In by the time of the change. Initial unaspirated / is written double in dollotar 768 (poem). Instances of this are common|in the O. Ir. texts of LU. The date of the kindred change of dl to // cannot be easily decided owing to the orthography which, as in Mod. Ir., has dl. There is the same difficulty with regard to the change of dn to nn, as in ciadna ; pron. ceanna. (16) In >11. §114- Cuilne 551, a. Eilne 562. giallno 562, Amalngado 591. *Daill 607. a. Chuilne 617, mogalna^ (?) 621 *Sillani'^ 618. (poem). Raghallaigh 648, Raghallaich 655 (late). Rogaillnigh 653, Telnain 657. [Domus)* Tailli 6']i. g. Silni 664,^ g. Eilne 689 (g. of Rogatlligh6'}(){}i.,hniRogail-'R). Eilinn ?).* 1 Probably corrupt. ^ Cf. Silnan Thes. ii. pp. 276, 277, 278. 3 Cf. Martyr. Donegal, nth Nov. * Cf. g. Bilni 708, and v. n. 4, next page. I02 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§115. Chualne 6go, Balni'^ 693. *ConaiUP 687 (poem), Duin Ollaigh 685. Duin Onlaig 6^"], Onlaig ■] 00. [*Domnall 693, 727, 758, 783, etc.) Rogallnigh^ 704, (campd) Eilni^ 708. Silni 710, «. Amhalngaidh 717. Ollaigh (= Onlaigh) 713. na ggiallne 720. il-loch 718. Rogellnaich 721. *Theille^ 725, g. Ollaigh 733. g. Amhalghaidh 736, g. Amal- gado 740. g. Amalgaidh 741, ai/ZifZ'/i *n-aill 746. g. Cuilnige mare '] 62. *mic Fallaigh 751, //-/i2« /«/?rfl 769. Balni 779, Ailngnad 780. n. Amalgaid 790. «. Rogaillnech 814, hi foigaillnaig Niall Cailli^ 832. (^eg. fogiallnaig) 830. fianlach'' 846. ?V &<:;% « 844, dallad 286. Rogaillnich 872, Rogaillnech 883. T,o, Rogaillnich '&1'2., Rogaillnech 883. The last two, however, may be mere archaic survivals as Amalngaid 912. Such spellings are common even among modern Irish writers, thus guailne ^ for guaille {guailli) and our Mod. Irish dictionaries give also such forms {guailne) that is with In for // more than a thousand years after the change had taken place. Domnall 702, 731, etc. is doubtful. It is Latinized g. Domnallis, Vit. Columb. 69b. Perhaps *Domno-uallos {?)<^ Dumno-ualnos. The variation with single / in gen. Domnail ib. 1 08a is peculiar. Cf. Cerball 6^0, 693, Fallomon 824, Follomhon 828, 829. Shall we com- pare irrufollnastar Wb. i3b29 'in which he has reigned'? Other texts : Vita Columbae g. Campi Eilni (Thes. ii. 277) ; Kailli au inde (?) (ib. p. 278) is doubtful. A place name g. Cainle dXsQ occurs. 1 DunoUy in Scotland. 2 We should probably more correctly read Callann as the treatment of the combination Ind. was different. See note 6, p. 102. 3v. An Claidheamh Soluis, 24th October, 1908, etc. 104 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ ii6. In the Cambrai Homily the change had not taken place. In- stances : comalnnamar, colnide. In the bulk of the Wb. codex the change had not taken place. Instances : chomalnad 2b26, comall- nad 2CI4, comollnither zciy, cholnide 3C38, chollno 3di, a aellnad (to pollute it) 8d6, cholno 6b4, irrufollnastar isbzg, atmuilniur 18012, lie uilnech 2ic6. Inna builnni I7d2, Mod. Ir. builli \& probably a case of original In.. Exceptions in Wb. : atballat Wb. 9d6 probably comes from a present stem *-baln- ^ and is an early instance of this change. The treatment of dildiu, Wb. 1 2a2 5, is peculiar. Here we have a combina- tion of Ind, with a fall of n between / and d"^ whilst d was still pro- nounced. At all events Id is the result which does not change to // before the general change of syncopated Id to //, i.e. after the time of the Milan glosses. Cf. aildi, Ml. 32a2 2, ara aildi ade. Thus we see that the change was beginning in Wb. in case of original In but not in the case of syncopated In. In the St. Gall glosses In had not changed to //.■ e.g. 38a5 tolnaid, an artificer; iiob2, comalne = dropsy, hut pallnacdib, Pal- lacine 2i7a4, and possibly alaill 96a4, etc. The Carlsruhe gl. Priscian have comalnae. In the Milan glosses, however, the change had taken place : 74d5 arrocomallus, 8id4 rocomallad, Sgbii comallaibther . Also at 94bi, 3, 4; 74C20, 6205, 82ds follaither'^-su (gl. regis); 6obi6, inchollugud^ Crist; d^i^i^, sechis arruneillestar ; ^ 6c)h6 dofuilled, ir. to-fo-lin-. Exceptions in Ml. : before g: 69d7 etuailngigedar, and 6od4, 7 fulngaf. II before n .- follnaither goag, and 98bio induillnedche * ' voracity '. Tochmare Emire, ed. Meyer, CZ. iii. 244 has a word Tailne, Taillne ; duilnib, LL. 49b37 (Slan Seiss). In the Feilire (a.d. 808) the only instance I have noted has In : 1 So Stokes. But the change of In coming together by syncope would be later. 2 Cf. Thurneysen, CZ. v. i ; further diltud, from di-sluindi where U results from the combination -slnd-. Cf. loss of n between r and d. 3 Cf. Wb. z^higfollnastar. * Cf. Wb. 4d27 incholnichto. 5 From as-lena, he pollutes : cf. 63di5 lase nadrdldissemni, and see above Id. ''Cf. Ml. gSbii arindolintaigi. §ii8.J CONSONANT CHANGES. los reim calm ' of the Calends,' Prol. 305, and as this is rather an artificial form, much cannot be built on it. § II7. Thus our evidence serves to show that the change had not taken place by the time of the Wb. and St. Gall ^ glosses but may have begun for original In. It had taken place by the time of the Milan glosses, though it had not worked itself out fully for all words. The entry in the Annals Ntall Cailli 832 serves to fix the inferior limit of the change. (17) nd §118. g. Illaind 526, g. Cuilind 548. g. Brendain 575, 600 ; g. Elandon 586, 621. irandhal {?) 604 (poem), Lindair 621. Midind 62^, adrandat 622 (poem). muilind 650, tuirind 650. Forindain 628, 651 ; Deletid 656. Condire 658. morgaind662, alatnd66i (poem), find'^ 661 (poem), Ckuind 662, Cuandai 676, 700. Coraind 682, ScandaW^ 689. Forfrend 6^2, 724, Boendo^ 692. Crandamnai 695. > nn. Fmm'o ^48, [/inniam ^jS. donaib 603 (poem), lann 624 (poem). Mainn^ 643, a muilinn 650 (poem). thuirinn 650, Fortrinn 653. Crunntnail 646, 653, 655. tnna 661 (fol. 24 a poem).^ g. Finnani 659, *glinne 659. Scannail 665, Flainnesso 665, Erend 66'; (late spelling). finn^ 669,670; Crunnmail 610, 687 (poem). Pante 674, il laind (abae) 675. (cf. Loairnn 6t;), Finnbair 683. Crannamhna 688, Flainn 690. ina 694 (poem), Finnguine"^ 694, 720. 1 But cf. pallnacdib 21734 referred to above. 2Cf. Find- in Thes. Pal. Hib. ii. pp. 272, 275, 276, 277, 284, Vit. Colurab., also Gaulish uindos and Fiacc Find, Thes. ii. pp. 241, 242. See note 5. 3 Cf. Scandal, Vit. Columb. Thes. Pal. ii. p. 281. * In H the is written into the t and it may be read Boento, cf. g Boanta 838. " Cf. Fland Feblae, L. Ardm. Thes. ii. p. 242, additions to Tirechan's notes. " Not printed by Hennessy. ' Also with one n, Finguinne 728. io6 CONSONANT CHANGES g. Olaind 710 (Olainn, R). Condi if) 710, Condalach 716. Indrechtach 722, 731. [§ 118. Condere 725. d. pi. dendib 726. g. Ualand 730 {Ualann, R). Flaind 731. «a ^- 696, Crunnmail 699, Forannan 697. J7<2«;2 699, 711, 716; g. ^?>««- Mrr 702. Cualann 703, 708, 714 ; g. Cenitinso^ 717. Loairn 718; g. Finnglinne 718. innred 720 (indred, R) ; g. Cuannai 720, />2«« 720. Cuinnles'^ 723, Flann 727; C«a- /fl;z(f 730 (late spelling). Cf. g. Cualann^ 726, 732, 733, and note ^. g. Finnguine 734, 737, 741. Flann 731, 732, ']2)'i^Loairnd^']2,2. Dun leithfinn 733. Caintigernd^ 733. Flainn 734, Crunnmail 735. Indreachtaig 731. g. Gertindi 735. Etarlinddu 735 (H), Etarlindu Cuinn 737. 735- Noindenaigh 737. Fernbeand 'J2,'] (Fernbeann R) (cf. Gaul. Canto-bennum). Crundmhaili2,?>(Crunnmhail,~SC). Flann 738, 739. Fland Feblae 739 {Fldd, H). Secndi 739 (H), Sechndi (R). Indrechtach 740. Flaind 742, 753 (R Flainn). tiugrand 742. Brendain^ 743, Fernand 748. g. Flainn 740. Innrechtach 742, Cualann 742. dianommansed 742 (poem) for diandomansed. Cualand 743, Cuilinn 744. Forannan 744. ^ Cf. Cenondas, L. Arm. Thes. ii. p. 266. *Cf. Cuindless, Christian Inscriptions j. fig. ii. (Thes. ii. p. 286). ' G. Cualann, in a poem in the Codex S. Pauli Thes. ii. p. 295, fr. u. Cualu, and Latin form Coolennorum, L. Arm. Thes. ii. 259. ^ Cf. Loam, L. Arm. Thes. ii. p. 271 ; Loarnn 764, Loairn 718 and Gaul. = Cf. Fortchernn, L. Arm. Thes. Pal. Hib. ii. p. 270 (422) ; Life of Columbae, Thes. Pal. ii. p. 278, g. Fortgirni. ^Cf. Vita Columbae, Thes. ii. pp. 277, 279, 281, etc. § ii8.] CONSONANT CHANGES. 107 DubMabhairend 745, Indreac- Flann 747. taigh 747 {Indrechtaig, R). Findin'^ 751, Forindain 751, 755. Indrechtach 751, Fhlaind 753. Flainn 754, 757; /««jtf (5(? ;f;z«« 754- Linde 756. Condam 759. g. Endai^ 759. //««« 762, Finnglaisi 762, /«/- riVzwis * 763. Dubinnrecht 765, 767, 798. Fernand 768, Nindedo 768. Brendain 769, g. Oland 770, Fiainn "jSg (his), inna ^y 5, g. s. i. phraind 11\. ina 771. /«(f 776. Brennainn 772. fhinn 775, Conna 778, Flannabra, Finn 777. Dubhinnrecht 780, Scannal 781. Cenond 785. Innrechtach 783, 789, 796 ; Mann 783- Noennenaigh 783, Mughthigernd 784, g. Cualand 787. Faindelaigh 792, Dindanaigh 792, ;zfl 789, a;^« 792. indreth 793. Condmach 797, 803. Finnglaisi 795, Forinnan "jgj. indreda 798, Dindataigh 798. Crunmael ']()6, Finnubhrach 798.^ Indrechtaigh 798, Nindidh 800. Finshnechta, Finsnechta 796, ^?>z« 796. Brendain 801, 806 ; Condmach Airfhinnan 802. 806. Findubhrach^ 808, indred 808. Connmach 805. a«(/ 808, Flaind 808. Ceninnus 806, Finbil 808. Cenindsa 813, a;z(/« 814, ?«(f2 Finnglaise 811. 814 (ref. to cluain cremd). ^ Cf. Findan, Thes. ii. pp. 25S, 287. 2 Cf. £«£ie, L. Arm. Thes. ii. pp. 267, 268 ; 263, 264 (Lat. Endeus), 281. 3 Cf. Findubrec L. Arm. Thes. ii. p. 261. * It rhymes with Uilinne. Cf. various forms of the word at 650. io8 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ 1 18. Boinde 817, Andola 717. tighi Mundu 816. ind lochae 817, ind ^ eich 819,821. Cendin 822, Forindain 823, Findubrach 823, 828. Fland 824, Brenaind 825. Mundu 827, indred ill. Cuilind, minda 830. Forindan 835, indnu 835. Finndubrach 837. / ;^(fo«, Forindan 838. Flaind 840. Brendain 843. Finndubrach abae 844, 906. Calaind 845 (poem). Forindan 845, 847, 868. Indrechtach 848. Lomaind 850. Z/«i/ Duachail 850, z'»^z' 935. Lindae ?>^\, Fland Zs,'^. *Bannaig 814, Scannlain 817, aband 817. Dubinnrecht 817, ««/? 818. Crunnmael 820. /««« 821 (bis), Crunnmail ?>2(i. Flannabra 824. Forannan 829, h-Eirind &'^o (late spelling). Scannlain 833, 834, ««;z(7;2 834 (R = indon). Finnubhrach 833. Connmhach 836. Boinn 836, 841. Crunnmhael 838. g. Fortrenn 838. Duiblinn 841, linnae 841. Forannain 842. Connmhach 845, 846, /?'««« 845. fl!«« 849, g. Rechrand 849. Flann 852. T^zVz;^ 856 (poem). (Cf. g. Etmonn ^ 974.) § 118. There is no characteristic of Irish orthography which has survived so long as the writing of «^ for ra«. Throughout the Middle Irish period ;«i/ was written where ?z« was pronounced, not only for original «^ but also for original ^«. This, of course, makes the in- vestigation of the time of the change of «^ to «« very difficult, and we must, in considering this subject, not forget that the writing of nd for ^« survives even to the present day. Accordingly, we must take for our criteria, not the survival of nd in orthography, but rather the confusion in writing, of nd for ' For a further list of forms, see Article, p. 123. • King of the Saxons. § ii8.] CONSONANT CHANGES. 109 original nn, taken in connection with the earliest appearance of nn for original nd. As orthography follows pronunciation more or less slowly, we may expect to find that a certain condition of things is frequently not represented in writing until long after the phonetic change had taken place. Starting with 700 we find the first clear cases of confusion ^ of nd for nn at Cualand 730, but Cualann 703, 708, 714, Loairnd^ 732, and in the following year 733 Caintigernd. This spelling of rnd for original rn indicates a confusion between nd and nn at that time. The pronunciation is probably best represented by Loairnn at (677), 762. It is not clear that there was not a confusion also between rnd and rnn in the pronunciation as well as in the orthography of the period, and nd may have then actually developed and been pro- nounced after r. In this connection the fact is worth considering that we actually find rd written for rn in later Old Irish, e.g. Serglige Conculaind, Ir. Texte, i. 218, sin card rhyming with arm? This could have come from a pronunciation carnd, as n falls between r and d as weU as between / and d in Old Irish.* Even supposing that nd was the final sound of Loairnd at 732, the entry Loarnn at 764 shows that at that time the sound was nn. As regards the earliest appearances of nn from nd we have abundant instances of it from 700 onwards. Thus Fland with original nd\^ written flann^ at 699, 711, 716, 727, 732, 733, 734(g), 738, 739, side by side with g. Flaind 731, Fland 739, and of course the nd is written at a much later period. Other early instances of nn ^ Olaind 708, Ualand 730, are doubtful. I cannot find the word in any Early Irish text. ^ Cf. Loairn 718, Loarnn 764, Gaul. Lover iiios. ^ Cf. also in same piece S.C. 31 (Ir. Texte, i. 218), ni maird for ni mairn, 3rd sing, of present mairnim, I betray ; pres. subj. tneraid. * Cf. Thurneysen, Zeit. fiir Celt. Phil. vol. v. p. i, for a discussion on this subject. * We cannot lay overmuch stress on the spelling of a common word like Flann by itself, as it may be on a parallel with the writing oiAeda for Aedo in the early 8th century. Fland Feblae occurs in L. Ardm. (Thes. ii. 242), in the additions to Tirechan's Notes on the Life of S. Patrick. This text has e, ea, and ia and belongs to the very early eighth century. Cf. Introduction to Thes. ii. xv. It also has indi, Endae, andooit Naindid, find, and (bis), dothoorund, durind, but donn, Crimthunn, etc. If Fland had not original nd then the confusion would indicate that the change had taken place at the time of the Notes. no CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ 119. for ndaxt Forannan'^ 697, Finnbarr^ 702, Ceninnso 717, Finnglinne 718, Cuinnles 723, whilst^. Cuandai viith nd a.t 676, 700 is Cuannai at 720. Later on, Zz'i^we 762, but Linde 756, Noennenaigh 783, Noindenaigh 737, Flannabre 777, a derivative oi Fland. In pretonic position «if occurs in the gen. fem. of the article m«a 720, g. pi. na 696. On the other hand the dat. pi. dendib occurs at 726. Nom. fem. and gen. masc. ind occur throughout the Old Irish period. For a full list, see Declension, the Article, p. 123. There is no instance of;f«rffrom 661 till 751 (in composition), Findin, y^^xAiX Finn occurs at 669, 670, and often in composition. § 119. The evidence of the Annals on this point certainly goes to show that the phonetic change — at least, of nd to nn — had taken place by the beginning of the 8th or the end of the 7th century, and we cannot safely trust the Annals ^ much earlier. The change of nd to nn is of a similar nature to the change of mb to mm, and it is not unlikely that both changes took place in Irish about the same time, though the evidence of other texts is rather against this. But though the phonetic change (of nd to nri) had probably taken place by the early part of the 8th century we find nd distinguished from nn in orthography till a much later time. § 120. In the bulk of the glosses of the Wb. codex nd is not con- fused with nnJ^ Instances are abundant:' mo chlainde 6ai9, in bendachad 5d23, 7b2i, frissalind 1&% eland 2C12, 2id6, scribinnd \<^2lt^o, rinnd I3d25. Exceptions: pronn,^ '^ihz 2, in dainn'' sb33, re proinn^ 28020, no finnatar'^ 29a28, Sans, vinddti, cf. S. vSda, L. video. 1 Foyannan seems a late form owing to weak vowel ; cf. Forindain 751, 755. ^ See Zimmer, Kuhn's Zeitschrift xxxii. 160, 173. ^ See chapter on the Sources of the Annals. There are some possible late entries in the first half of the 8th century. * Cf. Thurneysen, Zeitschr. Celt. Phil. i. 346. ^ For further examples of nd in Wb. glosses cf. Pedersen : Aspirationen i Irsk, p. no. ^ From Latin prandium. ' Strachan reads in clainnd, and compares scribinnd, Wb. I5a30. For form, cf. W. plant, L. planta. 8 Cf. Strachan, Zeitschr. Celt. Phil. iv. p. 55. '■> A phonetic spelling, the derivation of the word having been overlooked. § 122.] CONSONANT CHANGES. m Loss of d is found between n and g and n and ch in Wb. The gen. sing, and n. pi. of the article has become nn in Wb. glosses : inna lobri 6C23, inna aithissi 6C29, etc. All this shows that the change of nd to nn, in certain positions at least, such as in pretonic words, had taken place by the time that the bulk of the Wb. codex was written. The occasional instances of nn for original nd (in Wb.) also seem to me to indicate that, phonetically, the change had taken place throughout, though nd was sufficiently familiar to remain the standard form. For the writing of nd we may, moreover, compare the writing of mb in accented syllables, '^ with the exception already referred to — commimis 6b2i. § 121. In the FeHre of Oengus ^ the manuscripts vary very much. As nd and nn were promiscuously written for one another throughout the Middle Irish period the value of the readings of manuscripts written during this time is considerably obscured. In this respect the investigation of the change of tid to nn is entirely different from the other consonant changes, such as mb to mm, Id to //, as in the latter cases the original spellings entirely disappear after a certain time. The evidence of the manuscripts of the Felire points clearly in some instances to nd having become nn, and in some cases, such as glind, June 3, aU the MSS. have nd for original nn. Thurneysen,^ more- over, proves by the rhyme of nd with an original // (thus : finde — Basille, May 17 ; finde — Bilk, August 8 ; clainde — daille Epil., 509) that nd had become nn by the time of the Felire (circ. 808). § 122. The St. Gall glosses have preserved nd except in the gen. fem. and plural of the article, which has nn, e.g. 9a6 inna, g. pi. na 9ai9, 2ai inna, 4ai, etc., and the exceptions masculinni Syaij, ansom = andsom I5ia4. Examples are : 9ai dindi as, 9312 dofoirnde (cf. 9ai 6 iar indigbait), 9a2 1 hi scribiunt, 2 2 hi scribunt, ^\)\ sluindid, 2a7 ind inducbail, 3bi5, 6b28 ind rann,^ 3bi8 ind toraind, cruindae, 4ai inna toranda, 4b4 indib, Sa23 inbindius, ndondfoirde 26ai2, 42a4 condeilgg, p. 1 14 margin bendacht, 28b6 dlaind. The instances 1 mh is generally written mm in unaccented syllables in Wb. Cf. the instances given above and 8bg immidradi, 535 immarchor chore, but ioai2. 2 In Stokes' edition for the Bradshaw Society nd is restored. 3KZ. xxxvii. 55. * Cf. F61ire. On the other hand torand 26bi2, 15, etc. 112 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ 123. scribunt, scribiunt point to a pronunciation nd with the usual Old Irish writing of t for d} The reason for this in the St. Gall glosses is not clear, except that it be owing to a different dialect or to glosses of a different date. We may compare, however, the writing of -nt for -nd in the article in St. Gall thus : isint aimsir I4bi3, int aithlaichtho 66c5, isint erchru 3od27, etc. ; cf. Strachan, CZ. iv. 62. The phonetic value of this nt is not clear. As already pointed out, in a good many respects the St. Gall glosses show evidences^ of very archaic Irish. § 123. The Milan glosses have for the most part preserved nd. For example, 99d4 huand londas, 65C16 tor and, torund ; 67ci condalb, 67C12 indithern, 59d4 domundaib^ 59^17 londasa, (ioh\forbanda, ind anmandai. As Wb. has instances of nd having become nn it is hardly necessary to point out the following forms : — In Ml. nd has become nn at ggbio, amal nad finnatar 26di2, g. pi. article passim, 2 9b8 tororansom, " he signified," < to-ro-rand-, 3oa8 (and passim) donaib. Also 3ob2, i8d2, 140C2 atamgrennat, chlainn 91017, rinn i45d3, dilgiunn 33C5, tinnagat ^■^3l2o, I26di2 ; doinnastar 30C17, tinnacul <)2,6l6, 96d6, 97a7, etc. With single n, dain 23di2, etc. § 124. As regards the earlier texts we have nd in the Book of Armagh. The following are instances from the biblical glosses * of this book : condid, tarsende, etc., indloingtis, sluindim, lindae, indeb, but inna luae ' of the steer,' conid, dunaib. In the place names in L. Arm. we find the following forms : Findubrecc, Alo Find, Cenondas, Find-maige, *Cainnechus Endi, Lee Benndrigi, Boindeo, *Gluinn, Findglaiss ; .and in the Irish notes in the same book : leth-indli, *mennut, Endi, Endae, andooit, find, immindraitsef, Naindid, and Hand, tlioorund, rind. 1 Cf. mp for mh in the Wiirzburg glosses. ^ Cf. aw, p. 70, n. 3, and their treatment olaui above. Cf. also Strachan in RC. xx. igi, 295, and Zeit. Celt. Phil. iv. 470, " in an isolated point like the use oi forsa not fora it seems more archaic than Wb." » But cf. in Modern Irish n + adjectival suffix da remaining nd, thus miondaig- heacht. In sean-duine, however, nd'^nn, pron. seannidne. Cf. eanduine, pr. eannuine. * See Thes. Pal. Hib. i. 494 and foil. * Most probably original nn. § 124.] CONSONANT CHANGES. 113 In Adamnan's Life of Columba : Find, Pint . . . Lathrag indent Finnio ^ (io6b), Findchanus, Kailli au inde, Fendae. Thus from the preceding early Irish texts we may conclude (i) that nd had become nn in pretonic position, e.g. in the cases of the article, by the time of these texts, that is, by about a.d. 700 ; (2) that nd had not become nn in words with full stress. To this there is the possible exception of Finnio? This word appears as Uiniana, Adamnan, S3b, Uinniani, in the Carlsruhe Beda (Thess. ii.), Finnio, in the Stowe Missal, and A.U. 548, Uinniani, A.U. 578. At 775 it has Uiniani, R Finniani. At 858 comarba Finnio, 890 minna Finnia, 943 comarba Finnia, 972 comarba Finnen ; Chron. Scot., Finnian 551, Finniani e^iZ. Columbanus,* at 600, referred to Vennianus. It is note- worthy that in some of the cases the word occurs with single n. Zimmer (KZ. xxxii. 160) equates Finnio with Findbarr, Finnbarrfi Thumeysen (CZ. i. 347) explains the nn of this word as being due to the Welsh form of the name * * Winnion or *Guinion, where the change of nd to nn took place at a much earlier period, and compares the diphthong in adjectival forms firian, firion, firin, borrowed from W. gwirion. The Cambrai Homily contains the following instances : assindber, assindbeir, oire nundem, indarbe, duhdaib, but i pennit. The Annals put the change very early, and even if we except such common names as Flann we still find the change at 702, 717, 718, 720. As regards such a foreign word as Etmonn 974, it may have been borrowed whilst the sound change was active. As the writing nd was so common it could in any case become nn by analogy. ' " Perhaps for Lathreg Finden, gen. sg. of Finnio, injra io6b. If so, lathreg is a fern, form of the masc. (or neut.) lalhrach." — Stokes. 2 Cf. Uinniani, Carlsruhe Beda ; Finnio, in the Stowe Missal. 2 See Thurneysen, CZ. p. 346, and v. above the sources, § 15. < Mon. Germ. Hist. Epistolae, iii. 156, and v. CZ. i. 346. " Cf Finnbarr, A.U. 702. * A similar ending occurs in Macnio 708, 779, Maccnia 701, but g. macniadh 751, Cathnio 769, Cathnia 793. But must we necessarily take Finnio, Ven- nianus as a derivative from find- ? 114 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§ 125. (18) th>dh. § 125. th becomes dh in unaccented syllables. Instances : — -Rncath 485, Duncath 575. Losnado 486. .g. Tueth 614 (R, Tut'Ca), Duncath n. Dunch'A.'dx 650, 676, 679, 682. 620, loscoth 642. J)uncath 646, 653 ; Uloth 646, n. Dunchadh 658 (H), Cinn- cocath 1 648. garadh ^659. g. DunchaXha 669, 673, 699, 700. g. Duncha.iho'^ 680, Nieth 687, n. doirad 6t(). 692. Cinngarath 688, Cathboth 700. n. Conchad 691, Duncadho 706. Ulath 701, Ulaith 702, 711. foxaadth 702 (H, R), Dunchzth slogadh 706, 714 [sloghadK], 706. Maeleanfaidh 709. ir(?.y), Feroth^ "jii. Murchadho 727, 736, 748; (?a- ra^,^ 731. coscrath 732, Calathros 735. coscradh 732, DunchzAo 734, 5/«nc^ada 775. 777- ^con + cath. 'i MS. Ducha, leg. Dunchatho ? 3 There may be a double accent on these words. With Sithmaith cf. CoJ- teiA 730, 770, etc., Bodbraith 773, Forbflaith Tjg, but Gormlaidh 947. * This appears to be the MS. reading : foroiret — Hennessy. '^ Kingarth in Bute — Hennessy. § 126.] CONSONANT CHANGES. "5 Monoth 781. Ulaith 783, Febordatth^ 785. Cinaeth 789. ^ndreth 793. Cinngaradh 775, conbadh 775. Donnchad 777, 779, 783. flechodh 776, coccadh 776, 777. g. Flaithniadh 780, Fochlado 784. &7a(f 789, cathchoscradh 790. Cinaedh 792, innred 792, /m- <:«(/ 794. lomradh 794, Murchad 798, 806. Dunchad 802, sluaiged 803 (margin). slogad 804, 807 ; Cinaedha 805, 807. indredh 808, Z7/a/(/ 808, indred 8ir, 821. Uladh 808, Cinaedh 813, slogad 813, 814, 819. loscadh 815, fothud 818. (cf. ^% 890. g. 67(?M 894, 897 ; in-eisriuth 892. d. brisiuth 901, (& innriuth 915. ^1? indriuth 941. § 126. I have not thought it necessary to collect instances of ^/^ in the later periods as it is very common. Final -/^ is pretty frequent tUl 732, which has both coscrath and coscrad. After this there are no instances ^ of /"-^ for a long period until it is revived in the 9th century, and preserved as late as 901 in brisiuth 915, 941. The spelling .Z7^i//% (g. pi.) is very common during the 9th century, and seems an ' With accent also on -daith. ^ To rhyme with cath. •' Except poetical forms such asforoireth. ii6 CONSONANT CHANGES. [§127. artificial one both as regards the o and the -th. This spelling must be a borrowing from early 8th century documents. The change of -th to -dh in unaccented syllable belongs clearly, according to the Annals, to the early 8th century. We find -th, how- ever, preserved in poetry at 777 and again at 839. Most of the earlier instances are indecisive, as the final -ath- or -ad is expressed by a contraction thus : -outicli 706, which may be either one or the other {th, d). We have, however, some clear instances of final -ad in DuvLcado 706, coscra.d 710, 713, Mmchado 714, etc., slogadh 706, 710, which show that the change was an early 8th century one. We find final -th preserved in poetry in the 9th century thus : manrath 839 (poem), to rhyme with cath. In the loth century 901, 915, 944 we find -th after the dative u. The entry natiuitas Donnchada 732 was probably not entered until about thirty years later. (19) tO-> do- in pretonic position. § I27- In connection with the change of th to dh we may take the change of to- to do- in pretonic position. Tolfa 613 (F.M. Tolud). docker 516, dorsxised Si"]. dolaissi (maccu Imse i) 638. Tuenog 662. Dochuae 653. g. Ducinni 688. g. Dochumai come 686, Dobecoc 689. Duchanna 705. Duchonna 725, Dochumai ^ 7,2. g. Dodimbc 747. n. Documai 747, g. Dulassi 750. Teroc (leg. Ternoc'^ 791) n. JDuceta{?) 762. JDisirt Teornoc''' 818. g. Dochonna 797, Docutu 837. Dosenchiarocc 837, Dabeoc 1070, etc. § 128. The verbs furnish no evidence. In the earliest instances, docher 516, domised 617 (in poetry, cf. § 94, 97), the change ol to- to ^ Sic leg. 2 Accented on first syllable. § I30.J CONSONANT CHANGES. 117 do- is represented as having already taken place. The last instance of to {tu-) is Tuenoc 662, where the Tu- was probably not completely unaccented and moreover To survives as f before a vowel as Ter(n)oc 791. It is probable that this change of to- to do- took place much at the same time as the other weakenings due to accent. Cf. tuthegot, ttiesmot, Cambrai Homily. To Channu, To Cummi, Rel. St. Columba (v. Thes. ii. 281). {20) y>f. § 129. The only instances of initial u are: g. Uinniani ^']?>, i.e. Finnian of Magh Bile, Chron. Scot. Finniani 578. Cf. Finnio 548. G. Uinniani{T) 775 which is Utnt'am H, Finniani "R. (cf. Eiluuin (?)^ 617), G. Uinei 622 = Fine. Several instances such as Firth 634 (= Wid), 640, 652, Fursu, Fursi(M,l, 648 with/ might be adduced. § 130- Instances of initial / such as Fiachrach 645, Fiachnae 650, Fergusso 653, I have not collected. To the above may be added : Vennianus written by Columbanus (a.d. 600) in a letter ^ to Pope Gregory, Uinniaui in the Carls. Beda and Uinauo, Adamnan. Such occurrences and the examples up to 622 are sufficient to show that the change had not taken place until the beginning of the seventh century. Looking at this change phonetically we find a rather remarkable development. In initial position u lost its voice by a process which is not altogether clear, thus giving / If we could imagine that u was followed by a breath glide which in course of time became a full aspirate h, then u + h would become like the wh- in English which. Then this h would unvoice the jf and it would become f, just as English which is pronounced fuit/ by Irish speakers. Inter- vocalic u fell in Irish, thus we have " a fear " ' her husband ' but m'/hear ( = mo/hear), or in other words the change of initial « to / in Irish is later than aspiration. Professor Zimmer, with his usual keenness, was the first, to my knowledge, to draw this latter con- clusion. The change must be later than the borrowing of the Latin vlnwn fr. *^oinom, O. Ir. fin, W. gwin. 1 Eliuim, R. 'Cf. Monum. German. Epistol. iii. printed by Mommsen, Chronica Minora iii. p. 21. CONSONANT CHANGES. General Remarks. § 131. We see by the foregoing that many important developments took place in Old Irish pronunciation from a.d. 650 to 900. I have already discussed these as far as they can be determined from orthographical indications. I may mention, in the first place, the weakening of the vowels (approximately) in the early eighth century which is due to the working of the Irish laws of accent. A consider- able period elapsed between the various consonant changes. Thus, on the one hand, the assimilation of nd to nn had taken place, roughly speaking, by the beginning of the Old Irish period whUst the change of Id to // had not ceased tUl about the middle of the ninth century. ^ Apart from orthographical considerations and written records, one might state that the change of nd to nn had not taken place before the assimilation of the Latin benedictio into Irish as bendacht and thus determine a superior limit, whilst the change of Id to // was a living force when the Norsemen in Ireland began to be assimilated towards the end of the ninth century. These principles no longer hold ; cf. galldacht, conndae {nd from ni)^ miondaigheacht, prionda (' print '), etc. § 132. Lying between these two changes we have the change of In to // which had taken place by the time of the Milan Glosses. There is a difference of time between the change of original In to // and the change of In brought together by syncope. Thus atballat in Wb. which I have already noted. Still this change (of original In to IT) must have taken place only a short time before the change of syncopated l-n to //. In the modern g. olla we make use of an old form ready at hand rather than go through the performance of ^ Outside the Glosses and the F^lire Id seems to be the only unassimilated group which is frequently met with in Old Irish documents. 118 § I32.J CONSONANT CHANGES. 119 building a gen. *olnna and then, at the same time, changing Inn into II. Similarly, aille, guaille {guailli). To say that we do this latter would be equivalent to saying that the aspiration after a " his " in a cheann " his head " is an instantaneous phonetic change. It now serves to show a diiference of meaning from a ' her,' whilst we know that the change took place more than 1200 years ago as the result of Irish Sandhi laws, probably at the same time as the corre- sponding simple consonants between vowels became aspirated. Moreover, in the syncopated forms, it took at least 100 years to operate when we compare the Annals, Vita Columbae, Wb. and Ml. We find similar changes in other languages, thus Lat. collis from *con-lts, sella from *sedld, Stella fr. *ster-ld ^ (Gr. da-r^p, Sans, star, Got. stairno), sallo fr. *saldo. Got. salta, etc. Irish, however, retained the primitive conditions very late. We find this also in initial mr- for later br- in words such as mruig, Mruichesach late in the eighth cen- tury. In Latin this mr initially became fr, cf fraces, fr. *mrac- to marceo, cf. Ir. mraich, braich. In all these changes the assimilation of original combinations [nd, In, Id) probably took place before the syncopated forms. Thus Id had probably become // in colli before it took place in syncopated forms such as ailde fr. *ailnde. As long as the change was alive in people's recollection the law would probably continue to operate where combinations to which it applied were brought together. In these changes Id, In > // the first stage of the development was probably that / became double^ and then that the d, n became gradually weaker. Further, the assimilation oi d \yj n and I, nhy I presupposes that the d, n, I were in the same tongue position ; cf. above, § 27. 1 In Irish I is now doubled after r, but the change of rl to II did not, in general, take place. There is, however, a tendency among individuals to pron. rl in tharla as //. " We have doubling of / before t in Taillten 829, etc., as in Mod. Irish. VOWEL CHANGES. § 133- -^s I have already noted, several important vowel changes, such as weakening of vowels after the accent, took place approxi- mately at the beginning of the 8th century, and were accompanied, as it were, by a new welding together of the word. Then we have weakening of final -o and -ae to -a, which had not come to pass till the beginning of the 9th century. The writing of -a for -ae did not be- come general till the middle of the 9th century. Looked at from a phonetic point of view, one might expect that these changes took place at the same time as the first. The change is the weakening of a mid-back {p) or mid-front (-«) to the weak vowel p, a being the representative of the weakened vowel in non-palatal position. In non-palatal position -ae would not be so much a mixed front as a mid-mixed. When the consonant was palatal the weakened vowel was represented by e. But we must recollect that the -o represented a contraction of on from earlier *ous, and -e {-ae) represents a contraction of earlier *ias, *es; cf. Ogham g. Ercias and Avitoriges. In the case of io-stems the e would be from -*zw, etc. The forms -o, -e {-ae) survived after the force of the accent had spent itself out. A much later change was the weakening of final -at, -i, which (at least the former) probably had not taken place before the end of the 9th century, and which is preserved in orthography until much later. The exact phonetic value of this -az', -i is not easily deter- mined, but it was apparently a high front vowel. The -at may have been further back or less tense than -i. As regards final u there is no evidence that it was weakened to -a much before the end of the loth century except where this was due to change of declension. It was, after a broad consonant, presumably a short high back, rounded vowel. In positions like Eriu, Bricriu it must have been more towards the front. 120 § 134.] VOWEL CHANGES. 121 Thus we see that the high vowels held out a good deal longer without weakening than did the middle ones. § 134. Diphthongs. In Early and Old Irish we had mostly ascending diphthongs, thus au (from au} eu, oii), di, bi. The value of eu from « + « is not clear. It eventually became eo, 5 (preceded by slender consonant), au became o, which again, in most cases, became ua, with the position of the vowels reversed, di, bi became ae, oe before a broad consonant, where the phonetic change is not clear. To the diphthongs was added ia from -(tense) >« from original *ei. Before a non-palatal consonant the second part of the vowel became •opener and broader ; thus cen became ce-en. This became cean, with the accent on the first part of the diphthong, and cean again became dan by dissimilation. These various stages are to be seen in the manuscripts of Adamnan's Vita Columba. One might postu- late similar stages for the development of o to -.ua. The open long e, from e by compensatory lengthening through the loss of a consonant, did not diphthongize. Thus already in the 8th century the old ascending diphthongs were largely replaced by descending diphthongs, a. change as great as any of the consonant changes referred to above. ^ Cf. Zupitra, CZ. iii. 275 sq. and 591 sq. ; Pedersen, Vergl. Gram. §37. V. DECLENSION. § 135. I have, where possible, arranged the words according to the various stems to which they belong. With the exception of the article and the declension of aue, I have not aimed at giving complete lists, and only include with their declension some interesting and unusual words and names whose oldest forms occur in the Annals. I have also included the declension of some common words and names whose declension has already been fully established wherever I thought such words might prove of interest from the point of view of either their phonology or of the date at which certain forms of them appear. Irish place names form by themselves a subject of interest for a separate investigation. Considerable additional light will be thrown on this subject by Father Hogan's great collection, which will soon be complete. In the lists of declensions I give, as a rule, the names in alpha- betical order for the sake of greater convenience in consulting them. In addition to classifying the nouns according to their declensions I deal with the subject of declension under the following heads : — (i) Declension of the article. (2) Fall of -lb in dative plural of the article. (3) -ib in dative plural of adjective. (4) u in dative. (5) Neuter n. (6) Accusative n-. (7) Change of declension. ^ 1 Change of final vowels I deal with separately under Phonology. 122 § 136.] DECLENSION. 123 a ^ ^ SI w -e CM C\ o^^^ ^§ •« :c-s j >r. 59 ; issin (t agh) 1014 ; 12 (bis), 10 =5-^2 N 00 ^-^ H^ tt 00 a sS' ^ -FA T^ to , <,^ t~t ^ fi T2 ■§:§! ^s.s.s -s •S? S a ■^ ■? Pi J P-t CT) IT) i>.oo < Q a So -~a T3 cn o! 1-1 + 00 o _^ S ^ ro O^ . y^ "^r?; o\ O to „ ^^ ^ W CO 0-00 fO lO -!h a o t^ .. O ^^ , H o ■ . O' . 00 CO H hT .t^ ■Si:? -^ M -00 O - H "* on O !^ en,—, cnoo > ^- T-- o at " N „ ^ O n - 0» CTi •" .-SO S "la- O 00 — ^ 00. s -^ ►^ "^I^ 00 .„ K w o^ a 3 t^-a -^a .'* a >^- H *> -a ""a- S -5-a M 5^ ^ X! .a .ho H e a go 124 DECLENSION. [§ 137. § 137. It will be noticed that ind + 5 in the genitive and dative masculine had not become int at 626, 766, 776, but isint shamrad 923, isint sechtmhain (d. f) 934, g. int shair 947. This is common in Ml., e.g. isind salm ; huand soud ii8ci, etc. Dat. fem. isind saltair Ml. 2d2. (Cf. Strachan, CZ. iv. 62, 488.) The last instance of a as nom. sing, neuter of the article is at 9 1 1, a minn. It has become in (nom.) at 991, 1003, 1020, an 1045. In the accusative neuter in occurs at 916, 1014 in the form issin. In the accus. masc. isa occurs for isin at 881. This indicates a con- fusion 1 between masculine and neuter article. In Saltair na Rann ^ the neuter article only occurs three times, viz., an-nem 112, al-kith n-aill 5152, a m-be 5974, of which the first may be a scribal error, and the second is a traditional formula. Strachan (Middle Irish Declension, p. 208) pointed out that the neuter article had practically disappeared by a.d. iooo. I should be inclined to put its disappear- ance much earlier*^ In Fled Bricrenn a as the neuter article is regular. There are in this text some instances of in after prepositions, thus issintech (ace), Wi. i. p. 264, 1. 17 imman rigthech, Wi. i. 265, 1. 3. The n form probably began in the accusative after prepositions. With confusion of cases after prepositions it is only natural that the two forms should get interchanged. In the texts of LU. and LL. it is not clear how far the compiler tampered with the text he had before him. In such a text as Fled Bricrenn where there is such interpolation and har- monising * of different versions it is not surprising that some late forms should have crept in. Cf. further a n-dunad LL. 2 76a2i,^ etc. § 138. The nom. plur. masc. in occurs for the last time at 999. The form na occurs at 985, again at 1012 and from that onward. Na occurs in the dual as early as 917. In Modem Irish in is the regular form for the dual, but na is also used in some localities. The phrase indala rann occurs at 892. At the time when this 1 In the accus. a baile, a may stand for poss. pron. Otherwise we must attri- bute it to confusion of gender. 2 Cf. Strachan, Mid. Ir. Declension, p. 208, for further examples from LL. ' Cf. instance (ace.) at 916 above. < Cf. Thurneysen, CZ. iv. 200 sq. ; Zimmer, Zeitschr. f. deutsches Altertum, XXXV. 1, 172. '■• The Story of Mor Mumhan. § I40.] DECLENSION. 125 combination (indald) was formed the d of ind was still pronounceji. The ala (a weakening of aile) took over the d and thus became in dala. L in pretonic words became r in Middle Irish, ^ cf. amail, amal. Mid. Ir. mar, O. Ir. ol'> ar. Thus indala^ in dara. With masculines we ishould expect int, in tara, which is still used in Munster. Cf. in tarna (Munster) corresponding to Connacht in darna fr. indala n-ai. Acallamh na Senorach (4976) has already darna la. Ind is used beside inna as nom. plur. neuter at 817. The am a leath na cille 835 is probably the anticipatory pronoun as the / is not doubled. -ib in Dative Plural of Article. § 139. Of the dat. plur. of the article we have the following in- stances : dendibh 726, dinaib 826, isna ^ draighnibh 840, oconaib 851, forsna maighibh 877, isnaib caillib, 891, dina genntibh 917, ona Gallaib cetnaibh 942, riasna Danaraibh 986, ar forsna Danaraihh 986. Thus the -ib- of the dative plural of the article survives till 891. It has fallen by 917, that is, at the end of the Old Irish period. Instances of dative plural of article without -ib are already common in Ml. (cf. Strachan, CZ. iv. 63). Forsna huilib remshuidigthib occurs in St. Gall, 2i2diT.'^, ocna fothairctkib Sig. 2 1 7a4, with the intermediate stage^ donab huilib doinib, i89b9 (Strachan, CZ. iv. 489). Compare isnaib dalaib in a poem by Fingen mac Flainn (about 850). Isnaib rendaib, Gl. Carlsruhe Beda, 1804, dunaib, id. i8d2. -ib in Dative Plural of Adjective. § 140. I do not intend to deal here with the adjective, but for the sake of comparison I give the instances of adjectives in the dative plural up to 1 100 : — 1 We have ara for ala at 1116, d^n dara cur. SR. 19 has indara n-ai . . . araile. Fis Adamnain has indara (fecht) in both MSS. Alaile occurs at 918. Ar for earlier ol occurs Ml. 38C12 ar Crist, 44C20 ar Duaid, thus the change must have begun in 0. Ir. ^Cf. isnafochaidib, Ml. 74(15. ' Cf. arnab Wb. 2ai5, 2iai3, dinah 13(133, donaballaib I2b2. 126 DECLENSION. [§ 141. Cosaib tirmaib (dat. abs.) 817, cona chellaibh huilibh 8^1, for soeraibh setaib 856, Galengaibh moraibh 882,, co forcetlaib maithib ailib 886, fo riaghlaibh reilibh 927 (established by rhyme with cleirigK), maidm . . . for Galenga moraib ^ 938, o na Gallaibh cet- naibh 942, d' airnib dubcorcra 1030 (?),^ cona uilibh templaibh 1074, CO setaibh imdhaibh 1103, im shetaib imdaibh 1103, cuana sloghaibh remhraitibh 1113, imdaib 1130, 1162, 1165, 1171; dlightechaibh 1170, cetna 1171, 1172; moraib 1171, dimhoraibh 1178. dib : dib cetaibh long 870, condib longaib 920, ar dib misaib 1006. The above are instances of both the ordinary adjective and dib up to 1 1 00. I have noted one instance without -ib at 1030 and an instance of -ib in an adjective at 938 whilst the noun has not the -ib form. The -ib form is of course the normal one in LU. but there are already some instances of the non -ib form such as ossaib alta i6ai5, ona maccaib aile S2b7. The final -ib is however artificially preserved very late in Middle Irish, witness fo cefhrib hairdib an domain, The Gaelic Maundeville, ed. Stokes, CZ. ii. 2, written in 1475, v. Introduc- tion, ib. The d. pi. of adjective without -ib is common in LL. In SR.^ we have instances of the non -ib forms in such adjectives as (in itgodaib') cilecda 6872, diarmidi 387 etc. u in Dative. § 141. For the sake of convenience I include here the instances of u in dative of io- and w-stems as well as that of io,sharugad ?> IT, Cellach ?>i'], Bennchor?,2^, Oentrob 823, /« az>«r 827, Ceallach 832, Dunadach 833, / «(/i9«* 834 ' Leg. rjiMri, the same line has (in H) a cf. ^ Also £fo;'«s in nom. ' f/ti/i and adA were probably pronounced the same about then. Cf. innarbad 1051 (M. S. reading I have not noted). The modern form is ealodh or ealogh. *'\n the place of.' For do» cf. Ml. iiib23 ciadud failci don, 'though it yields ground' ; Ml. I3ib2, «ad tarlaic don; Ml. 35CI, codufailcedon ; Turin 99, dofarlaic don, ' he has yielded ground '. We have here possibly the origin of the Modern Irish, j wda«, ' fit to,' ' able to ' ; that is, ' in a position to '. The de- velopment of meaning is quite possible. Cf. Ger. im Stande. For change of 128 DECLENSION. [§ 143. {innon R), Tigernach 850, re Cerball 846, cathugad 851, Bruatar 852 \Bruat\xt, R), Fland 853, /^jcai/ 856, 873, 890, 919, dalladh 862, Shochlachan 866, ^(? coscrath 880, *anu, *-agn3, as is well known. Catk has not the u in dative, but the u appears in the compound chocud^ 916. Sometimes the u is not written, as in Caisil 714, chinn * 928, 1021. An interesting word is d. innarbu 864, 970, indarba n- 901.^ It appears as d. innarba 993, 1093, and as d. innarbad io5r. The former (at 993) might be taken to indicate that final -u and -a had then fallen together. The d. innarbad 1051 we are probably to re- gard as a new verbal noun built to innarbaim from indarbenim. This -adh form might also possibly be regarded as a recollection of the earlier dative -u, with -adh, pronounced then, as in Modern Irish, approximately as -u. We have something similar in n. innarbu SR, 3732 to rhyme with du. The final u in dative was then going out, and might have been used in the nominative through confusion, but perhaps the -u could best be. explained from the development innarbadh, pro- pronunciation, cf. modern pronunciation of dona occasionally as dana, sona as Sana, etc. I have no instance of a raid-back vowel o occurring before n in pro- nunciation. Cf. g. con, pr. cun long, pr. lung, etc. Before nn, as in tonn, donn, the vowel is also different from o, but here again we have influence of double consonant. The mark of length in Ml. 35CI may not have any meaning. Instances of this word don in late Mid. Ir. would be welcome. ^ A dissyllable. 2 But d. Chathul LL. iSabsS. 2 This passes in Mid. Ir. to the 0- declension ; cf. g. cocaid S.R. 3042, etc. * Cf. Mod. Ir. OS cionn and locative Cionn tSaile. ^Indarba nGennti a h Ere, an entry in good Old Ir., the importance of which is not generally dwelt upon by Irish historians. For older indarbae, cf. Ml. 23C8. § I44-J DECLENSION. 129 nounced with -u. Outside of this possibility, I have no instance of final unaccented u becoming u. The Irish Nennius (second half of nth century) has still the form without -d, e.g. iar na hinnarba (Todd's ed. p. 54, etc.). As another development^ in -edh, -eadh we may compare g. pi. na n- innsed 979, innseadh 984. As regards forms such as coked 932, Strachan (Mid. Ir. Decl. p. 215) sought the explanation of this in the falling together of u, iu with a, e in the unaccented syllable. In forms like loscad 856, dhallad 862, 918, etc., where -ad came from a prehistoric -*dtus (cf. L. amdtum), there was no u- infection ; cf. molad Turin 98a. It is only natural that there should, after a time, be confusion between these and forms which had u- infection, such as innriud 830, etc. The dative / ndon I have referred to in a note above. Later on, dative -u becomes very general, and extends to cases where it did not originally belong, as d. doiccthiuch 1076. Perhaps we should compare d. cennuch SR. 3428, etc. The subject requires further investigation. Neuter n-. §144. coscradh at ha 769. coscrad Ochtair 779. slogad n-Aedo 803, slogad n- 804. indred n- Ulad ioS. ar gennte 811, indred deisceird 821. ar n- Umill ^12 (but ci. in bo-ar *guin ArtrachZ2^, coscrad oinaigh mor 776, 777). 826 (bis), ar Dealbhna 827. ar (?) aile 851, ar dimhor 855. gas n-oir 867. minn n-aine ?>"]•], rigdomnamBreg rigdomna deisceirt 886, rigdomna 892. i\n'Y Fhochlai 886.' n. ar fiGall 895, n. ar n- Eogan- ridomna Breg 8g4, 895 ; rigdomna achta 895. Breg 895. ^ As regards pronunciation of (slender) dh we may note afrithisi 870, dorid- hisi loii, but doriisi 999, where the dh has fallen out. SR. has generally the d form of this word ; cf. 1. 3538, 3500, etc. 9 I30 DECLENSION. [§ 145. n. indarba n- 901, ar . . . n- imbi 903. ar nGall 916, ar n-aile 916. g. ceniul (?) n- 904. voc. a tir n-alaind n- 918. a /if///4 deiscertach 915, a. ar 1^2^ 917. ace. dr ndimar 917, a Magh mBregh m- 918, ifr ndimhar indred . . . uadib 920. 919. loscradh n- 926. c/if///4z n-ordain 938. ridomna Ailigh 934, 993. ridomna Erend 949. /(jz-ca ;2-«//fe 970 (fol. 51b, poem). maidm aile 973. n. derg-ar Gall 979, ridomna Ailigh 979, ridomna Osraighi 990. sluagad n-aill 997. «««/ n-Eogain 1003 (bis), 1006.'^ ace. i magh Bregh 999. slogad AedJia 1 00 1 . toisech sil n-Anmchada 1006. f^ ceniul Eogain 1006, primmind iarthair 1006. OTz«(/ 1006. ridomna Ulad 1007. (ace. / »za^/^ «- a? 1015.) ar m/« 1 014. ridomna Erenn 1017, 1042. ar (7a// 1017. /a cenel Eogain 1018. ard mBrecain 1036. g. ceneoil mBinnig 107,0. cenel Eogain 1053. ridomna 1054. § 145. The word ar, ' slaughter, destruction,' seems in the earlier period (cf. 776, 777) to have been masculine and later to have become neuter. Compare also coscrad aX 769, 779, which took n- at 926. Operating with such instances is not very satisfactory. The 1 Confusion of cases. I have not noted the MS. reading, and it maybe a contraction cen-I. § I46.J DECLENSION. 131 examples, however, show that the neuter n-, which began to fall early in the roth century, survived till 1000, but not much longer. The difference between voc. a magh m- 918 and ace. mag 999 without m is striking. On the other hand a poem at 970 has texca n-etha, with n preserved. Of the original gender of terca I have, outside this occurrence, no decisive instance.^ In sluagad n-aill 997 we have a late preservation of the neuter pronoun aill, with which the instances at 916, 973 are to be compared; cf. SR. 5152. al-leth n-aill and this was probably then rather an historical formula ; cf. in kth aili SR. 275. After 1000 we find a few instances — of n, where it ought not to be, as g. ceneoil mBinnigh 1030, which show that the proper conception of neuter n- was then lost. The neuter n- is still common in Saltair na Rann.^ The neuter n- in fixed formute, like la n-ann, survived into late Middle and early Modem Irish. The neuter dual in Modern Irish and Sc. Gaelic, dd dtrian, 'two thirds,' may be further compared, and also the neuter n- in place names. ^ Accusative -n. §146- itir D. mac n- 7 Fiachnae. mac n- 783, la dal n- 789. la G. mac n- 792. la C. mac n- 807. slogad la Aed iarum 814. la C. mac n- 820, 821, 826. cor id Aird mBrecain 821. la Niall mac Aed ho 7 la cenel n- for h- Erind n-uile 825. Eughain 822. for M. rig n- 826. corici Octhar n-Ugan 826. i n-airer n-Arddae %2i (« wrongly for muinntir n-Airdd 830. used). ^ Wi. (Worterbuch) gives it as fern., but his instance is late. ^For instances and exceptions v. Strachan, Mid. Ir. Decl. p. 207 (Trans. Phil. Soc. 1904-5). 3Cf. Hogan, Irish Neuter Substantives, Cath Rois na Rig, for traces of the neuter n- in place names. 132 DECLENSION. [§ 146. for C. mac n- 832. in uisci nduabais 845. a. hErenn n- uile 848 (sic). la R. mac M.righ mBretan 855. for Aedh n-iaramh 859. for D. mac n- 863. etir cenel n- 865 (892), 7. dal n- 865. CO Dun mBolcc 869. la cenel n- 870. la mac n- 892, la Sichfrith n- lerll,^ 892. fo Ceallach n- 894. brised cech ndrong^ ndolbach 902, la Niall mac n- 912, 913, 914 ; Mr Niall mac n- 913. im U. mac n- 913. for loch n- Echach 954. for loch n- Eirne 954. for loch n- U. 954. CO ro- art in mB. 954. CO loch n-Aindenne 96 2 . im Chulen mac n- Eiigen 999. CO Belach n[D]uin 1005. Tracht n-Eothaili loii. la D. mac Aedho 888. la Niall mac Aedho 907. fri Donnchad donn^ 928. /« C mac D. 976. /a ^ mac C. ri Ailigh 987. im Aralt mac Amlaimh, 998 (cf. im maithib Gall), co Dun Echdach 1003, for loch Eirne 1006. Telaigh n-Ooc loii, la Cathal mac nDonnchada 1012, tir n- Enna 10 19, co Talaigh n-Ooc la mac Eochada 1031. 103 1, /a mac mBr, la D. mac D. 1031. ' From O. Norse jarl, cf. A. S. eorl, W. Joi-W. The above is the earliest occurrence of the word in Irish that I have noted. Cf. n. dual iarla 917. ^ Drong has here still its old declension. ' There is alliteration here. § 146.] DECLENSION. 133 la righ n- Ailigh 1044. la h n- 1055. im C. mac Dergan 1056. CO ro-bris in m\b'\ile^ 1056. We see by the instances that accus. n- was pretty firm till towards the close of the tenth century, and Siegfried, the Earl, is subjected to its laws at 892. The number of non-instances^ occurring at about 1000 is most probably due to the confusion of cases after prepositions as we find it regularly preserved till much later. The accus. ro-bris in mile (= mbile) at 1056 shows that the accus. n- was a living force in the middle of the eleventh century. After that I have noted la M. mac mBriain 1057, la T. hua m- 1067, la D. hua n- lo"]!, for M. hud mBriain 1075, le righ n- Ailigh 1085, ina ngrianan ngle 1088, la M. hua mBriain 1094, but la Mael Coluim^ mac D. 1058, and la righ Oiligh 1 09 1. 1 R t» mile, H in mile with punctum delens under m, and b written above it. Cf. Hennessy AU. i. p. 598, note 7. 2 These are moreover accus. neuter which had then practically died out. ' Who slew Macbeth (Mac Beathadh). o-Steras. § 147. Amongst o-stems I include adjectival derivatives in -ach, w- awg. <* dcos, such as Cathusach 667, 681, 947, and to which the article can be prefixed in later Irish : thus An Cathusach. These derivatives in -ach do not take u in dative (see below, and cf. § 143). Neuters in -ach pass over to s-stems in the plural ; thus dat. plur. marclaighibh, ' horseloads,' 855. Of this I have noted very few instances. The gen. plur. Airgialla 696, 851, 875, 913 becomes Airgiall 962, 998, 1022, and thus becomes an o-stem. N. Dunlaing 83S> g- Dunlainge 526, 733, 816, 818, 870 becomes an o-stem, n. Dunlang 987, 1014, g. Dunluing 1016, 1021. -uch in Dative. § 148. I have here collected the instances of -uch in dative, together with non-instances of u before ch (cf. il-Lathrugh^ Briuin 656); (p) Domnuch 831, erruch 878, Oenuch 902, cobluch 916, Domnuch 985, Luimniuch 1083. Non-instances: il-loch 718 (and passim), Z/tecA 729, 747, {tar no) bharach 776, 777, ar oenach 788, du Cellach 817, Ceallach 832, (re ri) Dunadach 833, Tigernach 850, belach 921, (p) Muircertach 926, do Congalach 944, oenach 1006. § 149. The following o-stems I give in alphabetical order : — N. *Abnier 826, g. Achaidh 774, 788, 795, d. Achadh 788, 687 (note) ; g. Accidain 648 ; n. Aedan^ 562, 599, etc., g. Aedain 595 ; n. Ailbran 780 (cf. g. Albrain 773) ; n. Ailen 713, 724, g. Ailiuin 743; ^ Cf. d. pi. lathraigib 8gi ; v. Hogan's Irish Neuter Substantives, pp. 171-81, and Stokes, BB. xi. 97 seq. ^ This Aedan is called Aegthan in the Saxon Chronicle, 603. § 149- J O-STEMS. 135 n. Ainfceallach 718, g. Ainfceallaigh 797 (Ainfcellaich 732); n. Airec- tach'^ 793, g. Airechtaigh 741 ; n. Airtnedach 717, n. Airmedhach 830 g. Amalghaidh'^ 736, 741 ; g. Anfadain^ 762; n. Anion 809, g Anluain 743 ; g. argait 763 (poem), 799 (airgit^ R), d. a>-^/ 763 ; g Artablair "JO?, ; n. ^accac/i 708 (a plague); g.Baith^i\ ; n./Jaj^sii ; g Beluit 761, d. (0) ^Wm/ 857 ; g. Bennclwir 629, 631, Benncair 558 729, Benncuir 519, 727, d. Benncor 823 ; g. Beoigh 523 ; g. ^««V/4 800 ; g. Bessain 738 ; g. ^««« 583, ^w/« 590 ; g. pi. Biror 563, 764 ^?m> 659, d. pi. Birraib 826 ; n. Blathmac 642, g. Blaithmic 657 Blathmicc 729, Blaimhicc 824, d. Blathmac 650, Blaimac 664 Blaimic 650, 670; g. Blaiskib 680, leg. (\vith Chron. Scot. 677) Blaisleibe; a. Brandubh 597, Brannubh 596; g. Brenainn 582, 594 Brenaind^ i2c^, g. Brendain 575, 576, 600, etc.; g. ^rzVc 588; g Broccain 718 ; 833, g. Cairlaen 587 ; g. Caratbrain 803 ; g. Carthuinn 504 ; n. CathaP 743, g. Cathail ^zZ, d. Cathal 720 ; g. Cathasaig ?,o(> CathusaigS^i); g. Cepais 6']o; n. Cerpan* 503, g. Cherpain 502, 503 g. /« choicid 691, d. t^o/<:s(/ 763 (leg. coictud) ; n. Coidbenach 706 ; n Cochul odar 729, a scribe; g. Collbraind 775; g. *Conaith 759; n CV«a«^8i5 ; *conbadh 775 (leg. with Stokes confad); n. Condam 759 g. Cendercain 833 ; n. Conid^" cerr 628 (cf. g. Conaeth cirr 693) ; g Conlaid ygg (cf. g. Conleid 552, Conlaith 557 gloss); n. Cremtann 632, 718, g. Craumthain 552, 731, 737, Cranmfhainn 741 ; g. Cridaen 638 ; n. Cronan Ua hEoain ^^ 717, n. Of?;? ^ec^ 693 ; g. Cruinn 806 (cf. Crond, Meyer), g. O-mzjzS (?) 741 [Cuirp, R), g. Crumtain 716 (leg. Craumthain); g. Cumminn 609, n. Cuirrech, g. Cuirrich 781; g. Daimargit .C)iT„ 564; g. Dathail %\6, g. Derforgaill 683 {Derforgail R) ; n. Diccolan 710 ; g. Dindagaidh 805 ; g. Doadain 768 ; n. Dom- ^ Mac Airechtaigh is anglicized Geraghty. ^ A change of declension g. Amalngado 592, here, in reality, indeclinable. 3 Cf. Ainfcellach, F. M. Ainbhcellach. * Notice palatalization in R version. ^ The commoner usage is the Latin quies. ^ Chron. Scot, has Brenaind 575 ; at 576 it has also Brenainn and Bremdnn for the equivalent of the A.U. entry at 600. '' Cathal=Cath + ual-, W. Kadwal. But d. Chathul LL. iSsbsS. ^ Cf. declension of aj(e. ^ In the Cambrian Annals he is Kinan, a king of the Britons. '" Chron. Scot, has Connadk Cerr. This is the origin of the well-known surname Ker, Kerr. " Indeclinable as a name. 136 0-STEMS. [§ 149. nall^ 546, 562, 565, g. Domnaill $6e„ d. Domiiall ']t,2 ; g. Domangairt 537> 595 ; n- Dothaidh 759 ; n. Drucan 828 ; n. Dub-da-doss 743 ; n. Dub da inber 726; g. Duin''' 685, 872, g. Dunadhaigh 834, d. Dunadhach 833 ; n. Ecomras 696 ; g. Ecuilp 640, Ecuilp 640, ^c«?7iJ 716; g. Eiliuin 672. n.Elarius^; Eirc'^ 783, 795; Etirscel 726, 769; d. ^c Eudonn 593 ; n. *Eudus 727, 797 ; g. £«/« 628 ; g. Eutigirn 761 ; g. Faelchair^ 734 ; n. Fedach 738 ; g. Feirnn 662 ; g. pi. [Atha) Fen 795 ; g. i^/if,*- ca/«^ 786, n. *flechodh 776; g. Foibrain 758 (cf. Artbran, Osbrari); n. Forbasach 713 ; g. Droma Fornocht"' 726, a.cc. foruth, a seat, 822 ; g. Froich, 801, n. (FroecK); g. Furudrain 661, 644; g. pi. Gaileng 737 ; g. Galluist 704 ; n. ^'a//, g. pi. ^'a// 763, a. pi. ^fl//« (compare gen.-fem. giallne 720, and bertair giallno, poem, 562) ; g. ndaig^'^d ; n. Laidgnen 987, Laidgnean 726, g. Laidhgnein 658, 779, 792, Za/i:/- ggnen * 768, g. Laithgnaen 760. g. Z«///5 W(?z> 751; d. pi. lathraigib " 891, g. lathraigh 900, n. Z^« ?), g. (az^z) Z/?i!2« 74 1 ; g. Lochdheirc ■'''813; i?/ai: CzVW (filius Neutir) 809 ; g. Masoit 707, d. pi. marclaighibh (neuter) " horseloads,'' 855, Methuis tuirm 755 (leg. truimf); Meccnaen 603; n. pi. ceithre (sic) (may be an expansion of iv.) ot«V 737, g. Monid Chroibh 727, Monith Carno 728; g. Muccirt 787; g. Muiredaigh (R) 593, 804; n. Muir- certac ^^ 527, g. Muircertaig 546 ; g. *Neir 622 ; n. Oegadchar'^^ 734 ; g. Ogomon 661 ; g. Ointribh 727 ; n. 0/. n 732, i?/ w-a/j, 'a drink of ^ Domnall = *Domno uaHos, <[ *Dumnoualnos "ruler of the world" W. Dyfnwal, early W. Dumngual. ^ Change to g. duine 866, etc. See change of declension, § 165. ^ A Latinized form. * This I take to be from a masculine form Ere rather than a change of declension from the older gen. Erce. '" Wolf-loving." * Leg. Fidhchain and cf. Baile Ui bkFiadhchain = Newport, Co. Mayo. 'Strachan, Middle Irish Declension compares n. pi. fornocht, Y.B.L. Sob33, and thinks it may be a way of expressing the non-palatal ch beside the palatal t as in gen. of bocht in Modern Irish. 8 Words in -en do not generally show any change in the genitive and hence appear indeclinable. 8 Neuter, cf. d. sing, du lathruch da Arad, L. Ardm. Thes. ii. 240. i»= "Lake eye." 1' = Muir + certach, " arbiter of the sea''- Notice non-aspiration of c. '2 == Guest-loving. ? ISO.] lO-STEMS. 137 milk ' ; 11. Olcobhur'^ 795 ; n. Orach 780 ; g. Osbrain ^ 757 ; g. Ostich 742 ; g. {Imlecho) Pick 686, 687 ; g. Raithin 730, d. Raithiun 635 ; n. Rogaillneck^ 814 ; n. Rotechtach 794 (= the great possessing one), cf. g. Rotkegtaigh 720, Rotegthaig'R.; n. Ruamnus^ 800 (a Latinized form?) ; g. rois 720, n. in saer 763, g. ind saer 766 ; g. Segain 662 ; n. Senach 619, g. Senaich 632, 739 ; n. Sneidbrain 786 ; n. Suairlech^ 773 ; g. T«// 548; 7>?'f 803; g. *Tobaith 775; thraightecfiaibh 855 "pedestrians"; n. Tuatchar'^ 833, g. Tuidbig i(i\, g. hUmaiin 783) hUmil 786, hUmhaill 811 (ar n-) Umill 2>\2, hUmill 812, hUmaill 912 cf. wzaiT Uilliug Umaill 1352). io-Stems. § 150. I shall interrupt the alphabetical order so as to begin with the declension of aue, 'a grandson, descendant,' which is interesting as its older forms are well preserved, and its frequent occurrence shows the development very clearly. I have already dealt with its phono- logical development above (v. § 61, Phonology). aue, a grandson, M. Sing. faue 646, auae ^^4., 763 ; hue 780, ua.^ auae 700,^ oa 762, 858, 895 ; koa 795, 861 ; Mae 767, 768, 772, 778, 824 ; hua 1" 617 (poem). (auiyo6, 730, 737 (4 times), 741, 749. ■ \/^« 675, /4k? 653, 669, 674, 733," 769, 770, 816. 1 = Mac Ohhobhuir = Gallagher (?). 2^ = 08 + bran. 5 = Ro + gell + nech, ' the man of the great pledges ' * Change of declension to g. Rosa 873. * = Su + airlech, ' one giving good counsel '. *Tuath + char, 'lover of his people'. ' Cf. Umall, Eg. version of Fled Bricrenn Wi. Ir. T. I. 268, d. Umall, Trip. Life, p. 81. 5 At 717, 723 Henn. prints Ua but H and R read simply h. ' Tigernach aue. ^^ At 617 in poem read ane. ^' Sic in MS. H. 138 lO-STEMS. [§ 150. D. hu 617, d'uu 810, ria . . . oa 912. A.i oa 948. Plur. N. (5/840, hui 769, 821. (oa 740, 748, 859, 867, 868 (bis), 878, 880 (bis), 890. G. \oa n- (497), 794, 831, 867, 851; ) /^a 666, 769 ; {for) hu 815. ! 849, 867, 912 ; uu 742, 751 ; {la) u 743; 2< 775, 808 ; hu 792, 812. \cu) hu 888, (z^fl 742), {la h- ua 811), zisz^ {m Maine) 813. /^az/2/5 756, 877; {1 ■ l((f/) az^/,5 731, 743, A. , D. Dual. N. da auae (Cheallaigh, H) 743 (aug R), G. da ua {Conaing) 780. G. da aeu 571. A. itir da ua Cernaigh 776, itir da huae 817. Later development of aue. Sing. N. oa 918, 949; ua h- 919,^ hua 992, ua 1031. G. hoi 944, hui 954. (?a 912, 918, 920; u 952 (leg. uib?), hu 964, (if') Fhaelan 1038. (? 953, z^fl 1012, {o) hui 1039, 1043 ; 1041 (?) {do hui Ch). {do h-) ui 1043, 1044; hui {Osseni) 1044, u 1053, 1054. A. oa n- 948, {for) u 1024. Plur. N. ui 1037. G. oa 923 (bis), hu 937, ua 978, a oa (his grandsons), 1177. ro huib 913, 983 ; oib 964, huib 1044. D. J uib 941, 987; uibh 961, ^z.!zM 1037. !_/»/■ huibh 996. A. (?« 912, hu 940. ^ No instance before 900. " Hennessy prints hua also at 6go but H reads merely h. ^ Sitriuc Ua h Imair. § 152.] lO-STEMS. 139 Dual. N. da ua Chanannan 992, 1003. § 151- As we have seen (Phonology, § 62) oa from aiie, prefixed to names, became monosyllabic about the middle of the tenth century, and in this form together with the name was used to form surnames, thus CRuairc. Of surnames formed with O in Modern Irish the following classification can be made, (i) Those to which -ach can be suffixed, e.g. Ruairceach, Cathusach, Ceallach, etc. (2) Those to which it cannot, e.g. Niall. (3) Compounds with Mael-. Surnames in -ach (Class I.) have the article prefixed when used without the Christian name, e.g. An Ruairceach, Cathusach, etc. Surnames to which -ach cannot be suffixed (Class II.) have not the article, and to specify an individual Mac Ui is used, thus Mac Ui Niill = Mr. O'Neill. In Middle Irish ant-Ua Neill, "the O'Neill," was used to designate the chief of the clan. To names in Mael- Mac Ui is also prefixed, thus Mac Ui Maeleoin ^ = O'Malone. In the latter case, it is noticeable that Mael {Mul, Muil) is not aspirated after Ui. Again (I.) ' a man named O'Brian,' or ' Casey ' would he. fear de Bhrianach, de Chathasach, etc. (or de na Brianaigh, CathasaigK). This form probably spread from words like Ceallach, Cathasach, to Brianach, Ruairceach. "A man named O'Neill," "an O'Neill" \% fear de mhuinntir Neill. For names in Mael- the form is fear de Chlainn, Ui Maeleoin. We have also for the plural, Clann with such names as Clann nDomhnaill, Clann nDonnchadha. Clann is the regular form used with Mac, e.g. Clann 'ac (= mhic) an Fhaola, duine de Chlainn {mh)ic Conmara. § 152. The following io-stems are arranged in alphabetical order : — G. Ai 700, d. in-Aidniu 783, 833, g. Oidni 797, but g. Aidhne 809 ; g. Aitechdai 736 (721), cf n. Oitechde 731 ; d. alaliu 668; g. Aleni 610, etc., g. Argai 791 ; g. *{Baeth-) Betlhyi 750, g. Bairche"^ 729, but d. Bairchiu 600, 610, 752 (late) ; g. Balnid^^i, ii^), g. Berri 778, but g. Beirre 798; g. Beugnai 60^; g. Breifni 791, but g. Breibne 821 ; g. Breni 808 (poem) (v. Meyer, Contrib.); g. Bronni ^ii, n. 1 The Mael- is pronounced Mul, Muil- with accent on the following syllable. 2Cf. g. Bile 694, 824, d. Biliu 713. * Doubtful instance. 140 A-STEMS. [§ 153; Bute 518, g. Buiti']2\, Buitti 763; g. * Cinrighmonai •] 46 ; g. Cnodh- bai 817; g. Condi 710; n. Connlae 799; g. Conli "j/ifO; g. *cmi 775, g. Cuandai 6']6, 700, Cuannai "] 20; d. Cuinchiu 710; n. Cz^w- maene 583, g. Cummeni 710; g. Daimeni 6o?> ; n. Daire''' 545, g. Z'azVe 723, 809, g. Z>ara 811, 812, 825, d. ((/i?) Dhairiu 668, 847 ; x\. derghe 923, d. dergiu 917, 919,920, 926 (deirgiu); g. Dibcheini 710 ; n. *Dorbeni 712, g. Dorbeni 715 ; g. duine^ 792, 814, g. Eilniu 708; g. Endai 759, Ennat 4&^ ; g. Ernani 740 ; g. Esclai 747 (cf. .a^ «jc/2/ LU. Tain), g. Fabri 761 ; g. Ferblai 752 ; g. Fergnai 622 ; n. Fursu 647, 660, g. i^«r«' 648, 752, g. Fursui 752, g. o(j ; g. Mrachidi "] 26 ; g. Muchti 634; n. Ossene^ 70S) g- Ossem 686 ; g. Fredem yS^ ; g.*Reothaide 762 ; g. Retai 677, g. ^za^/ 710, 716, 730, Riatai 672 ; n. r«^,^ 603 (poem); g. *Robairgi 710; g. scuili •j2t,; g. *Sechndi 739; g. 6i7«/ 710 ; d. Sleibtiu 699 ; d. Tlachtgu 732 ; n. Uarcride 769, d. Uarcridiu 686 ; n. uisque 617 ; d. uisciu, 863. a-Stems. § 153. The following instances of a-stems are mostly from the early periods of the Annals. To be noticed are the class of men's names formed by the ending -^a/. These belong to a-stems in the nominative and genitive, but have a broad consonant in the accusa- tive. In the latter respect they resemble s-stems : thus n. Fergal 705, g. Fergaile^ 651, d. [rid) Fergail 932, a. Fergal I'll, 720, 721 ; n. Dungal 680, 742 ; g. Dungaile 671, 689, 709, a. (apud) Dunghal 730 ; Gormgaile 800, a. Gormgal 792, 798. The non-palatalization of the accusative may be due to the fact that the words were names of men, and hence partially considered masculine o-stems. In some cases we find them so declined ; e.g.. g. Ardghail 836, etc. Other a-stems (arranged in alphabetical order) are : — 1 An epithet. ^ It has \,. fundata in agreement with it. ' For pi. see Diph. oi, § 39. '' Cf. § 22 for later development of ending -ine. ^ Cf. g. Fergail 763 (poem). § I S3-] A-STEMS. 141 g. {achadh) Ablae^ 788 ; g. Ailche 675 ; g. Ailenne 727 ; g. Ailgaile 798 ; g. Almuine 533 ; g. Bairne'^ {no Inse Bregainn) 726, g. Baslice 763, 804. n.Becc^ 673, 717, ^«c ^ 06, g. Becce 645, 646, 711, 713, 729, Beicce 706, a. Beicc n- 678; g. Boinde^ 817 {for) Boinn 836, 841, d. Boainn 921; n. bachal 840 (poem), bachall 949, g. bachlae ^ 648, «a bachla 10 15. The g. bachlu also occurs ; g. (Niall) Cailli ; ^ g. cairgge 775 ; n. pi. «a//a irazw ^ 796 (poem) ; g. Comraire 761 ; n. (Zoxvdal 796 ; d. congail (?562) 808; g. Corcaighi more 791; g.*Crannchae 796; g. Cremthainne 480 (cf. Cremthainn 483). G. Cruachna 733, d. CVwaf/^in {clannaigfi) 814, a. Cruachna, d. pL Cruachnibh 782, varies in its declension, but is best taken as an a-stem. Fled Bricrenn (Windisch 274) has ace. co Cruachain (3 times), ci? Cruachnaib, Cruachna, g. Cruachan, Cruachna, na Cruachna. L. Ardm. has g. Crochan, probably gen. pL, and super Crochan Aigli 267. Later, it was taken as an n-stem. LL. i57a6, in a Dindsenchas on the name, has n. Cruachu, g. Cruachna, d. Cruachain, but also uses n. Crochen. N. cul, g. cule 601, cuile 549, 559, 560, g. pi. cul 742, 809; n. digal 942, ^z^azV 914, d. dighail 650; g. *Edargnae 780, g. Eiblinne 532, 536; g- ^''^^ 485, 527. 542. 549, 579, 775, Ercae 762, 796, Ercaae 580; *Feblae 739; d. foigaillnaig 830 (leg. foigiallnaig) ; g. i^/re 829; n. /ww 763, a. /m.f 763, n. pi. frossa 763; g. glaisse 745, 757, 884; g. dual da glas 883, a. dual di glais 951, a. pi. glasa 835 ; n. dual di grein 910 ; d. Greamaigh 462, g. Gronnae 755 ; n. 2>z^/« 729 (accus. for nom.), g. Laitne 762 ; g. *Laithlinne 1 ' The field of the apple-tree.' ^ Varies in gen. with Bairenn (change of declension). ' Leg. Becc ; another instance of a man's name belonging to the a-stems. ■•Cf. n. Boend, Vita Columba sga, n. Bound in notes on Fiach's Hymn, Boindeo, L. Ardm. i6a2 (Thes. ii. 269), i6bi, d. Boind, L. Ardm. iiai. In this word the nom. form becomes generalized, whence g. Boinde, Boindeo. M. Innse bo finne 754, the gen. becomes generalized. For g. Boindeo, cf. g. innseo (v. i-stems). The -end ol Boend indicates the non-pal. nd o{*tiinda. <> Occasionally g. bachlu. * Nom. callann or Calland, which is usually written with a contraction in the Annals, and hence not clear. For this name cf. also LL. i6b37, I7aig, i3oa5o, etc. ' Cain has short ai here, is almost a synonym with cain (caoin), and generally means 'fair,' 'excellent' If it is an adj. it is indechnable. Cf. g. Innsi caitt Dega 1022. 142 lA-STEMS. [§ 154. 847, 852 (= g. Lochlaind 1014, etc.), n. {ind) lamcomart 771, 798, g. lamcomarthae 771; g.*Lecnae 750 {Lecne,^); g. Ltcce 725; n. longas (a fleet) 836, 923, 926, 928, 931, longus (a fleet) 920, 921, g. loingsi^ 944, 1014, a. [condici) longaiss 938, n. dual in di longais, n. longus, banishment, 768, a. longais 817. G. /z^^^i? 672, luingi 774, g. /«;?^i2 920, d. luing, a. lungai 920, n. pi. /i?«jK 851, 962, 985. Though the final vowel is a at 920 the u does not change to (v. Strachan, Mid. Ir. Declension, p. 229)., Compare, however, the Mod. Ir. pronunciation of long which is pronounced lung rather than long, before n ^ being generally pronounced u. N. Mor 631 (g. Moire, Chr. Sc. 633); g. Muaide 784; g. Muirsce 602, 705, Mursce 682, 734, d. Muiruisc 602; g. Othnae 724; g. Rechrainne"^ 742, 768, 798 ; g. Samhdainne 738; n. Sebdann 731, g. Selggae 708 (&/^i?, R) ; g. *Singittae 713 ; g. Slemne 600 (cf. deissoicc,*^ leg. ^Mi' 5otVc 813) ; Tamlachtae^ 824, etc. ; g. Telcha 808, 105 1, d. Telaigh 751 (913); a. Talaig n- 1031, Telaigh n- ion; toghal?ioi, 938 ; n. Tomnat 694 ; g. Torchae 616, a. Toraich 732, n. thuirind^ 650, g. tuirinne 763 (poem), d. thuirinn 650. ia-Stems. § 154. I have not noted many interesting instances of these stems r cf. n. Fiachnae (Fiachna 625), g. Fiachnae 624, 799, 808, 809, but accus. Fiachnae 783. Cf Fiachnai, Imram Brain. The g. Fiachnai occurs at 624 (poem). G. *Fitae 803 ; g. Itae 576. N. (sing.'') sochaidi 769, sochaide mor 949, a. sochaide moir 1027,0. pi. sochaide mora 830. With confusion of final -/ and -e these forms became virtually indeclinable. ^ Cf. g. Mochloingse 710. ^ Cf. m in Dat. note 2, § 142. ^ V. change of declension. *' South of the Succ'(?). Cf. desgabair, des abaind. Hennessy reads deissoicc 'of the south' But RC xviii. 158 n. in t Suca, L. Ardm. flumen Succae, Keating g. Shuca, BB 23a, g. pi. na tri Succa. * V. change of -ae to -a. "Leg. thuirend to rhyme with muilend, MS. muilind. ' With a singular verb. § I5S-] I-STEMS. 143 i-Stems. § 155' Ii^ the section on Phonology (change of -o to -a) I have already given several instances of genitives of i- and u-stems. In the list of instances of u in the dative I include several u-stems.. I add the few following examples, which may be of interest from various points of view. In the absence of decisive cases, such as u in dative singular or accusative plural, it is difficult to tell an i- from a u-stem. N. Aig 817, 821 {aigh), 916, fr. *lagi, g. ^ga. Cf. saigid, segait, etc. G. Alo [Cluathi] 721 later became a guttural stem. N. Amhaln- gaidh 111, Amalgaidh 790, g. Amalngado 592, Amalgadlio 740, Amhalghaidh 736, 741, became indeclinable. It lost its n early be- tween / and gh. D. {i m) Bodbraith 738, n. Bochaill 744, g. Bochallo 790 ; g. cano 782, d. cain 886 ; n. Cluain'^ 547, 548, Cluaen 844, g. Clono 548, 627, 759, Clona 576, 722, 736, 769, Cluano 551, 653, 663, d. Cloin 794, Cloen 844, a. Cluain 572, 600; chnama^ 823; n. Choblaith^ 689, Coblaith 730, 770; g. *Cobo 732 ; n. Conamail 672, 709, g. Conamlo 704 ; g. Crannamna 659 ; n. Dichcuill 700 (H), g. Dicolla 681 {Dich- olla, R), cf. n. Dichuill 631 ; (C2<«) Dimerggo 718 ; g. Drommo'^ foto (670), 745, 728; n. *I)ubcalggaidh 768; n. Duinechaidh 795, g. Duinechdo 731, 795; n. *Dunflaith 798; g. Echdroma 789, g. ^/i? 610, .£/<« 739; n. Btannamail 6>)^, 717, g. Fiannamlo 740, cf. ./^z'aw- iZOT/a 735 ; g. ■'^/fl 687 (leg./o/(9), 763 ; n. Forbflaith^ 779 ; g- Forggo 676 ; n. ^/;^ 643, 825, g. ^,?w 6r7 ; g. Itho 663, 732, 733, Itha 845, 906, etc. ; g. Maelembracho^ 621; g. Maelracho 700; g. ot«/i9 717, d. mhil 763 ; g. Noindrommo 642, d. Noendruim 638 ; g. Ratho (Oinbd) 786, Ratho 595, 622, 730, 809, Ratha 808, d. Raith 622, 747, 788, a. i?a«V/4 «- 622; g. Sratho 679; g. Temro'^ 585, 611, 779, d. Temuir 502 {Temraigh 839); g. *7'(7/ar 7, Fortola 572, 573. 1 The nom. C/oot does not, as far as I have noted, occur in the Annals. 2 Note loss of final vowel, but the poetical extracts, where the metre does not help, do not preserve the final vowels very well. '^Com-flaith, W. cy-wlad. Cf. Gormlaith, Dunflaith 798, Forbflaith Tjg. The initial consonant is here aspirated after ocus. *Cf. g. Droma moer 841, Droma hiung 834, Droma 727, 744, 788, etc., d. Druim ing 721, and see also Hogan, Ir. Neuter subst. p. 120. ^Ingin Connlai (sic H), from *for-}flatis, the u being preserved after r. s From mraich, ' malt '. ' For change, v. Change of Declension, § 164. 144 I-STEMS. [§ 156. i-Stems. § 156. The full form of the declension is rare, as in inis, g. inse 726, 772, g. innse 754, 784, 788, d. insi 701, 783, 1053, a. insi 857, but d. inis 744, 1029, a. inis 948. G. innsi 881, 883 shows confusion of -/and -e. A. pi. innsi 856, 921, 923, 927, 941. Very early this word took a genitive in -eo as if it had passed over in this case to an i-stem, e.g. g. inseo 737, 870, innseo 740. A genitive innsae occurs at 548, where -ae(^ probably means -e. Later (979), as will be seen under change of declension, it passed, in the plural, to the dental stems (v. § 166). Further examples : n. adaigh 729, ' night,' g. aidhchi 1053, d. aithchi 859, aidci 1006, a. (abs.) aidhchi (noflaic) ^ 985, aidchi 991, n. dual, di aidhchi {dhec) ^ 1014, g. (anad) da aidhchi 935, g. Fertae 788, but g. Fheirt 862, d. Ferti"^ 502. Several nouns which may be classed with this declension in the nominative and genitive have the dative like a-stems, e.g. g. Brigitae 523 (Brigide, R), n. Dunlaing S^^, g. Dunlainge 526, 732, 816, 818, 870; g. Emnae 758, Emna 902; n. feiss 559; g. Gabrae 564; g. Irlochrae 732 ; g. Lochre 653 ; n. serin 797, g. serine 808 ; g. Samnae 780, d. Samhain 780; g. Sruthrae 765; n. pi. suili 758 (poem); Tome 748, Tomae 739, etc. Change to this declension: a. in tailchi (the hill) 1012; cf. oc Telaigh 913, etc. Also long in the instance g. lunga, a. lungai, 920. See above, a-stems. Change from this declension : Dunlaing (835) is replaced by n. Dunlang qi"] , 1014, with g. Dunluing 1016, 1021. The g. Dun- lainge 526 shows that the entry was written before the time of the change. With this declension may also be classed : g. {Uib Briuin) Sinna 987, d. Sinaind 836 ; cf. accus. in Sinainn, g. na Sinna in The Adventures of Ricenn, ed. Meyer, Archiv iii. 309, but na Sinainne, Morthimchell Erenn, ed. Hogan 33. L. Ardm. has g. Sinnae, and Latinized Sinona. Cf. further ace. Sinainn Trip. Life 92, (94, 146). 1 Notlac, R. 2 Earlier deac ; cf. deac 803, 846, 865, which was dissyllabic < *dm-penque. It had already become dec at 847, 849, 947. ^Cf. L. Ardm. Thes. ii. 259, 263. § IS7.J U-STEMS. 145 u-Stems. § 157- N. Aid 731 (glossed, /. Aed), g. Aidho 713 (cf. Aida 810), from n. * Aldus, g. *Aidous, cf. Latin Aedui, are the oldest forms of this name. N. Aed occm?, at 697, Aedh 610, 713, 714, 718, 721, 746, 757. etc.; g. Aedo 650, 653, 664, 694 (R), 732; Aedho, 695, 700, 702, 704, 741, 907; Aeda 709, 721; A. Aed 604, 912, 913; a. Aed n- 562, 736, 804. The change from Aid, Aido to Aed, Aedo must have been very early as only three instances of the form in ai occur in the Annals. G. Aidlogo 651; g. Ailgusq'^ 813; n. *Ailngnad "j^o; g. Airledo 771; g. Anmcadha 801; g. Atho {Truim) 745, 783, 930; Atha {Truim) 795, not followed by aspiration. Not followed by h in Atho Aublo^ 631. G. Berodeirgg 773, n. Bodbcath 703, g. Bodbchodha 725, 829; a. pi. catha^ 917; g. Ceninnso 717, Cenindsa 813; g. Cinaeda (805), 807; a. Cinaedh 727, g. Cloento 781, g. *Cnucho 731, n. coemchludh 834; n. Conchadh 691, 734 (Conchad); g. Concobho, 696, n. coscrad iio ; g. Daithgussa 731 ; g. pl.(?) ^«j' 814 ; g. Muirmhedho 797; n. ' Words with -^as are a very common type of u-stems. ^ This was first written ^«io in H with Z afterwards written through the and then an 0. Should we compare g. aJZae 788, 790 ? ' Cf. caiAw SR 4077, and notice -a for -« (bis). For ending -a cf. Sg. 197311 * See change of iA to d\}i). * G. Fheidhlim in late hand 604. ^ R has Ferguis, the modern form. 10 146 GUTTURAL STEMS. [§ 158. riuth 763 (a long u-stem?), d. riuth 835 ; n. roiniud 821, 832, 836; n. roined 828 (without u-infection) ; n. sarugad 792, 830, d. sarugad 808, 810, 817, sarugud 745 (R) ; g. pi. na tri sloinnte 789 ; g. '''Trego 699 ; g. Ttzno 742, 793. § 158. The genitive plural which is na n- Airgialla 696, 851, 875, 884, 913 is na n- Airgiallu 918, and becomes an o-stem with g. pi. na n- Airgiall 962, Airgiall 998, 1022, to which we have an ace. pi. Airgiallu. Cath has accusative plural catha 91 7 with -a for -u (see § 157, note 3). QA. for Locha Eirne. Guttural Stems. § 159. I have noted the following instances of guttural stems : — G. Aedach {mic dailt) 607 ; n. Ainmire 560, 562, g. Ainmirech 568, S74i S97> 7°9i 3- Ainmire 575 (poem); n. Artri 801, 817, 832, g. Artrach 741, 790, 793, 803, 825, a. {la k) Artrigh 822, 826; g. Bethach 727, cf. Bethech 748 ; g. Bregh 634, 684, 738, d. Bri 599 ; n. (Cliu), g. Cliach 743, d. cliu 626 ; n. Cuanu 738, 777, 817, 824, Cuana ^ 482, 489, 721, 804, g. Cuanach 628, 741, etc., cf. g. Cuanai Sd^; n. Daui''' 501, g. Duach 560, 562 ^ (poem) ; n. Echu 696, 795, 800, 803, 850, Euchu 821, Eochu 494, 940, Eoch/) 497, 597, g. Euchach 552, Echach 610; n. Echaidh 758, 808, 809, 811, Echuidh 788, Eochaidh 665, g. Echdach 701, 713, 800 (cf. g. Echdaigh 702), Echdhach 708 ; n. ^^^M 1032, 1056 (Etru), Etroch 1003 ; n. Fiacha 515, g. Fiachach 739, d. (r/a) Fiachaidh 516 (1. h.); n. Fiachrai 769, 785, Fiachra 803, g. Fiachrach 562, 570, 602, 607, 758, 763, J^achrac,^ 645, 757, a. Fiachraigh 913 ; g. Fiatach 578 ; g. Finnubrach 718, 798, Findubrach 808,823; n. /e//^^-? 756 ( = adeposed king),* /«V/^n'8i7 ; g. liacc {find) 785, {daim) liacc 758, {doini) liacc 809 ; g. Lugdech, Lugdach 506, (511), 608, Lugdag 553, g. monistreck 722, 836, mainistreck 763, manistrech ^ 833, moinistrech 854:3. (/•] ^, g. Maccoiged 752 ; n. iVza 775, g. iViVM 692, Niadh 494 ; n. Nuadho 721, Nuadha 810, g. Nuadat'' 751, Nodot 817, n. Rechtabrae 733 {Recht- abre, R), Recktabra^ 786, 817, g. Rechtabrat 751, 758; n. Rechtnia 782 ; g. Roth^ 836 (i.e. the battle of Magh Rath) ; n. jfew 622, 771, 798, g. thened 713, g. z'« teinidh 771; a. /«mi/ 622; g. (pi.?), i^a tengadh i" 1022 ; g. Tueth ^^ (?) 614. ^ f»ac Meirminn, King of Wales. Cf. ROdri, Annales Cambriae, a.d. 877 (Ir. Ruaidhri 877). 2 See below, § 164. ' Cf. Ratho both 816, which may be a genitive plural. * Sic H. R. The fall of final rf/i is remarkable. ^ =" The bright red eyebrow." ^ Cf. g. Granairit 769, which refers to a different place ; Graneret, Tirechan's Notes. ' Here a weakening of vowel of the unaccented syllable. ^ Notice weakening of final -ae to -a. * This may be a gen. pi., which would require it to be an o-stem. 1" This Hennessy takes as gen. pi. 11 The F.M. write the name Sliabh Toadh and Chron. Scot. Toath (or Taeth). LL. Toad. 148 N-STEMS. [§ i6i. n-Stems. § l6l. A large number of these stems are formed by a noun pre- fixed to cu, e.g. Ailchu ("hound of the rock"), g. Ailchon 722, 726, Aldchu 724, 786. The cu is sometimes used with a dependent genitive as Cu bretan 739, Cu rot 796 (" the hound of the battlefield "), and g. Concumbu, 729, 791. The most interesting nouns belonging to this class are those having the genitive in -n{n), but with the dative in -e -ae. These have their nominative in -iu. Examples are : — N. Eriu 920, g. Erenn 858, 917, 961, Erend 876, d. (dt) Ere 434, iar n-Ere 857, a hEre 901 {her, R), but d. iar n-Erinn'^ 916, in Er^ 979, 964 (sic H), a h Er 979 (sic H, R), Erinn 1066, ace. Erinn 797, 979 {Er'mxY), for h Erind 825, (a n-) 852 ; fiu Erinn 902 ; compare d. h Ere F61. Oen. Jul. 31 (also d. ire Ep. 25,450, d. dile Fel. Ep. 452). Dative Ere occurs ^ in Compert Conculaind, Tochmarc Etaine, Story of Mor Muman, LL. 2 74a2i. Tigernach, corresponding to A.U. 737, has d. Eri to rhyme with Fene ; for Ere occurs in poem on the death of Maelsechlainn 862. Fiaec's Hymn has d. Erinn in one MS. ; Erind in the other. The non-nasal dative seems to have been giving place to the nasal one early * in the loth century. Further examples are: g. Luscan^ 615, 701, 735, 783, 799, 804, 881, 890, d. (0) Lusca 696 ; g. Mumen 596, 778, 792, Muman 727, etc., d. Mume 775, (dt) Mumae 825 ; g. Talten 716, 722, ace. Tailtin looi, d. {a) Tailtae^ 732, a Tailti 790, / Taillte 856; d. {hi) Fernae moer 782, g. Fernann 692, 714, 816. Miscellaneous nasal stems are: n. aicsiu 867, aicsin"' 918; g. *Banban 724; n. Ciniod "jiz, g. Cinedon^ 630, Cinadon 729, Cinadan 877 ; n. Colggu 579, 701, 721, 795, etc., g. Colggen 609, 621, 677, 721, 730, etc., Colgen 702, etc., later Colgan ; g. Crothrann ^ 719, 784 ; g. 1 Sic H. I have not noted the reading of R. ^ Leg. Erinn ? ' This does not exhaust the number of occurrences. ^ But cf. Flann Manistrech LL. iSsbiS in hEriu. °But change to g. Lusca 906, 928, 1055, 1059. "The -It- is probably palatal though followed by -ae. Cf. next instance. The dat. hi Teilte occurs in Vita Columbae (Thes. ii. 279). ' MS. (H) can be read aicsin. 8 A king of the Picts. The " Cinioth filius Lutrin " of the Pictish Chronicle. Cf. 712. ^Leg. with Hennessy Clothrann. § i62.] S-STEMS. 149 Cualann 703, 708, 726 ; g. Dairben (?) 777, n. ditein 878 (for ditiu), g. Deilggden 621, 723, Deilgdden 621 ; n. herim ^ 758 ; g. *Eitchen 577, 585 ; Loch Erpsen 929 {Loch Oirbsen 1338) ; g. Erumon 772 ; g. in gobann loii ; g. Illandon 586, 621 {Illainn C. S.), Lllannon 585 (cf. n. Illann 624) ; g. *Laisren ^ 604, cf. g. Za^re 622, 645 ; d. leim 585 g. *Lingsen 799 ; g. Lugedon 789, Lugadon 780, 800 ; g. Lurgan 624 maidm 720 (bis), d. madhmaim 779, 815, 857; g. Maignenn 786 ; g Nesan 700; g. Nodan 808 ; g. Noiscan 753 ; taidbhsiu 991 (Taidhbsi. R), (^//i) Truisten 937, Ci'/co;? 696 (leg. with R /«/(r(?« ?), g. Z7/«.f^;^ 560, 561. The declension of the following is variable: g. Arann^ 917, g. ^?m« 759, 866, a. Arainn 857, cf. g. Bairenn 694, 777, but g. Bairne 726, g. Rechrann 634, 849, 974, but g. Rechrainne 738, 742, 768, 772, 794, 798 (the latter certainly appears to be the oldest as far as dates are concerned). Cf. g. Eiblinne 532, 536. G. *Cruachna 773, d. {de) Cruachaxn (clannaigh) 814, a. {for) Cruachna, d. {hi) Cruachnibh 782, is often classed, in later times, as an n-stem, but is really an a-stem. It is sometimes used in the singular and sometimes in the plural, and its declension seems very erratic. Irregular. G. arba 913 (from nom. arbar, old dat. arbaimm). s-Stems. § 162. Of words declined in the singular we may take as a type sliabh, n. 'a mountain,' g. sleib}ie 820, d. {f) sleib 775, 893, 1054, a. {fri) sliab 887, {hi) 758 (poem), {dar) 962. I have no instances of the word in the plural in any period. The genitive of mag, ' a plain,' is sometimes followed by a .^ 1 1 have included all nasal stems here. ^ This -en is probably the termination -ene in its shortened form. 3 It is doubtful if this is an n-stem, as the oldest genitive appears to be Airne (759)- ISO CHANGE OF DECLENSION. [§ 163. before a vowel as maige, as in Maighe heu 731, 772, Muighi kai 734, Muigi hitha 906 ; not followed by h in Maighi Ochtair 589 (R maigi). Other instances : g. maige 730 (R maighi), 824, d. maig 755) 799i 824, ace. il/a^ 836, etc., voc. a mag m- 918. Of tech, n. 'a house,' the dative {do) thaigh occurs at 780, 955, but tigh at 634, 808, 1012 ; g. taighi 912, 952, 1012, g. tighi 1043, tige n. pi. na taighi 891, 911, 920, a. tech 1034. For dUn, which becomes partially an s-stem, see Change of Declension, § 165. Dual. The following dual forms may be noted : g. dual (neuter) da lock) 639, 686, 903, g. da locha 768, 774, 1017, n. dual fern, di grein 910, g. dual fem. da glas 883, a. dual f. di glais 951, n. dual in di longais. Change of Declension. § 163. The following are the principal cases of change of declen- sion which I have noted. For changes from o-, u- and i-stems, see under these stems. Guttural Stems. § 164. I. G. Ailech Cluaihe 869; earlier g. Alo Cluathe 721, etc. 2. Temuir, formerly an i-stem, g. Temro 611, etc., Temra 889. The oldest instance ^ of the guttural genitive of Temuir is g. Temrach 914, and, at about which date,^ I should fix its change to the guttural declension. G. Temrach occurs again at 915, 917, 920, by which time the guttural declension of the word was fully established. Temra [Temro) does not re-occur. These words changed to the guttural declension on the analogy of words ending in /, r which belong to this declension. Compare Idthair, g. Idiihreach, cdil, g. ' Instances in a late hand I do not take into account. '^ A dative Temhraigh occurs at 839, but this is possibly due to later Irish influence. There is a spelling ot gh for dh (d) in the same line. § i66.] CHANGE OF DECLENSION. 151 cdlach (' fame,' ' name '), Idir^ g. Idrach (' a mare,') meabkair, meabhrach in modern Irish ^ ; cf. also dais, g. clasach (' a pit '), cis, g. ceasach (' a causeway '). Other examples might be cited, and the tendency is strong in the modern language. G. Monistrech 722 (also at 763, 833, 836) is a rather early instance of the guttural declension for a borrowed word. G. Ruaidhri 1020, 1043 changed from the guttural declension, but hUa Ruadrach occurs at 1053 for the last time. Hua Ruadrach also occurs in a poem on Aed hua Farreith (1032). s-Stems. § 165. N. Dun, (n.) 733, g. Duin 680, 685,2 697,2 844, 864, 872. At 866, 964, ir74, g. duine^ probably on analogy with glun ; a. pi. dune 870. The g. duin remains in place names, e.g. g. Duinlethglaisi 955, 1006, etc., CO Belach n[d]uin 1005, g. Duin Chaillden 872, but g. Duine Caillenn 1045; ^^- S- '■^ di'cine, LL. 2 76a24. As a rule, place names preserve the older declension. For neuters in -ach cf. o-stems, § 147. Dental Stems. § 166. N. inis, g. pi. innse n-, an i-stem, has g. pi. na n- innsed at 979, innseadh 984, as if formed from an accusative plural innseda. This plural in -edha (adhd) possibly helped to give rise to the Modern Irish plural in -/, a/.* It was probably formed, in the first place, on the analogy of forms in -ed, -eda in dental stems, though the d can hardly have represented a dental at the time of the above instances. At 1004 the gen. plur. is again na n- innsi. ^ In Mod. Ir. suil (' eye ') gives g. sulach beside siila ; also glim, g. glunach. ■2 In R the stroke for » is over both u and i. 3 Cf. Mdel duine, Anecd. i. p. 74, § 220 {rhyming with ritine), and v. Hogan, Ir. Neuters, p. 131. ■• Cf. Strachan, Mid. Ir. Declension, p. 224 (Trans. Phil. Soc. 1904-5). 152 CHANGE OF DECLENSION. [§ 167. Nasal Stems. § 167. N. [Rechru), g. Rechrann 634, 849, 974, but g. Rechrainne 738, 742, 768, 772, 794, 798 as an a-stem (cf. under n-stems). Com- pare g. Bairenn^ 694, 777, 793, but g. Bairne 726. G. Arann 917 points to a nom. '''Aru, but Airne 759, 866 appears to be the older genitive. Instances of change from this declension are : g. Ferna 904, Dercca Ferna 929, g. Ferna moire 1042 (g. Ferna mor 1002); cf. g, Fernann 692, 714, 816. G. Lusca 906, 928, but g. Luscan 70I1 735 to 890. Both these words had a non-nasal dative, hence after this change they become indeclinable. 1 G. Bairenn also occurs in Cluain Bairenn, Story of Recinn, Meyer, Archiv iii. 308. Ceann Boirne is the modern Irish for Black Head, Co. Clare. VI. THE VERB. I.— MATERIAL. The Copula, indicative. PRESENT. §i68. Sing. Plur. I. 2. 3. is {e) 560 (gloss), 640 (?) is at [imdd) 1014, 1041. 562, 645, 661, 839, 853, 911, 7 atte mesca 1012. lOII. dianid 839, 'to whom is,' condid 916, indid 918, i:(7««(/ 858 (conii/, conidh), 1015, 'so that it was '. ni hed 640 (?poem), w 640, 668. PRETERITE. 2,. ba 516 (poem, 3 times), 661, 694 (poem), 763, 850. ba himdha 6'jo, ba imda 777, ni bo {chomailff- 650 (poem), ni comtar 855, 916, 944. bo 661,^ bad kid &"](), baithiunn^ combtar, 940. 902. {olsodhain) napu [menic) 938, batar 1012. combo 991. ^ Notice regular aspiration. ^ In a poem on folio 24a : ni bo chointi ni occo. 3 'There was to us' = 'we had'; cf. taithiunn, Poem iii. Codex S. Pauli, baithium, Longus mac n-U (Wi. i. p. 78), etc. 154 THE VERB. [§ 169. PERFECT. I. 2. 3. robo (croda ^) 763 (poem), diarmbu 878. corbo {comardd) 849, 1003. FUTURE. I. 2. 3. ni ba {ellmhu), 687 (poem). bidh {fir fir) 823 (poem). SECONDARY FUTURE. 3. ropad 742, robad q'jo (fol. Sib). 3. nipdais 979 (fol. 52a). SUBJUNCTIVE. PRESENT. No instance. PAST. I. 2. 3. 3. roptis 687 (poem). diamtis 979 (fol. 52a). THE SUBSTANTIVE VERB. INDICATIVE. PRESENT. §169. Sing. Plur. I. 2. 3. ata 928. ' Notice non-aspiration of c. § 1 69- J THE VERB. 155 nista 918 (bis). itaat 758 (poem), 'in which they Rel. file (' which is ') 687. are '. conidfaW^ 958, ' so that he is '. nifail, ni fil 894. PRESENT CONSUETUDINAL. No instance. IMPERFECT. I. 2. 3. a tech a mbidh 670 (poem, agrees with bd) ; hi taigh i mbith (poem) 670. PRETERITE. Sing. Plur. I. 2. 5. bai, 856, poem, 1009, (rel.) ^. {Te\.)batar{imaig/ieMa)io2i, baithiunn ('we had ') 902. 7 bhatar 1029. PERFECT. I. 2. 2,. ni raid he 1021, robai{roboi,'R.), corabadur 755 (sic R), robadnr 1021 ; {xe\.) roboi 1006. 848, (rel.) robatar 817, 846, 1103. 3. ro-n-bia 1065. (rel.) bias 687. FUTURE. SUBJUNCTIVE. PRESENT. 3. rambe,'^ 694 (poem). I. {dia) mbeinnsi 742. 3. (fid) beith 928. Verbal Noun : dobuid 687. PAST. 1 Cf. Wb- i6b9 ci nin-fil lib. '■' =r-an-be ; an- is the infixed pron. of 3 sing. masc. 156 THE VERB. [§ 170, §170. Sing. 3. (?) berad 562. abbred 928. THE VERB. IMPERATIVE. Plur. 1. tiagam 913. 2. taiscidh 622. INDICATIVE. PRESENT. §171- Sing. I addaim 640 (?) (fol. 23b). nicaraim 845 (leg. ni caru). (p) doralaim 877, adfeidim 902. r « nomaide 845, condici^ \ 938, «r/«853. I 1 ni-s-riadai'^ 694. /y»r. laigid 694 (poem), i^adcot- ada 869). fogeir^ 877. nicumaing 918, 1041, ;za;rf- OTazV 942. ;?? chelaid^ 516 (poem), asmberidh (rel.) 516. «ac/% cainid 911. fosgniat * 624, adrandat 627. {inna) f reseat 661, nodchiat^ 758 (poem). 3- 1 dosnegat 779 (fol. 34a). asberat 1003, brenait 1024, facaid 1099. innisit 1099, comhraicit 1099, tescait 1099. ' A crystallized phrase, as in Mod. Ir. g-o rfij, g-o dtigidh = ' as far as ' ; leg. idtici. It takes the accus. in O. Ir. ; cf. Wb. 24d5 condidticci. ^ For ni-sn-riadai, but cf. infixed pron. 5 Aspiration after »t -f infixed neuter pronoun. '' =fo-sn-gniat, ' serve them '. ^ Cf. Wb. iob6, ama/ «oAi nadchiat. ' ' heats.' Cf. Cambrai Homily, Theo. ii. 246, fogeir a nggalur in uile corp. Henn. wrongly prints fugerr. § 172.] THE VERB. 15; ' {is alaind)feras^ t,62, meilis 650, scoras 661. hiaratha 746 (poem) (leg. Rel. \ aratha \ diallas (?) 779 (fol. 34a). imteit 845 (leg. imeteit), opas 970. indisit (rel.) 11 18. PASSIVE. fichtir"^ (catK) 562, (dogarar 552 late). berthair [giallno) 562. nachmlecar 913, gnithir 10 14, Jogabhar 1031 (circ). rimthir 927 (leg. rimtir). ce nach arimter loi i (' though they are not reckoned ') {arimhther, R). IMPERFECT. §172. I. 2. 3. haeded^ (?) 763, M'.f(;^ 902. corenadh 964. j mordais 979. I rel. immasreitis^ 694 (poem). S-PERFECT. 2. robadis 845, roscarais 918. 3. w^aiJ 622, 914; rosoi 6^0, rue rodatoigsetar (?) 621 (MS. W(/- 650. batoigsetar). atosrolaic^ 694, corucc, corrucc 737, ''^^^ 746, w/eag- 746, 1 For this use of rel. compare 687 niha ellmhu bias gen, and Ml. 57C12. '^ ' which is ahead.' Cf. arithmboi in next stanza. ' "Leg. Jichthir (?), but cf. again in same stanza ficktir cath nGabra. ^ Cf. badhid 879, and see § igg. " ' used to ride over it.' Cf. LL. 275 immusreitis cossa ech || Miiman i mbethu Ctianach. Tighernach has imoreithdis rigriadhai. * For t we want two dentals. Analysis ad-to-sn-ro-laic for later O. Ir. ad-da- ro-laic rather than Mid. Ir. ad-dos-ro laic. Cf. Fled Br. adsoirg, Wi. i. ix. 25. 158 THE VERB. [§ 172. roleic 746, roleici 746, ni terna 7SS, cofargaib ^ 758, co tucc 778, nisrogab 780, cororann 801, 804, 817; corugiall 803, rodomthesi ^ 809, romarb 809, conidroloiscc^ 822, dosftic 840, ro-iad {glasd) 835, corindridh^ 849, co fargab 854, 913 ; cocomscar?,$6, durat 858, ^Mf 857, CO /^(T 865, 967, loii; ^(? farcaib 859, roslat 865, (Tf? /ar/a 865, ro-aj- 867, [a;/ cotada ^ 869], ;^? foxlaigh 886, «z essibt{&'jg) 886, ^J^/az-j-- ^ar 891, <:(? ;^Mir 891, « w^aiJ 914, r ^(7 erlegh 992, <:(? r(7 /raw/r '^ 997, 1026, core la ^()?i,/argaibh 988, 995, 1004, fi? r^ ^azM 1009, « tarait 1005, ffJ r;? war^ loii, 1026, (fora/ 1048, ^r- r ralsat 850. C(? r(?[5]/a/5a/ ^ 850, co farggabsat 851- C(? rugiallsat 85 2, C(? romarb sat 859. r(), foroir- conarrgabfha 830 (bis), 7 rogabta. eth 777. conarrgabad 830, rolloscad 835, asatuctha 865. irroladh 836. corolscadh 835, 868; foracbadh 840, (^« /« n>) marbadh 844 (bii), forolgad^ 850 (fol. 39b), coralad 855, c(7 fargbadh 857, 923 ; corogabad 864. <:6; coromarbad'^ coro-riagtha 985, coro-marbtha 995, 1003; corolad <)()2>, 1022, 986. 1031, 1076. doronta 998, cofargabtha 1012. coro-cuired ^ 1022, ni fargbad ro '■marbtha 1019, *corusdilegait^ loii. 1014. coro-tescadh 1019, ir-ralad 1032, ifarcbad 1043. Reduplicated and Various Perfects.* §174- Sing. Plur. I. 2. 3. ro-mebaid ( = -memaid) 593, w^/ (bis) 603. hi torchair 626, 835 ; <:<) torchair 661 (poem). imrualaid^ 746, «i3 dorochair i tordiTudur 816 (H, R). 796. CO torchair 821, coniddeisigh {du i) iorchT&far^ (iii) S^^. 839- rommeabaid 851, romemaid 853, 859- dodechaidh 858, adrogaidh ^ / /^^^-Ara^^ur * 892, 896, ir(7«(&- 858. chadur 892, adconncadur 917. ^ /s uaidkib fein ro-marbad, "it is through themselves that he was slain "- In Mod. Ir. also o is the preposition we use to connect the agent with the perfect participle, thus biod si deanta o n-a laimh ; cf. § 197, 5, note 2. "A new form. It occurs again at (1178), 1188, etc., coroladh is used to 1126, dorala 1220, 1232. ^ This peculiar form seems to mean ' so that they were destroyed '. Such forms were common during the nth and first half of the 12th cent. Instances occur in the Annals at 1155, 1161, 1170, 1187 {-badh, R). Several instances will be found in the Leabhar Breac Passions and Homilies. '' Cf. Strachan, Old Irish Paradigms, p. 54. » = imb-ro-as-luid, ' it passed away from him ' ; cf. «icon imruldatar- Turin 65, nad imrulaid, Ir. Psalt. 1. 468, without as- (?). « Sic H. ' = ad-ro-gaid. » At S92, 8g6 sic R and H. § 1 74-] THE VERB. i6i co-remid 920 (leg. -roimtd). condeochaid^ g^o,co-rotmid g46. i iorchra.t\iT 932. [Cf. arrochiu ^ (?) 970 (poem).] i torchair g']i, 972, 979, 982. CO remaidh 995, 998, 1003, 1005, CO torchair 1003, do- rochair 1003, 1014 \rnaidhis 1014 = romemaid\ coremid 1016. [i^<» romuidh^ 1022, 1024], co « imrubart (' who plied ') 809, ;^o malart 918. Passive : w (?r? 998. asrorta 840 (' out of which '). ro ^or^a 900, ro or/a 950. §176. S-Preterite. 5w^. /•/wr. I. 2. 3 . _/f ///5 562, scorais 913, anais gi6. fillsit 562, j«>?«V 562, forloiscset roinis 916. 562, aensit 771, nadcarsat 780. soissit 808, a;^«V 808. 1 Leg. conna f^sed, ' so that there might not run '. See Past s-subjunctive. ' Cf. LL. 191a, CO ro aig Pardus Adaimk. ' ' interred them.' * Cf. rodosn-airg, SR 5415, and v. Strachan, Verbal System of Saltair na Rann (Trans. Phil. Soc. 1895), pp. 4, 26. § 178.] THE VERB. 163 maidis xox^fdofuW^ ioi6. tindscansat %q?> . gadais I loi. co comascsat S4S. do gensat 917, cathaigset^ 916. Dep. : coirsetar^ 621. Rel. : nodfich 562. Passive : tescadh 10 19. §177. T-Preterite. Sing. Plur. 2. 3. asbert 913, *acht^ 920. fechtatar 1024 (fol. 556 poem). Passive : doomlacht^ 732, dianepred •j'ji, 778, asbreth 916. §178. Reduplicated and Various Preterites. Sing. Plur. 1. I. fuaramar 913, nimacualamar 970, (fol. 51b). 2. 2. 3. ^(jcer 516, 916 {docker), mem- 3. dollotar 758, 916. ^z'l:/ 516. /ii'Z'ar 780. ' A new verb. Docer occurs for the last time at 1021. 2 We should expect a deponent ending. The fonn used is not absolute either. Active forms of deponent verbs, however, occur frequently. 5 Leg. with Chron. Scot. ; concoirsetar, lit. ' they conspired against '. *Acht in sluagh fa thuaigh, 'the army made for the north'. Hennessy translates acht by ' but ' and inserts ' that went ' in parenthesis, but I have not met a parallel for such a construction. If we put a full stop after thuaigh and begin a new sentence with dosfarraidh we shall have the true Irish narrative style. The perfect form ro-acht occurs commonly. ^ ' was milked,' firom to-od-melg, translate : ' She was milked three times. A drink of milk at every milking.' 164 THE VERB. [§ 179- arithmboi'^ 746, nimatulaig^ condtdaptha* Hi de &^o. 758 (poem). ofhuair "^6^ l^eg. fofuair). condeissidk 821, coniddeisigh 839, condeisidh 857, 859, 881. ni tkargai^ (?) 886, ni taircell co comairnecktar ()!•]. 886. dusnarraid 913, dosjarraidh nadacadxa 917. 920. CO tainic 925, conostarraidk 932- deissid 942, /az'wzV 963 (tainzg conidiairiketw 948. R). coniiarraidh 973, conv&taraidh co tangadur^ 998. 999, 995, 1012, doluidh 999. /mz(/^ iooi, 1004, 1014, 1056, dolotar ^gq. tail 1015. docer (sochaidi) 1021. nimalotar 1012. conitairtetur 1035 {-tairi/iei''.'R). Passive : forsmbith ^ 694. §179 I. dombeuir'' (rel.) 617. FUTURE. ^/«r. ^ = ar-idn-boi, ' which was before him '. ^ Leg. nimatulaid = ni-mad-tu-luid. ' Perhaps we should read «j targa (fut.), ' there will not come,' as in Tig. corres. to A.U. 995 ni targa ; but cf. SR targai 4498. * Cf. Ml. gSbS atbaiha, commonly atbatkatar, as asindbathatar, Ml. 36aio, conaptha YBL. 58b4 ; cf. RC. xi. 450. For infixed pronoun in condid- cf. atbail. ' Sic R. ^ ' on which was slain.' ' F.M. dober. § 182.] THE VERB. 165 beraid 6^0 (poem). doregat"^ (rel.) 617 (poem). fodirfe 970, dorega^ (rel.) 640 riasangebat 1022 (poem). (? fol. 23b). adfe ' 640 (fol. 23b). Passive : b&xthair^ {mo chnama) 823. §180. SECONDARY FUTURE. 3. nosfirfed (fol. 523, 970 circ). §181. Subjunctive. PRESENT. Sing. Plur 2,. i^adcotada^ 869; cf. enclitic iarmifoiset^ 6it. form -itadci). §182. PAST. I. 2. 3. (waz) doratsed-sa 617, 7nona arangabtis 916. ' In a poem attributed to Columbcille ! ^ ' will come.' ^ ' who will tell,' for adfi. The poem runs in sui dorega indes : ise ad duibh for lei. Beiaid Cumain cua thech : do mac Aedho mic Ainmerech. * Leg. bertair. " As there is no principal verb in the sentence it is not easy to know how to construe this. As dia follows perhaps we should read adcotadad (' all he could get'); but it maybe simply historical present. Cf. adcotedae, L. Ardm. i8br. For the s- perfect form of this verb, cf. adchotados-sa, Wb. 7ai6, also Ml. 44018, 43d24, Tur. 100, Sg. 5oa3, Ml. 54a9. " 3 pi. pres. s-subj. of iarmi-fo-siag-. i66 THE VERB. [§ 182. icad 687 (poem), dianomm- ansed 742, dichet^ 783. ftitutdecht 783 (leg. fuzdc/ied^). Dna res (leg. con na resed ^) 810. iCf. LU. 38331, 3Ma dichtheth carpatfriae dis'iu nach anall. 2 MS. CUI-oef. Cf. Strachan, CZ. iii. Grammatical notes. ' Sic leg. ' so that neither horse nor chariot might run '- H. has OTlx^neCc eC, R. OTIA-pef ec = connn resed ech. If this reading be right we have here an important historical reference to chariot- and horse-racing. For -resed, cf. Rev. Celt. xi. 446, ara-resed amal in roth sin, ' so that it might run like that wheel '. II. REMARKS. § 183. The verbs in the Annals are relatively few, but are im- portant as far as they go. As the occurrences are mostly confined to the third person of the present, preterite and perfect indicative, with but a few forms of the future and subjunctive, there are several points on which they do not touch. The past tenses of the indicative are, however, pretty well represented. In these latter I have arranged the ro- and roA&si, forms as perfect ^ and preterite respectively. § 184- After a time ro- tends to move to the front of the verb and to become a separate particle with the accent on the next syllable following it. Of this we have instances of simple verbs after co, ' so that, and,' common in the early loth century as cor-ansat 835, cor-ortadnx 844, but coro-ortadnx 921, 932, cor-ort 849, but coro ort 940, 954, 964, etc., CO rolscsad 849, but coru-giallsat 852, etc. In both cases co is final. It may be translated by ' until,' ' and ' With compound verbs, co-rindridh 849, cor-innred 881, but coro- inder 927, 948, 961. Ind-retfiaim seems to have been early treated as a denominative verb from indred and passes over to the s-perfect.^ In O. Ir. it has ro infixed ; cf. an-in-ro-rad-su (2 sing, perf.), ML 84C2, in-ro-raid 66d2i ; further, 3Sa2i, io4b8. Before going further it may be well to point out that in these forms, where ro- precedes a vowel. Modern Irish represents the older rather than the later con- dition of things, and it is not clear that the phenomenon in such cases is not due to artificial spelling. From forms like co ro-gab 914 ro becomes atonic and loses its o, thus giving Mod. Ir. gur ghabh. Apart from this, however, we have a general tendency for ro to come to the front in the loth century, and this phenomenon may be a part ^Cf. Zimmer, KZ. xxxvi. 463 sq., Thurneysen, KZ. xxxvi. 52 sq., Strachan, Action and Time in the Ir. Verb, Trans. Phil. Soc. 1899-1900, p. 408 sq. By about 1000 the perfect had come to be used for the preterite as a narrative tense. 2 Cf. cor-innriset 865. As there are no obvious reduplicated forms, I have treated it with the s-preterite and perfect. 167 i68 REMARKS. [§ 185. of that tendency. Even in O. Ir., after con- ('so that'), the tend- ency is not to have the accent on the syllable following c^i; cf. orogabsid, Wb. 26a25, lase j-ro-thinoll Sg. 66b23. After ni, na, in Old Irish, ro is brought forward in unaccented position ; cf. Strachan, The Particle Ro-, 168. After co before a reduplicated pre- terite we have always ro accented, e.g., co rhimid 946, co rlmaidh 995, 998, 1003, 1005. From these instances also we see that the non-accentuation of re- takes place very early ; thus co rolscsat 849, but co ro loscaiset 844, CO ru-giallsat 852, etc. It may however be noted that this accen- tuation of ro seems to occur preferably before l,^ g, ch ; thus Togal Bruidne da Derga, LU. 84ai3, 85a42, has cor-ragbaiset. At any rate, it is clear that the consonant group which follows ' influences the accentuation. Strachan, The Particle Ro-, p. 187 (Trans. Phil. See. 1896) thought that the " sinking of ro to ru may indicate a change of accents". It may be well to point out that in our material the writing ru only occurs between 803 and 852 side by side with the writing ro, and only in a few words. In the Wb. glosses the instances of ru are relatively few, but they are pretty common in Ml. § 185. When ro comes in the second position after a preposition it regularly takes the accent, e.g. ad-rb-gaid 858, do-rochair 796, etc., do-rigal <^i,\ , fo-rblgad 850, imrubart 809, etc.* But after the preposition ar-, ro does not take the accent ; * cf. ar- ru-nert Ml. I39b2, ar-ro-dibaid Wb. iiaig (rel.), ar-ru-dibaid Ml. 99a2, ar-ru-throith, Ml. 38d7, ar-ru-genisiu, Ml. 72b2o, but cf. however, do-rigenuas-sa, Ml. 2a6 (rel.). The same rule may apply to such prepositions as ceta. ^ Cf. also the use of co (causal) with the subjunctive in such phrases as conair- ladaigthe, gl. ut obediatis, Wb. 3bg. This co takes mo and accent on the second syllable. Cf. note 3. ^ Cf. nad reildissem. Ml. 63di5, but nad ro-todlaigester, Ml. I24dg. ^ Cf. in subj. Wb. 28dii, oro-gba each desimreckt diit, 26b7, o-ro-gbaid, 3ob4, o-rogbat, 6di, con-rochra, but con-rochomalnid et :)-ropridchid soscele, Wb. 23b40, o-ro-chrete-si et oro-intsamlithe, Wb. I7ai3, o-ro-gabthe-si. Ml. 3gd22. Corro- chraitea, Wb. 12C33, points to accentuation of ro, and it may be that the non- accentuation of ro- in this position was only beginning. " A doubtful form arrochiu (followed by r in the next word) occurs at 970 (poem), rhyming with aniu. * Cf. the position of the infixed pronoun below, § 198. ? i87.] REMARKS. 169 Infixed ro-. § 186. We have ro- still preserved in infixed position ^ in dorlgal 941, doruagell^ 963, etc. Infargaib 988, 995, 1004, 1012, 1029, in plural at 1000, 1056 (foracsat), Dorigal has become in SR. 4465 ro digail, with palatal /. SR. has, as a rule, ro infixed in compounds in which it was infixed in Old Irish, e.g. doru-malt 2909, 3683, etc., do-r-id-nacht 124, 1469, etc., do-r-immart 860, do-ro-sat 3, 657, etc.^ But ro- is prefixed in co-ro-thafind {do-senn- < * to-svenn-), SR. 6405, ro thepi 29, rothimgair 1731, 2477, ro-th-airn-gair 3287. The change did not become general till after the middle of the loth century, and had not fully operated for compounds of one preposition at the time of SR. Compounds of two prepositions had generally moved ro- on one place, as do-rh-sat, SR. 3657, but doforsat Ml. I7b6, do-fhorsat Sg. 3ibs. This had already begun in O. Ir. ; cf. dorosat, Sg. 3ib2, Per. i2a2. We may further compare such forms as conrotacht, Fl. Br., and conrhtig which becomes in Mid. Ir. ro chumtaig, as rochumtaig, Three M. Ir. Hom. * p. 18 ; ro chumtaig gloss on arutacht, Broccan's Hymn, etc. This introducing of the enclitic form after ro- for the orthotonic form was the greatest change that the O. Irish verb underwent. Even in O. Ir. we find the beginnings of this change in certain exceptional conditions, such as in forms which were not felt to be compounds : thus ma-ru-d-choiscset, Wb. 28C7, ro coscad. Ml. 49as, ro-tuirset, Ml. 44d23, ro-thuirsium, Fel. Oen. Ep. 143. Atter con- in lase o-ro-th-in-oll, Sg. 66b23. § 187- After ni, nad, we find ro also brought to the front in certain verbs in the time of the glosses: thus ni ru-thogaitsam, Wb. i6a2 2, beside ni-m-thorgaith, Ml. 38a 13 ; ruthochurestar, Ml. i8d6, beside do-ro-churestar, Ml. i6c6; niru/oraithmenairsom, M.\. 24ai7. For a collection of instances, v. Strachan, The Particle Ro-, p. 168, where he points out that these are later compounds which did not undergo the laws of Irish accent. ^ The instance ro-thobaig 763 (poem) is probably corrupt. Dorigal has the verbal noun ending ; pres. dofeich, older perf. doruich. ^ Cf. doruagell, Ir. Charters in the Book of Kells, iii. i ; cf. Strachan, SR. 30. 3 For further instances, cf. Strachan, Verbal System of SR. p. 25. '' For further instances, cf. Windisch, Worterbuch. I70 REMARKS. [§ i88. § l88. In some cases ro becomes part of the verb, as i torchair i)1\, 972, etc., / torchraduT 1 127, etc. Where ro has become part of the verb, as in coralsat 850 (cf. co rolsat, LU. 83a7), irralad 1032, corala 916, 917, 986, ro keeps the accent when a preposition or conjunction precedes. The compound co tarla 865 gives the Mod. Ir. tarla, tarlaigh. Ro becomes ra under the accent when the following syllable contains a. Cf. co ragbad, with weakened root, after ra. § 189. The preposition in becomes ir- before ro : irroladh 979, 986, irralad 1032. On the other hand we have in maintained before ro : thus du in ro marbad 844 (bis), du in ro badudh 923. In this case ro does not take the accent, while it does so after as in asrorta 840. In Mod. Ir. we have the n of in- preserved before r in in rud ar biih beside / rud ar bith. We have instances ■' of both in- and ir forms in the glosses; cf. in rochomallad. Ml. I22d7, in rogbath 24dio, irrufolnastar, Wb. I3b29. The same conditions prevail in connection with an- (' what '). In case of other particles the accent follows in- : du i torchratar 833, etc. § 190. We have aspiration after independent ro at ro-'siacht 1003. This, as was only natural, spread from non-independent ro, which had, by that time, become full. The Reduplicated Preterite and Perfect. § 191. After a time the s-preterite becomes the regular thing in the singular, and the -tar or deponental forms become generalized in the plural. Thus for the regular reduplicated perfect coroimid 946 { = co-ro-memaid) we have co remid^ (leg. roimid) 920, co remaidh 995, 998, 1003, IOCS, coremid 1016, but co ro muidh 1022, 1024 ; cf. the preterite maidhis 1016 for {ro^ memaid. In these forms we have both changes : ro becomes an independent particle and memaid passes iCf. Strachan, The Particle Ro-, p. 87. '^ Togal Bruidne da D. has the intermediate stage co roemid, LU. 98313. § I9I.J REMARKS. 171 over to the s-preterite. Tigernach corresponding to AU. 997 has cor muigh. Meabaidh 1128 stands between two presents and seems to be used as a present. The disappearance of the reduplicated perfect probably became general in the early nth century. Even in the Milan glosses we find the change from the reduplicated (deponent) form to the s-form in a few words,i as foruraithminsit^ Ml. i3Sai. The re- duplicated perfect is common in SR,^ but there are a good many cases of transition to the s-preterite and perfect : thus ros-dedlaig 7958, but ro-dluig 4045, romemaid 5097, 6589, but diarmaid 5582 ; further, snegdatar 2521, instead of an older reduplicated preterite of snigim. Thus the change was in process of taking place * when the Saltair was composed, the new non-reduplicated form being the spoken one which could be used when the metre required it beside the older literary form. Togal Bruidne da Derga has both reduplicated and non-redupli- cated forms : ro cachain, LL. 83b28, 37, 9ia39, etc., but rachain 86a32, etc. The Tain B6 Cuailnge (LU.) has generally the reduplicated form as lelgatar, LU. 57bi9, cachain 57b28, and numerous instances. Non-reduplicated forms are cumrigis 62b42 (for conreraig) romaid 63b42, rodgonsat 78bio, etc. Cf. Quiggin, The s-Preterite, Eriu, IV. ii. p. 203. The Siabar-charpat Conculaind^ in Egerton 88 fo. a4o has Ata Urn is bo rodlelaxg,^ for which LU. has Atd lim is bo rodalig. The Brit. Mas. Addit. MS. 33,993, fo. 2b, has for this passage italim is bo rodnslelai. This makes it clear that the writer of LU. occasionally modernized his texts. In a poem in the Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib, in a remark put into the mouth of Brian Borumha, occurs cruaid ro-m- 1 Cf. also ar-ru-muinseX, Ml. goal, with depon. ending dia-ru-muinestar , Wb. 4C38, but dorumenatar , Ml. 35bi8, etc. ' Cf. Ml. 24ai7, ni ruforaithmenairsom (3 sing, perf.), which shows indications of a late compound. This change of conjugation in compounds of -moiniur is not to be taken as a general rule but rather an attraction into the s-deponent, which was the commonest form. We may here compare do-ru-menathr , Fl. Br. (LU.), Wi. 82, which has the oldest form of the word. Cf. for aithmenatar, ib. 86. ' For instances, v. Strachan, Verbal System of SR, pp. 24, 25. * The change to the s-perfect in cor-innriset 865 I have referred to above. ^ Cf. Zimmer, Zeitschr. f. Deutsches Alterthum, xxxv. 43, and Pr. Akademie der Wissenschaften (1908), 1102. * ' It seems to me that it was a cow that licked it.' 172 REMARKS. [§ 192. knsat thar each lear ; ci. Ml. 96c 13, ro-leldar, Serglige Conculaind, co-ruildetar. In the poems by Fland Mainistrech (d. 1056) in LL. i8ia ff. we find reduplicated forms X-C&&geguin i8iai5, cecham'ih. 19,1 etc., but these are probably poetic survivals, and he has do-cersat i82b38, which shows that he was not familiar with the form. Gilla Coemain ^ has also docer, LL. 129b, 3b, adnacht, -erbailt (LL. 3b), etc., but cingset, LL. 4a, romaidset 1 7a. § 192. In the passive We have a new form : cororenta 985 ; cf. r/Mi2« (' was sold '), L. Ardm. lybi. For a similar change cf. SR. 5871, roben. T-Preterite and Perfect. § 193. For the t-perfect we have an instance co ro-oirc 1012 (3 Sing.) where the s-form is introduced, and for the 3 plur. ro-oirg 986 (sic MSS.). We have the t-form co ro-orthovitver at 1015, 1019, 1024, IIOO. The t-perfect is regular in SR, but we have several instances which have gone over in the singular to the s-perfect. Thus ro-dosn-airg 5415, do-rim-gair 4930, but dorimgart 2019, 3176. Compounds of -garim have always the perfect in -gart in the Glosses. The con- ditions in SR correspond pretty well to the indication of the Annals. We may compare further ro recair, Serglige Conculaind (Wi. 33), for ro-recart, but nis-frecart, id. 18. The change in verbs ending in -r seems earlier than that of verbs ending in -cht, It. Strachan, VSR, p. 26, suggested the analogy of dorochair. Such verbs would also naturally be influenced by deponents in -ir? We may take the loss of -t in these verbs as earlier than the putting of ro in the beginning, as the above compounds do-r-imgair, etc., have ro- infixed. 1 Cackain occurs in The Voyage of Bran, and, if I recollect aright, also in Ml. ^ In dealing with these Middle Irish poets we must be on our guard against their artificial poetic language as distinguished from the popular spoken language and that of unaffected prose literature. ^ Also by such perfects as ara-rui-chiuir, Ml. I36a8. Cf. note on foruraith- ininsit, Ml. i35ai, in the preceding paragraph. § 194] REMARKS. 173 We have palatalization of 3 sing, perfect in do-foxbairt^ 859 (R ferbairt, \tg. forbart). Cf. further -erbailt (3 sing.) 878, 973, 1036,^ 1104, with atrubalt, Ml. 125C1, erbalt, Longes mac n- U. We may compare here the s- perfect co tarait 984 (H) with palatal t, R has co tarat. At 1005 both MSS. have co tarait. S-Preterite and Perfect. § 194. Of the -dar (-dur) or deponent forms in the 3 plural we have an instance ro-brisidur 1041 (R co ro-brisetar). In this case the j-form is not visible. We have a mixture of both forms ro- carsatar looi (H), but R has coro-carsat, and with the s- fallen away we have ternatw 1103. Corresponding to AU. looi Tighernach has leigsidar. He has generally tucsat, but the mixed form must have been pretty common in the second half of the eleventh century. When the old reduplicated preterite and perfect fell away their forms in the plural would coincide with those of the t-preterite and this would tend to become the general form. From 1 1 03 onwards we have the absolute ending in compound verbs with the accent on the first syllable in 3 sing, pret., e.g. impais, facbais^ maidhis 1103. The ro- forms however would not have the -is endings. Cf. cotlais Tog.BrdD. LU. 91342, dbrtais 98a32, which are presumably due to the scribe. The few verbs* which have the accent on the second syllable in Modern Irish are a remnant of the Old Irish compounds with their double accentu- ation. The Modern Irish past tenses like ghabk si must have gone out from ro- and do- forms. Looked at from various points of view the Old Irish verbal system 1 From to-fo-ro-od-ber, "to attack," "make for" The more usual form of the compound is in foirojrartar (sic) 86g, fusruapartadur 916. ^ oderbailt, R. ^ Cf. f achats, Fl. Brie. (LU.), Windisch, par. 67. For a similar condition of things in the present, see next paragraph. *Such as adeir, 'deir, Hchi (= ad-chi), 'gheobhfaidh (fat., fo-geb-), but nach n-abruigheanti , nach bhfeiceann, nach bfhiiighidh. 174 REMARKS. [§ 195. was almost completely broken up by the late tenth or early eleventh century. The partial levelling out of the endings in the past tenses went on much later into Middle Irish. With fuller material, the date of the various changes may be more closely approximated. Present. § 195. In the present we have new forms like innisit ^ 1099, 11 18, instead of the more usual compound as-ind-feth, with the absolute for the conjunct (or secondary) ending in 3 plur. Cf. ad-fedim 902 and adfiidim LL. sbi in poem by Eochu O Flainn (?). Similarly comhraicit ^ 1099, tescait ^ 1099, facaid 1099 with b of the root^a^ fallen away. Q,i. foracsat 1056. These examples are pretty late, but I have not noted any earlier instances. The absolute instead of conjunct endings in 3 sing. perf. I have referred to above. For such endings in compound forms in SR. cf. feib tecait 3488, fdcbait 7655, heirgit 8246, timchellait 422, etc. Here we have two generalizations : (i) the accent on the first syllable, (2) the absolute ending. Thus we have here the generalization of the absolute ending for the Irish verb as the secondary * (conjunct) ending was generalized in Latin, and the primary in the present and future in Sanskrit. Thus this great Irish principle of the accent on the first syllable, the effects of which were completed in the noun by about 700, had asserted itself again for the verb 400 years later. How far the various changes reflect the results of the events of Irish history in the meantime would be interesting to consider. 1 Seems to be built from a verbal noun of ind-feth, cf. infeded, Mongan-Finn Story, ed. Meyer, cf. aisneis, fr. as-ind-feth. Cf. the b-fut. innisfes in this verb, LU. 8a29, 31, innisfed 15342, etc. Cf. incoad, fr. in-co-fed. ^ The accent is also on the first syllable. ^ ' They cut up,' ' uproot '. Cf. LU. 86b8 do-n-iscide crand asa thoib, LU. 65b37, t-an-isca ; do-escim is possibly to be further reduced to to-cess with meta- thesis of c, s in accented position. * For a discussion on this subject of conjunct and absolute conjugation v. Thurneysen, KZ. xxvii. p. 154 sq. and Zimmer, KZ. xxx. iig sq. THE INFIXED PRONOUN. §196. Stng. Plur. \{mat) do-m-ised-sa 617, do- m-beir^ 645, dia-noxam- nach- iw-kcar, 913. ansed'^ 742, ro-dom- theisi 809. fo-t-racaibh 918. ir-am-be^ 694> ar-ithm-boi fo-s-gniat 624, *do-snegat^ 779, 1 /^6, con-id-fail T^i, nach ni-s-rogab 780, du-sn-arraidh 3 m. .3f- cainid 911, conidforsailc 938, coromarbsat * 941, con-id-airthitnr 946, cow- itarraidh 973, corothair- misc 1003, conitairthetur 1 02 1, 1035, f(7 ro-marb 1026, ronbia 1065 (poem), cono-ro-gab {^alur) 1105, conattar- thadar 1126. immasreitis 694, ni-s-riadai 694. *atosrolaic ^ 694, do-s-fuc 840. \corus-mursat 11 65. 913, fusruapartadui 916, wV- Az 918, ro-s-baid 918, con^rfa^- /-azi://^ 932, co-ro-s-indir'^ 967, no-s-firfed 970 (fol. 5 2a), conus- taraidh 995, 1000, 1012, 1046, iioi, 1 125, <:<> ro-innir^ 997 (bis), « «a^A arimter loii, cs ro-adhnacht 1014, coru-s- dilegait 1014, coro-loisc^ 102 f. CO ro thesairc 1096, coru-s-tairmesc 1097, coro-n-etarscar'^^ iii3. ' Leg. dian-dom-ansed. 1 LU. has domheit. 3 For infixation, cf. conidfail 758, c« »j»/Z /«6, Wb. iGbg, etc. * Leg. £0 ra-marbsat for older con-idn-ro-tnarbsat. 5 V. s- Perfect, p. 157, note 6. 8 In poem cj-oo dosnegat srotha, ' streams of blood wash (?) them ' But it could be also from snigid, ' drops '. ' For ro-sn-indir for older condarindrid. O. Ir. ind-rethaim had ro infixed ; V. s-Perf., p. 158, note 4. 8 Referring to Laigniu. Notice disappearance of infixed pronoun. » Referring to the foreigners or their territory, v. note 8. 1" Cf. coro-n-innarba nert Bretan iat, LU. 3a45. 176 THE INFIXED PRONOUN. [§ 196. 3"- [fii chelaid 516, no-d-chiat 758, con-id ro-loiscc 822, dorigal 94 1 , co-ro-innir ^ 1026. Rel. m. in lucht ro-marb ^ ion. n. no-d-fich 562, do-d-rorbai^ &T.O, fo-d-irfe 970. Affixed pronouns: badhid 879, baithiunn * go2. '918, "since it is". 1 Referring to Inis Mochta. Notice coro-loisc in same year, for O. Ir. conda- roloisc. ' ' Those who slew him.' In lucht is a new phrase. 3 Perhaps masc. = do-dn-rorbai, fr. to-ror-ben. * ' There was to us,' i.e. ' we had '. REMARKS. § 197. The instances of the infixed pronoun of the first and second persons are unfortunately very few, and consequently do not help much towards showing the development of the forms. Nach-in-lecar 1 913 shows no indication of the ar n- form of the infixed pronoun of I pi., which is common in SR. We have nach cainid 911 for nach- n-cainid ('do you lament him not'), unless the neuter "it" be meant; cf. nach beir,Wb. 6c 18, 'who dare not pass it (the judg- ment)'; conndch moidea nech, Wb. 2b4, nach n-astad, Wb. loay, nach molded gdiS, nach h-deirsed, Sg. 209b27, connach n-accaitis, Ml. 32di2 ; also Ml. 69ai7, 122314. The «-^ was lost before c and vocalized it, and such forms with masculine infixed pronoun were the starting-point of the modern nach (g) caoinim. As regards do-s-fuc 840, cf. the form without nasalization in Wb. 26bi6, manisdeirclimmis. Ml. 68b2, nosgabthae, but Wb. 6b29, Ml. 2933, etc' § 198. As has been remarked above, the past tenses with ro are common. It may be well to point out here the rules of infixation with ro : — I. When nothing (or d), etc.) precedes ro infixes the pronoun, as ro-s-6aid giS, ramie = r-an-be 694 ; cf. ro-m-soirsa, Wb. 3d20, ro-s-gab hual (sic). Ml. 57013, etc. The same rule holds when ar precedes; cf. ar-ro-t-neithius-sa, Ml. 46b2o. Cf. the accentuation after ar above, § 185. After a time, however, ar- takes the dental form ar-da.^ For ro-dom-theisi 809 ('has heated me'), cf. ised . . . ^ Cf. Wb. I5d40, nach-in-rogba, Ml. gsdio, huare nach-an-soirainni. With pronouns of the ist and 2nd plur. the sing, form is used; cf. cotobsechfider, Wb. 9a23, etc. Cf. also note on romarbad in next paragraph. "Sergl. Con. (Windisch i. 308) has the -in form in the imperative nach-in- gluasid. 3 Cf. further Ml. 42C12, dusnucai, etc. ■■ V. Strachan, The Infixed Pronoun, Eriu i. 177 12 178 REMARKS. [§ 198. rodam-soersa, Ml. 48a2i, and for this construction, copula + adjec- tive + relative, cf. above, is alaind feras al luadh 562 and is denithir sin arachrin Ml. 57C12, cid dian 7 cian notheisinn^ Ml. 4id9, etc., ni bronach do-n-intarrdi Wb. i6bi8. This corresponds exactly to our modern use of the relative in such a phrase as is beag a chuirfeas sin as db (' that will not put much out of his way '). 2. After ni- the infixed pronoun is put before ro, as ni-s-rogab 780 (' seized them not ') ; cf. ni-s-rochretset, Ml. 39d3, ar ni-s-ro- theckiusa, Ml. 44bio, but ni rus-comallas \a,tar\, Ml. io5a6. SR. has the infixed pronoun after ro in ni-ro-s-luaid 51 12, ni-ro-s-liuna 6531, but ni-s-relicc 6721. 3. After prepositions such asfo the pronoun is infixed before ro, as ■fot-racaib 918 (' has left thee '), fus-ruaparfadnr 916 ; cf. fo-t-racbus- sa Wb. 3ibi, hvA doro-n-donadni y^h. i6bi7 (passive). 4. When CO n- precedes, it infixes the pronoun ^ (dental form), as con-id-roloisc 822 = con-did-roloisc ; cf. Wb. 33a2, ishe oid-rotig, but later coro-s-indir 967 for older condarindrid. This also occurs commonly in SR., co-ro-s-athin SR. 2196, cor-dascuibdig SR. 7862. Similarly we have co-rus-tairmesc at 1097. We have a like formation at 937, co-ro-sithaig, where the s- does not appear owing to the s- of the verb. Another instance of the old formation is con-id-forsailc^ 938, where, however, the construction is not clear and the nominative is wanting. There is a possibility that forms like coro-s-innir spread from no forms like conosberinn Wb. iod36. 5. When, according to this new arrangement, the infixed pronoun follows CO + ro-, the result is seen in such forms as coro-marbsat 941. This, according to the new arrangement, should be cor-an-marbsat. But ro became full about this time — cf. § 184 to § 191 above — the pro- 1 Strachan, CZ. iv. 68, contrasts Wb. 2id9, ismoa dongnisom oldaas don- tlucham, but perhaps we should translate is mb a ghnios se na a iarras sinn (= iarramuid), 'He does more than what we ask,' rather than 'He does it more than we ask it,' taking the » as relative n. Cf. also Wb. 32a25, bid mo dongenaesiu oldaas rofoided cucut. We may also compare ni maith rombatar frim (Tales from the Tain, p. 4) — lit. ' it is not good that they were towards me ' =>= 'they were not kind to me,' etc. We find the dental form -dos- common in Mid. Ir. ; thus SR 4653 ro-dos-terbaiset 4655, ro-das-faidset, etc. ^ But (in passive form) in Wb. con romiccad aSaio. 3 = con-did-fo-ro-od-saik ; cf. dunforsailc Ml. lasag, donforsailced ii8d20, dofoYsailced I3idi. § I99-] REMARKS. 179 noun being felt to be -n- rather than -an-, and n got assimilated to tn. Thus we have coro-marbsat developed quite regularly with no visible masculine infixed pronoun of the 3rd person at 941. Further, coro- marb 1026. Jiomarbad 100 t, as a passive^ has no infixed pronoun. Co ro-tkairmisc 1003 {coro-thairmisg R) Hennessy translates as '(the Cenel Eogain) prevented him,' but the meaning more probably is that he (Brian) put a stop to the Cenel Eogain. The Leabhar Gabhala has the older form conid romarb^ but it has also got j-- for 3rd sing, masc.^ and also the independent pronoun. At LL. 6ai2, con-os-toracht, the infixed pronoun stands for hEriu. Remarkable is the form co-no-rogab 1105 = con-da-ro-gab. For instances of this use of da for 3 sing, masc, such as cono-rucur, LU. S4a23, v. Strachan, The Infixed Pronoun, Eriu i. 174. For the contrary cf. conid-romarb ('and slew her'), LU. S3br4. 6. The loss of the pronoun before or after ro has spread to the plural in coro-innir 995 = until (or ' so that ') he devastated them ( = Connacht and Leinster) ; coro-adnacht 1014 (and interred them), coro-loisc 1026. Coro-thesairc ro96 is doubtful. With s- revived, cor-us-tairmesc 1097, where it is not clear whether the .f- means ' him ' or ' them '. Affixed Pronoun. § 199. As to the affixed pronoun in senchaidh badhid amru 879 {'more excellent than he'), cf. Frag. Ir. An. p. 42 (a.d. 722), ni ffuaramar ar talmain Almain badid redither, ni rangamar iarsin cath Lilcach badid nemether ; Liadan and Cuir. p. 16, badid ciallidiu ; cf. YBL. 26iar4, 15, bes-idn-isle, bes-adn-nuaisliu * — in all of which id is the dative of comparison. ' In the third person the meaning seems to have been passive, but in the first and second persons the passive meaning is not at all obvious. The infixed pronouns are either accus. or dat., and later become replaced by possessives, and impersonal would perhaps be a better description than passive. 2 Cf. Strachan, The Infixed Pronoun, Eriu i. 177. 3 lb. p. 166. In a poem attributed to Eochu O Flainn in this collection we find forms such as dosnucc, LL. 5bi2,fofhuair. * Cf. Thes. ii. 292, note i. i8o REMARKS. [§ 200. § 200. We see from the above that the infixed pronoun fell pretty early in connection with co + ro. It was better preserved in a fixed formula, such as conitairthetxix 1021, 1035, conustaraidh (i- form) 1046, iioi, 1125. The infixed pronoun was in certain positions preserved late into Middle Irish. It would be interesting to determine how far this was a recognized spoken or literary form or merely a poetical embellishment. Independent Pronoun. § 201. It is noticeable that in these nth century instances of the loss of the infixed pronoun that it is not replaced by the independent pronoun. This latter begins, as far as I have noted, at 1099,1 loiscit . . . Cenel Eogain e ; that is, at the close of the nth century the indepen- dent pronoun as object ^ came to be recognized in the literary lan- guage. Instances are common in LL. For instances from LU. v. Strachan, The Infixed Pronoun, p. 176. He takes his examples out of texts such as the Amra Coluimb Cille and Fled Bricrenn. In these cases the independent form is to be attributed to the scribe; in FB. he was probably endeavouring to harmonize two different versions of the text.^ The general use of the independent pronoun at the end of the nth century corresponds pretty well to the conjugating of compound verbs with absolute forms and the throwing back of the accent on the first syllable ; cf. § 194-95 above. These compound verbs with the accent on the first syllable had become, so to speak, simple verbs. With simple verbs we had an affixed pronoun, and the affixed pronoun was in this case replaced by the independent pronoun. The particle no had become obsolete, and there remained the cases of ro, ni, etc., which were detached from the verb. 1 See Strachan, The Infixed Pron., Eriu i. i6g, note. 2 We have sinn, SR. 3493, as independent pronoun of the subject. For fur- ther early instances of the independent pronoun, v. Strachan, Infix. Pron., Eriu i. 176. 'Cf. Thurneysen, CZ. iv. 200 sq., Zimmer, Zeitschrift f. deutsches Altertum, XXXV. 1-172, 252. WORD INDEX. The numbers refer to the pages. o, 'his,' 117. o, 'her,' 117. g. abae, 108 {Findubrach), abae, 44. g. aband, 108 ; v. aibni. abbred, 20, 40, 156. Ablae, 80, 141. Abnier, 57, 134. -abruigheann, 173 n. -acadur, 164 ; -accaitis, 177. accaldam, 98. accaldmaiche, 98. accomallte, 29. Achad, 8 ; g. Achid, 13, 28 ; Achaid, 28, 134 ; d. Achuth, 134. Achad ablae, 141. Achad Alddai, 98. Achad bo, 8, 33. acAf, 163. (ra-) acAf, 163. g. Acithaen, 22, 24, adaig, 144. adconncadur, 160. adcotada, 156, 158, 165. adcotadad, 165 n. ; atchotados -sa,i63 n.; adcotedae, 165 n. adcumbae, 94. addaim, 156. adeir, 173 n. adfe(i)dim, 156, 174 ; ad^g, 165 ; atf/J, 165, n. ^d/ai (g.), 98. -adnacht, 162, 172, 175, 179. adomnae, 81. adopart, 55. adrandat, 105, 156, 162. adrogaid, 168. adsoirg, 157 n. .4e'<2 Machae, 22. a«M V. a«e. Affiath, 41 (Afiath), 114. afrithisi, 129 n. ^8, 32, 139 ; ^«j, 32. aibni, 123. ni-sn-aicilled, 99. aicsiu, 88, 148. •<*«-^, 172. Airgaillae, 88, 123 n., 146. -aiyladaigthe, 168. Airlid, 64, 145. jlirmedacA, 135. Airne, 126. aisneis, 174 n. Aitechdae, 56, 139 ; Aithecdae, 27, 39. aitkissi, 11 1. a/a, 88, 125. alaile, 25, 125 n. ; d. alailiu, alaailiu, 25 ; alaliu, 139; aiZJ6, 126. alaill, 104. hlaind, 98, 104, 105, III, 130, 157, 178. Albanchu, 88, 89. Albu, 12. aW, 99. Aldchu, 97, 99, 148. Alddai, 40. g. Alddailed, 25, g8. Alddan, 15, 40, 97, 98, 99. Aldfrith, C7. Aldnia, 98. Alette, 139. ^Wa, 98 n. ; Allae, 98 n. Allacan, 98. Allan, 97, 98; v. Alddan. Allcellach, 97. Almu, 179. y4/mMre, 141 ; v. .i4/mM. Alprann, 10 (= Calprann). alta, 126, ama/, 125, 166 n. Amalgaid, 27, 135, 143. Amalngaid, 3 n., 4, 59, loi, 102. Amolngid, 59 n. ; v. Amalngaid. ambus (= ammMs), 94. Amlamh, 132. amne, 56, 79. antra, 82; amru, 179 . anacal (= anacol), 59, 128. anad, 144. anaiccenta, 39. anall, 166 n. a»d, 107, 108. Andola, 108. andooit, 112. Anfadan, 135. ^«/o», 74, 135. Anluan, v. ^«/o». Anmcad, 64, 130, 145. d. anmain, 5. (co-) ansat, 158, 167 ; awsii, 162. -ansed, 166. uB <-Ma Neill, 139. anumaloit, 98. aonach, 36; v. aenack, oinach. Aoran, 59. .<4/0)'O'00iaM, 32. ay 57 n., 125. a;'a, 147. arachrin, 178. ai'ai, 86. ara-ruichiuir, 172. aratha, 157. Aralt, 132. g. /IcawK, 149 ; g. .(iJCMe, 149, 152. arbar, 149 ; g. oyAa, 149. ^j-d, 84, 131. d. Ard-achutk, 12. ard-ailean, 24 n. ^("(iii, 40. arddcenn, 40. Ardgal, 40, 140. oj'ci m-, 130. Ardmnchae, 11, 79, 80, 81, 82. ardmaer, 33. .4r'«C(;, 95, 135. B«c(c)d», 22, 23, 95. brechi, 95. Bregann, 141. a. pi. Bregu, 88. Breibne, 41, v. Breifne, 85 n., 139. breith, 40, 115. brenait, 156. Brenann, 44, 135. Brendan, 105, 106, 107, 135. Brenc, 139. Jyco, 77, 78. Bresal, 28. g. Bretan, 132, 175 u. ;^a. pi. Bretnu, 88. Bn ; g. Bi-eg-, 12, 129. Brian, 133. Brianach, 139. Brian Borumha, 52. Brian mac Cinnetig, 6 n. Bricriu, 120. 6n"<- ioJ«, 75. cojs, 75. choiscset, 169. coi-, 102. Colcu, 89 ; V. Colggu. colde, 98. Colggene, 53. Colggu, 37, 148 ; g. 47, 48 ; g. Colgion, 53- Collae, 79. Collbrand, 135. Colm, 92 n. Colman, 9, 22, 23, 44 n.; g. Colmaen, 21, 22 ; Colmani, 15. g. Colm. colnide, 104. Colomb cille, 92. Columb, gi, 92, 93, 94. Columban, 9 n., 14, 15, 16, 17, gi, 92. Columban of Boblio, 14. Colum, 90, 91, 92. Colum cille, 13, 44, 100. comailt, 153, comairnechtar, 164. (ro-) chomallad, 104, 170 ; -comallus, 104 ; comallasatar , 178 ; comalnn- amar, 104. Comalnad, comallad, 104. comalne, 104. Comaltan, 23. comarbbai, 40. comarbus, 127. comardd, 40, 154. -comascsat, 163. Combar, 94. comdach, 86. Comgall, 8, 27, 54. Comgan, 16. Comgellan, 15. Comman, 22, 42, 91. commimis, in. comhraicit, 156, 174. comrangadur, 161. comcar, 141. WORD INDEX. 187 -comscar, 158. comtar, 153. con, 128 n. Conaeth, 135. Conaicc (= Conaing), 139. Conailli, 102. Conait, 27. Conall coil, 34, 44. Conall crau, 6g n. Conall cuu, 32, 44. Conallan, 23. Conamail, 63, 143. Co»a», 135. conaptha, 164 n. conarrgabad, 41. conbadh, 115. Conchadh, 16, 114, 145. g. Concolaim, 92. g. Conculainn (?), 92. Conchubar, 44. CoKd, 105, 106. condae, 118. Condal, 141. Condalach, 106. condalb, 112. Condam, 107, 135. condarsgar, 158. Conde, 140. condeilgg, iii. condici, co dtici, 156, 156 n. candid, conid, 112. condidaptha, 161, 164. Condire, 105; Condere, 106. Condmach, 107. confadh, 135. Congaltach, 48. Congalnch, 128. congbala, 82. Congus, 64, 67. conid, 153 ; v. condid. conid-fail, 154. conidrotig, 178. conitairthetur, 164, 175, 180. conitarraid, 164, 175. Conleth, 135. Conmeldde, Conmaelde, 40. Co«»a. conna ("so that . . . not"), 166 n. Connachtu, 88. Connadh Cerr, 135 n. Connlae, 80, 141, 143 n. conosiarraidh, 164 ; conustarraidh, 180. conreraig, 171. Chonrii moccu cein, 44 n. conrotacht, 169 ; conrotig, 169. conrusleachta, 27. contubart, 55. Coolenorum, 73 n. Coonu, 73 n. Corand, 105, 127. Corbmac, 17. coj-fto, 154. Corcach, 87 n. Corcach mor, 141. Corcran, 22. Coreu medruad, 96. Corciimrtiadh, 95, 96; Corciimbruad, 95- coi-jct, 23 n., 95 n., 131, 156. Cormac, 12. Cornaldai, 98. coy^, 156. g. Coj'j'« (651), 79. cos, 126. -coscad, 169. coscrad, 129, 130, 145 ; coscrath, 114. cosmailius, 28; cosmilius, 28. cosmil, 28. cossin, 34. cotlais, 173. cotlud, 127. g. craeibhe, 33. -chraitea, 168 n. crand, 174 n. Cvandamnae, 105. Crannach, 79, 141. Crannamain, 143. cyaa, 69 n. ; crow, 6g n. Craumtan, 31 ; v. Craumthann, 31, 44. Cy«a, 81 ; Creae, 82. creitem, 29. creitfess, 29 ; (ro-) chretti, 29 ; -chrete, 168 n. ; -chretset, 178. (;«m, 107. Crcmtkann, 31, 135. crich, 80. Crichan, 23. cridhe, 85. Crimthunn, 109 n. Criomtann, 31. Cnsi, 104. g. Critani, 25. c/o, 16, 66 n. ; g, croo, 69 73. Crochen, 141; Crochan, 74 n. crodka, 73. d. croeft, 36 ; d. croribh, 35. Croen, 35. g. Chroib, 34. C/OMaK, 16, 44. Cronan maccu Chualne, 44. croo, 32 ; V. ceo. eras, 86. Crothrann, 61, 148. Cruachan, 74, 141 ; Cruacknib, 28. WORD INDEX. cruaid, 171. crue, 140. cruindae, iii. g. Cruinnein, 24. cruithniucht, 126. Crundmail, 32, 34, 105, 106. cuach, 30 n. Cwaer, 29. Cualne, 16, 44, 56, 102. Cualti, 149 ; Cualann, 47, 106, 107, 109. Cuan, 73, 91. Cuana, 88 ; v. Cuamt. Cuanae, 146; Cuanai, 27. Ctiandae, 16, 17, 27, 105, 106, no. Cuanu, 3, 8 (Book of), 9, 13, 15, 75, 146, 157 n. Cuanu (Book of), 8, 13. Cuanu aue Bessain, 9. Cuanu mac Cailcin, 9 n. Cu bretan, 148. Cm carat, 147. C« chercae, 79. C« cobho, 145. Cu coluim, 91. Cm cumbu, 91, 148. -cuibdig, 178. Cuileannan, 23. Cuilen, 24 ; v. Culen. Cuilen rigi, 24. Cuilend, 105, 106, 108. Cuilne, loi. Cuilnech mar, 102. Cuinche, 140 ; Cuincin, 126. Cuinnles, 106, no. chuirfeas, 178. Cuirrech, 26, 135. c«M, 70. cuZ, 141 ; £uZ«, 26 ; cuile, 26, 44 ; a, pi. c«Zm, 88 ; culaib, 27. Culen, 132. Cumaeldae, 97 ; v. Cumelde. cumai, 28, 42. Cumain, 165 n. -cumaing, 156. cumbae, 81, 91, 94. cumme, 93. Cummene, 140. Cummene Fota, 16 n. Cummenn, 135. cumscugud, 127. £M»»jMMrfad, 127. (ro-) chumtaig, 169. cumuscc, 48, S3, 126. Cungae, 28. g. cutlaigh, 44 n. Ct(M c«« mathair, 32. Cmk Dimerggo, 32. Dabeoc, 116. DabuU, 127. Z)a g'/as, 141. Dajg", 141 11., 145; g. i5eg-o, 64, 65, 145. Daimen, 24 ; v. Daimene. Daimene, 24, 140. Daimin, v. Daimene. g. daimliacc, 38 ; daimliagg, 38. dhainib, 35. ^iajj", 63. Dairben, 149. dajV«, 146 ; dairiu, 88. dairmes, 64, 145. -dairthea, 161. dairthech, v. derthach. Daithgus, 145. (iaZ, 125, 131. «»'g'g'> 27. Dermagh, 86. Dermait, 57, 71, 72 ; v. Diarmait. derthach, 31, 48, 85. desimrecht, 168. g. Desmuman, 54. g. Dethna, 13. rfj, 10. diallas, 157. c!ia», 178. dianepred, 20, 163. dianid, 153. dianommansed, 106, 166, 175. Diarmait, 8, 14, 57, 71, 72. diarmbu, 154. diarmidi, 126. dji, 130. (yo-) dibaid, 168. Dibcheine, 140. Diccolan, 58, 135. Dichcuill, 143. -dichtheth, 166 n. Diermait, 71, 72 ; v. Diarmait. die Samnae, 57. digal, 141. rfj grein, 150. &■«<, 168 n. -dilegait, 175. dilgenn, 112, 127. dimbaig, gi, 94. g.Dimerggo, 32, 37. Dimman, gi. dinaib, 123, 125. Dindagadh, 135. Dindanach, 107. Dindatach, 107. diombdidk, g4', diombaileack, g^. disert, 116, 127. disiu, 166 n. ditiu, 149. di-ulochta, 61. -dluig, 171. rfo, 70, 178 ; V. dd«. Doadan, 30, 135. doaib, 30. Dobecoc, 116. do-buid, 156. docker, 116, 163. Docinni, 163. docoith, 75 ; v. docuaid. g. Dochre, 56, 79. Dochuae, 6g, 7g, 116. docuaid, 161. Dochumai conoc. 116. Do-dimoc, 116. dodrorbai, 161, 176. doeine, doenib, 35, 36. Doergairt, 35 ; v. Doirgairt. do-escim, 174 n. do- farlaic, 127 n. do-feich, i6g n. do-forbart, 173. do-forsat, i6g. do- fuasalcai, 33. do- fuilled, 104. do-fuit, 163. do-futhris-se, 30. do-garar, 157. do-gensat, 163. rfoJi, 30 ; V. doaib. doine, 34, 35, 125. do-mnastar, 1x2. g. Dhoir, 44. doirad, 34, 114, 145. Doirgairt, 35, 145. Dolaissi, 116. dolbach, 132. g. Dolcan, 23. dolotar, 164 ; dollotar, 97, loi, 163. dolmae, 85. doman, 126. Domangart, 136. do-m-beir, 175. do-m-beuir, 164. domblas, go, 94. do-m-ised, 116, 165, 175. Domnach, 126, 127 ; g. Domnaigk moer, 22. Domnall, 95, 102, 104, 127, 128, 135, 136. Domnallan, 23. domundae, 112. rfoK, 30, 108, 127 and n., 146 n. -donad, 178. donaib, 123. Dongall (leg. Donngal), 41. dongni, 178 n. ; dongenae, 178 n. rfo- «- intarrai, 178. rfo- K- iscide, 174 n. I go WORD INDEX. Donnchad, 20, 60, 116, 137, 132. Donacorci, 28. dontlucham, 178 n. do-omalgg, 38 ; do-omlacht, 90, 95, 163. do-ralaim, 156 ; dorala, 160 n. do-rat, 158. Dorbene, 140. dorega, doregat, 165. doridhisi, doriist, 129 n. doridnacht, 169. dorigal, 158, 168, 169, 176. dorimgair, dorimgart, 172. dorimmart, 169. dornghal, 12. doroachtadur , 162. dorochair, 161, 168, 172. dorochurestar, 169. doronta, 160. dorosat, 169. dortais, 173. doruagell, 158, i6g. doruich, 169 n. dorumalt, 169. dorumenatar, 171 n. dorus, 127 and n. Do-senchiarocc, 116. dosfarraidh, 163, 164. dosfuc, 158, 177. dosnegat, 32, 156, 175. Dothad, 136. draigen, 125. Draignen, 24, 128. drochat, 127. Dromman, 23. drong, 132. , Drucan, 136. druimm, 63, 64, 91. Druim Ceata, 14. Druim Cuilinn, 9. Druim derge, 13. Druim Fornocht. Druim Hiung, 143 n. Druim Leas, 72. Druim Lothmhuidhe, 44. Druim mor, 22. d. Drumbaibk Breg, 13, 90 [Dromm- aibh Breg, 90). g. drummota, 42. 3«, 42, 71. duabas, 131. Ditach (Dauch), 14; v. Daui. Duachal, 27, 73. Duaid, 125 n. g. Dubaen, 22. Dubcalggaidh, 143. Duibchombair , 91, 94. Dubdabhairend, 107. Dub-da-doss, 136. Dub-da-inber, 136. Dubdae, 85, 86, 87. Dubdalethe, 3, 10. Dubdibeirgg, 37. a. pi. Dubhghallu, 88. Dubinnrecht, 107. Dublittir, 40. Dubtae, 86 ; v. Dubdae. Duceta, 116. Duchanna, 116; Duchonna, 116. Ducuta, 116. Dudubtae, 80, 85. duibh, 165 n. Duiblinn, 108. Duibrea, 84. Duilgen, 24. Duiligen, 24. d. pi. duilnib, 104. duine, 139, 140. Duinechaid, 63, 143. dumae, 27, 28. Dumae Aichir, 8. (Zmk, 85, 87 n., 132, 150, 151. dunad, 124, 128. Dunadhach, 127, 132, 134. Dmm Bolcc, 132. Dmb Caillden, 98, 151. Dunckad, 16, 60, 61, 63, 64, 67, 114, 115, 116, 145. Duncath, 14, 16, 17, 114 ; Dunchath, 59, 114. 115- Dmk Ceithirnn, 42. £)m» Chuaer, 29. dundaib, 113. Z)mk Echach, 132. dunetathe, 26.. Dunflaith, 143. dunforsailc, 178 n. Dungal, 140. dungnea, 77. Dunlaing, 134, 144. Dun-leithfinn, 106. Cmk lethglaisi, 86, 151. Dwre Onlaig, 17, 102. XImk Ollaig, V. Z)mm Onlaig. dura, 89. dusnarraid, 164, 175. dusnuccai, 177. «, 180. ealodh, 127 n. eanduine, 112 n. g. Earca, 14 ; v. Erce. ec, 44. ecnae, 5, 85. Echaidh, 28, 146. Echdruim, 63, 143. «cAf, 145. WORD INDEX. 191 Echtgus, 64. eclais, 92. Bcomras, 136. Ectgal, 39. Eculp, 136, Echu, 12, 76, 77, 146. (mjA-) ed, 153. Edalbald, 97. Edargnae, 141. (ro-) edbair, 161. Edged Brit, 53. eg'. 5- Eiblin, g. Eiblinne, 141. £JZ, 143. g. Eiliuin, 24; d. 15. £j/»e, loi, 102, 102 n., 103. Einne, 87 ; v. Endae. Eircne, 57 n. J;jre, 88, 8g n. ; v. ^riu. heirgit, 174. d. eisriuth, 115. Eitche, 149. eiiij-, 44. eitsecht, 5. eladhain, 5. ellan, 154. Ellbrigh, 97. g. E/o, 9, 64 ; EjV. «/«<£, 127, 145. Emain, 79, 82. ««, 136; g. e«sB, 136. Encorach, 59. &ndae, 12, 86, 87, 107, 112, 140. i,nde, 112 ; v. Endae. Enna, 12, 87 ; v. 6ndae. heo, 77, 78. £0- ae(i, 145. g. Eoain, 69. g. Boats, 69. eobail, 78. Eochacan, 23, 60, 77. Eochaid, 27, 76. Eocho, 14 ; V. Echu. Eogan, 15. Eogan Bel, 13 n. Eogan mac Neill, 12. Eoganacht, 77, 129. EoM, 69 n. «oias, 77, 78. Eolair, 77. Eothaile, 132. g. Eougain, 15 ; v. Eugen. er, 57. -erbailt, -erbalt, 162, 173. Ere, 136, 141. g. E'cae, 79. g. Eyc«, 13, 79. Ercias, 120. rchrae, 112. erchor, 31. erclos, 161. g. E/g-m, 57. herim, 149. hSriu, 12, 89, 108, 120, 148, 179; hErenn, Erind, 131, 132; £Vc, 10, II, 128 n. -cy/aj, 158; -erlasat, 158. (ro-) erlegh, 158. ernaichti, 31, 85. Ernane, 23, 24. eroloch, 61. Erpsiu, 149 ; v. Oirbsiti. errach, 127. Ertuile, 31. escae, 86. escairdiu, 127. esclae, 27, 140. escor, 128. «5/oc, 13. esccrf, 127 (115). ejs, 64, 145. -essib, 158. -etada, 165. etaedae, g8. Etarlinddu, 106. etarru, 88 ; eturru, 88. -etarscar, 175. etgodaib, 126. efi, 85. Etigen, 132. eiiV, 45, 132. £tmonn, 108, 113. Eirii, 89, 146. etsecht, 8 ; v. eitsecht, Eu, 76. g. Euagain, 16, 17, 76. Euchu, 76, 77, 146 ; V. EcAm. Eudonn, 136. Eudus, 76, 136, 145. Eugan, 47, 48, 53, 76, 77; V. EMg-SB. £Mg-c«, 13, 49, 53. Euganacht, 76, 77. Euganan, 76. Eugenius, 53 n. Euginis, 76. e«z», 136 ; V. e«. eulas, 77. Europae, 76 ; Eorpa, 76 n. Eutigern, 136. Fabre, 27, 140. facait, 156, 174 ; facbais, 173. Faeburdaith, 59. Faelan, 23, 33, 52. 192 WORD INDEX. Faelbe, 22. Faelchar, 136 and n. faesam, 33, 128. Fdghartach, 55. -faidset, 178 n. ; -fhaigh, 159. fail\fil), 154. -failci, 'L2-J n. Failngnad, 33. Faindelach, 107. Fallach, 102. Fallamon, 59, 103. (f)arce, 86, 123. fargaib, 158. i6g; far ggabsat, 158. /a thuaigh, 163. F«a, i<'Jo, 57. /«oc, 117. (Febal), g. FeftZae, 17, 79, 83, 109 141. Febordaith, 59, 115 ; Faeburdaith. g. Febrat, 147. Fechre, tl n. ; v. Fiachrae. Fectach, 39. fechtatar, 163. Fedach, 136. /«6, 174. ■feiceann, 173 n. Feichin, 44, 86. Feidlimid, 64, 145. g. Feillae, 79, 83. /«isi, II. 14,44. Fen, 136. felUaime, 5. Fendae, 113. F«KC, 148. Feradach, 28. /sras, 157, 178. Ferblae, 146. Fercar, 44 n. ■F«»'/o, 57- Fergal, 140. Fergal mac Domnaill, 67. Fergnae, 13, 140. Fergus, 38. 46, 63, 64, 65, 67, 117. Fernae, Fernand, 80, 82, 107, 148. Fernbeann, 106. Fernmagk, 86. Fernn, 136. Feronn, 60. g. Feroth, 59, 61 n., 114. Ferrdomnach, 41. /isyi, 29, 30, 80 n., 144. d. Fecii Cherpain, 13. a. pl./en(, 88, 89. fesin, 88 n. Fethgnae, 85. feuldae, TJ (sic leg.), 99. Fiachae, 71, 79, 146. Fiachnae, 14, 71, 79, 80, 117, 131. Fiachrai, 11, 27, 71, 117, 146. fiallach, 192 n. ; y.fianlach. Fiambur, 91. Fiangus, 65, fianlach, 102. Fiannamail, 17, 71, 143. g. Fiatach, 71. -/cA, 163, 176 ; fichtir, 157. F«if, 145. Fidchan, 136 and n. /'. 154- _/?Wm, 162 ; fillsit, 162. /jK, 117. Pinbil, 107. Finchatk, 12, 114, 145. ^Md, 105, 107, 108, no. III, 112, 113. Findbarr, 106, no, 113. Findchanus, 113. Finden, 105, 107, 107 n., no, 113. Findmag, 112. Findubair, 107, 108, 146; Findubrack, 44. 48. Findubrec, 48 n., 55, 107 n., 112. FJM*, 85, 117. -finnatar, no, 122. Finnglas, 87 n., 107. Finnglenn, 106. Finnguine, Finguine, 105, 106. Finnen, 17, 24, 44; v. Finden. Finniati, 16, 17, 113, 117; v. Finden. g. Finniani, 56, 105. Finnlaeck, 147. Finsnechtae, 27, 28, 39, 79, 85. Finntin, 27. FJo, 57. /)-/«d, 165, 175. fiyian,firion, 113. FzV manack, 89. a. pl./ca, 45. /s, 68. fisighecht, 5. g. Fitae, 80, 141, 142. flaith, 64, 85. Flaithnia, 147. Fland, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109 n., no, 128. Fland Feblae, 18, 105 n., 106, 109 n. Fland Manistrech, 148 n. Flann, 44, 127 ; v. Fland. Flannabra, 56, 107, 108. Flannacan, 23. Flathruae, 58, 73 ; Flaithroa, 74. fleckod, 59, 115. Fobar, 27. g. Fobrigh, 26. Focartai, Focartaigh, 48. fochaide, 125. Fochlae, 28, 56, 86, 87, 123, 129. WORD INDEX. 193 Fochlad, 60, 64, 115. Fochloth, 60 ; v. Fochlad. Fochluth, 62 ; v. Fochlad. fochricc, 28 n. focus, 127. fo-dalim, forodail, 13 n. Fodbae, 86. fodirfe, 165, 176. Foelan, 22, 35, 36. Foenchu, 71 n. fofhuair, 179. fogabhar, 157. /<>«'«'', 156. Fogertach, 48, 55. (ro-) fhoghail, 13 n. foghlu, 126. g. Foibrein, 24. Foibran, 136. -folded, 178 n. A. foigiallaig, 141. -foighena, 3 ; sg. fut., 5. Foillen, 24. foirddbe, 26, 39. 95, foirtbe, v. foirddbe. Faith (Fooith) = Wid, 32, 117. Foling, 27. Follamhan, 98. foUnaither, 104. (ru-) follnasier, 103, 104, 170. follongam, 102 n. /o», 123. Fooitk, V. Foith. For, g. Foire, 141. /oy, 88, 132. foracbadh, 159 ; foraesat, 159, 174. foraithmenair- sotn, 169. foralaig, 159 n. Forannan, 17, 23, 105, 106, 107, no; \. Forindan. Forath, 115. forbairt, 162. Forbasach, 59, 61, 136. Forbflaith, 114 n., 143. forbthe, 26. forcetal, 126. forcraith, 114. g. Forggo, 41, 143. /org-Z«, 88. Forgus, 63, 145. Forindan (sic leg.), 23, 108. forloiseset, 162. Formaeile, 34. /oj- B- (=your), 165 n. Fornocht, 136. forodail, 159 n. foroireth, 34, 40, 114. forolgad, 168. forra, 88. -forsailc, 175. forsmbith, 164. forsriadhat, 15, 40 and n, g. Fortola, 143. Fortchernn, 106. Forirend, 48, 105. foruraithminsit, 171, 172. forus, 44. foruth, 115, 136. fo-s-gniat, 166, 175. /o», 5. lellan, lallan, 57. lercne, 57. g. /«rg-KJ, 57. /erZZ, 132. ifirnn, 42. 7Z(i, 97. ilgoiha, 145 n. illanach, 100. Illand, 58, 105, 112, I4g. m, go, 91, 92, 93, 132, 133; me, 96; V. imfe. itnairecc, 15 ; v. imbairecc. Imar, loi, 127. j»j6, 91, 92, 93 ; imftj, 130 ; v. jm^M. imbairecc, 17, 25, 91, 93. imbed, 94. imbirt, 94 ; imberat, 94. Imblech, 91, 92, 93, 96, 145. Imblech Fea, 57. Imblech Ibhair, 67. imbradud, 93 n., 94. imdae, 91, 94, 153 ; imdaibh, 126. imesech, 91, 92. imguin, 123. immalle, v. immelle. immarchor, 93. immarec, 17, 25 ; v. imbairecc. immasreitis, 157, 175. immelle, 54 n., 91. immelotar, 92. immidiadi, in. imorroiset, 158. impais, 173. i»j/«, 88. imrool, g3. imrulaid, 160 n. imteit, 157. m, t«(Z, etc. ; v. The Article, p. 123. imber, 127. /Bis?- Deaae, 81. inchollugud, 104. WORD INDEX. I9S ind, V. Article, p. 123. indala, 123, 124, 123. indan, 127 n. indarbe, 88, 113, 127, 128 n., 130. indarbenim, 128. indeb, 112. (ro-) inder, -innir, 158, 167 ; v. indre- thaim. indes, 165 n. Indeuin, 77. indi, 107. indid, ' since,' 176. indisit, 157. indlongtis, II2. indraedh, 29 (= indred). Indrechtach, 39, 106, 107. indred, 15, 40, 106, 107, 108. indnu, 108. inducbal, iii. JBcd, 48, 54. ind-rethaim, 15811., 167, 175 n. ; -indir, 175 ; -indrid, 158 ; -innred, 159 ; -innrisit, 167 n., 171. infeded, 174 n. t«g-, 144 n. ; V. Hiung. ingen, 141. j«!s, 151. lulcon (?), 149. »»«a, 32, 71 ; V. Article, p. 123. innarba, 88, 128 ; v. indarbe. innarba, 175 n. innarbad, 89, 128. innarbaim, 128. tMBic, 175, 179 ; V. ind-rethaim. innis,g8; innisit, 156,174; »»nts/«(i, 17411. innred, 126, 127, 128, 145 ; v. indred. -inrorad -su, 167 ; inroraid, 158 n. ; inrorthatar, 158 n. ; v. indrethaim. int, 15 ; V. Article, p. 123. irgal, 31. Irlochair, 73, 74, 79, 80. Irlochir, 75 n. is, 153. Isidorus, 7. iiJref, 112, 123. isna, r23. Iserninus, 12. hitaat, 32, 154. ij£, 92. 7iA, 143, JiA, g. etha, 130. »<»»-, 123, 131. Hiung, 143 n. Kailli, 103. ifer, 135 n. Kiallakr (O.N.), 27. Kuono, Kuonrad, 89 n. /a, 124, 132, 133 ; la h-, 88. labradh, 128. lachae, 80. Lachtna, 85. ioe, 86, g. 33 ; g. ia«, 34 ; d. /aw, 88 ; laithi, 25, 88. laech, 33. laeckraid, 33. Laegen, 15, 22. Laidggin, 24, 37. Laidggnen, 24, 136. Z,a(j)g-«», II, 23, 25 ; a. pi. 88 n. Laithgnaen, v. Laidggnen. laigid, 156. Land Abae, 17. Zdtf, 151. Laisre, 26, 149. g. Laisren, 149. Laiten, 141. Laithlenn, 141. lamcomart, 142. /ok mora, 41 n. 2ann, 105. Laoch Liatkmiune, 9 Lapan, 23. (to-) /asaf, 158. 2a5e, 99. Idtkair, 150. lathrach, 136; d. Lathrug, 126, 134. Laihrugh Briuin, 134. Lathrach da Arad, 136 n. Lathrach inden, 113. Lathreg Finden, 113 n. leabhar, 5. leath, 125. Lecan, 79, 142. 4«ca>-, 157, 175, 177. Z-ecc, 142. leccun (?), 126 jLee, 32, 112. i^g-g- {?), 38. (ro-) /«g-A, 157; (&a) ieg-A/a, 5. (j-o-) j£Jc, 158; leigsidar. 173. (ra-) Zeig-, V. -/eg-A. iejm, 149. (g. Locha) Lein, 24. i«jiA, 130 ; V. WA. leithrigli, 146 n. -lelai, 171. -lelaig, 171. -leldar, gg, 172. L«». 24 n., 136. lensat, 172. /eo, 76, 77. Leogan, 77. /«ss, 98. Zcno/arf, 162. maldachte, 98. (»t-)»Mo/oia>', 164. Mane, 21, 22, 25, 87 ; v. Maine. manistrech, v. mainistrech. Manonn, 58. manrath, 115. mar, 125. ■marb, 158, 175; -marbsat, 178; -ma/- iad, 42, 170, 179 ; marbtha, 160. marbad, 44. a. pi. »«ar6«, 88. marclack, 136. Masot, 136. mathair, 28. mathe, 25 ; v. maithi. Matodan, 60. (ni-)matulaig, 164. Maucteus, 7, 8, 12. Mauchteus, 6g. Maugdom, 70. mblegon, 91, 93, 95- mbrath, 96. (»o-) mbrogtais, 97. meabhaidh, 171. meabhair, I5i' g. Meccnaen, 21, 136. »»«;«, 137 (sic leg.) ; in««7Js, 157. 198 WORD INDEX. Meille, 145, meisce, 86. melai, 28. meld, gg, log ; mell, gg. meldach, gS. mellaim, gg. g. Mellen, 24. melltach, gS. (ro-) memaid, 35 n., 160, 163, 170. membur, g^. memhaid, 163. memmbrum, g^. men, 123 n. menic, 153. mennut, 112. menueh, 3g. Mervyn, 147 n. meit:, 153. Methus tuirm, 136. Jlf«d«, 85, 86, 87, 88, 126. Midend, 105. mi/, 143. »»t/ (Boy, 3 n. (yo-) mJZf, 162. minda, agS ; v. mJM». »ij«K «-, I2g. miondaigheacht, 112 n., 118. mis, 126, 144. mlas, gj. Mleachlainn, 51, mleen, g?. mlicht, gy. (no-) mligtis, g7. mo, ma, 30. moa, 178 n. Mobae, 27. g. Mochoe (= Moc/t«a«), 12, 76. Mochonno Chuerni (?), 58. Mochtae, 12, 28, 6g. Mochuae, 74, 80. Mockutu, 88. JI/ocM C«Wk, 44 n. Jl/6d, 75. Moddagni, 73. Moedhoc, 36, 36 n. Moelan, 22. Moenach, 35. Moenmagh, 26. Moenu, 35. mo^f, 22, 23. mogr, 35 (= moo;-). Mogdorn, 7g; Moghdairne, 83 n. moidea, i.'jT. moinach, 34. Moinan, 34. moine, 34. moite, 34. molad, I2g. Moling, 27. g moinni, 44. g. woBa (oimoin), 14. Mongan, 22. g. Monid, 34 ; 136 (Monith), monistir, 146, 151 ; v. mainistrech. Monoth, 114, 115. Monoth croib, 136. Mor, 142. mo»-«, 26 ; moraibh, 126. mordais, 157. Morgand, 16, 105. Mosinu, 15. Mothlae, 86. Mothran, 23. Moudon, 22, 6g, 73. Mrachide, 27, gs, 140. mraich, iig, 143 n. mraith, 96. mraithem, 96. mrecht, 95. mrechtrad, 96. Mruichesack, 95, 119 mruig, 95, 96. Mruig thuaithe, 75. JWMad, 25, 73, 75, 142. Muadan, 73 n. Muccert, 28, 39, 136. Muchautu, 6g. Muchte, 13, 69, 140. mMg-, 127. Mugdornne, 42, sg, 79, 8o,[8i, 82. Mugkthigernd, 42, 107. ''^ilc (ro-) muidh, 161 ; -muigh, 171. mMJ/ (= mael), 51. muilend, 105. Muime, 48, 54. Muimnecha, 54 n. muinnter, 131. -muinset, 171 n. muir, 123. Muirbolgg, 33. Muirchertach, 128, 136. Muirecan. 23. Muiredach, 136. Muirgis, 17, 2g, 37, 63 ; Muidguis, 145. Muirican, v. Muirecan. Muirmid, 64,' 66, 145. Mul-, V. mut2. Mume, 26, 148 ; g. Mmwck, 14, 47, etc. 3fMOTM, 148. Mundu, 108. mw?-, 10. murbrucht, 17. Murchad, 59, 63, 64, 65,67, 114, 115, 116. Muresc, 142 ; M«(t)>'ice, 26. -mursat, 175. muru, 88, 8g. WORD INDEX. 199 na. See Article, p. 123. »a, 153. nach, 166 n., 177. nad, gg. Naindid, log n., 112. na pu, 153. Nargus, 64. natkair, 27, 146. Nathi, II. nauch (?), 14, 146 n. naue, 50, g4. «ecA, 5. Nectan, 27, 3g. g. NcJJ-, 15, 136- Nem, 17. «««», 124. nemetker, I7g. ««■<, 127. (ru-) nert, 168. g. Nesan, I4g. Neuiir, 76. »80, 57. N«a, I47- iViaZZ, 11,72, 128, 132. Niall Cailli, 102, 104, 105, 141. Niall Glun- dub, 67. Niallgus, 64. g. Nt« M.A., Professor of Instruction in University College Galway. Demy 8vo, pp. xiii. 220. 7s. 6d. net. Publication No. 53, 1910.) The objects of this dissertation are firstly to investigate the date at which certain old-Irish phonological developments took place, and secondly to give an account of old-Irish declension as evidenced by the language of the Annals of Ulster. An Appendix on the analysis of Irish personal names is appended. 34, Cross Street, Manchester ' SHEKRATT & HUGHES MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS. CLASSICAL SERIES. No. I. A STUDY OF THE BACCHAE OF EURIPIDES. By G. Norwood, M.A., Assistant Lecturer in Classics. Demy 8vo, pp. xx, 188. 5s. net. (Publication No. 31, 1908.) " The interest of Mr. Norwood's book, which ... is a very welcome addition to the bibliography of Euripides, and a scholarly and interesting piece of work, displaying erudition and insight beyond the ordinary, lies in the way in which, by applying Dr. Verrall's methods .... he first shows up difficulties and inconsistencies, some of which have hardly been noticed before .... and then produces his own startling theory, which he claims is the great solvent of all the perplexities." — Saturday Review. " Unless very strong evidence can be produced against Mr. Norwood's view, it must be accepted as the true solution of the problem. . . . Mr. Norwood is generally clear, and abounds in illuminating thoughts. He has added a full bibliography (running to twenty-three pages) of writings on Euripides, and for this every scholar will offer his sincere thanks. . . . He has done a very good piece of work." — Athenceum. " This volume forms the first of a Classical Series projected by the Manchester University, who are to be congratulated on having begun with a book so original and full of interest. ... It is admirably argued, and is instinct with a sympathetic imagination. It is, at the very least, an extremely able attempt to solve a very complex problem." — Manchester Chuardian. "Mr. Norwood's book has even in the eyes of a sceptic the considerable merit of stating the hypothesis in a very thoroughgoing and able manner, and at least giving it its full chance of being believed." — Professor Gilbert Murray in the Nation. " L'interpretation de M. Norwood est certainement tres ingenieuse ; elle est meme tres seduisante." — Revue Critique. ECONOMIC SERIES. No. I. THE LANCASHIRE COTTON INDUSTRY. By S. J. Chapman, M.A., M. Com., Stanley Jevons Professor of Political Economy and Dean of the Faculty of Commerce. Demy 8vo, pp. vii. 309. 7s. 6d. net. (Publication No. 4, 1904.) 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" The report under review is of very great interest to those connected with the manufacturing branch of engineering in this country, many of whom will have to relinquish their preconceived notions regarding American methods, if Mr. Foster's conclusions are to be accepted." — Electrical Review. No. V. THE RATING OF LAND VALUES. By J.D. Chorlton, M.Sc. Demy 8vp, pp. viii. 177. 3s. 6d. net. (Publication No. 23, 1907. ) " The first half of this book deserves to become a classic is one of the best books on a practical economic question that has appearea tor many years. It is not only scientifically valuable, but so well written as to be interesting to a novice on the subject." — The Nation. "A very businesslike and serviceable collection of essays and notes on this intricate question." — Manchester Guardian. " Mr. Chorlton deals clearly and concisely with the whole subject of rating and land values." — The Standard. 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" Whether or not the reader agrees with Professor Dewsnup in the conclusions he draws from his data, every student of economics must be grateful to him for the accuracy and care which have gone into the collection and arrangement of his material." — The American Political Science Eeview, vol. iii. No. 1, February, 1909. (Gartside Report, No. 5.) No. VIII. AMERICAN BUSINESS ENTERPRISE. By Douglas Knoop,M. A., Gartside Scholar. Demy 8vo, pp. viii. 128. ls.6d.net. (Publication No. 30, 1907.) " The book is calculated to give a clear and accurate description, "essentially intended for the general reader," and the author has quite rightly eliminated everything of a technical character, giving his theme both the simplicity and the interest that are required. . . . The work might well have been doubled in length without any loss of interest. . . Invaluable as "• text-book." — The Economic Journal. 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Chapman, M.A., M.Com., and H. M. Hallsworth, M.A., B.Sc. Demy 8vo, pp. xvi. 164. 2s. net, paper, 2s. 6d. net, cloth. (Publication No. 45, 1909.) "On the whole, the authors offer a solid contribution, both as regards facts and reasoning, to the solution of a peculiarly difficult and pressing social problem." — Cotton Factory Times. ". . . reproduces in amplified form a valuable set of articles, giving the results of an investigation made in Lancashire, which lately appeared in the Manchester Guardian. By way of Introduction we have an examina- tion, not previously published, of the Report of the Poor-law Commission on Unemployment. There is a large accompaniment of Charts and Tables, and indeed the whole work bears the mark of thoroughness." — Guardian. (Gartside Report, No. 9). No. XIIL THE COTTON INDUSTRY IN SWITZERLAND, VORARLBERG AND ITALY. A Technical and Economic Study. By S. L. Besso, LL.B. Demy 8vo, pp. xv. 229. 3s. 6d. net. (Publication No. 54, 1910.) 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"... the facts and statistics the author marshals so clearly .... a skilled investigator. For the rest, this volume does infinite credit alike to the author and to his University." — Morning Leader. EDUCATIONAL SERIES. No. I. CONTINUATION SCHOOLS IN ENGLAND & ELSEWHERE. Their place in the Educational System of an Industrial and Com- mercial State. By Michael E. Sadler, M.A., LL.D., Professor of the History and Administration of Education. Demy 8vo, pp. xxvi. 779. 8s. 6d. net. (Publication No, 29, 1907.) This work is largely based on an enquiry made by past and present Students of the Educational Department of the University of Manchester. Chapters on Continuation Schools in the German Empire, Switzerland, Denmark, and France, have been contributed by other writers. 33, Soho Square, London, W. 5 SHERRATT & HUGHES MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS. EDUCATIONAL SERIES. CONTINUATION SCHOOLS (Continued). " gives a record of what the principal nations are doing in the prolongation of school work. It is invaluable as a corpus of material from which to estimate the present position of the world — so far as its analogies touch Britain — in ' further education,' as the phrase is." —The Outlook. " The most comprehensive book on continuation schools that has yet been issued in this country." — Scottish Review. " Professor Sadler has produced an admirable survey of the past history and present condition of the problem of further education of the people .... but apart from his own contributions, the bulk of the work, and its most valuable portion, consists of material furnished by teachers and by organisers of schools in various parts of England and Scotland, by officials of the Board of Education and the Board of Trade, and by local education authorities." — Manchester Guardian. " This book will for many years remain the standard authority upon its subject." — The Guardian. 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MEDIEVAL MANCHESTER AND THE BEGINNINGS OF LANCASHIRE. By James Tait, M.A., Professor of Ancient and Mediaeval History. Demy 8vo, pp. x. 211. 7s. 6d. net. (Publication No. 3, 1904.) "Patient and enlightened scholarship and a sense of style and pro- portion have enabled the writer to produce a work at once solid and readable." — English Historical Review. "A welcome addition to the literature of English local history, not merely because it adds much to our knowledge of Manchester and Lancashire but also because it displays a scientific method of treatment which is rare in this field of study in England."— Dr. Gross in American HisiovicQi Rbvibio " La collection lie pouvait debuter plus significativement et plus heure- usement que par un ouvrage d'histoire du Moyen Age du a M. 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